THE POPEDOM may be consider'd Two ways; First, As it's Doctrine, which is sin­gular, and different from that of other Christians, does fall in with the Holy Scripture, and does ei­ther impede or promote the means of our Salvation; the consideration there­of, as 'tis taken in this Sence, we leave to the Divines. And Secondly, As the Pope does not only make a very considerable Figure amongst the rest of the Italian Princes, but does also pretend to the Soveraignty of Chri­stendom, at least in all Spiritual Af­fairs; and does in effect, Exercise such [Page 2] a Supreme Authority over all the States of Europe, that have the same Sentiments in Religion, with him. 'Tis this second Consideration, which particularly and immediately belongs to the Politicians, since such a spiritual Soveraignty does not only bridle the Supreme Power of every State, but is altogether absurd, and inconsistent with the nature of such a Power. Hence is it, That Religion is so confounded and intangled with the politick Inte­rests of Rome, that he who will under­stand the latter, must be perfectly in­form'd of the Rise of that spiritual Mo­narchy, and by what means it is Ar­riv'd to so prodigious a Growth, and what Intrigues are used to preserve its usurped Greatness. For thereby, will likewise appear, what relation it has with the Controversies so rife at pre­sent among the Western Christians; and how far one may attribute those disagreeing Sentiments of Religion, ei­ther to different Interpretations of the Scriptures, or to the prospect of Tem­poral Interests: After a strict Exami­nation of which, we will leave it to the Judgment of Wise and Impartial [Page 3] Men to determine, whether there can be any hopes of a Reconciliation.

Sect. 2. If we will ascend to the first causes of the thing, we shall find that before our Saviour's Birth, the whole World, excepting the Jewish Nation, was benighted in the darkest Igno­rance of Divine Affairs: For what they did hold forth in general, con­cerning the Nature of their Gods, &c. consisted mostly in improbable and impudent Fables. 'Tis true, some of the most Learned among the Heathens, could Discourse more rationally of the Divinity, and State of the Soul; but it was so dubious, imperfect and ill­grounded a Description they made thereof, that they themselves scarce knew what they meant. The most of them, were well enough convinced, that they were oblig'd to the Exercise and Practice of Virtue, but they knew no farther Effects thereof, than that Advantage and Honour which they enjoy'd thereby in civil Conver­sation; for as for what the Poets held forth concerning the Rewards which the just, and the Torments which the unjust, were to expect after this [Page 4] Life; those that would pass for the wisest Men, laugh'd at it, esteeming it nothing more than a witty Fable, and Bug-bears, invented to frighten the unthinking Mobile, into their Devoirs. The rest of the People, liv'd, without proposing to themselves any other ends, and in that which the Heathens named Religion, there was not to be found any Rules or Formularies, includ­ing the principal Matters of Divini­ty. The greatest part of their Divine Worship, consisted in Sacrifices, Ce­remonies, and certain Holy-Days, which were more spent in Plays, and Debauches, than any inquiry into Di­vine things; so that from such a Hea­thenish Religion, one could neither receive any Edification in this Life, nor any hopes of a future Happiness in the next.

Sect. 3. In those times, the Jews were the only People to whom God vouch­safed to reveal the True Religion, and means of Eternal Salvation. But be­twixt that and the Christian Religi­on, the difference is very considera­ble, not only in that the Redeemer of the World, and the Fountain of Salva­tion [Page 5] was represented to the Jews by Types and Figures, whereas the Chri­stian Religion comprehends the rea­lity, and accomplishment thereof; but forasmuch as the Religion of the Jews was dress'd up with abundance of tedious Ceremonies, whereof the great­est part had respect to the Policy, and natural Inclinations of that People, which were great obstacles to the growth of their Religion, and ren­der'd it morally impossible to become Universal, and serve for all the World. 'Tis true, the other Nations were not so totally excluded, that through Faith in Jesus Christ, they could not like­wise be saved; to which end, there were among the Jews, some godly and zealous men, that made it their busi­ness to convert the Heathens, espe­cially, those with whom they had to do; but it did not yet please the All­wise God to send out his Embassa­dors or Apostles, honour'd with espe­cial and extraordinary Gifts over all the Earth, to turn all Nations to the Jewish Faith; and the pains that some particulars took in the Conversion of the Infidels, could not produce any [Page 6] great effects, in relation to the whole World. And forasmuch as the Jews in those times, being the Select People of God, had the advantage above all others, and that the only Temple of the True God was amongst them, they valu'd themselves highly therefore, and despi­sed all the rest of the World in compa­rison with themselves. Besides, They were oblig'd, upon the Account of their Ceremonies, to abstain from a too free and familiar Conversation with other Nations, which produc'd an im­placable and reciprocal hate betwixt them; so that they were set against all the World, and all the World against them; and consequently, destroy'd all hopes of the propagation of their Reli­gion: Again, the Heathens could not easi­ly be perswaded, that when they would Solemnly pay their Adorations to God Almighty, they must make a long Journey to Jerusalem, as if they them­selves could not build a Temple in their own Country, which should enjoy the same privilege, as that of the Jews. To which prejudice we may add, that those who were converted to the Jewish Religion, were not so [Page 7] much esteem'd as the Natives of the Country, so that a very few could resolve for Religion's sake, to expose themselves to that contempt, which is usually the fate of strangers to endure.

Sect. 4. But the Christian Religion has not only a much purer and clearer Light, and other Advantages above the Jewish, which we leave to be consider­ed by the Divines; but it is also free'd from those streightning Circumstances, which render'd the Jewish Religion so particular, and it has all the Qualities that are requisite to the composition of an Universal Religion, upon which Account, all men are oblig'd to em­brace the same, which ought especial­ly to be observed by one that will enquire into the Nature and Genius of the Christian Religion; for in this, God has not set apart any particular Land or Country, where he will more peculiarly be Ador'd, nor endu'd any with a privileg'd Holiness above the rest; so that, the inconvenience and great distance of God's Temple, can now no longer be a pretext to this or that People; for in all Nations, the offering of an humble and contrite [Page 8] heart, is equally agreeable to the com­mon Saviour of the whole World; nor is there any one Temple, where God is more present, or our Prayers sooner accepted, than in another. No Nation professing the Christian Re­ligion has such Advantages above the rest, whereupon to value its self, and undervalue its Neighbour. There is no distinction of Jew or Greek, Bondman, or Free, but we are all in Jesus Christ; there is no particular Race or Family selected by God for the performing Divine Service, as a­mong the Jews; but all other abili­ties concurring, one has as much right thereto, as another. There is nothing in the Christian Religion that hinders us from maintaining a good Union and Correspondence with all men, or to render one another those mutual good Offices which the Law of Na­ture requires from us. The Christi­an Religion simply consider'd, and in its natural Purity, dispoil'd of all Worldly views and interests, has not the least jarring or discord with the Laws and Civil Society, in as much as they agree with the Dictates of [Page 9] right Reason, but rather contributes much to the cementing and corrobo­rating of the same, tho' that is not its principal end or design. There is nothing that does clash with the ends of Civil Government, or that should hinder us from living honour­ably, quietly and securely under the Protection of our Rulers; so that e­very Christian may yield an exact and perfect obedience to every com­mand of the Secular Power, as long as such commands do not recede from the Law of Nature, right Reason, and the Necessities of the State; as like­wise, he may fill every charge and employ, that is necessary in a well govern'd Common-wealth: On the contrary, the Christian Religion is most fit thereto, for it does require in us, a strict observation of all the Precepts of the Law of Nature, and especially, those the breach whereof is not obnoxious to the punishment of any Civil Laws, and does recom­mend to every one, the performance of his charge, as far as it concurs with the Laws of Nature and Ho­nour, with the greatest Zeal and Fi­delity [Page 8] [...] [Page 9] [...] [Page 10] imaginable; so that there is no sort of Philosophy in the World, nor any other Religion whatsoever, that can compare with the Christian in those points; as may be seen at first sight, by any one that will take the pains to make a parallel of them to­gether; so that, it is not only the obligation of every particular man, in as much as he is one day to give an account to God for his Soul, to em­brace the Christian Religion; but all those whom God has entrusted with the Supreme Power, are particularly bound, for reasons before mentioned, to introduce and maintain it in their States, and that by an obligation, which does necessarily follow the ex­ercise of their Office. Now tho' these effects are not every where equally visible among Christians, and that there are found some, who lead as irregu­lar and disorderly lives, as the worst of Turks and Infidels; the blame is not to be laid upon the Christian Reli­gion, but is to be imputed to the malice and perverseness of mankind, who only hide their impiety under that Sacred Veil, and do little trouble [Page 11] themselves to put in practice the most excellent Lessons, which the bestof Re­ligions does continually suggest to 'em.

Sect. 5. But as all these things can­not be doubted of by the more Learn­ed sort of Men, so there occurs here a very considerable question, namely, Whether the Christian Religion does indispensibly require, that the exter­nal Direction of it, should depend of any other than those who have the Supreme Power and Administration of Affairs in every State? Or, (which is the same in effect) Whether the ex­ternal Government thereof, should re­side conjointly in the Priests and Clergy, or in any one of them, with­out any dependance on the Supreme Secular Powers? Or else, Whether there must be but one Soveraign Dire­ctor of the Christian Religion, whom all other Christian States shall blind­ly obey? All which Quaeries, as some think, do finally terminate in this: Whether each State ought to regu­late its self according to its own In­terest and Advantage? Or, Whether all other States ought to make them­selves Slaves to one, and seek to ren­der it great and flourishing by their [Page 12] own Loss and Destruction?

By the external Government, or Direction of the Christian Religion, we understand such a Power which exerts it self in the choice it makes of certain Persons to be employ'd in the publick exercise of Divine Service, reserving to its self the Jurisdiction, and free Liberty of enquiring into the Carriage and Demeanour of those Persons: The Administration and Di­sposal of all such Goods as shall be Consecrated to Religion and Pious Uses; by Enacting such Laws as shall be thought necessary for the Support and Maintaining of Religion, in deciding all Differences and Disputes that upon any occasion may arise a­mong the Clergy, and other things of the like nature.

And we distinguish this external Direction from the Minister of the Church, which consists in Teaching, Preaching and Administring the Holy Sacraments, which beyond all dispute does alone belong to the Clergy: but this question is to be understood, de Ecclesia jam plantata, & constituta, non de adhuc constituenda & plantanda, of [Page 13] the Church which is already Esta­blished, and not of that which is yet to be founded. For the Christi­an Doctrine, originally proceeding from the Divine Revelation, and In­spiration of the Holy Ghost, no Hu­man Power can be admitted to the Direction thereof, before that it be manifested and laid open by those that are immediately Authoriz'd by God for that purpose. So likewise, when our Saviour after his Resurrection, sent out his Disciples as his Apo­stles and Embassadors over all the World, to promulge, and introduce the Doctrine of the Holy Gospel, they did not receive this Commission and Plenipotential right of Preaching here and there from the Supreme Magi­strate, but from God alone; to which therefore the King was as much ob­lig'd to submit, as the meanest of his Subjects, they being the immediate Messengers of God, and to receive their Doctrine with all humility and obedience: Besides, it would be very unreasonable and ridiculous to aspire to the Direction of Affairs, whereof they had not the least Cognizance.

[Page 14] From whence it does also necessarily follow, that this question is to be understood of those Supreme Powers, which themselves do profess the Chri­stian Religion, and not of Infidels or Hereticks for to commit the Care and Direction of our Religion to such, were to set the Wolf to keep the Sheep.

Sect. 6. This question may be con­sider'd three several ways. 1. Whe­ther such a Necessity does arise from the Nature of each Religion in ge­neral? Or, 2. Whether it be a pe­culiar Effect of the Christian Religi­on? And Lastly, Whether it is grounded on any positive Command and Order of God? That such should proceed from the common and uni­versal Nature of every Religion we can in no wise perceive. Nor can a sensible man be easily brought to believe, That to serve God rightly, he must of necessity, make a Schism in the State, and introduce two jar­ring Powers independant of each o­ther: Such a Division or Compositi­on of the Soveraign Power in the same Republick, is the ready means [Page 15] of fomenting an unquenchable Fire of Distrusts, Fears, and internal Jealou­sies; whereas on the contrary, there is no absurdity or contradiction in serving God, and committing the ex­ternal Direction of Divine Service to the Soveraign Powers, with this re­striction that the Soveraign will not undertake to impose any False or He­retical Opinions on us.

In like manner, as every one is naturally oblig'd to serve God, so he likewise has the Power of Instituting such external Signs of his Adoration, as he is perswaded to be most pleasing and agreeable to God. But so soon as Man­kind set themselves to the forming and composing of civil Societies, they a­bandon'd all their right and power to those to whom belong the directi­on and management of the whole So­ciety.

The ancient Patres-Familias or Fa­thers of the Family, before the con­struction of any Republick, have this right solely seated in themselves, and which from them was wont to descend to the first born of the Family, as Haereditas Eximia, the more Excel­lent [Page 14] [...] [Page 15] [...] [Page 16] and Eminent Part of their In­heritance: But so soon as men with one common accord, united themselves into civil Societies and Common-weals, this Power was transferr'd from the Head of each Family, to the Head of the Republick; and this was done upon very weighty reasons, for if it had been left to every mans fancy and pleasure, what sort of Ceremo­nies he would observe in the exter­nal Adoration of God, the strange and contrary varieties of serving God, would have produc'd nothing but Hate, Contempt, and irreconcileable Dissentions amongst the Subjects of the same State. And altho' among Gods People, the Jews, the publick Administration of Divine Service, was become hereditary, and tied to one certain Family; yet the Soveraign inspection and care of the Priests, did only belong to them who had the Soveraign Authority in the Civil Go­vernment. The same thing has like­wise been observ'd by almost all the other Nations.

Sect. 7. Nor can we perceive, that such a Direction must necessarily be­long [Page 17] to any other than the Soveraign of each State, or the necessity there­of be prov'd from any Identity or par­ticular quality of the Christian Reli­gion as far as it does comprehend in its self something more than is sug­gested to us by the Light of Nature, concerning the Divine Worship: Whilest we always take it for grant­ed, That the Soveraign, by Virtue of that external Direction, neither can, nor will introduce any thing contra­ry to God's Holy Word, nor hinder the Ministers from the performance of their Office, according to the Di­vine Precepts.

Besides, There can no reason be given, why the Supreme Powers should be incapable of ever attaining those Qualifications which are requir'd to this external Care and Direction of the Church; or at least, that they should not be able to commit this Di­rection to some of their Subjects, that are beyond exception qualifi'd for such an employ: After the same manner as other parts of the Soveraignty are often Administred by the Subjects. So no body presumes to deprive the [Page 18] Soveraign of his Legislative Faculty, or pretends a better Right, tho' 'tis certain, that every Doctor and Pro­fessor of Law, ought to be infinitely better vers'd therein, than any King can be; who, as in all other Impor­tant Affairs, ought also herein, to make use of their Counsel, and profit him­self of the Fruits of their long Study and Experience. For a Brave and Wise King, far from making it his Interest, that his Subjects should ac­quit themselves ill of those Offices he has entrusted 'em with, may ra­ther (conformably to his Duty) ex­tract incredible Advantages from the good and faithful management of what he has committed to them. For the more Diligent and Zealous he is in the Maintenance and Support of the Chri­stian Religion, the more capable his Subjects are of serving him, and the more assur'd is he of God's Help and Assistance. Besides, caeteris paribus, 'tis impossible to give any Reason, why God Almighty should not grant his Grace and Assistance to an Orthodox Christian King, as well as to any o­ther, in the good and laudable Admini­stration [Page 19] of such a Direction. Lastly, Whilest the Christian Religion in no other point does encroach upon the Civil Laws and Ordinances, so far as they fall in with the Law of Nature, we ought not to believe, that it breaks its bounds in this, unless we had a formal and positive assurance thereof, from God himself. Those therefore that will persist in the Defence of such an Absurdity, are oblig'd to de­monstrate, where the Holy Scripture in express Terms, deprives the Su­preme Civil Magistrate of this Dire­ction, to bestow it on another inde­pendent, and not acknowledging any Earthly Superiour. In the mean while, we will proceed to examine, how, and by what steps, such a Spiritual Soveraignty, has attain'd to so mon­strous a Degree in the Western Chur­ches.

Sect. 8. When the Apostles, after our Saviour's Ascention, had begun to Preach the Holy Gospel to all Peo­ple, being appointed thereto, by their Master's immediate Commands; they did, in a short time, gain an incredi­ble number of Proselytes, as well a­mongst [Page 20] the Jews as Gentiles, and especially of the common People, then oppress'd with a miserable Ignorance, and leading a wretched and beastly Life. They therefore embraced this Doctrine with a great deal of Joy, wherein they found unspeakable Com­forts against the inconveniences, and desperate Sorrows of this temporary Life.

Besides, The Apostles being them­selves of low Birth, and as to out­ward appearance, making a very in­considerable figure, found an easier Ac­cess, and could better insinuate their Opinions into the minds of their e­quals. Whereas the great Men, and the most Learn'd, slighted this up­start Religion in the beginning, nor thought it worth their while to make any exact inquiry into the Mysteries thereof.

If men may presume to examine the Reasons of the Divine Wisdom, and why it was pleas'd to make use of such means in the first Introduction of the Christian Religion; the most probable seems to be, that God for­bore to make use of Power, or the [Page 21] Authority of the Supreme Magistrate, lest the Purity of the Gospel might be mistaken for a Politick Device, or a Philosophical Speculation. Where­as if a man compares the inconsidera­ble beginning with the wonderful Pro­gress, he will easily observe, that there is something more than Humane in it; especially, considering that the most Learned among the Heathens, with all their Subtilties, with all their Helps of Art and Nature, could but slightly and superficially penetrate in­to the Reason and Causes of Divine Things; and that the Great Socrates amongst the rest, tho' he clearly disco­ver'd the blind Superstition and Igno­rance of his Age, yet had not Power enough to introduce a better; but as a Reward for his good Design, suf­fer'd Death as an Heretick and Inno­vator of the Establish'd Religion: Whereby we are given to understand, That the Wisdom of the World is but Folly with God, who could per­fect a work, by the means of poor ignorant Fishermen, which all the united Wits of the greatest Philoso­phers, were not able to set on foot. [Page 22] Besides, The Apostles manner of act­ing, seem'd very odd to the more ra­tional sort of People; they thought it strange to hear a Crucified Jesus, the greatest Subject of their Sermons; and that they should name him the Son of God, and Saviour of the World, who was born among a Peo­ple derided and despised as the scum of the Earth, and the abject of all Na­tions; nor was this Jesus in any great Repute in the World, nor had he sig­naliz'd himself by any Famous He­roical Actions; or by a great many Years Preaching and Teaching, spread his Name abroad among the People; but on the contrary, was cut off in the Flower of his Age, by a most scandalous and shameful Death.

Wherefore, the Jesuits in their en­deavours of planting the Gospel a­mongst the cunning Chineses, do not begin it from the Passions of Christ, but do first Reason and Discourse up­on Natural Religion, and then after a long round about, fall upon the Articles of the Christian Faith, which whether they can by these devices and politick Methods, better insinuate into [Page 23] those unbelievers, than the Apostles, I shall not now examine. One may also add, That it seem'd good to God, to deliver first the most simple, and the meanest of the People out of that Heathenish Blindness, since they were maintain'd and kept under in a con­tinual Superstition by the great ones, who, tho' they easily perceiv'd the cheat and vanity of Paganism, yet, with-held by their Interest and World­ly Considerations, did not think it worth while to seek after a better. Thus God by his withdrawing the Mobile from their Heathenish man­ner of serving him loosned the very Foundations of this Grand Machine, and thereby destroy'd the Form and Superstructure thereof. For the Ig­norance and Credulity of the com­mon People was the great Basis by which Paganism was alone sustain­ed.

Sect. 9. After that, the Christian Religion was communicated first to the common People, as we have be­fore shew'd; the greatest Opposition it met withal, was from the Roman Emperors, for as in their Dominions, [Page 24] it had taken the deepest Root, and made the greatest Progress, so was it there most cruelly Persecuted and Oppressed; to which did not a little Contribute their Ignorance of this New Religion, what its Principles, and what its Design was; to which Cause we may add the great Num­ber of Proselytes daily gain'd by the Publishers of the Gospel, who all of 'em, openly contemn'd the Heathenish Rites and Ceremonies. Besides, The Emperors thought it much below 'em, and a derogation from their Dignities, to enter into a more par­ticular examination of this Doctrine. The first Christians also, being for the most part, very unlearn'd, were not able to reduce their Religion into any Me­thod or Form, wherein to present it to those that were in Authority, which was the occasion that the most malicious Lyes and Calumnies of their Enemies were taken up for great Truths, even, by those that cast an indifferent Eye on that Religion. They were accus'd of practising all sorts of Debauchery and Immodesty, in their secret Nocturnal Assemblies; [Page 25] nay, they did not stick to traduce them of holding private Cabals and Con­spiracies against the State. There were a great many, that had an Aver­sion for all Innovations, whose Ar­gument was, That since the Roman Common-wealth had so bravely sub­sisted with its Old Religion for so many Hundred Years, Why could it not make the same shift still? And 'twas particularly, against all Rules of Policy, to suffer the Mobile, to begin so great a Revolution, as if they were wiser than their Lords and Rulers: And that which lookt most suspicious, was, That the Christians had constituted among themselves, a sort of Ecclesiastical Government, which they consider'd as a Schism or Faction; as if the Christians had de­sign'd to erect a New Common-wealth, upon the ruins of the Old one, and by dividing the Forces of the Empire, at last, make themselves Masters of the whole. Lastly, Whilest the Hea­then Temples began to be less fre­quented, proportionably as the number of the Christians increased, and that in the mean time, the Grandeur of the [Page 26] Roman Empire, was sensibly decay'd, and weaken'd by the cruel shocks it had receiv'd from the Germans, Farthians, &c. a great many of the People possess'd with Bigottry and Superstition, could attribute it to no­thing else, but the contempt and ne­glect of their Gods, by whose fa­vourable Assistance, Rome had seen its self Mistress of the World. They fell therefore upon the Christians, as wicked Atheistical Men, and sworn Enemies to all Religions; and be­cause they refus'd to obey the Em­perors Commands concerning the Ado­ration of Images, and underwent all the Torments inflicted on them, and Death it self, with an amazing Tran­quillity and Sedateness of mind; they interpreted that, as a malicious stub­borness, and hardness of heart, and therefore raged more Tyrannically against them, endeavouring by all sorts of Cruelties to maintain their Authority over these wretched Peo­ple: But what Reasons soever can be alledg'd in Justification of those bloody Persecutions exercis'd against the Christians by several Roman Em­perors, [Page 27] none can be sufficient to ex­cuse them from the Title of unrighte­ous Tyrants, and shameful Abusers of that High Power, which God Al­mighty has entrusted them with. For their Subjects had embraced this Re­ligion by the express Commands of God, which can neither be withstood or suspended by the Orders of any Earthly Soveraign, since the Soveraigns as well as their Subjects, are oblig'd to embrace this Religion; the omis­sion whereof, is an high Sin against the Divine Majesty. Besides, They could not excuse themselves with the pretext of Ignorance; for since it was a New Religion, they were oblig'd with greater Care and Exactness to inform themselves of the Nature thereof, and not so blindly to sen­tence poor innocent People, for not obeying those commands which were not in the least Obligatory. For I ought not to condemn any one to Death, before I am fully inform'd of the Crimes, whereof he stands accused.

Sect. 10. But since the Christian Religion did not owe its beginning to the Consent and Authority of the Soveraign [...] the Professors thereof, [Page 28] found themselves oblig'd on their own Heads, to establish their Religion and its external Administration after the best manner they could; as it usually happens in all Societies, that are founded in any State without the knowledge or permission of the Ci­vil Magistrate, where the Members of the same are necessitated to find out all the means that can best con­duce to the advantage of their fel­lowship, by chusing such Officers, and making such Laws as are requisite to attain the ends they propose them­selves. 'Tis true, according to the Rules of the best Policy, founded upon the Law of Nature, the Administration and External Direction of Divine Worship, (as we had often repeated before) does belong to the Soveraign; but since he then neglected to per­form that Function, the Primitive Christians were forc'd to constitute Church-Ministers, and to maintain them by the Alms of charitable Peo­ple. And when any Difference or Controversy arose amongst them, which could not be determined by one Assembly alone, they imparted it to another Assembly, with which they [Page 29] kept Correspondence, or else it was decided in a Convocation of the Neighbouring Ministers. Now altho' it be against the Rules of Policy of all States, to permit the erecting of Fel­lowships (especially such as consist of any considerable Number of Persons) to Subjects and Particulars; yet it does not follow from thence, that the As­semblies of the ancient Christians and their Synods, were to be Interpreted seditious and unlawful Conventicles, since they had no other prospect, than the free Exercise of that Religion which God had imparted to 'em, and against which, no humane Constituti­ons were of any Efficacy. For if the Soveraign, does neglect his Duty and Care of his own Salvation, it is not necessary that his Subjects should imi­tate him, and reject the great Benefit that Heaven does offer to 'em; be­cause, it is not accepted by their So­veraign, nor can his Authority extend so far as to oblige them thereto. And as each particular may take up Arms, and defend himself, when the Sove­raign either cannot, or will not afford him his Assistance and Protection; so [Page 30] if he will not take care for my Soul, I am so much the more oblig'd to watch over it my self, as the Soul is of greater Consequence and Value than the Body; and that another is less prejudiced by my Religion, than by a violent, tho' self-Defence; since no man by submitting himself to any Civil Government, does renounce the Care of his Body and Soul. For other­wise, if it had pleas'd God to have begun the propagation of his Religi­on from the Conversion of Kings and Emperors; without doubt, they would have seconded by their Edicts the Preaching of the Apostles, abolish'd the Temples of their Heathenish Gods, pro­hibited the Exercise of Paganism; and by the Apostles Advice, they would have assum'd and manag'd the exter­nal Direction of Religious Affairs, and forever afterward, have reserv'd it in their own hands; as we find it put in practice in some Countries where the Christian Religion was first embraced by the Princes thereof.

Sect. 11. In the mean while, the ex­ternal Government and Disposition of Holy Things, by the negligence [Page 31] of the Civil Magistrate, being de­volv'd upon the Primitive Christians, was found too late, to be of a very dangerous Consequence; for from hence, some have pretended to infer, that the Election of fit Mini­sters, and the Management of Church-Affairs, does naturally and originally belong to the common People, as they are understood in opposition to their Soveraign or Rulers. 'Tis true, one ought not to force upon the vulgar, a Minister whom they extreamly dis­like, especially, if they have any pro­bable reason of their aversion against him; for such a man, with all the Preaching in the World, can never Edify his unwilling Auditors; yet it does not follow from hence, that the Mob have any original right thereto, because they once enjoy'd it by pro­vision, whilest the Soveraign omitted the performance of his Duty and Fun­ction herein: For otherwise, it would have been as little in their Power, to call and appoint Ministers in their Churches, as it ever was to dispose of Civil Offices and Employs in the State. Therefore, if it happens, that in this [Page 32] Country or another, the common Peo­ple have any Right or Privilege there­in, 'tis to be understood, that they enjoy it by the permission and con­nivence of their Soveraign, whom we presuppose to be an Orthodox Christian. There are some also, who would from hence conclude, That the external Government of the Church, must necessarily be consider'd as some­thing separate and distinct from the Supreme Civil Government, and there­fore ought to be Soveraignly Admi­nistred by the united Body of the Clergy, or by some one chose from a­mongst them; and that so in every Christian State, there must needs be two Different and Independent Bodies, of which, one was be named, the Body Politick, and t'other the Body Ec­clesiastick, and both Soveraign and In­dependent of each other. But this is absolutely false, and it is most cer­tain, that that Power and Authority, which was provisionally usurp'd by the People, when that negligence of the Prince, by which it was forfeited, ceases, does justly devolve again upon the lawful Soveraign; nor does it [Page 33] follow that the Power which the Apostles had in the establishing the Church, can be challeng'd by the Ministers of the Church now establi­shed; for the Apostolary Function was something particular, and diffe­rent from the ordinary Church-Mi­nistery, as this is from the external Direction of the Church, and there­fore as one that is chosen for a Mi­nister, is not strait an Apostle; so neither does a King in assuming the Government and Protection of the Church, immediately become a Priest thereof.

Now, tho' the Christian Religion is originally Divine, and therefore not to be comprehended by weak, Hu­mane Intellects; yet that does not hinder the King, or whosoever is Supreme, from the Direction and Ad­ministration thereof, provided, that he make use of the Counsel and As­sistance of those men who are best vers'd in such Affairs. From what has been now said, we may like­wise draw this conclusion, that we are not oblig'd precisely to follow the Praxis of the Primitive Churches, [Page 34] in relation to the external Direction of the Church, or to observe it as a general Rule for Church-Government in those States where the Soveraign is an Orthodox Christian. For that Praxis is wholly founded on the Cir­cumstances of those times, which can have no place in those States where both the Supreme Magistrates and the Common People, are united in one Faith; Why therefore should we make a Schism in the State, when there is none in the Religion?

Sect. 12. Now, tho' by the conver­sion of Constantine the Great, to the Christian Religion, the Church as­sum'd a New Form; for as much as the Soveraign was then capable of Administring the Function of ex­ternal Governour of the Church, yet this could not be done so easily or commodiously, as if the Soveraign had always from the beginning been Head of the Christian Church, but there remain'd so many Relicks of the pre­ceeding Provisional-Government, that they afterwards occasion'd innume­rable errours and abuses in the Western or Latin Churches. Besides, the Peo­ple [Page 35] could not be brought to consent, that the Emperours, whom they as then, look'd upon to be meer Novi­ces in Matters of Religion, should immediately acquire the Supreme Di­rection of Ecclesiastick Affairs, in pre­judice of the Bishops and Clergy, who could not see themselves, with­out a great deal of unwillingness and regret, dispoil'd of so considerable an Authority: Whereas the Emperours on the contrary (their Subjects be­ing mostly Christians) were forced to depend on their Priests, and caress them continually, if they desir'd to have their Throne settled, and them­selves secure from falling. To which Reason we may add, That the first Christian Emperours having as yet in their Service a great many Hea­thenish Officers, it was not reasonable that the Government of the Church, and the Affairs thereof should be taken into consideration, or deliberated of, in the Imperial Councils, where Pa­gans were always present. From thence it came, that in the Institution of Bishops and other Ecclesiasticks, the customs and manners introduced [Page 36] in the times of the Heathen Empe­rours were generally observ'd, and that not only the decision of Contro­versies in Matters of Faith, but also all Laws serving to the external Di­rection and Government of the Church; as also all other Differences arising amongst the Chiefest of the Clergy were deliberated of in Synods and General Assemblies, where the Pre­lates pretended that they alone had right to Preside and give their Suf­frages. Whereas the right of calling Synods or other Assemblies together, was the Prerogative of Soveraigns alone, and in all other times did indi­sputably belong to them; besides that, that it was but reasonable that they should preside and have the Dire­ction of such Assemblies, let the mat­ter be what it would that was there Treated of, where their Consent was absolutely necessary to the ratificati­on and passing into a Law of what was there determined. 'Tis true, in those Conventions, neither the Sove­raign, nor the whole Body of the Clergy have any Power or Right to form new Articles of our Belief, or [Page 37] to interpret the Scriptures after their own Fancy; but since the whole Duty of a Christian, what he ought to do, and what he ought to believe, is contain'd in the Holy Bible, which God has equally given to all men, and not as the Oracles of the Sybils, com­mitted only to the Care of the Priests, and that all other men, as well as the Ecclesiasticks, can understand as much thereof, as is necessary for Salvation; it does not therefore in the least, seem unreasonable, that the Soveraign should preside in all such Conven­tions where they debate and dispute about the apparent Contradictions and different Interpretations of the Holy Scriptures, where the Presence and Authority of the Prince, might serve to moderate those Heats and Passi­ons which usually arise from disagree­ing Opinions in things of that nature, where he might hinder all Calum­nies and Reflections upon Persons, spightful and malicious Interpreta­tion of Words, and finally awe them from pronouncing Anathema's without a very just reason against innocent and well meaning Persons. [Page 38] But whilest the first Christian Em­perors neglected this their right, or could not conveniently maintain it, from hence it came, that things were very confusedly deliberated of, and de­termined by Councils; and that after­wards the Popes usurping a Power above all the other Western Bishops; and Councils themselves pretended a right of determining in all Matters of Faith, and of introducing Canons or Ecclesiastical Laws wherein their own Profit and Advantage was their chiefest prospect, and have at last assum'd the Supreme Jurisdiction in all Spiritual Matters, and thereby have withdrawn themselves from that obedience which they ow'd to their lawful Soveraigns the Roman Empe­rors.

Sect. 13. Besides, It was the Custom in the ancient Churches, that the Pri­mitive Christians, according to the Ad­vice of St. Paul, would very rarely plead their causes before the Gentile Tribunals; but when any Controver­sy arose amongst them, they referr'd it to the decision of the Bishop, least the Heathens should be scandaliz'd [Page 39] thereat, and take occasion to revile the Name of Christ. Besides, it would have a very ill grace to see them so greedily plead for temporal things which they pretended so much to slight and contemn. Now this in it self, and at that time was a very laudable and useful design; but at last, whilest the Christian Emperors, far from abo­lishing this Custom, confirm'd it more and more, and the Tribunals were fill'd with Christian Judges, the Bishops usurp'd a formal Jurisdiction, which did not alone encroach upon the rights of the Civil Magistrates, but did also distract the Bishops themselves from the exercise of that Charge, which did peculiarly belong to them.

'Twas likewise the Custom of the Primitive Christians, when in their Marriages any scruple arose concern­ing the Proximity or nearness of Blood, to refer themselves to the Priest, and acquiesce in his Sentiments, who also in all quarrels between Man and Wife, interpos'd his Authority, to which we may add his Assisting always in the Celebration of Marriages, with his Prayers and Blessings; from all which [Page 40] Customs (tho' as we said before, na­turally innocent and good in them­selves) very pernicious Errors and Abuses have been deriv'd, since the Pope has from hence taken occasion to draw all Affairs of Matrimony, which occur, circa statum hominum, Di­vortia, nullitates Matrimoniorum, Suces­siones, Haereditates, and all others of the like Importance into his Forum or Tribunal, and to colour his abuses the better, he has made a New Sa­crament of Matrimony.

The Primitive Christians by the In­nocence and Holiness of their Lives, endeavour'd to stir up a desire in the Heathens of embracing so laudable a Religion, and therefore they very se­verely punished those Calumnies and Slanders which the Civil Laws of the Gentiles did not reach; so that in their Churches when any, by a noto­rious ill Life, had given Scandal and a bad Example to the Bre­thren, there was some publick Eccle­siastical Pennance or other enjoin'd him, which never exceeded a tem­poral or total Exclusion from the Con­gregation; which Custom, could not but be very profitable in the present [Page 41] Christian States, provided that the Di­rection thereof resided wholly in the Soveraign's hands, whose Duty it would be to prevent that such Ecclesiastical Censures be not the effects of malice, private passions, and self-interests; espe­cially when such Censures operate so effectually in foro & vita civ. li, as in the Eighth Century, when no man would converse with an excommuni­cated Person. Now the Soveraign Exercise of such a Power, can rea­sonably belong to none but the Su­preme Magistrate in every State, without making a division in the Government. But how the Popes in following times have abus'd, and how far they have extended these Censures, is plainly enough laid open by all Historians; when they neither spar'd Emperors, Kings or Common-wealths that refus'd to Dance after their Pipes, but in excommunicating them, they forbid them to assist at Divine Service, dispens'd their Subjects of their due Allegiance, gave away their Kingdoms to others, and finally, oblig'd them to consent to the most disadvantageous and unreasonable things in the World.

[Page 42] In the mean while, these Abuses have not spread themselves so wide in the Eastern Churches, whilest the Emperours of Constantinople did at least keep up their Authority so far, that the Clergy there durst never incroach upon it, nor had any of the Eastern Bishops that opportunity of lifting himself above his Colleagues, and as­suming the Title of Head of the Church; for the Bishop of Constanti­nople himself had only the first place, and privilege of preceding all those that were not of his Diocess, but had no Jurisdiction over them.

Sect. 14. But in the Western Chur­ches, the different circumstances of things altered quite the Scene, whilest the Bishops of Rome had projected and begun to exercise a peculiar sort of Government and Supremacy, and which at the last they have brought to its highest point and perfection: A Soveraignty that in all the World cannot finds its parallel, being built upon quite different Foundations, and maintained by ways extreamly dis­agreeing from the policy of all other States: Therefore after having made [Page 43] an exact enquiry into its rise and constitution, we will lay open its In­trigues, and describe the influences it has had, the Power it has usurp'd and maintain'd for so many Ages in all the Affairs of Europe, and with what zeal and fierceness this up start So­veraignty has been attacked by some, and defended by others; to which, we will add the reasons of that cruel blow was given to it in the last Age, and how it has recover'd its almost lost credit in this Age, and is like to keep up it self in a very good posture.

From which, the Wise may judge what hopes there remain of any ac­commodation or union of the Prote­stants with the Papists. One of the Causes (tho' something remote) which has not a little contributed to the monstrous growth of a Pow­er so pernicious to all the other So­veraigns of Europe, was the Barbari­ty and Ignorance of Sciences, after the decay of the Western Empire; for counterfeit Wares are best sold and put off by dim, weak Lights, and an ignorant man is easier impos'd on with bagatelles and improbabilities, [Page 44] than one that has a better insight in­to the nature of things, and a freer exercise of his Reason. This igno­rance accompanied afterwards with so insupportable a Pedantry (where­as the preceding Age was more Learn­ed) was promoted by different Causes: One of the Chiefest whereof, was the Invasion of a no less Warlike, than ignorant People, in the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, which for some Ages during an unsetled and inconstant Government, felt nothing but cruel Wars, terrible Disorders, spoiling, ravaging and laying waste of whole Countries; and in a Word, all the miseries that are the necessary consequences of a Barbarous Govern­ment. Whereas the Muses and Li­beral Sciences are the Daughters of Peace and Prosperity; but in the Hurly-burlies and Tumults of War, Books are a dead Ware, and shall lie long enough on the hands of those that have 'em; Schools and Acade­mies are then like Wildernesses, ei­ther quite empty, or haunted by none but wild Beasts; and the Gentlemen of the long Robe, will rather chuse [Page 45] to shoulder a Musquet, than trudge to Westminster-Hall, with a green Bag under their Arms, so that in such times, the poor Professors, School-Masters, &c. have nothing to do but shut up their Shops, pack up their Goods and begon, especially when the Vi­ctorious Enemy has no knowledge of Letters, and as little esteem or kind­ness for them.

There are some that will maintain, that the Church-men themselves did not a little Contribute to these dark times of Ignorance, for because the Philosophers had given them no small trouble under the Pagan Emperors, and that still under the Christian Em­perors, there were found who oppos'd their Doctrine; the Clergy upon that account, conceiv'd an irreconcileable hatred and aversion against the Phi­losophers and against their Opinions, and inspir'd the same Sentiments into all their Auditors, and in all places where they had any Authority or Direction of the Schools, they for­bad the use of all the Heathen Au­thors, under pretence, that the youth might not be Debauched and Cor­rupted [Page 46] with the Errours of the Gen­tiles, and that it was a sin for them to Study in Books fill'd with the Fa­bles and Names of the Heathen Gods, which no good Christian ought so much as to mention. 'Twas a very common Story too, which they spread abroad, that St. Jerom was whipt with Rods in a Dream by the Devil, be­cause he read Cicero with too great an Application. And about the Year Four Hundred, the Council of Car­thage strictly prohibited the Bishops the reading of any Heathen Book; and as in those miserable times, few applied themselves to the Study of Letters, except those that were de­stin'd to Divinity, so that the few relicks of Learning were wholly en­grossed by the Clergy, the Schools already ruin'd, were only us'd to at­tain the ends which they propos'd to themselves, that is, the propagati­on of Ignorance; and the Students were very well satisfi'd with the re­mission and neglect of their usual Stu­dies, as being mightily affraid of be­coming too Learned. That such a Barbarity did not a little contribute [Page 47] to the introduction of Popery, we may learn from hence, that it would have been impossible in any but such igno­rant times to have made the Episto­lae Decretales (ascrib'd to the first Popes) pass for lawful, wherein they made the World believe, that it was al­ways the right of the Bishop of Rome to give Laws, at least in Spi­ritual Matters, to all that bare the Name of Christians: But after­wards, when the Light of Knowledge began to glimmer a little in Europe, and that it was impossible any long­er to contain the European Nations, now their Eyes were open'd, in a sla­very, a gross and blind Ignorance had given birth to; the Pope who had usurp'd the Care and Inspection of the Schools and Nurseries of Learn­ing, introduced therein the most miserable Pedantry that ever could be imagined; and which even to this day, his Creatures teach and maintain with a great deal of zeal in all their Schools. But that which does chiefly seem to have powerfully contributed to this Greatness and Dominion of the Popes, was the Igno­rance [Page 48] of the true Fundamental Poli­ticks, wherein is contain'd the Cause, Nature, and Perfection of the Right and Might of Soveraigns, and wherein amongst other things is demonstrated that to the perfection of any State it is absolutely necessary that the Su­preme Authority, be neither lessened nor divided: And particularly, we find that even the Greek and Latin Politicians, did teach very pernicious Lessons concerning the mixture and division of the Soveraign Power, in­spiring the common People with Sen­timents of Love and Kindness for a Democratical or Aristocratical State, but an inveterate hatred against Mo­narchy, and that they were perswaded, that the more they could bind their Princes Hands, the more happy would be the condition of the Republick. Now, these dangerous Maxims were not a little confirm'd by the violent and tyrannical Government of the Emperors, who were mortally hated by the most part of their Subjects: so that it is no wonder, that this Science was quite overwhelm'd and lost in an universal Ignorance, especi­ally [Page 49] whilest the Clergy were of an Opinion that it was quite contrary to their Profession: From hence it came, that upon the first laying the Foundations of a Spiritual Soveraign­ty, the World so little consider'd or understood the consequences of such a Work, and how prejudicial it was like to be to the Supreme Secular Power, which if they had done, they would undoubtedly have opposed themselves to its first growth, and have quash'd an Egg that should pro­duce so terrible a Scorpion.

And we see even at this Day, That in all Schools where Popish Priests bear sway, they do intirely stifle the Science of the Politicks, or at least they do so turn and wrest the prin­ciples thereof, that it does not only not choak the Papal Authority, but does rather serve to establish and con­firm it.

Sect. 15. The reasons that induced the pretended Soveraign of the Church to make Rome the Seat of his Government, were chiefly the Authority of that City, which as it had been before the Metropolis of [Page 50] the Roman Empire, so was it after­wards the Residence of the first Chri­stian Emperors; for as for what the Papists tell of St. Peter's Chair, that's a pure Fiction, and Story invented by them, to colour the usurpations of the Bishop of Rome, which is ma­nifest enough from hence, that the Bishop of Constantinople (when that City became the Capital of the new Eastern Empire) enjoy'd the second place after the Bishop of Rome; and that after the decay of the Western Empire, the Priority of the See of Rome has often been disputed by the succeeding Bishops of Constantinople. After that the Persecutions of the Heathen Emperors were quite ceased, and that the Christian Religion be­gan to breath Liberty, and the Free Exercise of their Religion was con­firm'd by the Statutes and Ordinan­ces of the Empire; the Clergy en­deavour'd insensibly to introduce an Hierarchy or Church-Government in­to the Republick, under the pretext of establishing the Affairs of the Church, and setting them in good order; to which end, the Bishops be­gan [Page 51] to Lord it over the ordinary Priests, and to observe even a kind of Subordination amongst themselves, and to such as were Bishops of the Capital Cities in each Province, they appointed the Care and Inspection over the rest of the same Province, and nam'd them Metropolitans, who about Eight Ages afterward, took upon themselves the Name and Title of Arch-Bishops; amongst these there were four that had the preheminence above all the rest; namely, the Bi­shop of Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, those being the most considerable Cities of the Roman Em­pire, to which we may add, Jerusalem Famous for its ancient Holiness. And altho' the Emperor Phocas, out of the hatred he bore to the Bishop of Con­stantinople (who had refus'd to ap­prove of the Murder of the Emperor Maurice) had given the preheminence to Boniface the Third, Bishop of Rome, who thereupon took the Name of Oecumenical or Universal Bishop; yet this Prerogative did only consist in a simple preference, and did not carry along with it any Power or Juris­diction, [Page 52] which none of the other Patriarchs would ever yield to him: And we read that the Bishops in Africa, when he of Rome would have oblig'd them to truckle to his Power, alledging to that intent, a falsifi'd Canon of the Nicene Council, did very vigorously resist and baffle that his design. Besides, in the whole frame of the Papal Supremacy, we find nothing Divine, but all built upon Humane Institutions, and there is no more reason to be given, why the Bishop of Rome has the first place, than he of Antioch the third. And forasmuch as one State has no power to prescribe Laws to another wholly independent of it; therefore those privileges which have been granted to the Popes by the Roman Emperors, and the ancient Councils which were nothing else but a Congre­gation of the Clergy of the Roman Empire, cannot oblige any other State to obedience, nor extend them­selves farther than the bounds of the ancient Empire. And if perhaps in succeeding times, some few Christian States have given the Pope any Au­thority [Page 53] in Ecclesiastical Matters with­in their Dominions, they did it with­out doubt, either because they knew upon what grounds that pretended Power was founded, or else they were surpriz'd and cheated into obedience.

If it be the first, there is no other probable reason to be given for it, than that it originally proceeding from some Covenant or Agreement made betwixt those States and the Bishops of Rome, whilest the former imagin'd that their Churches could not be well govern'd, till they aban­doned the Care and Direction of 'em to the latter. Now such an Agree­ment primarily depending on the free will and consent of any Republick, according to the nature of all other obligations, is ipso facto, void and of no effect, when it turns to the ex­tream disadvantage of the Republick, or when the Popes abuse that Power which is granted to them. But if this Papal Supremacy be introduc'd dolo malo, by the tricks and cheats of the knavish Priests, then the a­bus'd and miss-led States as soon as they can discover how they have been impos'd on, may lawfully cast off so [Page 54] unjust a yoke, and have right to pursue the cheater, and oblige him to refund all the Damages they have sustain'd by his usurpations.

Sect. 16. But it was not all at once, that the Bishop of Rome was able to lay so heavy a yoke on all the Western Churches; on the contrary, he found himself oblig'd to insinuate this his usurp'd Authority by little and little, and steal it insensibly by di­vers Slights and Artifices; and where once he happen'd to fasten his Claws, 'twas impossible to make him lose his hold, till he had carried away a good share of the prey. Besides, the Bi­shops of Rome never were wanting to serve themselves very advantage­ously of a good occasion, of which the most advantageous to 'em (in my opinion) was the Emperours leaving Rome, and chusing other Cities for their Residence; whereas if they had al­ways continued to have maintain'd their Authority in that place, the Bi­shops thereof would have never had the confidence to have erected themselves into Soveraigns, as we see that the Bishop of Constantinople (who per­haps had no less vanity and itching [Page 55] after Gevernment, than he of Rome) was never able to raise his Authority to so high a flight.

The division of the Roman Empire into several new Kingdoms founded by the Heathen and unlearn'd Peo­ple did no less contribute to the ag­grandizing the Bishop of Rome, for these People being all converted by the Prelates of the Romish Church, thought themselves therefore very much ob­lig'd to honour and respect them, and paid a deference to them, as the most ancient and most considerable Chri­stians of the West. It is not our de­sign here to deduce all circumstances at length, 'tis enough, that we repre­sent the most remarkable in haste as it were, and en-passant; but one thing we can't let slip unobserv'd, that the Bishops beyond the Alps after the Fifth Century, were us'd to go in Pilgri­mage to Rome to visit there the Graves of St. Peter and St. Paul, either out of Superstition and Biggottry, or else in sign of their approving and follow­ing those Apostles Doctrine; which voluntary piece of Devotion, was after­wards chang'd into an act of necessity, [Page 56] so that as many as afterwards negle­cted that Voyage, were excommuni­cated; from which Custom, without doubt, the Popes have pretended to oblige all Bishops to receive their Con­firmation from Rome.

The other Bishops too, and Chur­ches had often recourse to that of Rome, as Novices to their Superiours, in all weighty Affairs consulting their advice in the use and explication of the Canons; now when the Bishops of Rome perceiv'd that their answers were receiv'd as absolute Decisions, they began to make Decrees and Or­ders before e'er they were desir'd to do it, under the pretence that Rome, being the first and chiefest Seat of Christendom, it was the Right and Office of the Bishop thereof, to see that the Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws were put in execution; there­upon they constituted immediate Judges of the Differences amongst the other Bishops, encroached upon the Jurisdiction of the Metropolitans, de­pos'd the Bishops, which were either not rightly Ordain'd, or that were accused of any great Crime, and [Page 57] forced them to come to Rome to plead their cause in person; after which, all such as desir'd to enjoy any pre­rogative or exemption from the ordi­nary Canons, went to Rome, where they were always well receiv'd, and gratifi'd in their request, that so the Popes might there erect a general Office of all sort of Dispensations.

Those also that had lost their Cause before the ordinary Magistrates, were wont, out of spite, to appeal to Rome, where they were always welcome, and seldom fail'd of a good exit: Thus the French Historians tell us, that when the Emperor Honorius had erected the City of Arles into a Me­tropolis over seven Provinces, the Pope made the Arch-Bishop thereof his Vi­car General in France, out of fear that the said Bishop might take an occa­sion to make himself Patriarch of the whole Kingdom, and he was very well contented to enjoy such a pre­carious Power over the seventeen Pro­vinces, into which France was at that time divided, rather than have the right in himself, and an independent Authority over seven Provinces alone: [Page 56] [...] [Page 57] [...] [Page 58] And to render the charge committed to him more awful and respected, he omitted no opportunity of enlarging and extending the Papal Jurisdiction.

Afterwards in the eighth Century, when the Ecclesiasticks and Monks were become very infamous for their exorbitant and irregular Lives, one Winefred an English Monk (after­wards nam'd Boniface) being mov'd with an extraordinary zeal, took up­on him to reform the manners of the Clergy, as also the introduction and plantation of the Christian Religion in some parts of Germany, and more especially in Turinge and Freezland: this man, to give a greater lustre and credit to his Work, devoted himself entirely to the Seat of Rome, from whence he first receiv'd a Bishop's Mantle, and afterwards was quali­fi'd with the Title of Arch-Bishop of Mentz, and by Gregory the Third, was constituted his Vicar, who gave him a plenary Authority of assembling Coun­cils, and making Bishops in those Countries which he had converted, with Recommendations to the People, and to Charles Martel Great Master [Page 59] of France, that they should take him under their protection, which they did with a very good will.

And when Charlemain his Son sig­nifi'd to Boniface, that he was very desirous of establishing the Church-Discipline, he readily took that em­ploy upon him, to the no small ad­vantage of the Romish Chair; to gra­tify the same Charlemain, he held a Council in Germany, and several Sy­nods in France at the request of King Pepin, and presided in all those As­semblies tanquam Legatus Sedis Romanae: And in the first Council, the Clergy sign'd a Confession of Faith, where­by they oblig'd themselves not only to persist in the Catholick Faith, but they join'd themselves as Members to the Church of Rome, and vow'd an eternal respect and obedience to St. Peter's Successours. 'Twas this same Boniface too, that perswaded the Bi­shops of Germany to accept of the Pal­lium from the Pope, who afterwards sent the same into France to bind them thereby the faster to his Interests; and so soon as he had once accustom'd them to serve themselves of that sort [Page 60] of Robe, he afterwards made it a ne­cessary obligation, and forbad them the exercise of any Episcopal Functi­on before they should receive that Garment from Rome.

The Popes likewise pretended, That they only had the Power of remov­ing a Bishop from one See to ano­ther, and oblig'd all the Western Bi­shops to receive their Confirmation from them, for which they must pay some little Gratification, that was after­wards converted into the Annates: Besides this, they took away the Au­thority of the Provincial Synods, and annull'd their Decrees, which at last was the occasion that no more were call'd, when they perceiv'd that it was all in vain, whilest the Pope abrogated all their constitutions, ac­cording to his fancy, without hearing their Reasons and Justifications. At last, Gregory the Seventh forced all the Bishops to swear Allegiance and Fidelity to the Romish Chair, and made a Decree, that no Prince or So­veraign should presume to condemn any man that made his Appeal to the Pope. They forgot not likewise to [Page 61] send their Nuncio's or Legates in all Countries, who exercis'd in the Pope's Name that Power and Authority which they had ravished from the Arch-Bishops, and Provincial Synods, and were double diligent in the ad­vancement of their Master's Inte­rests.

Sect. 17. This Ecclesiastical Supre­macy daily increasing, was extreamly prejudicial to the Civil Powers, whilest the Clergy by their tricks and devi­ces attracted infinite Riches, and by their Riches a great number of idle Priests and lazy Monks.

'Tis true, the Church ow'd the greatest part of its Riches to the Cha­rity and pious Intentions of Kings, Princes and others who were wheed­led into a belief, That to bestow great Largises and Donations on the Church, was a most pleasing and acceptable Sacrifice to God; and this their libe­rality was afterwards much more pro­moted when the people were perswad­ed, That by good Works (amongst which the Donationes ad pias Causas, held the first rank) Heaven and Hap­piness were to be purchased: And [Page 62] whereas the Avarice of the Clergy in­creasing with their Riches, could not be satiated by the free and generous liberality of the people; they practi­sed all sort of inventions, to squeeze Money out of 'em; upon which ac­count, they instituted a great num­ber of Fopperies and unnecessary Ce­remonies, for which the Laity must dearly pay. 'Twas this their cursed A­varice, that was the occasion of Masses without number to be said and sung as well for the living as the dead, of Purgatory, Indulgences, Dispensations, Pilgrimages, Jubilees, and a thousand o­ther Bagatelles. Besides, they took a special care to insinuate themselves in­to the good wills of dying persons, who were so much the less sollicitous how they dispos'd of their temporal Goods, the desire of which did often­times make their Heirs think them too long liv'd, and—ante diem Pa­trios inquirere in Annos. And at last, if all means fail'd, they were not a­sham'd to fall to down-right beg­ging.

Amongst other devices to get Mo­ney, the Popes serv'd themselves very [Page 63] advantageously in the eleventh and twelfth Century of the Crusado, when the People, mov'd with a godly itch of reconquering the Holy Land, let themselves be mark'd with a Holy Cross; for the Popes challeng'd to themselves the management and over­sight of such sort of Ghostly expedi­tions, and receiv'd into their more pe­culiar protection the Goods and Per­sons of all those Zealots that took the Cross upon them, so that they could not be proceeded against neither Ci­villy nor Criminally until their return from the Holy Land; whereby they had an occasion of promoting the commerce of their Indulgences and Dispensations more than ever: Their Legates had the administration of all the Alms, Collections and Legacies which were given to that end, and from hence they took a pretext of obliging all the Clergy to pay them Tenths; nay, they very imperiously forced Kings, Princes and great Lords to take upon them the Crusado, which Arms they afterwards turn'd against all such as they accus'd & condemn'd for Schism, and Heresy, declaring their Goods [Page 64] confiscated and void of all lawful Pos­sessors, distributing and dividing them to such as had rendred them any con­siderable Service, and this Authority they exercis'd without asking the leave of Princes and States, under whose Civil Jurisdiction they were, who werel likewise aw'd into so slavish an obedience, that they durst not op­pose themselves against these Inve­stitures, tho' they easily perceiv'd the injustice of 'em.

Sect. 18. The Riches of the Church increasing, the number of the Eccle­siasticks was likewise proportionably augmented, whilest there were not a few that were glad to be fed by a fat Kitchin, and make good cheer, with­out taking any care for the provisi­on thereof: and it was not enough that each Church had its ordain'd Priests, Chaplains, and other neces­sary Servants; but the most consi­derable must have an addition of Ca­nons and Prebends, which places consisting of so great profit and so little pains, were soon fill'd by men of all sorts and sizes; and thus the inconveniences of a single life, which [Page 65] the Popes, not without a great deal of pains and opposition, had intro­duc'd in the eleventh and following Centuries, were sweetned by the Ho­nours, and large Revenues of these Charges which they so quietly en­joy'd.

Besides, all Christendom swarm'd with a prodigious number of Monks and Nuns, which springing up in the times of Persecution in the fourth and fifth Centuries, have afterwards strangely increas'd. These sort of people at the first, were content to get their living by their own Indu­stry: many of 'em gave all their goods to the poor without being in the least oblig'd thereto, and liv'd un­der the care and inspection of the Bi­shops, according to the Discipline that was prescrib'd them in the Canons. In the seventh Century, through all the Western Empire, was the Mona­stical way of living extreamly in fa­shion, and all places were fill'd with Cloysters, in the founding of which, the Princes and Great Men did seem to vie with each other; but after that, their Liberality was, as it were, [Page 64] [...] [Page 65] [...] [Page 66] quite exhausted by the Endowments and Gifts made to so many old Mo­nasteries, and that there was not place enough for such as desir'd to be re­ceiv'd into those Orders: There was at length in the thirteenth Century form'd an Order of Mendicants or Begging Monks, which made a great­er show of Holiness, forasmuch as they would not be thought to go in­to a Cloyster in hopes of a plentiful and lazy Life; but renouncing all the pleasures of the World, they would live by Alms and the Beggars-Bas­ket.

The Fancy of a singular Merit and Supererrogative Holiness, induced the People to this Austerity and Hard­ship of living, or rather an unbound­ed Ambition and Pride so natural to all mankind, that not contented to live up to the Commandments of God, and barely to fulfil what he prescribes, they had rather deserve Heav'n than accept it as a pure Gift of their Crea­tor, or purchas'd for them by the Merits of their Redeemer; and the desire they have of Superiority, and Preference above the rest, does even [Page 67] extend it self to the other life. To the embracing of this single and so­litary Life, some are carried by de­spair, others out of a prospect of ease and laziness; others are thrust into Cloysters by their Parents and Rela­tions, either out of a motive of Re­ligion or Poverty, or else for fear of ruining their Family by the divi­sion of their Goods amongst a great many Children. From these Monks has the Pope form'd his Pretorian Band or Regiment of Guards, whom he has not alone quarter'd as troublesome Companions upon the Laity, but does make use of 'em also as spies over the actions of the Bishops, and rest of the Clergy: Therefore it is that the Popes have with so much zeal maintain'd the privileges of the Monks, especially when in the thirteenth Century they would have forc'd them­selves from the Bishops Jurisdiction, and subjected themselves immediately to the Pope, and the Pope has found out the way to carry himself so evenly with them, that altho' there are great Jealousies betwixt their Orders, as for example, betwixt the Franciscans and [Page 68] Dominicans, yet he holds the Balance always so even, and dispenses his Fa­vours so impartially, that one Order cannot be oppress'd by the other, nor has reason to complain of the Pope's injustice. These Monks are very pre­judicial to the ordinary Priests, inso­much as they attract to themselves the greatest part of the Alms, Lega­cies, and Gains proceeding from the Burials of the Rich, besides the Di­rection of Consciences, and Admini­stration of the Sacraments, which has drawn upon them the immortal ha­tred of the Bishops and Secular Priests, which those other don't much value, whilest they are under the care and protection of the Pope; and besides, when a Bishop at any time oppos'd the Pope, the Monks like so many Blood Hounds were immediately after his heels, and by their bawlings and exclamations, soon made him lose his Credit with the People, by whom their Hypocrisy and pretended Sancti­ty made them much respected; so that the Bishops were forced to truc­kle to the Pope's Authority, because the People would afford them no Sup­port [Page 69] or Assistance; thus the Monks were set as so many spies over the Conduct of the Bishops, which when they found blamable, they did not fail immediately to signify to the Generals that resided always at Rome, so that the Pope might make a time­ly opposition against their practices. In short, these Monks were not the least cause of the Bishops not resist­ing the growing Power of the Pope; for finding it always in vain, they were forced with the rest to yield to the mighty Torrent. Tho' there were a great many of 'em likewise, that were well enough contented to submit to this slavery, in hopes of sharing the Prey with their Chief, and because they were thereby freed from the Jurisdiction of their Tem­poral Princes, whose power they more dreaded, than that of a distant Tri­bunal, the Judges whereof being of the same Trade as they, were not so terrible to them, for one Crow will not pick out its fellow's Eyes. In the mean while, 'tis most certain, that a great many Bishops, especially of this side the Alps, do with a great deal [Page 70] of impatience groan under the yoke of Rome; which did appear sufficient­ly in the Council of Trent, where the French and Spanish Bishops did with great earnestness endeavour, that it might be declar'd, quod Resi­dentia Episcoporum sit Juris Divini, or, that by the Divine Appointment each Bishop is oblig'd to reside in his own Church, as all the Jansenists of France and the Low-Countries do maintain. Now the wisest could easily penetrate what lay hid under this specious Do­ctrine; for if God has commanded that, it must necessarily follow, that he would afford the way and means of putting it in practice, qui dat jus ad finem, dat jus ad media; and then by consequence it is no longer need­ful to run to Rome, and buy the per­mission of exercising their charge. And it cost the Pope a great deal of pains and a great deal of fears, before he could oblige the Council of Trent to desist from a design which extreamly shook his usurp'd Authority, and there­fore we may be assur'd that that shall be the last General Council, nor will the Pope ever more venture his Au­thority [Page 71] in such like Assemblies, which besides will be but very useless things as long as the Jesuits and others, teach, That the Pope is above the Councils, and, That he cannot err, and, That the Councils themselves must receive their vim obligandi à confirmatione Papae. In the mean while, let a man say what he will, it is certainly the In­terests of the Bishops to truckle to that power which they at first per­mitted the Pope to exercise over them, for it is certain that if they should withdraw themselves from his obe­dience, they would fall into the hands of the Secular Power; especially since they could never be able to make good their party against the Pope, without the Protection of their So­veraign, who must be a very power­ful Prince to afford it them, therefore of two evils, 'tis best that they chuse the least.

Sect. 19. But altho' the Church had been never so rich and populous, yet to the erecting of a Spiritual Monar­chy, it was absolutely necessary that the Pope should in no wise be sub­ject to any temporal Jurisdictions, and [Page 72] that he should hold his Residence in such a place, which being free from obedience to all other Potentates, should depend on, and own no other Master but him, as also to be possest of such Revenues as might enable him to live honourably and splendidly, and not be ruin'd by the dismembring of his State, and where his Partizans, when at any time pursued by their offended Soveraigns, might find a se­cure and certain Refuge; but before he could compass all these advanta­ges it has cost him a world of pains, time, and a powerful Resistance, be­sides a thousand secret Practices and Intrigues. 'Tis true, the Bishops of Rome whilest the Empire of the West flourished, and as long as the Kingdom of the Goths lasted in Italy, had no opportunity to think of, much less to put in Execution these their am­bitious designs; but after that the Goths were driven out of Italy by the Emperor Justinian, and Italy with Rome reduc'd to a Province of the Graecian Empire, the Pope could not let slip so fair an opportunity of freeing him­self from the Jurisdiction of the Em­perors, [Page 73] to which did not a little con­tribute the contempt of the Imperial Authority in Italy, partly caus'd by the ill Gouernment of the Exarchate or Vice-Roy of Ravenna, and partly by their weakness, whilest the Lumbards were much more powerful in Italy by the continual quarrels of the Em­perors about the time of Justinian the second; to which reasons we may very well add the Eastern Emperors prohibiting the adoration of Images; for Leo Isaurus threw them out of all the Churches, whilest the respect that was paid 'em did degenerate into open Idolatry, and the People began to be perswaded that a greater Reverence was due to their Saints, than to God himself. Against this Reformation, Pope Gregory the second, violently op­pos'd himself, and defended the Image-Worship with a great deal of zeal, partly because it was one of the chiefest Heads of the Romish Superstition, and did bring in no small gain to the Pope's Coffers; and partly because it vex'd him extreamly, that the Empe­rors should meddle with Ecclesiastical Affairs without his knowledge, and [Page 74] against his consent, whilest he was employ'd in the Introduction of his Spiritual Monarchy: And besides, this seem'd a very fit time for him to shake off the Authority of the Grecian Em­perors. In short, it was by his In­stigation that the Romans and Italians, who, till then, had been very faith­ful to the Emperor, refus'd to pay Tribute to him any longer; and there happening about that time a tumult at Ravenna, which was the Seat of the Exarch, he himself, defending the rights of the Emperors, was kill'd in the Tumult. And thus ended the Rule of the Grecian Emperors in that part of Italy, which ever since has been free, and in subjection to none.

Sect. 20. 'Twas thus the Popes shook off the Jurisdiction of the Gre­cian Emperors, but were in danger of falling into the clutches of a new Lord, whose yoke would have been much more insupportable, than that of the far distant Emperors, for the Kings of the Lumbards endeavour'd to possess themselves of those Lands which were fallen off from the Em­peror, and consequently to render [Page 75] themselves Masters of all Italy; and in effect, they seiz'd upon Ravenna, and several other places, so that there was no body in Italy, that could withstand their usurpations; thereupon, the Pope knew not to what refuge he should betake himself, unless to the Kings of France, who endeavour'd first to ad­just the differences amicably and by fair means, and because the Lumbards refus'd to hearken to any accomoda­tion, they resolv'd to oblige them thereto by force; and they took up­on them the Protection of Italy the more willingly, not only because the Pope Zacharias had approv'd of Pepins's deposing his lawful Soveraign; and from Great Master, making himself to be declar'd King of France; but also because they found thereby so good an opportunity of making New Con­quests in Italy, a Country which had often made the French Mouths water. Now whilest Pepin, and after him Charlemain made War very suc­cessfully against the Lumbards, and had reconquer'd the whole Kingdom of Italy, they presented the Pope with all that part of it, which was com­prehended [Page 76] under the Exarchate; which fat Donation, That they might more peaceably retain, the Popes in after Ages gave out, that it was the gift of Constantine the Great; which sham, past very easily upon the ignorance of those barbarous times. In short, the French Kings were much oblig'd to the Pope for the Reasons already mention'd, and therefore by this gift they sought to express their Gratitude, especially whilest by a present of what was none of their own, they could acquire a great reputation of Charity and Holiness; which in these times, was valu'd according to the Liberalities and Donations made to the Clergy; insomuch, that the Kings themselves endeavour'd to free their Foundations and Settlements on the Church, from all sort of Subjection or Homage, and to assure to the Cler­gy the free possession of what they had given 'em. Now these too ex­travagant Donations have not been the least reason, why the Clergy has taken so much pains to shake off the Royal Supremacy, whilest they justly apprehended, that the Successors of [Page 77] those that had been so liberal to them, coming to see their Errour should recall all that had been given to them; and from hence it is, that the Politicks have made this remark: That Kings by the Concession of too great Privileges and immunities have made themselves more Enemies than Friends, whilst the Receivers live in a continual fear and suspicion of the Givers least they should one day recall or retrench their immoderate Libe­ralities; and therefore to prevent that Inconvenience, they are never quiet till they have tied them so fast, that it shall not be in the King's Power, if it were in his will, to deprive them of 'em. The most Impartial of the learn­ed are of the opinion that the Popes did heretofore design to erect into a Sove­raignty, those Lands which were thus bestowed on them, but that their peo­ple oppos'd it, desiring rather to be free: especially whilst it seem'd very strange to them that the Pope (who was a Clergy-man) should likewise be a Temporal Prince; 'twas upon this Account that Rome took up Arms, and drove out of their City Pope Leo the [Page 76] [...] [Page 77] [...] [Page 78] third, who betaking himself to Char­lemain, was by him Re­establish'd in his Popedom. But on the other side, the Pope conjointly with the People of Rome declar'd Charlemain Emperor, whereby he became Sovereign over the Exarchate of Ravenna, and other places of Italy which had rais'd them­selves into free States out of the Ruins of the Western Empire, so that after­wards the Pope himself held those Lands, dependently. of the Emperor who was likewise named Advocatus et Defensor Ecclesiae, which lasted till the time of the Emperor Henry the fourth.

Sect. 21. But at last this Advocacy or Protection of the Emperor began to seem tedious to the Popes, because they could not be elected without the Empe­rors consent and confirmation, who us'd likewise to curb them, when they grew insolent; and proceeded even sometimes to the deposal of them. Now to shake off this heavy Yoke of the Emperor, the Popes left no stone unturn'd, and took a wonderful deal of pains before they could attain to their desire. 'Twas therefore they la­bour'd so earnestly to give the Empe­rors [Page 79] their hands full of work, sometimes in Germany, sometimes in Italy, there­by to weaken their power and authori­ty. To which the German Bishops did not a little concurr, who were not well pleas'd to be under the Subjection of the Emperor, and receive their Bi­shopricks at his hands. Therefore they conspir'd with the Pope to establish an absolute Sovereignty in the Church. And to put this their design in Execu­tion they found no time more conve­nient or proper than the Reign of Henry the fourth, who by reason of his dissolute life and Government was in perpetual dissention with his States of Germany. Therefore when Gregory the seventh, who was before nam'd Hilde­brand, ascended the Papal Chair, being a proud, ambitious, and resolute man, he began to exclaim against the Em­peror, giving out that the distribution of Ecclesiastical Benefices did not be­long to him, because he made a scan­dalous Traffick of them, selling them to people of an ill repute, and instal­ling them therein before they had ta­ken Holy orders; and because the Emperor undertook to defend his [Page 80] just Rights, the Pope thunder'd out an Excommunication, and animated the Bishops and the other Sates of Germany against him, and gave him so much trouble and vexation, that at last, he was fain to abandon his Right of be­stowing the Bishopricks, and leave them wholly in the Pope's disposal. But the Pope's main aim was not so much to free the Bishops from the Em­peror's jurisdiction, as to make him­self Supreme in Italy, and to bring all the Princes in Subjection to the Papal Chair: And some are of opinion that he might at last have effected, what he had begun, whilst Europe at that time was divided into so many little Lordships, and most of 'em had weak, and inconsiderable Princes, and a great many of them, either out of devotion, or else for fear of being swallow'd up by the Great Ones, chose freely to submit themselves to the Papal Chair, and to pay him Tribute. So that if there had but succeeded three or four Popes, as Couragious and cunning as Gregory, covering their design with the veil of Religion, and taking the specious pretext of Defending the peo­ples [Page 81] interest against the oppression of their Princes, they had made them­selves temporal, as well as Spiritual Monarchs. And the Pope did not on­ly pretend to slip his neck out of the col­lar, and free himself from the Empe­ror's power, but he did likewise endea­vour to make him take his turn, and to submit him to his own Authority; for he made himself Judge of the Empe­ror's Actions, summon'd him to ap­pear before his Tribunal, and answer to the Complaints which his Subjects made against him, and by reason of his Non-appearance, he declar'd him Ex­communicated, and fallen from the Empire; and altho' his Son Henry the fifth, endeavour'd to recover what the Popes had squeez'd out of his Father, and seizing upon Pope Paschal, obliged him to restore to him his right of in­vesting the Bishops; yet the Clergy of Europe were so discontented therewith, and teas'd him continually till they had forced him (in the Year 1122.) to re­sign (for ever) that Right to the Pope. Not long before, the same dispute a­rose in England, which at last (in the Year 1107.) was thus adjusted: The [Page 82] King should no longer insist upon his Right of investing the Bishops; and they in acknowledgment of that Fa­vour should do him Homage, which Article was not very pleasing to the Pope, who had been better contented if they had refus'd to pay any sort of submission to their King, as he did ef­fectually forbid the Bishops of France to do; but Lewis the sixth and his Suc­cessors stood up so stoutly in defence of this their Right, that the Pope was for­ced with shame to quit his pretensions: Besides, fearing to draw upon his Head two Powerful Monarchs of Germany and France, he thought it better to keep in with one, whom he in time of need might oppose against the other, espe­cially whilest it was not so much his in­terest to weaken the French King, with whom he had not so many Feathers to pluck, as to humble the Emperor, who was then very Powerful in Italy, and endeavoured to bring into subjection the City of Rome; besides, he knew that Germany was not so streightly United as France, and whilest the other Prin­ces were jealous and apprehensive of the Emperor's Greatness, they easily [Page 83] agreed with the Pope to humble him a little, which design they palliated with the pretence of Protecting the Papal Chair and the Church's Authority. 'Tis true, Frederick the first and the second used all their efforts to re-esta­blish the Imperial Power o'er the Pope, but ineffectually, whilest Italy was di­vided into the two Factions of the Guelphs and Gihelines; the former of which held with the Pope, the latter with the Emperor, and caus'd so ob­stinate and implacable quarrels, that it was impossible for the Emperor to reduce Italy to a perfect Obedience. And after the death of Frederick the se­cond, whilst all things were in a strange confusion by reason of the long Inter­regnum that then Succeeded, the fol­lowing Emperors thank'd God that they could maintain themselves Peace­ably in Germany, without troubling their Heads any more with the affairs of Italy; so that the Popes have quiet­ly exercis'd their Sovereignty as well personally, as in respect of the Goods of the Romish Church.

Sect. 22. But this Greatness could not terminate the Pope's Ambition, [Page 84] but was the occasion of his starting another Doctrine, which serv'd to extend his power far beyond that of all other Princes; for it maintain'd a sort of an indirect Authority, right of examining and animadverting on the actions of all the temporal Sove­raigns; and tho' it was not said in down-right terms, that the Princes did depend on his Holiness in meer Worldly Affairs, yet he thought that that absolute power which he had acquir'd in Ecclesiastical Matters, did sufficiently Authorize him to judge of their Actions, whether they were good or bad, to advise, and correct them; and in fine, to forbid what he thought unfit, and to command what he approv'd of.

Thus when at any time the Prin­ces were in War with one another, the Pope made use of his Authority to command a Cessation of Arms, and that they should bring their Quarrel before him, and expect his decision thereof, threatning the ob­stinate, not only to Excommunicate their persons, but likewise to Suspend through their whole Kingdom the [Page 85] exercise of Divine Worship, and use of the Holy Sacraments, whilest he imagin'd that it belong'd to him only to remove all occasions of Scandal in Christendom, to succour the op­pressed, and in short to administer Judgment and Justice to the whole World; therefore he willingly heark­ned to, and took upon him to redress the injuries of all such as made their complaints to him; nay, he proceed­ed farther, taking cognizance of those injustices which Princes did to their own Subjects, as also of the new im­positions that were laid on them, and forbad sometimes their proceeding any farther, under pain of Excom­munication: Sometimes the Pope de­clar'd confiscated the Goods of such as he had excommunicated, and law­ful prize for the next that should lay hands on them, exposing thereby their lives to very eminent Dangers, and dispensing their Subjects from all Oaths of Allegiance, under the pre­tence, that it was not fit to leave the Government of Christian People to Princes that should rebel against the Church; and such Hellish Maxims [Page 86] several Popes have dar'd to maintain and put in execution against Crown­ed Heads; and to render more plau­sible these their execrable Designs amongst the ignorant people, they serv'd themselves of a forg'd Decretal, whereon they began to found a new Jus Canonicum, which ascrib'd to the Pope an unlimitted Power over all Christians, and impower'd him as common Father to command or for­bid the Faithful the exercise of what­soever had any relation to their Sal­vation and good of the Religion, and to punish such as refus'd to o­bey. And the reason why the Pre­decessors of Gregory the seventh, did not exercise such a power over the Emperors, was (say they) either be­cause the Emperors liv'd so well, that there was no need of it, or that the Popes lead so bad a life, that they ought rather to be corrected by o­thers, than think of correcting others.

And to give the more Authority to the Pope's pretensions, the did not fail to quote what St. Ambrose had done against the Emperor Theodosius, and that the Bishops of Spain, had [Page 87] oblig'd their King Wamba to submit to so extraordinary a Pennance, as the renouncing of his Kingdom; as also, That the French Bishops had depos'd Lewis surnam'd the Godly, who after­wards durst not re-assume the Crown, without the Consent of another As­sembly of the Bishops: That Fulk, Arch-Bishop of Rhemes had threatned Charles the Simple, to Dispence his Subjects of that obedience they ow'd unto him, in case he proceeded to make any Alliance with the Nor­mans, who at that time were Hea­thens. Now, no body could doubt, but that the Pope's Authority extends it self farther than all the Bishops, since it had no other bounds than what the Canons of the Councils and Decrees of the Popes themselves pre­scribed it; which had never forbid them to depose Kings; but their Pre­decessors could not prevent that which they could not fore-see, nor did they ever dream, that they should arrive to such a height of impudence. And since the Popes had taken upon 'em to bestow the Royal Title, and that there were found Princes, who either [Page 88] out of a motive of Ambition or Su­perstition, did seek their Confirma­tion from Rome, they imagin'd they had no less a right to deprive those of their Crowns, whom they esteem'd unworthy to bear them. They could not a little incommode the Princes likewise by their forbidding all Mar­riages within the seventh Degree of Consanguinity, and the fourth of Af­finity, for whilest among great Peo­ple, there can seldom any Match be propos'd, where one of those Degrees will not occur, they were in conti­nual fear of the Pope's troubling their Negotiation, if they did not humbly crouch to him, and implore his Di­spensation; so that let it happen how it would, they found themselves ob­lig'd to dance after his Pipe.

Lastly, The Popes by the great number of Affairs, to be dispatch'd in their Courts, allur'd the greatest and most learned Men of Europe to them, who came with a design either of procuring themselves some employ, or else to accomplish themselves in this great School, to be able to serve their Countries at home. Now [Page 89] as most of these expected their For­tune from the Pope, they devoted themselves entirely to his will, as well as all the Clergy who unanimously own'd him their Head and General. And this Pope Boniface the eighth, did very evidently demonstrate by the Jubilee which he publish'd in the year 1300. where he appear'd first in the Habit of an Emperor, then in his Ponti­ficial Robes, ordering two Swords to be carried before him as Marks of his Authority in all Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Affairs.

Sect. 23. In the mean while the Popes could not long enjoy this usur­ped, and intolerable power without a great deal of opposition; so that they were forced more than once to change their Notes, and to manage their pre­tensions more slyly and cautiously. 'Tis true, in the Quarrels which they had with the Emperors Henry, and Frederick, they often got the better; yet sometimes they met with cruel rubs, and were forced to hear things which were not much to their cre­dit; and from which the impartial may judge, That it was not the Glory [Page 90] of God, but Worldly Honor and Ad­vantage, that were the ends of all their Designs.

But when Boniface the eighth would have play'd some of his tricks with Philip the Fair of France, he oppos'd himself so seasonably against the Popes encroachments, and defended his rights so courageously, that that di­spute turn'd wholly to the shame and confusion of the Pope. And Philip, that he might not give any occasion of scandal by his prosecuting and re­venging himself on Boniface, gave out, that he did not attack him as the Vicar of Jesus Christ, but as a wick­ed Prelate, who by unlawful ways had usurp'd the Papal Chair, and therefore desired the calling toge­ther of a General Council to deliver the Church of so unjust an oppressor.

But the Schisms which afterwards follow'd, made a much greater breach in the Popes Authority, when by the division of the Cardinals, two Popes were at the same time elected, who excommunicated and anathematized one another; and, the better to main­tain themselves in the Papal Chair, [Page 91] they were forced to flatter and ca­ress the Kings, and tacitly own there­by, that they could not subsist with­out their Support; and such a Schism was a very evident Mark that it was not the Holy Ghost, but devilish In­trigues that presided in those Electi­ons; and therefore the most prudent of the Clergy were of opinion, that neither of 'em ought to be ad­mitted to the Papal Authority, but that they should proceed to a new Election, which afterwards was pra­ctis'd by the Council of Constance. The first Schism as I take it, happen­ed in the year 1134; or as others reckon, 1130. when after the Death of Henry the fifth, two Popes, Inno­cent the second, and Anacletus, were chosen both together; and tho' the first had gain'd the most partizans, yet the latter was vigorously main­tain'd against him by the King of Sicily and the Duke of Aquitain: But he dying, his Friends chose a third in his place, nam'd Victor, whom Innocent brought to an Accommo­dation, so that he at last ceas'd from his pretensions, and freely submitted [Page 92] himself to Innocent. But after the Death of Adrian the fourth, there were again two Popes elected, Alex­ander the third, and Victor the fourth; with the first held England France, and Sicily; with the latter, Frederick the first, all Germany, and most of the Clergy of Rome; and after his Death, his followers chose three o­thers successively in his place, who were all out-liv'd by Alexander; now all these curs'd, and excommunicated one another after the most infamous manner in the World, and each of 'em were forc'd to shew more Obe­dience than Authority to their Pro­tectors.

But the greatest and most scandalous Schism was that which arose after the death of Gregory the eleventh, when in like manner two Popes were cho­sen, one of which kept his Residence at Rome, and the other at Avignon, and this lasted amongst their Successors at least Forty years, whilest both Parties vomited out all the injuries imaginable against one another: The Pope of Avig­non was maintain'd by France, Scotland, Castile, Savoy and Naples, but the rest [Page 93] of the Christian States held with the Pope of Rome; both of 'em bragg'd of the Great and Holy Persons they had of their side, as likewise the Revelati­ons, and Miracles which Heaven in their Favour had produced, and so ma­ny reasons were brought in the Favour of each of 'em, that there was no other way to be found than to Cite them both before the Council of Constance, where they were forc'd to Renounce their Popedoms, and a new Pope was e­lected. The last Schism happen'd in the Year 1433, when the Council of Ba­sil depos'd Eugenius the fourth, and chose in his place Pope Foelix the fifth. But the first refus'd to submit to their Authority, and the Dissention lasted till after the death of Eugenius, when Nicholas the fifth being chosen, Foelix desirous of Peace, yielded all his pre­tensions to him on very good Conditi­ons, about the Year 1438. Now 'tis easy to imagine how much these Schisms and Quarrels expos'd the Pu­denda Paparum, whilest the Councils were oblig'd on these occasions to in­terpose their Authority, and Bridle the Irregularities of the Pope, to which [Page 94] people began to appeal from the Pope, as to the Higher Powers; so that when the Popes began at any time to be un­ruly, there was no such Bug-bears as to threaten them with a Council. 'Tis plain that the Popes could not lord it over the Councils, since Gregory the seventh himself, when he had renew'd the old quarrel betwixt him and the Emperor Henry the fourth, declar'd that he would call a Council, in a place of Security, where both the Friends and Enemies, Ecclesiastick as well as Se­cular, might come without any dan­ger, and judge whether he or the Em­peror had violated the Peace, and to propose means for the re-establishing of it. The same Protestation was made by Pope Gelasius the second, in his quar­rel with Henry the fifth; to which he added that he was contented to stand to the Decision of his Brethren the Bi­shops, whom God himself had made his Judges in the Church, and without whom he durst not take in hand an af­fair of so Great Importance. Innocent the third declar'd also, that he durst not undertake to judge of the Marriage be­twixt Philip August, and Ingeburg of [Page 95] Denmark, without asking the Opini­on of a General Council; and if he should presume to do it, he should be in danger of losing his Charge and Dignity, whereby he seem'd to own, that a Pope, by the abuse of his Office, might Lawfully be depriv'd of the same. But when the Princes in fol­lowing times insisted upon those Con­fessions of the Popes, all the answer and satisfaction they could have, was, that truly their Predecessors had us'd such sort of Expressions, but they were one­ly Complements, and bare Ceremoni­ous words, and that the Modesty which they had shown in that matter, ought not to be prejudicial to them.

Thus in the Year 1409. The Coun­cil of Pisa depos'd the two Antipopes, Benedict the twelfth, and Gregory the twelfth, and in their place chose A­lexander the fifth; but the Council of Constance did not only confirm the Election of the said two Popes, but also depos'd John the twenty fourth who succeded Alexander the fifth.

The Council of Basil proceeded in like manner against Eugenius the fourth, and made a Decree beside, That nei­ther [Page 96] at Rome, nor in any other place, should there be any Expedition-Money given for Ecclesiastical Matters. All which Proceedings struck at the very Foundations of Papal Government; and therefore 'tis no wonder that the Popes were afterwards so shy in calling the Council of Trent, and that they then us'd so many Artifices to impede its de­creeing any thing prejudicial to their Authority, and that, since that time they have bidden an Eternal adieu to all Councils.

Sect. 24. Amongst all these Schisms the Translation of the Papal Chair from Rome to Avignon, did not a little weaken their Authority; the First that began it, (if I am not deceiv'd,) was Clement the fifth at the perswasion of Philip the Fair, King of France, who had quarrell'd with Boniface the eighth, and was Excommunicated by him; the effects of which he design'd to prevent if he could but once oblige the Popes to reside in France, especially whilest thereby most of the Cardinals should be chosen out of the French Na­tion; and indeed the Pope, did reside in that City more than seventy year, [Page 97] without reckoning the time of the An­ti-popes, which became very prejudicial to the Papal Soveraignty; for till then, amongst other pretences on which the Popedom was founded, one of the Chiefest was, That St. Peter having been Bishop of Rome, by his personal Residence there, had com­municated a particular Advantage and Holiness to that City, which, whe­ther the Popes could transport to Avignon, was very much doubted of; so that from thence, the Pope found himself very often oblig'd to dance after the French-man's Pipes, and to be wholly at his Devotion; tho' the French, who did then much brag of the prize they had got, do now com­plain, that by the Residence of the Court of Rome in France, they had gain'd nothing, unless it be the Art of Chicaning, Simony, and another abominable Crime, which it is hard­ly lawful to pronounce; to which we may add, that the Papal Court be­ing thus translated from its natu­ral Seat into a Foreign Country, its imperfections were the more easily expos'd, and consequently the Popes [Page 98] became more despicable. This ab­sence of the Popes was no less pre­judicial to the Ecclesiastical Lands in Italy, for after that the Emperor had lost all his Authority there, every petty Prince was for erecting himself into a Soveraign, and by the divi­sions of the Guelphs and Gibelines, all things were brought into confusion. The neighbouring Princes, without any scruple, pillag'd the Church's Patrimony, whilest the absence of the Pope had made them forget all the respect they ow'd him; the most of his Cities at the perswasion of the Florentines, drove out his Legates, and either erected themselves into Free States, or chose them a Prince of their own City; to which we may add, that the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, having quarrell'd with the Pope, and gain'd the Subjects of the Ecclesia­stical State, to his Interests, made himself Master of most of the Coun­try, as being a Feoff of the Empire, and invested therewith such as took his part against the Pope; so that St. Peter's Patrimony was at that time in a very bad condition; nor have the [Page 99] Popes been since able to reduce the better part of what was thus taken from them, into their power, but are for­ced to leave the possessors thereof in a free enjoyment of what they have gotten.

In the mean time, the City of Rome was at last oblig'd to submit to the Pope's Soveraignty, which it had so long oppos'd; after that, Pope Boni­face the ninth, in the year 1393. had fortified the Castle of St. Angelo, which serv'd to bridle the City, and keep it in subjection. Alexander the sixth, was chiefly the cause that the Patrimony of the Church fell again into the hands of the Pope: he had a natural Son, nam'd Caesar Borgia, who, upon the account of the Dukedom of Valence, brought to him as Dowry by his Wife Charlotte d'Albret, was commonly call'd il Duca Ʋalentino. Now whilest the Pope used all his endeavours, to make his Son a powerful Prince in Italy, to at­tain to his ends, he bethought him­self of this expedient: He drove out those little Signiori that were possess'd of small parcels of the Church's Ter­ritory, [Page 100] making himself Master of those places which they held, and then gave his Son the Propriety thereof. This his design succeeded very hap­pily, and he made a shift to reduce either by force or treachery, most of those little Lordships into his subje­ction, and tho' Borgia us'd a great deal of temerity in the management of this affair; yet he said, he knew well enough what he did, since his Father, who was inspir'd by the Holy Ghost, approv'd of all his actions.

But when he wanted Money to pay his Souldiers, he plotted with his Father to poison several of the rich­est Cardinals at a Banquet design'd for that purpose, and thereby, not only to put himself in possession of their goods, but likewise to be rid of hateful persons, who, he fear'd, might oppose themselves to his de­sign; but in the mean time, the Servant he had employ'd in this his devilish design, by mistake, gave the Pope and his Son the empoison'd drink, so that the Pope died immediately thereof, and the Duke very hardly escaped, at the expence of a terrible sickness; [Page 101] nor could he afterwards with all his Authority oblige the Cardinals to chuse a Pope that should be in his Interests.

Thus Borgia's vast ambitious pro­jects dwindled into nothing, for after the Death of Pius the third, who held the Chair a very few Weeks, came Julius the second, the sworn impla­cable enemy of Borgia, to succeed him, who reduced all that he had taken, and drove him at last out of the Country; and this Pope prevail­ed so far by his Bribes, and Artifi­ces, that he regain'd all that the Church had had before in its possession, except the Dutchy of Ferrara, which like­wise, at the latter end of the last Age, the legitimate Race of all the Princes of Est being ended, fell into the Popes hands again; he also hin­der'd the French from making them­selves Masters of all Italy.

Sect. 25. But now whilest the Pope­dom seem'd to be in its greatest Splen­dor, and at as high a point of per­fection as it could ever aspire to, all the West having join'd it self to the Communion and Fellowship of the [Page 102] Roman Church, excepting some few relicks of the Vaudois in France, and the Hussites in Bohemia, which were alto­gether inconsiderable; and the quar­rel betwixt Pope Julius the second, and Lewis the twelfth of France, which had easily occasion'd a new Schism, being happily compos'd after that Pope's death by Leon the Tenth; and the old complaints that were us'd to be made against the ambition of the Court of Rome, being almost all laid asleep; there happen'd upon a very slight occasion, so terrible an In­surrection against the Papal Chair, that a great part of Europe did with­draw its self from the Tyranny there­of, and did run the risque of an irre­coverable destruction. In which Af­fair, as in all other, we will only observe, how much humane prudence and designs contributed thereto, and will rather adore with an humble respect and admiration the Counsel and Work of God Almighty, than presump­tuously penetrate into his Holy Myste­ries; and here we may not unfitly quote that expression which Tacitus uses in his History; Abditos Numinis [Page 103] sensus exquirere illicitum, nec ideo asse­quare. Now Leon the tenth, was a peaceable, magnificent and very libe­ral Prince to Wise and Learned Men, and might have pass'd for a good Pope, had he had but an indifferent knowledge of Religion, and inclina­tion to Piety, for both which (on the contrary) he was very insensi­ble: He living very splendidly, and having exhausted his Treasures by the extravagant Pomp and Magnifi­cence of his Court, did not under­stand the Art of making Gold, but was forc'd in his necessities to have recourse to the Cardinal Laurentius Puccius, who finding all the other means of getting Money quite ex­hausted, bethought himself of Indul­gences, which the Pope dispers'd for Money through all Christendom, in the most ample form, for the service as well of the dead as of the living, with permission to eat Eggs, and Milk-Victuals on Fast-days, with se­veral such like privileges; and the Money which he hoped to collect by this infamous commerce, was already dispos'd of, and that especially, which [Page 104] was to be gather'd in Saxony, and in all that Country to the Sea, was destin'd for Magdalen the Pope's Si­ster; and that they might extract greater gains from this sort of Mer­chandice, a Commission of collecting such Money was given to one Arcim­boldus a Bishop in name and habit only, but a man that was incomparably well versed in the tricks of the Genoa Merchants, and that would only deal out Commissions to such as bad most for them, and whose only prospect was the advantage and gain that could be made of 'em. Now 'twas anci­ently the Custom in Saxony for the St. Austin's Hermets to preach the In­dulgences, but Arcimboldus his Com­missioners knowing the great Expe­rience they had in that sort of work, durst not trust them for fear of being out-witted by 'em, therefore they made choise of the Dominicans; this procedure touch'd the Austin Monks to the quick, whilest they saw it re­flected on their reputation, and in­fring'd their rights and privileges.

But the Dominicans to shew their diligence in their new employ, preach­ed [Page 105] up their Merchandice extreamly to the great scandal of their Audi­tors, whilest the Commissaries spent in riotous Debauches what the poor peasants had scrap'd together, to re­deem their sins withal. Thereupon Luther, a Monk of St. Austin's Order, took occasion to preach against this impudent and scandalous commerce; and after that, he had throughly ex­amin'd the whole contrivance, he propos'd Ninety Five Theses upon that Matter at Wittenburg, in the year 1517. against which, John Tetsel a Dominican Fryar of Frankford on the other, propos'd as many quite con­trary; the dispute being thus com­menc'd, they began both to write at large in defence of their propositi­ons; but whilest Luther had the Scrip­tures and Reason on his side, his Ad­versary could not defend his Opini­on by any stronger Arguments than the Church and Pope's Authority; this oblig'd Luther to go farther, and to search into the ground and foundation of the Pope's Authority, and to examine in what condition the Church then was, whereby he more [Page 106] and more discover'd the errors and abuses thereof, and sharply repre­hended the scandalous Lives of the Popes and Monks, and prov'd that the Soveraign powers were oblig'd to reform such abuses; and to the end that he might be supported by them, he very advantageously represented their condition, power and grandeur, where­of the Priests had before given little and contemptible Idea's, and vilifi'd them extreamly, by which means his Do­ctrine was receiv'd by a great num­ber of persons, and spread it self mightily in a small time.

Sect. 26. But that we may the bet­ter understand how a poor inconsi­derable Monk could give so terrible a blow to the Pope's Authority, we must observe that next to the Divine Direction and Concurrence, the fit juncture of time did not a little con­tribute to the so strange success of this mighty Work, as likewise the Dispo­sitions of the people's minds at that very time.

For first the Cause of Luther, con­cerning the Indulgences, was so just and reasonable, that several Famous [Page 107] Divines ranged themselves on his side, (though they afterwards fell off from him) as well as some Cardinals, and George Duke of Saxony himself: And his Adversaries were such persons, that all honest men were scandaliz'd at their ignorance and malice: Besides, there was no body at first that could have been perswaded, the business would have gone so far. Luther him­self did not then dream of his re­volting from the Pope. Maximilian the Emperor was not averse to Luther's Doctrine; and when he heard of him, he is reported to have said, They should keep that Monk for him; there were only a few Monks, and the Commis­saries of the Indulgences, whose Trade was like to go to wrack, that oppo­sed themselves; and they made such a-do, that by their folly and impru­dence they rais'd a little spark of fire into a mighty and dangerous com­bustion.

Now Christendom at that time was in a very miserable condition, the whole World was plung'd into unnecessary Ceremonies, the malici­ous Monks rul'd uncontrouledly over [Page 108] the minds and consciences of the Laity, which they had fetter'd in undisso­luble bands. The Divinity of those times, was degenerated into meer So­phistry and Bantering. The Priests de­fin'd their opinions, and laid down their propositions without ever put­ting themselves to the trouble of prov­ing them; and the way of living of the then Clergy from the highest to the lowest, did contract the Odium and contempt of all the World; the two preceding Popes, Alexander the sixth, and Julius the second, had made their Memory stink, and left a very bad name behind 'em upon the ac­count of their vices, their quarrel­somness infidelity, ambition and o­ther such qualifications very much disagreeing with the requisites of a Clergy-man; the Bishops if they were any thing worth, were nevertheless deeply embroil'd in worldly Affairs, and most of 'em lead a very scanda­lous life, being better versed in the hunting of Beasts, than in the Apo­stolick way of catching Men; the Priests and Monks were plung'd o­ver head and ears in ignorance, and [Page 109] gave a great Scandal to the common People by their Debauches and irregu­lar Lives, as they were become unsup­portable to all the World by their in­satiable Avarice and Thirst after Riches.

Besides, those that oppos'd them­selves first against Luther, were mise­rably ignorant, and for the most part infamous Monks, who not being us'd to his way of disputing, were at the first bout confounded, and could not tell where to lay hold on him; and tho' in the preceding times the Clergy were as bad as then, yet the universal ignorance of those barbarous Ages did not let it appear; but afterwards, when Europe began to be enlighten'd by the blooming dawn and restorati­on of Letters, their Spots and Defor­mities were expos'd to every man's naked Eye: And therefore it was, that the Priests and Monks, whose Eyes were offended and dazled by the new-appearing Light, were so much incens'd against those Instauratores lite­rarum, and sought all ways to suppress 'em; and because they would do it with good grounds, they made a Work [Page 110] of Religion of it; which oblig'd the Men of Learning to ridicule their sim­plicity, and to labour more and more to discover their shameful ignorance.

Thus the Monks began an impu­dent Quarrel against Johannes Reuchli­nus, and, right or wrong, would prove him a Heretick; where they shame­fully confounded themselves, and gave occasion to that learned Gentleman Ulrich van Hutten (as I take it) to ral­ly them most strangely in his Epistolis obscurorum virorum.

Now whilst the War was carried on with a great deal of heat and bit­terness, between the Champions and Persecutors of Learning, the business of Luther very opportunely fell out at the same time; therefore the Monks us'd all their Arts and Perswasions to engage the Learned to oppose Luther, thereby to suppress both Parties with their own Arms: Which was the occasion that most of the Cultores bonarum litera­rum ranged themselves on Luther's side; as in effect, no man can deny, but that the learned Erasmus of Roter­dam had a great share in this Refor­mation, by discovering and publick­ly [Page 111] reprehending a great number of their Errors and Abuses; by rejecting their Scholastick Divinity; by exciting the People to the reading of the Bi­ble and the Ancient Fathers; by tur­ning into Ridicule the Barbarity and Ignorance both of the Priests and Monks; and in short, by favouring in general the Cause of Luther at the first, though his hot and violent way of writing was not altogether approv'd by him.

Now the bare silence of Erasmus was extreamly disadvantageous to Luther's Opposers; for whilst Erasmus at that time was look'd upon to be one of the most learned Divines of Europe, it was universally believ'd, that he would en­gage himself in this Quarrel against Luther, had he not perceiv'd, that he had reason of his side; for when he afterwards put forth his Book de Libero Arbitrio, it did not meet with many Partizans; whilst it was very remarka­ble, that he writ it more at the Sollici­tations of others, than as his own real Belief and Perswasion: Besides, it was a thing which had but little reference to the matter in hand: And moreover, [Page 112] it was very solidly and pertinently an­swered by Luther.

Then again, the German Princes and States were very much disgusted with the Court of Rome, upon the account of the manifold unreasonable Exacti­ons laid on them; for they saw well, that the design was only to fool them out of their Money, and thereby to support the Pope's extravagant Pomp and Magnificence. The imminent danger of War with the Turks did not a little contribute to the good suc­cess of Luther's Affairs: And the Di­visions and Quarrels happening be­tween Charles the Fifth, Francis the First, and Harry the Eight, made so great a bustle in the World, that no body was at leisure to mind the petty Disputes of the Clergy. Some are of opinion, that Charles the Fifth was not sorry to see the Doctrine of Luther make so great a Progress in Germany, for thereby the Empire being divided into Parties, he might the more easily oppress the States, and build an ab­solute Monarchy upon their Ruines; for otherwise he could not have found the least difficulty or opposition, had [Page 113] he undertaken to stifle the upstart Doctrine in its infancy, and in the year 1521, had seiz'd upon Luther at Worms, which might have past for an excellent Coup d'etat. But for all that, I can't believe that this Doctrine had been so easily supprest, though Luther had been put to death against the Im­perial Promise and safe Conduct which was given him. But 'tis much more probable, that the Emperor being then a young Prince, could not penetrate into the consequence of the Affair, and besides, did not think it conveni­ent to oppose the Elector of Saxony, who was then in great credit; and the Wars with the Turk and French King hindred him from attempting any thing against the Princes of Germany, whilst Francis began to make Leagues and confederate himself with 'em. Though 'tis most certain, that he serv'd himself afterwards of the Pre­text of Religion, to make War upon the Protestant States, that by their fall he might make himself a way to uni­versal Monarchy. But tho' Fortune smil'd on him at the Battel of Smal-kald. he could not perfect the so-lucki­ly [Page 114] begun design, whilst the assistance of the German Princes was so necessary to him both against the Turk and French, and whilst he design'd to place the Imperial Crown on his Son Philip's Head. In short, the Pope himself (Paul the Third) did so much dread the Fortune of the Emperor, that he excited the French to oppose his grow­ing Greatness, and to hinder the total ruin of the Protestant Party: Nor did he scruple to use the Turkish help thereto, so mightily was he afraid of a Reformation in his Court. In fine, the Pope had prejudic'd himself and his own Affairs by his ill Conduct; for it was a great oversight in Leon the Tenth, so violently to support the Cause of the Indulgence-sellers, as also his Decision by a Bull in the Month of November 1518. of the questions which were begun to be disputed on, whereby he cut off all means of an Accommodation, and depriv'd Luther of his hopes of Pardon or Reconciliati­on: Whereas he had done much more prudently, had he declar'd himself Neuter, and impos'd in the mean time [Page 115] Silence on both Parties, till he could have found out some expedient to ap­pease Luther. So likewise the Cardi­nal Cajetan acted very imprudently at Ausburg, in the following year 1519, in handling Luther so roughly, and not embracing his reasonable Proposition of Silence, on condition that the Car­dinal would oblige his Adversaries to do the same; for he forced him there­by to Extremities which perhaps he had never otherwise thought of, and to fly into an open Rebellion against the Papal Authority: But no­thing would satisfie, unless he retra­cted all his Writings; whereas they might have easily granted him, That there was a great Corruption of Man­ners, that he might desist from the Reformation of their Doctrine.

Besides, whilst the Pope was very instant with the Elector of Saxony, that he would deliver up Luther, he found himself more and more engag'd into a Proof of the Pope's Injustice, as also to shew upon what grounds his Cause was founded, that so he might induce the Elector to shut his Ears to the Pope's Request. But when Luther [Page 116] afterwards appeal'd to a Council, the Pope rendered himself very much su­spected, whilst he temporiz'd and spun out the Affair into a great many de­lays; for it was very visible, that he could never be able to defend his Cause, if it came once to be exami­ned by impartial and uninterested men. It happen'd likewise very unluckily, that the Pope embroil'd himself not long after with Harry the Eight, who to revenge himself of the Pope, ope­ned the Door to the English Reforma­tion: As also the House of Navarr did mightily contribute to the introducing and establishing of the same Religion in France, out of hate, as some think, to the Pope, who had excited Ferdi­nand the Catholick, to seize upon and possess himself of that Kingdom.

To all which we may add, That there were a great many honest men among the Papists, who were not sor­ry to see the Pope a little curb'd and check'd, as Luther us'd him. Thus all things wonderfully concurr'd to the executing the Divine Will and Decree of the Almighty.

[Page 117] Sect. 27. But why Luther's Do­ctrine has not made a greater progress nor overthrown the whole Popedom, there may be several strong and weigh­ty Reasons given thereof: For, first you must take notice, That so soon as several States had renounced the Pope's Authority, the chief direction of Ecclesiastick Affairs must necessarily devolve on the Supreme Magistrate: For though some of them would have assum'd the Authority over the rest, that were of the same Belief and Per­swasion, the others that thought them­selves quite as good, and as fit there­to, would never give their consent; which did much weaken their Union, and hindred them from acting so una­nimously against the Pope as he could do against them. Besides, at the first they did not proceed deliberately to a Reformation, as if they would after a mature consideration form a new state, but they fell into this Change insensibly and unexpectedly, and the business was carried underhand, and went on very slowly; and though Luther was the Bell-weather of the Flock, yet his Followers would not conform [Page 116] [...] [Page 117] [...] [Page 118] themselves in every point to his Sen­timents, but pretended that they had likewise something to say for them­selves. Hence did arise several Dif­ferences and Disputes among them, which whilst there was no body whose Authority was sufficient to de­cide 'em, and each one obstinately persisted in his Opinion, quickly oc­casion'd Schisms amongst them, and made them, forgetting their Com­mon Enemy, to fall foul upon one another. This gave the Papists a very fair occasion to say, The Hereticks were confounded amongst themselves, not knowing what they should be­lieve; and were wandring in an inex­tricable Labyrinth, since their falling away from the Romish Church. Here­to did not a little contribute those, who abusing the Name of the Holy Gospel, led an impious and scanda­lous life; as if the Gospel-Freedom consisted in the abandoning themselves to all sorts of Debauchery. This their ill Conduct gave occasion to the Pope's Followers to blacken the Doctrine of Luther, because he had so severely reprehended the scandalous [Page 119] Lives of their Clergy, and thereby had gain'd himself a strong Party. And it was likewise a great misfortune, that a very little after the preaching of Luther, there sprung up great swarms of Phanaticks, as the Ana­baptists, and such-like; and that the Bores in Germany made a dangerous Insurrection; all which Disturbances were by the Pope's Creatures attri­buted to Luther's Doctrine; so that a great many Princes began to suspect it, as if it were the Introducer of all sorts of Licence and Irregular Liber­ties amongst the Mobile, which they esteem'd a greater Evil than the Op­pression of the Clergy: So that they oppos'd themselves with all their might against this new and seeming­ly seditious Doctrine of Luther. Some are of opinion, That the Academy of Paris had a great share herein; for Luther imagining that the French Cler­gy were discontented with Leon the Tenth, upon the account of the Prag­matick Sanction, concerning the Ele­ction of their Bishops, and therefore would not let slip so fair an occasion of revenging themselves on him. [Page 120] 'Twas in these Thoughts that Luther was so willing to submit to their de­cision his Disputes with Eckius; but unfortunately for him, for they con­demn'd his Opinions in very rude and jocquant terms. Spain too found it to be her Interest to take into her pro­tection the Chair of Rome, and there­fore violently oppos'd the Protestant Religion, and so vigorously supported the solemn League in France, that Henry the Fourth, to gain the Crown, was absolutely forced to abjure his Religion. Some have likewise ob­serv'd, that the advancement of the Protestant Religion was not a little retarded first by Zuinglius, and after­wards by Calvin, who introducing a too great and hasty Reformation, as well in things relating to the external form of the Church, as in the essen­tial points of Faith, fell from one ex­tream into the other. Now Luther had chang'd very few of those things to which the People had been accu­stomed; for he left in the Church the Ornaments, Bells, Organs, and Candle­sticks, and retain'd likewise the grea­test part of the Mass, excepting that [Page 121] he added thereto several Prayers in the Vulgar Tongue; so that he was look'd upon by the greatest part as a Reformer only of some Abuses that had slipt into their Religion. But just as it appeared that this Revolution was like to be universal, Zuinglius inter­ven'd in Switzerland, and Calvin in France, who, instead of observing Lu­ther's method, began immediately to preach against the Presence of Christ's Body in the Eucharist, abolisht en­tirely all sort of Ornaments and Ce­remonies, broke in pieces the Altars and Images, extirpated all sort of Or­der in the Hierarchy, or Government of the Church, and despoil'd the Re­ligion of all that which might serve to attract the Eyes and the external Senses: Whereupon the common Peo­ple conceiv'd a great aversion against them, and cleav'd with much more zeal and attachment to the Religion which they received from their An­cestors.

The Riches of the Church did also not a little contribute to the progress of Luther's Doctrine, whilst several laid hold on the opportunity of appropria­ting [Page 122] them to themselves, and perhaps did no less hinder it, whilest most of the great Prelates stuck fast to the Church of Rome, who perhaps would have ventur'd to have shaken off the yoke, if the fear of losing their fat Benefices, had not kept them faith­ful to their Masters Interests; as we see that it happen'd in France, where the Prelates themselves, as well as the common People before the Refor­mation did mightily despise the Pope's Authority, but afterwards were great sticklers for the Chair of Rome, and stirr'd up the peoples hatred against the new Doctrine, as soon as they perceiv'd that if that prevail'd, they must out.

Sect. 28. But after that, the Pope and his Creatures were a little reco­ver'd out of the terrible consternati­on so puissant an opposition had put them in, and that his Adversaries be­gan to fall out among themselves, he establish'd his Affairs in a much bet­ter condition than at first, and stood so vigilantly upon his Guard, that the Protestants are not only incapa­ble of doing him any more mischief; [Page 123] but he does proceed every day to get signal advantages over them; for that which Luther took an occasion to hurt him most by, is now quite taken away; or at least, is more pru­dently and modestly practis'd by him, si non castè, saltem cautè: And the Wea­pons which Luther us'd against the Pope, are now by the same advan­tageously turn'd against their Master; for the Popes do no longer so impu­dently insult over Soveraign Princes as they were wont to do, but use them with much more civility and moderation; 'tis true, in the last Cen­tury, Paul the fourth did handle the Spaniards something roughly, as Paul the fifth in the Age wherein we live, did deal with the Venetians much after the same rate; but their differences were quickly termined by a prudent mediation, before the bu­siness came to be too high; and the Popes have been since convinced, that such heats are very prejudicial to their States; as in effect, Paul the fifth was immediately brought to rea­son, when the French Ambassador made him believe, that the Venetians [Page 124] had sent for Ministers from Geneva, and that he should shortly hear they were all turn'd Protestants. Besides, the Papal Chair has no more been fill'd by such notorious Debauchees as Alexander the sixth, or by any of so Martial and fighting an humor as Julius the second; but on the contra­ry, they endeavour to put their plots in execution with less noise, and more cunning, and by appearing outward­ly very zealous for the peace and quiet of Christendom.

The scandalous Merchandizing of Indulgences, and a too gross Simony is by them suspended, whilest they endeavour to drain the Peoples pur­ses by more honourable and plausible means; the Bishops likewise in gene­ral, are much mended, and comport themselves with more modesty and gravity than they did before Lu­ther's time, and there is now to be found amongst their Clergy, very Wise and Learned Men. They have like­wise in the Romish Church, made a great Reformation amongst the ordi­nary Priests and Friars, and that bru­tality and ignorance which hereto­fore [Page 125] was so common amongst them, is now no more to be seen. The brave and learned Sermons of Luther was that which at first procur'd him and his Disciples so great a concourse of people; they edified a great many by the excellent Books which they put out in their Mother tongue, to excite them to Meditation, Piety, Pray­er, and Spiritual Exercises; both which the Papists have since imitated; and there are found amongst them a great many good Preachers, and wholesome Books of Prayer and Meditation; so that at present, the Protestant Clergy have no longer reason to reproach the Romish with their want of that mode­sty and excellent conduct which they observe in the external Service of God. They are also well versed in all Con­troversies, and are ready with whole dozens of distinctions for every ob­jection made against them; for ex­ample, whereas there is nothing can be more ridiculously invented, than the Pope's distributing out Indulgen­ces for twenty or thirty Thousand Years, they give it a colour with the distinction of intensivè and extensivè, [Page 126] potentialiter and actualiter, wherein the young Students take a great deal of pleasure, and the ignorant imagine some great Mysteries to be invelopt therein; whereas also in Luther's time, the ignorance of the Clergy, and their hatred to Learned Men was so pre­judicial to the Popedom; those of that Communion, and especially, the Jesuits have since found remedies for that inconvenience; for the Jesuits have not only taken upon them the Information and Instruction of the youth, but in the Countries where they are establish'd, they have as 'twere made a Monopoly thereof, so that learning is now so far from being any longer prejudicial to 'em, that it pro­cures them great advantages: Lastly, They desisted from the propagation of their Religion with Fire and Sword, and endeavour'd to allure the chief­est of the Protestants, with good Words, great Promises, and effectual Preferments.

Those that will go over to 'em, if they have any parts and capacities, are sure to make their Fortunes; to which, upon the account of their [Page 127] Church's Riches they have the best opportunity in the World: Whereas on the contrary, if any one of them would turn Protestant, and does not bring means along with him, or is not of a more than ordinary understand­ing, he has nothing but contempti­ble poverty to expect.

Lastly, The House of Austria has much contributed to the raising up and restoring of the Popedom, by dri­ving out the Protestants, not only out of its hereditary Lands, but likewise from Bohemia, and the depending Provinces, and lately out of all Hun­gary, or else by obliging them to em­brace the Romish Religion.

Sect. 29. From what has been said before, may easily be understood, how, and by what means this Spiritual Monarchy has insinuated it self in the Western part of Christendom, but that you may the better conceive the structure and all the resorts of this Machine; 'twould not be amiss, if we consider'd the Pope two ways, first, as he is one of the Princes of Italy, and secondly, as the Ghostly Soveraign of the Occidental Churches.

[Page 128] As to the first, we say, That the Pope may very well pass for one of the greatest Lords in Italy, but un­der this consideration, must he yield to most of the Potentates of Europe; his Territories are the City of Rome with its Dependances on both the sides the Tyber, the Dutchy of Benevento in the Kingdom of Naples, of Spoletto, Urbin and Ferrara, the Marquisate of Ancona, several places in Hetruria, as also the Romaniola or Flaminia, contain­ing the Cities of Bolonia and Ravenna; in France he has the County of Avig­non; Parma is a Fee of the Church, which Paul the third invested his Son Peter Lewis Farnesse with, tho' since that time, it has been resolv'd, that for the future, it shall not be in the Pope's power to alienate the vacant Fees, nor invest any one with the Church-Lands, for fear of weakning the Papal State; and to the end that the Pope might have where­withal to maintain his Court, if it should happen that any part of his Foreign Revenues should fail or come short. The Kingdom of Naples is likewise a Fee or Copy-Hold of the [Page 129] Church, in acknowledgment of which the King of Spain does yearly present the Pope with a white Hackney, and five Thousand Ducats. As for the Pope's Pretensions upon other Lands, they are now no longer passable. All these Countries are peopled, and fer­tile enough, and do comprehend a great many considerable Towns and Cities, from whence the Pope does yearly draw about two millions of Gold; and his Officers are very care­ful that the People may not grow too rich.

Though there are good Souldiers enough to be found in the Pope's Dominions, yet his Militia is not very considerable, whilst the means he uses to maintain his Countries are quite contrary to those of other Princes. He keeps ready equipp'd about Twen­ty Gallies, which usually lie at Civita Vecchia.

The politick Maxims of the Pope, which he, as temporal Prince, puts in practice, do mostly consist in the maintaining of the Peace in Italy, and retaining it in the same posture and condition as it is at present, and espe­cially [Page 130] in suppressing any upstart Power that may give Laws to all the rest. Besides, 'tis his peculiar Interest to hinder the Turk from getting footing in Italy, and in case of any Invasion, to unite not only all the Italian Prin­ces, but likewise all Christendom against him, who likewise ought not to suffer that this noble Country fall into the hands of those Barbarians. The Pope has now no reason to be alarm'd by Germany, as long as it does continue in its present form of Government: But if it should happen to fall under an Absolute Monarchy, it might easi­ly revive its old pretensions. Spain and France are those which can only give the Pope his hand full of business, and therefore in respect of those it is the Pope's Interest to foment a conti­nual Division betwixt them; or to balance them so equally, that neither may be able to trample upon the other. I don't doubt but the Pope wishes with all his Heart that the Spaniard were not so near a Neigh­bour to him in Italy, and would not be sorry to see him driven out of Na­ples; but there's no probability that [Page 131] he could effect that himself; and to call in the French to drive out the Spanish, were to leap out of the Fry­ing-pan into the Fire. Therefore the Pope must be contented to hinder the Spanish from making any greater Pro­gress in Italy; and if at any time Spain should attempt it, France and the rest of the Italian Princes would soon be upon their backs. Nor is it less the Pope's Interest to hinder France from getting so sure footing there, as to be able to sway the Affairs of that Coun­try, according to its own will and pleasure. The Pope has nothing to fear from the other States of Italy; for though they cherish a secret ha­tred against him, whilst a spiritual power is become very formidable to them, and some of them have been shrewdly handled by him, yet they are forced to respect him outwardly, and dare not undertake any thing a­gainst him openly: But on the con­trary, they will never suffer him to aggrandize himself by the Ruines of any one of them; whilst that crafty Nation is very jealous of keeping the balance equal amongst them.

[Page 132] Sect. 30. But if we consider the Pope the second way, that is, as the spiritual Monarch of Christendom, and Vicar of Jesus Christ upon Earth, we shall find the whole basis of that Go­vernment so artificially and ingeniou­sly contriv'd, that a man may well say, there was never a more subtile Machine invented whilst the World stood, than is the POPEDOM, the which to support and maintain does require so much the more Cunning and Intrigues, as its Interests are dif­ferent from those of all the World beside, and the Title to such a pre­tended Soveraignty more weak and impertinent. The Prospect of other States is, to secure to themselves an external as well as internal Peace and Tranquility: 'Tis to this end that each Member of the Common-wealth does contribute as much as in him lies, not sparing Limb nor Life to put them­selves into a condition of resisting the Injuries and Violences of Strangers; as also each particular ought to pro­cure to himself a competent Subsi­stence by his proper Labour and In­dustry: But the aims and designs of [Page 133] the Papal Government is, that the Pope and his Clergy endeavour to make themselves rich, powerful, and considered in the World, and to provide for their own ease and security by the Sweats of other mens Brows, which they effect by all sort of allure­ments and plausible perswasions. And whereas other States are at excessive charges in the maintaining of stand­ing Armies and a number of Garri­sons; the Pope on the contrary makes his Militia subsist, how great soever it be, at the Expences of others, and yet does serve himself thereof much more advantageously than all others.

Besides, other Princes find it to be their Interest not to neglect the Maxim de imperio intra terminos coercendo; or of not extending too far the limits of their Territories: But the Pope has no reason to observe the same mea­sures, for 'twould be neither dange­rous nor troublesome to him, though his Empire should reach both to the East and West-Indies.

The Right of Soveraignty is groun­ded upon clear and uncontroulable Reason, and on the Institution of God [Page 134] himself; so that without it, it were impossible for men to lead an honou­rable, safe, and orderly Life; but I am sure, 'tis impossible to find so plain and well-grounded a Title of the Pa­pal Power; or to prove, That a Spiri­tual Soveraignty is as necessary to the Welfare of Christendom, as Temporal Powers are to the Peace and Tran­quility of Mankind: And he that will not believe this Position, let him on­ly bring one solid Argument to the contrary, and we will yield with ad­miration to the Subtleness of his Wit. But if the Popish Doctors will appeal to an express and positive order of God, they are oblig'd to bring clear and indisputable proofs from the Holy Scripture to demonstrate, that our Sa­viour, when he sent forth his Apostles into all Countries to preach the Go­spel, gave them power not only to teach all Nations, preferrably to all hu­mane prohibition, (which is not doubted) but also without the Sove­raign's Consent, though he should profess the same Christian Religion, to establish in the publick Ministry, who, and how many they themselves [Page 135] thought fit, and afterwards to resign to them the right of augmenting their Order without number, and without measure, whilst no body must contra­dict them, no, not so much as he whose Right they so boldly usurped; and that in consequence of these their Proceedings, since those they had thus establish'd, can't live by the Air, like Camelions, to impower them to scrape together by all sort of Tricks and In­ventions, not only what may be ne­cessary for the preservation of Life, but likewise to subministrate to Luxu­ry and Superfluity; and that besides all such as were resolv'd to embrace this Profession, should be freed from the jurisdiction of the Supreme Magi­strate; as also their Goods, howsoever acquir'd, nay, though they immediate­ly proceeded from the Revenue of the Republick, and were protected there­by, were yet to be independent of the Higher Powers: Nor might it be per­mitted them to lay any Taxes thereon, to limit their immoderate Bounds, or to convert them to any other use in the greatest case of necessity: And that the Supreme Direction of the Af­fairs [Page 136] of this Order, as well in the ad­ministration of all Offices, as of their Revenues, should belong to one of the same Order, on whom they should absolutely depend; whilst their law­ful Soveraign might not pretend to a more prevalent Right, although the Multitude, or the Rebellion of such a Spiritual Order, should tend to the ruine of the State; or that it could not be saved, but by the communi­cation of their Goods, unless the Di­rector of the Order gave his Consent to it.

Besides all this, there remains clear­ly to be prov'd another Hypothesis, which consists in Matter of Fact; as for example: That Jesus Christ con­ferr'd on St. Peter alone the spiritual Soveraignty over the Church, without the admission of any of the other Apostles into the Government, and that such a Prerogative was not con­fin'd only to his person, but that by an equal right it should eternally be­long to such as should succeed him in the place whereof he was Bishop: As also that St. Peter was actually Bi­shop of Rome, did there exercise such [Page 137] a Soveraignty, and that he did irrevoca­bly communicate it to this place alone excluding all others where he afterwards preached. Now, as the proof of these Propositions is extreamly difficult, the Doctors of the Romish Church ought to take care, that they do not form them too accurately before their Auditors, but only in general terms, and to co­ver 'em with the Foxes Tail; for 'tis much more their Interest to buzz into the Peoples Ears a number of Reasons, which are but little to the purpose; as for example, the Promi­ses made in Scripture, that the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against the Church; of the Greatness and flourish­ing estate of the Church; of its An­tiquity; of the Succession of the Popes; of the Fathers, Councils; of the Au­thority of so many Nations and times; of Wonders, and such-like stuff, very proper for a noisy Declamation. 'Tis an Expedient likewise which they have found very profitable, without much Debate, to brand those with the Title of Hereticks that dare to begin any Dispute with them; for it is just as much as if they should term them ig­norant [Page 138] and impertinent Novices, that have not yet learn'd their Trade, that don't know how to speak with Ho­nour before their Masters, but deserve to be burned.

Sect. 31. In the mean while 'tis very plain, that this Spiritual Sove­raignty was absolutely oblig'd to as­sume the form of Monarchy, and that it is altogether inconsistent with ei­ther Aristocracy or Democracy, as well upon the account of several other inconveniences, as because it would be morally impossible to erect any sort of Democracy or Aristocracy (where so many different opinions always occurr) that could be so well modell'd by the most exact and severest Laws, as not be plagu'd with a thousand Divisions, Schisms and Factions, where­by the whole structure built upon so weak Foundations, would soon fall to ruin; but amongst the several sorts of Monarchy, they have pitch'd upon so good a one, that it is impossible to find any other more agreeing with their Interests, than that they have chosen; and it is certain, that all the most subtile Speculations of poli­tick [Page 139] Writers, is nothing in compa­rison of what we see here actually perform'd; 'tis true, there have been Kings who have made themselves and their Countriesvery Famous, for as much as they have given out that they were descended from Divine origin, or that their States were founded either by the special command of the Gods, or confirm'd by Miracles wrought in their favour, or else they have by their Heroick Actions procur'd their Deification, and made their Subjects adore them after their Death; but the Pope has been able to perswade the people, that he is the true State-holder, and Vice-gerent of Jesus Christ, who has all Power in Heaven and on Earth, and that too, to be under­stood in a much higher Sence, than when it is sometimes said of the Su­preme Powers, that they are Earthly Gods; for he gives out, that he is the Dispenser of that Grace which is procur'd us by the Merits of our Sa­viour Jesus Christ, and that he who does not acknowledge his Power, can have no hopes or pretence to Salva­tion. Now there is nothing in the world [Page 140] that can more attract the most pro­found respect and veneration of men, than the Divine Majesty; and con­sequently, nothing more prevalent in the obliging them to obedience, and a blind submission to all sort of trou­ble and charges, than the fear of God's wrath, and the damnation of their Souls; and when once the Pope can insinuate the belief thereof into the Peoples minds, there needs no other demonstration of all the other Arti­cles of Faith, as [...], the Pope has said it.

Besides, tho' most other Nations look upon hereditary Kingdoms to be the best and most secure; yet this sort of Government does not square with the Pope's Interests; for where the Crown descends from Father to Son, 'tis impossible but that some­times the minorities of Kings must happen, which would sound very ab­surd, that God's Vicar upon Earth should sometimes ride upon a Hobby-Horse, and that the Monarch of all Christendom, should stand in need of a Tutor. Besides, 'twould be very difficult for a young Prince to as­sume [Page 141] such a Gravity as is absolutely necessary in the acting of that per­sonage, nor was it to be hoped that all the Successors and Posterity of the Pope could have equal inclina­tions to such an employ. In a word, the hereditary Right would have turn­ed it into a bare temporal Kingdom, which could not have been long sup­ported by so weak and unnatural a Title; not to add, that the Ministers of State, and those that enjoyed the chiefest Employs, would have endea­vour'd to turn out their Master, and put themselves in his place, where­as they now contain themselves in a very exact obedience, in hopes that they or theirs, may also by Election one day ascend to this Supreme Dig­nity; to which, force can never give them any right. Lastly, If this Mo­narchy had been made hereditary, the extinction of the reigning Family would have caus'd horrible Debates about the Succession, and perhaps at last, have over-turn'd the whole Ma­chine.

They have farther found it to be the Interest of the Popedom, that this [Page 142] Monarch should lead a single Life, which does very well agree with the Gravity of that Court, especially whilst a gawdy Attendance of young and airy Court-Ladies would have made an odd figure, and have been an ill example of a more than ordinary Piety and Devotion; 'twas likewise a piece of politick Hypocrisy, to seem to have so great an attachment to Heav'n as to be quite insensible to all fleshly motions and desires; nor was it easi­ly to hoped, that a Man who had Wife and Children could defend him­self from being debauch'd by them, and become more addicted to their particular Interests than to the pub­lick good, since there is no conside­ration or prospect that can come in competition with that a man has for the welfare and prosperity of his Family, whereof one may find a very remarkable example in the natural Children of Alexander the sixth, and Paul the third, to which we may add, that perhaps it was feared, lest a Se­cular Prince becoming Master of the Ecclesiastick States should make it hereditary in his Family, which, by [Page 143] obliging them to celibacy, can never happen.

The Conclave is likewise a good expedient to bridle the immoderate ambition of any Pope, and prevent those Schisms which heretofore did mightily weaken the Papal Autho­rity, and to hinder the long interreg­num's. And it is much more easy by the way of Election to find a person fit to exercise all the Cheats, Slights and Intrigues requir'd in such a Go­vernment, and whom they may better perswade the ignorant Vulgar, Stran­gers to the Arts of the Conclave, to be, by an especial Order of God, as the best and most capable, call'd to be his locum tenens, or Vicar on Earth. At least by such an Election they are able to find one that understands the Affairs of the World, and the Art of Governing, and who having laid aside the Heats and Extravagancies of Youth by his Age and Experience, may ren­der himself venerable. 'Tis also very politickly provided in the Election of the Pope, that two third parts of the Voices must concurr to the admission of any one to this Dignity, to the end [Page 144] that the Choice may not be displeasing to a too great number of Cardi­nals.

In the Election of a Pope, the greatest caution at present is, that he be not a Transalpine, that is, a Fo­reigner of any Country beyond the Alps, but a Native of Italy, which does not alone happen upon the ac­count of their being more favourable and desirous of transferring so great Honour and Profit on one of their own Country-men, rather than on a stranger; but chiefly, because their preservation and surety, depends on the keeping the balance equal betwixt France and Spain, which equilibrium a French or Spanish Pope would quickly ruin, and by a too great partiality to his own Nati­on, render himself hateful to the o­ther. They usually chuse an old man rather than young, that others may have some hopes of quickly attaining to the same Dignity, and that the Pope who governs, may not by a too long sitting at the Helm, change the Maxims of State, nor transferr too much Power or Riches on his own Family, nor make so many Creatures [Page 145] as to render the Popedom hereditary thereto. As to the rest, the Vigour of youth is not in the least necessary to the exercising all the Functions of this charge, for they are not requi­red to head an Army, or make any Campaigns, but only to set a grave and starch'd face on the matter.

The Conclave in the Election of the Pope, does likewise take care to chuse such a Successor, that is not too nearly alli'd to him that preceded him, for fear that all the Ecclesiastical Bene­fices should fall into one Family; and to the end, that the succeeding Pope may more earnestly redress those a­buses and grievances that have crept into the Government in his Prede­cessor's time. Lastly, They willingly make choice of such a one as is not too much in the French or Spanish Interests, nor that is hated by either of those Nations, as in effect, both those Crowns do usually propose him that they most desire to be excluded from the Papal Dignity; but it often happens, that he who was least thought on arrives to this Honour when the Cardinals are weary of dis­puting [Page 146] and intriguing, and are glad with all their Heart to get out of the Conclave.

It often happens also, that they find the same person, when possest of the Papal Chair, much different from what he was whilst Cardinal. Ne­vertheless, they do not prescribe him any Conditions before he enters upon his Government, since it would not be handsome to tie up his Hands with Humane Laws and Ordinances, who is supposed to have so extraordi­nary a measure of the Holy Ghost al­waies residing in scrinio pectoris: Yet the College of Cardinals is like a per­petual Senate of the Ecclesiastical state, whom the Pope consults in all impor­tant Affairs, though he and his Ne­phews don't alwaies follow their Counsel, but do what seems best in their own Eyes.

The chiefest Privilege of the Car­dinals is the power of chusing a Pope, who must be one of them, and one that has liv'd long and is well vers'd in all the Affairs of the Court of Rome; their usual number is Seventy, tho' seldom compleat: Ʋrban the Eight [Page 147] first gave them the Title of Eminen­tissimi, being only nam'd before Illu­strissimi, which Title grew very mean and common in Italy; but since the Cardinals have augmented their Titles, the Princes of Italy would ape them, and instead of being contented with Excellenza's, as they were ordinarily stiled, they must now be call'd Al­tezza's, or Their Highnesses. The Election of the Cardinals is wholly in the power of the Pope, who has usually regard therein to the Recom­mendations of France, Spain, and other Potentates. The Flatterers of the Papal Chair are not asham'd to main­tain, That the Dignity of a Cardinal is equal to that of a King; at least, they challenge the Precedence of the German Electors.

Since the time of Sixtus the Fourth, in the year 1471, the Popes have par­ticularly endeavoured to enrich their Friends and Relations at the expence of the Church. As for example; Sixtus the Fifth, in five years, left to his Family more than three millions of Ducats. Gregory the Fifteenth, in 27 Months time, more than three mil­lions [Page 148] of Crowns in Goods, besides rea­dy Money. The Barbarini, after the Death of Urban the Eighth, were left in possession of 227 Charges and Be­nefices, each amounting from three to five, eight and ten thousand Crowns. So that the Riches of that Family were valued at about thirty millions of Crowns. And though a great ma­ny were scandalized at this way of proceeding, yet if we rightly consider it, 'tis not so blame-worthy; for since the whole Popedom is founded on the Riches and Authority of the Clergy, 'twould be great Imprudence in the Pope to stifle that natural Inclination he has to his own Family, and not to promote the Grandeur thereof, as long as it is in his power to do it; and no­thing is more common, than to see Favourites, and such as Fortune smiles on, envied by those who are only de­sirous of the same condition. But for the rest, 'tis certain that the Popes would not know what to do with their Money, without that way of be­stowing it, since the Charges of their Militia is very inconsiderable. Since the time of Urban the Eighth it has al­waies [Page 149] been the Custom to make one of the Pope's Nephews chief Minister of State under the Title of Cardinal Pa­troon. Amongst the Motives that in­duced the Pope to intrust his Nephew with the sole Management of his Af­fairs, these are the most weighty: First, because nothing is more natural than to seek the Advantage and Pre­ferment of ours, before that of any other; and secondly, because the Per­son of the Pope is thereby much more secure, which is otherwise expos'd to far greater dangers than that of Here­ditary Princes is, whose death their Successors are wont to revenge; and we may from hence guess how much the Popes stand in fear of being poiso­ned, forasmuch as the Chaplain, when­ever the Pope communicates, must taste both of the Bread and Wine, be­fore he gives it his Master.

The Government of the Pope's Ne­phews has yet this farther advantage, That the other Governours and Mini­sters of State, who were us'd to heap up great Riches by an impudent and scandalous Sale of Offices, and by the supplanting of each other, were there­by [Page 150] kept in greater awe and modesty: Besides, the Nephews being inconside­rable as to their number, are there­fore the more easily satisfy'd. Nor will they let the other Officers squeeze and oppress the Subject, whilst all the Hate must fall upon them. They are also more necessary to the Pope, because by them he is more truly and exactly inform'd of the Interests of the Princes, than he is by his ordinary Ministers, who are not so much de­voted to the Pope's Service as are his Nephews, whose Interest it is likewise to take good care for the Government, for fear lest they should be one day call'd to an account: And 'tis upon that account that they more particu­larly endeavour to oblige one Prince, who in case of need may yield them a secure Refuge. In a word, by their means the Pope's Secrets are better kept; and it is most certain, that without them he must be oblig'd to depend on the Cardinals, who are mostly partial, receiving Pensions and Benefices at the hands of other Prin­ces.

[Page 151] Sect. 32. The Subjects of this Spiritual Monarchy may be divided into two Classes: Under the first we comprehend the Clergy; under the second all other Christians that make Profession of the Romish Religion, whom they commonly name the Lai­ty. The first of these we may com­pare to the standing Forces of any Princes, who having made great Con­quests, does thereby maintain them, and keep the conquered from shaking off their Yoke. The others are poor Tributary Slaves, doom'd to maintain so great a Militia at their own Expen­ces. The first are singular in this, That they are obliged to abstain from Marriage, which they pretend is upon the account of a more particular Ho­liness, and that they may uninterru­ptedly addict themselves to the exer­cise of the Charge: But the true rea­son is, That they may not be embaras­sed with the care of Wife and Chil­dren, to the prejudice of the Church's Interest, or oblig'd to side with the Prince under whose Dominion they live; nor cheat the Church of its In­come, to supply the necessities of their [Page 152] Families; but that they may devote themselves wholly to the Pope, and yield him a blind Obedience, and exe­cute his Orders against all, but more especially against the Princes whose Subjects they are, whose Anger they dread the less, because they are not joined or united to the Republick by so streight Bands as the rest are, and have but one body to take care for; whereas a Wife and Children are look'd upon to be the greatest and dearest Pawns of our Fidelity; but a single man can easily get his Bread in any Country. In fine, the Pope en­deavours by all sort of waies to free them from the Dependance and Ju­risdiction of their lawful Soveraigns, to subject them entirely to his own.

The Clergy also could never have satisfy'd their Avarice with so rich a Harvest, had they been oblig'd to have scrap'd up for their Wives and Children; nor so fair a Pretext of begging for the Church, and not for themselves: But in the mean while those that first introduced Coelibacy or a single Life among the Romish Clergy, were wonderfully overseen, [Page 153] in not finding out at the same time a fit Receipt for the Gift of Conti­nency, which had been very seasona­ble. We may guess at the multitude of the Clergy, by the computation which Paul the Fourth is said to make thereof, viz. That he had under his Jurisdiction Two hundred and eighty eight thousand Parishes, and forty four thousand Cloisters, especially if that of the Convents be just.

We may again divide the Clergy in­to those that are simply Priests, and those that have made particular vows, as the Monks and Jesuites, which may pass for the Pope's Life Guard: The pay of these Troops consists in honourable Charges, great Revenues, an easie Labour, idle daies, and a con­stant Kitchin; but those that are kept more strict, have their Heads fill'd with a particular Holiness and Merits and Advantages above the rest.

Sect. 33. The means which the Pope makes use of to keep the Laity in subjection, are the accustoming them to a belief, that he and his Ghost­ly Militia are the Promoters of their Sal­vation, [Page 154] and the Lords of their Con­sciences, which is the strongest Argu­ment in the World to lead them into a perpetual Slavery and Sub­mission to their Wills; but that it may be more serviceable to their Spiritual Monarchy, they have ac­commodated thereto some of the Ar­ticles of the Christian Religion, and since made some additions of others tending to the same end. So that if you take good notice of the Disputes and Contestations which they of the Romish Religion have with their Ad­versaries, you will alwaies find some Interest mingled therewith, concern­ing the Authority, Power, or Reve­nues of the Clergy: The chiefest of these Doctrines is concerning the Power and Authority of the Pope, of his Superiority over the Councils, and of his Infallibility; which last point the Jesuites have stretch'd as far as possible; for that being once granted, all the rest is an easie and natural consequence thereof. But the Senti­ments of the Ancient Christians, with whom (if I am not mistaken) the Sorbon at present holds; viz. That [Page 155] the Councils are at least equal if not above the Popes, are directly oppo­site to the grounds of the Papal State; for this Opinion once stiffly maintain'd, would destroy the Monarchy, and on its Ruins erect a Democracy; and in effect, to grant the Pope such almigh­ty Prerogatives, and yet subject him to his Creatures and Vassals, are things incompatible, and inconsistent with one another: For that which the Ho­ly Writings of the Fathers have attri­buted to the Church, must be only understood of the Pope, just as in or­dinary Discourse we ascribe that to a whole Kingdom, which is done by the King alone.

The reading of the Holy Scriptures is forbid the Laity, and only permit­ted to the Clergy; which does not alone contribute to the Grandeur of the Priests, as if they were the only persons worthy to approach the Di­vine Oracles, but does also more par­ticularly hinder the Laity from finding any thing contrary to the Interests of the Clergy, and becoming too wise, and refusing any longer blindly to re­ceive the Fables of their lying Priests. [Page 156] So that the Laity not being permit­ted to search into Matters of Di­vinity, nor to examin them seriously, are oblig'd to referr themselves wholly to their Priests. Hence is it that they appropriate to the Pope the Right of interpreting the Scriptures, and of giving an absolute decision of all con­troverted points, to the end that none may be alledg'd that are prejudicial to his Interests.

They give out too, That the Scriptures are imperfect, and there­fore to be supply'd by Traditions, to the end, that when they would preach up any Doctrine advantageous to the Holy Chair, of which there is not the least tittle to be found in the Scripture, they may appeal to Tradition, and so spare themselves any farther de­monstration.

In the Doctrine of sins they have a distinction betwixt venial and mor­tal sins, as also of particular cases and exceptions, all which does only tend to the profit and advantage of the Priests; and all that infinite number of Books of Confession, enough to lade a whole East-India-Fleet, are not [Page 157] writ for the amendment of sins; but to the end, that by the Taxes therein contain'd the Dominion of the Clergy may be confirm'd, and their avarice satiated.

The comfortable Doctrine of the Remission of Sins, is intirely accom­modated to their Interest; for whilst it is no advantage to the Clergy, that a truly penitent sinner should obtain remission of his sins by the confidence he has in the merits of Christ alone; therefore they teach, that to the attainment of a full and perfect forgiveness of sins, a man must reveal even the least particulars of all and every sin to the Priest, whereby they do not only make the people to be at their Devotion, and give them such impressions as are most conformable to their Interests, but they do more particularly there­by, discover all the secrets and designs of Families, and the humor and in­clinations of the people, and by that means, have the best intelligence of all that is done, tho' they are forbid to re­veal what is imparted to them at Confessions; for without that caution [Page 158] of secresy, they could never have been able to have establish'd a thing so contrary, and so ungrateful to humane nature.

They promote also the works of Satisfaction according as the Father-Confessor shall find convenient to im­pose them; now these bring no small profit to them; for tho' the impos'd pennance mostly consists in Prayers, Pilgrimages, Fastings, Whippings and such like; yet the rich are always condemned to some pecuniary mulct, which must be converted to the Be­nefit of the Convents, Churches, and the Poor, under which they compre­hend the Begging Friars, who there­fore them themselves minimos Fratrum, according to the fifteenth of St. Mat­thew, that their bag might be the bet­ter fill'd: Now this interpretation of the Scripture, has burthened Chri­stendom with more than an hundred thousand idle Bellies.

Besides, The first sort of Penitence may easily be redeem'd by Money, if they on whom 'tis impos'd, should find it too grievous; and in effect, What rich man is there, that would [Page 159] not shew himself respectful and li­beral to his Holy Father, that he may be merciful to him, and make his pennance more light and easy? 'Tis no hard matter to guess, why good works are reckoned amongst the means of obtaining Salvation, for as soon as they proceeded to give the definition of good works, they placed in the first rank, all Gifts and Libera­lities bestow'd on the Clergy, Chur­ches and Convents, and other acts introduc'd by the Pope and his Crea­tures out of a principle of Hypocrisy, and Superstition; to which they ad­ded this Doctrine, That the Monks and Friars could not only satisfy for their own sins, but that they had also an inexhaustible stock of Supererroga­tory Merits remaining to be bestow'd for the use and service of the sinful Laity; from which Superfluity they have erected a Magazine of an ex­treamly profitable Merchandice, which cost them nothing either to stow, or keep, which neither grows mouldy nor musty by length of time, which never diminishes; and which in a word, cannot be restor'd by the buy­er, [Page 160] tho' he should afterwards chance to discover the insignificancy and un­profitableness thereof. They have likewise burthen'd the exercise of Re­ligion with so many unnecessary Ce­remonies, Holy-Days, and superflu­ous Processions, built so many use­less Churches, Chapels and Altars, only that the swarming drones of the Clergy may have just something to do, and not seem to be always and wholly idle, and to the end, that they may still get a little by these and the like Fopperies.

This is likewise the reason of their multiplying the Sacraments to the number of seven, since the admini­stration of each one brings in grist to the Priest's Mill: They have intro­duc'd the Mass without Communi­cants, baptizing it a Sacrifice for the Living and for the Dead; to the end, that the Dead as well as the Living, may be put under Contributions: Besides, nothing of Importance is ta­ken in hand by a pious Catholick, till he has made a Mass be said for his good success. There is no Man of Quality, that dies without order­ing [Page 161] a good number of Masses to be said for his Soul, for which the Priest must be well greas'd in the Fist. It happen'd once by chance or for­getfulness, that the Cup was not ad­ministred to the Laity, afterwards it became a Law; and tho' the Insti­tutions of Christ and the practice of the Church for several hundred Years together, was directly contrary to this encroachment; yet they obstinately persisted therein, lest it might be said, the Church has err'd, and that the Clergy might enjoy a Prerogative a­bove the Laity; nay, so far their im­pudence proceeded, that as if they design'd to mock both GOD and Man, they give the Laity the unblest Cup, which in a scornful manner they name the Washing Cup, as if they had eaten some unclean thing, and must wash their Mouths after it. Marriage must be turn'd into a Sacrament, tho' it seem never so absurd and ridiculous, that the Clergy alone may take cog­nizance of all Affairs thereunto be­longing, which being almost innu­merable, are very profitable to them; and of no less consequence, for there­on [Page 162] depend the Estates, Inheritances, and Successions not only of private Persons, but many times of Kingdoms also; hence it was that Mary the first, Queen of England, found herself ob­lig'd to re-establish Popery in her Kingdom, whilst without the Pope's Authority, she could never have past for Legitimate; thus Philip the third, King of Spain, saw himself indispen­sably engag'd to espouse the Pope's Interest, because amongst other obli­gations, it was not the least that he permitted him to be born of his Father's Sister's Daughter, which could hard­ly have receiv'd a Dispensation a­mongst other Christians.

Now the same Religion that scru­ples not to dispense with the nearest Bonds of Consanguinity, has intro­duc'd an endless Roll of forbidden De­grees, and likewise forg'd a new sort of spiritual Affinity. Why? To afford the Priests a more frequent occasion of Dispensations, which brings in an inestimable Revenue. In the extream Unctions, the Clergy have found out a very proper expedient of giving the dying person a friendly admonition [Page 163] to make some pious Legacies, all which tends to their profit.

Nor is there any other design in the Fiction of Purgatory, than to wheedle those that are just departing (and who then little value the goods they must leave to others) to give a good part thereof to the Clergy, to the end that by their Prayers and Masses they may the sooner get out of a place so terribly hot and thirsty. The adoration likewise of Relicks, does not make the least part of the Clergy's Revenue, for with an old rotten knuckle-bone, they will re­ward the greatest Services that the Pope's most faithful Creatures shall have rendred to him. The Invocati­on of Saints has furnish'd them with a very fair and specious pretext of building so many the more Churches, of Instituting more Holy-Days, of pro­viding more Priests to officiate, and of extorting more Money from the Laity to maintain them. Besides, the Canonization of Saints which depends on the Pope's breath, does contract a greater respect and admiration of his power, as if he could dispose of [Page 164] Charges and Offices in Heaven, and that God Almighty were oblig'd to re­ceive all the Candidates the Pope should present him, by which means he can dispose of the wills of other Princes Subjects offering so conside­rable a Reward to their Ambition and Credulity, on condition that they will maintain his Interests to the very last. To which we may add, That since Superstition has got the upper hand, none but Ecclesiasticks have been admitted into the number of Saints, and especially such of them, who by some rare Master-piece of Hypo­crisy, and a false and affected Devo­tion, have render'd themselves Famous o'er the World. And if this Honour has at any time been granted to a Secular Person, either he, or those that sollicited it for him, must have merited it by no common Ser­vices.

As to the rest, I shall not trouble my self to particularize how the Cler­gy have cheated poor simple people of their Money, by the invention of Miracles, Images, Apparitions, Exor­cisms, Indulgences, Jubilee-Years, for­bidden [Page 165] Meats, and a thousand such like Tricks and Devices.

Sect. 34. After these means the Uni­versities have not a little Contribu­ted to the establishment of the Pope's Authority, which have been sounded partly by the Pope, and partly by other Princes; yet after such a man­ner, that most of 'em must receive their Confirmation from Rome; and the Pope has arrogated to himself the chief management of them, and the consequences of such a Polity are plain enough, whilst the Professors, who are all the Pope's Creatures do not only establish the opinions of Rome during their Life, but do likewise per­petuate them, by leaving such Suc­cessors as are debauch'd and corrup­ted, with the same Doctrine.

Hence is it, that the Academies and the Studies exercis'd therein have been accommodated, as much as possible, to the Pope's Interests: So that the Professors of Divinity (who challenge the first rank in the University) were not alone the Pope's Creatures, but the Professors also of the Canon-Law were very zealous in defence of [Page 166] the Pope's Authority, and mingled his Decrees that he had forced upon Christendom, with the Chicane of or­dinary Processes; for 'tis the Canon-Law that has caus'd that tediousness of Law-Suits, since the Clergy have usurp'd so great a Jurisdiction, the better to satiate their eternal Avarice with the Bribes and Presents which both Parties fee their Advocates with. The most part of the Philosophers were also the Pope's Partizans, so that no one of 'em durst examine the business seriously for fear of being op­pos'd by the others: Besides, the Di­vinity and Philosophy which was taught in the Schools, was not taught with the design of rendering the Au­ditors more knowing and learned, but that they might amuse and blunt the more penetrating Wits with a parcel of silly, non-sensical terms, and by that means be hindered from acquiring a fundamental knowledge of those things which might enable them clearly to discover the Papal Cheats. Their School-Divinity did not consist in the search and interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, but mostly in the decision [Page 167] of unprofitable questions propos'd by Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Sco­tus, and other such Patriarchs of ful­som Pedantry. That likewise which they name Philosophy, is nothing else but ridiculous Chymerical Propositi­ons consisting of barbarous Latin, and inexplicable terms, the understanding of which was more prejudicial than profitable to the young Students: So that all knowledge consisted in know­ing nothing rightly.

And they have had the confidence to teach these Bagatels and idle Spe­culations not only in barbarous igno­rant times, but even at this present, that all Arts and Sciences are in their Meridian, is that leaven spread abroad, and propagated with all the industry and cunning imaginable: On the con­trary, good and solid Sciences are op­press'd, and especially such as serve to open our Eyes in humane affairs, as chiefly the so necessary Doctrine of Morals, which is quite spoil'd by them, and turned into a Labyrinth, out of which it is impossible to disentangle ones self, which they make use of to ensnare People, and load their Con­sciences [Page 168] with so many doubts and un­certainties, that being no longer able to regulate their Actions by clear and evident Principles, they must let them­selves be guided by the Will of an in­terested Confessor.

Sect. 35. But because it was ob­serv'd, that in Luther's time the study of Letters did not a little diminish the Pope's Authority, the Jesuites being the faithful Guards of the Papal Chair, did afterwards take upon them the management of all Schools and Col­leges; but not content therewith, usurp'd likewise the Instruction of little Children, to the end that they might so form their Studies, as not only not to prejudice the Kingdom of Darkness, but rather to promote and advance the Interest thereof. And indeed the Education of Children has not only enrich'd their Society, and brought it into great credit, but is also a mighty prop to the Papal Au­thority, to which they are more devo­ted than all the other Orders, for thereby they inspire the tender and flexible Youth with Sentiments of an extraordinary respect and veneration [Page 169] for the Pope, as also with any other Inclinations that may render them serviceable to their Interests, and there­fore accustom them from their Youth to an obstinate persistance in the Opi­nions which they have once embraced, and a resolution of never yielding to contrary Reasons, so that they are in­capable of ever attaining to the know­ledge of the Truth. The Jesuites al­so learn from thence the Constancy and Affections of their Scholars, of which knowledge they serve them­selves very efficaciously, when these come to be employ'd in State affairs; but those that are dear to them either on the account of their Wit or Riches, they most industriously endeavour to draw into their own Order, by which means the famous Discipline of their Schools only tends to the supporting of the Pope's Authority; and though they are fam'd for an excellent me­thod of teaching Children Latin, yet they are very cautious of rendering their Scholars too learned, unless they are destin'd to their Order.

[Page 170] Besides that, as the Jesuites, by the Government of Colleges have had oc­casion to draw into their Society a great many learned men, and that in their Conversation and way of living they are extreamly civil and polite, differing much from the courseness and rebutting Pedantry of the other Monks; under the pretence of Con­fessors, they have insinuated them­selves into most of the Courts of Eu­rope, and by cunningly arrogating to themselves Intrigues of State, they sway the Councils of Princes, and di­rect them to their own advantages, which as they are inseparably annext to the Pope's, so is his never forgot by them. Yet nevertheless, in some places they have made themselves ex­treamly odious, by their insatiable Avarice, and earnestness of interposing in all sort of matters. And they are no less envied by the old Orders of Monks, as having much encroach'd on their Rights and Authority. One of the means which are also us'd to main­tain the Grandeur of the Chair of Rome, is the Power which the Pope and his Creatures have attributed to [Page 171] themselves, of censuring all Books, so that nothing may appear in print that is contrary to their Interests; which Censure they use with so much rash­ness and impudence, that they do not only retrench what they dislike in old Authors when they are reprinted, but they have the confidence to in­sert whole passages, which may be serviceable to their designs.

If any new piece happen to be written and printed in the Pope's Territories, 'tis presently taken into a strict examination, and whatsoever has slipt in that is contrary to their Interests, 'tis put into the Index ex­purgatorius, that in the second Edition it may be quite omitted: But the Books that are written by their Ad­versaries, are absolutely forbid to be introduced into their Country: Nor may any man read them without a special permission, or such alone as are so much prejudiced against them that they do not fear will be de­bauch'd. So that by this means they may brand their Adversaries, and blacken them as they please, since it is not allowed their people to read [Page 172] either their Writings or Refutations. Besides, some have observ'd, that the scandalous Lives of the Popes having been extreamly prejudicial to the Ro­mish Religion, because they were ex­pos'd to all the World by the Wri­tings of the Protestants, they do now endeavour to retort the same Reproa­ches on the Protestants, not only by declaring the Faults and Oversights of some few particulars, but by char­ging them with the most scandalous Vices, and desiring them afterwards to prove the contrary; whereby they prepossess their Followers with notions extreamly disadvantageous to the Pro­testant Religion.

They have likewise Impudence enough to cry up the Miracles and Exploits of their Martyrs, done in very remote Countries, by which they acquire a great credit, at least with the more simple sort of people: Which Trick of theirs, amongst ma­ny others, is exactly remarked by Edwin Sands an English Gentleman, in his View of the Religions of Eu­rope.

[Page 173] Sect. 36. But there are yet more violent ways which the Pope uses to support the Majesty of his Character, amongst which the chiefest was that terrible Ban or Excommunication, whereby whole Countries have been forbidden the exercise of their Reli­gion, and Kings and Emperors have been forced to truckle to the Mitre; but now a-days these Arms are no lon­ger so dreadful as they were hereto­fore, unless it be to some of the petty Princes in Italy: But in Spain and Italy they have erected a singular Tri­bunal, which they christen Officium Sanctae Inquisitionis, wherein they en­quire and proceed against such as are any ways suspected of Heresie; the worst of which is that which de­stroys the Credit, Doctrine, and De­crees of the Pope: By which means the people are kept in an intolerable Slavery: And the Pest is not so dread­ful to the Inhabitants of those Coun­tries, as is this sort of Justice, which is so rigorously put in execution, that he who falls into the Inquisitor's hands, shall not escape without the loss of a great many Feathers.

[Page 174] Sect. 37. Now, though the Dire­ction and Administration of the Popish Religion, together with other means which we have already shown, are sufficient to keep the People in the Bounds of their Duty, especially since the Romish Clergy do so well manage the business, that they can content every one; and that most of those that live under the Pope's Jurisdicti­on, credulously swallow for great Truths all that their Priests tell them; nor have they any opportunity of knowing the contrary: Yet I really believe, that the most politick and learned among them plainly see how matters go, and would never conti­nue under so ridiculous and intolera­ble a Yoke, without a great many worldly Prospects; and if I may pro­nounce my Judgment in the case, I fansie, that most of 'em are kept back from declaring against it, because they are unable to oppose it alone; nor are they willing to ruine a good Fortune, which they enjoy amongst the Pa­pists, and to go over to the Prote­stants, where they are to expect no­thing but Poverty and Contempt, [Page 175] which is too sharp a trial of their Faith, and therefore they think it is enough if they believe in Jesus Christ and his Merits, and that thereby a­lone they shall be saved. And as for the other Opinions which are the additamenta religionis, they yield an external compliance to them, but think they may believe as much of them as they please: Whether the common people and Women, who are usually delighted with strange and in­credible things, believe them in good earnest, or not, is of no great impor­tance: Besides, there are, without doubt, a great many that are not able to distinguish what there is of Divine in their Religion, and what the Cler­gy for their own Interests have added; therefore if they happen to discover the Impostures of the last, they look upon all the rest as a meer Fable, but are forced to conceal their Atheism from the World, for fear of bringing themselves into trouble. And let any wise man judge how easily an Italian or Spaniard, that has never read the Bible, nor any good Protestant Book, may fall into such impious Thoughts [Page 176] so soon as he begins to discover the Cheats of his Clergy. 'Tis likewise certain, that since Luther's time, the Popedom has put on another face, and does proceed much more cau­tiously than heretofore.

Besides, there are a great number of People, of all Conditions, that find their Advantage in the Romish Com­munion, either by entring into seve­ral Orders of Knights, or but putting themselves into Convents, which is oftentimes a great ease, and some­times the aggrandizing of a whole Family; and at the least, the supersti­tious Parents are very well contented therewith, and think they merit not a little, by an early dedication of their Children to God. In fine, such as can't make their Fortune in the World, have no more to do, than to cast themselves into a Cloister, and there they are provided for all their life; which Advantage they could not enjoy, if the Papacy should be exterminated, and the Ecclesiasti­cal Goods confiscated to the State. The Popish Doctrin is also so deeply rooted in those Countries where it [Page 177] does at present reign, that if any should undertake to abolish it, he could never attain his ends, whilst the Priests would not fail to move Heaven and Earth against him, or find a Clement or Ravaillac to shorten his days; but most of the Princes find it their Interest to maintain the establish'd Religion; or at least, they find no profit, but rather a great deal of danger in beginning a change.

Sect. 38. But Italy especially, has no small Advantage in maintaining the Papal Dignity, because that Land is become very considerable by the continual Residence of the Pope, and by that Prerogative it has, that the Pope must always be an Italian, and because there is no Noble Family in all Italy that does not receive some profit from the Pope.

As in Poland, the Bishopricks and richest Prebendaries, are possessed by the Nobility of that Country, who there enjoy likewise the Soveraign Power; they have great Interest in the Popedom, since the Bishops as Senators of the Kingdom, are there [Page 178] in great Credit. In Portugal, the Clergy is also very Powerful, and would easily embrace the Spanish Fa­ction, if their Prince should go about to make any Innovation in the Re­ligion; and therefore we have seen in this last Age, that the Portugueze have not dar'd to mutter against the Pope, tho' he in favour of Spain has us'd 'em very scurvily about the Col­lation of New Bishopricks, and given them reason enough to slip their Necks out of so uneasy a collar. In Germany, several of the States of the Empire stick close to the exercise of the Popish Reli­gion; and amongst the Imperial Cities, Collen, as well as some other of less Importance, swarms with idle Priests and Monks; and amongst the Counts, and Orders of Knighthood, all such as have any prospect of attaining to Ecclesiastical Charges and Benefices; a­mong the temporal Princes the Elector of Bavaria, has always persisted obsti­nately in his Religion, in hopes of aspi­ring one day to the Imperial Dignity, of which he would be totally frustrated, if he should abandon the Pope's In­terest; [Page 179] and why some Protestant Princes have return'd unto the Romish Yoke is, I think, very well known. That the Bishops and Prelates of Ger­many, are so good Catholicks is no wonder, because 'tis a much sweeter and agreeable Life, to be a rich Prince, than a poor Preacher. Besides, they are deterred from any thoughts of change by the example of two Ele­ctors of Collen, whose designs were very unhappy and fatal to them.

In Charles the fifth's time, Spain by its Intrigues, impeded the pro­gress of the Reformation, and since the loss of so fair an opportunity, the Emperor par raison d'etat, cannot a­bandon the Pope's Interests, tho' he should desire to do it; and the Eccle­siastical Princes are forced to hold with him, that they may have a support against the temporal ones; but if the Emperor should really design to leave the Pope, 'tis most certain, that he would first have all the Clergy upon his back, nor could he be assur'd, that the Temporal Princes would stand by him, especially, whilst the Princes [Page 180] of the most Ancient and Noble Fa­milies, whose Religion is the only Bar of their Pretences to the Em­pire, might then with as much right aspire to it as any, and openly rival the House of Austria; the Pope too, would move Heaven and Earth against the accomplishment of a design so ter­rible and pernicious to his Dignity; nor would the French King let slip so good an occasion of advancing him­self to the Imperial Dignity, to which in such a juncture the Clergy would not fail to invite him.

The Spaniards would pass for the most zealous Defenders of the Holy Chair, but the true reason is, because the Pope's Favour and Protection is absolutely necessary to the peaceable maintenance of their Kingdom of Na­ples and Dutchy of Milan; and thus we see them usually cloak their en­terprizes with the pretext of defend­ing and propagating the Catholick Religion, but unsuccessfully for the most part; I will not speak here of the intolerable Greatness of the Spa­nish Clergy, nor of the strange things [Page 181] which they make the people believe, are contain'd in the Doctrine of the Protestants. France does not out­wardly appear so passionately to e­spouse the Interests of Rome, nor have the Popes been able to perswade the French Church to so absolute and slavish a submission as most other Churches have yielded them, so that when they endeavour'd to infringe or encroach upon their privileges; the Parliament of Paris did present­ly take Cognizance of the Affair, and the Sorbon has likewise often rejected several unreasonable Propositions ad­vanced by the Flatterers and Syco­phants of the Pope; they likewise spy the Nuncio's Conduct, and will not allow him too great a liberty, who when he comes out of Rome, bears his Crosier erected, but so soon as he Arrives on the French Frontiers, he carries it Reversed, till he obtains leave from the King to exercise his Function, and then too, they are forced to promise him, that they will use it no longer, nor no otherwise than he shall think fit. Besides, they are ob­liged [Page 182] to make use of French Secre­taries, and when they go away, to leave a Roll of their Negotiations, and their Seal behind them, and to use several other such Formalities, without which all their Proceedings would be null and void of effect; so that the French say, the Pope's Nun­cio receives his Commission as well from the King as the Pope, and that it is Precaria & ad Nutum Regis revocabilis; hence it is, that the Nun­cio lays aside his Crosier, if he hap­pens to come where the King is, as if his Jurisdiction were dissolv'd by the Presence of the King. Nay, in Richlieu's time 'twas debated of, whe­ther or no they should make a Patri­arch in France; which design tho', in my opinion, could not have been very advantageous for France, for the Clergy would never have been brought to consent thereto, having reason enough to fear, lest the King upon such an occasion should consi­derably retrench their fat Revenues. Besides, if the French King should ever have any thoughts of aspiring to [Page 183] the Empire, his separation from Rome would be very disserviceable to him; for should so powerful a Prince as the French King is, become Master of the Empire, he would not only revive the pretences of the ancient Emperors which are now, as 'twere, buried in oblivion, of which most depend on Rome, but also the Defence of the Romish Church would be a very specious pretext of claiming several rights and privileges which the Popes have suffer'd to be lost. On the contrary, the Pope has a terri­ble aversion and fear of the French Monarchy; since it is not to be doub­ted, but upon such an occasion, France would make a great Reformation in the Court of Rome, and bridle the Pope's Authority so much, that he would signify no more than a simple Patriarch; and he must attend the same fate if Spain should aspire to the Universal Monarchy; in the mean while, it would go very ill with the Protestants; and from hence we may conclude, that the greatest Support of the Papal Chair is the Jealousy [Page 184] and Aequilibrium which Rome wisely maintains between the two Crowns of France and Spain, and therefore 'tis the nearest and dearest of the Pope's Interest to hinder any one of those Kingdoms from trampling on the o­ther, or aspiring to the universal Mo­narchy of Europe; which also is easy to be observed from the Pope's Con­duct for several Ages; for when France was extreamly low and weak­ned after the Death of Henry the second, the Pope was forc'd to de­clare himself for the Spanish Interests, to which the Spaniards were resolv'd to oblige him, both by fair means and by foul. They gain'd the Pope's Nephews, who were glad to enrich themselves during the short Life of their Uncle, and willingly devoted themselves to Spain, whilst they could receive large Pensions, Benefices, and considerable Charges; and in case they did not render themselves very serviceable to those from whom they receiv'd pay, they were sure to be cruelly persecuted after their Unckle's Death; they also us'd all their efforts [Page 185] to exclude from the Succession, any Cardinal that they suspected to be enclining to their Adversaries Inte­rests: but so soon as France began to lift up its head again, the Popes resumed their former Indifference and Liberty, and would shew themselves no more favourable to either party, than as they were serviceable and ad­dicted to the Papal Interest; and therefore Guichard declar'd publickly in a Sermon at Paris, in the Month of July, 1637. that the War which France made then against Spain, was a Holy War, and in Defence of the Religion; for had not the French King made use of that means to bring Spain to reason, the King of Spain would certainly have placed his Al­moner in the Holy Chair.

Sect. 39. As for those that have re­volted from the Pope, tho' he would not be sorry to find them reduc'd a­gain under his Jurisdiction, yet he does not desire, that by their ruins any Prince should become so great as to render himself formidable to all Europe, for 'tis better to give my [Page 186] Enemy his Life, than to seek to de­prive him of it at the cost of my own; thus we see how great fears and jealousies the Victorious Progress of Charles the fifth's Arms against the Protestants, occasion'd at Rome, since it oblig'd Pope Paul the third to re­call those Troups which he had de­stin'd to the Emperor's Service; and had Philip the second subdu'd En­gland, Sixtus the fifth would too late have repented his rash promoting that Catholick Design. So Gregory the fifteenth in the War of the Valteline, sided with the Grisons against the Spaniards, tho' the first were of the Reform'd Religion; nor was Urban the eighth, displeas'd to see the House of Austria mortifi'd by Gustavus Adol­phus King of Suedeland, because the Emperor in the business of Mantua, had shown as little mercy to the Catholicks, as before to the Protestants; and 'tis said, that when Ferdinand the second desir'd a sum of Money, which the same Pope had promised him, instead thereof, he sent him and his Army a plenary Indulgence [Page 187] at the hour of Death, that they might with greater confidence expose themselves to all dangers.

Nor was the Court of Rome less apprehensive some years ago, when the French King made so great Pro­gresses in the United Provinces, that the ruin of the Republick, seem'd inevitable. But tho' the Pope does not desire the weakning of the Pro­testant party by which rough means, yet it cannot be denied that he uses all sort of slights and devices to allure them from their Religion; amongst which, the principal are, to main­tain a discord amongst the Prote­stants, to flatter the Princes of that perswasion, and by giving them Po­pish Wives, to place a Serpent in their bosom, to entice the cadets or younger Brothers of great Families by Spiritual Dignities and fat Bene­fices, by making all those extream­ly welcome that go over to 'em, and instead of amusing themselves unsuc­cessfully to write Books against the Protestant Divines, to cherish those disputes and quarrels that are amongst [Page 188] them; and it is visibly certain, that the Romish Clergy have made very great progresses in this last Age, and are in a condition of making grea­ter, comforting themselves with a malicious joy, to see that their Ad­versaries, by internal Schisms, weaken and destroy each other.

Sect. 40. From what has been here said, may easily be judged, Whether ever any Accommodation can be expected between the Prote­stants and Papists, whilst each Party abandoning some of their Tenents, shall make such Advances, as at last to agree in one common Confession of their Faith, and leave the rest, as obscure and useless, to be disputed of in the Schools; or else, that both might keep their Opinions, and that notwithstanding the difference of Re­ligions, they might live with one another as Brethren in Christ, and Members of one and the same Com­munion. Yet if we rightly examine the state of affairs, and the Principles of the Popish Religion, we must own, that all such Accommodations are [Page 189] morally impossible; for we do not only discover an extream jarring and contradiction of Doctrines, but the Interests of each are quite opposite and contrary one to another: For, first, the Pope would willingly re-enter in­to the possession of the Church-Goods, but he will find it hard to get so sweet a Morsel out of the Protestants Clutches.

Then again, the Pope would fain be acknowledged the Head of Christen­dom, but the Protestants will never part with the jus circa sacra, the choi­cest Jewel of their Soveraignty; and it is a contradictio in adjecto to live in good intelligence and friendship with the Pope, and not own him at the same time the supreme Monarch of the Church: Just as if any Stranger should desire to be naturaliz'd, and made a free Denison of England, and yet refuse to acknowledge the King his Soveraign Lord.

The Infallibility of the Pope is likewise the Corner-stone of the Pope­dom, which if once taken away, the whole Structure will fall to the [Page 188] [...] [Page 189] [...] [Page 190] Ground; and therefore the Pope par raison d'etat, cannot yield the least of those points which occasion the Di­vision betwixt the Protestants and Papists; for if the Pope should own that any the least part of that Do­ctrine, which he has hitherto main­tain'd, is false, he must grant at the same time that he is not infallible: Can he therefore err in one point? He may easily err in another: But if the Protestants grant that one Article of the Pope's Infallibility, they must also give him all the other contro­verted points. Now 'tis non-sence to imagine that the Protestants will ever retract all that they have written against the Pope; and should the Laity be brought to do it, what will the Clergy do? Where will they dispose of their Wives and Chil­dren, &c.?

Therefore how good and how pious soever their Intention may have been, who have propos'd any means of an Accommodation, between the Prote­stants and Papists, which they call by the name of Syncretism, yet they [Page 191] are in reality nothing but pure Whim­sies, and serve only to furnish mat­ter of Raillery, and Diversion to the Papists, who are also very well con­tented, that the Protestant Divines should amuse themselves with such Chimaera's, since they are sure to get by it, but never lose any thing, for­asmuch as the Protestants do not on­ly fall foul upon one another, on the account of this pretended Syncretism, but the common and united zeal which they heretofore bare against the Papists, is thereby extreamly weakened; for any one that does not understand the matter to the botom, when he hears them talk of an Ac­commodation, will easily be perswa­ded, that the Difference betwixt us is not so great or capital as has been represented. Now he that ad­mits such thoughts, will at the same time be apt to revolve in his mind the benefits and advantages he may find in the Roman Communion, and then he'll make no great scruple to bid adieu to the Protestant Religion; for 'tis with their Religion as with a [Page 192] Maiden-head, or Town besieg'd, which run a great risque of being lost, when once they begin to par­ley.

Sect. 41. 'Tis a quaere whether the Pope, with the united help of all of his Perswasion, can bring the Prote­stants by force under his Jurisdiction? We answer, That the Papists do con­siderably excel the Protestants in number; for on the Pope's side is all Italy, Spain, Portugal, France, and the greatest part of Poland, as well as the weakest Cantons of Switzerland. In Germany are all the Austrian Pro­vinces, the Kingdom of Bohemia, al­most all Upper Hungary, the Bishops and Prelates, the House of Bavaria and Newburg, the Marquesate of Baden, and some other Princes of less consi­deration; a great number of Counts, Lords, Free Knighthoods, and Impe­rial Cities, besides a great many in Protestant Countries, which all toge­ther, according to my Estimate, will amount to two thirds of Germany. In Holland we find a great many Pa­pists, and there were a great many [Page 193] of the same leaven in England, though (God be thanked) since the Happy Coming of Their Present Majesties to the Crown, the Land is pretty well scowr'd of them.

On the other side, we reckon among the Protestants the Kingdoms of En­gland, Scotland, and Ireland, with all their dependences, Suedeland, Denmark, Holland, the most of the Tempo­ral Electors and Princes, together with the Imperial Cities of Germany. The Protestants of France are at pre­sent disarm'd; those of Poland are not in a condition to undertake any thing; the Cities of Prussia and Curland have enough to do to maintain the free exercise of their Religion; Transylva­nia can do but little: And the Pa­pists have besides, this advantage above the Protestants, That they all of 'em own the Pope for Supreme Head of their Church, and do, at least with their Mouth, and externally, profess one and the same Faith. But on the contrary, the Protestants have no visible Spiritual Head, but are mise­rably divided amongst themselves; [Page 194] for, not to mention those little Sects of Arminians, Socinians, Anabaptists, and the rest, their Body is divided into almost two equal parts of Luthe­rans and Calvinists, amongst which a great many are as much imbitter'd against one another, as they are a­gainst the Common Enemy, the Pa­pists: Besides, there is no general Policy or Government in the Religi­on amongst them, but in every state the particular Soveraign regulates the Affairs thereof according to his own will and pleasure: Nor can it be denied that (commonly speaking) the Papists do with more Zeal, La­bour and Industry promote the ad­vancement and propagation of their Religion, than do the Protestants, who have mostly in view how they may conveniently subsist by their Be­nefices, as the chiefest prospect of Handicrafts-men is, how to get their Living by the Trade to which they apply themselves: So that the search of the Kingdom of God is as the re­serve, and the last thing they take care for. Whereas the Monks and [Page 195] Jesuites, on the contrary, have brought themselves into great repute by their Missions, both into the East and West Indies; and though in the relations they give us thereof, they intermit a thousand fabulous reports, yet the thing in it self is extreamly lauda­ble.

In fine, there is such an irrecon­cileable Jealousie among the chiefest of the Protestant States, that it is morally impossible ever to perswade them to submit to one Head: As for example; Betwixt England and Hol­land, Suedeland and Denmark, not to mention the rest. Though again it must be owned too, that there are no less Jealousies between France and Spain, which will scarcely permit them to act unanimously against the Protestants. So that notwithstanding the great inequality in strength that there is between the Protestants and Papists, the former need never appre­hend the Oppression of the lat­ter.

[Page 196] In the mean while there is a great difference between the Protestants that form an Independent State, and those that are under the Yoke of Popish Lords, for these are not half so well assur'd of the maintenance of their Religion as are the o­thers.

Thus the Security of the French Protestants depends on the bare word of the King, and the Edict of Nan­tes; so that they would be in a sad condition, if the French King should at any time be possest with a Spanish or Austrian Zeal: Yet I don't believe he will ever undertake to force them in the matter of Religion, as long as they live peaceably and contented with that Liberty he allows them; especially if he considers the good Service they rendered to his Grandfather Henry the Fourth, and that he himself, without their assistance, had never arrived to the Crown of France.

Nor can Poland easily suppress the exercise of the Protestant Reli­gion in Curland and Prussia, as long as Dantzick enjoys its Liberty. In [Page 197] Germany the Protestants are strong enough: So that if they were united under one Head, they would make a formidable Kingdom; but the great number of their Chiefs, the diversity of their Interests, and their distance from one another, diminishes their Strength very considerably; so that the Emperor, in the space of an hundred years, had twice reduc'd them to such a condition, that their Religion and Liberty, (which are so insepara­bly annex'd, that the loss of one would have been a necessary conse­quence of the other's loss) had both been ruin'd without the assistance of France and Suedeland.

'Tis true, of late years some have pretended to hold forth this new Maxim, ‘That the Protestants in Ger­many are able to subsist and main­tain their Liberties without the help of those two Crowns, and that Brandenburg is very fit to have the management and direction in Chief of all their Affairs.’ And 'tis in­deed the real Interest of the House of Austria, that such an Opinion [Page 196] [...] [Page 197] [...] [Page 198] should prevail among the Protestants. 'Tis with this Pretext that the Bran­denburger and the House of Lunen­burg cover the desire they have of putting themselves in possession of those Lands which the King of Suedeland has in Germany; whilst they give out, They are as well able to maintain them in the enjoyment of their Liberty and Religion, as the other Protestant States. Yet it is most certain, that if these two Hou­ses should attain their ends, their ad­ditional Grandeur would render them less formidable to the Emperor, than they are at present, whilst back'd and supported by the King of Suede­land. And they are no less decei­ved, if they think to find as sure a Support from Denmark or Holland, as they have received from France and Suedeland. And thirdly, Should the Emperor once attain to his desire, and dispossessing those two Crowns of what they have at present in Germany, introduce again the Spanish Faction, and mortifie the States by the maintenance of a standing Ar­my, [Page 199] and other Inconveniences of War, who at such a time could oblige the Emperor to disband his Victorious Troops? And if, for example, the Emperor could find no Pretext to keep his Army together, and to oblige the Protestants to maintain it at their cost, will Brandenburg and Lunenburg make head against him? And fourthly, If in case the Prote­stant States should not find themselves equal to so vast a Work, Whether those two Crowns would at their Call come and help them? And whether their own Affairs would per­mit them to undertake so important a design? Or, lastly, Whether there would fall down from Heaven ano­ther Gustavus Adolphus, to redeem them from the very brink of Destru­ction, and make as great a pro­gress as that mighty Conqueror once did?

And as for such as believe, that the Security of the Protestant Reli­gion can consist alone in Parchment and Seals; or that the Emperor will not attempt the Soveraignty of Ger­many, [Page 200] if ever a fair occasion presents it self; whilst he can pretext so spe­cious Causes as is the restauration of the Catholick Religion, and Goods of the Ecclesiasticks, they must have quite lost all knowledge of preceding times; besides, the Treaty of Nimmi­gen has shewn how vain and fruit­less all such Projects are.

The Independent Protestant States need not fear being oblig'd to aban­don their Religion by any violent means; for as the uniformity of Religion cannot remove the Jea­lousies of State, which is notoriously evident from France and Spain, En­gland and Holland; so neither can the difference of Religion produce this effect, that in case any potent State of the Romish Perswasion should un­dertake to oppress a neighbouring Protestant, all the Papists should for­sake the one, and immediately join with the other, especially if they had any Interest in the preservation of the State, that should be in danger of ruine.

[Page 201] The lastingness and conservation of the Protestant Religion in those States where it is profess'd, does chiefly consist in the care that is taken to maintain it within the Country; whereto they have no need of such subtile and artificial Devices, as are us'd in the support of the Popedom, but the most simple and ordinary means are sufficient; for it mostly consists herein, That the Schools and Churches be provided of learned and pious Teachers; That the Clergy, by a sound Doctrine and virtuous Life, give a good Example to their Flocks; That every one be easily grounded in the true Fundamentals of their Religion, and especially such as are to be employed in Affairs of State, that they may be able to de­fend themselves against the Artifices of the Papists, chiefly when they happen to travel in Popish Countries. And lastly, That the Clergy qualifie themselves so as to be able to baffle their Adversaries, and refute all their Quirks and Sophistical Arguments.

[Page 202] Some are of opinion, that it would be no small advantage to us, if the two head Parties of the Protestants (which only differ in some particu­lar opinions, whilst the Interests of their Religions is one and the same) could be brought to an accommoda­tion and union under one head; the which they imagine to be very fea­sible, if we would lay aside all Hate, Animosities, Self-Love, Pride, Opi­niatrety, and unreasonable Preventions.

But if we examine well the Ge­nius and Humor of most of the World, we shall find this postulatum to be ex­travagant; for if a man should con­sider the Controversies written on the subject of Religion impartially, and unprevented, he would stand a­maz'd to see how the writers turn and wind themselves on all sides, to maintain the opinion they have once laid down, without having the least regard to its Agreement or Repug­nance to the Scriptures; And how often they renew Disputes and Que­stions which have been refuted a thousand times. Besides, It can ne­ver [Page 203] happen that one opinion should be thought as good as the other; for such an indifference in any one point, would shew that they did not much matter all the rest. Furthermore, 'twould be very dangerous to make those Articles, wherein we cannot a­gree, problematick; nor can I tell by what Authority we presume of our own Heads to make any Article Fun­damental or Problematick. Some are likewise of the mind, that we should draw up a Scheme of all the points, in which both parties agree, and try if from thence may be form'd a perfect System of Divinity, which from the beginning to the end, should be compos'd, ad formam justae Artis. So that if this project could succeed, altho' there should remain some different opinions, yet if they did not dissolve the union and con­tinuity of the whole body, we should in the main, agree concerning the means of attaining Eternal Happi­ness; and all the rest would not be sufficient to hinder us from uniting in one Church. But to judge right­ly [Page 204] of this opinion, one ought first to see a model of such a projected Sy­stem. For my part, I know no bet­ter means, than to commit the matter wholly to Divine Providence, which in its own time, will perhaps furnish expedients, that the Wit of Man could not have imagin'd. For 'tis certain, that unseasonable means will only serve to create new Schisms and Di­visions: In the mean while, both parties, notwithstanding the diversi­ty of their Sentiments, ought to u­nite against the common Enemies, and to be really perswaded, that the Pope is no better a Friend to the Lu­theran, than to the Calvinist. As for what belongs to those little Sects of Socinians, Anabaptist, and such like, 'tis impossible to hope for any re­conciliation with them, whilst those believe that the Christian Religion is nothing but a Philosophy purely Moral, and these know not what to believe themselves; to which we may add, That these last, have filled their Heads with a sort of a new Po­lity, which would render them very [Page 205] dangerous to a State where they had the upper hand; but whether the Socinians have the same Sentiments, I cannot well determine, since they are not as yet become so powerful in any Republick, as to be able to oc­casion any Troubles or Revolutions.