SECTION. 1. Proving the Lords antient undoubted Right to sit and vote in all English Parliaments, with the Grounds thereof, though not elected by the People.

THe sum of all these Levellers object against the Lords right of sitting, voting, judging in Parliament, is this: ‘Overtons Defiance a­gainst all arbi­trary usurpati­on of the House of Lords, p. 5, 6 15, 17, 18. his Arrow against all Tyrants, p. 6.10, 11, 12. and others forecited▪ a. & b.That they sit there only by Patent, by the Kings will, Tenure or descent; not by the Peoples free Election alone, as the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses doe: That the people never intrusted nor invested them with any pow­er, but the King; That they represent themselves only not the Commons; and are the Sons only of Conquest, of Usurpation; (brought in by the Conquerour,) not of Choice and Election,’

1. To this I answer: first, That our Lords, Dukes, Earls, Barons, Nobles (yea Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors too who held by Barony) [...]ate antiently in all our General National Councels and Parliamentary Assemblies, many See my Hi­storical Col­lection of the antient Par­liaments and Great Coun­cils of Eng­land. hundred of years before the Conquest, both in the Britons and Saxons reigns, by right of their Peerage and Tenures, as now they doe, as I have unanswerably proved in My Hi­storical Collection of the antient Parliaments and Great Coun­cils of England: My Antiquity triumphing over Novelty, p. 56. to 80. And in my 1, 2, and 3. Parts of A Seasonable and Legal Vindication and Chronological Collection of the good old Fundamental Laws, &c. of all English Freemen. Which is likewise attested by Modus tenendi Parliamentum, Epist. to his 9. Report, Institutes on Littleton, p. 110.4 Instit. c. 1. Sir Edward Cook, Vowel, M. Seldens Titles of Ho­nour, part. 2. ch. 5. where this is abundantly manifested, Spelmanni Concil. Tom. 1. Truth triumphing over Falshood, Antiquity over Novelty, p. 36, &c. The Freeholders Grand Inquest, p. 4. to 20. others, and all our Historians; Therefore this is a gross mistake, That they are the Sons of Conquest introduced by the Conquerour: The rather, because in all Empires, Kingdoms in the world, though free and [Page 6] never conquered, their Princes, Dukes, Nobles, Lords and great Officers, have ever sate in all their Parliaments, Se­nates and General Councels of State, by reason of their Honors and places only, without any popular Elections; as is clear by these Texts of Scripture, 1 Chron. 23.1, 2. c. 28.1, 2. &c. c. 29.1.6.24. 2 Chron. 1, 2, 3. c. 5.3, 4. &c. c. 23.2, 3.20, 21. c. 30.2, 3, 6, 12. c. 34.29, 30. c. 35.7, 8. Neh. 9.38. c. 10. Esther 1.13. to 22. Dan. 3.2, 3. 2 Chro. 29.30. c. 32.3. Ezra 9.1. c. 10.8. 1 Sam. 5.8. c. 29.3. to 10. Psa. 68.27. Prov. 8.15.16. Isa. 19.11, 12, 13. Jer. 17.25. c. 26.11.16. c. 36.12.14. c. 37.14, 15. c. 38.4.25.27. Dan. 6.1, 6, 7, 8. Jonah 3.7. Psa. 2.2. Isa. 1.23.26. See 1 Chro. 19.3. 2 Chron 12. c. 6. c. 24.17 c. 32.3. Num. 10.4. Josh. 9.15, &c. c. 17.4. Num. 32.2. &c. 21. compared together, and by all Histo­rians and Polititians testimonies.

2. Secondly, that they sit there only by the Kings Pa­tent is false: For first, many Peers, Nobles have been crea­ted in and by See M. Sel­dens Titles of Honour, p. 2. ch. 5. 14 E. 3. n. 35. 9 R. 2. n. 16. 20 R. 2. n. 16. 20 R 2. n. 80. 1 H. 4. n. 81. Cooks 3. Instit. f. 9.16. with many more. Parliament, at the Commons earnest Petiti­ons, by Patents confirmed in Parliament, of which there are many Presidents. Secondly, though the Kings Writ or Patent create others of them Peers, Barons, without the peoples consent, yet the Laws and Statutes of the Realm made by the Commons consents, and approved by the people, allow the King this power, yea authorize 5 R. 2. Star. 2. c. 4. 31 H. 8. c. 10. en­joyn all Lords, Barons, to sit in Parliament, when thus crea­ned, if there be no just exceptions taken to them by the Houses; therefore though they are created Lords and sit in Parliament by the Kings Patents or Writs onely, by way of instrument or conveyance, yet originally they are made Lords, and sit there only by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm, to which all the people have consented; of which more hereafter. Thirdly, all antient and new Ci­ties, Burroughs who send Citizens or Burgesses to Parlia­ment, and Counties, who send Knights to Parliament, were originally created and invested with this power to elect Citizens, Burgesses, and Knights for the Parliament See Litt. c. 10. Sect. 162, 164. & Cook Ibidem. 49 Ass. 8. only by our Kings Letters and Charters, not by the Peo­ples inherent Right of Election; since none of them doe or can choose or send Knights, Citizens, or Burgesses to [Page 7] Parliament Cook 4. Instit. c. 1. & Cromptons Ju­risdiction of Courts, c. 1. without the Kings Charters authorizing them, and his Wr [...] to elect them first directed to them but only by power and vertue of them; Therefore if the Lords sitting in Parliament be illegal, unwarrantable, be­cause they sit only by Patents and Writs from the King; the sitting of Knights, Citizens, Burgesses must be so too, because they are elected only by the Kings Writ, and the people enabled to elect them only by his Patents, the 1 R. 2. c. 4. 8 H. 4. c. 14. 8 H. 5. c. 7. 32 H. 6. c. 15. & 1 H. 5. c. 3. [...]. 1 H. 7.12. 2 H. 7.3. 2. 5 H. 7. 9 H. 7. 12. 14 H. 6.12. 7 E. 4.14. 15 E. 15. Cook 1. Instit. 250. a. Brook, Tit. Parliament, Corporations. power of creating Counties, Cities, Boroughs, Knights, be­ing originally in the King, as well as the power of creating Lords and Barons.

3 Thirdly, that the general election of the people is not absolutely necessary, nor essential to the making of a Lawfull King, Magistrate, Counseller of State, Peer, Mem­ber of Parliament, (nor yet of a Minister) as the Object­ors falsly pretend, who take it for granted as an infallible truth and Maxim of State: For then it will necessarily ensue from hence. 1. That Psal. 47.2, 6, 7. Ps. 95.3. Psal. 98.6. Psal. 103.19. God himself is no lawfull King or Governour over all the World, and creatures in it, be­cause not chosen or elected by the General Voice of the Creatures and Mankind to be King over them; and because the greatest part of men reject his Yoak, Laws, Govern­ment, Exod. 5.2. Psal. 2.1, 2, 3, 4. Lu. 1.14.27. yet the Lord still reigneth as a Lawfull King over them, by his own Right of Creatorship and Godhead, Psal. 95.3.5. Ps. 96.10. Ps. 97.1. Ps. 99.1. Ps. 100.3. Ps. 103.15. Jer. 10.7. Dan. 4.32.34. Ps. 10.16. Psal. 22.28. Ps. 48.7.

2ly, That Jesus Christ himself, who is a King by birth­right, Sonship, and inheritance only, being born King of the Jews, sitting upon the throne of David his Father, and reign­ing over the house of Jacob for ever, by vertue of his Sonship only; as Mat. 2.2. Lu. 1.32, 33. Ps. 2.6, 7, 8. Heb. 1.5, 8, 9. Acts 13.22, 23, 33. Ezech. 34.23, 24. c. 37.24, 25. Mar. 11.9.10. Isa. 3.6, 7. c. 11.1, 2, &c. Jer. 33. [Page 8] 15, 17, 20, 21. c. 23.5, 6. c. 30.4. Hos. 3.5. Rev. 2.2 &c. resolve, & was not chosen King [...]is Saints, Church, Subjects, people, but chuseth them to be his Leiges, John 15.16. Eph. 1.4. 1 Pet. 2.9. Rev. 17.14. Deut. 14.2. Ps. 132.13. Psal. 135.4. shall upon this account be no lawfull King or Governor over his Saints, Church and Subjects; but a meer Usurper, Intruder, Tyrant over them, (as they stile Kings by Birthright, not popular Election) which is the highest blasphemy to affirm.

3ly, Then it will likewise inevitably follow, That nei­ther Exod. 3. & 4. & 7. Moses, Deut. 3▪ 28. Num. 27.16. to 23. Deut. 31.3. to 9.14.23. c. 34 9. Iosh. 1. Joshua, Neh. c. 2. &c. Nehemiah, 1 Sam. 9.16. c. 10.1.21. Acts 13.21 Saul, Psal. 78.70, 71, 72. 1 Sam. 16.2 Sam. 7, 8. Acts 13.22. Da­vid, 1 Chron. 23.1. c. 28.5, 6. 2 Chr. 1.8. Solomon, nor any of the 2 Chron. 14.1. c. 17.1. c. 28.27. c. 29. 1. Acts 13.20, 21, 22. pious Kings of Juda, nor Christ himself, and other Kings who came to the Crown by 2 Sam. 7.12. Psal. 132.11, 12. 2 Sam. 10.1. 1 Kings 14 20.35. c. 15.8.24. c. 16.6.28. c. 22.40. 2. Kings 1.17. c. 3.27. c. 8.24. c. 10.35. c. 12.21. c. 13.3.24. c. 14.16.29. c. 15 7.22.38. c. 16.20. c. 19.37. c. 20.21. c. 21.26. c. 24.6. 1 Chron. 29.28. 2 Chron. 12.16. c. 14.1. c. 17.1. c. 21.1. c. 22.1. c. 23.3. c. 24.27 c. 1.23. c. 27.9. c. 28.27. c. 32.33. c. 33.20.25. c. 36. 1 Jer. 22.11. Isay 19.11. c. 37.38. Matth. 2.2. Gods immediate designation, or by descent, birth-right and lineal succession, were just, lawfull Gover­nors or Kings, which none dare averr; That the Num. 11.16, 17, 24, 25, 26, 27. 70. Elders, the Princes ▪ 1 Chron. 18.15.16, 17 c. 26.29, 30, 31, 32. c. 27. c. 28 1. Exod. 18.25, 26. 2 Chron. 19.5. to 7. Nobles, chief Captains, Judges, and Rulers under Moses, and their Kings, with other Gover­nours, and the Jewish Sanhedrim, were no lawfull Judges, Magistrates, Counsellers of State, or Members of their general Congregations, Parliaments, assemblies, since we read of none of them chosen by the people, but only de­signed by Iudg. 3.9.15. c. 2.16. Acts 13.20. Num. 27.15. to 23. Exod. 18.25, 26. Num. 1.4. to 18. 1 Sam. 8.1. 1 Chron. 26.30, 32. 2 Chr. 19.5. to the end. God himself, or made, created such by their Kings, Governours, who both called and summoned them to their general congregations, assemblies, judicatures, as the premised texts and others evidence. That Gen. 40.40, 41, &c. Exod. 18.25. Psal. 105.21. Acts 8.10. Joseph, Esther 8. & 10 Mordecai, Dan. 2.48, 49. Daniel, Shadrac, Mesec, Abednego, were no lawfull Rulers or Magistrates, because made such even by Heathen Kings, not by the peoples choice. And that [Page 9] none of the Levites, Priests, High Priests, or Prophets under the Law were lawfull, because none of them (that we read of) were made Levites, Priests, High Priests or Pro­phets by the peoples own choice, but by Exod. 40. Numb. 1, & 3, & 4. 1 Chron. c. 23. c. 25.25, & 26. Numb. 25.13. Heb. 5.4. descent and suc­cession in the selfsame Tribe; or by Gods own immediate call and appointment; as Mar. [...]. John Baptist, Isa. 61 1. c. 65.1. Io [...]. 20, 21. Heb. 5.4, 5. Christ himself, the Mar. 10. Lu. 9.10. Mar. 28.19, 20. Iohn 20.21. 1 Cor. 1.17. Gal 1 1. Acts 8. [...].14, 15. Apostles, the 70 Disciples, and others under the Gospel were made Ministers, Apostles, Evangelists, preaching Elders, without the peoples call; yet our opposites dare not de­ny their Ministry and Apostleship to be lawfull, being not of men, but by Gods and Christs own call, without the peoples.

Fourthly, then it will from hence also follow; that all Hereditarie Kingdoms, which Case Po­lit. l. 3. c. 2. Bodin de Re­pub. l. 2. c. 2, 3. Joan. Mariana de Rege & Regum, Instit. l. 1 c. 3, 4. Politicians and Divines generally hold the best of Governments, being the title of Christ himself to his kingdom; all See M. Seldens Titles of Honor. Patents, Commissi­ons in all Empires, Kingdoms, States of the world crea­ting Princes, Dukes, Earls, Lords, and such like Titles of Honour, (whereby they are inabled in all Christian king­doms to sit, vote in their Parliaments and Assemblies of State) for making Privy Counsellers, Judges, Justices and o­ther Magistrates, are void, null, illegal; and so all the Laws, Orders Ordinances made, Acts done, and Judgments given by them, are void or erroneous, because they were not chosen, called to these publike places, Counsels, Ju­dicatures by the people, but by Emperors, Kings, and Su­preme Governours of [...] and what a confusion such a Paradox as this would [...]eed in all our Realms, in all States, Kingdoms of the world, let wise men consider, and those fools too who make this Objection.

5. Fifthly, if there be no lawfull Authority in any State but from the Peoples immediate election, then it will ne­cessarily follow; that Sir Thomas Fairfax is no lawfull General, his Officers, Councell of Warr no lawfull Officers or Councel; yea Colonell, and Lieutenant Colonell Lilburn, no lawfull Colonel or Lieutenant-Colonel, and ought not to use or retain these titles, as they doe, because none of them were called, chosen to those places by the People, [Page 10] or common Souldiers, but made such by Commission from the Parliament, General, or Lords alone.

6. Sixthly, This paradox of theirs, touching the peo­ples choice, call, to inable Peers to sit in Parliament, or bear any office of Magistracy or Judicature, is warranted by no law of God, in old or new Testament, both which See Mar. 2.2. Rom. 13.1.2. Exod. 18.25, 26. Num. 1.4. to 20. c. 7.2. c. 10.4. c. 23.6. c. 27.2 c. 32.2. Iosh. 9.15.19. 1 Sam. 23.3, 4.9. 2 Sam. 10.3. 1 Chron. 13.1. &c. c. 23.2. c. 28.1. 2 Chro. 1, 2, 3. c. 5.3, 4. c. 23.1. &c. 20. c. 29, 30. c. 30.1, 2, &c. c. 32.3. c. 34.29. con­tradict it: by no Laws or Statutes of these Kingdoms, Nations, which absolutely disclaim it, and enact the con­trarie: by no Original Law of Nature, which as all Arist. Polit. l. 1. Bodin. de Repub. l. 1. c. 2, 3, 4, 5. Dr. Field, of the Church, l. 1. c. 1, 2. Seldens Titles of Honour, l. 1. c. 1. sect. 3. Gen. 23.6. c. 10.9, 10.31, 32. Exod: 21.15, 17. Deut. 21.18, 19. Po­lititians and Divines assert, and the Scripture manifests, at first gave everie Father a Magistratical and Judicial rule, power over his children, progeny, Family; and made him a King, Prince, Lord over them, without either their choice or call; the Father and first-born of the family, being both the King, Prince▪ Lord over it, and Priest to it from the Crea­tion till the Law was given, as is generally acknowledged by all Divines: as God himself is Psal. 47.2.6, 7.8. Psalm. 29.10. Psalm. 95.3. to 8. Isay 4 [...].15. Ierem. 10.7. Ephes. 4.6. Heb: 12.9. King over all the earth, world, as Creator and Father thereof.

7ly, It is very observable, that God himself expresly denied to his own people Israel the free election of their Kings and Supreme Governors, reserving the choice of them only to himself, as his own Prerogative: witness that notable text of Deut. 17.14, 15. When thou art come into the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt possess it and dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a King over me like as all the Nations that are about me: Thou shalt in any wise set him King over thee WHOM THE LORD THY GOD SHALL CHUSE: not the people. Upon which account, when the Israelites grew wearie of the Government of Samuel and his Sons; all the Elders of Is­rael gathered themselves together, and came to Samuel unto Ramah, and said unto him: Behold thou art old, and thy Sons [Page 11] walk not in thy wayes: Make, or Give thou us a King to judge us, like all the Nations: not taking upon themselves the power to nominate and elect their very first King; but re­ferring the choice to Samuel himself: Who thereupon pray­ed unto the Lord for direction therein: After he prayed, God commanded him to hearken to the voice of the people, and to make them a King, 1 Sam. 8.4. to the end; yet such a one as God himself, not Samuel or the people should ap­point; For soon after God told Samuel, that to morrow about this time he would send him a man out of the Tribe of Benjamin; and thou shalt anoint him to be Captain over my people Israel; whereupon Saul coming to him at that time, when Samuel saw him; The Lord said unto him, Behold the man whom I spake to thee of, this same shall reign over my people; then Samuel took a horn of oyl and powred it upon his head and kissed him, and said, Is it not BECAUSE THE LORD HATH ANOINTED THEE KING OVER HIS INHERITANCE? Who being afterwards brought forth before all the people assembled at Mizpeh, Samuel said to all the people, See ye HIM WHOM THE LORD (not I, or you) HATH CHOSEN, that there is none like him among all the people: Upon which all the people shouted and said, GOD SAVE THE KING. 1 Sam. 9.16, 17. c. 10.1.17.23, 24. So that God himself, not Samuel, nor the people, elected and made Saul King over his own people; which is further evident by the 1 Sam. 15.17.35. After which God rejecting Saul from being King, he both elect­ed, appointed, and anointed David to be King over Israel, 1 Sam. 16.1.12, 13. Psalm. 78, 70, 71. 2 Sam. 7.8. 1 Chron. 28.4. Whereupon all the Tribes, after Sauls death, came to David to Hebron, made a League with him; and anointed him King before the Lord, upon this account; that the Lord had said unto him; Thou shalt feed my people Israel, and thou shalt be a Captain over Israel, 2 Sam. 5.1, 2, 3. acknow­ledging therby the choice of their King, to be Gods pecu­liar right, not theirs. After which God himself, to mani­fest the choice of their Kings to be, not in the people, but in his own disposal (being but his Vicegerents, Substitutes, [Page 12] and sitting upon his throne, to be Kings for the Lord their God, 2 Chron. 9.8. Isay 44.28. Acts 13.22.) setled the in­heritance of the Crown, and Kingdom of Israel in David, his Sons and posterity for ever, appointing Solomon his Son im­mediately to succeed him, and making him King over his peo­ple, as is evident by the 2 Sam. 7.8. to the end, 1 Kings 5.5. c. 6.12. c. 8.20. 1 Chron. 22.20. c. 28.4, 5, 6, 7. 2 Chron. 1.8, 9. c. 2.11. Psal. 89.3, 4, 20. to 38, 2 Chr. 23.3. c. 6, 16. c. 7.18. 1 Kings 15.4, 5. Jer. 33.15.17.20, 21. c. 23.5, 6. c. 30.9. Ezech. 34.23, 24. c. 37.24, 29. Hos. 3.5. Lu. 1.32, 33. Upon which account after­wards, when the ten Tribes revolted from Rehoboam and the House of2 Kings 17.20, 21, 22. David against Gods institution, and made Jeroboam their King; God thereupon chargeth it upon them as a high incroachment upon his prerogative, in these terms, Hosea 8.4. They have set up Kings, but not by me, they have made Princes, and I knew it not. And here­upon Abijah (heir by hereditarie succession to David) thus charged Jeroboam and all Israel with rebellion against God and Rehoboam therein, 2 Chron. 13, 5, 6, 7, 8. Ought you [...] to know; THAT THE LORD GOD OF ISRA­ [...] [...]AVE THE KINGDOM OVER ISRAEL TO [...]D FOR EVER, EVEN UNTO HIM AND TO HIS SONS BY A COVENANT OF SALT? But Jeroboam the Son of Nebat, the Servant of Solomon, the Son of David, is risen up, AND HATH REBELLED A­GAINST HIS LORD. And there are gathered unto him vain men the children of Belial, and have strengthned them­selves against Rehoboam the Son of Solomon, when Rehoboam was young and tender hearted: And now you think TO WITHSTAND THE KINGDOM OF THE LORD IN THE HANDS OF THE SON OF David, and ye have a great multitude, &c. O children of Israel fight ye not against the Lord God of your Fathers, for YOƲ SHALL NOT PROSPER. And God smote Jeroboam and all Isra­el before Abijah (the right heir) and Judah, and God de­livered them into their hand: And Abijah and his people slew them with a great slaughter: So there fell down slain of Israel [Page 13] five hundred thousand chosen men. The greatest slaughter we ever read of in one battel in sacred or prophane Histories. If then God allowed not the free election and nominati­on of Kings and Supreme Governours to his own people of Israel, their Tribes or Elders, but reserved it only to himself, as his own peculiar prerogative; which they might not intrude upon without high presumption, and exemplarie punishments, as the forecited Scriptures, with Iudges 2.20. Acts 13.20, 21, 22, 23. undeniably evidence. By what Law of God or Nature any other vulgar rabble or people of God, can now challenge this as their proper birthright, and natural inherent due, to elect all their Kings, all their Supreme, or subordinate Of­ficers, and all Peers of Parliament, (especially in an he­reditarie kingdom,) transcends my reason to comprehend; unless they will blasphemously tax God himself for inju­ring his own peculiar people, in usurping upon and depri­ving them of this their Natural right and freedom.

8ly, The Scripture is most express and positive, That it is God who removeth Kings and setteth up Kings, Dan. 2.28. That the God of Heaven setteth up kingdoms and Kings: That the most high ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whomsoever he will, Dan. 2.44. c. 4.25.34, 35. That pro­motion cometh neither from the East, nor from the West, nor from the South; but God (not the people) is the Judge, he pulleth down one and setteth up another, Psa. 75, 6, 7. He loo­seth the bond of Kings, and girdeth their loins with a girdle: He powreth contempt upon Princes, and weakneth the strength of the mighty, Job 12.18, 19. Whereunto God adds, Prov. 8.15, 16. By me Kings reign, and Princes decree Ju­stice. By me Princes rule, and Nobles, and all the Judges of the earth. Hereupon Samuel used this speech to King Saul: 1 S [...]m. 15.26.28. The LORD hath rejected thee from being King over Israel. The LORD hath rent the king­dom of Israel from thee this day, and hath given it to a neigh­bour of thine better than thou. Yea, the Apostle, Rom. 13.1, 2, 3, &c. commands Every Soul to be subject to the higher powers, not only for fear, but conscience sake, upon this ground, [Page 14] For there is no Power but of God: the powers that are are or­dained (or ordered) of God; and they are the Ministers of God to men for good. Hence God and Christ are stiled, The only Potentate, THE KING OF KINGS, AND LORD OF LORDS, The Prince of the Kings of the Earth, 1 Tim. 6.15. Rev. 1.5. c. 17.14. c. 19.16. because they only by meer original right dispose of all Kings, Lords, Poten­tates, kingdoms. Upon which reason the Apostle con­cludes, That all created things in heaven and in earth, whe­ther they be Powers or Principalities, or Dominions, or Powers, are created BY AND FOR CHRIST; that in all things he might have the preheminence, might, and dominion, being exal­ted far above all Principalities and Powers, Col. 1.16, 17, 18. Eph. 1.20, 21. By what divine, natural, inherent▪ just right or Title then the Commons or Vulgar people of our own or other Realms can challenge to themselves the sole power of electing, setting up and pulling down their Kings, Princes, Lords, Judges, kingdoms, Principalities, Powers, Dominions, at their arbitrarie pleasures: of setting up, pulling down, or electing their Supreme or subordinate Governors, Magistrates, and all Peers of Parliament at their wills; of disposing kingdoms, Powers, Lordships to whomsoever they please (as these Bedlam Objectors plead they may) without contradicting all these Sacred Texts, and intruding upon these royal incommunicable Preheminences, Prerogatives of God and Christ, let all popular pretenders to, or advocates for such a power in the people and Commons of the Realm, resolve me and all others when they are able, against all these Texts, op­pugning this their claim and interest.

9. Ninthly, I answer, that a particular, explicit actual choice and election by the people, of any to be Kings, Ma­gistrates, Judges, Ministers, Peers or Members of Parlia­ment, is neither necessarie nor convenient to make them just and lawfull, except onely when the Laws of God, of Nature, of Nations, or the kingdom expresly require it; but onely a general implicit or tacit consent; especially when the antient Laws of the Land, continuing still in full [Page 15] force, and the custom of the Kingdom time out of mind, requires no such ceremonie of the peoples particular ele­ction or call; in which case the peoples dissent is of no va­liditie, til that Law and custom be repealed by the general consent of the King, Lords and Commons in Parliament. Now the Cook 4 In­stit. c. 1. p. 1. &c. Seldens titles of Ho­nour, part 2. ch. 5. Cambd. Brit. antient Laws, Statutes, and Customs of the King­dom, enable all Lords who are Peers and Barons of the Realm to sit in Parliament when ever summoned to it by the Kings Writ, without any election of the people; and if the Laws and Customs of the Realm were, that the King himself might call two Knights, Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament, such as see 38 H. 6. n. 35. himself should nominate in his Writ out of every County, City and Borough, without the Freeholders, Ci­tizens, and Burgesses election of them, by a common a­greement and consent to such a Law and usage made by their Ancestors, and submitted and consented to for some ages without repeal, this Law and Custom were sufficient to make such Knights, Citizens and Burgesses lawfull Members of Patliament, Num. 32.1. to 38. Josh. 22.23. to 31. Esth. 9.27, 28.31, 32. 1 Sam. 20.42. Jer. 35.2. to the end. 2 Sam. 21.7. Prov. 22.28. c. 23.10. 1 Sam. 30.24, 25. Deut 19.14. c. 27.17. Josh. c. 13. to ch. 23. See Lit­tleton, Fitz-Herbert, Brook & Ashe, Tit. Warranty, Obligation, Covenant, &c. obliging their posterity whiles unrepealed; as well as their Warranties, Obligations, Sta­tutes, Feofments, Morgages, Josh. 9.15. to the end, 2 Sam 21.1. to 15. Gen. 50.25. c. 13.19. Iosh. 24 32. 1 Sam. 20.42. 2 Sam. 21.7. Oaths, and alienations of their Lands, as the Objectors must acknowledge; there­fore they must of necessity grant, their present sitting, vo­ting and judging too in Parliament, to be lawfull, because thus warranted by the Laws and Customs of the Realm.

10. If all Power in Government, all right of sitting, judging, and making Laws or Ordinances in Parliament, be founded upon the immediate free election of all those that are to be Go­verned; and if it be of necessity, that all who are to be subject and obey ought to be represented by those who have power in Govern­ment; the Sum of See M. Edwards his Gangraena, part 3. p. 142. to 162. Lilburns, Overtons, and the Levellers reasons against the Lords Jurisdiction; then it will of ne­cessity follow, (If this be good Divinitie and Law) that [Page 16] the Laws of God, Moses, and Christ himself, should not bind the Jews or Christians, because made without their common consents, or any to represent them: Then the Laws, Decrees of the Medes and Persians, made by their Kings alone, or by them and their Princes, without any representative of their People, (as is evident by Esth. 1.13. to the end: ch. 3.8. to 15. ch. 8.8, 9, &c. c. 9.32. ch. 10.1. Ezr. 1.1, &c. ch. 4.6. to 24. ch. 5.13.17. c. 6.1. to 15. c. 7.11. to 27. Jonah 3.6, 7, 8. Dan. 6, 7, 8, 9.) were meer nullities, and not binding to the commonal­ty. Then the Laws of David, his Captains and Princes, concerning the Levites, Priests, Temple, &c. 1 Sam. 30.2.45. 2 Chron. c. 22. to ch. 29. with all our own antient Brit [...]sh and Lambardi Archaion. Bromton, Spelman. Saxon Laws, (made by our Kings and Nobles a­lone, without any Knights, Citizens or Burgesses elected by, or representing the people; as were all our Laws and Acts before Henry the 3d his reign, both before and after the Conquest (as we usually call it) though many of them yet in force and vigor,) With all antient Lawes made by Kings alone being the only Law-makers in all Nations at first, as Hist. c. 1. Justine and others attest, and Ezr. 7.26. Esth. 3.8. Isay 33.22. intimate: whence they are stiled the Kings Laws, &c. should be meer Nullities by this Doctrine, be­cause not made by the Peoples previous consents and re­presentatives: Yea then the Orders, Votes, Ordinances, and Laws made, or consented to by the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses in Parliam▪ ought not to bind any Ministers, Women, Children, Infants, Servants, Strangers, Freehol­ders, Citizens, Burgesses, Artificers, or others, (who cannot well, properly be represented but by persons of their own sex, degrees, trade, calling; & so each sex, trade, in each coun­ty, Corporation of Engl. should send Members of their own to Parliament to represent them) but only such Freehol­ders and Burgesses who had voices in, and gave free con­sent to their Elections, not any who have no voices by Law, or dissented from those elected and returned; Yea then it will necessarily follow; that those Counties, Cities and Boroughs whose Members have been injuri­ously [Page 17] impeached, suspended, driven away, or thrust out of the House of Commons by the Objectors and the Armies practise, violence (contrary to all former presidents) are absolutely free, exempted from, and not bound by any Votes or Ordinances made, or taxes imposed by the Com­mons House, because they have no Members to represent them residing in Parliament; and that those Counties and Boroughs whose Knights and Burgesses are dead or absent, are no wayes obliged by any Votes, Ordinances, or Grants in Parliament: And then how few in the King­dom will or ought to yield obedience to any the Acts, Or­dinances, or Votes of this present Parliament, or to any Mayors, Sheriffs, Aldermen, or Heads of Houses made by their Votes and Authority, (usually made by election heretofore) or to any Judges, Justices, Governours, Ge­nerals, Captains, or other Militarie Officers made by their Commissions or appointment, without the generality of the peoples Votes or consent; especially when above half, or three full parts of the Members were In August 1647. & sun­dry Months following, much more then since most of them secured and secluded by the Army in Decem. 1648. & ever since, together with the whole House of Lords. absent or dri­ven from both Houses, by the Objectors violence and me­naces.

These Answers premised, which have cut off the head of the Objectors Goliah and chief Argument against the Lords sitting in Parliament; I shall now proceed to the proof of the Lords undeniable Right and Authority to sit, Vote, and give Judgement in our Parliaments, though not actually elected nor sent to them by the people, as Knights and Burgesses are.

1. It is evident, by the Histories, Records of most an­tient and modern Kingdoms and Republikes in the world, that their Princes, Nobles, Peers and great Officers of State, have by their Original Fundamental Laws and In­stitutions, by right of their very 31 H. 8. c. 10. See Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, Cassanaeus Catalogus Gloriae Mundi: Alanso Lopez in Nobiliario, and others who write of Nobility. Cambd. Britan. of the Nobility and Courts of Justice in England, and the texts of Scripture, p. 6. Nobility, Peerage, and great Offices, without any particular election of the people, a just right and title to sit, consult, Vote, enact Laws, and [Page 18] give Judgement in all their General Assemblies of State, Parliaments, Diets, Councels; as might be manifested by particular instances in the Kingdoms, Republikes, Parlia­ments, Diets, and General Assemblies of the Jews, Aegypti­ans, Grecians, Romans, Persians, Ethiopians, Germans, French, Goths, Vandals, Hungarians, Bohemians, Polonians, Russi­ans, Swedes, Scythians, Tartars, Moors, Indians, Spaniards, Portugals, Danes, Saxons, Scots, Irish, and many others: Hence Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Antiquitatum Romanorum l. 2. Sect. 2. affirms, That both hereditary and elective Kings even in the antientest times, CONSILIUM HABEBANT QUOD EX OPTIMATIbƲS CONSTABAT, had a Council which consisted of Nobles and Great men, as Homer and the most antient Poets attest, Neque (ut nostro seculo) Re­gum priscorum dominatus erat nimium sui juris, ne (que) ab unius sententia pendebat. Now to deny the like privilege to our English Peers and Nobles, which all Nobles, Peers in all other Kingdoms, Nations, Republikes antiently have en­joyed, and yet doe constantly enjoy, without exceptions or dispute, is a gross injury, injustice, over-sight; yea a great dishonour both to our Nobility and Nation.

Secondly, By, and in the very primitive constitution of our English Parliaments, for many hundred years together there were no Knights nor Burgesses at all, but only the King and his Nobles: after which, when elected Knights gestes were first sent to Parliament about 49 H. 3. it was granted by the Kings grace, and unanimously agreed by the kingdoms, peoples general consents, that our Parlia­ments should alwayes be constituted and made up, not of Knights and Burgesses only, (elected only by 8 H. 6. c. 7. 10 H. 6. c. 2. 32 H. 6. c. 15. Cromptons Iurisd. p. 1, 2.3. Cook 4 In­stit. c. 1. Freeholders & Burgesses, not by the generality of the vulgar people, who would now claim, usurp this right of Election) but like­wise of the King, the Supreme Member, by whose Cook 4 In­stit. c. 1. p 1.10. Modus tenendi Parliamentum; Cromptons Iurisdiction of Courts, tit. Par­liament; Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, par. 2. c. 5. See the Abridgement of the Records of the Tower. writs the Parliaments were and ought to be alwayes summoned, and of the Lords, Peers, Barons, (ecclesiastical, civil) and great [Page 19] Officers of the Realm, who ought of right to sit, vote, make Laws, and give Judgement in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage, Baronies, Offices, without any election of the people: the Commons themselves being no Parlia­ment, judicatorie, or Law-givers alone, without the King and Lords, as Modus tenendi Parliamentorum; Sir Ed. Cook in his 4. Institutes, ch. 1. Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, part 2. ch. 5. Vowell, Cambden, Sir Thomas Smith, Cowell, Minshaw, Crompton, with others who have written of our English Parliaments assert, and all our Parliament Rolls, Statutes, 33 H. 6.16. Br. Parliam. 4. 39 E. 3.7.35. 11 H. 7.27. Br. Parl. 107. 4 H. 7.18. 7 H. 7.14. Cromptons Jurisd. f. 9. Cook 4 Instit. p. 15.35. Fortesc. f. 20. Dyer 92. Judge Hut­tons Argu­ment of Mr. Hamdens case p. 22, 23. Law-books resolve, without whose threefold concurrent assents, there is or can be no legal Act nor Ordinance of Parliament made, since the Commons admission to vote in Parliament and assent to Bills, which was but of later times, out of the Kings fr [...]e Grace.

Thirdly, This right of theirs is confirmed by prescription and custom, from the very first beginning of Parliaments in this kingdom till this present, there being no president to be found in History or Record of any one Parliament held in this Island since it was a kingdom, without the King personally or representatively present (by a Protector, Custos Regni, Commissioners) as he ought to be, or without Lords and Peers ▪ antiently stiled Aldermen, Heretockes, Senators, Wisemen, Princes, Dukes, Earls, Counts, Nobles, Great men, &c. by our Historians; who make mention of their constant resorting to, sitting, voting, judging in our Ge­neral Assemblies, and Parliamentary Councils, under these Titles, without the peoples Election, (for many hundreds of years before the Conquerors time) in the antientest Par­liamentary Councils we read of under the Britons and Saxons; witness Beda, Ingulphus, Geoffry Monmouth, Hun­tingdon, Matthew Westminster, Florentius Wigorniensis, Malmsbury, Hector Boetius, Speed, and others in their Hi­stories; Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae, Spelmanni Con­cilia, Tom 1. Mr. Lambard his Archaion, Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to the 9. Report, and fourth Institut. c. 1. M. Seldens Titles of Honor, part 2. c. 5. which I have largely manifested in my Truth triumphing over Falshood, Antiquity [Page 20] over Novelty, p. 56. to 90. My Historical Collection of the antient Great Councils, Parliaments, &c: there being little (if any) express or direct mention at all of any Knights of Shires, Citizens or Burgesses in any of our Parliamentarie Councils, before the Conquest, or in the Conquerors time, nor yet in the reigns of King William Rufus, Henry the 1. Stephen, Henry 2. Richard 1. King John, or first part of the reign of Henry the 3d, the Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho­nor, part 2. ch. 5. p. 717. first direct Writ of Sum­mons for any Knights, Burgesses or Commons to our Parlia­ments, now extant, being that of Clause 49 H. 3. m. 10, 11. dorso: before which no evident testimony can be pro­duced for their sitting or voting in any great Councils or Parliaments as Members, but onely out of the Spurious pretended antient (though in truth late ridiculous) Trea­tise, stiled Modus tenendi Parliamentum, on which 4 Instit. p. 12. Sir Edward Cook and others most rely: And whereas some conclude, that even in the antient Saxon Great Councils, the Commons were usually present as Members, being comprehended under the Titles of Sapientes, Seniores popu­li, Aeldermanni, &c. (which in the dialect of those times signifie rather Lords and Great Men, than Commons or Burgesses, as all accord) or at least wise under these phra­ses, Spelman. Concil. p. 194. praesentibus omnibus Ordinibus illius Gentis, cum vi­ris quibusdam Militaribus (rather Soldiers than knights;) of which we find mention in the Council of Spelman. Ibid. p. 219. Bechenceld, Ann. 697. or, omnium Sapientum, Seniorum, & POPULO­RUM totius Regni: coupled with these pre-eminent Ti­tles of, Omnium Aldermannorum, Principum, Procerum, Comitum, who met together in a General Council under Ine, Anno 713. Or Spelman. p. 318. cujuscunque Ordinis viros, in the Council of Clovesho, An. 800. which expressions are now and then mentioned in some antient Councils and Parlia­ments, though rarely: yet these are rather conjectural or probable, than direct or punctual proofs of what they as­sert, whenas the Lords Title to sit and vote in them is most direct and infallible. And if that of Hist. p. 870 Ingulphus, with other our Historians, and some Lawyers be true, (which 1 Instit. f. 168. Sir Edward Cook, and Titles of Honor, part 2 c. 5. sec. 3. p 614 [...]15▪ &c. Mr. Selden deny) that King Al­fred [Page 21] first divided the Realm into Counties, as all grant he did into Hundreds and Tithings, and erected Hundred Courts, wherein Knights of the Shire were alwaies, yet are, and ought to be elected, there could be no Knights of Shires at least (if any Citizens or Burgesses) to serve in Parliament before this division; though there were Earls, Dukes, Ba­rons before his reign (who were present by the Kings sum­mons, not peoples elections, at our Great Councils or Parliaments,) as Titles of Honor, part 2 c. 5. sec. 2, 3, 4, 5. Mr. Selden, and Glossari­um, tit. Comi­tes, & Comi­tatus. Sir Henry Spelman undeniably manifest, and I have Truth tri­umphing over Falshood; An Historical Collection of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England; 2 & 3 Part of a Legal and Historical Vindication &c. elsewhere proved at large. Their sitting, voting judging therefore in Great Councils, Parliaments, being so antient, clear and unquestionable e­ver since their first beginning til now; and the sitting of Knights, Citizens, Burgesses by the peoples election, in our antientest Great Councils, Parliaments, not so clear­ly evident by History or Records as theirs: we must needs acknowledge, subscribe to this their Right and Title; or else deny the Knights, Citizens, Burgesses rights to sit, vote in our Great Councils, Parliaments, rather than theirs, who have not so antient nor clear a Title or right as they, by many hundreds of years.

Fourthly, This Right and Privilege of theirs is vested legally in them by the very Common Law and Custom of the Realm, which binds all men; By the unanimous con­sent of all our Ancestors, and all the Commons of England from age to age assembled in Parliament, since they sat in any Parliaments; who alwaies consented to, desired, and never opposed the Lords sitting, voting, power or Judi­cature in Parliament; and by King Johns Magna Char­ta in Mat. Pa­ris. p. 247. Magna Charta it self, sign­ed and ratified by King John, wherein it is expresly grant­ed, Ad habendum COMMUNE CONCILIƲM REGNI de auxiliis assidendis, & de Scutagiis assidendis, submoneri faciemus Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Abbates, Comites & MAJORES BARONES REGNI singulatim per Li­teras nostras, &c. And in the Proeme, & ch. 2.14.1 [...].37.38. Great Charter of King Hen­ry the 3. they are first mentioned and provided for. Here­upon King Henry the third (not long after Magna Char­ta was granted, and at the same time it was proclamed, [Page 22] confirmed with a most solemn Excommunication in the pre­sence of all the Lords, and Commons, by all the Bishops of Eng­land, against the infringers thereof) summoning a Parlia­ment at London in the year 1255. to aid him in his warrs in Apulia; the Earls and Barons absolutely refused to give him any assistance or answer at all, for this reason; Quod omnes (Barones) tunc temporis non fuerunt juxta tenorem Magnae Chartae suae vocati; & ideo sine Paribus suis tunc absenti­bus, nullum voluerunt tunc responsum dare, vel Auxilium concedere vel praestare. Mar. Pa­ris, An. 1255 p. 884, 885. Daniel. p. 172. That ALL THE BARONS were not summoned by him to this Parliament, as they ought to be according to the tenor of Magna Charta; whereupon they departing in discontent, and refusing to sit lon­ger,Mr. St. Johns Speech concerning Shipmony, p. 33. 1 H. 4. n. 21.22, 25, 30.the Parliament was first adjourned, and at last dissolved, And upon this very ground, among others, the Parliament of 21 R. 2. with all the Acts and proceeding therein were to­tally repealed and nulled by the Parliament of 1 H. 4. because the Lords who adhered to the King were summoned by him to the Parliament, and some of the opposite party imprisoned, impeached, unsummoned; and many of the Knights of the shire were elected only by the Kings nomination, and Letters to the Sherifs: And the Parliament it self kept by force, viris armatis, et sagittariis immensis, brought out of Che­shire, as an extraordinary guard, quartered in the Kings Court at Westminster, and about Charing Crosse, and the Muse; of which Chron. p. 389, 390. Grafton, and other Historians write thus. That they fell into so great pride of the Kings favour, that they accounted the King to be as their fellow, and they set the Lords at nought; yet few or none of them were Gentlemen, but taken from the plough, and Cart, and other Crafts▪ And after these rustical people had a while courted, they entred into so great a boldness, that they would not let, neither within nor without the Court, to beat and slay the Kings good Subjects; to take from them their victuals, and pay for them little or nothing, at their pleasure (as our free-quar [...]e­rers do now) falling at last to ravish mens wives and daugh­ters: And if any man fortuned to complain of them to the King, he was soon rid out of the way no man knew how, or [Page 23] or by whom, so as they did what they listed; the King not ca­ring to doe justice upon them, but favouring them in their mis-doings, confiding in them and their guards against any o­thers of the kingdom, which gave the Lieges of his kingdom great matter of commotion and discontent. The bringing up of which guard to Westminster, to force, and overawe the Parliament to effect his designs, is one principle Article ex­hibited against him by the Parliament, of 1 H. 4. wherein he was forced to resign his Crown, and then deposed. I pray God our new armed Guard and Courtiers at Whitehall and the Muse (of as mean condition as those) fall not by degrees to the self-same exorbitances, contempt of the King, Lords, Parliament, and oppression of the people, to their general mutining and discontent. In the Parliaments of 6 E. 3. N. 1. & Parl. 2, N. 5.6, 8 9, 8 E. 3. N. 5. 15 E. 3. N. 4. 17 E. 3. N. 2. 20 E. 3. N. 5. 21 E. 3. N. 4. 22 E. 3. N. 1. 25 E. 3. N. 1. 29 E. 3. N. 4. 30 E. 3. N. 1. 37 E. 3. N. 1. 42 E. 3. N. 1. 50 E. 3. N. 1. 51 E. 3. N. 3. 1 R. 2. N. 1. 2 R. 2. N. 1. 3 R. 2. N. 1. 4 R. 2. N. 1. 5 R. 2. N. 65. 6 R. 2. N. 6. 7 R. 2. N. 1. 9 R. 2. N. 1. 8 H. 4. N. 54. We find in these Parliament Rolls, that these Parliaments have been usualy prorogued, adjourned from the days they were summoned to meet, and have not saie, nor acted at all, because sundry of the Lords (& some Commons) were not come, but absent by reason of foul weather, shortness of war­ning, or other publique imployments: all their personal pre­sence in Parliament being reputed necessary and expedi­ent. And 20 R. 2. N. 8. The Commons themselves in Par­liament required the King, to send for such Bishops and Lords who were absent, to come to tho Parliament, be­fore they would consult upon what the Chancellor pro­pounded to them in the Kings name and behalf to consi­der of. To recite no more antient presidents: In the Parliament of 2 Caroll, the Earl of Arundel not sitting in the Parliament, being after his summons committed by the King to the Tower of London, about his Sons mariage, May 25. 1626. without the Lords privity and consent▪ whereby their pri­vileges were infringed, and the House deprived of one of their [Page 24] Members presence; thereupon the House of Peers made this memorable Petition and Remonstrance of their Privileges to the King.

Upon which Remonstrance and Petition, the King refu­sing to inlarge him, thereupon the Lords to maintain their Privilege, adjourned themselves on the 25 and 26 of May, without doing any thing; and upon the Kings refusal to release him, they adjourned from May 26, till June 2. refusing to sit, and so the Parliament dissolved in discon­tent: his imprisonment in this case being a breach of pri­vilege, contrary to Magna Charta. In this very Parlia­ment the Lord Digby Earl of Bristol being omitted out of the summons ▪ of Parliament, upon complaint to the Lords House was by order admitted to set therein, as his Birthright, from which he might not be debarred for want of Summons, which ought to have been sent un­to him, ex debito Iustitiae, as Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes, p. 1. The Act for ttriennial Parlia­ments, and King John great Charter resolve. And not long after the beginning of this Parliament, upon the Kings accusation and impeachment of the Lord Kimbol­ton and the five Members of the Commons House,An Exact Collection, part. 1. p. 36. to 56. both Houses adjourned, and sate not as Houses, till they had received satisfaction and restitution of those Members, as the Journals of both Houses manifest, it being an high breach of their Privileges, contrary to the Great Charter. If then the Kings bare not summoning of some Pears to Parliament, who ought to sit there by their right of Perage; or impeaching, or imprisoning any Peer unjustly, to dis­able them to sit personally in Parl. be a breach of Pri­vilege of the fundamental Laws of the Realm, and Magna Charta it self, (confirmed in above 40 successive Parlia­ments) [Page 26] then the Lords right to sit, vote, and judge in Par­liament is as firm and indisputable as Magna Charta can make it, and consented to, confirmed by all the Com­mons, people, and Parliaments of England, that ever con­sented to Magna Charta, though they be not eligible, e­very Parliament by the Freeholders, people, as Knights and Burgesses ought to be: and to deny this birthright and privilege of theits, is to deny Magna Charta it self, and this present Parliaments Declarations, proceedings in the case of the Lord Kimbolton, a Member of the House of Peers.

5.Fifthly, The Treatise (intituled See Cook 4 Instit. p. 12. for the Anti­quity & for the Authority of this trea­tise, which in truth is meer­ly spurious. See Seldens titles of Ho­nour, p. 613.738. to 743. The manner of holding Parliaments in England in Edward the Confessors time (be­fose the Conquest) rehearsed (afterwards) before Willi­am the Conquerour, by the discreet men of the Kingdom, and by himself approved and used in his time, and in the times of his successors Kings of England; (if the Title be true, and the Treatise so antient as Sir Edward Cook, & others now take it to be) When as its mention of the An. 1132. Bishop of Carlisles usual place in Parliaments; (which Bishoprick was not founded till the year of our Lord 1132. or 1134. as An. 1134. p. 400. Matthew Paris, Matthew Westminster, Roger Hove­den, His Cata­logue of Bi­shops of Car­lisle. Godwin and others attest in the later end of Henry the first his reign:) Its men [...]ion of the Mayors of London & other Cities, and writs usually directed to them to elect two Citizens to serve in Parliament; whereas London it self had Graftons & Stows Ca­talogues of the Maiors of London. no Mayor before the year 1208. (being the 9. year of King John) nor other Cities Mayors til divers years after; nor can any Writs for electing Knights of Shires, Citizens or Burgesses to serve in Parliament, which it oft times writes of, be produced before 49 H. 3. nor any Writs to levy their expences or wages for their Service in Parliaments, which it recites, be produced before the reign of King Edward the 1. Nor was the name of Parliament, which it mentions and writes of, so much as used by any Author before the later end of King Henry the 3. his reign, after whose reign this Modus was certainly compiled, towards the end of K. Richard the 2. or after, as other passages in it evidence be­yond [Page 27] all contradiction) This magnified Treatise, be it genuine or spurious, determines thus of the Kings and Lords rights to be personally present in all Parliaments. ‘The King is bound by all means possible to be present at the Parliament, unless he be detained or let there from by bodily sickness; and then he may keep his Chamber, yet so that he lye not without the Manour or Town where the Parliament is held: and then he ought to send for twelve persons, of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament; that is, two Bishops, two EARLS, two BARONS, two Knights of the Shire, two Burgesses, and two Citizens to look up­on his person to testifie and witness his estate; and in their presence he ought to make a Commission and give Authority to the Archbishop of the Place, the Steward of England, and Chief Justice, that they joyntly and se­verally should begin the Parliament, and continue the same in his name, express mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence thence; which ought to suffice and admonish the OTHER NOBLES, and chief men in the Parliament, together with the evi­dent testimonie of the twelve Peers, &c. The rea­son is, Because there was wont to be a cry or murmur in the Parliament for the Kings absence, because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole Com­monalty of the Parliament and Kingdom. Neither indeed ought or may he be absent, but only in the case aforesaid.’ After which it follows, ‘The Archbishops, Bishops, and other chief of the Clergy ought to be sum­moned to come to the Parliament; and also EVERY EARL and BARON, and their PEERS OUGHT TO BE SUMMONED and COME TO THE PARLIA­MENT, &c. Touching the beginning of the Parliament, The Lord the King, shall sit in the midst of the great bench, and is bound to be present in the first and last day of Parliament. And the Chancellort, Treasurer, and Barons of the Exchequer, and Justices were wont to re­cord the defaults made in Parliament according to the [Page 28] order following. In the third day of the Parliament, the Barons of the Cinqueports shall be called, and after­wards the BARONS of England; after them the EARLS, Whereupon if the Barons of the Cinqueports be not come, the Baronie from whence they are shall be amer­ced at an hundred marks; and an Earl at one hundred pounds: After the same manner it must be done to those who are Peers to Earls and Barons. After which it re­lates the manner of placing the Earls, Baron; and Peers in Parliament; Then adds, The Parliament may be held, and OUGHT every day to begin at one of the clock in the afternoon: at which time the King is to be present at the Parliament, and all the Péers of the Kingdome. None of all the Peers of the Parliament may or ought to depart alone from the Parliament, unless he have obtai­ned (and that in full Parliament) leave from the King and all his Péers so to doe; and that withall there be a remembrance kept in the Parliament roll of such Leave and Libertie granted. And if any of the Peers during the term of the Parliament shall be sick or weak, so as he is not able to come to the Parliament, then he ought three dayes together send such as may excuse him to the Parliament, or else two Peers must go and view him▪ and if they find him sick, then he may make a Proxie. Of the Parliament, the King is the Head, the beginning and ending.’ So this Treatise. The Statute of 5 R. 2. Parl. 2. ch. 4. enacts by Command of the King, and Assent of the Prelates, Lords and Eommons in Parliament; That all and singular persons and Commonalties, which from hence­forth shall have the Summons of the Parliament, shall come from henceforth to the Parliament in the manner, as they be bound to doe, and hath been accustomed within the Realm of England of old time. And every person of the said Realm which from henceforth shall have the said Summons (be he Archbishop, Bishop, Abbot, Prior, Duke, Lord, Baron, Baronet, Knight of the Shire, Citizen of City, Burgess of Burgh, or other singular person or Commonalty) do absent himself, or come not at the said Summons, (except he may reasonably or ho­nestly [Page 29] excuse himself to our Soveraign Lord the King) he shall be amerced and otherwayes punished according as of old time hath béen used to be done, within the said Realm in the said case. Which relates unto and agrees expresly with that forecited out of Modus tenendi Parliamentum, (which took it out of this Act.) If then all the Lords, Peers in Parliament are bound to attend in Parliament, being oft times there all called for by name, and ought not to depart from it without the Kings and Houses leave, under pain of Amercement and other punishment as this Statute re­solves, and 3 Ed. 3.19. Fitzh. Coron. 161. Stamford, l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. Cook 4 Instit. p. 15, 16, 17.43. 28 E. 3. Nu. 1, 2. 5 R. 2. n. 2. 8 H. 4. n. 55. and 31 H. 6. n. 45. (Where fines were imposed on absent Lords) most fully ma­manifest; then questionless they ought of right to sit in Parliament, else it were the height of Injustice thus to fine them. In the tenth year of King Graftons chroh. p. 348.350. R. 2. this King ab­sented himself from his Parliament then sitting at Westmin­ster, residing at Eltham about forty daies, and refusing to come to the Parliament, and yet demanding from them four Fifteens for maintenance of his Estate and outward Warres: Whereupon the whole body of the Parliament made this answer; That unless the King were present they would make therein no allowance. Soon after they sent the Duke of Glo­cester and Bishop of Ely, Commissioners to the King to Eltham, who declared to him among other things in the Lords and Com­mons behalf; how that by That in the Modus Te­nendi Parl. touching the Kings ab­sence from the Parlia­ment, was grounded on this passage; therefore writ after. an old Ordinance they have an Act, if the King absent himself 40 dayes not being sick, but of his own mind, (not heeding the charge of his people, nor their great pains) and will not resort to the Parliament, they may then lawfully return to their Houses. And now sir (said they) you have been absent a longer time, and yet refuse to come a­mongst us, which is greatly to our discontent. To which the King answered; Well, we do consider, that our own people and Commons go about to rise against us, wherefore we think we can do no better, than to ask aid of our Cosen the French King, and rather to submit us to him, than unto our own subjects. The Lords answered, Sir, that Counsell is not best, but a way ra­ther [Page 30] to bring you into danger, &c. By whose good perswasions the King was appeased, and promised to come to the Parlia­ment, and condiscend to their Petitions: and according to his appointment he came, and so the Parliament proceeded, which else had dissolved by the Lords departure thence in discontent, a [...]d the Kings wilfull absence.

Ranulf de Glanvil the first writer of our Common Laws, in his Prologue to his book De legibus & consuetu­ainibus Regni Angliae, (used in the reign of King H. the 2. under whom he flourished, and his Predecessors) writes thus of the Parliamentary Councils in that age, and their Members power to enact Laws. Leges Anglicanas, licet non scriptas leges appellari non videtur absurdum, cum hoc ip­sum Lex sit, quod Principi placet, et legis habet vigorem: eas scilicet quas super dubiis in Consilio desiniendis, Proce­rum quidem Concilio et principis accidente authoritate constat esse promulgatas. And lib. 13. cap. 32. f. 110. Cum quis itaque infra assisam Dom. Reg. id est, infra tempus, A Dom. Rege de consilio Procerum, adhoc constitutum, quod quandoque majus quando (que) minus censetur. So as the Parliaments under this King and his Ancestors, consisted only of the King and Nobles, who then made and enacted Laws by the Kings royal assent, without any Knights, Ci­tizens, or Burgesses elected by the people, of which I find no mention in the Parliamentary Councils under this King,Mat. Paris p. 96, 67. Mat. Westm. an. 1164 Hoved. annal. pars poster. p. 499. Chron. Ger­vasii col. 1385, 1386. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 122. Radulf. de Dicero I­magines, Hist. col. 536. Fabi­an, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel. who as some erroniously assert, first summoned Knights, Citizens and Burgesses to our Parliaments. In the Parliamentary Councel at Clarindon, under King H. the 2. An. 1164. Jo. de Oxonia, by the Kings command (there present) sate President, Presentibus etiam Archiep [...]scopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, et Proceribus regni, wherein they made a Recognition of the customs and liberties of his Grandfather King Henry the 1. and o­ther his Ancestors, which ought to be observed by all persons within the Realm, by reason of the discords of­ten happening between the Clergy and temporal Justices, and great men of the Realm. These they reduced to 16 Articles, very much ecclipsing the Popes and Bishops ec­clesiastical [Page 31] Jurisdiction. This Chronica Gervasii, col. 1433. Recognition the Arch­bishops, B [...]shops, Abbots, Priors, Clergy, cum Comitibus Proceribus et Baronibus cunctis una voce, firmly pro­mised in the word of truth, bona fide, to observe and keep to the King and his heirs for ever, without male engin. The 11 of these Articles runs thus. Archiepiscopi et Episcopi sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse Iudiciis Curiae (to wit of Parliament) cum Baronibus, quousque perve­niatur in judicio ad d [...]minutionē membrorum, vel ad mortem. Which proves the judicial power of Parliaments to be then only in the Lords and Barons. In the year 1170. (the 16 of Henry [...].) on the Feast of St. Bernard, Rex magnum celebravit Concilium Londoniis cum Princi­pibus et Magnatibus curiae suae, de coronatione Henrici filii sui: So Annal. pars posterior, p. 518. Hoveden, Anno 1172. Rex Angliae Henri­cus convocatis regui Primoribus apud Northamptoniam renove [...]unt Assis [...]m Clarindoniae, eamque praecepit observari. Roger de Hoveden An­nal. pars post. p. 544. In the year 1175. King Henry the second and his son held a great Council at York, where the agreement between him and the King of Scots (there present, with most of his Bishops, Abbots and Nobles) was read and confirm­ed before the King and his Son, the Arehbishop of York, the Bishop of Durham, & Comitibus & Baronibus An­gliae. The Hoveden p. 546. Antiq. Ecclesias Brit. p. 94, 95. s [...]me year Rex magnum congregavit con­eslium [...]pud Windeshores in octavis Sancti Michaelis prae­sentibus & Rege filio Richardo Cant. Archiepiscopo & Episcopis Angliae, & Laurent [...]o Dubli [...]ensi Archiepiscopo. Praesentibus e [...]i [...]m Comitibus et Baronibus Angliae, In which some controversies in Ireland were ce [...]ci­ded.

In the year Hoveden Annal. pars post. p. 548. 1176. King Henry coming to No [...]ingham on the feast of Sr. Pauls conversion, ibi celebravit Magnum Concilium de statute regni sui, et coram rege filio su [...]. Ar­chiepiscopis, Episcopis, Comitibus et Baronibus Regn [...] sui, Communi omnium Concilio divisit regnum suum in sex partes, per quarum singu [...]a [...] tres▪ Justiciarios itinerantes constituit; whose names, Commissions, and Articles are there at large recorded. And the same year this King held [Page 32] another Hoveden P. 551. Great Council at London, in which the King Consilio universorum Episcoporum, Comitum et Baro­num Regni concessit Regi Siciliae filiam suam. Hoveden annal. pars poster. p. 561. to 566. Mat. Paris, p. 127. In the year 1177. King Henry the 2. summoned a Great Counc [...]l to determin the great Controversy between Sanctius King of Navarr, and Alphonsus King of Castile; whose Advo­cates propounding and debating their cases in the presence of the King and of his Bishops, Earls and Barons; the King habito cum Episcopis, Comitibus et Baronibus no­stris cum deiiberatione consilio, drew up by their advice an award between them under his great Seal, record­ed at large in Hoveden, who writes Comites et Barones Regalis Curiae Angliae adjudicaverunt plenariam, utrique parti supradictae, quae in jure petita fuer [...]nt, fieri restitutio­nem. The like they did in the Hoveden p. 560. Council of Northamp­ton in other cases held the same year. Anno 1188. King Henry the 2. on the 3d of February held a Parliamentary Council at Chronica Gervasii, col. 1522. Hoveden, p. 642. Gaintington, about 8 or 10. miles from Northampton, where convenerunt unà cum Rege PRAE­SULES ET PRINCIPES REGNI, de defensione sacro­sanctae terrae Jerosolymae tractaturi, where after long debate they made 8. Statutes concerning that voyage. The very same year the Kings of England and France on the 10. of February came to a conference about their Voyage to Je­rusalem; cum Archiepiscopis, Comitibus et Baronibus Regnorum suorum, as they had formerly done in the same manner and place, An. 1173. and as they did after­wards An. 1189. Cum Archiepiscopis, Episcopis et Ba­ronibus suis. Hoveden p. 641.556.653. So as during King Henry the seconds whole reign, we read of no Knights, Citizens and Burgesses elect­cted by the people present in our Parliamentary Councils, but only the King, Prelates, Earls, Barons and Nobles al­waies mentioned by name, and Judges in them. Only I find this one expression in Annal. p. 643. Hoveden, An. 1188. Rex statim (apud Gaintington) congregavit Magnum Conci­lium Episcoporum, Abbatum, Comitum et Baronum, et aliorum multorum tam Clericorum quam Laicorum, (but that these were Knights, Citizens and Burgesses ele­cted [Page 33] by the people, and not persons particularly summo­ned and nominated by the King himself to be Assessors & Collectors of the Tenths, there to receive their instructi­ons for it, which is most probable, cannot be thence infer­red) ubi in publica audientia recitari fecit omnia supradicta capitula quae constituerat de Cruce capienda: et tunc Dominus Rex misit servientes suos, Clericos & Laicos, per singulos Comi­tatus Angliae ad Decim as colligendas (most likely the alio­rum muliorum tam Clericorum quam Laicorum, present at this great Council) secundum praedictam Ordinationem in terris suis transmarinis constitutam, to wit, at Cenoma­num, ubi consilio suorum, (to wit, of the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls and Barons there with him) ordinavit, quod unusquisque decimam redditorum et mobilium suorum in elee­mo sinam dabit ad subventionem terrae Jerosolymitanae hoc an­no (exceptis armis & equis, & vestibus militum, &c.) Sed de singulis urbibus totius Angliae, fecit elegi omnes ditiores, vi­delicet, de Londonio 200, & de Eboraco 100, & de aliis Urbibus secundum quantitatem & numerum eorum: & fecit omnes sibi praesentari diebus & locis statutis, de quibus caepit Decimam mobilium suorum secundum aestimationem virorum fidelium, qui noverant redditus et mobilia eorum: Si quos au­tem invenisset rebelles, statim fecit eos in carcerari et in vincu­lis teneri, donec ultimum quadrantem persolverent: similiter fecit de Judaeis terrae suae, unde inaestimabilem sibi acquisivit pecuniam.

Andrew Horn in his Ch. 1. Sect. 2. p. 8, 9. Mirrour of Justices, in the reign of King Edward the first, writes, ‘That our Saxon Kings divided the Realm of England, after it was turned into an heritage, into 38 Counties; over which they set so many Counts or Earls: and although the King ought to have no Peers in his land, yet for that if the King should do wrong to, or offend any of his people, neither he nor any of his Commissaries ought to be both Judge and Party, it behoveth of Right, that the King should have COMPANIONS, for to hear and determine IN PAR­LIAMENTS, all Writs and Plaints of the Wrongs of the King, of the Queen, and of their Children, and of [Page 34] those especially, who otherwise could not have common right concerning their wrongs. These Companions are now called Counts, after the Latine word Comites. Ch. 3. Sect. 3. For the good Estate of the Realm King Alfred assembled the COUNTS or Earls, and ordained by a Perpetual Law, that twice a year or oftner, they should assemble at Lon­don in Parliament, to consult of the Government of the people of God, &c. By which Estate or Parliament ma­ny Laws and Ordinances were made; which be there recites.’ Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l. 2. c. 16. l. 3. c. 9. in Henry the 3d. his reign, and Fleta, l. 2. c. 2. p. 66. write thus in Edw. the first his reign in the same words. Habet enim Rex cu [...]iā suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis suis, PRAESENTIBUS Praelatis, But no Com­mons, of which he speaks not a word; they having then no being or place in them▪ COMITIBUS, BARONIBUS, PROCERI­BUS, & aliis viris peritis: ubi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum, & novis injuriis emersis, nova constituuntur re­media. And l. 17. c. 17. he writes thus, Rex in populo regendo superiores habet, Videlicet, Legem per quam est Rex; & Curiam suam, (to wit, of Parliament) videlicet, COMI­TES & BARONES. Comites enim à Comitia dicuntur, qui cum viderint Regem sine froeno, Froenum sibi apponere TE­NENTƲR ne clament subditi: Domine Jesu Christe in Chamo & froeno maxillas eorum constringe. Sir Tho. Smith in his Commonwealth of England, l. 2. c. 1. John Vowel, and Ralph Holinshed, vol. 1. c. 6. p. 173. Mr. Cambden in his Britannia, p. 177. John Minshaw in his Dictionary, Cowel in his Interpreter Title Parliament; Powel in his Attorneys Accademy, and M. St. Johns Argument at Law at Straf­fords attain­der. Daltons Office of Sheriffs. others, unanimously conclude. That the ‘Parliament consisteth of the KING, the LORDS SPi­RITUAL and TEMPORAL, and the Commons; which STATES represent the body of all England; which make but one Assembly or Court, called the Parliament, and is of all other the Highest and greatest Authority, and hath the most high and absolute power of the Realm: And that no Parliament is or can be holden without the King and Lords.’ Mr. Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts, affirms, particularly of the High Court of Parliament f. 1. &c. ‘This Court is the highest Court of England, in [Page 35] which the King himself sits in person, and comes there at the beginning and end of the Parliament▪ and at any other time when he pleaseth, ordering the Parliament. To this Court come all the Lords of Parliament, as well Spiritual as temporal, and are severally summoned by the Kings writ at a certain day and place assigned; The Chancellor of England and other great Officers or Judges are there likewise present; together with the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses; who all ought to be personally present, or else to be amerced, and otherwise punished, if they come not being summoned, unles good cause be shewed, or in case they depart without the Houses or Kings special license, after their appearance before the Sessions ended: And he resolves, That the King, Lords and Commons, doe all joyntly make up the Parliament; and that no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made to bind the subject, without all their concur­rent assents.’

Sir Edward Cook not only in his Epistle before his ninth Report and Institutes on Littleton, p. 109, 110. But like­wise in his 4. Institutes, (published by Order of the Commons themselves this present Parliament, c. 1. p. 1, 2. &c.) writes thus of the high and Honourable Court of Parliament. ‘This Court consisteth OF THE KINGS MAJESTIE, sitting there, as in his royal politick capacity; and of the three Estates of the Realm, viz. Of the Lords Spiritual, Archbishops and Bishops, being in number 24. who sit there in respect of their Counties or Baronies, parcel of their Bishopricks, which they hold also in their politick capacity; and every one of these when the Parliament is to be holden, ought ex debito Justitiae, to have a writ of summons. The LORDS TEMPORAL, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts and Barons, who sit there by reason of their dignities which they hold by descent or creation: And likewise EVERY ONE OF THESE being of full age, OUGHT TO HAVE a writ of sum­mons Therefore their exclusi­on thence, is Ex Abysso Ne­quiti [...], from the abyss of Injustice and Iniquity. EX DEBITO JUSTITIAE. The third Estate are the Commons of the Realm, whereof there be [Page 36] Knights of Shires or Counties, Citizens of Cities, and Burgesses of Boroughs. All which are respectively ele­cted by the Shires or Counties, Cities and Boroughs by force of the Kings writ, ex debito Justitiae; and none of them ought to be omitted: and these represent all the Commons of the whole Realm, and trusted for them, and are in number at this time 403. He adds, And it is ob­served, that when there is best appearance, there is the best successe in Parliament. At the Parliament holden in the 7. year of H. 5. holden before the Duke of Bedford Guardian of England, of the Lords Spiritual and Tempo­ral there appeared but 30. in all: at which Parliament there was but one Act of Parliament passed, and that of no great weight. In An. 50 E. 3. all the Lords appea­red in person, and not one by Proxy: at which Parlia­ment, as appeareth by the Parliament Roll, so many ex­cellent things were sped and done, that it was called Bonum Parliamentum. And the King and these three e­states are the great Corporation or body of the kingdom and doe sit in two Houses; and of this Court of Parlia­ment, the King is Caput, Principium, & Finis. The Parl. cannot begin but by the Royal presence of the King ei­ther in person or representation, by a Gardian of England or Commissioners, both of them appointed under the great Seal of England, &c. And 42 E. 3. Rot. Parl. num. 7. It is declared by the Lords and Commons in full Parliament, upon demand made of them, on the behalf of the King; That they Nota. could not assent to any thing in Parliament, that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Crown whereunto they were sworn.’ And p. 35. he hath this special observation; ‘That it is observed by antient Parliament men out of Records, that Parlia­ments have not succeeded well in five cases. First, when the King hath been in difference with his Lords & with his Commons. Secondly, When any of the great Lords were at variance between themselves. Thirdly, When there was no good correspondence between the Lords and Commons.’ Fourthly, When there was no unity be­tween [Page 37] the Commons themselves (in all which our present Parliament is now most unhappy; and so like to miscarry and succeed very ill) Fifthly, When there was no preparation for the Parliament before it began: every of which he ma­nifests by particular instances.

From all these and sundry Judge Huttons Ar­gume [...] of Mr. Hampdens case. p. 32, 33. Daltons of­fice of Sherifs. Mr. St. Johns Argument at Law at Straf­fords Attain­der, publish­ed by the Commons special Or­der, in which he at large as­serts The Kings and Lords un­doubted right to sit and judge in Parliament, and that it is high Treason to ex­clude them by force of Arms. other Authorities, it is most evident and transparent; That both the King him­self and Lords, ought of right, duty to be personally present in Parl. and ever have been so, as well as the Commons, and neither of them to be excluded, since they all make up but one Parliament, that no Lords, Commons ought to depart from it without special leave, under pain of amerce­ment, and other penalties, That no binding Law can be passed without their joynt consents. And that the Commons alone are no more a Parliament of themselves without the King and Lords, than the Common Councel of London are an intire City or Corporation without the L. Mayor, and Aldermen, or the Covent without the Abbot, the Chapter without the Dean, or the legs or belly a perfect man with­out the head, neck, and heart.

Sixthly,33 H. 6.17. Brooke Parli­ament 4 Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts. f. 8. Mr. Hackwel of the manner of passing Blls in Parliament. The antient and constant form of endorsing Bills in Parliament, began in the Commons house, in all Parliaments since the House of Commons, unanswerably demonstrates the Commons of Englands acknowledge­ment of the Lords right, to sit, vote▪ assent, or dis-assent to Bills in Parliament, viz. Soit Bayle a Seigneurs: let it be delivered, or sent up to the Lords. Yea, the Com­mons constant sending up of their own Members, with Messa­ges to the Lords; their receiving Messages from them, and entertaining frequent conferences with them in matters wherein their opinions differ; in which conferences the Lords usually adhere to their dissents, unlesse the Com­mons give them satisfaction and convince them, and the Lords oft times convince the Commons, so far as to con­sent [Page 38] to their alterations of Bills, Ordinances, Votes, and to lay them quite aside, is an unquestionable argument of their Right to sit and vote in Parliament; and of their Negative voice too: All which would prove but a meer absurdity, superfluity, if the Commons in all ages, and now too, were not convinced, that the Lords had as good right to sit and vote in Parliament, and a Negative dissen­ting voice, as well as they; never once questioned nor doubted till within this year or two, by some seditious disciples of Lilburns and Overtons tutoring, who endea­voured to evade their justice on them.

Seventhly, This just right of the Lords is expresly and notably confirmed by all the Commons of England, in the Parliament of 31 H. 8. c. 10. concerning the placing and sit­ting of the Lords and great Officers of State in the Parliament House, made by the Commons consent: it being in vain to make such a Law (continuing still till this very day both in force and use) if they had no lawfull right to sit and vote in Parliament, because they are not elective, as Knights and Burgesses are. And likewise by the Statute of 39 H. 6. c. 1. made at the Commons own Petition, to re­peal the Parliament held at Coventry the year before; and all procedings of it, by practice of some seditious persons; of pur­pose to destroy some of the great Nobles, faithfull and lawfull Lords and Estates, meerly out of malice, and greedy and un­satiable covetousness to possesse themselves of their Lands, pos­sessions, offices and goods; whereby many great injuries, Enor­mities and Inconveniences, well nigh to the ruine, decay, and u­niversal subversion of the kingdom ensued. The very design of our Lilburnists, Sectaries, and Levellers now, out of particular malice and covetousness, to share the Lords and all rich Commoners lands and estates between them, being poor indigent covetous people for the most part, scarce forty of them worth one groat, at least before these times and wars.

8ly. This apparent Right of theirs, is undeniably ratified, acknowledged by the very words of the Kings writs in all ages, by which the Lords themselves are summoned to [Page 39] the Parliament, running in this form.

Clause 49 H. 3. m. 10. dors. in sche­dul [...], Cromp­tons jurisdi­ction of Courts, f. 1. Carolus, &c. Charissimo consaguineo suo Edwardo Com. Oxon. salutem: Quia de advisamento & consensu consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis, Nos, sta­tum et defensionem Regni nostri Angliae, & Ecclesiae Angli canae concernentibus, quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Civitatem nostram. Westmonasterium, 12 die Novemb. prox. futuro tenere ordinavimus, et ibidem vobiscum, cum Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri col­loquium havere, ettractare; Vobis sub fide & ligeantiis qui­bus nobis teneamur firmiter injungendo, Mandamus, quod consideratis dictorum negotiorum arduitate, & periculis mi­nentibus, cessante excusatione quacunque, dictis die et loco per­sonaliter inter sitis Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, Magnati­bus, Proceribus praedictis, super dictis negotiis tractaturus, vestrumque consilium impensurus, sicut Nos et honorem no­strum, ac salvationem et defensionem Regni et Ecclesiae prae­dictorum, expeditionem que dictorum negotiorum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis, Teste, &c.

Which writs firmly require and command their perso­nal presence, counsel and advise in all Parliaments, with­out any excuse, and that by the faith and allegiance which they owe to the King, and as they doe tender the King and his honour, the salvation and defence of the Realm and Church of England, and the dispatch of the arduous and urgent businesses which concern them. Which is like­wise seconded, expressed in the very words of all the writs for election of Knights and Burgesses, the form and substance whereof are antient, and can recive no alterati­on nor addition but by Act of Parliament, as Instit. 4. p. 10. This is their only end, and trust, & none other, as the Writ and its retorn attest; not to imprison, destroy the King, Realm, Church, and Parliament of England it self, and those very Cities, Burroughs which ele­cted them, under pretext of a new Government, and more equal representa­tive, the very Jesuits plot, and Levellers design. Sir Ed­ward Cook resolves. By this Writ, the Prelates, Great men, Nobles of the Realm are summoned to the Parliament, there to treat and confer with the King, of the arduous and urgent [Page 40] affairs and defence of the King, Realm, and Church of Eng­land, as the first Clause of the writ, Clause 4 E. 3. m. 41.32.27.19 dors. 5. E. 3. part 1. m. 25.7. 6 E. 3. Dors. claus. part 2. m. 36.4. Cromptons Iurisdiction of Courts. f. 1. Carolus, &c. quia, &c. pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis; Nos Statum & defensionem Regni nostri Angliae, & Ecclesiae Anglica­nae concernent: quoddam Parliamentum nostrum &c. teneri or­dinavimus; & ibidem cum Praelatis▪ Magnatibus & Pro­ceribus dicti Regni nostri colloquium & haberet tractare, Tibi praecipimus, And the Commons are summoned, to perform and consent to those things which shall there happen to be ordained by this Common Council of the Kindom, &c. And if they are thus summoned, not to treat amongst them­selves as an independent, intire Parliament; but to con­firm and consent to what the King, Prelates, Great men, and Peers (the See the Freehol­ders grand Inquest, and my Historical Collection, where this is largely pro­ved. Common Council of the Realm) shall or­dain about such affairs; as they must of necessity admit the King, Lords and Peers to be altogether as essential (yea more principal eminent) Members of Parliament, though not elective as the Knights and Burgesses, who are but summoned to consent to and perform what shall happen there by their common advise to be ordained; or at least to consult and advise with them, as their inferi­ours, not to over-rule them, as their superiours, and the only Supream power, authority in the Kingdom. So if they will totally exclude either King or Lords from the Parlia­ment (who are distinct, principal and essential Members of it as well as the Commons, and have always been so reputed until now) the Commons may sit alone as Cy­phers, but not as a Parliament or Council, to vote, impose, or act any thing that is binding to the people; since regularly they neither are, nor ever yet were in a­ny age no more a Parliament in any case with­out the King and Lords, then the King and Lords alone are now a Parliament (though antiently they were so of themselves) without the Commons, or the trunk of a man, a perfect man without head or shoulders. If Dyer. 61, 62. Cook 5. Report. f. 90, 91, 94.120, 121.1: Rep. f. 111.173. 19 H. 8, 9. Br. executors 3.15.11.7.12. 3. be joyntly impowred or commissioned to do any act by Com­mission, [Page 41] Deed, or Warrant, any one or two of them can doe nothing without the third. If many be in Commission of the Peace, Sewers, or the like & three of the Quorum joynt­ly, to act therein joyntly, if any one of the three be absent or dead, all the rest can doe nothing, because their au­thority is joynt, not single. In Parliament it self, if ei­ther house appoint a Committee of 3, 5, or 7. to examine, act, or execute any thing: if but one of this number be absent, or put out, the rest can doe nothing that is legal or valid, even by course of Parliament; neither can ei­ther House sit and vote as a House, unlesse there be so many Members present, as by the Law and custom of Par­liament will make up an House, as every mans experi­ence can inform him. If these Levellers then will abso­lutely cut off or exclude the King or Lords from the Parli­ament, they absolutely null and dissolve it: and the Act for See my le­gal Vindica­tion against illegal Taxes, p. 3.4.44. to 51. And this Lilburn him­self expresly asserts in part in his Letter or Epistle to the Speaker Mr. Lenthal. June 8. 1658. p. 34.39. to 59. continuing this Parliament cannot make nor continue the Commons alone together as a Parliament, no more than the Lords or King alone without the Commons; the King or either house alone being no Parliament, but both conjoyned and enlivened with the Kings personal or representative presence. The cutting off the head alone or of the head and shoulders, altogether destroys and kills the body Politick and Parliament, as well as the body na­tural. If the King dies, or resigns his Crown, or be de­posed, the Parliament thereby is actually dissolved, as it was resolved in the Parl. of 1 H. 4. n, 1, 2, 3. 1 H. 5. n. 26. 4 E. 4.44. and Cooks 4 Institutes, p. 46. The last Parlia­ment of 21 Jac. dissolved by his death, So if the Lords or Commons dissolve and leave their House, without any adjournment, or if the King by his Writ dismisse, or dis­solve either of the Houses, the Parliament is thereby dissol­ved, as the forecited Presidents, and the latter clause of the writ for the election of Knights and Burgesses manifests. And a new kind of Parliament consisting only of Commo­ners, when the old one (only within the Act for continu­ing this Parliament made up both of King, Lords, and Commons) is dissolved; neither will nor can be suppor­ted [Page 42] or warranted by the Letter or intention of this Law, or any other Law, custom, or right whatsoever.

Ninthly, All the Petitions of the Commons in all an­tient & modern Parliaments to the King, & Peers, for their redresse of grievances, recorded in our antient Parlia­mentary Rolls. The usual Prologue to most of our anti­ent printed Statutes, in the Statutes at large, & in Poulton, The King at the request of the Commons & of, or by the assent of the Prelates, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and other great men there assembled, hath ordained these things (or Acts) underwritten: all Acts of Parliament now extant, usually running in this form; Cook 4. In­stit. c. 1, The King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament hath ordained; And be it enacted by the Kings moct excellent Majesty, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present Parliament assembled. The famous Petition of Right, 3 Car. so much insisted on, beginning thus. Humbly shew unto our Soveraign Lord the King, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled, thus answered by the King; Let right be done as is desired. The Act for continuing this Par­liament, made by the King and Lords, as well as by the Commons, (who never intended to exclude themselves out of this Parliament by that Act, or that it should con­tinue if either of them were quite dismembred from it) with all Acts and Ordinances since. Yea the very Prote­station, and Solemn League and Covenant, taken by the Com­mons, Lords and prescribed by them to all others through­out the three kingdoms, which couple the Lords and Com­mons always together (neither of them alone being able to make any binding Act nor Ordinance to the Subjects, See my Ire­narch. redivi­vus. un­lesse they both concurr, and have the Kings royal assent thereto no more than one Member alone of the House can make a House) and ranck the Lords always before the Commons, and the King before them both; so firmly hold forth, establish the Lords and Kings undoubted Rights to sit and Vote in Parliament, and decry this new inven­ted Monopoly of a sole Parliament of Commons, without King or Lords, and that absolute Sovereign Power these [Page 43] Lilburnists, new Lights have spied out and set up for them in Utopia; that impudency it self would blush to vent such mad, absurd, irrational Frenzies and Paradoxes as these crack brain'd persons dare to publish; and they may with as much truth and reason argue, that one man is three; that the Leggs and trunk of a man are a perfect man, with­out head, neck, arms, and shoulders; or that the Leggs, Ribs, Bowels of the Body are and ought to be placed a­bove the head, neck, shoulders; as that the House of Com­mons are or ought to be an entire Parliament; the sole Legislative Power, the only Supreme Authority, paramount both King and Lords; who must not now have so much as a Negative voice, to deny or contradict any of the Com­mons Votes, or Ordinances, though never so rash, unjust, dishonourable, prejudicial or dangerous to the whole Kingdom; as these new Dogmatists affirm.

Tenthly, The Commons themselves in their joynt Decla­ration and Resolution with the Lords, this Parliament, con­cerning his Majesties late Proclamation, 9 August 1642. Exact Col­lection, p. 508. printed by their special order declare and stile his House of Péers to be, the Hereditary Counsellors of the King­dom. The like they declare in their Exact Col­lection, p. 846. Declaration of 16 January 1642. Mr. John Pym in his Speech at Guildhall in London, 14 January 1642. (made and printed by the Commons special order) asserted; That the Lords have an Hereditary interest in making Laws in this Kingdom. Exact Col­lection, p. 13, 19, 528. The Commons House in their Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, 15 December 1641. affirm, That the Peers are the Kings Great Council: That the King summoned the Great Council of Péers to meet at York the 24. of Sep­tember, and there declared a Parliament to begin the 3. of November following. In which Parliament when the Lords and Commons met; they add▪ But what can we the Commons doe without the conjunction of the House of Lords? and what conjunction can we expect there, when the Bishops and Recusant Lords are so numerous and prev [...]lent? thereby confessing that without the Lords concurrence (who are the Great Council of the Realm) the Commons [Page 44] can do nothing at all in Parliament: since all Laws, Ordi­nances, Taxes, Votes that are valid and binding to the people, must pass Both Houses, and have the Lords as well as Com­mons assent; as they resolve in sundry Exact Col­lection, p. 213.276, 277.268, 269.278, 279, 280.250.360.364, 365.377.455.461.494.498.526, 528.531, 533, 544.502.546, 547.548, 550, 551.557.560, 561, 562.578.321, 322, 323. A Collection of Ordinances, p. 110, 111.205, 227.879. printed Rem [...]nstran­ces, & Declarations, mentioning Both Houses of Parlia­ment, [...]nd their concurrence to all things therein concluded; and the King likewise in his. The Lords and Commons in their Declaration of the 5th of August 1645. to the High and Mighty States General of the United Provinces; printed in A Collection of Ordinances of Parliament, p. 699, 700. complain thus to them of this misinformation of their Ambassadors, June 20. 1645. The Lower House hath caused the Chamber where they sit in, to be hanged with Tapi­stry, which was heretofore never so. It is said it is done, that the Lords changing their Chamber, shall come and sit in the House of Commons, and so to be both together reduced into one body, and the better agree by number of Votes: When hereto­fore the Parliament was full, then the Lords Chamber did con­sist of about 126. or more Votes, and the Lower House of above 500 Votes; and they have alwayes been in several Houses, and the one could not conclude anything for a Resolution of the King, unless the other House did also consent; but now the King is absent, and the Vpper House should now be melted into the Lower; and in the Common Assembly of about 26 Lords which are now here, and some 200 Commo­ners, so the most Votes should rule and Ordain all matters: Thus much we are told, and that it tends to shun many disputes, and hindrances which happen in their resolution every day. The Lords remain constant to maintain their Rights, and say: this is to take away all their Right and prerogative, taking away their House; and so to bring all the power under the Commons. [...]o which Misinformation the Commons, (and Lords too) returned this Answer to the States. My Lords, the Commons are charged with endeavour of altering the fun­damentals of Parliament, by taking away the House of Péers, and melting it into the House of Commons, when as there was never any debate in the House of Commons concer­ning a [...]y such matter, nor was the same ever intended or [Page 45] desired by the said House. A Collecti­on of Ordi­nances, p. 877, 878. After this the whole House of Commons in their Declaration of the 17 Aprilis 1646. of their true Intentions concerning the antient and fundamental Government of the Kingdom; thus positively declared to all the world; That our true and real Intentions are, and our endeavours shall be, to maintain the antient and fundamental Government of the Kingdom By King, Lords and Com­mons: that we have only desired, that with the consent of the King, such powers may be setled in the two Houses, without which we can have no assurance but that the like or greater mischiefs, which God hath hitherto delivered us from, may break out again, and engage us in a second and more destructive warr. Seeing then the very Commons House themselves in these and sundry other printed Declarations have so ful­ly, so frequently declared, resolved the Lords antient un­doubted Hereditarie right and interest to sit, vote and as­sent unto all Laws, Ordinances, Proceedings in Parlia­ment, as the Great Council, and Counsellors of the king­dom, and acknowledged this their Privilege and the House of Peers to be a part of the fundamental Constituti­on and Government of this kingdom, which they are re­solved to maintain, and not to alter: and that they never intended nor desired, much less endevoured the altering the fundamentals of Government by taking away the House of Lords; How any Commoners, Levellers or others can now dare to question, deny or oppugn this their hereditary fundamental right of Peerage, or attempt the actual abolishing of the House of Peers, without the highest Impudency, Treachery, Absurdity, and incurring the Crime of a New Gun-powder Treason, to blow up the House of Lords afresh, which the old Jesuitical Popish Gun-powder Traytors only attempted, but could not ac­complish, transcends my understanding to compre­hend.

11ly, The General Council of the Officers of the Army in their Declaration made at Windsore; about January 1647. presented to the Lords House by Sir Hardress Waller; as­serted, The hereditary Legal Right of the Lords and their [Page 46] House in Parliament, and the Armies fixed resolution to up­hold and maintain them and their Privileges with their swords. And if John Lilburns printed Letter to the Speaker, July 8 1648. p. 26, 27. may be credited, Lieutenant General Cromwell himself, protested to him and others at the Lord Whartons house, and that upon his conscience in the sight of God, Nota. That the Lords had as true a Right to their Le­gislative and Iurisdictive power over the Commons, as he had to the coat on his back, and that he and the Army would support the same. How dare then any Levellers or Officers in the Army or elsewhere to question or at­tempt to abolish this their undoubted right to sit, vote▪ and exercise a legislative and Juridical Jurisdiction in Parliament, and that over Commons themselves in cases which concern their Peerage, and in cases not triable pro­perly elswhere but only in Parliament?

12. Twelfthly, These very Sectaries and Levellers them­selves have acknowledged, asserted this Right & Power of the Lords all along this Parliament till of late, as appears by their several Petitions and Complains to them upon sundry occasions heretofore; by their resorting to them for Justice against Strafford, Canterbury, and others; Yea See Inno­cency and truth justifi­ed, p. 74, 75. Mr. Edwards Gangraena, part 3. p. 156.157. where his words & con­tradictions in this kind are recited at large. Jo. Lilburn himself, till his late quarrel with them, not only acknowledged their very power of Judicature, but highly applauded their Justice, in his own cause; Petitioning and suing to them not onely for reversal of the sentence against him in Starchamber, but likewise for damages and reparati­ons against his Prosecutors, pleading his cause by his Counsel before them, as his proper Judges; who thereupon by judge­ment of the House, vacated the Decree against him, as illegal; voted him Damages, and passed him an Ordinance for the reco­very and levying thereof; all which he himself hath published in sundry of his printed Pamphlets, wherein he acknowledgeth and extolleth their Justice. Take but one passage for all in his Innocency and Truth justified, p. 74, 75. If I be trans­mitted up to the Lords, I confidently believe I shall get forward, out of the former experiences of their Justice there, & I will in­stance two particulars. First, when I was a Prisoner in the [Page 47] Fleet, and secondly, May the fourth, one thousand six hun­dred forty one. The King accused me of High Treason, and before the Lords Bar was I brought for my life; where, although one Littleton, servant to the Prince, swore point blank against me, He did not then demur to their jurisdiction. yet had I free liberty to speak for my self in the open House; And upon my desire, that Master Andrews also might declare upon his Oath what he knew about my busi­ness, it was done; And his Oath being absolutely contradicto­ry to Master Littletons, I was both freed from Littletons malice, and the Kings accusation, at the Bar of the whole House: And for my part Nota. I am resolved to speak well of those that have done me justice, and not to doubt they will deny it me, till such time as by experience I find they doe it. And at that time he was so much for the Lo [...]ds, that he writes most disgracefully, derogatorily of the Commons House, (and other his Confederates by his example) tells them of their want of power, injustice, and illegal procee­dings His Let­ter to a friend: Innocency and truth ju­stified. H [...]s Letters to the General. Hen. Martin and L. G. Cromwel Englands Birthright. See Mr. Edw. Gangraena, part 3. p. 146. to 228. quarrels only with them, and their Committees, for their delays and injustice towards him: telling them to their faces in many of his former, and late printed The same he asserts in his Letter to the Spea­ker, June 8. 1648. And that the Commons then sitting, without the King and Lords were no Parlia­ment at all, and could make no Acts, &c. See there p. 26. to 59. where he large­ly proves it. Libels: That they have no power at all to commit or examin him, or any other Commons of England without the Lords: nor yet to give or take an Oath: That they are but a peece, and lowest part of the Parliament, not a Parliament alone; That they can make no binding Votes, Ordinances or Laws, nor com­mit nor command any Commoner, without the Lords, and in one or two Pamphlets more he endeavours to prove them to be now no lawfull house of Commons, at all; nor would he ever acknowledge them to be so; and that he would make no more conscience of cutting theirs and the Lords throats (the Tyrants and Oppressors at Westminster) than of killing so many Weasels and Polcats; with many other like scurrilous and mutinous expressions. His own printed Papers, Petitions, Actions therefore are an unanswerable confutation of his malicious cōtradictions of their Autho­rity [Page 48] and judicature since, for their exemplary justice on him: And he must either now re-acknowlege th [...]ir right of sitting, voting, judging in Parliament to be lawfull, or else renounce his own former Petitions and addresses to them for justice; retract all his former printed Papers, as­serting their judicature, and extolling their justice; yea disclaim their judgement for vacating his own sentence, in the Starchamber, their awarding him damages, and passing an Order to recover them, as meerly null and void, being made before no lawfull nor competent Jud­ges, as now he writes, since not elected by the Peoples Vote. Let those his followers, who admire him for his Law, observe these his palpable, invincible contradicti­ons, and be ashamed and afraid to follow such an ignorant erronious guide, who writes only out of malice, faction, not of judgement, as his contradictions evidence.

13ly. The Acts for preventing the inconveniencies happe­ning by the long intermission of Parliaments. And to pre­vent the inconveniences which may happen by the untimely ad­journing, proroging, or dissolving the Parliament (made this Parliament, and assented to by the King at the Com­mons importunity) confirm the Lords interest, right, to sit and Vote in Parliament beyond all dispute, and give them now power to summon a Parliament themselves in some cases, in default of the King, his Chancellor and Officers.

14ly. The antient form still continued till this day, of dismissing and dissolving Parliament, the King licenseth THE LORDS and COMMONS TO DEPART HOME, and TAKE THEIR EASE. 37 E. 3. n. 34. 38 E. 3. n. 18. 40 E. 3. n. 16. 43 E. 3. n. 34. 45 E. 3. n. 8.13. 47 E. 3. n. 7. (and all Parliaments since) proves their right of sitting in, and attending the service of the Parliament in person (without special license of the King, dispencing with their absence) during its continuance, in despite of all ignorant cavils to the contrary, The Kings license of them to depart being void and nugatory, if not bound by Law to attend the Parliament in person, as well as the Commons.

[Page 49]15ly. Finally, this hereditary right of the English Ba­rons, Lords, is demonstrated, resolved in this very clause of their Patents of creation; when first created Earls or Barons, inserted into all Patents since, 20 H. 2. and im­plyed by our Laws, though not precisely mentioned in all the antient Patents of creation before. Seldens Ti­tles of Ho­nour, part. 2. ch. 5. p. 663, 665.747, 748, 171, 763, 751, 757. Volentes & per praesentes concedentes pro nobis, haeredibus, & successori­bus nostris, quod praefotus A. Comes (vel Baro, &c.) S. & haeredes sui masculi, ut Comites, vel Barones, de S. in omnibus teneantur, tractentur, & reputentur, et eorum quilibet ha­beat, teneat, et possideat sedem et locum in Parlamen­tis nostris, haeredum et successorum nostrorum in [...]ra reg­num nostrum Angliae, inter alios Comites (vel Barones) ut Comes, vel Baro. Than which nothing than be more positive and direct in point.

I shall close up all the premises with two memorable Clauses in two writs of Summons to Parliament, evi­dencing not only the undoubted right, but absolute neces­sity of the Lords personal fitting, voting, and advising in our Parliaments.

In the Parliament held at York, in the 6 year of King Edward the third, the Archbishop of Canterbury, with some other Bishops and Nobles being absent, thereupon the Prelates, Nobles, Knights and Burgesses there present refused to act any thing, and resolved they could conclude nothing by reason of their absence: whereupon they prayed the King to adjourn the Parliament, and by a new Writ to summon the Archbishop, and all other Bishops and Lords then absent personally to appear at York on the day whereto the Parliament was adjourned, under a pe­nalty, as is evident by these Clauses in the Writs of Sum­mons then issued. Rot. Claus. 6 E. 3. in 4 Dors. Rex é venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Verum quia dictis negotiis in eodem Parliamento praepositis, quae salvationem jurium Coronae nostrae, & regni nostri intimè contingunt, Et nobis incidunt multum cordi, per Praelatos, Proceres, & Milites Comitatuum tunc ibidem praesentes deliberato consilio re­sponsum existit, quod in tam arduis negotiis sine vestri, [Page 50] ac aliorum Prelat. ac Magnat. et Procerum prodicto­rum absentium praesentia, consilium et assensum praebere non possunt, nec debent: Ita quod nobis cum insta [...] a sup­pli [...] [...] Pa [...]liam. illud usque ad diem Mercur [...]i [...] octav [...]s Sancti Hilari, prox. i [...]de futur. continuari seu pro [...]ogari & in­te [...]im vos e [...] caeteros Prelatos, et Proceres tunc absentes convocari faceremus. Ac nos, quanquam hu [...]usmodi [...]i [...]tio no [...]s d [...]m [...]s [...] e [...] periculosa plurimum vide [...]tur, eorum Petitioni in hac parte annuentes, &c. Parliamentum praedictum us­que ad octav. praedictas duximus continuandum seu prorogan­dum. Ac Praelatis, Magnatibus, Militibus, Civibus, & Bur­gensibus inj [...]nximus, quod tunc ibid. intersint, quacunque excusatione cessante, ac omnibus aliis praetermissis. Ne igitur contingat (quod absit) dicta negotia ad nostri & regni nostri damnum, & dedecus per vestri seu aliorum ABSEN­TIAM, ulterius prorogari, vobis in fide & dilectione qui­bus nobis tenemini, et sub periculo quod incumbit districte iniungendo mandamus, quod omni excusatione cessanie sitis personaliter apud Ebor. in dictis Octab. nobiscum, & cum caeteris Praelatis & Magnatibus dicti regni nostri super dictis negotiis tractaturus, et vestrum consilium imp [...]nsurus. Sci­entes, quod si per VESTRAM ABSENTIAM CONTI­GERIT dicta negotia (quid absit) ulterius retardari, dissimu­lare non poterimus, quin AD VOS EXINDE, SICUT CON­VENIT GRAVITER CAPIAMUS, Teste Rege apud Ebor. 11 Die Decembris. Eodem modo mandatum est 17 a­liis Episcopis, 13 Abbatibus, & 40 Magnatibus, & aliis. And in another writ of Summons the same year to the same Archbishop of Canterbury, there is this Clause in­serted against making any Proxie. Claus. An. 6 E. 3. part 2. m. 36. dors. Scientes pro certò, quod nisi evidens et manifesta necessitas id exposcat non intendimus Procuratores seu Excusatores pro vobis admittere ea vice, prop­ter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum. Which Clause a­mongst other reasons was then inserted, because the Clergy in a Parliament held at Eltham some two years before, refused to grant this King an aid for the defence of Ireland; by reason of the Archbishops absence from it, ad­journing their answer to this aid, till they all and the [Page 51] Archb [...]shop ass [...]mbled together in a future Convocation, to be summoned by the Kings writ, Mat. Paris, p. 359.625.626. as the Claus. Rol. An. 4 E. 3. m. 3. dorso record [...]. Thus the Bishops and Clergy refused to grant an aid to King Henry the 3. Anno 1232. and like­wise another aid to the Pope, Anno 1244. because many of the Bishops and Abbots who were summoned to the Parl. then held, were not present. Adding; Tangunt ista Archiepisco­pos necnon universos Angliae Praelatos; cum ergo Archiepis­copi, Episcopi, & alii Ecclesiarum Praelati sint Absentes,Nota.in eorum praejuditiis respondere nec possumus nec debe­mus. Ouia [...]id [...]cere praesume [...]emus in prejuditium om­nium Absentium fieret Praelatorum. All excellen [...] Pre­sidents both for the Lords and Commons in all succeeding ages, not to vote or act any thing, or grant any aids, or Subsidies upon any occasion, menace, or intreaty; whiles their Members who ought to be personally present are absent, much more when forcibly secured, or seclu­ded by internal confederacy, or external armed violence, or the whole House of Peers sequestred or suppres [...]ed by factious, seditious, Levellers, who now design their total and final extirpation out of their future See their Agreement of the people. New-model­led Parliaments.

Having thus impregnably evinced the Lords undoubted right to sit and vote in Parliament, though they be not elective by the peoples voices, as Knights and Burgesses are; I shall next discover unto our illiterate Ignoramusses, who oppose their right, the justice, good grounds and reasons of our Ancestors, why they instituted the Lords to sit and vote in Parliament by right of their very Nobility and Peerage, which will abundantly satisfie rational men, and much confirm their right.

First, the Nobles and Great Officers in all Kingdoms, and in our Kingdom too, in respect of their education, birth, experience, imployments in military & State-affairs, have always been generally reputed the wisest, most expe­rienced Common wealths men, best able to advise, Counsel the King and kingdom in all matters of Government, Peace, or War; as our Historians, Antiquaries, Pol [...]tians, [Page 52] Records, acknowledge and attest; whence they were anti­ently stiled Mr. Sel­dens Titles of honour, part. 2. ch. 5. Sir Edward Cooks Epistle to the 9 Re­port, and 1 Instit. p. 110. 4 Instit. p. 2. Cambdens B [...]it. p. 177. Spelmanni Concil. Tom. 1. My Truth triumphing o­ver Falshood. p. 56 to 70. Stat. de 4 E. 1. e. 2. Lam­bards Archai­on. Aeldermen, Wisemen; Magnates, Optimates, Sapientes, Sapientissimi et Clarissimi viri: Conspicui, Clari (que) Viri, Primates, Nobiles, &c. in our Historians and Records: our Parliaments in that respect being frequently stiled in antient times, Concilium SAPIENTUM: upon which Grounds our Kings, Lords, and 1 E. 3. n. 36.55, 56. 45 E. 3. n. 15, 16. 50 E. 3. n. 10. to 14. 1 R. 2. n. 18. to 27.47.50, 51, 112 113. 17 R. 2. c. 1, 2. 13 R. 2. n. 6, 7. 17 R 2. n. 17, 18. 8 H. 4. n. 31. to 92. 11 H. 4. n. 24.28, 39, 44. 13 H. 4. n. 11. Commons too, (when ever they recommended Councellors of State to the King in Parliament, made choice of Lords, and other Peers for for their Privy Councellors, as most wise, able, discreet.) Therefore it was thought fit, just and equal, the King should ever summon them to the Parliament by his Writ, without any election of the people, for their own inhe­rent wisdom, excellency, valour, learning, worth; the O­riginal cause of advancing, enobling them at first, as is ex­pressed in their Patents: and evident by these Scripture Texts. Esth, 1.13, 14. Isay 19.11, 12, 13. Jer. 5.5. c. 10.7. c. 51.57. Dan. 2.48. c. 6.1, 2, 3. Gen. 41.39.40. Psal. 105.21, 22. compared together. This ground of calling the Nobles to the Parliament, is intimated in the very words of the summons, Et ibidem VOBISCUM Col­loquium habere & tractare de arduis & urgentibus Regni & Ecclesiae Anglicanae negotiis, VESTRUMQUE CONSI­LIUM IMPENSURI, &c. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis: which clause (recited in the Commons writs of election likewise) implies them to be men of most wisdom and experience, able to counsel and advise the King in all hit weighty, arduous affairs both of the Kingdom and Church: whence by Hereditary antient right they are, THE KINGS GREAT COUNCEL, and so acknowledged by the Commons themselves this last Parliament. I could give many instances wherein the Commons in Parlia­ment have extraordinarily applauded the Lords and Peers for their great wisdom,See the Soveraign power of Par­liaments, part 1.2. and specially desired their 25 E. 3. rot. Ordinat. n. 1, 2, 28. E. 3. n. 1. 50. E. 3. n. 151, 163.167.110. R. n. 68. Exact Collection, p. 13.19. [Page 53] wholsom Counsel, as persons of greater wisdom and experi­ence than themselves: but for brevity sake I shall cite only these ensuing Records. In the Parliament of 21 Edw: 3. rot. Parl. n. 4, 5. Wil. de Thorp in the presence of the King, Prelates, Earls, Barons, and Commons declared, that the Parliament was called for two causes: See the A­bridgement of the Records of the Tower, p. 51.88. The first concern­ing the wars which the King had undertaken by the consent of the Lords and Commons against his Enemies of France. The second, how the Peace of England may be kept. Whereupon the King would the Commons should consult together, and that within four days they should give answer to the King and his Counsel what they think therein. On the fourth day the Com­mons declare, That they are not able to counsel any thing touching the point of War; wherefore they desire in that behalf to be excused: And that the King will thereof advise with his Nobles and Council, and what shall be so amongst them determined, they the Commons will thereto as­sent, confirm, and establish By which it is evident the Commons then reputed the Nobles more wise and able to advise the King in matters of war than themselves, who confessed their inability therein, and therefore submitted to assent to whatever the Nobles and Councel should therein advise Him. 28 Edw. 3. n. 55, 58. The Commons submit the whole businesse of the Treaty of peace with France, to the order of the King and of his Nobles. And 36 Edw. 3. n. 6. The LORDS only advise the king touching Truce or War with Scotland. In the first Parliament of 15 Edw. 3. n. 11. the Commons having delivered in divers Arti­cles concerning the redress of grievances and publike af­fairs to the King, prayed, that unto the Wednesday ensuing their Articles may be committed to the Bishops, Barons, & other wise men there named, by them to be amended; which the king grauted: whereas the Lords exhibited their Articles apart to the king, and the Bishops their Articles a­part in this Parliament, and protested, that they ought not to answer but in open Parliament by and with their Peers, without joyning with the Commons, num. 6, 7, 18, &c, 26, 27, 35, 37. which course they held in most following [Page 54] Parliaments. In the Parliaments of 47 E. 3. nume­ro 15. 50 E. 3. n. 8. 51 E. 3. n. 18. 1 R. 2. n. 14. 2 R. 2. n. 23. 5 R. 2. n. 14. 6 R. 2. n. 14. Parl. 2. n. 8. 7 R. 2. n. 9.19. 4 H. 4. n. 10.11. See the A­bridgment of the Records in the Tower, p. 10.79.116.120.145.155.175.196.282.287, 288.299.303.353.361. The Commons Petition the King for certain Lords to be sent to them as a Commi [...]tee, to assist and advise them in the matters propounded to them by the King and his Chancellor, wherein their advise was required: as being more able to advise and counsel them than any of their own Members. In the Parliament of 6 R. 2. Par. 2. n. 7. The Commons being demanded their advice touching the war with Flanders, and the Kings going thither in person with an Army; answered: That this consultation did properly belong to the King and Lords, yet it being their pleasures to charge the Commons to deliver their conceits therein, they thereupon did it with this Protestation, that what they spake was not by way of COUNSEL, but to shew their advice. Whereto was answered for the King; That there was but l [...]ttle difference between Counsel and Advice. In the Par­liament of 7 R. 2. n. 16, 17. The Commons being char­ged to deliver their Opinions touching Peace with France. For answer to Peace, said; That it beseemed them not to inter­meddle with their Counsel therein: And therefore referred the whole order thereof to the King and his Counsel of Lords. Whereupon the Commons being urged to declare, whe­ther they desired Peace or Warr? for one they must chuse: An­swered: an honourable Peace for the King: but for that in the Articles were conteined many terms of the Civil Law, which they understood not; and for that they understood the Articles were; The King should hold Guienne of the French by Homage and Service, they knew not what to say; only they hope, that the King meant not to hold Calice, and other Countries gotten by the sword, of the French. In the Parlia­ment of 17 R. 2. n. 17. The Commons being demanded their opinions concerning Peace with France, declared by their Speaker, That the same passed their capacity; and there­fore they referred themselves to the King, Lords & Council, And the rather, for that the Lords and Council affirmed, that those wo [...]ds (Homage, Soveraignty, and Resort) conteined [Page 55] in the Indenture of Peace, should be mod [...]rated, &c. In the P [...]rliament of 20 R. 2. n. 9. The Commons excuse them­selves touching the Embassadors and Embassie sent to France for peace, referring the same to the Kings own plea­sare and the Lords.

I shall conclude with one President more, most suitable to the present deplorable condition of our State, and wor­thy imitation.

In the Parliament of 5 Hen. 4. Rot. Parl. num. 9, 10. The Commons having presented to the King in Parliament di­vers grievances, in the ill-managing of his Revenues, the decay of his Castles, Houses and Parks; the great povertie and pressures of his Subjects, and danger of the Enemies: thereupon ‘they most intirely and cordially prayed the King, to consider the eminent perils of all parts of the Realm by reason of the Enemies and Rebels, of which they had news from day to day; and that as the case then stood, if such mischiefs were not speedily and graciously remedied and reformed in this Parliament, it might fall out upon sodain arrival of Enemies, or by some other means, this Parliament must of necessity be departed from by all and dissolved, so as the Lords and Commons should never re-assemble again to redress the said Mis­chiefs, and others, which God defend. And therefore that it would please the King, considering the high Wisdoms and Discretions of the Lords, and that they had knowledge of many Perils and Matters which could not be so clearly known to the King, that he would now in this present Parliament charge all his Lords Spi­ritual and Temporal, upon the faith they principally owe to God, and the faith, Homage and Allegiance which they owe to our Lord the King himself, for the aid and salvation of themselves, and of all the Realm, that the said Lords would counsel and shew him their advice and wholesom counsel in this behalf severally and intirely without dissimulation, or adulation, having regard to the great mischiefs and necessity aforesaid. And thereupon our Lord the King most graciously, with [Page 56] his own mouth in full Parliament, charged and comman­ded as well the Lords, as the said Commons, that they should doe their diligence, and shew unto him their good and wholesom Counsels in this behalf, for the aid of him and all his Realm. And after the said Commons in the same Parliament, made request to the said Lordt, that seeing the King had given them such a charge and command, and that in so high a manner of Record, that they would do their diligence, well and loyally to pur­sue the same without any courtesie made between them in any manner, as they would answer before the most High, and before our Lord the King, and to all the realm in time to come; and that the Commons themselves thereupon would do the like on their party.’ Which if both Lords and Commons would now cordially and sin­cerely promise and engage to do, without self-ends or in­ [...]ests, we might see our Church and Kingdom speedily setled in a peaceable and happy condition. In brief, the Lords alone in the very Writs for chusing Knights and Bur­gesses, are stiled, See the Freeholders Grand In­quest. The Common Council of the Kingdom, and the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses are called; to effect and assent to that which they and the King, by their common advice, shall Ordain, and 5 Rich. 2. Parl. 2. n. 3. 6 R. 2. n. 8, 9, 11, 26. and Parl. 2 R. 2. n. 7.9. they are called THE GREAT COUNCIL OF LORDS, by reason of their extraordinary wisdom and abilities. And so are they expresly stiled by the whole House of Commons them­selves in their first printed Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, 15 Decemb. 1641. Exact Collection, p. 13. Therefore most fit to sit, counsel, advise vo [...]e, and judge in Parliament.

Secondly, The Lords and great Officers of the Realm, as such; were ever reputed persons of greatest Valour, Cou­rage. Power, (in regard of their great interests, Estates, worth many whole Boroughs, of which divers of them are sole Lords, their allies, and retainers) and so best able to withstand, redress all publike grievances, exactions, en­croachments of the King, his Officers, and others upon [Page 57] their own and the peoples Liberties, Laws, Great Char­ters, in defence whereof they have in antient times been alwaies most ready, active to spend not only their estates, but bloud and lives too, wherewith they have redeemed, preserved those Laws, Liberties, Great Charters concer­ning their Freedoms, we now enjoy and contend for. And in this regard our Ancestors in point of wisdom, policy, rea­son right, thought meet, that ex congruo et condigno, et Sir Edw [...] Cooks 4 In­stit. p. 1. debito Justitiae, they should alwayes be summoned to, and bear chief sway in our Parliaments, in respect of their Peerage, Power, Nobility only, without the peoples e­lection. This reason of their sitting in Parliament, we find expresly recorded in Bracton, l. 2. c. 16. fol. 34. and in Fleta, l. 1. c. 17. The King (say they) hath a Superiour, name­ly, God; also the Law, b [...] which he is made a King; likewise his Court, to wit, THE EARLS & BARONS, because they are called Counts, as being the KINGS FELLOWS, and he who hath a Fellow, hath A MASTER. And there­fore if the King shall be without a bridle, that is, without a Law; debent ei fr [...]num imponere, THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM, &c. which the Com­mons being persons of less power and interest were unable to do. Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justice, ch. 1. §. 2.3. renders the like reason. In all the contests in Parliaments, and Wars between K. John, H [...]n. 3. Edw. 2. & Rich. 2. concerning Magna Charta, the Charter of the Forest, the Liberties, Properties of the Subjects, and op­position of unjust Taxes, Ayds, Exactions, the Lords and Barons were the Ring-leaders, the chief Opposers of these Kings Usurpations, Exactions, and Encroachments on the Great Charters, Laws, Rights, Liberties of the people, as all our See Mat. Paris, Mat. Westminster, Walsingham, Huntingdon, Holinshed, Polychronicon, Caxton, Grimston, Stow, Speed, Trus­sel, Baker, Martin, Daniel, How, and the Soveraign Power of Parliaments and Kingdoms, part. 1, 2, & 3.10 R. 2. c. 1, 2. 11 R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 21 [...] 13. 1 H. 4. c. 2. for proof hereof. Histories and Records relate; whence they stile the Wars in their times, THE BARONS WARS: and [Page 58] before this, the Nobles were the principal Actors in resist­ing the Tyranny of K. Sigebert, and K. Bernard, and de­throning them for their misdemeanours, as is clear by Mat. Westminster in his Flores Historiarum, An. 756. & 758. To give some pregnant Instances of this kind not vulgarly known or taken notice of, to clear this truth be­yond contradiction. Upon the death of William Rufus, Mat. Paris. Historiar Angl. Tigur. 1588. p. 52, 53, 54. An. 1100. Magnates, the Nobles of England not know­ing what was become of Robert Duke of Normandy, who had been 5. years absent in the holy Warrs; thereupon Henry his Brother, ‘Congregato Londoniis Clero Ang­liae, & populo universo, (to wit, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal expressed by these terms, not the inferiour Clergy, Knights, Citizens, Burgesses and Commons of the Realm, Mr. Tate, Mr. Ager, & others. as some Antiquaries and others mistake, who de­rive their sitting in Parliaments from the beginning of this Kings reign) promisit emendationem legum quibus op­pressa fuerat Anglia tempore Patris sui & Fratris nuper defuncti: ut animos omnium in sui promotionem accen­deret et amorem, et illum in Regem susciperent et patro­num. Ad haec CLERO respondente et MAGNATI­BUS CUNCTIS (the Clerus & populus there summo­ned) quod si animo volente ipsis vellet concedere, et Charta sua communire illas Libertates et Consuetu­dines antiquas quae floruerunt in Regno tempore Re­gis Edwardi, in ipsum consentirent, et in Regem unani­miter consecrarent. Henrico autem libenter annu­ente, et se id facturum cum juramento affirmante, con­secratus est in Regem favente Clero et populo, cui con­tinuo à Mauritio Londonensi Episcopo, et à Thoma E­boracensi Archiepiscopo corona capi [...]i imponitur. Cum fuerat diademate insignitus, has Libertates subscri­ptas in regno, ad exaltationem sanctae Ecclesiae et pa­cem populi, tenendas concessit.’ His Charter is recor­ded at large in Historia. Angl. p. 53. Matthew Paris, Chronicon col. 1201, 1202. See Ho­linshed, and Speed. Bromton, and others. It begins thus, ‘Henricus Dei Gra [...]ia, Rex Angliae, &c. Sci­atis, me Dei misericordia▪ & Communi Consilio Ba­ronum Regni Angliae Regem esse coronatum’ (which [Page 59] proves that the Clerus Angliae & Populus forementioned, were only the Spiritual and Temporal Barons, not ordi­nary Clergy and Commons, as contradistinguished from them) ‘et quia regnum oppressum erat injustis exactio­nibus, Ego respectu Dei et amore quam erga vos omnes habeo, sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam facio, &c. et om­nes malas consuetudines quibus Regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur, inde aufero: quis malas consuetudines in parte hic pono. Si quis Baronum meorum, Comi­tum, &c. or Legem. Lagam Regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus Pater meus eam emendavit Consilio Baronum suorum.’ This Charter was sub­scribed by all the Bishops, Earls, Nobles and Barons of England; ‘Et factae sunt tot Chartae quot sunt Comitatus in Anglia, et Rege jubente positae in Abbatiis singulorum Comitatuum ad monimentum.’ So Matthew Paris relates. De Gestis Regum, l. 5. p. 156. William of Malmsbury records: ‘In regem electus est, aliquantis tamen ante controversiis INTER PROCE­RES agitatis, atque sopitis. Which done, aliquarum mo­derationem legum revocavit in solidum, & Sacramento suo et OMNIUM PROCERUM, ne luderentur, cor­roboravit.’ De Gestis Regum Ang­liae, col. 225, 226. Simeon Dunelmensis records, that ‘Con­secrationis suae die Sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam fecit, ac omnes malas consuetudines, et injustas exactiones quibus regnum Angliae opprimebatur, abstulit, Legem Regis Edwardi omnibus in commune reddidit, &c. MAJORES NATU ANGLIAE, & MAGNATES TERRAE CONGREGAVIT LONDONIAE.’ The Col. 997. Chronicle of Bromton, records the same in the self-same words: and so doth Henry Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 8, 9. Polychron. l. 7. c. 12. Roger de Hoveden, Annal. pars 1. p. 468. and that the Lords procured this Charter.

King Richardus Prior Hagu­staldensis de Gestis Regis Stephani, col. 314, 315. Mat. Paris, p. 71. Roger de Hoveden. An­nal. pars prior. p. 482. Hen. Huntindon, Hist. l. 8. p. 386, 387. Fabian, Ho­linshed, Speed, Grafton, Anno 1136. Polychronicon, l. 7. c. 18. Hen. de Knygh­ton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 9, 10. Stephen being elected and crowned King à PRI­MORIBUS REGNI; against his own and their former [Page 60] Oaths, Omnes tam Praesules, quam Comites et Barones, qui filiae Regis et suis haeredibus juraverant Fidelitatem, consen­sum Stephano praebentes: In pursuance of his Coronation Oath Anno 1136. EPISCOPOS & PROCERES REG­NI SUI regali Edicto in unum convenire praecepit, cum qui­bus GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRAVIT Oxo­niis. Wherein he confirmed all their Laws and Liberties by a special Charter: in which there are these Clauses a­mong others. Sanctam Ecclesiam liberam esse concedo, ‘et debitam reverentiam illi conservo. Omnes exacti­ones et injustitias et meschemingas, sive per Viceco­mites, sive per alios quoslibet male inductas, fundi­tus extirpo. Bonas leges et antiquas et justas consuetu­dines in hundris & placitis, et aliis causis observabo, et observari praecipio et constituo.’ This Charter was sub­scribed by all the Bishops, Earls and Barons, who procu­red it, in this Common Council at Oxford. Which they promised inviolably to observe, & generaliter se servaturum juravit: sed nihil horum quae Deo promiserat observavit, writes Matthew Paris: Henry Huntindon, Holinshed, and o­thers observe, that the Archbishops, Bishops and Nobles, who contrary to their Oaths of Allegiance to Henry the 1. Mawde, and their heirs, elected Stephen King, for this their detestable perjury, soon after came to exemplary ends: especially Roger the great Bishop of Salisbury, qui secundum illud Sacramentum praefatum fecerat, et omni­bus aliis praedicaverat; unde justo Deo judicio postea ab eodem (Stephano) quem creavit in Regem, captus et excruciatus, miserandum sortitus est exterminium, et omnes Magni qui Ste­phano juramentum fecerunt MISERƲM SORTITI SUNT FINEM.

In the Mat. West. Mat. Paris, Hist Angl. p. 232. to 282: Daniel, p. 140. to 144. Speed, p. 558. to 567. Holinshed, Grafton, Fa­bian, and o­thers. 16. and 17. years of K. John, An. Dom. 1214, 1215. The Prelats, Earls, Nobles, and Barons, being assem­bled together in a great Parliamentary Council held at Pauls & after at St. Edmunds, there was produced and read before them a Charter of King Henry the 1. which the Ba­rons received from Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury; which Charter conteined certain Laws and Liberties of King Ed­ward, [Page 61] granted to the holy Church and the great men of the Realm, with some other Liberties which the said King had added thereunto of his own grant. Which being read, thereupon the BARONS ALL swore in the Archbishops presenc, that if need were, they would spend their blood in its de­fence. And afterwards at St. Edmonds Bury, the BARONS swore upon the High Altar, That if King John refused to con­firm and restore to them those Liberties and Rights of the king­dom; they would make War upon Him, and withdraw themselves from his allegiance, till he had ratified them all by his Charter under his Great Seal. Which they accordingly performed. The King promising to confirm their Liberties and the Charter of King Henry the 1. which the Barons publikely read in 3. of their Great Parliamentary Councils) and yet de [...]aying the same; thereupon all the Nobles and Barons assembled together at Stamford, with their horses, friends and followers, amounting to many thousands, resolving to force the King to grant and ratify the same. Whereup­on the King sent the Archbishop of Canterbury, William Marshal Earl of Pembroke, and other prudent men to the Earls and Barons, to demand of them, Quae essent Leges & Libertates quas quaer [...]bant? Who thereupon produced a schedule of them to the Messengers, quae ex parte maxima Leges antiquas & regni consuetudines continebat▪ Capitula e­arum partim in Charta Regis Henrici 1. superius scripta sunt; partimque ex Legibus Regis Edwardi antiquis excerpt [...]. The Barons affirming, quod nisi Rex illas in continenti conce­deret, et Sigilli munimine confirmaret, ipsi per captionem Castrorum suorum, terrarum & possessionum IPSUM RE­GEM COMPELLERENT, donec super praemissis satisfa­ceret competenter. The Archbishop returning to the King, and repeating the Articles and Liberties they demanded to him by heart; when he understood their contents, with great indignation and scorn answered: Et quare cum istis iniquis exactionibus BARONES non postulant regnum? Vana sunt, iniquit, et superstitiosa quae petunt, nec aliquo ratio­nis titulo fulciuntur. Affirmavit tandem cum iuramento fu­ [...]ibundus, quod nunquam tales illis concederet Liberta­tes, [Page 62] unde ipse efficeretur servus. When the Archbishop and William Marshal the Earl, could by no means induce the King to consent thereto, they returned by his com­mand to the Barons, relating all that the King had said to them in order. Whereupon tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta, all the Nobles of England collected together into one body, constituted Robert Fitzwalter General of their Militia, calling him, MARESCALLƲ MEXER­CITƲS DEI ET ECCLESIAE SANCTAE; and flying to their arms, besieged several of the Kings Castles. Who thereupon seeing himself generally deserted almost by all men, and fearing the Barons would take his Castles with­out any resistance; though he bare an inexorable hatred against the Barons in his heart: yet thinking to be reven­ged of them singly afterwards, when he could not do any thing against them all being united, he sent Messengers to assure them; quod pro bono pacis, & ad exaltationem Regni sui et honor [...]m Gratanter concederet Leges et Libertates quas petebant; desiring them to appoint a fitting time and place for them to meet and conferr together, and per­form what they desired. Whereupon the King & all the Nobles and Barons meeting together at a Conference in Running Mead, he after many debates granted them the Laws and Liberties they desired, confirming them by his Charters under his Great Seal: the Tenor whereof is at large recorded in Matthew Paris, and in the Red Book of the Exchequer; being almost the same in Terms, with Magna Charta, and Charta Forestae, afterwards granted & confirmed in 9 H. 3. printed in all our Statute Books, and so needless to transcribe. These Charters being sealed and confirmed by the King, he at the Barons request, sent Letters Patents through all the coasts of England, firmly com­manding all the Sheriffs of the whole Realm, that they should cause all men of what condition soever within their Bayliwicks, to swear, that they would observe the foresaid Laws and Liber­ties, and that to the best of their power they would constrain the King himself, by the seising of his Castles, to perform all the things aforesaid, as they were conteined in his Charter. In mean [Page 63] time the King sent Letters to Pope Innocent, to vouchsafe to confirm the Liberties and Charters he had granted, with his Bull. After which for their more inviolable observa­tion, it was concluded and enacted; That there should be 25 BARONS chosen by the LORDS (not Commons) who should, to their utmost power, cause the Great Charter confirmed by K. John, to be duly observed; That if either the King, or His Justicier should transgress the same, or offend in any one Article, 4 of the said Barons should im­mediately repair to Him, and require redress of the same without delay; which if not done within forty days after, that then the said 4 BARONS and the rest should distrain and seize upon the Kings Castles, Lands and Goods, till amends was made according to their arbitration.

Rot. Patent, Anno 17. Johannis Regis, in the Tower, m. 21, 22. n. 23. Dorso. Writs were sent to all the Sherifs & Counties of England, to swear all the people to those 25 Barons, to aid and assist them in the premises, under pain of seizing their lands into the Kings hands, and confiscation of all their goods to him, if they refused to take the Oath within 15 dayes. And the City and Tower of London were put into the Ba­rons hands, till the King had performed his agreement with them: Such confidence and power was then repo­sed in the BARONS alone.

In the Patent Roll of 16 Johannis Regis, pars 1. dors. 3· I find this memorable Grant to the Barons. well explain­ing the Statute of Magna Charta, c. 29, ‘Sciatis quod concessimus BARONIBUS qui contra nos sunt, quod eos nec homines suos capiemus, nec dissaiseamus, nec super eos per vim, vel per arma ibimus, nisi per legem Reg­ni nostri, vel judicio Parium suorum in curia nostra.’ A very excellent Privilege, Law, Liberty, purchased by the Barons industry, inserted into K. Johns Great Charter,Mat. Paris, p. 247, 248. liber Rep. in Scac. f. 234▪ 235▪ soon after published, ratifying it in these terms. ‘Comites & Barones non amercientur nisi per Pares suos, & non nisi secundum modum delicti. Nullus liber homo capia­tur vel imprisonetur, vel dissaisietur de aliquo libero tenemento suo, vel libertatibus, vel liberis consuetu­dinibus [Page 64] suis, aut utlegetur aut exulet, aut aliquo alio modo destituatur, nec super eum ibimus, nec eum in carcere mittemus, nisi per legale judicium Parium suo­rum, vel per legem terrae, Nulli vendemus, nulli ne­gabimus, aut differemus Rectum vel Justitiam.’

The Barons having by their valour, magnanimity, in­dustry, procured these Great Charters of their liberties; and of the Forest, were as carefull, vigilant to preserve them, to punish the Violations of them, and to get them reconfirmed, repromulged, when violated by our Kings, which I shall manifest by some Records & Histories, not commonly known, or taken notice of.

Rot. Pat. 17 Johannis, pars 1. m. 19, 21, 22, 23, 24. Dorso, and Chart. 17. Joh. Dors. 27. There are sundry Pa­tents, Commissions, Writs, for sending the Great Charter, and Charter of the Forest into every County, for enquiring of all evil customs contrary to them, that they might be abolished, & all violations of them, that they might be redressed; all by the Barons procurement, and by agreement betwen the King and Barons, whose names are there inserted.

Pat. 1 Hen. 3. m. 13. & 15 The Great Charter, by ad­vice of the Earls and Great men, is sent by King Henry the third into Ireland, the exemplification whereof was seal­ed with the Po [...]es Legates Seal, as well as the Kings: and precepts are the [...]e sent to Sherifs, to read it openly; it being thus stiled in these Records. Libertates (& Charta libertatum) Regni nostri Angliae, a patre nostro & a no­bis concessae. so Claus. 12 H. [...]3. pars 1. m. 17. There is another precept for publishing and observing the Great Charter in Ireland.

Rot. Claus. 2 H. 3. m. 6. & 11. Dorso. The Great Char­ter, by special writs, is commanded to be duly kept, read, and observed in most Counties, and sent down into Yorkshire for that end, by the Barons advice and pro­curement.

Pat. An. 3. H. 3. pars 2. m. 3. There is mention of Charta nostra de Libertatibus Forestae concessis probis nostris hominibus de Anglia. By the Barons means, and order for its observation.

[Page 65] Anno Dom. 1223. The 7th. of Henry the 3 his reign,Mat. Paris, p. 305. Mat. Westm. An. 1223. p. 113. See Daniel, Holinshed, Speed, Grafton. This King in the Octaves of Epiphany, ‘apud Loudonias veniens cum Baronibus ad colloquium, requisitus est ab Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, & Magnatibus aliis, ut libertares, & liberas consuetudines pro quibus guerra mota fuit contra patrem suum, confirmaret. Et sicut Archiepiscopus ostendit evidenter, idem Rex diffugere non potuit, quin hoc faceret, cum in recessu Ludovici ab Anglia juraverat, & tota Nobilitas Angliae cum illo, quod libertates praescriptas omnes observarent, & ab omnibus traderent observandas. Quod audiens Guliel­mus de Briwere, qui unus erat ex Consiliariis Regis, pro Rege respondens, dixit: Libertates, quas petitis, quia violenter extortae fuerunt, non debent de jure observari. Quod verbum Archiepiscopus moleste ferens, increpa­vit eum, dicens▪ Gulielme, si Regem in veritate delige­res, pacem regni non impedires. Videns autem Rex Archiepiscopum in ira commotum, dixit, Omnes liber­tates illas juravimus, & omnes astricti sumus, ut quod juravimus observemus. Et Rex protinus habito super hoc consilio, misit literas suas ad singulos Vicecomites Regni, ut per milites duodecim, vel legales homines, uniuscujuscunque Comitatus, per sacramentum facerent inquiri, quae fuerunt libertates in Anglia, tempore Re­gis Henrici avi sui, & facta inquisitione, Londonias mitterent ad Regem in quindecim diebus post Pascham.’ These Writs and Letters of the King are recorded in the Tower▪ Rot. Claus, 7. Hen. 3. part 2. m. 20. dorso. Com­manding the liberties found and retorned, to be pro­claimed and observed: But it seems by Dors. 14. there was a countermand, neither to proclaim nor observe them: Whereupon Mat. Paris, p. 305, 306. Mat. West. p. 114. the King soon after sending the Archbishop with three other Bishops into France to King Lewis, to render Normandy, with other lands, unto King Henry, ac­cording to his Oath made to him in his recess from Eng­land, with the consent of all the Barons: King Lewis thereunto replied, that King Henry had first broken his Oath to him in this particular amongst others, ‘De Li­bertatibus [Page 66] autem regni Angliae, de quibus guerra mota fuerat, quae in recessu suo concessae erant, & AB OM­NIBUS JURATAE, ita actum est, quod non solum il­lae leges pessimae ad statum pristinum sunt reductae, fed & illis nequiores per totam Angliam sunt generaliter constitutae: nec etiam Ecclesiae sanctae Libertates, quas in Coronatione sua inviolabiliter se juravit conservatu­rum conservat. Unde qui prius pactum violavit, primus & injuriosus existit, non ego. Quod audi­ens Archiepiscopus, & Episcopi qui cum eo erant, cum aliud responsum habere nequiverant, confusi ad propria sunt reversi, Regi Angliae quae audierant referentes.’

Mat. Paris, p. 308. Mat. West. p. 117.In the 8 year of King Henry rhe 3. the King by reason of the insurrection of the Earl of Chester, and others, and the French Kings taking of Rochel from him, ‘Convene­runt ad Colloquium apud Northamptonam Rex cum Ar­chiepiscopis, Episcopis, Comitibus, Baronibus, & aliis multis de regni negotiis tractaturi, &c. Wherein, Regi pro maximis laboribus suis & expensis, tam à Prae­latis quam a Laicis, concessum est Carucagium per to­tam Angliam de qualiter caruca duo solidi argenti.’ Whereupon the King by the Barons and Nobles consent and advice; as appears by Rot. Pat. 8. H. 3. pars 3. Dors. 14, 15. Sent Writs to sundry Sherifs, and to the Bishop of Durham and his Chancellor, to proclaim and observe the Great Charter of Liberties, and the Charter of the Fo­rest.

Mat. Paris p. 311. Mat. West. p. 118. In the 9 year of King Henry the 3. the King holding a Parliamentary Council at Westminster, demanded advice, and also a fiftenth part of all the moveables of the Clergy and Laity through England, for the recovery of the anti­ent dignity, rights and possessions of the Crown, then lost, and seised on by the French King. Whereupon, ‘Ar­chiepiscopus, & Concio tota Episcoporum, Comitum & Baronum, Abbatum & Priorum, habita deliberatio­ne, Regi dedere responsum: quod Regis petitionibus gratanter acquiscerent, si illis diu petitas libertates concedere voluisset. Annuit itaque Rex cupiditate [Page 67] ductus, quod petebant Magnates, Cartisque protinus conscriptis, & Regis sigillo munitis ad singulos Angliae Comitatus Cartae singulae dirig [...]ntur, & ad Provincias illas quae in Forestis sunt constitutae, duae cartae sunt directae, una scilicet de libertatibus communibus, & al­ter de libertatibus Forestae, &c. Et sic soluto Concilio delatae sunt cartae singulae ad singulos Comitatus, ubi ex Regis mandato, literatorio interposito juramênto, ab omnibus observari jubentur: Ricardo fratre Domini Re­gis milite libertates generales, tam Forestarum, quam aliarum libertatum, pro quibus tantum cum Rege Joh. de­certatum fuit, licet nil stabile vel solidum, vel pollicitae redderetur vel observaretur (as now in this age) SUNT DECEPTORIAE ACCLAMATAE.’ These Charters are printed in all our Statute-Books, varying from those [...]f King John in some particulars.

Rot. Clause, An. 18 H. 3. m. 10. The King in a Writ to the Sherif of Lincoln recites, that his Bailifs knew not how to levy their Hundred Courts in his County, ‘post­quam concessimus omnibus Regni nostri libertates contentas in Cartis nostris, quas inde fecimus, dum fu­imus infra aetatem. Nos eandem cartam nuper legi feci­mus in praesentia Domini Cantuariensis, & Majoris, & sanioris partis OMNIUM EPISCOPORUM, COMI­TUM ET BARONUM TOTIUS REGNI NOSTRI.’ To the end that they might expound and resolve the 35 Chapter thereof, how the County Courts and Sherifs Turns should be kept, which is fully explained and re­solved in this Record by their advice.

Rot. Claus. 20. H. 3. m. 11.15, 16. There are sundry Writs for reading and observing the great Charter in West­merland, and other Counties, upon the Barons mo [...]ions, who were carefull of its inviolable observation.

In the year 1231.Mat. Paris p. 354, 355. on the 7 of Feb. ‘Convenerunt ad Colloquium apud Westmonasterium Rex cum PRAE­LATIS ET ALIIS MAGNATIBUS REGNI; ubi exegit Rex Scutagium de quolibet Scuto tres Marcas, ab omnibus qui Baronias tenebant, tam Laicis quam [Page 68] Praelatis. Cui Ricardus Cantuariensis, & quidam Epis­copi cum eo audacter resistentes, dixerunt; quod non tenentur viri ecclesiastici judicio subjici Laicorum, cum absque illis concestum fuit scutagium in partibus trans­marinis. Tandem vero post multas tunc inde descepti­ones negotium quantum ad Praelatos reclamantes perti­nebat, ad 15 dies post Pascha dilationem accepit. An­no 1232. Mat. Paris, p. 359. Mat. Westm. p. 133. Convenerunt Nonas Martii ad Colloquium apud Westmonasterium, ad vocationem Regis MAG­NATES ANGLIAE, tam Laici quam Praelati: quibus Rex proposuit, quod magnis esset debitis implicatus, causa bellicae expeditionis, quam nuper egerat in parti­bus transmarinis, unde NECESSITATE COMPUL­SUS, ab omnibus generaliter auxilium postulavit. Quo audito, Comes Cestriae Ranulphus, pro Magnatibus Regni loquens, respondit: Quod Comites, Barones, [...] Milites, qui de eo tenebant in capite, cum ipso erant ibi cotporaliter praesentes, & pecuniam suam ita inani­ter effuderunt, quod inde omnes pauperes recesserunt: unde Regi DE JURE AUXILIUM NON DEBE­BANT. Et sic petita licentia, Laici omnes recesserunt. Praelati vero Regi respondentes dixerunt, quod Episcopi multi & Abbates qui vocati erant non fuerunt praesen­tes, & sic petierunt inducias, quousque AD DIEM CERTUM POSSENT OMNES PARITER CON­VENIRE. Praefixa est itaque dies, a quindecim di­ebus post Pascha, ut omnibus congregatis tunc fieret quod esset de jure faciendum.’ Both Lords and Prelates denying the Aid demanded against right, or to doe ought when their House was not full, and many Prelates and Members absent.

Mat. Paris, p. 420, 421.430. Mat. Westm. p. 143, 144. Anno 1237. the 21 of Henry the 3. the King imme­diately after the Feast of the Nativity, Misit per omnes fi­nes Angliae scripta Regalia, praecipiens omnibus ad Regnum Angliae spectantibus, viz. Archiepiscopis, Espiscopis, Ab­batibus et Prioribus installatis, Comitibus & Baronibus, (without any Knights, Citizens or Burgesses, not here mentioned) ut OMNES sine omissione in octavis Epipha­niae [Page 69] Londoniis convenirent, Regia negotia tractaturi totum Re­gnum contingentia. Quod audientes Magnates, regiis praecep­tis continuò paruerunt, credentes se vel Imperialia vel alia ar­dua negotia provisuros. Venit igitur die Sancti Hillarii Londo­nias INFINITA NOBILIUM MULTITUDO, scili­cet, Regni totalis Universitas. When they were all assemb­led and sate in the Kings palace at Westminster, William Kaele, in the Kings name and behalf, demanded an ayde of money of them to supply his wants, to be put into the hands of such Treasurers as they should appoint, to be dis­bursed only upon the necessary affairs of the Realm: which Speech they hearing, expecting no such thing, were much offended, and murmuring at it, Indignantes responderunt, (and have wee not much more cause to doe and say so now?) se undique & saepe, nunc vicesima, nunc tricesima, nunc quinquagesima gravari promittendo et persolvendo: As­serentes, indignum nimis fore & injuriosum, permittere Regem &c. ut à naturalibus hominibus suis, quasi à servis ultimae conditionis, in detrimentum eorum, et alienorum juvamen, tan­tam pecuniam, tot toties, extorqueret argumentis. Quod saepi­us gravati, videbant alienigenos suis bonis saginati statum­que regni prae paupertate vacillare, et multiplex periculum im­minere. Comes vero Cornubiae Richardus, frater Regis, primus movit quaestionum adversus Regem, increpans eum a­critor super tanta Regni per eum nata desolatione: Et quod de die in diem adiuventis novis causis cavillatoriis, Nobiles ac na­turales Barones suos, suis bonis spoliavit et quaecunque poterit obradere, inconsultè hostibus Regni distribuit, ipsi Regi & reg­no insidiantibus. Quod ipse infinitos proventus et innumerabi­lem pecuniam in suo tempore colligerat, nec erat in Anglia Archiepiscopatus vel Episcopatus praeter Eboracensem, Ba­thoniensem et Wintoniensem, qui non vacaverit suo tempore. Similiter intulit de Abbatibus et Comitatibus et Baroniis Cu­stodiis & aliis esca [...]tis: nec tamen thesaurus regius, qui deberet esse Regni robur et confidentia senserat incrementum. Quod cum Rex audisset, cupiens murmur hoc sedare generale, polli­cebatur sub jurejurando, se nunquam amplius Nobiles regni injurando lacessere, vel molestare, dummodo sibi ad praesens [Page 70] tricesima pars mobilium Angliae benignè concessa, solveretur, &c. Rex vero suorum cupiens Baronum sibi gratiam conci­liare, se ex tunc et deinceps, quicquid factum fuerat antea, de­dit se consiliis fidelium ac naturalium hominum suorum. Prae­terea, de hoc quod dicebatur, quod conabatur ea quae concesse­rat et Chartis confirmaverat, per autenticum summi Pontificis infirmare: dicebat Rex, hoc falsum esse, Et si tale quod forte fuerat suggestum, in irritum affirmavit, seque talia penitus revocare. Praeterea, sereno vultu, & spontanea promisit vo­luntate, libertates Magnae Chartae suis fidelibus Regni sui ex tunc inviolabiliter observare. Et quia videbatur non penitus immunis à sententia quam tulerat Arehiepiscopus Ste­phanus, cum omnibus Episcopis Angliae in omnes violatores praedictae CHARTAE, quàm malo consilio fretus, in parte laeserat; fecit in publico innovare sententiam praetaxatam, in om­nes ejusdem Chartae contradictores: Sic, ut si ille, per aliquem conceptum rancorem fortè eam non observaret, in latam senten­tiam gravius recidivaret. Unde factum est, ut omnium corda haec audientium sibi mirabiliter in verbo illo conciliavit. Whereupon, post multas desceptationes, quia se Rex humili­ans promisit indubitanter, se eorum ex tunc et deinceps stan­dum consiliis, they granted him a 30th part of their mova­bles upon certain limitations and conditions, to be put in­to such persons hands, and disbursed only as they there prescribed; which yet were not observed.

Mat: Paris, p. 505.506. Mat. Westm. An. 1240. In the 24. year of Henry the 3d. in the Octaves of E­piphany, the Archbishops and Bishops, cum multis aliis Magnatibus, assembled at London, the Popes Legat being also present, ‘reponentes querimoniam coram Rege & Curia sua, super variis injuriis et oppressionibus, et quo­tidianis desolationibus illaris Ecclesiae per iniquum Re­gis consilium, contra suas Chartas & Iuramenta temere veniendo, &c. Super quibus injuriis illatis, et diatim multiplicatis, omnes se asserunt vehementer admirari, cum ipse Rex toties juraverit, se jura ecclesiastica illiba­ta conservare, ipsomet audiente & candelam tenente, quod omnes Episcopi in violatores libertatum Ecclesi­asticorum, simul sententiam fulminabant; in cujus sen­tentiae [Page 71] consummatione, Rex, ut alii, suam candelam ex­tinxit inclinando. Et erant contra Regem in querimo­niis Episcoporum capitula circiter 30. Et eatenus pro­cessum est, quod lata sit iterum sententia terribiliter ni­mis in omnes Regis consiliarios, qui ejus animum ad prae­dicta enormia conabantur inclinare.’

Mat. Paris, p. 561, 562, 563. Matth. Westm. p. 165. Anno 1242. the 26 of King Henry the 3d. ‘To­tius Angliae Nobilitas tam Praelatorum quam Comitum & Baronum secundum Regium praeceptum, est Londini congregatum: Et quia audiverant▪ quod Rex eos tam in­stanter convocaverat, et toties eo modo cavillatorie fa­tigavera [...], conjurando, et sub poena anathematis firmiter inter se statuerunt, ne aliquis in concilio extorsioni pecu­niari Regi faciendae aliquo modo consentiret, &c. Igi­tur regi cordis sui propositum irrevocabile in propatulo exponenti de transitu suo, et vocatione Comitis de Mar­chia, et argumentose auxilium pecuniare postulanti; re­sponderunt MAGNATES cum magna cordis amaritu­dine; quod talia conceperat inconsultus, et talia effrons impudenter postularat, exagitans et depauperans fide­les suos tam frequenter, trahens exactiones in consequen­tiam quasi a servis ultimae conditionis, et tantam pecu­niam tories extorsit inutiliter dispergendam. Contra­dixerunt igitur Regi in faciem, nolentes amplius sic pecunia sua frustratorie spoliari, Rex igitur, Romano­rum usus versutis fallaciis, jussit ut in crastino expecta­rent, voluntatem suam super hoc et aliis audituri. Et in crastino, vocavit in secretam cameram suam singulatim, nunc hunc, nunc illum, more Sacerdotis poenitentes vo­cantis ad consessionem. Et sic, quos non potuit uni­versos, singulos singulatim enervatos suis sermocinatio­nibus conabatur astutius enervare: petens (que) ab eis auxi­lium pecuniare, ait: Ecce, quid concessit ille Abbas mi­hi in subsidium: ecce quid alius, & protendens rotulum, in quo scriptum monstravit, quid ille vel Abbas vel Pri­or, tantum vel tantum promisit se daturum: cum tamen nullus eorum assensum praebuisset, vel ad notitiam cor­dis, devenisset: Talibus igitur falsis exemplaribus, & [Page 72] verborum retiaculis, quamplurimos Rex cautius intri­cavit. Multi tamen steterunt, nullo modo volentes recedere a communi responsione prout conjuraverant. Quibus Rex in ira respondet, Erone perjurus? Juravi Sacramento intransgressibili, quod transfretans jura mea in brachio extento a Rege Francorum reposcam, quod si­ne copioso thesauro, qui a vestra liberalitate procedere habet, nequaquam valeo. Nec tamen his vel aliis verbis potuit aliquos muscipelare, quamvis, ut praedictum est, seorstm quemlibet per se conveniendum vocavit.’

‘Iterum, autem vocavit aliquot simul sibi familiariores, & affatus eos, ait: Quid perniciosum exemplum aliis praebetis? Vos qui Comites et Barones et strenui Mili­tes estis, non deberetis, et si alii timeant, scilicet Praela­ti ecclesiae, trepidare, Avidiores caeteris esse debere­tis Jura Regni reposcere, et contra injuriantes Martia certamina potenter experiri. Nostram partem solida­re et consolari tenetur jus nostrum quod habemus, Mag­natum vocatio cum certa promissione, exemplum de Wallia, quod solet praeterita futuris prospere continua­re, ubi nuper foeliciter triumphavimus. Et qua fronte poteritis me Dominum vestrum, ad tam arduum nego­tium Reipublicae procinctum, relinquere pauperem & desolatum, cum tenear promissa de transitu meo adim­plere, jurejurando strictius obligatus? Et cum ad noti­tiam Universitatis perveniret, responderunt: Supra id quod dici potest admiramur, in qua abyssum submersae sunt innumerabiles pecuniae, quas a diversis Magnatum custodiis, variis escaetis, crebris extorsionibus, tam ab Ecclesiiis pastore viduatis, quam Nobilium terris, prae­consis donativis, stuporem in cordibus audientium ge­nerantibus, Domine Rex emunxisti, quae nunquam reg­no vel modicum contulerunt incrementum. Praeterea, nuper Legatos quosdam, vel Legatorum fungentes offi­ciis, in hoc Regnum advocasti, qui quasi racemos post vindemiantea sibi reliquias residuae pecuniae colligerunt. Caeterum, nimis admirantur MAGNATES ANGLIAE UNIVERSI, quod sine eorum consilio & assensu eam [Page 73] arduum tam periculosum negotium es aggressus, fidem adhibens fidem carentibus. Spretoque naturalium tuo­rum favore, exponis te tam ancipitis fortunae casibus. Treugarum foedus, inter Regem Francorum & tu in ani­ma tua captarum et juratarum, indissolubiliter et invio­labiliter usque ad terminum observandarum, quem ex parte tua praefixerant praeclari viri Comes Richardus frater tuus, & Comes R. Bigod, inhoneste & impuden­ter, non sine periculo animae tuae, & famae laesione dis­rumpis. Adhibuistis praesentiam tui corporis notabili­bus ipsis Magnatibus ultra Marinis, contra dominum suum, Regem videlicet Francorum, calcaneum levanti­bus eo ipso nulla fides est adhibenda, u [...]pote de multi­plici proditione notabilibus. His Rex auditis, in iram excanduit vehementem, jurans cum Sanctorum artesta­tione, quod nullo revocaretur terrore, nullis verborum ambagibus circumventus, ab incoepto proposito retardare­tur, quin in octavis Paschae naves ascendens, fortunam belli in partibus transmarinis contra Francos imperter­ritus experiretur. Et sic solutum est concilium, utrobi (que) reposita, vel occulta mentis indignatione.’

‘Postea vero, ne oblivio tenorem responsionis Baronum deleret, in scriptum taliter haec redacta. Cum dominus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus, et omnes Episcopi Angliae, Abbates & Priores per se, vel per Procuratores suos, necnon & OMNES COMITES, & fere OMNES BA­RONES ANGLIAE, ad mandatum domini Regis con­venissent apud Westmonasterium die Martis proxima ante Purificationem beatae Mariae, Anno Dom. 1242. Regni Henrici 3. Regis 26. audituri Domini Regis volunta­tem et negocium, pro quo ipsos mandaverat. Et idem Dominus, Rex transmittens ad eosdem dictum dominum Eboracensem, et nobilem virum dominum Comitem Richarduum, et dominum W. de Eboraco, Praepositum de Beverlaco, super voluntate Domini regis in negociis suis, scilicet eisdem expositis per eosdem solennes nun­cios; omnes Magnates de regno suo rogasset de consilio ei dando, et auxilio faciendo, ad haereditatem suam & [Page 74] jura sua perquirenda, in partibus transmirinis, quae spe­ctabant ad Regnum suum Angliae: tandem, dicti Epis­copi, Abbates & Priores, Comites & Barones, magno inter eos tractatu praehabito, inprimis Domino Regi per praedictos Magnates dederunt consilium, videlicet. Quod Dominus ipse Rex expectaret finem Treugarum inter eum et Regem Franciae initarum. Et si forte idem Rex Franciae contra formam earundem treugarum aliquas fe­cisset interprisas, tunc dictus Rex Angliae mitteret ad eum solennes nuncios, ad rogandum, monendum et in­ducendum ipsum Regem Franciae, ut treugas initas te­neret, et interprisas emendaret, si quae per ipsum, vel per suos factae essent. Quod si Rex Franciae, facere contra­diceret, libenter ad hoc consilium apponerent, pro posse suo de auxiliis ei dando. Omnes ita unanimiter re­sponderunt. Similiter, postquam fuerat Dominus eo­rum, multo [...]ies ad instantiam suam ei auxilium dederunt, Videlicet, tertiam decimam mobilium suorum, et postea quintam decimam, et sextam decimam, et quadragesi­mam, Carucagium, Hydagium et plura Scutagia, et post­ea unum magnum Scutagium ad sororem suam Impera­tricem maritandam. Postea vero nondum quatuor an­nis elapsis, petit ab eis iterum auxilium, et tandem cum magna precum instantia obtinuit tricessimam, quam ei concesserunt, tali scilicet conditione, quodilla exactio, vel aliae precedentes, amplius non traherentur in conse­quentiam. Et inde fecit eis Chartam suam. Et praete­rea concessi [...] eis tun▪ Quod omnes Libertates contentae in Magna Charta, ex tunc in antea plenius tenerentur per totum regnum suum & inde fecit eis quandam par­vam Chartam suam, quam adhunc habent, in qua eaedem continentur. Praeterea Dominus Rex concessit eis de voluntate sua, et de consilio torius Barnagii sui, quod tota p [...]cunia ex dicta tricesima proveniens, salva depo­neretur in Castris Domini Regis sub Custodia quatuor Magnatum Angliae, scilicet Comitis Warranniae ▪ et alio­rum, per quorum visum et consilium pecunia illa expen­deretur ad dicti Regis & Regni utilitatem, cum necesse [Page 75] esset. Et quia Barnagium nescit, nec aud [...] it quod de dicta pecunia per visum vel consilium alicujus quatuor Magnatum praedictorum aliquid expendatur, credunt firmiter, & bene intelligunt, quod Dominus Rex ad­huc totam habet illam pecuniam integram, de qua nunc potest magnum habere auxilium. Praeteria bene sciunt, quod post tempus illud tot habuit escaetas, scilicet Archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem, & plures Episcopa­tus Angliae ditiores, & terras Comitum & Baronum, & militium de eo tenentium defunctorum, quod solum­modo de illis escaetis debet ipse habere grandem pecu­niae summam, si bene custodiatur. Praeterea a tempo­re dictae tricessimae datae non cessaverant Justitiarii itine­rantes, itinerare per omnes partes Angliae, tam de pla­citis forestae, quam de omnibus aliis placitis, ita quod omnes Comitatus Angliae, & omnia Hundreda, Civitates & Burgi, & fere omnes villae graviter amerciantur. Un­de solummodo de illo itinere, habet Dominus Rex, vel habere debuit, maximam summam pecuniae, si persol­vatur, & bene colligatur. Unde bene dicunt, quod per illa amerciamenta, & per alia auxilia prius data, omnes de Regno ita gravan [...]ur & depauperantur, quod parum aut nihil habent in bonis, (and may not we now more truly say so, after so many years uncessant importable Taxes, Excizes, Impositions, Contributions, Exactions of all kinds, without any interruption, in far greater proportions than these amount to, and all sequestrations, sales of Delinquents, and others estates, not known in that age) Et quia Dominus Rex, nunquam post tricessi­mam datam (nor our present Rulers after all their Pro­testations, Declarations, Remonstrances, Votes, Leagues and Covenants to preserve our Laws, Liberties, Proper­ties, Great Charters, and the Petition of Right, and all our contributions, Excises, Loans or publike faith, &c.) Cartam suam de libertatibus tenuit, imo plus solito po­stea gravavit (as now) & per aliam Cartam eis concer­ [...]am, quod Exactiones hujusmodi non traherentur in consequentiam; responderunt eidem Domino Regi [Page 76] praecise.’ Quod nullum ad praesens ei facerent auxilium. A fit answer for all our Nobles and Commons in this age, "after so many years Taxes, Imposts, Excises, far heavier than any complained of in that age. ‘Veruntamen quia Dominus eorum est, sic se gerere poterit erga eos usque ad finem dictarum treugarum, quod tunc bonum appo­nent consilium pro posse suo. Et cum dicti Magnates Nuncii, ipso Domino Regi nunciassent Responsum, re­deuntes ad Barnagium, dixerunt, quod in parte suffici­ens Domino Regi dederunt responsum.’

I have transcribed these memorable passages of this Parliament out of Matthew Paris thus largely in his own words, for sundry reasons pertinent to my Theam.

1. To prove, that the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Peers, Earls, Barons Lords, were the only Members of this, all the former, and most other succeeding Parlia­ments in Henry the 3 his reign, this Historian, (who is most exact) making mention of them only, both in the summons to their debates in Parliament, and this their Remonstrance in Parliament, even in this case of ayds demanded, and not of any Knights, Citizens, or Burges­ses elected by the people, of which there is not one syl­lable.

2. To manifest, that the Earls, Lords, and Barons of the Realm, have most unanimously, resolutely, magna­nimously opposed our Kings in Parliaments in their un­just designs, and in Ayds, Taxes demanded, and earnestly begged, importuned from them without any effect, resisting our Kings therin to their faces, and withstanding all their wiles, pollicies, King-crafts, and private sollicitations per­swasions to enervate their resolutions, and lay unnecessary burthens on the people, which some other subsequent Presidents will further ratifie.

3. That they were the Granters of all publike Ayds to the King, which they granted very rarely, and that upon extraordinary pressing occasions, especially in case of for­rain wars, though to recover the antient Rights and [Page 77] Dominions of the Crown, and that in very small moderate proportions, with special provisoes, how they should be im­ployed, and that they should not be hereafter drawn into consequence, which other Presidents will further evi­dence.

4. That they were very vigilant, active, zealous in complaning against, examining all violations of the Great Charters of their liberties by the King and his Officers: and reconfirming them by new promulgations, Oaths pro­clamations, excommunications, refusing to grant any Ayds till this were effectually done, or promised by our Kings: which the subsequent examples will further clear.

5. That no wars ought to be made nor truces violated but by their Council and advice: and that they deemed Truces sworn even to forain Enemies most sacred, indis­soluble, inviolable, and the violation of them most dis­honest, impudent, perilous to souls, and hurtfull to the re­putation even of Kings themselves: much more then must Oaths, Leagues, and solemn sworn Covenants of Subjects to their natural Kings, and Kings to their Sub­jects be inviolable, indissoluble, and the violation of them most dishonest, shamefull, perfidious, perillous, hurtful to mens Souls and reputations; and that no faith or trust is to be given to perfidious Traitors, Nobles, against their natural King.

Anno Dom. 1238. King Henry being wholly counsel­led by Foreiners, marying the Nobles of the Realm to them, neglecting his natural subjects, & misgoverning the Realm; thereupon Earl Richard his Brother, and the rest of the Nobles publikely reprehended and opposed him. Which Mat. Paris thus relates.

Comes Richardus cum hoc audisset matrimonium clande­stinum, eo scilicet nesciente, Mat. Paris, p. 451. vel assensu Magnatum terrae non interveniente, firmatum fuisse, nimia ira succensus meritò, praesertim cum Rex saepius perjurasset, si se nil arduum factu­rum, nisi de consilio naturalium hominum suorum, & praeci­pueipsius. Insurgens igitur Regem aggreditur verbis commo­nitoriis, et comminatoriis, gravem movens adversus Regem [Page 78] quaestionem et calumniam, eo quod utens consiliis alienigena­rum quos amovere penitus perjuraverat, etiam ardua negotiae regni perperam tractaverat, et Simonem de Monte forti, et I. Comitem Lincolniensem aliis a latere suo amotis, non tantum audierat, sed contra nobilium conniventiam matrimo­nia subdola procuraverant. Simon, ut praedictum est, illi­cite inter eum et Comitissam Pembreciae sororem suam, et Johannes Comes Lincolniensis inter filium Comitis Boloniae, scilicet Richardum de Clare, et filiam ejusdem Comttis I. Rege subducto procuraverant. Insurgenti autem illi Comiti Richardo, adduntur Comes Gilbertus Marescallus, et omnes Comites et Barones Angliae, cum civibus et populo generali­ter. Et sperabatur certissime tunc quod ipse Comes Richardus esset et liberaturus terram, tam à Romanorum quam aliorum alienigenarum misera qua premebatur, servitute, et omnes a puero usque ad hominem senem crebras in ipsum benedictiones congesserunt, nec adhesit aliquis Regi, nisi solus Comes Canciae H. de quo non timebatur, quod ideo quid sinistri possit evenire, tum quia se juraverat nunquam arma gestaturum, tum prop­ter discretionem suam, multis experimentis examinatam. Quod comperiens Rex animo et vultu nimis consternatus, Nobilium terrae singulos per nuncios suos interogavit diligenter, sciscitando, si in hunc vel illum in hac jam exorta tempestate possit de adjutorio confidere? Cui responderunt universi, prae­cipue Cives Londinenses, asserendo universaliter quod honore suo, et commodo Regni procuratum est circumspecte, quod in­cipiebatur ab ipso Comite R. licet ipse Rex salubri consilio ejus non acquiesceret, unde incoepta nullo modo impedirent. Haec comperiens Legatus, summam adhibuit, imminere videns pe­ricula diligentiam, ut Regem suis naturalibus hominibus re­conciliaret, secreto admonens Comitem R. & replicans, quod ipse qui capitaneus hujus impetus factus est. Deinceps ab in­coepto desisteret, promittens regem ei ampliores possessiones col­laturam, et Dominum Papam collatas confirmaturum; ad­dens quod si omnes terrae in regem insurgerent, ipse, qui fra­ter ejus cum eo contra omnes stare haberet indefessus. Ad quod respondit Comes R. Domine Legatae, de terris laicorum et earum confirmationibus nil ad vos derebus autem Ecclesia­sticis [Page 79] curam geratis. Nec miremini, si status Regni moveat me, cum sim haeres solus apparens. Rex enim cum fere om­nium Episcopatuum terrae, et multarum escaetarum custodi­as habuit, nullum tamen thesaurus ejus sentit ad Regni tuiti­ones incrementum, cum tamen undique variis vallemur i [...]i­micis. Praeterea admirantur nonnulli, quod Rex qui maxime auxilio et discretione indiget, discretorum vestigia non secta­tur. Non Imperatoris, cui sororem nostram, cum magna pe­cunia dedimus, sperantes id nobis profuturum, qui sola sua conjuge retenta, duces illius nobis remisit, nulli corum terras vel thesaurum conferens, cum tamen abundaret locuples & opulentus. De Rege autem Francorum simile potest exem­plum recitari, cui soror Reginae nostrae matrimonio primoge­nita copulatur. Rex autem noster Angliae e converso omnes uxoris suae affines, et consanguineos, terris, possessionibus et thesauris saginavit, et sic se maritavit, ut ne thesauro plus ditaretur, imo potius pr [...]aretur, ne militari auxilio, si opus emerge et, roboraretur. Praeterea, redditus et beneficia Ec­clesiastica, a piis prdecessoribus nostris nostris collata, preci­pue quae contulerunt antecessores nostri viris religiosis; permit­tit, quasi spolia di [...]ipi, et alienigenis, cum abundet ipsa terra viris idoneis distribui, et fit Anglia quasi Vinia sine maceria, quam vindemiant omnes qui praetergrediuntur viam.

Cum autem audisset Legatus hos sermones, Regem adiit, una cum Episcopo Wintoniensi P. monens et muniens, ut se ex tunc voluntati suorum, juste in eum insurgentium subderet, et obtemperaret, nunc minis, nunc monitis, nunc precibus eun­dem reformantes. Rex videns impetus suos favoribus caru­isse, et omnes fatri suo Comiti R. in [...]linantes, quaesivit quae po­tuit diverticula, inducias deliberandi postulando, ut compe­tentius responderet. Indueiae igitur ad instantiam petentium concessae sunt Regi, licet cum difficultate, usque in crastinum Dominicae primae quadragessimae.

Convenerunt igitur Magnates die statuto Londini, super his diligenter tractaturi. Et venerunt multi aequis et armis communiti, ut si Rex circumventus per levitatem recalcitraret ad praemissa complenda cogeretur. Ibi igitur post multas multorum deceptationes, se subjecit Rex quorundam provisioni [Page 80] de gravioribus viris, jurans se eorum provisionis adquiescere. Quod et factum est, et in scripta redactum, et appensa sunt tam Legati quam aliorum Magnatum Sigilla, omnibus in communi manifestanda.

So in the Parliament held by King Henry, Anno 1242, and 1248. The Archbishops, Bishops, Priors, Earls, Ba­rons and Gentlemen assembled to it, in like manner boldly and joyntly reprehended the King for favouring Aliens, wasting his money upon them, following their advice, and oppressing, neglecting, impoverishing, ex­hausting, his Natural Subjects, as you may read at large in Mat. Paris, p. 560, 561, 562, 719. overlarge to tran­scribe.Mat. Paris p. 567, The same year the king rashly commanded that Wil. de Ros, (who deserted him in his wars in France, out of meer want of monies, offering to pawn his lands to the King, if he would supply his necessities, which he refu­sed to doe) ‘de terris fuis licet sine judicio parium suorum disseiseretur. Quod videbatur cunctis INJUSTUM ET TYRANNUM.’ Whereupon he was sharply repre­hended by his Brother Earl Richard; who with other No­bles left him in discontent upon this occasion, and re­turned into England.

Mat [...] Paris, p. 619, 620, 621, 624. King Henry the 3. Anno 1244. the 28 year of his reign, summoned a Parliament of the Nobles at London, thus recorded by Matthew Paris. Convenerunt Regia sub­monitione convocati Londinum MAGNATES TOTIUS REGNI, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Co­mites & Barones: in quo Concilio petiit Rex ore proprio, in praesentia Magnatum in refectorio Westmonasteriensi auxilium sibi fieri pecuniare, sub silentio praeteriens propositum suum de Rege Scotiae potentur impugnando. In propatulo tamen ma­nifestans, quod anno transacto transfretaverat in Gasconiam de consilio eorum, ut dicebat, ubi tenebatur aeris alieni non modica quantitate, nec potuit nisi efficacissimè sibi ab illis ge­neraliter subveniretur, liberari. Cui fuit responsum, quod super hoc tractarent Recedentesque Magnates de refectorio, [...]on­venerunt Archiepiscopi & Episcopi, Abbate, & Priores se­orsum per se, super hoc diligenter tractaturi. Tandem re­quisiti [Page 81] fuerunt ex parte eorum Comites & Barones, si velient suis consiliis unanimiter consentire in responsione & provisione super his facienda. Qui responderunt, quod sine communi u­niversitate nihil facerent. Tunc de communi assensu electi fue­runt ex parte Cleri, electus Cantuariensis, Wintoniensis, Lincolniensis, & Wigorniensis Episcopi, ex parte Laicorum, Richardus Comes, frater Domini Regis Comes Bigod, Co­mes Legriae Simon de Montefor [...]i, & Comes Mareschallus W. ex partibus Baronum, Richardus de Muntsichet, & Johannes de Bailliol, & de sancto Edmundo, et de Rame­sia Abbates, ut quod isti duodecim providerent in commune recitaretur, nec aliqua forma Domino Regi ostendaretur au­ctoritate duodecim, nisi omnium communis assensus in­terveneret, Et quia Charta libertatum, quas Dominus Rex olim concesserat, & pro cujus conservatione Archiepisco­pus Cantuariensis Edmundus juraverat, fide jusserat & cer­tissime pro Rege promiserat, nondum extitit observata, & aux­ilia quae toties concessa fuerunt Domino Regi ad nullum pro­fectum Regis vel regni devenerant. Et per defectum Can­cellarii Brevia contra justitiam pluries fuerunt concessa, peti­tum fuit, & secundum quod eligerent, Justiciarius & Cancel­larius fierent, per quod statum Regni solidaretur, ut solebat. Et ne per compulsionem Concilii aliquod novum statuere vide­retur, noluit (Rex) petitioni Magnatum consentire; sed pro­misit, se [...]mendaturum quae ex eorum parte audierat, unde da­tus fuit terminus eis usque in tres septimanas Purificationis be­atae Virginis, ut ibidem iterum tunc eonvenireot. Quod si me­ra voluntate Rex interim tales Consiliarios eligeret, & taliter jura regni tractaret, quod Magnates contenti essent ad termi­num illum super auxilio faciendo, responsuri providerent, ita tamen quod si aliqua pecunia eidem concederetur, per dictos duodecim expenderetur ad commodum Regni. Et cum per plures dies protraheret eos Dominus Rex, volens eos quasi te­dio affectos flectere ad consensum, ut sine termini prorogatione ad auxilium contribuendum consentirent, multipliciter conve­nit eos nec circumvenit, quia Magnates hoc prudenter perpen­dentes IMMOBILITER IN PROPOSITO PERSTI­TERUNT. Tunc Dominus Rex demum sperans sal [...]m [Page 82] Clerum ad desiderium suum inclinare, convocatis Praelatis, porrexit illis Papales apices in publico, (recorded at large by Matthew Paris) commanding and perswading the Prelates, Abbots and Clergy to supply the Kings necessities, and grant him an aid, with particular Letters to all the Pre­lates from the Pope to the like effect. The Prelates not­withstanding all the Kings private sollicitations and po­licies, refused to return any answer to the Popes Letters, till the time of the Lords reassembling or to do any thing but by Common Counsel and consent of the whole Parlia­ment, from which they would not be divided, as you may there read at large. The Nobles and Great men meeting again at the time prefixed agree on these ensu­ing Provisoes, after long debate, which they tendred to the King for his assent, denying to grant him any aid of mony, unless he consented to them.

De libertatibus alia vice emptis, concessis, & per chartam Domini Regis confirmatis, quod de caetero observentur. Ad cujus rei majorem securitatem, fiat nova charta quae super haec specialem faciet mentionem. Et ab omnibus Praelatis so­lenniter excommunicentur, qui scienter & prudenter libertates a Domino Rege concessas, vel impugnare vel impedire, quo minus observentur, praesumpserint, & reformetur status eo­rum, qui post ultimam concessionem in libertatibus suis laesio­nem incurrerunt. Et quia propter virtutem sacramenti prae­stiti, nec non propter timorem sententiae latae a sancto viro Ed­mundo, quod ea vice promissum fuerat, hactenus non exsti­tit observatum, ne hujusmodi periculum de caetero eveniat, & sic fiant novissima pejora prioribus de communi assensu quatu­or eligantur Potentes et Nobiles de Discretioribus toti­us regni, qui sint de Concilio Domini Regis, et jurati, quod negotia Domini Regis et Regni fidelitur tractabunt, et sine ac­ceptione personarum, omnibus Justitiam exhibebunt. Hi se­quentur Dominum Regem, & si non omnes, semper duo eorum ad minus praesentes sint, ut audiant querimonias singulorum, ut patientibus injuriam celeriter possint subvenire. Per visum & testimonium eorum tractetur Thesaurus Domini Regis, & pecunia ab Universis specialiter concessa, et ad commodum Re­gis [Page 83] et Regni expendatur, secundum quod melius et utilius vide­rint expedire, Et erunt Libertatum Conservatores. Et sicut de omnium assensu eliguntur; sic etiam sine com­muni assensu non poterit aliquis eorum amoveri, aut suo officio privari. Ʋno etiam sublato è medi [...], de assensu et electione trium, loco illius alius substituatur infra duos men­ses. Nec sine ipsis, sed cum necesse fuerit, et ad eorum instan­tiam, iterum conveniant Universi. Brevia contra Regem & consuceudinem Regni impetrata, penitus revocentur et abole­antur. Memorandum quoque de sententia ferenda in contra­dictores. Item, de obligatione Sacramenti in invicem. Item, de Itinere Justiciariorum, Justitiarius & Cancellarius ab omni­bus elegantur. Et quia frequenter debent esse cum Domino re­ge, poterint esse de numero conservatorum. Et si aliqua inter­veniente occasione Dominus Rex abstulerit sigillum suum à Cancellario, quicquid fuerit interim sigillatum, irritum habea­tur et inane. Deinde Cancellario fiat restitutio. Nullus sub­stituatur Cancellarius, vel Justitiarius, nisi solummodo per solennem et universalem omnem Convocationem, et liberum as­sensum. Duo Justiciarii eligantur in Banco. Duo itidem Ba­rones in Scaccario constituantur. Unus quoque ad minus Ju­sticiarius Judaeorum deputatur. Hac vice autem per commu­nem universalem liberamque omnium electionem fiant et con­stituantur omnes Officiarii praedicti: ut quemadmodum om­nium negotia sunt tractaturi, sic etiam in eorum electione concurrat assensus singulorum. Et postmodum cum necesse fue­rit alius loco alicujus ipsorum praedictorum substitui aut subro­gari, per provisionem et auctoritatem quatuor illorum Consilia­torum praedictorum fiat illa substitutio vel subrogatio. Hacte­nus suspecti, aut minus necessarii à latere Domini Regis a­moveantur. Et dum hujusmodi negotia utilia nimis Reipub­licae in spacio trium hebdomadarum diligenter pertractassent Magnates, hostis humani generis, pacis perturbator, et Schis­matum suscitator Diabolus, haec omnia per Papalem avaritiam impedivit, &c. Postea renovata fuit petitio Domini Regis, super auxilio pecuniari sibi faciendo. Circa quod de die in diem convenit eos Dominus Rex, tum in propria persona, tum per internuncios solennes; per quos promisit, se Libertates quas juraverat in Coronatione sua, super quibus CHARTAM [Page 84] confecerat integerrime servaturum. Ad quorum etiam tuitio­nem, rogavit ut singuli Episcopi in Diocaesibus suis sen­tentiam fer [...]ent in ipsum, et omnes qui contra memoratas Libertates venirent in aliquo articulo. Tandem unani­miter, cum nullo modo ad alium formam possent flecti, concesserunt Domino Regi ad maritandam filiam suam pri­mogenitam, de omnibus qui tenent de Domino Rege in capite, de singulis scutis viginti solidos solvendos, scilicet, medietatem ad Pascha, et aliam ad festum S. Michaelis.

Et cum relatum esset Domino Regi, ut ad memoriam haec quam praeterita reduceret, recordatum est ei, quod similia à su­is fidelibus, quos fovere debuit, non depauperare truculenter et sine solutione promissorum, eisdem extorserat. Post captionem Bedefordiae statim concessum est Carucagium, de tota Anglia, scilicet, de qualibet caruca duo solidi Anno se­quenti, Quintadecima omnium mobilium. Iterum, iturus in Britanniam cepit non modicam pecuniam à Praelatis etiam & viris Religiosis, Burgensibus & Judaeis. Post reditum suum de Britannia, cepit Scutagium, scilicet de Scuto tres marcas. Item postea concessa fuit Quadragesima pars omnium mobili­um. Item postea Trigesima pars omnium mobilium. Item quando maritavit sororem suam Isabellam domino Imperatori Frederico, cepit dominus Rex ad maritagium suum Caruca­gium, videlicet, de qualibet Caruca duas marcas. In nativi­tate autem filii sui, in magnum dedecus sui, multa munera quae ad magnam summam pecuniae ascenderunt, violenter & im­pudenter extorsit. Item iturus in Gasconiam, cepit à Prae­latis, viris Religiosis, Burgensibus & Judaeis, et à quibuscun­que potuit aliquid abradere, pecuniam multam, imo penè infi­nitam. Rediens autem à Gasconia inglorius & seductus, jussit ut Magnates et Praelati ipsi occur [...]erente etiam us (que) ad mare; qui ibidem illum diu expectantes frustra, tandem ip­sum in muneribus multis et impreciabilibus exceperunt. Simi­liter et cives Londinenses & alii. Et qui munera nobilia com­pertus est non contulisse, aliquo argumento redargutus, damnifi­cabatur. Qualiter autem pro hac praesenti contributione et om­nibus aliis promissa et pacta adimplebat Rex, noverit ille qui nihil ignorat. Thus bold, resolute, plain dealing were the [Page 85] Earls and Barons with the King in this Parliament; all whose Ayds and Exactions here enumerated in 28. years space, are not comparable to one years Excises, Imposts, Contributions, under the pretended new Conservators, Pro­tectors of our Liberties, and deliverers of us from our former Petty Taxes of Shipmony and Knighthood, scarce amounting to one Moneths contribution.

Mat. Paris, p. 631.The same year (1244.) in Crastino Omnium animarum, convenientes Magnates Angliae, Rex cum instantissimè ne di­cam impudentissimè, auxilium pecuniare ab eis, iterum postu­laret, toties lasi et illusi, CONTRADIXERUNT EI U­NANIMITER ET UNO ORE IN FACIE. Propone­bat enim Dominus Rex contra Wallenses exercitum ducere represuros, &c.

Mat. Paris, p. 718, 719. Mat. West. Anno 1248. p. 227.233. In the 32. year of his reign; ‘In octaxis Purificati­onis, edicto Regio convocata totius Angliae Nobilitas convenit Londoniis, ut de Regni negociis nimis pertur­bati, et depauperati, et temporibus nostris enormiter mutilati, diligenter et efficaciter cum Domino Rege con­trectaret, &c. Et cum proposuisset Dominus Rex, pe­cuniare auxilium postulare, redargutus est graviter su­per hoc, quod non erubescebat tunc tale juvamen & auxi­lium exigere: praesertim quia quando in ultima tali ex­actione, cui Nobiles Angliae vix consenserunt, confecit Chartam suam, quod amplius talem non faceret Magna­tibus suis injuriam et gravamen. Repraehensus est etiam gravissime, super indiscreta alienigenarum vocatione, &c.’ And for all orher his misdemeanours there specified at large. ‘Haec cum audisset Dominus Rex, confusus in se­metipso erubuit, sciens haec omnia esse verissima. Pro­misit ergo verissime ac certissime se haec omnia gratanter emendaturum, sperans per talem humilitatem, licet fictam, omnium corda postulationi suae promptius incur­vare. Cui inito consilio crebrius in talibus promissis u­niversitas irretita, respondit: Hoc videbitur, et infra breve tempus apparebit manifeste: Expectabimus pa­tienter, et prout se gerit Dominus Rex, et se habebit versus nos, et nos ei in omnibus obtemperabimus, Di­lata [Page 86] igitur sunt omnia et in respectu posita, us (que) ad quin­denam Sancti Johannis Baptistae. Sed Dominus Rex interim vel suo Spiritu, vel aulicorum suorum, qui nol­lent suam enervari potestatem, induratus, & contra su­os homines magis exaspetatus, minimum emendationis in praedictis excessibus, fidelibus suis, secundum quod promisi [...], curavit impendere.’ Whereupon they would grant him no aid at all. When he could not move the No­bles all assembled together; Mat. Paris p. 732. Mat. Westm. p. 233, 234. the next year he sent beg­ging Letters to every one of the Nobles apart for ayd, nor as a duty, but meer gratuity to carry on his wars against the King of France, sed nihil ex inde à circumspectis nisi derisum et sibilum suscitavit.

Mat. Paris p. 821, to 828. Mat. Westm. p. 252. King Henry, Anno 1252. the 35. year of his reign, as­sembled all the Prelates to London, and demanded of them a Tenth for 8. years granted him by the Pope; which they refused to grant, taxing him for oppressing his Realm and rhe Church with various and innumerable exactions, and depriving them of their antient and accustomed Liberties and their money against his Oath, and primitive Protesta­tion: The Lords and Prelates, after sundry publike and privat Discourses and devices then used to draw them to a Contribution (recorded at large in Mat. Paris) chiding and telling him to his face; ‘asserentes ipsum natum tantum ad pecuniam emungendam. Soluto igitur cum Regis, Cleri et Magnatum indignatione Concilio, Rex iram et odium praecordiale thesaurizavit, credens haec omnia sibi facta et dicta in spiritu maligno et exoso, malignandi materiam parturire.’ About the same time, Isabella Countess of Arundell, coming to the King about a Wardship, and he denying to doe her justice therein, though a woman, gave him this manly and bold answer. ‘Domine Rex▪ quare avertis faciem tuam à Justitia? Jam in curia tua quod justum est, nequit impetrari. Medius inter Dominum & nos constitueris, sed nec teipsum nec nos sane regis, nec ecclesiam veritus es multipliciter perturbare, quod non tantum in praesentiarum sed mul­toties est aperta. Nobiles insuper Regni variis modis [Page 87] vexare non formidas vel erubescis Quod cum audisset Rex corrugans nares, et subsannans, voce dixit eleva [...]a: Quid est hoc, O Domina Comitissa? confecerunt ne Magna­tes Angliae chartam, et pepigerunt tecum, ut fieres eo­rum quia eloquens es, advocata et prolocutrix? Ad quod Comitissa licet juvencula, non tamen juveniliter respon­dit. Nequaquam mihi, Domine, Regni tui Primates chartam confecerunt, sed tu CHARTAM quam confe­cit pater tuus, et tu eam concessisti, & jurasti observare fideliter et irrefragabiliter, et multoties ut eam obser­vares à fidelibus tuis pecuniam de libertatibus obser­vandis eorum extorsisti, sed tu semper eis impudens transgressor extitisti. Unde fidei laesor enormis & Sa­cramenti transgressor manifestus esse comprobaris. May we not make the self-same demand and appeal now? Ubi Libertates Angliae toties in scripta redactae, toties con­cessae, totiesque redemptae? Ego igitur licet mulier, omnesque indigenae et naturales ac fideles tui appella­mus contra te, ante tribunal tremendi judicis. Et erunt nobis testes coelum & terra, quoniam inique nimis nos tractas insontes, et nos Deus ultionum Dominus ulcis­catur. Ad haec Rex siluit confusus, quia dictante propria conscientia cognovit, quoniam à tramite veritatis non exorbitavit Comitissa; et ait: Nonne postulas gratiam, eo quod mihi cognata sis? at illa: Ex quo mihi quod jus expostulat denegasti, quomodo spem concipiam, ut mi­hi gratiam facias postulanti? sed et contra illos ante fa­ciem Christi appello, qui te fascinantes et infatuentes, consiliarii tui sunt, et te a via veritatis avertunt, suis tantummodo commodis inhiantes. His autem auditis Rex siluit, satis civiliter redargutus; Comitissa autem nec licentiata, nec licentiam postulata, magnis labori­bus et sumptibus inaniter factis, ad propria remea­vit.’

Anno 1253. the 37 of Henry the 3d.Mat. Paris, p. 838, 839. Mat. Westm. p. 254. In quindena Pas­chae ‘mense Aprilis tota edicto Regio convocata Angliae Nobilitas convenit Londini, de arduis Regni negotiis simul cum Rege tractaturi. Exti [...]erunt igitur ibidem cum Comitibus & Baronibus quamplurimis, Archiepis­copus [Page 88] Cantuariensis, & Episcopi Angliae fere omnes, &c. Et cum de magna Regis indigentia, qui postulavit sibi peregrinaturo infinitam exhiberi pecuniam, diu. et ina­niter tractassent, et hinc inde nuncios utrobique con­sensus haberetur, contigit ut ex parte Episcoporum & omnium Praelatorum, destinarentur Archiepiscopus Cant: et Carliolensis, et Sarisburiensis Episcopi et ele­ctus Wintoniensis, ad persuadendum et inducendum Regem, ut permitteret, prout saepius solenniter juran­do promisit, sanctam Ecclesiam suis gaudere libertatibus, maxime de electionibus, in quibus praecipue ecclesiastica constat libertas. Nullibi enim cum in Ecclesiis Cathe­dralibus vel Conventualibus potest aliquis promoveri nisi per Regem intrusus, &c. Quod si hunc et alios mores, SECUNDUM MAGNAE CHARTAE DE LIBERTA­TIBUS CONFECTAE TENOREM, emendaret, ipsi usque ad gravamen magnum petitionibus suis inclina­rent. Quibus Rex: Verum est, et inde doleo, & poe­nitet me graviter hoc secisse. Instanter igitur procuran­dum, ut et talia peracta corrigantur; et amplius simi­lia non perpetrentur. Et vos in hoc mihi sitis coadjuto­res, ne sic promoticum subditis condemnentur, &c. Tandem protracto tempore diuturno et multis re­volutis disceptationibus, post quindecim et am­plius dierum continuationem, in hoc residit om­nium unanimus consensus; ut voluntas Regis peregri­naturi et ideo pia, non penitus suo desiderio fraudare­tur, nec Ecclesiae vel Regni status enorme pateretur dettimentum. Concessa est igitur Regi decima pars proventuum ab Ecclesia recipiendo, cum iter Hieroso­lymitanum per visum Magnatum arriperet, in viaticum distribuenda, per triennium, in succursum Terrae san­ctae contra Dei inimicos, & a militibus scutagium, illo anno, scilicet ad scutum tres Marcae; et Rex bona fide, & sine aliqua cavillatione, Walsingham Ypodig. Neustr. p. 61. promisit se CHARTAM MAGNAM ET OMNES EJUS ARTICULOS FI­DELITER OBSERVARE: Quam tamen a multis re­troactis annis, Pater ejus Rex Johannes TENERE JU­RAVIT, [Page 89] & limiliter qui prae [...]ens est in susceptione Co­ronae, et postea multoties, unde infinitam emunxit pe­cuniam. Tertio igitur die Mali, in majori aula Regia Westm. sub praesentia & assensu Domini Henrici Dei gratia Regis Angliae illustris, & Dominorum R [...]. Comi­tis Cornubiae fratris sui, & Ri. Comitis Norfollkiae & Suffollkiae Mareschalli Angliae, H. Comitis Her [...]fordiae, & Comitis Oxoniae, I. Comiris Warwiciae, & aliorum Optimatum Regni Angliae; Nos B. divina misericor­dia Cant. Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae primas, F. Londinensis, H. Eliensis, R. Lincolniensis, W. Wigo [...] ­niensis, W. Norwicensis, P. Haerefordiensis, W. Sa­risberiensis, W. Dunelmensis, R. Exoniensis, S. Car­leolensis, W. Bathoniensis, L. Roffensis, T. Mene­vensis Episcopi, Pontificalibus indutis, candelis ac­censis, in transgressores libertarum, & Ecclesiasticorum, & libertatum consuetudinem Regni Angliae, & praeci­pue earum quae continentur IN CHARTA LIBER­TATUM REGNI ANGLIAE, ET CHARTA DE FORESTA, excommunicationis sententiam solenni­ter tulimus sub hac forma. Auctoritate Dei Omnipo­tentis, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti, & Gloriosae Dei Ge­netricis, semperque Virginis Mariae, & beatorum A­postolorum Petri & Pauli, omniumque Apostolorum, & beati Thomae Archiepiscopi & Martyris, omniumque Martyrum, beati Edwardi Regis Angl [...]ae, omniumque Confessorum atque Virginum, omniumque Sanctorum Dei, excommunicamus, anathematizamus, & a limine sanctae matris Ecclesiae sequestramus, omnes illos qui amodo s [...]ien [...]er, & malitiose Ecclesias privaverint vel spoliaverint suo jure. Item omnes illos qui Ecclesia­sticas libertates, vel antiquas Regni consuetudines pro­batas, & praecipue libertates, & liberas consuetudines QUAE IN CHARTA COMMUNIUM LIBERTA­TUM ANGLIAE, ET DE FORESTA CONTINEN­TUR, Concessis a Domino Rege Angliae Archiepis­copis, Episcopis, & caeteris Angliae Praelatis, Comiti­bus, Baronibus, Militibus, & libere tenentibus, qua­licunque [Page 90] arte vel ingenio temere violaverint, diminue­rint, seu immutaverint clam vel palam facto, verbo, vel consilio contra illas, vel earum aliquam, in quocunque articulo temere veniendo. Item in illos qui contra illas, vel earum aliquam Statuta aliqua ediderint, vel edita servaverint, consuetudines introduxerint, vel servaverint introductas, Scriptores Statutorum, nec­non consiliarios & executores, & qui secundum ea prae­sumpserint judicare. Qui omnes & singuli superius me­morati, hanc sententiam incursuros se noverint ipso facto, qui scienter aliquid commiserint de praedictis: qui vero ignoranter nisi commoniti infra quindenam a tempore commonitionis se correxerint, & arbitrio Ordinariorum plenius fatisfecerirt de commissis, ex tunc sint hac sententia involuti, Eadem etiam senten­tia innodamus omnes illos, qui pacem Regis & Regni praesumpserint perturbare. In cujus memoriam sempi­ternam, Nos sigilla nostra praesentibus duximus appo­nenda.’ (How many in this age are involved in this communication and execration, for the wilfull violation of this great Charter of our Liberties, and making Or­dinances, Declarations, Remonstrances, Votes, Com­mittees, and extrajudicial judicatories, and giving Judgements and Sententes against it, almost in every Arti­cle, is worthy consideration.) When this excommunication was thus pronounced. ‘Prolataque fuit in medium CHARTA patris sui Johannis, in qua iterum concessit idem mera voluntate, & recitari fecit libertates supra­dictas, Dum autem Rex memoratam sententiam audisset, tenuit manum suum ad pectus suum sereno vultu, voluntario et alacri. Et cum in fine projecis­sent candelas extinctas, et fumigantes, diceretur a singu­lis, sic extinguantur, & foeteant hujus sententiae incurso­res in inferno, & campanae pulsarent: dixit ipse Rex, sic me Deus adjuvet, haec omnia observabo fideliter, sicut sum homo, sicut sum Christianus, sicut sum miles, & sicut sum Rex coronatus et inunctus. Et sciendum quod in principio sententiae ferendae, cum traderentu [...] [Page 91] omnibus Candelae accensae, tradita fuit Regi una, & cum accepisset eam, noluit eam tenere, sed tradidit cuidam Praelatorum, dicens: Non decet me candelam talem tenere, non enim sum sacerdos: Cor autem ma­jus perhibet testimonium. Et extunc tenuit Manum expansam ad pectus, donec totam sententiam finiretur. Episcopus autem Lincolniensis Robertus praeconizans in corde suo, & timens ne Rex a pactis resiliret, fecit illico, cum redieret in Episcopatum suum excommuni­cari solenniter, in qualibet Ecclesia Parochiali per Diocoesim suam, quae prae numerositate sua vix possunt aestimari, & praecipue Sacerdotes omnes supra dictarum Chartarum infractores, quae sententia potuit aures au­dientium tinnire, et corda non mediocriter formi­dare.’ In pursuance of this Excommunication, the King issued out Writs and Proclamations to all Counties, that all should be excommnicated, ‘qui veniant contra CHARTAS de libertatibus, &c. reciting this excom­munication, and other Writs and Proclamations, issued DE MAGNA CHARTA TENENDA AD INSTANTIAM PRAELATORUM ET MAG­NATUM REGNI NOSTRI, Mat. Paris, p. 839. salvis Nobis et haeredibus nostris juribus et Dignitatibus Coronae nostrae, &c. re­corded in Claus. 37. H. 3. m, 9. & 13 Dorso, & Pat. 37. H. 3. m. 13.’ (But O the Atheistical Hipocrisie, perfidi­ousnesse▪ and falsenesse of mens hearts and protestations) ‘Soluto autem sic Concilio, Rex confestim pessimo u­sus confilio, omnia praedicta cogitabat infirmare, (as some have done, and yet doe) Dictum namque est illi quod non foret Rex, vel saltem Dominus in Anglia, si supradictas tenerentur, et expertus est Rex Johannis pater ejus, qui mori praeelegit quam sic pessundari cal­cibus subditorum, &c.’

Anno 1254. the 38 of King Henry the 3.Mat. Paris, p. 858, 859. Mat. Westm. p. 261. ‘Congrega­ti sunt iterum Regni Magnates Londini: Quibus signi­ficavit Rex, quod pecunia indigebat, & viribus ampli­oribus ad repellendam violentiam magni hostis super­venientis: Quod mandatum fuit fignatum Regio sigillo. [Page 92] Responderunt au [...]em omnes & singuli: Quod jam per tres septimanas Londini inaniter expectantes adven­tum Comitis Richardi, & aliquorum Magnatum moram protrahentium, & toties Regiis exactionibus vexeban­tur, quod vix poterant respirare. Non tamen venire o­mitterent ad succursum Domini sui Regis corporaliter, si de hostili adventu Regis Hispaniae hoc comminantis plenius certi [...]icarentur: mirabanturque, ut dicebant, quod idem Rex Castillae nunquam tempore quo Comes Legrecestriae Simon Gasconiae praefuit, et reb [...]lles multos edomuit, Gasconiam vendicavit: Hoc igitur argumento, et multis aliis, sed et per Comitem S. qui tunc de partibus rediit transmarinis, qui veritatem super hoc nunciavit, Magnates edocti, Regis musci­pulas praecaverunt, qui ex bonis Angliae p [...]riclitantes alienigenas saginavit. Et sic cum summa indignatione tristes admod [...]m Proceres recesserunt. Yet, to please the Nobles, I find in Fitzh. Nat. Brevium, f. 75. a. Claus. 38. H. 8. m. 8 a Writ, ne quidem amercientur CONTRA TENOREM MAG­NAE CHARTAE de libertatibus Angliae, sed secun­dum modum delicti.’

Mat. Paris, p. 876. Mat. West. p. 271. Anno 1255. the 39 of Henry the 3. In quindena Paschae convenerunt Londini OMNES NOBILES ANGLIAE, tam viri Ecclesiastici, quam seculares, ita quod nunquam tam populosa multitudo ibi antea visa fuerat congregata. Ubi Dominus Rex se multis debitis conquestus est fuisse implica­tum, nec se posse sine MAGNATUM SUORUM efficaci juvamine liberari, unde instanter & urgenter valde postula­vit auxilium sibi fieri pecuniare. Scilicet ut de Baroniis quas prius in auxilio decimae sibi concessae, plenam reciperet portio­nem, ut ad plenitudinem gratiaram persolvendarum teneretur. Quod esset manifestum Regni exterminium. Regnum enim omne pecunia destitutum, volentibus illud occupari, quasi ulero foret expositum et oblatum. Inito igitur consilio, quia illud nullo modo fuisset tollerabile, inter eos concessum est, QUOD MULTUM SESE GRAVARENT PRO MAG­NAE CHARTAE SINE OMNI CAVILLATIONE OBSERVATIONE EX TƲNC ET DEINCEPS, quam [Page 93] toties tenere promisit, juravit, & sub summa distr [...]ctione se in anima obligavi. Exigebat insuper, ut de communi consilio regni nostri sibi sustitiarium, Cancellarium, & Thesaura­rium eligerent, sicut ab antiquo consuetum et justum. Qui e­tiam non amoverentur, nisi clarescentibus culpis, et de com­muni Regni convocati consilio et deliberatione. Tot enim erant in Anglia Reguli, ut viderentur in Anglia antiqua tempo­ra renovari. Erat videre dolorem in populo, quia nesciebant Praelati vel Magnates quo modo suum Prothea, scilicet Re­gem tenerent, etiamsi omnia haec concederent, quia in omnibus metas transgreditur veritatis, et ubi nulla veritas, nulla prae­valet certitudo fixa stabiliri. D [...]ctumque est illis a secretissi­mis Regiis cubiculariis, quod nullo modo illa quae desiderabant, scilicet de Justiciario, Cancellario, vel Thesaurario concede­ret. Praelati insuper pro dècima, quam conditionaliter pro­miserant, absolute et serviliter ancillante Ecclesia jam solvere eam cogebantur, doloribus cruentabantur. Nobiles pro immi­nenti exactione, in oneribus sauciabantur. Tandem in hoc convenerunt communiter, ut Regi renunciaretur, ex parte universitatis, quod negotium dilationem caperet, usque ad fe­stum Sancti Michaelis, ut et ipsi interim fidelitatem ejus, & benignitatem experirentur, si forte sic se versus eos et eorum patientiam fidelitatem ejus et benignitatem experirentur, si forte sic se versus eos et eorum patientiam IN CHARTAE OB­SERVATIONE TOTIES PROMISSAE, TOTIES REDEMPTAE, corda eorum ad ipsa converteret, et merito reclinaret. Quod cum Rex dicitur non acceptasse, sed tacendo non concessisse, Et cum summa desolatione et desperatione, post multas inutiles▪ et diuturnas deceptationes, sic soluto con­silio, Nobiles Angliae facti jam ignobiles, ad propria remearunt.

Not long after the King to ingratiate himself with the people, commanded the Great Charter to be observed. Mat. Paris, p. 878. Mat. Paris, p. 171. Walsingham Ypodig. p. 61 Acclamatum est in Comitatibus, et annunciatum est in Sy­nodis in Ecclesiis, et ubicunque locorum homines convenerant, ut Magna Charta inviolabiliter teneretur, quam Rex Johannes concessit, et isto Rex praesens multo ies concessit, et lata est sententia solenniter in omnes ejusdem viol [...]to­res, [Page 94] quam tamen Rex minime adhuc observans, bona Ec­clesiae Eboracensis inhumane destruxit. Mat. Westm. p. 272. Dicebatque creb [...]ò: Quare non observant Episcopi & Magnates Regni erga sub­jectos suos Chartam illam, pro qua tan [...]um clamitant, et ob­jurgant (a good interrogation to our late and present swaying Grandees) Cui rationabiliter responsum est, Domi­nus Rex, decet vos primitus secundum jusjurandum tuum in­choare, et alii prosecto sequerentur, secundum illud Poeti­cum, ‘Mobile versatur semper cum Principe vulgus.’

‘Mat. Paris, p. 884, 885.Anno vero sub eodem ad festum Sancti Edwardi, fue­runt apud Westmonasterium OMNES fere ANGLIAE MAGNATES; inter quas Rex prius alloquebatur fra­trem suum Comitem Cornubiae Richardum, petens ab eo instantissime auxilium pecuniare. Cui Comiti Do­minus Papa similiter literas deprecatorias direxerat, sup­plicans in quadraginta millibus, salvo fratri suo, mutuo subveniret, ut quasi dans ea eidem, pium daret aliis ex­emplum subveniendi, Comes autem nec preces Regis, nec Papae voluit exaudire, et eo maxime, quod negotium eundi in Apuliam assumpsit sine consilio suo, et assensu Baronagii sui, sibilis transalpinensium fascinatus. Ab aliis autem interpellatum fuit de subventione facienda; et responsum fuit, quod omnes tunc temporis non fuerunt JUXTA TENOREM MAGNAE CHARTAE SUAE, vocati;Nota. er ideo sine paribus suis tunc absentibus nullum voluerunt tunc responsum dare, vel auxilium concedere, vel praestare. Rex itaque ad consuetas conversus cavilla­tiones, ut Magnates flecteret ad consensum, per multos dies negotium Parliamenti distulit inchoati, ita usque in mensem fictis occasionibus negotium protelaret. Et tunc ad alium locum conciliaturos, evacuatis in civitate Londonensi crumenis, potius provocavit quam convo­cavit. Comes vero Richardus, vir cautus et circumspe­ctus, Episcopum Herefordensem, & Robertum Wale­rannum socium suum, acriter et merito redarguit, eo quod tam enormiter in regni subversionem Regem infa­tuarent. [Page 95] Et sic infecto negotio singuli provocati ad pro­pria remearunt.’

In the 40 year of King Henry the 3. (1256.) the great Charter, to satisfie the Prelates and Nobles, was again confirmed by the King, and a solemn Excommunication denounced against the infringers therof. Mat. Paris, p. 891, 892, 895. Mat. Westm. p. 275. Provisum est sa­lubriter, UT MAGNAE CHARTAE REGIS JOHAN­NIS quas sponte promisit BARONAGIO ANGLIAE, et iste Rex praesens iterum, & nunc iterum de novo in magna au­la Westmonasteriensi, SPONTE ET LIBERALITER CONCESSIT, SUB PAENA HORRIBILIS ANATHE­MATIS, CONSERVENTUR, et propter Regis tyrannidem, quam non desinit exercere in Ecclesiis vacantibus, quam memo­ratus Rex Johannes concessit Regno, conspectibus Papae praesen­taretur: there recited at large and ratified by the Pope; Yet notwithstanding the Prelates, animated by the Barons refused to contribute any aid to the King out of their Baronies, notwithstanding Rustan, the Popes Legat endeavoured to induce and force them to do it, both by wiles and mena­ces.

Mat. Paris, p. 935, 938. Mat. Westm. 277. Anno 1258. the 42. of Henry the 3d. his reign; he summoning a Parliament, and demanding a pecuniary ayd of the Nobles, cùm constanter et precise respondissent U­NO ORE MAGNATES REGNI IN PARLIA­MENTO REGI, cum urgenter auxilium ab eis postulasset pecuniare, QUOD NEC VOLUERUNT, NEC POTU­ERUNT, (Marke it) AMPLIUS SUSTINE­RE TALES EXTORSIONES. Rex iratus, ad alia se convertit astutiae argumenta, ut ab Ecclesia pecuniam abrade­ret infinitam: there recorded at large. Duravit adhuc praelibati Parliamenti altercatio, inter Regem & regni Mag­nates, usque diem Dominicam proximam post Ascentionem, & multiplicabantur contra Regem variae diatim querimoniae, eo quod promissa sua non observabat, contemnens claves Eccle­siae, ET CHARTAE SUAE MAGNAE TOTIES RE­DEMPTAE TENOREM. Fratres quo (que) suos uterinos in­tollerabiliter contra jus regni et legem, ut naturales terrae erexit, nec sinebat aliquod br [...]ve exire de Cancellaria contra eos [Page 96] &c. REDARGU [...]US EST INSUPER REX, quod om­nes alienos promovet et locupletat, et suos in subversionem totius Regni, despicet et depraedatur. Et ipse tam egenus est cum alii abundent, quod thesauri expers jura Regni nequit revoca­re; imo nec Wallensium, quae sunt hominum quisquiliae, inju­rias propulsare; et ut brevibus concludatur; Excessus Regis tractatus exigit speciales. Rex autem ad se reversus, cum veritatem redargutionis intellexisset, licet sero, humiliavit se, asserens iniquo consilio saepius suisse fascinatum; promisitque sub magni juramenti obtestatione super altare et feretrum S. Edwardi, quod pristinos errores planè et plenè corrigens, suis naturalibus benigne obsecundaret. Sed crebras transgressiones praecedentes se penitus incredibilem reddiderunt; & quia nes­ciebant adhuc Magnates quomodo suum Prothea, tenere volu­issent, quia arduum erat nego [...]ium et difficile, dilatum est Par­liamentum us (que) ad festum Sancti Barnabae apud Oxoniam di­ligenter celebrandum. Interim Optimates Angliae, utpote Gloverniae, Legrecestriae et Herefordiae comites, Comes Ma­rescallus, et alii praeclari viri, sibi praecaventes & providentes, confaederati sunt, quia pedicas et laqueos alienorum vehementer formidabant, et Regis retiacula suspecta nimis habuerant, ve­niebant cum equitibus et armatis, et comitatu copioso commu­nit [...].

‘Mat. Paris, p. 940, 941.Parlamento autem (Oxoniae) incipiente solidabatur Magnatum et consilium immutabile, exigendo constan­tissime, UT DOMINUS REX CHARTAM LIBER­TATUM ANGLIAE, quam Johannis R [...]x pater suus Anglis confecit, & confectam concessit, quamque idem Johannes renere juravit, FIRMITER TENE AT ET CONSERVET; quamque idem Rex Henricus mul­toties concesserat, et tenere juraverat, ejus (que) infractores ab omnibus Angliae Episcopis, in praesentia sua et totius Baronagii, horribiliter [...]ecit excommunicare, & ipse unus fuerat excommunicantium. Exigebant insuper sibi fieri Justiciarium, qui justitiam faceret injuriam patien­tibus, aequanimiter divitibus et pauperibus, Quaedam etiam alia Regnum contingentia petebant, ad commu­nem Regis & regni utilitatem, pacem simul & honesta­tem. [Page 97] Quorum consiliis et provisionibus necessarii [...], Do­minum Regem frequenter et constantissime consulendo rogitabant obtemperare; jurantes fide mediante, et mutuo dextras exhibentes,Nota. quod non omitterent propo­situm persequi, pro pecuniae vel terrarum amissione, vel etiam pro vita et morte sua et suorum. Quod Rex re­cognoscens; graviter juravit consiliis eorum obsecundare, et Edwardus filius ejus eodem est juramento astrictus.’ After which they expelled and chased away all the Aliens about the King. "Et ita terminatur Parliamentum apud "Oxoniam, fine terminato et certo non opposito. Here­upon there issued out sundry Writs and Commissions for reformation of abuses and punishing offences against the Great Charter, recorded in Rot. Claus. 42 H. 3. m. 1. 3.6. and that PER CONSILIƲM MAGNATUM, as those Records attest.

Rot. Pat. An. 43 H. 3. m. 10. n. 41. & n. 15. there is a large Letters Patents of the King recorded in French, declaring the good Government that should be for the future; the due observation of Magna Charta; the Kings faithful pro­mise inviolably to keep the same according to his Oath and pro­mises; and that every man injured might freely sue and com­plain against or arrest the King, or any other. And Rot. Pat. An. 44 H. 3, m. 4. Schedula; & m. 5.9. There are Writs and Letters of the King to the Sherifs of every County, to the same or like effect. All by the advice or procurement of the Nobles.

Rishanger, Continuatio Mat. Paris, p. 960, 961. Anno 1263. the 47. of King Henryes reign, the King and Nobles, to procure peace and reconciliation between them, submitted themselves to the arbitrement of Lewes King of France, touching the Provisions made at Oxford, about which they had great contests and differences: who solemnly pronounced Sentence for the King against the Barons of England; ‘Statu [...]is Oxoniae, Provisionibus, Ordinationibus et obligationibus penitus annullatis, Hoc excepto quod Antiquae Chartae Regis Iohannis Angliae, universitati concessae, per illam Sententiam in nullo intendebat penitus derogare. Quae quidem ex­ceptio [Page 98] Comitem Leicestriae, et caeteris qui habeant sen­sus exercitatos, compulit in proposito tenere firmiter Statuta Oxoniae quae fundata fuerant super illam Char­tam. Where upon they taking up arms, wasting and pil­laging the Kings Manors, Lands and adherents, the King in the 48. year of his reign, mediantibus viris honora­tis paci Baronum acquievit ad tempus; ut Provisiones Oxoniae inviolabiliter observarentur,’ which Provisions the King confirmed by his Patents, recorded at large in the Tower, Rot. Pat. An. 47 H. 3, pars 1. m. 7. n. 25. and pars 2. nu. 2. Rot. Pat. 48 H. 3. pars 2. m. 3.

Rot. Pat. 46 H. 3. m. 18. Pat. 49 H. 3. m. 10.15, 18. Claus. 49 H. 3. m. 4.5. & Claus. 50 H. 3. m. 1. dorso. There are several Patents, Commissions, Proclamations procured by the Lords from the King, for the reading, pro­claming, and inviolable keeping of the Great Charter and Fran­chises of the Realm, and reformation of Grievances contrary thereunto, overtedious to transcribe: and the Agreements between rhe King and Barons touching the same.

Tho. Wal­singham, Hist. Angliae, p. 35, 37, 38. Ypo­digmae Neu­striae, p. 84.85, 86. King Edward the 1. in the 25. year of his reign, by his own regal Authority, without grant in Parliament, raised the Custom of Woolls to 40 s. upon every sack, which he levied, whereas before they payed onely half a mark a sack: And likewise summoned some Nobles, and all those who held of him by Knights service, with all o­thers who had lands to the value of 20 l. or upwards a year, to be ready with rheir horses and arms at London on the feast of S Peters ad Vincula, & to pass over with him into Flanders, to serve there in the Wars at the Kings wages. Hereupon the Earles Marshal and of Hereford, with other Nobles, refused to goe in [...]o Flanders; and drew up this Notable Petition, or rather Remonstrance to the King, a­gainst this unjust Imposition, forein service, and other Grievances against the Great Charter and their Liberties, which they sent to Winchelsey by Messengers, ex parte Co­mitum sui regni, as Walsingham relates.

‘Haec sunt nocumenta quae Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates et Priores, Comites et Barones, et tota terrae [Page 99] Communitas monstrant Domino nostro Regi, et humi­liter rogant eum, ut ad honorem suum, et salvatio­nem populi sui, velit corrigere et emendare. In primis, videtur toti Communitati terrae, quod Praemonitio facta eis per Breve Domini nostri Regis, non erat satis suffici­ens, quia non exprimebatur certus locus, quo debebant ire, quia secundum locum oportebat facere providenti­am, et pecuniam habere. Et sive deberent servitium facere sive non, quia dictum est communiter, quod Do­minus noster vult transfretare in Flandriam, videtur toti Communitati quod ibi non debent aliquod servitium facere, quia nec ipsi, nec praedecessores sui seu proge­nitores unquam fecerunt servitium in terra illa Et quamvis ita esset quod deberent ibi servitium facere, ut alibi, tamen non habent facultatem faciendi, quia nimis afflicti sunt per diversa Tallagia, Auxilia, Prisas, videlicet, de frumentis, avenis, braseo, lanis, coriis, bobus, vaccis, carnibus salsis, sine solutione alicujus denarii, de quibus se debuerant sustentasse. Propter hoc, dicunt, quod non possunt auxilium facere propter paupertatem in quae sunt propter Tallagia et Prisas antedictas, quia vix ha­bent unde se sustentarent, & multi sunt qui nullum su­stentationem habent, nec terras suas colere possunt. Propter haec tota terrae Communitas sentiunt se valde gravatam, quia non tranctantur secundum Leges et con­suetudines terrae, secundum quas tractari Antecessores sui solebant habere, sed voluntarie excluduntur. Senti­unt etiam se multi gravati super hoc, quod solebant tra­ctari, secundum Articulos contentos in Magna Charta, cujus articuli omnes sunt omissi, in majus damnum po­pulo universo. Propter hoc rogant Dominum nostrum Regem, quod velit ista corrigere ad honorem suum, & populi sui salvationem: Propter hoc Communitas ter­rae sensit se nimis gravatam de assisa Forestae, quae non est custodita sicut consuevit, nec Charta Forestae observatur, sed fiunt attachiamenta pro libitu extra assisam, aliter quam fieri consuevit: Paeterea, tota Communitas sen­tit se gravatam de Vectigali lanarum, quod nimis est [Page 100] onerosum, videlicet, de quolibet Sacco quadraginta solidos, et de lana fracta, de quolibet sacco septem mar­cas, lana enim Angliae ascendit fere ad valorem medi­etatis totius terrae, et vectigal quod inde solvitur, ascen­dit ad quintam partem valoris totius terrae. Quia vero communitas optat honorem et salutem Domino nostro Regi, sicut tenetur velle, non videtur eis, quod sit ad bo­num Regis quod transeat in Flandriam, nisi plus esset assecuratus de Flanderensibus pro se & pro gente sua, et simul cum hoc, propter terram Scotiae, quae rebellare in­cepit ipso existente in terra, et aestimant quanto pejus fa­cerent cum certificati fuerint, quod Rex Mare transi­erit. Nec solum pro terra Scotiae, sed etiam pro terris aliis quae non sunt adhuc modo debito stabilitatae.’

The King having received those Petitions, answered, that he could not as yet answer them without his Coun­sel, part of them being in Flanders, and the rest left at London: And he intreated the said Earls by the Messen­gers who brought the Petitions, that if they would not passe over with him, yet at least that they would not hurt his Realm during his absence, for he hoped by Gods assistance to return again, and settle his Kingdom in or­der. The King passing into Flanders, the said Earls, Ba­tons in person inhibited the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, that they should not levy the 8th. penny of the people, being granted to the K. at St. Edmunds, Dicentes a Conscientia sua non ema­nasse sine quorum assen­su, Tallagi­um non de­bet exigi vel imponi, Mat. Westm. An. 1297. p. 410. with­out their consent and induced the City of Lond. to stand with them, for the recovery of their liberties. Where­upon Prince Edwards counsel perswaded him to send for the Earls of Hereford, and Marshal, and by any means possible to allure them to peace, who repairing to him upon summons, were willing to consent to the Articles and form of peace ensuing, but to no other. Primo, Quod Dominus Rex Chartam magnam cum eaeteris arti­culis addictis, et Chartam de Foresta annuat et confir­met: et Quod nullum auxilium vel vexationem exigat a Clero vel Populo absque consilio et assensu: et quod om­nem offensam Comitibus et eorum confaederatis dimittat. Ar­ticuli [Page 101] adiecti ad magnam Chartam sunt isti. Nullum Tallagium vel auxilium per nos vel haeredes nostros, de caetero in regno nostro imponatur seu levetur sine volun­tate et assensu communi Archiepiscoporum, Episcopo­rum, Abbatum et aliorum Praelatorum, Comitum, Ba­ronum, Militum, Burgensium, et aliorum liberorum hominum. Nullus minister noster, vel haeredum nostrorum in toto regno nostro cap [...]at blada, lanas, Coria, aut aliqua aliae bona cujuscunque, sine voluntate et assensu cujus fuerunt. Nihil capiatur de caetero nomine vectigalis de Sacco­lanae. Volumus etiam et concedimus pro nobis et haered bus nostris, quod omnes Clerici et Laici de Regno nostro habeant omnes Leges, Libertates, et omnes consuetudines, ita libere et integre, sicut aliquo tempore consueverunt me­lius pleniusque habere. Et si contra illas vel quemcunque Articulum in praesanti Charta contentum statuta fuerint aedi­ta per nos vel Antecessores nostros, vel consuetudines introdu­ctae: Volumus et concedimus, quod hujusmodi Statuta vacua sint, et nullum in perpetuum. Remissimus etiam Humfredo dae Boun Comiti Herefordiae & Essexiae, Constabulario An­gliae, Rogero Bigot Comiti Norfolciae, Mareschallo An­gliae, Et aliis Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, Armigeris, Johanni de Ferrariis, ac omnibus aliis de eorum societate confaederatione et concordia existertibus, nec non omnibus vi­genti libratas terrae tenentibus in regno nostro, sive de nobis siv [...] de alio quocunque in capite, qui ad transfretandum nobis­cum in Flandriam certo die notato vocati fuerunt, et non ve­nerunt, rancorem nostram & malam voluntatem quam ex cau­sis praedictis erga eos habuimus, et transgressiones si quas no­bis vel fecerunt, usque ad praesentis Chart [...] confectionem. Et in majorem securitatem hujus rei, volumus et concedimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris, quod omnes Archiepiscopi, et Episcopi Angliae in perpetuum in suis Cathedralibus Ecclesiis habita praesenti Charta relicta excommunicent publice, et in singulis Parochialibus Ecclesiis suarum D [...]ocesium excom­municari faciant, seu excommunicatos denunciare bis in anno, omnes qui contra tenorem praesentis Chartae vim et effectum in quocunque articulo scienter fecerunt, aut fieri procuraverunt [Page 102] quovismodo. Missis igitur in Flandriam nunciis ad ipsum Regem, confirmationem omnium istorum sub sigillo suo (tanquam ab eo qui [...] [...]tus erat, cedendum malitiae temporis censuit) obtinuerunt. Pro eonfirmatione et harum rerum omnium dedit populus Anglicanus Regi denarium no­num bonorum suorum, Clerus vero Cantuariensis Decimum, et Clerus Eboracensis Quintum, qui propiordamno fuit. So Walsingham truly relates the History of this transaction.

These Statutes thus obtained by the Earls and Barons from the King, are printed in our Statutes at large, with the excommunication of the Prelates then denounced a­gainst the infringers of them, in Rastals Abridgement of Statutes, & Sir Edward Cooks 2 Institut. p. 527. to 537. being thus intituled: Confirmationes Chartarum de Liber­tatibus Angliae et Forestae, et Statutum de Tallagio non conce­dondo. made both in the 25 year of Edward 1. not in the 34, as our Statute books, and Sir Edward Cook misdate the latter of rhem. The differences between the King, these Earls and Nobles touching these liberties, with his con­firmation of them, and the aid granted him for the same, are likewise recorded in the Patent Roll of 25 Ed. 2. par. 2. m. 6, 7, 9. And Claus. 25 E. 1. m. 2.5.14.18.76 dors. there are sundry Writs and Proclamations sent to all the Sherifs for the keeping of Magna Charta in all its arti­cies, and to the Bishops to excommunicate the Infringers of them, agreeing with Walsinghams relation.

Walsing­ham Hist. Angl. p. 42.44. Cook 2. Iustir. p. 537. Ypodigmae Neustriae. p. 87. Mat. West. An. 1299. p. 415, 416. Anno 1299. the 26 of King Edward the first, the king holding a Parliament at York, the foresaid Earls, because the Confirmation of the Charters forementioned was made in a forein land, requested that for their greater security, they might be again confirmed by the King in England, which the Bishop of Durham and three Earls engaged he should doe, upon his return out of Scotland with victory. Whereupon this King the next year (being the 27 of his reign) holding a Par [...]iament at London: Ubi rogatus a Co­mitibus saepe dictis, ut Chartarum confirmationem renova­ret, secundum quod in Scotia promiserat, post aliquas dilati­ones instantiae eorum acquievit, hac additione, Salvo jure [Page 103] Coronae nostrae infine adjecta. Quam cum audissent Comi­tes, cum displicentia ad propria recesserunt, sed revocatis ip­sis ad quindenam Paschae ad votum eorum absolute omnia sunt Concessa. And thereupon the Statutes intituled Articuli super Chartas. (28 E. 1. in our printed Statutes, and Cooks 2 Institutes, whereas it should rather be 27.) were then made and published by these Earls and Nobles procurement; and Writs sent to all the Sherifs De qui­busdam Articulis in MAGNA CHARTA contentis, & Chartae de Foresta Henrici Patris nostrae observandis. Rot. Claus. 27. E. 1 m. 17. And Pat. 28 E. 1. m. 14. Commissions are sent into all Counties, de Artic. in mag. Chart. content. & Stat. Regis apud Winton edita observandis, and that who­soever did not observe every Article, should be punished per imprisonamentum, redemptionem, vel amerciamentum, secundum quod transgressio exigeret, there being no certain way of punishment before ordained. And Claus. 28 E. m. 7, 8. There are Writs sent to every Sherif, to read & pro­claim magna Charta in his County 4 times every year, & to proclaim Articulos super Chartas à Rege populo concessos.

But the Execution of the Articles of the Forest being deferred, notwithstanding these Proclamations, thereupon Walsing­ham Hist. Angl. p. 48. Ypodigmae Neustriae, p. 88. King Edward held a Parliament at Stanford the 29 year of his reign; ad quod convenerunt Comites et Barones cum eqnis et armis, eo prout dicebatur proposito, ut exe­cutionem Chartae de Foresta, hactenus dilatam extor­querent ad plenum: Rex autem eorum instamiam & impor­tunitatem attendens, eorum voluntati in omnibus condescendit. To omit all other Presidens, these forecited abundantly evidence the gallantry, stoutness, heroical courage, care, vigilancy, of the Lords in all our Parliamentary Councils, to maintain and defend the fundamental Liberties, Pro­perties, Great Charters of the Realm, and to perpetuate them to posterity, without the least violation: to vin­dicate, re-establish them when infringed, and to with­stand, oppose all unjust aids, taxes, subsidies, when either demanded, levied, exacted by our Kings, though in cases of pretented or real necessity to supply their wants, main­tain [Page 104] their wars, and protect the Realm from forein ene­mies. I shall only produce three of four Historical Presi­dents more, demonstrating what great Curbs, Remoraes, Obstacles, some particular potent Noblemen of great e­states, alliance, publike spirits have been to the exorbitant arbitrary wills, power, proceedings of our Kings, who most endeavoured openly to subvert, or cunningly to undermine our publike Laws and Liberties.

Hist. Angl. p. 233. Mat. Paris, speaking of the death of Geoffry Fitz-Peeter, one of the greatest Peers of that age, writes thus of him, This year (Anno 1218.) Geoffry Fitz-Peeter Chief Justice of all England, a man of great power and authority, TO THE GREATEST DETRIMENT OF THE KING­DOM, ended his dayes the 2. day of Octob. ERAT autem FIRMISSIMA REGNI COLUMNA, for he was the most firm pillar of the Kingdom, as being a Nobleman, ex­pert in the Laws, furnished with treasures, rents, and all sort of goods, and confederated to all the great men of England by blood or friendship: whence the King without love did fear him above all men, for he governed the reigns of the Kingdom. Whereupon after his death, England was become like a ship in a storm without an helm. The beginning of which tempest was the death of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, a magnificent and faithfull man, neither could England breath again after the death of these two. When K. John heard of Fitz-Peeters death, turning to those who sate about him, He said; By Gods feet, now am I first King and Lord of England. He had therefore from thenceforth more free power to break his Oaths and Covenants which he had made with the said Geoffry for the peoples Liberty and Kingdoms peace. Such Pillars and Staies are great and stout Peers to a Kingdom, and Curbs to tyrannical Kings; which caused Ma [...]. West. Flores Hist. An. 445. p. 151. Vortigern the British King [...] who usurped the Crown with the treacherous mur­der of his Soveraign; Nobiles deprimere, et moribus et san­guine ignobiles extollere, quod maximè regiae honestati contra­rium est, to secure his throne thereby against their predo­minant power; as other Usurpers and Tyrants since have done: Therfore of meer Right they ought to have a place [Page 105] and voice in Parliaments, for the very Kingdoms safety and welfare, without the peoples election.

William Duke of Normandy having slain the Usurper King Harold, with many thousands of Englishmen in the field, routed his whole Army, and caused the City of London and most parts of England to subject themselves un­to him as their Soveraign, out of base fear; thereupon Chronicon Willielmi Thorn. col. 1786. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 89, 90. Cambdens Britannia, p. 325. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops, p. 28. Speeds Histo­ry, p. 437, 438. Sir John Hey­wood in Will. 1. Lambard his Perambu­lation of Kent Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury, and Eglesine Abbot of St. Augustine, chief Peers of the Realm, and Lords and Governors of Kent, to preserve themselves, their Coun­try, Laws and Liberties from vassalage to the Norman yoke, assembling all the Commons of Kent to Canterbury; infor­med them: That they were born freemen, that the name of bondage was never heard amongst them: that nothing but ser­vitude attended them, if they unworthily submitted to the inso­lency of the invading Enemy, as others had done. And there­upon exhorted them, manfully to fight for the Laws and Li­berties of their County, chusing rather to end an unhappy life, by fighting valiantly for them in the field, than to undergoe an unaccustomed yoke of bonduge, or to be reduced from their known Liberties to an unknown and unsure slavery. After which the Archbishop and Abbot, chusing rather to dye in battel, than to behold the misery and slavery of their Native Country, became the Captains of the Kentish Army which they raised; and by a Stratagem invironing Duke William and his whole Army at Swanscomb; they procured this Grant and Concession from him, That all the people of Kent should for ever enjoy their antient Liberties without diminution, and use the Laws and antient Customs of their Country: they being resolved (as Stigand told the Duke) rather to part with their lives than them; Liberty being the proper badge of Kentishmen. After which Duke William marching to London to be Crowned King, Gul. Nub [...]i­gensis, Rerum Angl. l. 1. c. 1. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 982. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 89. Cumque [...]eracta victoria Tyranni nomen exhorrescens, et legitimi Principis per­sonam induere Gestiens, à Stigando tunc temporis Can [...]u­ariensi Episcopo consecrari deposceret; Ille (out of an heroick gallant English Christian spirit) Viro, ut ai [...]b [...]t, Cru­ento et alien [...] juris Invasori, manus imponere nullatenus [Page 106] adquievit. Whereupon he was crowned by Aldred Arch­bishop of York: Mat. Paris, Mat. Westm. Wigorniensis, Huntindon, Hoveden, Chronicon Willielmi Thorn, col. 1787. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 8. Antiq. Ecclesiae Brit. & Godwin in Stigands life. King William for this his stoutness and opposition in defence of his Countries Laws and Liber­ties, under a pretence of honor, first carried him with him into Normandy, as a Prisoner at large: afterwards upon feigned pretences, caused him to be deprived of his Arch­bishoprick, and then shut him up Prisoner in the Castle of Winchester, where he soon after died of grief or famine, having scarce enough allowed him to keep soul and life together: Such a curb and terror was he to him, whiles he lived in place and power, that he could not carry on his designs against the English, to captivate, or enslave them, till he was removed out of the way of this Conqueror; who came to the Crown by the effusion of so much Christian bloud, that Rerum Ang­liae, Hist. l. 1. c. 1. p. 4. Gulielmus Neubrigensis gives this censure of it; (and let all other invaders of the Crown by bloud ob­serve it;) Sane quod idem Christianos innoxios hostiliter Christianus impetiit, et tanto sibi sanguine Christianum Regnum paravit, quantae apud homines gloriae, tantae etiam apud Deum noxae fuit. Whence Stigand refused to crown him. Simon Mon [...]e [...]ort Earl of Leicester, the greatest Pillar, and General of the Barons, in the wars against King Henry the 3d, for the preservation, corroboration of Magna Charta, the Liberties and Properties of the People, was so terrible to this extravagant, oppressive King, frequently violating both his Great Charters, Laws, Oaths, Mat. Paris, p. 944. That being perswaded to enter into his house, in a tempest of thunder and lightning, which he very much feared; the Earl courte­ously meeting him and saying: Why do you fear? tht tempest is now past: the King thereunto replyed, not jestingly, but seriously with a stern countenance, I fear thundring and lightning above measure, but by the head of God, I tremble more at thee, than at all the thundring and lightning in the world. Being afterwards slain in the Battel of Eusham in defence of his Countries Liberties. In his Continuation of Mat. Paris, p. 968. & Da­niel, p. 178. Rishanger gives this Enco­mium of him, Thus this magnificent Earl Simon ended his dayes, who not only bestowed his estate but his person and life also, for relief of oppressions of the poor, for the asserting of Ju­stice [Page 107] and the Rights of the Realm. A sufficient Ground for such Nobles and their Posterity to sit and Vote as Peers in Parliament without the peoples election.

In the 3, 4, 14, & 15 of K. Edw. 2. his reign, Tho. Earl of Lancaster, and other potent wealthy Barons, were the chief Sticklers against Gaverston and the Spencers, who se­duced the King, oppressed the people: and were the prin­cipal Pillars of our Laws & Liberties, as our Walsing­kam, Holinsh. Daniel, Speed Stow, Grafton Fabian, Ba­ker. in Ed. 2. Historians relate at large, procuring those ill Counsellors to be banished, and removed from the King even by force of Arms. In 10 11, & 22. of King Rich. 2. the Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Arundel, and other potent Lords were the princi­pal opposers of the Kings ill Counsellors, Tyranny, the chief protectors of the Laws and peoples Liberties, to the loss of some of their lives, heads, estates, as our Statutes, the Rolls of Parliament in those years, and Walsing­ham, Trussle, Fabian, Ho­linshed, Graf­ton, Speed, Stow. in R 2. Historians witness: whence Walsingham writing of the Duke of Glo­cester's death, murthered by the Kings command at Calice who was the principal Anti-royalist and head of all the Barons, useth this expression, Thus died this best of men, the Son (and Uncle) of a King, in quo posita fuere spes & sola­tium TOTIƲS REGNI COMMUNITATIS, in whom the hope and solace of the Commonalty of the whole kingdom were placed: who resented his death so highly, that in the Parl. of 1 H. 4. Hall, who had a hand in his murder, was condemned and executed for a Traytor, his Head, Quar­ters hung up in several places, and K. Richard among other Articles deposed, for causing him to be murthered.

Since then our Peers and Nobles, as the premised Ex­amples abundantly evidence, have been alwaies persons of greatest valour, power, estate, interest, most able, for­wards to oppose the Tyranny, Exactions of our Kings, and to preserve the Great Charters of our Liberties, first gain­ed, since preserved and transmitted to us by their valour, bloud, counsel, cate, with our other Laws, which they have upon all occasions manfully defended, with the ha­zard, loss of their lives, Liberties, Estates, and upon this ground were thought meet by the wisdom of our Ance­stors [Page 108] to merit and enjoy this privilege of sitting, voting, judging in Parliament, by vertue of their Peerage, and Baronies: And since we must all acknowledge, that the Lords (assembled in a Great Council by the King at York, as the Commons themselves acknowledge and remon­strate, Exact. Collection, p. 13.) were the chief instruments of calling this present Parliament, and were therefore in the Act for Triennial Parliaments, principally intrusted to summon and hold all future Parliaments in the Kings, Lord Chancellors, or Lord Keepers defaults: Being also very a­ctive in suppressing the Star-chamber, High Commission, Councel-Table, Prelats, and other grievances, and those who fitst appeared in the Wars against the King and his party, in defence of our Laws, Liberties, Religion, Parli­aments Privileges, to the great encouragement of others, (witnesse the deceased Lord General Essex, Brooke, Bed­ford, Stamford, Willougbie, Lincoln, Denbigh, Manchester, Roberts, and others) it would be the extremity of folly, in­gratitude and injustice to deny our Peers this hereditary Right, Privilege, Honour now, w^ch they & their Ancestors purchased at so dear a rate; and a means to dis-ingage them for ever siding hereafter with and setting them against the Commons, and Republike, for such an high dishonour and affront as this will prove.

3ly. Our Lords and Nobles have been the stoutest Champions to defend the Rights, Privileges, Liberties of the Crown, Realm and Church of England, the Great Charters, Liberties, Laws, Franchises, Properties of the Clergy, people therein, against the Popes and Prelates Antichristian invasions and enchroachments on them; for proof whereof I shall present you with these few perti­nent presidents, instead of many others, recorded in our Annals. Chronica Joh. Brompt. col. 999. Sir John Davis his Irish Re­ports. f. 90. Usserius de Statu. & suc­cessione Ec­clesiae, p. 127. Cooks 2 In­stitut. p. 97. Pope Paschal the 2. and his Confederate An­selm Archbishop of Canterbury, endeavouring by a Papal Decree, to deprive the King of the investiture of Bisho­pricks, by a Ring and Staff, which his Ancestors enjoyed, The King thereupon writ, and sent him a Letter by two of his Bishops, Anno Dom. 1103. wherein he concludes [Page 109] thus. ‘Beneficium quod ab Antecessoribus meis beatus Petrus habuit, vobis mitto, eosque honores & eam o­bedientiam quam tempore Patris mei antecessores ve­stri in Regno Angliae habuerunt, tempore meo ut habe­atis volo; eo videlicet tenore, ut dignitates, usus et con­suetudines quas Pater meus tempore antecessorum ve­strorum in regno Angliae habuit, Ego tempore vestro, in eodem regno meo integre obtineam, Notumque ha­beat Sanctitas vestra, quod me vivente, Deo auxiliante dignitates, et usus Regni Angliae non minuentur. Et si ego, quod absit, in tanta me dejectione ponerem, OP­TIMATES MEI, imo TOTIUS ANGLIAE PO­PULUS ID NULLO MODO PATERETUR. Habi­ta igitur karissime Pater utiliore deliberatione, ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra, ne, quod invitus faciam, a vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia.’ To pretermit the Statutes of Clarindon. Anno 1164. made and sworn to be observed by the Prelates, Abbots, Earls, Ba­rons and Nobles, very derogatory to the Popes and Pre­lates usurpations, in maintenance of the Kings Preroga­tive, and peoples liberties, recorded in Mat. Paris, p. 96, 97. & Chronica Gervasii, col. 1386.

In the year 1185.Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. p. 137. Ger­vasii Chron. col. 1474. Ra­dulphus de Diceto Ima­gines Histor. col. 626. Heraclius Patriarch of Jerusalem comming into England with the Keys of the Tower of David, and of Christs Sepulcher, and the Banner of the holy Cross, presented them to King Henry at Reading, whom they had elected King thereof, with an earnest Letter from Pope Lucius to accept thereof, that so he in his absence might the more securely invade the rights of his Crown and Kingdom. Hereupon the King Convoca­tis apud Londoniam totius Angliae Primatibus, as Ger­vasius Dorobernensis, or Convocato C [...]ero Regni ac populo (to wit rhe Prelates and Nobles, not ordinary Clergy and Commons, usually expressed by this phrase) as Mat. Paris relates it; Convenerunt Londoniis apud Fontem Cleri­corum, decima Kalendas Aprilis Rex, cum universa No­bilitate Regni, which expounds Clerus Regni et Populus. Whence Radulphus de Diceto thus relates it. Ad vocatio­nem [Page 110] Regis Cantuariensis electus, et Cantuariensis Ecclesiae Suffraganei, Dunelmensis Episc. Abbat. Conventualium locorum Praelati, Comites et Barones convenerunt apud fontem Clericorum 15 Kal. Apritis. Rex itaque Patriarcha, Ma­gistro sanctae domus hospitalis Jerosolomi audientibus omnes suos fideles qui convenerant adjurationibus, multis obstrinxit, quatenus proponerent in medio, quod super his saluti animae suae viderint expedire. Ad hoc enim cor suum inclinatum dicebat, ut quod acciperet ex eorum consilio modis omnibus observaret. Tunc Concilio universo super praemissis colloquenti, datum est igitur sub deliberatione, quod esset consultius, vel quod Rex in propria sua persona Jerosolomitanis succurreret, vel An­glorum regno, cujus gubernationem in facie Matris Ecclesiae dudum susciperat, adhuc praeesse nulla ratione desisteret. Ad illa siquidem tria quae Rex quilibet consecrandus promitiit ali­qui revocabant. Promittit namque se praecepturum & opem pro viribus impensurum, ut Ecclesia Dei populusque Chri­stianus veram pacem in omni tempore servet. Promittit etiam, quod rapacitates, et omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus inter­dicet. Promittit adhuc, quod in omnibus judiciis aequitatem & misericordiam praecipiet. Satius ergo visum est ƲNIVER­SIS, & animae Regis multò salubrius, quod regnum suum debita cum moderatione gubernet, et a barbarorum irruptio­nibus, & a gentibus externis tu [...]atur, quam saluti Orientali­um in propria sua persona. De filiis Regis quidem, quorum petiis aliquem Patriarcha, si Rex tamen recusaret, quicquid statuere cum essent absentes, incongruum videbatur. Where­upon Heraclius returned, the Pope and he by this advice of the Nobles being both deprived of their hopes: Mat. Westm. An. 1185. p. 58. Rex inito consilio, responderat, quod oblatum sibi Regnum Hieroso­lomitanum accipere et adire, et Regnum Anglorum deserere, & hostibus vicinis exponere, non fuit ut credidit Deo accep­tum, cum sit Deo tam gratum, tam devotum hoc, ut illud.

Mat. Paris, p. 254▪ to 276. King Iohn in the 17 year of his reign having confir­med the Great Charter of the liberties of England, and of the Forest, by his Seal, Oath, and the Popes own Bull, after his surrender of his Crown and kingdom ro the Pope, regranted to him under an annual tribute, Pope Innocent [Page 111] by his Bull in a General Council held at Rome, repealed these Charters of the King, as compelled to grant them by force and fear against his will; commanding the King, under pain of a curse and excommunication, not to observe, & the Barons not to exact or demand the said Charters, or any obligations or cau­tions whatsoever, for or concerning them, which he utterly can­celled and made void, ut nullo unquam tempore aliquam habeant firmitatem: Writing also exhortatory & minatory Letters to the Barons, not to claim the said Charters or Liberties, (obtained by force and fear and therefore not only vile and dishonest, but unlawfull and unjust under pain of his dis­pleasure and Sentence: But what was the issue, Pag. 258. Matthew Paris thus records. ‘Cumque tandem Rege Anglorum procurante, Magnates Angliae has Literas tam commo­ni [...]oria [...] quam comminatorias accepissent, Noluerunt desistere ab inceptis, ed adhuc insurgentes, Regem acri­ter infe [...]tabant, dicendo de Papa illud propheticum. Vae qui justificatis impium, &c.’

The Pope being informed, that the Barons persisted in the prosecution of their Liberties and Wars against the King; excommunicated them & al their adherents in gene­ral, for contemning and disrespecting his said Papal Decree, Letters, authority; and suspended the Archbishop of Canter­bury for siding with them. But they contemning this his Sentence, and persevering in their designs, and wars, he thereupon excommunicated all the Barons by name, and likewise interdicted them and their adherents; which be­ing published in most places in the Country, and thereby coming to the Londoners and Barons knowledge, they ex­ceedingly slighted his excommunications, & revi [...]ed, con­temned the Popes authority in the highest degree, (as Pag. 267, 268. Matthew Paris (though a Monk) thus relates) Excom­municationis et interdicti sententias civitas Londinensis, per contumaciam multiplicem adeo contemnendo despexit, quod nec eas Barones observare, nec Praelati publicare DECREVE­RUNT. Dicebant enim generaliter, omnes literas falsa sug­gestione fuisse impetratas, & ideo nullius esse momenti, & hoc maxime, quod non pertinet ad Papam ordinatio re­rum [Page 112] Laicorum, cum Petro Apostolo, & ejus successorihus non nisi ecclesiasticarum dispositio rerum à Domino sic collatae potestas. Ut quid ad nos extendit Romanorum [...]nsatiata cupi­ditas? Quid Episcopis Apostolicis et militiae nostrae? Ecce Successores Constantini, & [...] Pe [...]ri: [...] imitantur Pe­trum in meritis vel operibus, nec assimulandi sunt in Pote­state; Proh pudor, marcidi ribala [...], qui de armis vel libertate minime norunt, jam toti mundo propter excommunicationes su­as volunt dominari, ignobiles usurarii et Simoniales. O quan­tum dissimiles Petro, qui sibi Pe [...]ri usurpant partes? Sic igi­tur blasphemantes & recalcitrantes, ponentes os in coelum, ad interdicti sive Excommunicationis sententiam, nullum penitus habentes respectum, per totam civitatem celebra­runt divina signa, pulsantes & vocibus altisonis modulantes. Hereupon the Pope reviving his Excommunication a­gainst them, the Barons still slighted it as before deposing King John from the Crown, and electing Lewes of France for their King, and thus revi [...]ing the Pope for siding with King John. Mat. Paris, p. 268. Et quid de te Papa? qui pater sanctitatis, spe­culum pietatis, tutor justitiae, & custos veritatis toti mundo de­beres lucere in exemplum, tali consentis, talem laudas & tue­ris? Sed hac causa, exhaustorem pecuniae Anglicanae, & exactatorem Nobilitatis Britannicae tibi inclinantem defendis, ut in barathrum Romanae avaritiae omnia demergantur: sed haec causa et excusatio, est ante Deum, culpa et accusatio. Et sic Barones lachrymantes & lamentantes, Regem & Papam ma­ledixerunt.

Mat. Paris, p. 349, 350. Anno 1229. the 23. of King Henry the 3. Fecit conve­nire apud West monasterium Dominica, qua cantatur, Miseri­cordia Domini, Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Abbates, Prio­res, Templarios, Hospitilarios, Comites, Barones, Ecclesiarum Rectores, & qui de se tenibant in capite (but no elected Knights, Citizens or Burgesses that we read of) ad locum praefixum et diem; that they might hear the businesses Ste­phen the Popes Chaplain and Legat had to propound unto them from the Pope, & de rerum exigentiis communiter tractarent ibidem: Omnibus igitur congregatis, tam Laicis quam Clericis, & eorum subjectis, Magister Stephanus co­ram [Page 113] omnibus recitavit Literas Domini Papae; in quibus exi­gebat Decimas omnium rerum mobilium de tota Anglia, Hi­bernia, et Wallia, ab universis Laicis & Clericis, ad guerram suam sustinendam, quae contra Romanum Imperatorem susce­perat Fredericum, ipse solus, pro Universali Ecclesia &c. The Legat herupon pressing them earnestly to grant this strange Tenth to the Pope, the King, from whom all the rest ex­pected to have protection and defence against it, becom­ing formerly bound by his Proctors to pay this Tenth, see­med to give consent thereto by his silence. Comites vero et Barones ac Laici omnes, Nota. plane decimas se datu­ros contradixerunt, nolentes Baronias suas vel Laicas Possessiones Romanae Ecclesiae obligare. Episcopi quo­que & Abbates, Priores et alii Ecclesiarum praelati, post trium vel quatuor dierum deliberation [...]m, et murmurationem non modicam, tandem consenserunt, metuentes excommunica­tionis sententiam vel interdicti sibi inferri, si mandatis Aposto­licis obviarent. The Earls, Barons, and Laity scaping scot-free from this Papal Exaction by their strenuous oppositi­on, when as the King and Clergy basely and unworthily submitted to it out of fear, to their intollerable oppressi­on.

An. 1239. The Pope usurping by his Provisions upon the Barons and Patrons Rights and Advowsons in Eng­land: Thereupon the Earls, Barons, and other Great men of England, dolentes se privari sua Libertate, & per cupidi­tatem Romanae Ecclesiae jure conferendi ecclesias enormi­ter privari, et alienigenas praecepto Papali illis ditari, quorum personas et conditiones penitus ignorabant; sent this notable Letter to the Pope concerning it, by Sir Ro­bert Tuinge, Knight.

‘Mat. Paris, p. 495, 496.Excellentissimo Patri & Domino G. Dei gratia sum­mo Pontifici, devoti sui de Cestriae, & de Wincestriae, &c. salutem, reverentiam promptam, & paratam, si pla­cet, devotionem. Mergente jam navicula nostrae liber­tatis, primogenitorum nostrorum sanguine subacta, pro­rumpentibus in nos plus solito perturbantium procellis, dormientem Dominum in navicula Petri cogimur exci­tare, [Page 114] acclamantes jugiter & una voce: Domine salva nos, perimus. Ut cum judicium et justitia sint correctio sedis ejus, unicuique nostrum jus suum tribuat, & con­servet illaesum▪ Ne si secus fiere [...], corruente charitate, devotioneque deseta, provocarentur filii contra patris viscera, & mut [...]ae dilectionis affectus, subintroducta in­juria, penitus evanesceret. Cum igitur, sanctissime pater, a prima Christianitatis fundatione in Anglia; tali fue­rint hactenus progenitores nostri gavisi libertate, quod dedecentibus ecclesiarum rectoribus, ecclesiarum pa­troni personas idoneas eligentes ad easdem Diocesa­nis praesenta verunt, ab eisdem ecclesiarum regimini prae­ficiendas: verum vestris temporibus, de conniventia vestra vel voluntate nescimus, talis contra nos invaluit adversitas, quod dedecentibus ecclesiarum rectoribus, quidam executores vestri, ad hoc dati, ecclesias de patro­natu nostro passim conferunt, in nostrae praejudicium li­bertatis, & in eminens periculum juris patronalis, licet super hoc pridem cautione literarum Apostolicarum no­bis prospexeritis, continentium, quod decedentibus ec­clesiarum personis Italicis vel Romanis, auctoritate pro­visionis vestrae in Ecclesiis promotis, licite possemus personas idoneas praesentare: cujus oppositum videmus quotidie demandari, de quo plurimum miramur, cum non debeat ab uno & eodem fonte aqua dulcis & ama­ra defluere. Sane licet haec contra nos sit communis pe­stis introducta, pro qua contentiones, emulationes, irae, rixae, necnon & caedes hominum poterunt fortassis exo­riri, unius tamen comparium nostrorum afflictionem ex­empli gratia producere decrevimus in medium, ut quod contra eum & juris sui patronalis periculum hactenus est improvide procuratum, auctoritate vestra, si placet, revocetur in irritum. Cum igitur Robertus de Tuinge patronus ecclesiae de Luthun, decedente N. Italico, ejusdem ecclesiae rectore, personam idoneam praesentas­set ad eandem, obstante mandato vestro, distulit ipsum admittere dominus Eboracensis, licet contra personam praesentatam nihil inveniret quod obsisteret, sed solam [Page 115] inhibitionem vestram praetenderet. Verum, cum in in­cendio vicinae domus, nostrarum immineat periculum, vobis tanquam patri supplicamus, quatenus tam praedic­tum Robertum, quam nos omnes & singulos praedicta li­bertate praesentandi Clericos nostros ad ecclesias nostras vacantes libere uti permittatis: injungentes praedicto Archiepiscopo, quod I. Clericum ad praedictam ecclesi­am ab eodem praesentatum, pro quo etiam preces effun­dimus devotas: praesertim cum sit negotiis Regis & regno nostro necessarius, nisi aliquod canonicum obsti­terit, non obstante priori mandato vestro, admittat. Ut ex hoc nos ad propensiorem & famulatum ecclesiae pro­vocetis. Ne cum sit jus advocationis praedictorum feu­dorum, pro quibus Domino nostro militamus, cogamur illius invocare subsidium, qui jura & libertates laico­rum protegere [...]enetur & confovere.’ Valete.

Mat. Paris p. 505. Anno 1140. ‘In octavis vero Epiphaniae, congregati sunt Londini Archiepiscopi et Episcopi, cum multis aliis Magnatibus, praesente etiam Legato, reponentes queri­moniam coram Rege in curia sua, super variis injuriis & oppressionibus & quotidianis desolationibus illatis ec­clesiae, per iniquum Regis consilium, contra suas chartas, & juramenta temere veniendo: nec patitur suis pastori­bus viduatas ecclesias, respirare, sed ut ab eisdem eccle­siastica bona variis argumentis extorqueat, annis pluri­mis eas in manu sua detinet, nec patitur electiones ca­nonicas celebrari. Super quibus injuriis illatis, & dia­tim multiplicatis, omnes se asserunt vehem [...]nt [...]r admi­rari, cum ipse Rex toties juraverit, se jura ecclesiastica illibata conservare, ipsomet audiente, & candelam te­nente, quod omnes Episcopi, in violatores libertatum ecclesiasticarum, simul sententiam fulminabant: in cujus sententiae consummatione, Rex, ut alii, candelam extin­xit inclinand [...]. Et erant contra Regem in querimonium Episcoporum capitula circiter 30. Et eotenus processum est, quod lata sit iterum sententia terribiliter nimis in omnes Regis consilia [...]ios, qui ejus animum ad praedicta enormia conabantur inclinare.’

[Page 116]In the Par. 20 H. 3. [...]or. 13. Claus. 20 H. 3. m. 2. Parliamentary Council held at Merton An. 1229. Anno, 20 H. 3. cap. 9. All the Bishops (to set up the Popes and their own Canons above the Common Law of England) earnestly intreated the Lords, that they would consent, that those who were born before matrimony might be legitimare, as well as those born after mariage, as to hereditary succession, because the Church held such for legitimate: et omnes Comites et Barones una voce responderunt, nolumus leges Angliae mutare, quae hucusque usitatae sunt & approbatae. Upon which 2 Inst. p. 79. Sir. Edw Cook observes; That the Nobility of England, have ever had the Laws sf England in great estimation and reverence, as their best birthright.

Mat. Paris, p. 623, 624, 625. Mat. Westm. p. 177. Anno 1244. the 28 of Henry the third, Pope Innocent sent one Martin his Legate into England, with letters, demanding a large contribution from the Prelates, Ab­bats and Clergy, to be speedily collected as he should di­rect; which coming to the knowledge of all the Lords, and Great men, omnes ad Praelatos accesserunt, ut uno per omnia consilio uterentur, quia hoc negotium generalem statum Regni contingebat. Whereupon all the Prelates by the Lords advice and encouragement denied to grant the Pope any aid at all, & sic soluto Concilio recesserunt.

Mat. Westm. An. 1244. p. 180, 181.Moreover this same year, ‘Romana Ecclesia rubore deposito, tempore novi Papae Innocentii 4. non cessabat provisiones cotidianas, redditus impudenter extorque­re a via antecessorum suorum non exorbitando, imo manum super omnes aggravando. Exiit, igitur murmur licet sero, in cordibus Anglorum diu conceptum et re­tentum, in manifestam querimoniam, et quasi parturi­entes loqui, non poterant amplius se continere. Pati­entia enim eorum desidiosa erat, & humilitas infru­ctuosa est, imo potius & damnosa, et ipsa abutebatur, Romana protervitas insatiabilis. Et in unum conveni­entes totius Regni Nobiles, Regem efficacissime su­per hoc con [...]en [...]rum▪ asserentes se malle mori quam amplius tales enormitates tollerare: Non enim eo­rum, neque antecessorum suorum intentio fuit, quan­do [Page 117] contulerint bona viris religiosis, et aliis locis, pia consideratione constructis, ut ipsa ad a [...]bitrium Pa­pae viris Italicis ignotis, et eis quos noverant Simoniis & usuris pollutos, & viciis multimodis, quibus non est cura praedicatio vel hospitalitas Christi fidelibus impenden­da, contribuerent. Rex igitur non mediocriter ad i­ram provocatus, sciens ac sentiens talibus queremoniis ines [...]e veritatem, scripsit Domino Papae verbis humili­bus & efficacissimis, ut talia studeret paterna solicitu­dine corrigere.’

Mat. Paris, p. 638, 639. Mat. Westm. An. 1245. The next year, Anno 1245. This Martin violently seising on the lands and profits of divers Churches and re­ligious persons, "prorerva & injuriosa authoritate, wherein the King protected him against all men, where­by the condition of the Realm became most miserable: thereupon ‘urgente igitur necessitate totius Regni An­gliae maxime, praeceptum est ab ipso tempore EX PAR­TE ALIQUORUM MAGNATUM, pro multiformi, et incessabile oppressionne, et depraedatione Regni dolen­tium et miserantium, & diligenter die & nocte custoditis omnibus partibus Angliae, PAPALES LITERAE quae quotidie ad emungendam pecuniam portabantur caperentur.’ Wherupon the Governour of Dover took one of the Popes Posts laden with such Bulls and Letters to exact monies by divers means, as he arrived at Dover, and took away all his Bulls and Letters, as he was com­manded by the Lords, imprisoning the Post in Dover Ca­stle: whom the King upon Martins complaint released, causing the Letters and Bulls to be restored to him "in perniciem Regni, et Honoris sui. Hereupon the Barons and Lords assembled at Laiton and Dunstable at Torneyes, and from thence sent one Fulco to Martin, re­siding in the New Temple at London, commanding him presently to depart the Realm, or else he and all his should be hewn in pieces within 3 days: who thereupon repairing to the King for protection, and demanding whether this were done by his direction? The King answered, no, Sed BARONES MEI vix se continent, quin consurgant in me, [Page 118] eo quod tuas in Regno meo & eorundem quae [...]us & modum exce­dunt depredationes & injurias hactenus tolleravi: Quorum etiam furorem vix compescui, quin et in te i [...]ruentes te membra­tim non dilacerarent. Upon which Martin demanding that the Marshal might convoy him safe to the Seaside, [...]ed with great hast and fear out of England. After which the king coming to himself, and discerning his Error, by the advice of all the Nobility of the Realm, there was an elegant Epistle written, wherein the over-execrable ex­actions of the Pope, and the manifold exactions of his Legates, and of certain men exercising an unheard of pow­er, were contained: wherwith 6 Noble and discreet men elected by the Parliament and universality, were sent to the Council of Lyons, gravem super his SUPER EXAC­TIONE TRIBUTI, IN QUOD NUNQUAM CON­SENSIT REGNI UNIVERSITAS, coram Concilio que­rimoniam reposituri, et talium releuamen onerum importabi­lium Regno Angliae miserecorditer impendi rogaturi. The Proxi [...]s of the Parliament, and universality of England ar­riving at the Council of Lyons, by Mat. Paris p. 646, 647, 648. Mat. West. An. 1245. William de Poweric, their Proctor, propounded their grievances, complaining, That in time of War a Tribute was injuriously extorted by the Court of Rome, Quod nunquam Patres Nobilium Regni, vel ipsi consenserunt, nec consentiunt, neque in futurum consentient, unae sibi petunt exhiberi justit am cum remedio. Ad quod Papa (there present) nec oculos elevans, nec vocem, verbum non respondit. Ypodigmae Neustriae, p. 60. Thomas of Walsingham adds, That the Messengers sent to the Council by the king de Consilio Praelatorum, Comitum, Baronum, were purposely sent ut concessioni Regis Johannis de censu annuo pro Anglia & Hibernia contradicerent, eo quod de Regni assensu non pro­cesserat,Mat. Westm. p. 191.Sed et per Archiepiscopum C [...]ntuariensem fuerat reclamatum vice totius Regni. Sed Papa hoc indigere mo­rosa deliberatione respondens: negotium posuit in suspenso. This detestable Charter of King John being burnt amongst his writings in this Council, as was reported, in the Popes own Chamber there casually set on fire.

After w^ch Poweric delivered to the Council the foresaid [Page 119] to the Pope, concerning the manifold extortions, inno­vations, oppressions of the Church of Rome exercised in England, there recorded at large, and worthy perusal: The close of which Epistle of all the Barons, is this. That although the King being a Catholike Prince, &c. would continue in the obedience of the See and Church of Rome, and seek the increase of her honour and profit, ‘jure tamen Regio, dignitateque Regia plenius conserva­tis. Nos tamen qui in negotiis suis por [...]amus pondus di­erum et aestum et quibus una cum ipso Domino Rege, intendere conservationi Regni diligenter incumbi, di­ctas oppressiones, Deo et hominibus detestabiles, & gravamina nobis in oleribili [...], non possumus aequani­miter tolerare, nec per Dei gratiam amplius tolera­bimus: Placeat igitur Paternitati vestrae hanc [...]upo [...]ica­tionem nostram taliter exaudire, quod a Magnatibus et universitate Regni Angliae, tanquam a filiis in Christo chatissimis, specia [...]es gratias debeatis merito re­portare.’ The Pope refusing to give any answer or re­dress thereunto, at last through their importunity, be granted divers privileges to the Churches, Prelates, and Nation of England, ten [...]ing towards a reformation of their grievances; but yet contrary thereunto, increased their grievances instead of redressing them; whereupon Mat. Paris, p. 674, 675, 677, 678, 679, 680. Mat. Westm. An. 1246. p. 206, 207. &c. Anno Dom. 1246. the 30 of Henry the 3. by the Nobles sollicitation, ‘Medio quadragessimae edicto Regio con­vocato convenit ad Parliamentum generalissimum totius Regni Anglicani totalis Nobilitas Londini, vi­delicet, Praelatorum, tam Abbatuum et Priorum, quam Episcoporum, Comitum quoque & Baronum, (without any Knights, Citizens, or Burgesses chosen by the people to represent them in it) ut de statu Regni jam vaci lantis, efficaciter, prout exigit urgens necessitas contractarent. Angebat enim eos gravamen intollera­le, a Curla Romana incessanter illatum, quod non po­terant sine Nota desidiae, et imminen [...]e ruina tolerare, quod Papa promissionis suae transgressor, gravius quam ante eorum querimoniam, manum diatim exasperans, ag­gravabat, [Page 120] et hoc quasi per contemptum, &c.’ These Grievances they drew up into 7. Articles, which were read in and approved by the Parliament, this being the tenor of them.

Gravatur regnum Angliae, ex eo quod Dominus Papa, non est contentus subsidio illo quod vocatur Denarius beati Petri, sed à toto Clero Angliae, gravem extorquet contributio­nem, & adhuc multa graviora nititur extorquere; & hoc fa­cit sine domini Regis assensu, vel consensu, contra anti­quas Consuetudines, Libertates, et regni jura, et contra appellationem et contradictionem Procuratorum Regis & Regni in generali Concilio factam.

Item, gravatur Ecclesia et Regnum, eo quod Patroni eccle­ [...]iarum ad eas cum vacaverint, clericos idoneos praesentare non [...]ossunt, prout Dominus Papa eis per literas suas concessit, sed [...]onferuntur Ecclesiae Romanis, qui penitus idioma regni igno­rant, in periculum animarum, et extra Regnum pecuniam as­portant, illud ultra modum depauperando.

Item, gravatur in Provisionibus à Domino Papa factis, in pensionibus exigendis, contra literarum suarum tenorem, in quibus continetur, quod ex omnibus retentionibus factis in Ang­lia, non intendebat conferre, nisi 12 beneficia post praedictarum literarum confectionem; sed credimus multa plura Beneficia ab eodem postea esse collata, et provisiones factas.

Item, gravatur quod Italicus Italico succedit, et quod Ang­lici extra Regnum in causis auctoritate Apostolica trahuntur, contra Regni consuetudines, contra jura scripta, eo quod inter inimicos convenire non debent, & contra Indulgentias à praede­cessoribus domini Papae, Regi & regno Angliae concessas.

Item, gravatur ex multiplici adventu illius infamis nun­cii, NON OBSTANTE, per quem Juramenti religio, con­suetudines antiquae; Scripturarum vigor, concessionum auctori­tas, statuta, jura et privilegia debilitantur et evanescuut: quod infiniti de regno Angliae oppressi sunt graviter & afflicti, nec se Dominus Papa versus Regnum Angliae in plenitudine suae potestatis revocanda, curialiter ita vel moderate gerit, prout Procuratoribus Regni ore tenus dederat in promis­sis.

[Page 121] Item, gravatur in tallagiis generalibus, collectis et assisis sine Regis assensu et voluntate factis, contra appellationem et contradictionem Procuratorum Regis & Universitatis Ang­liae.

Item gravatur, eo quod in beneficiis Italicorum, nec jura, nec pauperum sustentatio, nec hospitalitas, nec divini verbi praedicatio, nec ecclesiarum utilis ornatus, nec animarum cura, nec in ecclesiis divina sunt obsequia, prout decet et moris est pa­triae, sed in aedificiis suis parietes cum tectis corruunt, et penitus lacerantur.

Upon the reading of these Articles, all and every one agreed to send both Mat. Westm▪ p. 207, solemn Letters and Mes­sengers to the Pope, and humbly to intreat him to remove these intollerable Grievances and yoaks of bondage; all the Abbots and Priors by themselves, the Bishops by themselves, the King by himself, and all the Earls and Ba­rons by themselves, in their own names, and of the whole Clergy and people of England, writing several Letters to the Pope for this end, [...]ecorded in Matthew Paris; that of the Lords being very memorable, I shall here insert.

‘Mat. Paris, p. 679.Sanctissimo Patri, &c. Devoti filii, Comes Cornu­biae R. S. de Monte Forti Comes Legrecestriae, H. de Boun Comes Herefordiae & Essexiae, R. de Bigod Comes Norfolciae, R. Comes Gloverniae & Herefordiae, R. Co­mes Wintoniae. W. Comes Albemarliae, Comes Oxo­niensis & alii totius Angliae Barones, Proceres et Magnates ac Nobiles; portuum maris habitatores, necnon et Clerus et Populus universus, salutem, & de­bitam tanto Pontifici in omnibus reverentiam. Sic ma­ter ecclesia tenetur filios suos confovere, ipsos sub alas suas congregando, ut filii sui non degenerent in obsequio matris suae, sed pro matre, si necesse fuerit, manum suam mittant ad fortia, & arma et scutum assumentes pro de­fensione sua cuilibet discrimini se opponat, de cujus ube­ribus lac sugunt consolationis, et ad ipsius dependent ubera pietatis. Mater enim filiorum uteri sui debet reminisci, ne si secus fiat, lactis pabulum subtrahendo vi­deatur [Page 122] novercari. Pater etiam à filiis suam subtrahens pietatem, non Pater, sed vitricus merito debet appella­ri, cum filios naturales spurios deputat aut privignos. Idcirco Pater reverende, currus Israel et auriga ejus, ad asylum vestrae pietatis recurrimus confidenter, claman­tes post vos. Implorantes etiam humi [...]iter et devote, quatenus ob spem retributionis divinae, voces claman­tium post vos dignemini misericorditer exaudire, & gravaminibus, injuriis et oppressionibus regno Angliae, & domino nostro Regi multipliciter impositis ac illatis, velitis salubre remedium adhibere. Alioquin necesse est ut veniant scandala, clamore populi tam Dominum Regem, quam nos intollerabiliter impellente. Quo­niam nisi de gravaminibus domino Regi & regno illatis, Rex & regnum citius liberentur, Oportebit nos ponere murum pro domo Domini et Libertate regni. Quod quidem ob Apostolicae sedis reverentiam hucusque fa­cere distulimus, nec ultra reditum nunciorum nostro­rum, qui propter hoc ad redem Apostolicam mittentur, Dissimulare pocerimus, quia regni Angliae tam Clero quam Populo, qui talia nullatenus sustinebunt, pro vi­ribus nostris subveniamus. Et nisi citius praedicta per vos corrigantur, pro certo teneat Sanctitas vestra, quod non immerito teneri potest, quod tam Ecclesiae Roma­nae, quam Domino regi tale periculum immanebit, quod eidem remedium, quod absit, de facile non poterit ad­hiberi.’

The King in the mean time, by the Lords advice, sent this Prohibition to the Clergy, not to pay any Tax or Tal­lage to the Pope; Mat. Westm. An. 1146. p. 208. H. Dei gratia &c. Venerabili in Christo tali Episcopo salutem. Licet aliâs vobis scripserimus, semel secundo, & tertio, tam per literas nostras clausas, quam paten­tes, ne ad opus domini Papae vel alterius tallagium aliquod vel auxilium exigeritis à viris Religiosis, clericis vel laicis, cum nullum hujusmodi tallagium vel auxilium exigi possit vel con­sueverit sine magno praejudicio Regiae dignitatis, quod nullo mo­do poterimus aut volumus sustinere: Vos tamen mandatum no­strorum in hac parte co [...]emnentes, contra provisionem per [Page 123] Magnates nostros, tam Praelatos quam Comites et Ba­rones factam in Concilio nostro Londoniensi: & conces­sam exactionem faciatis memoratam, super quo miramur plu­rimum & movemur, praesertim cum facto vestro proprio non erubescitis contraire, cum vos & alii Praelati in praedicto Con­cilio communiter concesseritis, quod nihil de exactione hujus­modi faceretis, donec nuncii nostri & vestri, necnon & aliorum Magnatum nostrorum & totius universitatis regni nostri à curia Romana redirent, qui pro liberatione oppressionum ad curiam illam, sicut nostis, fuerant specialiter destinati. Vo­bis igitur mandatis inculcatis mandamus injungentes, firmius & districtius inhibentes, ne ad exactionem praedicti tallagii vel auxilii faciendam aliquatenus procedatis, sicut gaudere desideratis Baronia vestra & possessionibus vestris, quas in regno nostro tenetis. Et si quid inde cepistis, extra regnum no­strum asportari nullatenus permittatis, sed illud salvo custo­diri faciatis usque ad reditum nunciorum praedictorum, indu­bitanter scituri, quod si secus egeritis, nos ad possessiones ve­stras manum gravaminis, ultra quam credere velitis, exten­demus. Hanc autem inhibitionem vobis in jungimus facien­dam Archidiaconis & officialibus vestris, quam quidem pro libertate cleri & populi facimus, novit Deus, &c.

The Mat. Paris, p. 687. Messengers sent with these Letters to the Court of Rome returning thence, thereupon the same year, Die translationis beati Thomae Martyris habitum est MAGNUM CONCILIUM inter Regem et REGNI MAGNATES apud Wintoniam: Wherein, ‘Nuncii memorati, verba Papalia, qui nihil mitigationis, imo potius exasperatio­nis tenorem continebant nunciantes, & affirmantes, quod nec in gestu vel verbis Papalibus aliquid humili­tatis vel moderationis super oppressionibus quibus tam Regnum quam Ecclesia Anglicana gravabatur et con­questa est, poterant reperire. Dixerat enim Papa, illis aliquod optabile responsum expectantibus; Rex Anglo­rum qui jam recalcitrat et Frederizar, suum habet consi­lium, ego vero meum habeo, quod et sequar. Et ex tunc vix aliquis Anglicus in Curia negotium aliquod poterat expedire, imo velut scismatici repellabantur omnes, [Page 124] probris lacessiti. Haec autem cum audisset Dominus Rex cum Magnatibus suis, commotus est vehementer & merito, praecepitque voce praeconia in omnibus Comi­tatibus, per omnes villas et terras, et congregationes publice acclatuari, Ne quis per regnum Papali contri­butioni consentiret, vel aliquid pecuniae in auxili­um ejus transmitteret. Quod factum est. Illud autem cum audi [...]et Papa, in vehementem iram excanduit, & iterato asperius Praelatis scripsit Anglicanis, ut sub poena excommunicationis & suspensionis, infra festum Assump­tionis, nuncio suo apud novum Templum Londini com­moranti, de praedicto auxilio satisfacerent. Et cum con­stanter pararetur, dominus Rex stare pro regni et Eccle­siae liberatione (comminationibus Comitis Richardi fra­tris sui, et quorundam Episcoporum, quorum principalis erat Wigorniensis, cui a Domino Papa concessa fuit po­testas terram etiam, ut perhibebatur, interdicendi,) fra­ctus succubuit et perterritus. Unde totus conatus tam Magnatum quam Episcoporum, et spes de regni et ec­clesiae Anglicanae liberatione miserabiliter, & non sine multorum cordium cruento dolore, emarcuit adnihila­tus, et impune hiatibus Romanae a varitiae de memo­rata contributione est satisfactum.’

Mat. Paris, p. 694.The Pope hereupon taking more boldness than before to trample the English Prelates & Clergy under his feet, & fleece them; ‘imperiose & solito imperiofius Praelatis Angliae demandavit, ut in Anglia omnes beneficiati, in suis beneficiis residentiam facientes, tertiam partem bonorum suorum Domino Papae conferrent, non facien­tes residentiam, dimidiam, multis adjectis durissimis conditionibus praedictum mandatum restringentibus, per illum verbum, et adjectionem detestabilem, NON OBSTANTE, quae omnem extinguit justitiam praeha­bitam.’ The Bishops assembling in convocation to exact it, the King thereupon (by his Nobles advice and in­stigation) sent Sir John de Lexeton a Knight, and Law­rence St. Marin his Clark to them, strictly commanding them in the kings behalf, not to consent by any means to this [Page 125] contribution demanded by the Pope, to the desolation of the En­glish kingdom. The next year 1247.Mat. Paris, p. 697, 698, 706, 707. Mat. Westm. p. 220, 221, 223. ‘Vrgente Papali mandato redivivo de importabili contributione Papali praetacta, ad quam Episcopi in generali Concilio Cle­rum infeliciter obligarent, fecit Dominus Rex MAGNATES SUOS, nec non et Angliae Archidia­conos per scripta sua Regia Londini convocari. Quo cum pervenissent die ptaefixo, Episcopi omnes sese gratis absentarunt, ne viderentur propriis factis eminus adversari. Sciebant enim corda omnium usque ad a­nimae amaritudinem sauciri. Convenerunt tunc ibi­dem Archidiaconi Angliae, nec non, et totius regni Cleri pars non minima CUM IPSIS MAGNA­TIBUS, conquerentes communiter super intolerabilibus & frequentibus exactionibus Domini Papae, pro qui­bus & Dominus Rex non mediocriter compatiendo tri­stabatur. Res enim publica periclatabatur, et commune negotium regni totius agebatur, & imminebat tam po­puli quam cleri inanis desolatio et cunctis temporibus inaudita.’ After long consultation, the King and No­bles by common advise resolved, to send a remonstrance of all their grievances, together with Letters, in the name of the whole Parliament and kingdom, to the Pope and his Cardinals, speedily to redress them; which Let­ters they sealed with the Common Seal of the City of London, & thereby obtained some shew of redress, of their grievances, which the Nobles further prosecuted and com­plained of in another Parliament the selfsame year.

Mat. Westm. p. 222. Dominus Rex comperiens regnum suum enormiter undique "periclitari (by the Popes, exactions, taxes, oppositions) "jussit OMNEM TOTIUS REGNI NOBILITATEM CONVOCARI, ut de statu ipsius tam manifeste periclitan­tis Oxoniae contrectarent. Praelatos autem ad hoc Parliamen­tum vocavit anxius, quia videbat eos tam frequenter per Pa­pul [...]s extortiones depauperari, quod frequentia consuetudinem, & regni ruinam manifeste minabatur. Sperabatur igitur communiter aliquod salubre Ecclesiae, et universitati ibi statu­endum, quod tamen omnes fefellit, through the Prelates [Page 126] and Clergies cowardise, and the kings overmuch compli­ance with the Pope, the Nobles only continuing con­stant in their oppositions against these papal exactions and enormities, being more zealous for the Churches Clergies & Prelates liberties, against the Popes intolera­ble exactions, oppressions, incroachments, than they them­selves, and the only persons who manfully and constantly maintained them, when the King, Prelates and Clergy through fear, cowardise and treachery betrayed and deserted them.

Mat. Westm. p. 326. Anno 1264. Pope Urban being much incensed against the BARONS spoiling the goods of Ecclesiastical per­sons, who were Aliens advanced by his provisions, said, That he desired to live no longer but till he had subdued the English; whereupon he sent a Legate towards England, a great Person, to wit Sabin a Bishop Cardinal, to interdict the Land and excommunicate THE BARONS the oppug­ners of his Provisions. But when he would have entred England, he found he could not safely do it, by reason of the Barons resistance; Whereupon citing some Bishops of the Realm first to Ambayonne, and afterwards to Bo­nonia, ‘Sententiam excommunicationis et interdictionis super Civitatem Londoniae et 5. Portus, necnon & quas­dam personas illustres ET NOBILES REGNI fulmi­natum, commisit exequendam. At illi Sententiam illam contra justitiam illatam attendentes, appellarunt ad Pa­pam, ad meliora tempora, vel ad generale Concilium, necnon et supremū judicē, certis de causis et rationibus commendabilibus: Quae postea appellatio, in Anglia con­gregato apud Radingum Concilio recitata est, et ab E­piscopis et Clero approbata et executa. Interdictum au­tem, licet inviti suscipientes a Legato praedicti Episco­pi secum detulerunt. Sed cum applicuissent Dove­riae, scrutinio ex more in portu facto, int [...] [...]eptum est a Civibus, et in minutias dilaneatum jactatur in mare.’ So little did they then regard, and so much detest and scorn the Popes unjust Interdict in so just a cause.

An. 2 E. 1. Rot. Fin. m. 9. in Sched. Cook 4 Inst. p. 13. Pope [Page 127] Gregory by his Letters demanding the rent of 1000. marks by the year of K. Ed. the 1. reserved for England, upon his regranting the Realm to King John, the king writ thus to him: ‘Se sine PRAELATIS ET PROCERIBUS REGNI NON POSSE RESPONDERE, & quod jure­jurando in coronatione sua fuit astrictus, QƲOD JU­RA REGNI SUI SERVARET ILLIBATA, nec a­liquid quod Diadema tangit Regni ejusdem, absque ipsorum requisitus consilio facere.’ And the Parliament being ended, he could doe nothing without them: who afterwards gallantly opposed his usurpations, as will ap­pear by this following president

Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 48. to 56. Ypodig. Neu­striae, p. 88. to 95. Mat. Westm. p. 435, 436. King Edward the 1. in the 29. year of his reign, being summoned by the Pope, by himself or his Proctors to de­clare his right to the Realm of Scotland in his Court at Rome, where he should receive justice concerning it. The King thereupon called a Parliament to consult about it: where he refused to return any answer by himself, but com­mitted it to the Earls and other Lords of the Land to re­turn the Pope an answer thereunto. Who making a large and learned Historical Remonstrance of the subjection of Scotland and her Kings to the Kings of England, and of their Homage done to them in all ages as their Soveraign Lords, sent it to the Pope, with this notable Letter signed (as Mat. Westminster and 2 Institutes, p. 98.Sir Edward Cook inform us) with no less than 100 Seals of Arms of Earls and Barons, in the name of the whole Parliament and Kingdom.

Sancta Romana Ecclesia, per cujus ministerium fides Ca­tholica in suis artibus; cum ea ut firmiter credimus et tenea­mus maturitate procedit, quod nulli praejudicare, sed singulorum jura conservari velit illaesa. Sane convocato nuper per Sere­nissimum Dominum nostrum ▪ Edwardum, Dei gratia regem Angliae illustrem, Parliamento apud Lincolniam generali, idem Dominus noster quasdam literas Apostolicas, quas super certis negotiis conditionem et statum Regni ex vestra parte re­ceperat in medio exhiberi, ac seriose nobis fecit exponi. Quibus auditis & diligenter intellectis, ita sensibus admiranda quam hactenus inaudita in eis audivimus contineri. Scimus [Page 128] enim Pater sanctissime, et notorium in partibus nostris, ac non­nullis aliis non ignotum, quod à prima institutione Regni Ang­liae, Reges ejusdem regni, tam temporibus Britonum, quam Anglorum, superius & directum Dominium regni Scotiae ha­buerunt in possessione, vel capitanei superioritatis et recti Do­minii ipsius Scotiae successivis temporibus habuerunt, nec ullis temporibus ipsum regnum in temporalibus pertinuit, vel perti­net quovismodo ad Ecclesiam supradictam. Quinimo idem Regnum Scotiae dicti Regni nostri Regibus Angliae atque sibi faeodale extitit ab ant [...]quo. Nec etiam Reges Scotorum & Regnum, aliis quam Regibus Angliae subfuerunt, vel subjici consueverunt, neque Reges Angliae super juribus suis in reg­no praedicto, aut aliis suis temporalibus, coram aliquo judice ec­clesiastico vel saeculari, ex Praeeminentia status suae Regiae dignitatis et consuetudinis cunctis temporibus irrefragabiliter observatae responderunt, aut respondere debebant. Ʋnde ha­bito tractatu et deliberatione diligenti super contentis in Lite­ris vestris memoratis, communis, concors, & unanimus omni­um nostrum et singulorum consensus fuit, et erit inconcusse Deo propitio in futurum, Nota. quod praefatus Dominus noster Rex super juribus Regni Scotiae, aut aliis suis temporalibus nullatenus re­spondeat judicialiter coram Vobis, nec judicium subeat quoquo modo, aut jura sua praedicta in dubium quaestionis deducat, nec ad praesentiam vestram Procuratores aut nuncios ad hoc mittat: praecipue cum praemissa cederent manifeste in ex­haeredationem juris coronae Regni Angliae, et Regiae dignitatis, ac subversionem Status ejusdem Regni no­toriam, necnon ad praejudicium Libertatis, Consuetudi­num et Legum paternarum, ad quarum obfervationem et defensionem debito praestiti juramenti astringimux, et quae manutenebimus toto posse, totisque viribus cum Dei auxilio defendemus. Nec enim permittimus, nec aliqualiter permittemus, sicut non possumus, praemissa tam insolita, tam indebita, praejudicialia, & alias inaudi­ta praelibatum dominum regem, etiam si vellet, facere, seu modo quolibet attemptare. Quapropter sanctitati vestrae humiliter supplicamus, quatenus eundem nostrum dominum Regem, qui inter alios Principes orbis terrae Catholicum se ex­hibet, [Page 129] et Romanae Ecclesiae devotum jura sua, Libertates et Consuetudines et leges praedictas abique diminutione et inquietudine pacifics pof [...]idere, as illibata persistere be­nignius permittatis. A most noble, heroical, loyal, mag­nanimous Resolution of all the English Peers to their King and Country, even against the Popes incroachments on them, though then their Ghostly Father.

Anno 1307. King Edward the 1.Mat. Westm. p. 463, 464. held a Parliament ar Carlisle, in quae per Majores regni graves deposita sunt queri­moniae de oppressionibus Ecclesiarum et Monasteriorum mul­tiplicibus extortionibus pecuniarum, per Clericum Domini Pa­pae, Magistrum Gulihelmum de Testa noviter in regnum inductis; praeceptumque est eidem clerico DE ASSENSU COMITUM & BARONUM, ne de caetero talia exequatur; Ordinatum etiam erat quod pro remedio super hiis obtinendo, ad dominum Papam assignati mitterentur Nuncii.

I shall close up this point with one memorable example more, Tho. Wal­singham, Hist. Angl. p. 76. Anno 1312. there being a great difference be­tween King Edward the 2. and his Nobles, about his re­calling Peter Gaverston after a double exile by sentence of the Lords in parliament, who took up arms to expell him by force, and desired the King to confirm and execute cer­tain Ordinances they had made, else they would by strong hand compell him thereunto: hereupon the Popes two Legates then in England, came with the rest of the Prelats of England and Earl of Glocester to St. Albans, to mediate a Peace between the King and Lords: from whence they sent their Clerks to Warhamstede, where the Barons then lay with their Army; cum Literis summi Pontificis eis pro pace roganda directis. Magnates audientes extraneos eis Literas apportate, ipsos quidem pacifice receperunt▪ sed literas recipe­re noluerunt, dicentes se non esse literatos, sed armis & mili­tia exercitatos, et ideo videre literas non curarunt. Tunc qui missi fuerant requisierunt, si placeret eis habere colloquium cum Dominis suis, Domini Papae nunciis, qui pro pace refor­manda personaliter accedere cupiebant. Ad haec PROCERES responderunt, Se in regno multos habere probos & literatos Episcopos, quorum consiliis uti volebant, et non ex [...]rancorum, [Page 130] quibus non esset cognita causa commotionis suae; praeciseque dixerunt, se nullo modo permissuros ut aliquis alienige­na vel forensis intromitteret de factis suis, aut quibuscun­que negotiis eos tangentibus infra Regnum. So much did the Lords then slight the Popes Letters and Legates. Nuncii Domini Papae tali modo perterriti in crastino summo manè iter versus Londonias maturarunt, qui apud Sanctum Albanum loci commoditate illecti, moram traxisse per Men­sem vel amplius cogitaverant. And so intermedled no more therein.

Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 74, 75, &c. The same year, Henry de Lacy Earl of Lincoln, lying upon his death-bed, used this Speech to Thomas Earl of Lancaster his Son-in-law, heir to 5. Earldoms. Quo­modo Deus eum prae cunctis in regno ditaverit, honoraverit, & gloriae fecerat abundare. Quapropter, ait, et Deum diligere te, et honorare prae caeteris obligaris. Cernis Sanctam Eccle­siam Anglicanam honorabilem quondam et liberam, per Roma­norum Oppressiones, & Regum hujus regni injustas Exactio­nes (proh dolor) ancillatam. Vides & plebem regni Tribu­tis & Tallagiis apporiatam, & de conditione Libertatis in ser­vitutem actam (a true character of our times, after all our wars for Liberty and Property.) Cernis regni Nobilitatem (quandoque toti Christianitati venerabilem) jam ab alienigenis in terra propria vilipensam. Adjuro te igitur per nomen Chri­sti ut virum induas, exurgas, et eriges te ad honorem Dei & Ecclesiae, et patriae liberationem: adhibeasque tibi virum stre­nuum, nobilem & prudentem Guidonem Warwicensem Comitem, cum necesse fuerit de regni tractare negotiis, qui & consilio praeeminet et maturitate pollet. Non verearis insur­gentes adversantes tibi dimicaturo pro veritate. Si his meis monitis acquieveris, in aeternum honorem & gloriam conseque­ris. Whereupon this Earl, pro relevanda sanctae matris Ecclesiae oppressione et recuperanda regni debita libertate, con­federated with divers other Earls and Nobles, who elect­ing him for their General, regni Nobilium communi decre­ti sententia. Then they sent Messengers to the K. to banish Peter G [...]verston; which he refusing to doe, they pursued him with their arms, cut off his head, slighted the Popes [Page 131] Letters and Nuncios; regulated his Extortions, and enfor­ced the King to confirm the Ordinances they made for the redress of all grievances both in Church and State; with the Great Charter, Laws and Liberties of the Church and people, in whose defence and quarrel this Earl afterwards lost his life.

To these I could annex many other such like Letters, resolutions, oppositions of our Earls, Lords, Barons in Parliament, against the Popes Usurpations, Encroachments, upon the Crowns, Royalties of our Kings, and Liberties,See an Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower, p. 64, 65.120, 121, 122. Laws, Customs of our Kingdom, as 21 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 63.40 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 8. Cooks 4 Institutes, p. 13, 14.50 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 85. to 108. 27 E. 3. c. 1. 38 E. 3. c. 4. & 16 R. 2. c. 5. wherein every one of the Lords temporal in Parliament answered and averred by himself severally and joyntly with the rest, That neither King John nor any other could put himself or his Realm or people into subjection or Tri­bute unto the Pope, without their common assents: That the sub­mission he made to the Pope, was without their assents, and a­gainst his Oath at his Coronation: That if the Pope by process or otherwise would attempt to enforce the King or his Subjects to render him the Services and annual Tribute for England and Ireland, granted him by King John, they would resist and oppose him with all their power: And moreover, That they will stand with the Kings Crown and Royalty in all cases of the Popes usurpations clearly in derogation of the Kings Crown, & in all other cases which shall be attempted against the said Crown and Royalty in all points, with all their power; whose Gallantry, loyalty, stoutness, have been the chief means under God, to enfranchise our Kings, kingdoms, Church, from the manifold Antichristian Tyrannies, Usurpations, Oppressions, Taxes, Vassallages, Slavery of domineering Popes in all ages, as the premises with other instances suf­ficiently evidence. And upon this ground it was (by reason of the Popes incessant Usurpations in former times upon the Royalties, Rights, Liberties both of the Crown, Realm and Church of England) that the Nobles in our Parliaments were in the very Writs of Summons ever called [Page 132] thereunto, to consult and treat with the King, Prelats, Lords and Great men of the Realm, of certain weighty and arduous affairs concerning the State and Defence of the Realm, ET ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE, and the Church of England; the Defence of the Church as well as Realm against the Popes incroachments, being one chief business of our Lords and Greatmen in our Parliaments; which now it seems is no part of our New-modelled Parliaments, as some stile them; there beieg neither DEI GRATIA, nor Statum & defensionem ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE to be found in any of their New Writs that I have seen; which had been an impious insufferable omission in all former ages: This Clause engaging our Peers so stoutly to resist the Pope as the premises demonstrate: which good service of theirs hoth in common Justice, reason, equity; merited a Place and Vote for them and their Posterities in all our English Parliaments, without any popular election.

Before I proceed to the next reason of our Lords sitting in Parliament, I shall earnestly importune, yea adjure all the antient Earls, Barons, Nobles and Great men of our Realm; with all who have lately been, or pretend to be any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses of real or pretended Par­liaments, our late and present swaying Grandees; and all Lawyers, Gentlemen, Freemen of our English Nation, se­riously to review, and cordially to ponder all the forecited memorable presidents of their Noble Gallant publike spi­rited Ancestors, here recited and bundled up together for their information, reformation, and undelayed imitation in this and the precedent reason, both in procuring, re­gaining, reestablishing the Great Charters of our funda­mental Liberties, Rights, Properties, Freedom, with so­lemn New publications, Excommunications, Execrations, Oaths, Confederacies, Penalties, Laws, Edicts, for their own and their Posterities benefit; In denying, opposing, resisting all unreasonable or illegal Aids, Subsidies, Tenths demanded, intreated of, or exacted from them by our Kings upon real or pretended Necessities, Wants, Wars, or defence by Sea and Land; their bold, frequent, unani­mous, [Page 133] magnanimous reprehensions of our Kings and their evil Counsellors to their faces, for their Exorbitances, Misgovernment, Exactions, Oppressions, Violations of their Great Charter, Laws, Liberties, Privileges, Oaths, Promises, and unnecessary Warrs, or Expences without their publike Counsel or advice: in their resolute inflexi­ble unanimous resolutions, oppositions both in and out of Parliaments, against all illegal Papal Encroachments, Usurpations, Exactions on the Rights, Privileges of the Crown, Kingdom, Church, Parliament, Clergy, People, upon every fresh occasion; and in their vigilant, indefati­gable zeal, earnest care, diligence, with the hazard of their Limbs, Lives, Liberties, Estates, and effusion of their bloud for the publike Liberty, Freedom, Ease, weal, good Government of the Nation, according to those wholsom Charters, Laws and Ordinances, which they procured for that end, with much industry, strife and opposition in ma­ny successive Parliaments. And then let them all with confusion of face, consternation of spirit and grief of heart seriously consider how stupendiously, monstrously and in­credibly they have all for near ten years last past, most des­perately apostatized, degenerated both from the Heroick, Noble, Gallant, Memorable Presidents, Practices, Cou­rage, Zeal of these their Renowned Ancestors in every of these particulars, and from their own Praiseworthy Acti­ons, Remonstrances, Councils, Parliamentary and Mili­tary proceedings of like Nature under our two last Kings, out of unworthy, un-English, unchristian Cowardize, Fear, Self-love, Sluggishness, Sottishness, Supineness, after all their late solemn publike Protestations, Remonstrances, Declarations, Vows, Oaths, Leagues, Covenants, near ten years bloudy intestine Wars, the overprodigal ex­pence of many Millions of Treasure, and whole Oceans of precious Christian, Protestant English bloud, for the real, or at least pretended Defence alone, and maintaining, se­cuting those antient undoubted Fundamental Great Charters, Laws, Liberties, Properties, Privileges and Rights of Parliament, & exempting us from all future ar­bitrary, [Page 134] tyrannical, illegal Exactions, Taxes, Excises, Im­posts, Imprisonments, restraints, exiles, and executions; which they have now all most ignobly submitted to with­out the least manly publike or private Opposition, con­tradiction, or care, activity to break off those iron yoaks of bondage, and intollerable, perpetual burdens; which some Impudent Intruders, and new Aegyptian Tax­masters have most illegally imposed on them, as if they were all resolved to renounce all their former Great Char­ters, Laws, Liberties, Privileges, and Rights of English Nobles, Parliamentmen, Freemen, and to becom the basest bondslaves under heaven. So that if these our Nobles Ancestors should now rise from the dead, they might justly stand amazed at this their ignoble, slavish cowardize, and universal degeneracy, yea disclaim them as spurious, and none of their heroick English progeny, and they all may justly demand this Question from themselves: Whether they be the genuine offspring of these their Noble Ancestors, or natural Freeborn English Peers or Freemen, and not rather the degenerate off-spring of Russian Vassals or Turkish Gally­slaves, who never knew what English Freedom was? as if now born only to the greatest servitude and Bondage that ever mor­tals voluntarily submitted unto, through pusillanimous fear or baseness: For alas, where is the Nobleman, Knight, Citi­zen, Burgess, Lawyer, Gentleman or English Freemen to be found, who now dares manfully to claim, plead, avow, defend, or contend for the undoubted rights and privile­ges of his own Which some have disclai­med by un­Peering themselves. Peerage, or our Parliaments, the famous Grand Charters of his own and the Nations Liberty and Freedom, either in or out of Parliament, after so many old, late military and Parliamentary Contests, Acts, Oathes, Excommunications, Remonstrances, Declarations, Prote­stations, Vows, Leagues, Covenants for their inviolable maintenance and defence in every Article, especially those which concern Peerage, Liberty, Property, Freehold, Life, the Members, privileges of our Parliaments? and that not only against their Soveraign and Superiors, with whom they formerly contested; but even against those [Page 135] late or present domineering Army-Officers, and Ʋpstaris, who but a few years since were not only their fellow Sub­jects, but their Inferiors in all respects, yea their Merci­nary Servants, Hirelings, and Mechanicks of the lowest rank? or against the meanest Publicans, Officers or Excise­men, Governors of our new-moulded Common-wealth, who have trampled our Great Charters, Laws, Liberties, properties and Parliaments themselves under feet, and not only scorn, deride, but disgust the very Name and Men­tion of Stiled Magna Farta, by some Gran­dees. Magna Charta, as offensive to their lawless tyran­ny, and repute the urging of it to controll their arbitrary proceedings, encroachments, Taxes, Excises, little less than a capital offence. For proof whereof, I shall instance in One particulat. In August 1650. during my close Imprisonment in Dunster Castle, by Mr. Bradshaw and his Whitehall Associates lawless warrant, there came an Order from them, and the Committee of the Militia of Somerset­shire, with near 200 pioneers of the County, to slight and demolish that Castle to the Ground, without giving Mr. George Luttrel, then owner thereof, the least notice. Who thereupon was advised by his Councel, to send a Petition to Whitehall to stay the execution. The Petition then drawn by his Council being long and imperrinent, I did at his Wives request, draw up another short one for him to this effect. That Dunster Castle, was the antient inheritance and chief Seat of his Ancestors and himself, of which many Manors were held by Knight Service and Castle-Gard; That his Father fortified and held it for the Parliament at his own charge; for which he was kept and died a Prisoner under the King: That his Ʋncle (who was slain near the Castle) and himself, were both Colonels for the Parliament, serving them gratis without any pay, for which the Kings party had sequestred his estate, felled his woods, seised his rents to the va­lue of ten thousand pounds at least; that the Castle was regai­ned from the Kings party principally by his means, being his only Mansion house: which if now suddenly pulled down, he and his family must lye in the Streets, and he sustain at least thirty thousand pounds new damage by it, instead of a recom­pence [Page 136] for his former losses and publike unmercenary services, which would expose both himself and thē to the obloquy of their malignant Enemies. He thereupon humbly prayed, that according to Magna Charta, he might not be disinherited or disseised of this his Freehold, without any hearing or Legal trial, by this their Order, but that they would suspend or re­voke it. This petition being sent to London was delive­red to a Great Lawyer, (one of Mr. Bradshaws Associats, and a then sitting Member) to present; who commanded the very name and mention of Magna Charta only to be struck out, and the rest of the petition to be new written, because the very name of it would give offence or distaste to the COƲNCEL at Whitehall, as he affirmed. Which I then found true by experience, my insisting on it in my See my New Discovery of Free-State Tyranny. Letters to them to demand my Liberty, being so offensive, that they would neither answer, nor read my Letters but with indignation. How others in late and present power have vilified and contemned the Great Charter, the petition of Righr, and all other Laws in confirmation of it, by dissol­ving the House of Peers, making and unmaking new forms of Parliaments at their pleasures, condemning, behead­ing Peers and others in new misnamed High Courts of Ju­stice, without trials by their Peers, imprisoning, close im­prisoning, confining, banishing, sequestring, disinheriting, disofficing Nobles, Parliament-men, and all sorts of Free­men at their pleasures, without any lawful cause, hear­ing or legal trial; by breaking up and ransacking their houses by armed Soldiers day and night, seising their hor­ses, arms, Letters, papers, denying to grant them when imprisoned Habeas Corporaes, or to return them when granted, or bayl them when returned; by imposing intol­lerable, uncessant Taxes, Excises, Imposts, payments, pe­nalties, sequestrations, forfeitures, Treasons, exiles, re­straints, Engagements, Disabilities on the people; by See the Whitehall Ordinance for Excise, March 17. 1653. & others since. com­manding all Courts of Justice in their new Commonwealth, and all Judges and Justices of the same, Sherifs, Committee-men, Attornies, Sollicitors, and all other persons, without any Op­position or dispute whatsoever, to conform themselves to their [Page 137] most tyrannical Ordinances touching Taxes, Imposts, Excises, (though so much My first part of a Legal Vindication, &c. of the Fundamental Laws of Eng­land, p. 67. to 72. My Prote­station against Excise. decried condemned by two Parliaments and themselves) authorizing their Excisemen and Agents to levy their illegal new kind of Impositions by ex officio Oaths, Di­stresses, Fines, Forfeitures, sequestrations, seisures both of their real and personal Estates, breaking up of their houses, (which must stand open to their searches day and night, without opposi­tion) by imprisonment of their persons, by indemnifying all Offi­cers who shall thus illegally abuse them, giving them good costs and damages if sued, staying all their actions at Law for their just relief, and imprisoning all such Lawyers as grand de­linquents, who shall dare to move for their Liberties, or plead their causes, (which not one dares doe since Mr. Co­nyes late case.) And how our New-modelled Parliaments (as some stile them) instead of complaining against and re­gulating these tyrannical oppressions, Exorbitances, Taxes, Ordinances, Excises, and reprehending the Authors of them to their faces, have countenanced them by their stu­pid silence, confirmed them by new Edicts, yea made it their principal business to burthen our 3. whole Nations with perpetual, endless, illegal New Taxes, Excises, Im­posts, Customs, Payments unheard of by our ancestors in any former ages (amounting to more thousands, millions in one year, than King Henry the 3. whom the Barons so much opposed and complained against for Exactions, le­vied upon his Subjects by way of Tax or Ayds, in all his 51 years reign:) yea to null the Great Charter it self, with all our fundamental Laws, Liberties, and the Privi­leges, Essence of Parliaments themselves, by secluding, disabling what members they please from sitting, by de­priving the people of their Votes, freedom in electing Members, both in antient Boroughs and Counties; by subjecting them to new imprisonments, forfeiteres of E­state, life, and trials by Marshal Law in sundry particulars, against this Charter, instead of easing them of their long-continued, illegal Taxes, Excises, Imposts, Imprisonments, Confinements, &c. confirming their former Liberties, Fran­chises, Properties, Parliamentary privileges, punishing [Page 138] the manifold high violations of them, with those ill Councellers, Projectors, who were the chief contrivers of these intollerable grievances, and resuming the anti­tient dissipated Lands, Revenues of the Crown, which should defray al publik, ordinary expences: yea, how instru­mental some of them have been to promote the desperate See my speech in Par­liament, and Epistle to my Legal Vindi­cation, &c.designs, Practises, Conspiracies of the Pope and Jesuits themselves (now swarming amongst us, under sundry dis­guises) to ruine both our Kings, Parliaments, Church and State, is so experimentally visible, and well known to them all, that I hope the consideration thereof, compared with the forecited Presidents of our noble Ancestors and Parliamen [...]s, will strike such a confusion of face, such a compunction of heart into them for this their dege­neracy, Apostacy, and breach of publike trust, that they will now at last, to regain their own lost reputations, pub­likely renounce and abhor their former Exorbitances, and study to equalize & out act those their heroick predece­sors, by regaining re-establishing our lost Great Charters, Laws, Properties, Liberties, Parliaments, privileges, Peer­age, and make us once more a free, & thereby a happy and united Kingdom, Church, Nation, that so they may be deemed worthy to sit, vote in our future Parliaments.

It is Mat. Westm. p. 409. Wal­singham, Ypo­digmae Neu­striae, p. 83, 84. storied of our renowned, victorious, warlike King Edward the 1. that in a Parliament held at Westmin­ster in July 1297. he ascended upon a wooden scaffold before the great hall there, with his Son Prince Edward, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Earl of Warwick, and there before all the people standing by; erumpentibus la­ch ymis veniam de commissis humiliter postulavit; dicens, se minus bene & tranquilliter quam Regem deceret ipsos rexisse, portiunculas facultatum suarum, quas sibi dederaut, seu quas ministri ejus ipso inscio extorserant, ideo acceptasse, ut in [...]u­r [...]osos hostium conatus, sitientium sanguinem Anglicanum, sumpta Rei publicae particula massa quietius possidendo, po­tentius expugnaret. Et addens, ecce expositurus meipsum discrimini propter vos, peto si rediero, suscipiatis me velut in presentia habetis, & ABLATA OMNIA RED­DAM [Page 139] VOBIS, &c. If our late or present all-swaying Governors, Officers, Swordmen, will now make but the self same ingenuous acknowledgement as he, before all the people, that they have not governed them so well and peacea­bly as they should have done, and became them to do; that they and their Officers have much oppressed, extorted from them, not small but great sums of Money, by undue and exor­bitant means against their wills, though with a publike intenti­on, to conquer those Enemies more effectually who thirsted af­ter English blood, for whose safety they are still ready to ad­venture their lives: That they have sought their own wealth, advantage, honour, preferment, more than the publike or peoples welfare; & thereupon shall with weeping eyes humbly beg pardon of the whole Nation, and those particular persons they have any ways ruined or oppressed, and promise them full reparation of their injuries, and what ever they have unjustly taken from them, as this noble King Edw. did, and con­firm and enlarge all their Great Charters, Laws, Liber­ties, as fully as freely as he then did, upon his Nobles importunity, they may then expect that reciprocal Love and dutifull respect to them, as the Archbishop with the people then promised to King Edward and his Son, with stretched out hands, and be deemed worthy to sit and vote in Parliament, notwithstanding their former mis­carriages exorbitant arbitrary Ordinances and Provisi­ons, of which if they repent not, I fear in conclusion what Anno 1265. p. 339. Matthew Westminster records of the Barons provisions at Oxon. Lewes and London, will be recorded of them, to Posterity; Haec de provisionibus imo DE PRO­DITIONIBUS Oxon, Lewens. & Londini, dicta suffici­ant, & quae variis aequitatis, & justitiae fictionibus dealbatae, intus autem plenae Versutiae Provisores suos pessime prodiderunt, which some of our late swaying republican Legislators have already found true by sad experience.4

Fourthly, our See Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, Part. 2. chap. 5. and Coke 4 Instit. p. 1. Nobles are persons of greater Estates, Families, Fortunes than others, contribute most to all publike Taxes, charges, and have more to keep and lose than other ordinary Commoners; and therefore in re­spect [Page 140] of themselves, their families, kinred, tenants, re­retainers, allies, have greater interest in the Common­wealth and State affairs than they: We see by Common experience in all kingdoms, Nations, and our own Realm, that mens great estates innoble, and inable them to bear publike Titles, Places of Honour, Dignity, Trust, Power, as to be Lords, Knights, Esq. Privy Counsellors, Justices, Sherifs, Mayors, Aldermen, and the like, which persons of mean fortunes, unable to support these Dignities, Offi­ces, places of trust and expence likewise, are uncapable or unable to bear or manage: Wherefore our Ancestors thought it meet, just, equal that they should have this privilege among others above ordinary Commoners, to be present in all our Parliaments by Patent and Tenure only, and that of right ex debito justitiae; not by election, as Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses are, being persons of meaner, estate, quality; and present in Parliament only, in the right of others who elect them, not in their own rights, as the Lords are: whose estates antiently were, and still are far more worth, yea their publike pay­ment greater, than many whole Burroughs put together; and their families, retainers, followers, far more in num­ber. And so their engagements to maintain the Laws, Liberties, properties of the Subject, farr greater than inferiour mens. Upon which ground all Barons and Peers of the Realm, in cases of debt and 11 H. 4.13. Cook 6 Re­port, f. 52, 53. executions are free from arrests of their bodres, because by reason of their estates, and Dignities the Law intends, they have lands and assets to satisfie all their debts.

Fifthly, It is one principal property of Members of Parliament to be Coke 4 Inst. p. 3. constant, stout, inflexible, and not to be bowed or turned from the right, the publike good, or liberties, by fear, favour, promises, rewards. Now Peers of noble birth; education, and more generous heroick spirits than the vulgar sort of men, are not so apt to be over-awed with regal threats, terrified with menaces, tempted with ho­nours, preferments, wealth, (which they already injoy in a higher proportion than others) nor seduced with re­wards [Page 141] and privat ends from the common good and interest (wherein their honour, wealth, safety are imbarqued;) as ordinary Commoners, and men of As both Houses re­solve in their Declaration of August, 1642. Exact. Collection, p. 492. meaner rank and fortunes are, which experience of former ages, and this present manifests. Therefore it was thought just and reasonable by our Ancestors, that the Nobles in this re­gard should sit in all our Parliaments in their Modus te­nendi Parlia­ment. Vowel, Coxe 4. Inst. c. 1. own rights, without the peoples election▪ and to leave the people to elect such other persons to represent, assent and vote for them in Parliament, in whom they most confided.

Sixthly, our Peers in Parliament 12 R. 2. c. 12.23 H. 6. c. 12.23 H. 6 c. 11.9 H. 6. c. 16.31 H. 8. c. 11.50 E. 3. m. 209. 1 R. 2. n. 137. (though they there serve for the good of the whole Kingdom, which hath always trusted to them, in matters of Counsel, Judicature, and ma­king Laws) yet they represent no persons but themselves only, or their families, Tenants, Friends, and Allies which de­pend upon them, and bear their own expences; which are so great and chargeable, that the Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho­nour part. 2. ch. 5. p. 732. to 736. Abbot of St. James without Northampton, in the Parliament of 12 E. 2. and the Abbot of Leicester in the the 26 of E. 3. being summoned to Parliament, petitioned and procured themselves and their successors to be exemped from any future summons to, and attendance in the Lords House, as Ba­rons of the Realm, both because they held no lands of the King by Barony, but only in frank almoign, and their Predecessors had not formerly or usually been summoned to Parliaments, sed vicibus interpolatis only; And likewise, because it would tend to the great grievance and loss of them and their houses, and much impoverish them, by reason of the great expence it would bring upon them: One Peer, and his retinue expending more every Parliament than the wages of 40 or 50 Knights and Burgesses amount to. Wherefore there is no shadow of reason why the people should elect them, since they doe not represent them, nor pay them wages, as they doe to their Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, who serve for, and represent them. Wherefore their Level­ling Oppugners may as well argue, That our Nobles ought to be elected by the people to their Honors, Lands, Estates which descend unto them from their Ancestors, not from [Page 142] the common people, as that they ought to sir in Parliament by the peoples election; only to represent themselves in their own right, not the people. And that the Knights of the Shire ought to be elected to their dignity of Knight­hood (which the King only confers on them) or to their Lands and Freeholds, which they enjoy in their own right, because they are elected by the Free-holders to sit in Parliament in their right who elected them, nor their own alone, which Barons doe not.

7ly. On these grounds the suppressing, debasing, captivi­ty or slaughter of the Princes, Lords, and Nobles of a kingdom or Nation, is by God himself defined to be, an immediate forerunner, concomitant, cause of the Kingdoms, Nations ruine, and slavery, and a matter of great lamen­tation. Ezech. 19.1.14. c. 17.12. Lam. 1.6. c. 2.2. c. 5.12. Prov. 19.10. c. 30.21.22. Eccl. 10.5, 7. Isay. 3.4. &c. c. 34.11, 12, 13. c. 40.23. c. 43.28. Jer. 4.9. c. 27.20. c. 29. c. 25.18, 19. c. 50.35.41, 51, 55. c. 52.16. Hos. 7.16. Amos 2.15. c. 2.2, 3. 2 Kings 24.14. Mich. 3.7. 2 Chron. 24.23. Jer. 24.8, 9. And the continuing of Kings, Princes and Nobles, in honour and power in any kingdom and nation, are reputed and resol­ved by God to be the greatest honour, happiness, defence, safety and preservation of that kingdom and people. Jer. 17.24, 25. c. 22.4 Eccles. 10.17. Jer. 30.21. Psal. 68.27, 28. Prov▪ 8.15, 16. Isay 32.1. 1. Chron. 23.2. &c. c. 28.1. &c. c. 29.24, 25. Gen. 17.6.16. c. 35.11. 2 Sam. 11, 12. 1 Chron. 14.2. c. 28.4, 5. &c. 2 Chron. 2.11. c. 9.8. 1 Kings 11.32, 36. 2 Chron. 21.6, 7. 2 King. 8.18, 19. 1 Kings 15, 45. 2 Chron. 23.3.11.20, 21. c. 9.26.27. Numb. 24.7. Ezech. 37, 22, 29. Mich. 2.13. c. 4.8. Therfore they cannot be rejected suppressed by us now, without apparent danger, ruine and desolation to our kingdom, whatever frantick Levellers and o­thers fancy to the contrary, who would be more than Kings and Lords themselves over the Nation, could they once suppress both King and Lords, as they design and en­deavour.

[Page 143]By all which premises it is most apparent, That our Lords and Barons sitting, voting in Parliament, (who if you take them poll by poll, have in all ages been more a­ble Parliament-men, States-men in all respects, than the Commons, though chosen by the people, who alwayes make not choice of the best and wisest men, as experience manifests) is not only just, lawfull in respect of Right and Title, but originally instituted upon such grounds of Rea­son, Justice, Equity, Policy, as no rational understanding man can dislike or contradict, but must subscribe to, as necessary and convenient; and so still to be continued, supported in this their Right and Honour, to Exact col­lection, p. 320, 321, 322. moderate the Excesses, Encroachments both of King and Commons one upon the other, and keep both of them within their just and an­tient bounds, for the kingdoms peace and safety. The rather, for that the very Act made this Parliament for the preven­ting of inconveniences happening through the long intermission of Parliaments, not only enacts, and requires, ALL the Lords and Barons of this Realm, to meet and sit in every Parliament, under a penalty; but likewise prescribes an Oath to the Lord Keeper and Commissioners of the Great Seal under severe pe­nalties to send forth Writs of Summons to Parl. TO THEM ALL, and in their default, enables and enjoyns the Peers of the Realm, or any twelve or more of them, to issue forth Writs of Summons to Parliament under the Great Seal of England, for the electing of Knights, Citizens and Burgesses: which Act will be meerly void and nugatory, if their Votes and Right to sit in Parliament be denyed, or the House of Peers reduced to the House of Commons, which this very Statute doth distinguish.

Now whereas our whimsical Lilburnists and Levellers object;Object. that the Lords have no right to sit or vote in our Parliaments, because they are not elected as Knights and Burgesses by the people, under which Notion alone, when thus elected, they will admit them a place and vote in the Commons house, but not otherwise. I must inform these Ignoramusses, that by the Laws, Statutes of our Realm,Answer. and the custom, resolution of our Parliaments, the Earls, [Page 144] Lords and Barons of the Realm, are altogether uncapable of being elected Knights or Burgesses to serve in Parlia­ment, and their elections as such; meerly void and null in Law to all intents. This is most apparent, 1. By the very words of the writs of Summons to the Lords: where­by they are summoned Cook 4 In­stit. p. 16. Seldens Titles of Honour, p. 736, 737, 715, 716.747.721.722, 724, 725. Nobiscum & cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni nostri, colloquium ha­bere & tractare &c. vestrumque consilium impensuri, &c. not to treat, conferr, and consult with the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses. 2. By the express words of the Writs for the electing of Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, which have the same clause; and then enjoyn the Sherifs to cause to be elected and returned, duos Milites, magis ido [...]eos & dis­cretos Comitatus praedicti, & de qualibet Civitate duos Cives, & de quolibet Burgo duos Burgenses de discretioribus & ma­gis sufficientibus, &c. ad faciendum et consentiendum hiis, quae tunc, &c. Which disables them to elect any Lords or Barons; being no such Knights, Citizens or Burgesses as the writ enjoyns them to elect and return. 3. By all the Statutes for electing Knights, Citizens and Burgesses record­ed in Rastall, Tit. Parliament; the Lords being not with­in their words or intention. 4. By the Great Charter of King John, and express Statutes of 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4.31 H. 8. c. 10. & Rot. Par. n. 10. which disable them to sit amongst the Commons, but only in the Lords house among their Peers. 5. By the very words of the Patents of their Creation, which authorize and prescribe all Dukes, Earls, Viconts, Barons in direct terms, Seldens Ti­tles of Honour part 2. c. 5. p. 663, 665.747, 748, 751, 757, 563. Quod in omnibus teneren­tur, tractentur et reputentur ut Duces, Comites, Barones, & quod haeredes sui masculi et eorum quilibet, habeat, teneat, & possideat sedem, locum et vocem in Parliamentis, publi­licis Comitiis et Consiliis nostris, Haeredum et Succes­sorum nostrorum infra Regnum nostrum Angliae, inter a­lios Duces, Comites et Barones (not amongst the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses,) ut Duces, Comites et Barones Parliamentorum, Publicorum Comitiorum et Consiliorum; not as Knights, Citizens or Burgesses. 6. By Sir Edward Cooks 4 Institutes, p. 46, 47. and Mr. [Page 139] Seldens Titles of Honour, p. 736, 737. who resolve, That a Baron or Lord of Parliament, is not eligible to be a Knight, Citizen or Burgess of the House of Commons, as was resolved in the case of Thomas Camoyes, who was not only a Baronet, but also a Baron and Lord of Parliament. The Lord Camoyes being elected by the Freeholders of the County of Surrey for one of the Knights of the Shire to serve in Parliament for them, Anno 7 R. 2. thereupon the King by advice of Council, declared his election to be null and void in Law, and commanded a new election of some other fit person to be made in his place, by this memorable Writ, extant on record.

‘Claus. 7 R. 2. mem. 32. dor­so. Seldens Titles of Ho­nor, p. 737. Cook 4 Instit. p. 47. Rex Vicecomiti Surriae salutem. Quia ut accepi­mus tu Thomam Camoyes Chivaler, qui Baronettus est, si­cut quamplures antecessorum suorum extiterunt, ad es­sendum unum Militum venientium ad proximum Par­liamentum nostrum pro Communitate Comitatus prae­dicti, de assensu ejusdem Comitatus eligisti. Nos advertentes quod hujusmodi Baronetti ante haec tempora in Milites Comitatus ratione alicujus Parliamenti elegi minime consueverunt, ipsum de officio Militis, ad dictum Parliamentum pro communitate Comitatus praedicti venturi, exonerari volumus. Et ideo tibi praecipimus, quod quendam a [...]ium Misi em idoneum et discretum, gladio cinctum, in loco ipsius Thomae elegi, et eum ad diem et locum Parliamenti praedicti venire facias, cum plena et sufficienti potestate ad consentiendum hiis quae in Parliamento praedicto, sicut juxta renorem prioris Bre­vis nostri, tibi pro electione hujusmodi militum directi, et nomen ejus Nobis Sciri facias. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium octavo die Octobris.’

7ly, Both Houses of Parliament in their Exact Col­lection, p. 723, 724. Remonstrance, of Nov. 2. 1642. declare and publish in print to all the World, This to be so clear and fundamental a privilege of Parliament, That no Member of either House of Parliament is to be taken away or detained from the service of the House whereof he is a Member, until such time as that House hath satisfaction concerning the cause, and [Page 146] the cause be heard in Parliament first, and dismissed from it, That the whole freedom of Parlament dependeth upon it, For who seeth not that by this means under false pretences of crimes and accusations, such or so many Members of both or either Houses of Parliament may be taken out of it at any time by any persons to serve a turn, and to make a MAJOR PART of whom they will at pleasure. So as the freedom of Parliament dependeth in a great part on this pri­vilege: yea without it, the whole Body of the Parliament will be destroyed by depriving it of its Members by degrees, some at one time, and others at another time, as both Houses further remonstrate in their Exact Col­lection, p. 654.655. Declaration of October 23. 1642. Which, as it infallibly demonstrates, that the Lords House or Members cannot be taken away, or taken from them against their wils, without the destruction, subver­sion of the whole Parliament, of which they are chief Members, the Judicial power of Parliaments residing principally in that House, if not wholly. So it likewise clearly resolves, that no Peer or Member of the Lords House can be elected a Member of the Commons house: For if the election of the Freeholders, Citizens or Bur­gesses of any County, City or Borough of a Duke, Earl, Lord or Baron of the Realm to be a Knight, Citizen, or Burgess in Parliament should be valid in Law, to make them legal, actual Members of the Commons house, it would then lie in their powers to un-Peer, un-Lord and degrade any Nobleman, yea all the Earls, Peers, Lords, Ba­rons of the Realm and their Posterity at their pleasures, to reduce them and the whole House of Peers into the Commons inferiour house, and so quite dissolve the Lords House, in high affront, dishonor of the Lords and their House, and of the Kings Soveraign royal Authority, the fountain of all Honor: and that without any legal trial, or Judgment by their Peers, or just cause of degradation on their parts, against the express words and meaning of Magna Charta, c. 29. And if any Lords upon such Elections should so far degenerate, debase or degrade themselves, as to accept thereof, and ignobly sit and vote as Members [Page 147] of the Commons House; both they and their posteritie [...] for such an ignoble act meritoriously deserved, to be for ever degraded from their Nobility, and secluded from all future sitting in the Lords House as Peers, becoming thereby the very shame, scorn, scandal of Nobility, fit only to be ranked with the basest Peasants, to whom these Levellers would now equallize them. Yea, it would be now no less than wilfull perjury in any Freeholders, Citizens, Burgesses to elect them Knights or Burgesses, and in them­selves to accept of such Elections when chosen; and in the whole House of Peers and Commons too, once to permit, allow, approve or connive at such elections; af­ter their late Protestation, Vow, and Solemn League and Co­venant, to maintain to their power, the Rights, Privileges of Par­liament, and both Houses of Parliament; whereof this is an unquestionable Right and Privilege; That no Member of the Lords House should be elected a Knight, Citizen, Bur­gess, or brought down from thence to sit only as a Commoner, in the Commons House, so long as he continues a Peer or Mem­ber of the Lords House; (a distinct House from, and superior to the Commons House in all ages, as its Title of the Stat. of Ma [...]lbridge, 52 H. 2. Pro­logue. 33 H. 8. c. 1. Lower House, and their standing alwayes bare before the Lords, with other evidences demonstrate) nor any Knight, Citizen or Burgess, a true real Member of the House of Peers, Cokes 4. In­stitutes, p. 45. unless a Peer by birth or creation; those who are called to it only by general or special Writs, not being formerly for life or inheritance Peers, Nobles, or holding by Barony of the King, being only Cokes 4 In­stit. p. 4, 5.44, 45. Assistants to the Lords, as the Judges and others usually are not Members having votes.

It is the opinion of Fol. 9. b. 16. b. Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Littleton, That if the King call any Layman to the Ʋpper house of Parliament generally by his Writ (which he there recites) that this alone doth create him a Baron and Lord of Parliament in fee simple, without the word heirs, and ennoble both himself and his heirs after him, so as to make them here­ditary Barons. And this is the received opinion of most Grandees of the Law, relying only upon his bare Ipse [Page 138] dixit, though sometimes mistaken in his Judgement, and frequently in his Records and Presidents whereon hee grounds his Opinion; although he cites no president nor record at all to make good his Assertion in this case. But under the favour of this Great Oracle of Law, I conceive this Opinion of his to be no Law at all, but a meer mistake, for these ensuing reasons.

1. Because there is not one word or syllable in this ge­neral Writ of Summons, that gives him either the Name, Title, Honor or Dignity of a Lord or Baron of the Realm: Therefore it cannot in Law or reason create him such a one. If he were a Knight, an Esquire, a Master, or Gen­tleman, or Judge, when the Writ was directed to him, it gives him only that Title, and summons him only by it: without stiling him a Lord, Baron, Earl, Viscount or Peer of the Realm at all: Therefore it cannot ennoble nor cre­ate him one; much less ennoble his posterity and give him an hereditary Barony without the word heirs, since the Writ is only personal, directed to himself alone.

2. Because the Kings end and intention in summoning him to Parliament by this Writ is not to ennoble and create him a Lord, Peer, or Baron, much less to ennoble his Posterity after him, but only to consult and treat with him, and the Prelates, Lords, and Nobles of the Realm, concerning the affairs there propounded: As this clause of the Writ demonstrates (which only must ennoble him and his heirs, if any) to come to the Parliament at such a day and place, that so the King may VOBISCUM with him (not his heirs) & cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, & Proce­ribus dicti regni nostri colloqu [...]um habere & tractatum: Which word, VOBISCƲM, being distinguished from cum Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus Regni, can not possibly create him, a Lord or Baron, no more than a Pre­late of the Realm; the rather because the word Baro, is not in the Writ. Neither can the following clause cre­ate him one; Viz. dictis die & loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, & cum Praelatis, Magnatibus & Baronibus su­pradictis, super dictis Negotiis tractaturis, vestrumque Con­silium [Page 143] impensuris: because it neither gives him the name nor stile of a Lord or Nobleman, much less of a Baron, no more than of a Prelate: and summons him, not to be a Lord, Earl, Prelate or Baron of the Realm, but to be perso­nally present with them (which he may be, though a private person, and no Lord) and to treat and give his advice with them concerning the businesses there propounded, the only end for which he is summoned; not to be their fellow Peer, Lord or Baron. So that it is against all sence and reason to aver, that such a general Writ as this can create himself, much less his Posterity Lords or Barons of the Realm in perpetuity. It is a rule in Law and oft re­solved, Plowden, f. 333, 334, 501 Dyer 348. a. 21 E. 4.46, 48.57.43. Aff. 15. Coke 1 Report. f. 48.52.3 Rep. f. 73, 74. 8 Rep. f. 55.167. Ashes Table, Grant le Roy 46. That the Kings grant shall not inure to two intents, nor pass or give two things at once, especially when one of them only is expressed, the other not: Therefore this writ of the King shall not-doe it, to create the party summoned a Baron meerly by implication, which is not expressed: and to summon him to conferr, treat and give his advice in Parlia­ment, which is the only thing intended and clearly ex­pressed.

3ly, The Writ summons him only to that particular Parliament then to be held at one certain day and place; not to any other, much less to all future Parliaments to be held: Therefore it cannot create him and his heirs here­ditary Barons and Members of the Lords House, no more than the Writ for electing Knights, Citizens and Burges­ses for that particular Parliament, makes them and their posterity, Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament for perpetuity: It being both contrary to the words and intention of the Writ, to make him, much less his heirs, Members of all succeeding Parliaments, to which they must still be summoned by New Writs.

4ly. No Lord or Baron is or can be legally created, but of some particular place, Town, City, or the like, whereof he is stiled Earl, Lord, or Baron: But the ge­neral writ of summons gives him no such particular stile or title of dignity; confined to such a certain place. Therefore it cannot create him either a Lord or Baron, or [Page 150] if it doth it must be sine titulo, which were absurd.

5ly. No Duke, Earl, when created Viscount, Lord, or Baron, is or can be created a Peer of the Realm by the Kings Letters Patents for life, in tayl, or see simple, without expresse words in the Patent creating him such a one for life, or him, and the heirs males of his body, or his heirs in general, Dukes, Marquesses, Viscounts, Earls, Lords or Barons of such a particular place; as all their Pa­tents (whereof you have sundry Presidents in Mr. Seldens Titles of honour, lib. 2. ch. 5. throughout) and our books of Heraldry plentifully manifest; And in all late Patents of creation since 20 H. 8. of any Dukes, Mar­quesses, Earls, Viscounts, or Barons, there is a special clause inserted, enabling them and their heirs males, and every of them, to have hold and possess a seat and place in the Parliam. of us, our heirs and Successors, within the Realm of England, among other Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Lords and Barons of the Realm, as a Duke, Marquesse, Earl, Viscount, Lord, or Baron, as Titles of Honour, lib. 2. p. 663, 665, 747, 748, 751, 757, 763. Mr. Selden and their Patents inform us, and I have formerly touched p. 49. If then the king by his Letters Patents cannot create men Nobles and Peers of Parliament for life, in tail, or see simple, without these special and particular clauses; then by the self same reason he cannot create them such by his writ, unlesse it hath such special words and clauses in it, and not by the general writ of summons forementioned, wherein there is not one clause or syllable tending to such a particular, personal, or hereditary creation. The ra­ther because 1 Inst. f. 16.8. Sir Edward Cook himself confesseth, that the Creation by Letters Patents is the surer, though by writ be the antienter way; for he and his posterity may sufficiently be created and made Noble by Letters Patents, though he to whom they were first made never sate in Parliament. Where­as this writ hath no operation or effect to enoble him or his poste­rity, unless and until he actually sit in Parliament; for if he die before he sit, or sit not at all, neither he nor his issue are Noble.

This distinction and concession of his contradicts his [Page 151] former opinion, That the Writ it self doth not ennoble the person and his heirs; for if it did, then he and they should be ennobled by it, though he died before he [...]a [...]e in Par­liament, because they are thus ennobled by Letters Pa­tents which create them Nobles or Peers, and make them actually such, though they never sit in Parlia­ment.

7ly. Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes, p. 44, 45. thus resolves. If the King by his Writ calleth any Knight or Es­quire to be a Lord of the Parliament, he cannot refuse to serve the King there in communi illo confilio, for the good of his Country. But if the King had called an Abbot, Peer, or other regular Prelate by Writ to the Parliament to the Common Council of the Realm, if he held not of the King per Baroni­am, he might refuse to sit in Parliament, because quoad se­cularia, he was mortuus in lege, and therefore not capable to have a voice or place in Parliament unless he did hold per Ba­roniam, and were to that Common Council called by Writ, which made him capable. And though such a Prelate regular had been often called by Writ, and had de facto, had place and voice in Parliament; yet if in rei veritate he hold not per Baroniam, HE OUGHT TO BE DISCHARGED OF THAT SERVICE, AND TO SIT NO MORE. Ro. Pa [...]. 26. E. 3. part. 1. m. 21. See Rot. Claus. in dors. 11. E. 3. part 2. m. 11. Religious qui teignunt per Barony sont tenus de Venier au Parliament Vid. ibid. 13 E. 3. part 2. m. 8. & 1. For that the Abby of Leicester was founded by Robert Fitz Ro­bert Earl of Leicester (albeit the Patronage came to the Crown by the forfeiture of Simon de Mountford Earl of Lei­cester) yet being of a Subjects foundation, it could not be hol­den per Baroniam, therefore the Abbot had no capacity to be called to the Parliament, and thereupon the King did grant, Quod idem Abbas & successores sui de veniendo ad Par­liamentum, & Concilia nostra, vel haeredum nostrorum quie [...]i sint, & exonerati in perpetuum. But all these Ca­ses abovesaid, and others that might be remembred touching this point, as little Rivers do flow from the fountain of Modus tenendi Parliamentum, where it is said, Ad Parliamen­tum summoneri & venire debent ratione tenurae suae om­nes & singuli Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates,Modus te­nendi Parl. c. 2. & Baro­nes, Priores & alii Majores Cleri, qui tenent PER CO­MITATUM [Page 142] VEL BARONIAM, ratione hujusmodi tenurae, & nulli minores nisi eorum praesentia necessaria & utilis reputetur. To which purpose he likewise cites the Act of Parliament of 10 H. 2. called the Assize of Cla­rindon, and the Great Charter of King John in the 17 year of his reign here forecited, p. 21, 30, 31. For Modus te­nendi Parliamentum (here so much magnified) I have alrea­dy p. 20 sufficiently discovered it to be a late forgery, and imposture out of the very Treatise it self, by unde­niable proofs, which I wonder Sir Ed. Cook, Mr. Agar, and other pretended judicious Antiquaries observed nor, being so obvious; yet though it be an imposture and erronious in other things, I shall grant it true in this particular here cited. As to the point in controversie; had Sir Ed. Cook here thus distinguished in the case of Laymen, Knights, Esquires, as he doth in case of Abbots, Priors, and Religi­ous persons, that if the King had by his Writ called any Laymen, Knight ot Esquire to the Lords House of Parlia­ment by his general Writ, who held of him in fee or fee tayl, per Baroniam, and was a Baron by tenure, that this had enobled him and his posterity as Barons, & he could not refuse to serve the King as a Baron in this Common Councel for the good of his Country; his opinion might have passed for good Law: For such who had lands in fee, or fee tayl of the King by an intire Barony, being Barons and Peers of the Realm by their very tenures, ought of right, by the express words of the Statute of Clarindon, the Great Charter of King John, and by the Common Law and Custom of the Realm, to be summoned as Ba­rons by the Kings special writs directed to them, to all Parliaments and great Councils of the Realm, by vertue of their Tenures, as well as Bishops, Abbots, Peers, and other regular Prelates who held by Barony; yet the writ in this case doth not make them and their heirs Barons by writ, nor give them a right to sit and vote in Parliament; but only declare them and their heirs to be Barons, and to sit there as Barons by their Tenure, not by vertue of the Writ it self. But if the King by this general Writ [Page 153] summon any Layman, Knight or Esquire to the Lords House, who holds not by Barony, this doth no more make him a Lord or Baron in perpetuity to him and his heirs, nor no more oblige him or his heirs to sit there than Abbots, but that they may refuse to serve in Parliam▪ if he were no Peer before, being not obliged by any Law to sit and serve therein as a Baron or Member of the House of Peers, by the Writ alone, which doth not bind an Abbot, Prior, or regular Prelate, or ennoble him and his Successors to be Peers and Barons of the Realm, though they hold only by Frankalmoign, not by Barony: the Tenure By Barony being that alone which obli­geth both of them to sit and serve in Parliament, unlesse they be created Dukes, Earls, Viscounts, Lords, Peers, or Barons by Patent, or else by a special Wrir, wherein the estate and dignity of a Baron is both created and limited, as in the Dors. Claus. 27 H. 8. m. 24. Seldens Titles of Ho­nour, p. 541. Writ that created Sir Henry de Bromflet Baron of Vescey, in the 27 year of King Henry the 6 where after the Nullatenus omittati [...], this Cl [...]se is inserted, Volumus enim vos & haeredes vestros ma [...]culos de corpore vestro legiti­me exeuntes BARONES DE UESCY EXISTERE, Teste, &c. If a Layman who holds not by Barony be cre­ated a Duke, Earl, Baron, or other Peer of the Realm for life, in tayl, or in fee by Letters Patents, or an Abbot or Prior who holds not by Barony, and his Successors be created Lords of Parliament, by a special Patent of the King, as Pat. 5. H. 8. part 2. m. 12 Seldens Ti­tle of Honour, p. 750, 751. Sir Edward Cook 4 Inst. p. 45. Richard Banham Abbot of Tavestoke, and his Successors were b [...] King Hen. the 8. to whom the King gran [...] ­ed by special words, Ut eorum quilibet qui pro tempore fuerit Abb [...]s, sit & erit unus de Spiritual [...]bus & religiosis DOMI­NIS PARLIAMENTI NOSTRI haeredum & suc­cessorum nostrorum, gaudendo honore [...] Privilegio, & liberta­ribus ejusdem: This obligeth them to appear and serve in Parliament upon every Writ of Summons, and they their heirs males and Successors cannot refuse to serve, or vo­luntarily absent themselves without cause or license, un­der pain of being fined, and otherwise punished for their contempt, because bound therto by their voluntary accep­tance [Page 154] of such a special Patent and dignity. But if they be summoned only by a general Writ, against their wills be­ing no Lords of Parl. by special Patent or Writ before, this doth neither make the one nor other Barons, nor enn [...] ­ble their heirs males, or successors, nor oblige them to serne, nor subject them to any fine for contempt; for then the King by his Writ might summon all the Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, and any other Commoner, Free­man, Lawyer, Clergy man of the Realm to the Lords House, as a Member at his pleasure, and fine them for a contempt in not appearing, and thereby increase that House in infinitum, and make it a mungril House of all sorts of degrees and professions of men, instead of a [...] House of Lords, to its utter subversion, against the fun­damental constitution and privilege of that House; There­fore such Writs of summons must be void and null in Law, as well as the Patent to Abbot Banham (as See Cooks 4 Inst. p. 45. Abbot Ban­hams case. Sir Ed. Cook asserts it) for that he was neither Baro, nor held per Ba­roniam: Now whereas he asserts, That Knights and Es­quires, who hold not by Barony, cannot refuse when summoned by Writ to serve the King in Parliament; but yet Abbots and other regular Prelates that hold not by Barony may, because they are dead in Law, as to secular af­fairs, and therefore not capable to have voice in Parliament, unless they hold by Barony, and were called by Writ. This reason of the difference is most absurd and unreasonable. For 1. They are both Subjects to the king alike, and so both equally obliged to serve and counsel him in Parlia­ment. 2ly. If their tenures by Barony could make them capable to have place and voice in Parliament, though dead in Law, quoad secularia, then much more the kings and the kingdoms need of their presence, counsel and advice in Parliament, touching the weighty affairs con­cerning himself, and the defence and preservation of the Realm and Church of England, when specially summo­ned by his writ to Parliament, 3ly. Though they were dead in some sence only, in respect of their natural capa­cities to the world; yet in their politick capacities they [Page 155] were not so, but secular, still to sue, purchase, advise, &c. as well as Laymen, in the right of their Houses. 4ly. Parliaments being always summoned as well to advise of Ecclesiastical things, touching the Church, as of tem­poral things concerning the Realm of England; their being dead to the world, quoad secularia, could no more ena­ble them to refuse to serve in Parliament, then Laymen, quoad Ecclesiastica negotia therein treated of, which con­cerned the Church and Laymen (according to the doctrine in Popish times) might as well refuse to serve in Parlia­ment, when summoned, because they were no Ecclesi­astical or religious persons, who were properly to consult of the affairs of the Church of England; as religious persons be exempted from, and refuse to serve therein, because dead to the world, quoad secularia negotia, concerning the King and Realm of England there debated and consulted of. 4ly. The true and only ground then why such Abbots, Priors, and all other Clergy men, who held not by Baro­ny might refuse to serve in the Lords House of Parlia­ment, when summoned by Writ, was this, that they held not of the King by Barony; and upon this ground a­lone, the Abbot of St. James without Northampton sum­moned to Parliament by Writ, Anno 12 Ed. 2. upon his Proctors appearance and Petitions for him in Parlia­ment (recorded at large by Titles of Honour, 730, 731, 732, 733. Mr. Selden, out of the Leger­book of the Abby worthy perusal, being most full in point was discharged from his attendance, & his name struck out of the Roll and Register of the Chancery by the Chancellor and his Council, as not one of the list of those who ought to be summoned, for this very reason, because NON TE NET PER BARONIAM, nec de Rege in capite, sed tantum in puram & perpetuam Eleemosynam & nec ipse Ab­bas, nec Predecessores sui, unquam in Cancellaria irrotulari fuerunt (except only in 49 H. 3. m. 10. Schedula, volunta­rie) nec ad Parliamentum citati hucusque. Pat. 26 E. 3. part 2. m. 22. Seldens Titles of Honour, p. 734, 735. ƲNDE PETIT (& habuit) remedium. And upon the self same reason the Abbot of Leicester and his successors were by special Pa­tent in 26 E. 3. de veniendo ad Parliam. & Consilia nostra, [Page 156] et haered [...]m nostrorum de caetero quieti sint et exempti in per­petuum, (hough this Abbots predecessors had formerly been summoned to and sate in Parliaments interpolatis vi­cibus, but no [...] continuè; because idem Abbas aliquas terras sente [...]ementa de Nobis per Baroniam, seis a [...]o modo non tenet per quod ad Parliamenta seu Consilia nostra venire teneatur. The King reciting this as the only ground of his exemption; and thereupon Nolentes Abbat [...]m indebite sic vexari; granted him and his successors this Patent of Exemption; upon which his name was cancelled in the Selden, ib. p. 727. Clause Roll of 25 E. 3. part 1. m. 5. dorso; and this written in the margin against it. Abbas Leicestriae cancellatur, quia habet cartam Regis quod non compellatur ve­nire ad Parliamentum. And that of Dors. Claus. 11 E. 3. par. 2. m. 11. & 13 E. 3. par. 2. m. 28. & 1. cited by Titles of Honour, p. 727. Mr. Selden & Sir Edw. Coke in his Margin; mentioned in a Bill in Parlia­ment; Que toutes les religioses que teignont per Barony sayent tenus de venier au Parlament; is also direct i [...] point; That those who hold not by Barony, are not bound to serve in Parl. be they Religious persons, or Lay persons, who are not Peers or Lords of Parliament, upon general writs of summons; such Summons of them being AN UNDUE VEXATION OF THEM, as King Edward stiles it in his Patent, (unless they voluntarily appear upon such a Summons, as this Patent informs us those who were sum­moned in 49 H. 3. all did.) This reason therefore exemp­ting all Abbots, Peers, and religious persons from service and attendance in the Lords House in Parliaments, though summoned thereto by writ, must necessarily ex­empt all Knights and Laymen from it, there being the self same ground, justice, equity for it in both, yea the selfsame unjustice, vexation, mischief to both; and by consequence the selfsame Law. And if this be Law, as these Presi­dents, Judgements, Records expresly resolve it to be be­yond contradiction; Then it inevitably follows, that the General writ of Summons to Parliament alone, doth nei­ther create the persons summoned to it, nor their heirs or successors Barons, Lords or Peers of the Realm, unless [Page 157] they hold by Barony, no although they sit once or twice in Parliaments by vertue of them, or interpolatis vicibus but not continue as the Abbots of Leicester did, for then they could not allege or plead their not holding Lands of the King in Barony, or any other tenure binding them to sit and serve in Parliament, in barr of the Writs of Summons directed to them, because those writs themselves did en­noble and make them, their posterity & successors Peers of Parliament, though they held no Lands by Barony. 8ly, it is undeniable by sundry presidents, that the Kings general writs of Summons create none Lords or Peers of Parlia­ment for life or Inheritance, if they hold not by Barony; which I shall evidence by these presidents in point, Claus. 49 H. 3. m. 10 dors. in Schedula. Seldens Titles of Honour, p. 723, 724. To the Parliament of 49 H. 3. there were no less than 64 Abbots, 36 Priors, the Master of the Temple, and 5. Deans of Cathedral Churches, namely of York, Exeter, Salisbury, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, summoned by general writs, as the Bishops, Earls, Barons, and other Nobles were; yet this did not make themselves nor their Successors Barons or Peers of Parliament; for neither of these Deans nor their successors were ever afterwards summoned to Parliament, as they would and must have been, had this writ made them or their successors Barons and Lords: nor any of the Abbots or Priors, but such only who held by Barony, who were constantly summoned, but those who then held not by Barony, or Militare servitium, if casually summoned to one Parliament, were yet upon their complaints thereof, omitted and discharged in the next, as the Writs of Summons themselves attest, and Titles of Honour, p. 720. to 736. Mr. Selden manifests out of them. There­fore the Writs did neither create them Barons for life, much less their successors after them; for then they should still have of right been summoned to succeeding Parlia­ments, and ought not to have been discharged. In the 18 of Ed. 2. Claus. 18 E. 2. m. 5. Sel­dens Titles of Honor, p. 721.726. A Writ of Summons was sent by the King, Magistro Gilberto de Middleton Archidiacono Northamp­ton, Officiali Curiae Cantuariensis; & Magistro Roberto de Sancto Albano, Decano de Arcubus London. But no writ [Page 158] was ever directed to them afterwards, but in this one Par­liament only; therefore it made them not Lords and Ba­rons for life, inheritance or succession. The like is evident by the forecited presidents of the Abbots of St. James & Leicester and other Priors. So the Gardians of the Spiritu­alties of Bishops during the vacancy, and their Vicars Ge­nerals during their absence beyond the Seas, have been frequently summoned to Parliaments by writs: But being summoned only as substitutes, or in the right of the Bi­shops or Bishopricks, it made them no Barons or Peers, neither were they ever esteemed such heretofore, or at this day, as Titles of Honour, p. 720. Mr. Selden informs us. And as it was thus amongst Abbots, Priors, Deans, and other Clergy­men, that these writs made them not Barons for life, nor yet in succession: so by the selfsame Law and Reason they made no Laicks who held not by Barony such for life or in­heritance. Whence we find many such in the summons to Parliament of King Henry 3. Ed. 1, 2, 3. R. 2. H. 4, 5, 6. who were summoned once, twice or thrice, but never after­wards, nor any of their name or posterity; of which no other solid reason can be given, but that these general writs of summons made them neither Barons for life nor inheritance, no more than they did Abbots, Priors or Clergymen. For example See an Exact Abridg­ment of the Records in the Tower, and my first Table there­unto. I find Edmond Barstaff, Ro­bert de Crendon, H. Huse, Ader de Estlye, Serton de Hansla­dorn, and sundry others summoned by Writ to Parliament in 33 E. 1. Peter Corbet, Andrew de Hamloe, Henry Tregor Maurice de Buen, Roger Banuent, and some others in 13 E. 2. Simon Ward, Henry Dandle, William Blunt, in 4 E. 3. Roger de Claudes, Ralph de Bevil, William de Kineston And John de Leyburn, [...]m. 14.17. & 18. E. 3. in 14 E. 3. Ralph Bulmer, Thomas Bugworth, in 22 E. 3. Willi­am de Ridehal in 27 E. 3. Robert de Colvil, John de Kirton, John de Wodhurst, John Northwood, John de Strivelin, in the Parliament summons of 37. and one of them again of 38 E. 3. Henry Quarts, in 6 H. 4. Henry Cuart, in 7 H. 4. Wil­liam Cheyney Chief Justice in 4. & 6 H. 6. But neither of their persons nor any of their posterity, were ever after [Page 159] summoned that I find to any other Parliaments, as no doubt they would have been, had those their writs of summons made them Lords and Barons. In the Clause Roll of 5 E. 3. m. 12. dorso, the King sent writs into Ire­land to William de Burgh Earl of Ulster, James de Bot [...]ler Earl of Ormond, William de Bremigham Knight, and Wal­ter de Burgh, strictly enjoyning them with all speed to come over into England, Nobiscum tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri, concerning his intended Voyage in person into Ireland, and setting the peace and affairs ther­of: and I read in the Chron. Joh. Bromton, col. 1108. Mat. Paris, p. 431, 826. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventibus Angl. l. 3. c. 2. Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 17, 18, 19. to 23.25.32, 33.42.49. to 56. reign of King Henry 3. Edward the 1. 3. and other of our Kings, that the King of Scots and his No­bles were oft summoned by Writs to our English Parliaments concerning the affairs of Scotland: yet these writs made none of them Peers and Barons of our English Parlia­ments. From all which I may safely conclude, Sir Edward Cooks and others Opinions to be no Law, but a clear mi­stake; that a general writ of Summons doth, or can create any who hold not by Barony, Peers or Barons for life, much less in fee or fee-tayl. Therefore such may be after­wards elected Knights or Burgesses of Parliament, and be Members of the Commons house, and refuse to sit or serve in the Lords house upon summons without contempt or fine: but no Baron or Peer of the Realm may be thus cho­sen, or neglect his service in the Lords house.

Finally, Mr. Cambden in his Britannia, p. 120, 122. & Apologia, p 11. and Mr. J. Selden in his Titles of Honour, part 2. chap. 5. Sect. 31. p. 708. to 718. assert, That as some Spiritual Barons, who were conceived to be Barons by writ as well as by tenure, though sometimes summo­ned to Parliament by writ, were wholly omitted at length, as not having of right Voice and Place with the rest, because they held not by Barony; So sundry of the Lesser Barons and Tenants in Capite holding only of the King as Vavasors by Knights service, and not by an intire Barony, were likewise excluded the Parliament. and not sum­moned thereunto by King John, Henry the 3. & Edw. the 1. [Page 160] being not great and honourary Barons, nor having estates suf­ficient to support that dignity; and that (as Mr. Selden con­ceites by some Law made not long before the Great Charter of King Iohn, procured by MAJORES BA­RONES; who foreseeing that their power and dignity might suffer much diminution, if the new tenants in chief, or Paten­tees of Escheated Baronies, and the rest that were decayed should have equality with them, and be indifferently Barons of the Kingdom every way as they were, procured a Law in some of the Parliaments that preceded the Great Charter of King John, by which themselves only should hereafter be properly stiled (& summoned as BARONS, and the rest only Te­nants in chief, or Knights, which Titles shold be given them, as distinct names from Barons: which could not but much les­en the dignity and honor of the rest. And if so, then questi­onless such who hold not by an intire Barony, and are not Majores Barones by Patent or Inheritance now, cannot be created such by a meer general writ of summons; neither can the King by his general writ create or make them such against this antient Law and usage ever since. And the Earls, Lords and Great honorary Barons, who exclu­ded all such from sitting in Parliament with them as Ba­rons and their Peers then, may much more exclude and refuse to admit such into their house, or to sit with them if summoned now; because their dignity, honor, power, would suffer much diminution thereby; and the King might by writ at any time call so many to their House, as might overtop, over [...]ote, and alter their very Constituti­on as an House of Peers.

I shall close up this point of the Lords sole right to sit in Parliament with one or two memorable presidents.

In the 7. year of King Edward 2. as Ypodigmae Neustriae, p. 101. Walsingham sto­ries, in quindena Paschae per Regis brevia citatae sunt gene­raliter omnes Parliamentales personae pro Parliamen­to teuendo Londoniis: Sed multis Proceribus praeten­dentes impedimenti causas nihil h [...]c vice factum su [...]t: So Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 86. Anno 1316. King Edward in the 9th year of his reign, [Page 161] celebravit Concilium apud Clarindon, sed Magnates nolue­runt interesse. Whereupon nothing was there effected. The Lords presence being held then so necessary, that by reason of the absence of divers of them upon some real or pretended impediments, though all legally summoned by the Kings writs, nothing was done or concluded by those who met, who held themselves no compleat or le­gal Parliament without them. Whereas in the Parlia­ment of 5 E. 2. some of the Judges and Assistants de­parting from the Lords, and divers Knights, Citizens and Burgesses from the Commons house, without license, yet the Lords continuing all together, and making Ordi­nances for regulating the Kings house, and Revenues, the Parliament still continued, and these Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 27. dorso. special writs were sent to recall the Judges and Lords Assistants▪ ‘quod redeant exinde, et sine licentia nostra speciali du­rante Parliamento praedicto non recedatis: Et hoc si­cut indignationem nostram vitare volueritis, nullo mo­do omittaris. Teste Rege apud Haddely, 12 Septemb. PER CONSILIUM.’ And this general writ was sent to the Sheriff of Yorkeshire, and all other She­riffs of England to summon all the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses in their several Counties, to return thither; or else to elect other fit persons in their places. Claus. 5. E. 2. m. 26. dorso. ‘Prae­cipimus tibi firmiter injungentes, quod illos Milites, Cives & Burgenses de Balliva tua quos nuper ad praesens Parliamentum nostrum apud London inchoa­tum, de mandato nostro venire fecisti, et qui ab eo­dem Parliamento certis de causis recesserunt, quod redeant exinde, &c. vel alios ad hoc idoneos loco ipsorum SI AD HOC VACARE NON POS­SUNT, usque ad Westmonasterium ad dictum Par­liamentum quod ibidem duximus continuandum, &c. proxime futur: ad ultimum, cum sufficienti potestate Comitatus tui & Civitatum & Burgorum praedicto­rorum ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem con­tigerint ordinari, &c.’ Teste Rege apud London xi. [Page 162] die Octobris. This Parliament being thus continued, Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 25. Special license was granted to some LORDS to goe home, who made Proxies to other Lords to supply their places, by these words, Deputamus in loco nostro in Parliamento: and this in the Writ of Proro­gation.

This, I hope, will suffice to convince all Levellers and Gainsayers, of the LORDS undoubted antient Hereditary just Right and Title, to sit, vote in all ENGLISH PARLIAMENTS, though not elected by the people.

SECTION II. Wherein the Lords House sole Right of Judicature in Par­liament, without the Commons, is fully cleared by Presi­dents, Histories, Records in all ages, and undeniable Reasons, and that both in Criminal, Civil, Ecclesiastical Causes of all sorts, as well in cases of Commoners, and Clergymen, as Temporal Peers, & persons of the highest degree, proper for Parliament.

IT is the General confession, resolution, assertion both of 7 H. 6.16. m. 19 H. 6.63, 64 30 H. 6.26. a. 33 H. 6.18. a. 21 H. 7.1. Br. Parlia­ment 28. 14 H. 8.9 b. Dyer, f. 60. St. Germin, l. 1. c. 26. Plowden, f. 126.388, 389. & 398. Cook 8 Rep. f. 120.9 Report in the Epistle, 1 Institute, f. 109, 110.4. Instit. c. 1. Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts, f. 1, 2. Ashes Tables Parliament, sect. 15. Cowels Interpreter, Min­shawes Dictionary, tit. Parliament, Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Angl. l. 2. c. 1, 2. Vowel, Cambdens Britannia, Justice Doderidge, Mr. Tate, Mr. Agar. Lawyers, Law-books, the Parliament and Sta­tute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and all who have written of our Parliaments; That the Parliament of England is the antien­test, honourablest, highest Court and Supremest Judicature in the Realm; to whose Judicature all other Courts, Persons, Subjects of the Realm are subject & accountable for all Inju­ries, Oppressions, Crimes, Wrongs, Corruptions, Errors, Abuses▪ Grievances, Misdemeanors, Treasons, Contempts, Frauds, false Judgments, and matters of publike or privat concernment not properly triable, remediable, or punishable in other inferior Courts of Justice, and that Court to whom all Appeals concer­ning Misproceedings, Errors, or Injustice in other Courts or places ought to be made, and from whose Injustice and Sentence there is no appeal, but only to another Parliament; as in the case of General Councils (as Divines assert) there is no appeal but to another general Council in Ecclesiastical affairs concer­ning the Universal Church, or matters of Faith. This being [Page 164] an unquestionable Principle and Truth, the sole Question will be, in what House or Persons in Parliament this Supreme Judicatory, or judicial power resides? Whether in the King alon [...]? or Lords alone? or King and Lords joint­ly? or in the House of Commons alone? (never made a question [...]il now, by Lilburn and Overton) or in the King and House of Peers, not separate from, but joyntly with the Commons House? And for my part I conceive, it re­sides wholly and solely in the King and House of Lords, not in the House of Commons; which hath no part nor share therein singly considered in it self, nor yet joynt­ly with the King and Lords, but only in some special ca­ses and proceedings, as when and where the King and Lords voluntarily require their concurrence, or where the judgement and proceedings in Parliament are by way of Bill or Act of Parliament; or when a judgement passed or confirmed by Bill or Act to which the Commons con­sent was requisite, is to be altered or reversed, but in no cases else, that I can find. To make this ou [...] beyond con­tradiction; it must be necessarily granted by all, and can­not be gainsaid or disproved by any, that this Supreme power of Judicature hath been vested in our Great Coun­cils and Parliaments even from their beginning and ori­ginal institution, it being the antientest, as well as highest and honourablest of all other Courts: That it had this Soveraign Jurisdiction vested in and exercised by it, both under our British, Saxon, Danish and Norman Kings, I have elsewhere evidenced, and shall anon make good by un­deniable presidents. Now the Great Parliamentary Coun­cils under them, consisted only of the King, the Ecclesia­stical and Temporal Lords, Earls, Barons, Nobles, without any Commons House, or Knights of Shires, Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people; as I have already tou­ched, and manifested more fully in My Hi­storical Col­lection of the antient Par­liaments of England, And 2. & 3. Part of my Legal Vindication, and Historical Collection of the Fundamental Laws of England. other Treatises: yea the most, best Antiquaries and English Historians I have [Page 165] seen who Treat of our Parliaments (except that Gross Impostor who composed that ridiculous Treatise stiled Modus tenend [...] Parliamentum, when there was never any Parliament held in any age in England or Ireland, in such manner as [...]e there relates & prescribes, with Sir Edward Cook, and some other injudicious Antiq [...]aries seduced by this pretended, forged Antiquity) have not presumed to derive the Antiquity of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses summons to, and si [...]ting in our Parliaments higher than the Parliament held under Henry the 1. at Salisbury, Anno Dom. 1116. the 16 year of his reign. To which Polydor Virgil, Hist. Angl. An. 1116. Judge Dodridge and others in the Antiquity of the Parliamen [...]s of England, p. 18, 19, 20, 40, 80, 86, 87. Holinshed in his Chronicle, vol. 3. p. 38, 39. John Speed in his History of Great Britain p. 438, 439. referre their Original, if not the beginning of Parliaments themselves. But under these learned mens correction (who produce no war­rant from histories or records in that age for proof of what they affirme) I dare confidently assert, that there is nothing to be found in History or Record to warrant this their fancy; but many direct evidences against it, which I shall briefly clear, being very pertinent to the present controversie, and judicature of the Lords House.

1. It is most clear, that to this Parliamentary Coun­cil held at Salisbury, Anno 16 H. 1. No Commons, Knights Citizens, elected by the people were called by this Kings Writs, as some of these Authors, with the Manuscript of Canterbury positively assert, and others of them seem to incline unto; but only the Lords spiritual and temporal of the Realm, as Chron. vol. 3. p. 38. Holinshed himself relates, whom Hist. of Great Britain p. 438. Speed stileth the Estates both Spiritual and Temporal. This is evident by Hist. No­vor. l. 5. p. 117. Eadmerus who then lived, and thus records the proceedings of that convention under this King, 13 Kal. Aprilis, factus est Conventus Episcopo­rum Abbatum, et Principum totius regni apud Serberi­am, cogente eos illuc sanctione Regis [...]enrici: Which Annal. pars prior, p. 473▪ Rog. de Hoved. thus seconds, Comites et Barones to­tius. [Page 166] Angliae apud Salisberiam convenerunt;Mat. Par. Anno 1114. p. 63. Mat. Westm. p. 28. who as Mat. Paris and Mat. Westminster, with them, relate, Jurarunt fidelitatem Willielmo filio suo. De Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 237. Simeon Dunelmensis [...]iles it, Conventus Optimatum et Baronum totius An­gliae, wherein jussu Regis omnes Comites et Barones cum Clero totius Regni, swore fealty to him and his Son, as the Col. 1005. Chronicle of Brompton also relates: not any of our antient Historians making mention of any Commons, Knights, Burgesses, but only of Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Lords and Barons of the Realm there present at it.

In this Parliament, after the Earls, Barons, and Great men had done homage to William the Kings Son, and sworn allegiance to him; the Cause and complaint be­tween Ralph Archbishop of Canterbury and Thurstan ele­cted Archbishop of York, was there heard and debated, which had been agitated between them a whole year before. Mat. Paris Anno 1115. p. 62. Hen. Hun­tindon, Hist. l. 7. p. 380. An­tiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 112, 113. Radulph. de Diceto. Anno 1115. col. 502, 504. Gervasius A­ctus Pontif. Cantuar. col. 1661. Thomas Stubs Actus Pontif. Ebora­censium, col. 1714. Henry de Knighton de Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. col. 2379. Will. Malmsbury de Gestis Pon­tif. l. 1. p. 232. Thurstan being admonished by Ralph to make his subjection to the See of Canterbury, and to receive his con­secration from him after the ecclesiastical and usual manner: Answered, That he would willingly receive his consecration from him, but he would by no means make that profession of subjection to the See of Canterbury, which he exacted, but only that which Pope Gregory, and after him Pope Honori­us the 6. had ordained, who made this agreement be­tween the two Archbishops of England, Ut neuter alteri sub­jectionis professionem faceret, nisi tantum ut qui prior ordina­tus esset quamdiu viveret prior haberetur: quod proprium est servorum Dei, ut verahumilitate sibi invicem acclives sint, & nullus super alium primatus ambitionem exercere debet: Si­cut Dominus noster Verae humilitatis praedicator & amator discipulos suos, de hac re litigantes redarguens, dixit eis, Qui major est vestrum erit omnium minister; Nullus si­quidem post beatum Augu [...]inum [...] qui non tam Archiepisco­pus quam Apostolus Anglorum dicendus est) Archiepisco­porum Cantuariensium primatum totius Angliae sibi vendicare praesumpsit, usque ad Theodorum Archipraesulem, cui prop­ter singularem in Ecclesiastica Disciplina solertiam, omnes Angliae Episcopi subjici consenserunt, sicut Beda in Ecclesi­astica [Page 167] Historia Angliae testatur: Quamobrem Turstinus nullam aliam subjectionis professionem Cantuariensi Pontifici facere voluit, nisi quam beatus Papa Gregorius institui [...]: Ralph on the other side pleaded, the subjection of his pre­decessors made to his Predecessors; Rex autem Henricus, ubi adv [...]rtit Turstinum in sua stare pervicatia, aperte prote­status est, illum aut morem antecessorum suorum, tam in pro­fessione facienda, quam in aliis dignitatis Ecclesiae Cantua­riensis, ex antiquo jure competentibus executurum, aut Epis­copatu Eboracensi cum benedictione funditus cariturum. His auditis ille suo cordis consilio inpraemeditatus credens, renun­ciavit Pontificatui; spondens Regi & Archiepiscopo, se dum viveret illum non reclamaturum, nec aliquam calumniam in­de moturum, qui cunque substitutus fuisset. But Thurstan afterwards repenting of his rashness, contrary to his a­greement in Parliament, going to the Pope, against the Kings command, to the Council at Rhemes, was there consecrated Archbishop of York by Pope Calixtus himself; contrary to his promise to the Kings agent, and Canterbu­ries, who there publikely protested against his consecra­tion, without making any subjection to the See of Can­terbury. Whereupon the King prohibited Thurstan to re­turn into England, or any of his Dominions, swearing, that he should never return whiles he lived, unless he would make his subjection to the See of Canterbury: Which Oath he re­fused to violate at the Popes personal request to him, (though he then absolved him voluntarily from this Oath) saying, Eadmerus, l, 5. p. 125, 126. Quod dicit se quoniam Apostolicus est, me à fide quam pollicitus sum, absoluturum: Si contra eandem fidem Thurstinum Eboraci recepero, non videtur regiae honestati convenire hujusmodi absolutioni consentire. Quis enim fidem suam cuivis pol [...]c [...]ntii amplius crederetur, cum eam meo ex­emplo tam facile absolutione annihilari posse videret.

As in this famous Parliamentary Council of Salisbury, so in all precedent and subsequent Great Councils and Conventions during the whole reign of king H. 1. the Prelates, Earls, Barons, spiritual and temporal Lords were only summoned as Members, not any Knights, Citizens, [Page 168] Burgesses, or Commons elected by the people, which I shall next make good.

In a Parliamentary Mat. Pa­ris, p. 53, 54. Eadmerus, Hist. Novor. l. 3. Chron. Johan. Brom­ton, col. 1201, 1202. Malms­bury de Gest. Regum, l. 5. p. 156. See Holinshed, Speed, Dani­el. Council in the 1. year of his reign Anno 1100. he was elected and crowned King of Eng­land, abolished ill Laws, confirmed King Edwards Laws, and the Great Charter of Liberties under his Seal, Commu­ni Concilio Baronum regni: Archiepisco [...]is, Episcopis, Co­miti [...]u [...], Proceribus, Magnatibus et Optimatibus totius Regni Angliae, there subscribing to his Charter then granted, as witnesses; See here, p. 58▪ 59. The same year, Simeon Dunelmensis, col. 226. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 998. Hovede [...], annal. pars 1. p. 408. Majores natu Angliae et Magnates terrae congregavit Londonii, by whose advice h [...] maried Mawde, daughter of the King of Scots, right heir to the crown of the Saxon line, and anointed and crowned her Queen: there being a great debate, Eadmerus Hist. Novorum, l. 3. page 56, 57, 58. whether she might lawfully marry, having worn a veil [...]n a Monaste [...]y whiles she was young? which was resolved in a Council at Lambeth, where Episcopi, Abba­tes, Nobiles quique, ac religiosi ordinis viri, were a [...]em­bled [...]o de [...]cide i [...]; who upon debate resolved she might lawfully marry: as Eadmerus records at large.

The next year, Anno 1001. Eadmerus l. 3. p. 58, 59. Will. Malms­buriensis de Gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 124, 125. Duke Robert returning from the holy Land, and laying claim to the Crown of England as right heir and eldest Brother, thereupon King Henry, PRINCIPES suspectos habentes, ne à se instabili ut sit fide dissilirent, and they suspecting him, ne undique pace potitu, in se legibus efferatis desaeviret, actum ex consulto est, ut certitudo talis exinde fieret, quae utrin (que) quod verebatur ex­cluderet. Sed ubi ad sponsionem fidei ventum est, TOTA REGNI NOBILITAS, (assembled in a Parliamentary Council) cum populi numerositate (who depended on their advice) Anselmum inter se & regem medium fecerunt, quan­ta ei vice sui manu in manum porrecta promitteret. Iustis et Sanctis Legibus se totum regnum quo [...]d viveret in cunctis administraturum. After which, when as upon the [Page 169] report of Duke Roberts arival, Statim MAJORES REG­NI, quasi suae sponsionis immemores ad illum relicto Rege, semet transferre parabant. Whereupon Anselm AD U­NATIS PRINCIPIBUS CUNCTIS, shewed to them, and after that to the whole multitude of the Army who came about them, quam execrabiles Deo et omni bono homi­ni forem, qui fidem quam Principi suo debebant quoquo modo [...]i­olarent. Whereupon cuncti ilico spretâ vita non sequius eli­gerent morte procumbere, quam violata fide sua Regem sedu­cere: After which, Mat. Paris p. 55. Chro­nicon Johan. Bromton, col. 998. PRINCIPES utrinque fratrum non ferentes dissidium colloquium inierunt, pio & circumsp [...]cto consilio MƲTUUM ET GENERALE, and by the Matth. Westm. Mat. Paris, Hove­den, Huntin­don, Simeon Dunelmensis, Chronicon Johan. Brom­ton, an. 1101. Henry de Knyghton de Eventib. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. Mediation of the NOBLES on both sides an accord was made between the King and his Brother Robert, prop­ter manifestum jus quod habuit ad regnum possidendum, that Robert should receive 3000 marks yearly from England, and that the longest liver of them should be heir to the o­ther, if he died without issue male. Hoc autem PER 12 MAGNATES juratum fuit utrinque. Eadme­rus, Hist. No­vorum, l. 3. p. 61, 62. Malms­burien. de Gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 225. Anno 1202. there fell out a difference between the King and Anselm, touching investitures of Bishops, Anselm refusing to con­secrate any Bishop, Abbot or Clerk who received inve­stitures from the King or the hand of any Layman, being against the Decree of the General Council of Rome: where­upon the King sent for him to his Court; where this business was at large debated ‘EPISCOPIS, REGNI PROCERIBUS QUE, verba hinc inde ferentibus, & in singulis Regiae voluntati parere certantibus, imo ne Romanae Pontificis obedientiae subderetur summopere [...]insistentibus.’ Not long after the King by other Let­ters summons Anselm to appear at Winchester to com­pose this difference; ‘Ubi EPISCOPIS TERRAE QUE PRINCIPIBƲS sub uno coactis, COMMUNI AS­SENSU apud Anselmum actum est; Nuncii prioribus excellentiores ex utraque parte Romam mitterentur, Romano Pontifici viva voce exposituri, illum aut à sen­tentia decessurum, aut Anselmo, cum suis extra Angli­am pulso, totius regni subjectionem et commodum quod [Page 170] in [...]e singulis annis habere solebat, perditurum.’ Which being accordingly pursued, and Eadmerus l. 3. p. 66. faventibus simul et inci­tantibus Regem Episcopis, regnique Proceribus, he com­manded Anselm to promise to doe him homage, and consecrated all those to whom he had given investitures without retractation. The same year 1102. Eadme­rus, l. 3. p. 67. Wi [...]l. Malmsbury de Gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 1. p. 228. Hove­den An. 1. p. 469. Mat. Par. p. 56. Mat­thew Westm. p. 23. Simeon Dunelm. Hist. col. 227, 228. Abbrev. Chron. col. 499. Chron. Johan. Brom­ton, col. 1000. Antiquitates Eccles. Brit. p. 104, 106. Seldens Titles of Ho­nour, p. 763. Cele­b [...]atum est generale Concilium Episcoporum et Abbatum totius Regni, at St. Peters Church on the West side of Lo [...] ­don: rege annuente huic conventui affuerunt, Anselmo Ar­chiepiscopo petente a Rege, Primates Regni, quatenus qui qu d [...]ejusdem Concilii authoritate [...]ecernectur utriusque ordinis concordi, cura et sollicitudine ratum servaretur: Sic enim necesse erat, &c. In which Council there were many Laws and Canons made for regulating the Church, Monks and Clergy▪ communi consensu Episcopo­rum, et Abbatum, et Principum totius Regni, Princi­pes Regni omnes tam Ecclesiastici quam secularis or­dinis▪ being present at it; as the marginal Authors at­test, but no Commons, Knights or Burgesses.

Not long after the same year, Anselm peremptorily re­fusing to consecrate those Bishops whom the King inve­sted with a pastoral Staff and Ring, and some of them resign­ing them as unlawfull, and publikely refusing to be con­secrated by such an investiture from the king, to his great dishonour, and prejudice of his royal right and preroga­tive; the Eadmerus Hist. Nov. l. 3. p. 69, 70. Wil. Malmsbury de Gest [...]s Pon­tif. l. 1. p. 226. Antiq. Eccles. B [...]it. p. 105, 106. Godwins Cat. of Bishops in the life of Anselm. Radulph. de Diceto col. 499 Chron. Gervasii col. 1658, 1659. Chron. Jo. Bromton. col. 999. Hoveden annal pars 1. p. 47. king thereupon repaired to Canterbury, where Anselm and he had a sharp contest; At last he requested An elm to goe in person to Rome to procure the Pope to reverse his decree against investitures, ne ipse perdendo suorum jura Antecessorum, eis vilior fiat, who desired that this businesse might be deferred till Easter, ut au­dito [Page 171] Episcoporum Regnique Primatum Consilio, qui modo non assunt, respondeam hinc: Which being granted, Anselmus in Pascha Curiam venit, regni ingenuitatem de negotio praesens consuluit, COMMUNIS CONCILII Vo­cem unam accepit (so Eadmerus) Convenitur a Rege, & EPISCOPIS ET MAGNATIBUS (so Malmesbury relates it) ut ipse Romam dignatur proficisci, quod alii minus egerant sua praesentia suppleturus, who thereupon consented to goe, NE CUCTORUM VOLUNTATI DEESSET. Mat. Westm. anno 1103. p. 232. Mat. Paris, p. 56. Chron. Gervasiii col. 1659. Eadme­rus l. 4. p. 76. Mat. Paris, Matthew Westminster and others write, that he was then banished out of England for his obsti­nacy, Regis injusto judicio, and all his temporalties seis­ed, which Eadmerus and others write, was not done nor executed till after the Popes Decree against the Right of investitures passed against the King and An­selms departure from Rome towards England; when the King prohibited him to return into England, unless he would submit to doe him homage, and consecrate Bishops by his investiture, as all our Historians accord.

Mat. Par. p. 59. Mat. Westminster, Hoveden, Si­meon Dunel­mensis. Anno 1106. Duke Robert coming to his Brother King Henry the 1. into England to Northampton, to de­ [...]ire him to restore his Brotherly affection to him, where­of he had deprived him, but could not obtain it. ‘Rex itaque Henricus sentiens conscientiam suam in obtentu regni cauteriatam, erat quippe eleganter literatus, ut­pote a primaeva aetate praecepto patris addictus literis & jam in jure, quod audierat secreto expeditus, coepit in semetipso impetus insurgentium formidare, & Dei judicium in ipsum fulminare; eo quod fratri suo pri­mogenito, cui jus regni manifeste competebat, temere usurpando, injuste nimis abstulerat. Sed plus timens homines quam Deum, regni Nobiles primo subdolis pollicitis inclinando conciliavit, cogitans postea per fundationem Abbatiae, quam construere proposnerat; de tanta injuria Deo satisfacere. Magnatibus igitur Regni, ob hoc Londonium edicto Regio convocatis, Rex talibus alloquiis super mel & favum, oleumque, mellitis et mollitis blandiens, dixit; Amici & fideles [Page 172] mei indigenae ac naturales, nostis veraci fama reference, qualiter frater meus Robertus electus, & per Deum vo­catus est, ad regnum Hierosolymitanum foeliciter gu­bernandum, & quam frontose illud infoelicirer refuta­verit, merito propterea a Deo reprobandus. Nostis etiam in multis aliis superbiam & ferocitatem illius, quia Vir bellicosus pacis impatiens est, vosque scientet quasi contemptibiles, & quos desides vocat & glutto­nes, conculcare desiderat. Ego vero Rex humilis & pacificus, vos in pace, in antiquis vestris libertatibus, prout crebrius jurejurando promisi, gestio confovere, & vestris inclinando consiliis, consultius ac mitius, more mansueti principis, sapienter gubernare, & super his (si provideritis) scripta subarata roborare, & itera­tis juramentis praedicta certissime confirmare: omnia videlicet, quae sanctus Rex Edwardus, Deo inspiran­te, provide sancivit, inviolabiliter jubeo observari. Ut mecum fideliter stantes fratris mei, imo et mei, & totius regni Angliae hostis cruentissimi, injurias poten [...]er, animose & voluntarie propulsetis. Si enim fortitudine Anglorum roborer, innanes Normannorum minas ne­quaquam censeo formidandas, Talibus igitur promissis quae tamen in fine impudenter violavit, omnium corda sibi inclinavit, ut pro ipso contra quemlibet usque ad capitis expositionem dimicarent.’ This Duke there­upon departing into N [...]rmandy, was followed thither by King Henry, who there taking him, together with the Earl of Morton, and other Nobles Prisoners, brought them over to England, where they were adjudged to perpepetual prison by the BARONS, and Duke Robert to be put to death, as De Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. col. 2374. Henry de Knyghton thus relates, Robertus vero captus pudorosae et immani, morti adjudicatus est, Henricus vero frater ejus non sustinens ignominiam tan­tam protendere in sanguine suo▪ institit er go BARONES suos (who passed a sentence on him in a Parliamentary Coun­cil) ET IMPETRAVIT AB EIS, quod praedictus Ro­bertus debet exoculari, & ex [...]cari cum bacillo ardenti. Sic­que apud Lincolniam perpetuo carceri mancipatus.

[Page 173] Anno 1107. The King and Anselm by the Popes me­diation and others coming to an accord; Eadmerus l. 4. p. 90. Hereupon the King returning into England; advenatis ad Curiam ejus in Pascha Terrae Principibus, dilata est Ecclesiarum ordi­natio quam Rex se facturum disposuerat, by reason of the Popes coming into France to the Council of Trecis: But afterwards in August, Eadmerus l. 4. 91, 92. Mat. Westm. p. 25, 26. Mat. Paris, p. 60. Hoveden An. p. 471. Simeon Du­nelm. Hist. col. 230. Ra­dulph. de Di­ceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 500. An­tiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 107, 108. Godw. in the life of Anselm. Factus est Conventus Episcopo­rum et Abbatum, pariter & Magnatum (or Procerum) Regni Londoni [...]s in Palati [...] [...] ▪ where, per consilium Anselmi, & Procerum Regni, annuit Rex & sta­tuit, this accord and Decree was made; ut ab eo tempore in reliquum, nunquam per donationem baculi Pastoralis, vel annuli quisquam de Episcopatu vel Abbatia per Regem, vel quamlibet L [...]icam personam investiretur in Anglia: Conce­dente etiam Archiepiscopo, ut nullus ad Praelationem electus pro homagio quod Regi faceret, consecratione suscepti honoris privaretur; which being concluded, Coepit Anselmus co­ram Rege Regnique Episcopis atque Principibus, exigere a Gerardo Archiepiscopo Eboracensi professionem de sua obedieutia & subjectione, quam non fecerat, ex quo de Episcopatu Herefordensi ad Achiepiscopatum Eboracensem translatus fuerat. Ad quae cum Rex ips [...] diceret, sibi qui­dem non videre necesse, ut professioni quam ordinationis suae tempore Gerardus fecerat, aliam superadderet, praesertim cum licet Ecclesiam mutaverit, idem tamen qui fuerat in per­sona remansit, nec a prima professione absolu [...]us extiterit. Anselmus in praesenti quidem Regiis verbis adquievit, ea conditione; ut Gerardus in manum sibi daret, se eandem sub­jectionem in Archiepiscopatu ei servaturum quam in Episco­patu professus fuerat; Which Gerardus a [...]enting to, and presently performing before them. Exin STATUTUM EST, ut qui ad Episcopatum electi erant, Cantuariam i [...]e [...]t, & ibi dignitatis ipsius benedictionem, ex more susci­perent.

In the year 1108.Eadmerus l. 4. p. 94 95. Simeon Du­nelm. col. 231. Hoveden, p. 272. King Henry in the Feast of Pente­cost, advenatis ad Curiam suam apud Londoniam, cunctis Magnatibus Regni, cum Anselmo Archiepiscopo, et caeteris Episcopis Angliae tractavit, concerning the cha­stity [Page 174] and against the mariage of Priests and Clergy-men [...] (concerning which several Laws and Canons were then made and published, with other good secular Lawes a­gainst theeves, clipping and falsifying of money, &c.) which were thus praefaced. ‘Haec sunt Statuta, &c. quae statuerunt Anselmus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, Thomas Eboracensis Archieriscopus electus cum eo, Omnesque alii Angliae Episcopi, in praesentia gloriosi Regis Henrici Assensu Comitum et Baronum suorum, statutum est, &c.’

Eadmerus l. 4. p. 101, 102, 103. An­tiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 107, 108, 110. Anno 1109. there arising a difference between An­selm and Thomas the elect Archbishop of York, about his consecration and subjection to Anselm; thereupon An­selm calling the rest of the Bishops to him, by their advice, summoned him by 2. Bishops to come to Canterbury, there to receive his consecration, and to make such subjection to him as he required, unless he could prove he ought to be exempted from it. Whereupon the King sent a Writ to Anselm under his Seal, to adjourn the difference be­tween Thomas and him till Easter. ‘EGO enim si infra praedictum [...]terminum in Angliam rediero Consilio Episcoporum et Baronum meorum, vos juste & ho­norifice inde concorcabo, &c.’ Upon which Anselm returned this peremptory answer, not to Thomas, but to the King himself. ‘De induciis autem, quas Thomae E­bor. Archiepisc. dare mandaverat, pro certo scirer, quod prius pateretur totus membratim dissecari, quam de ne­gotio, in quo illum contra antiquas sanctorum Patrum sanctiones, se injuste & adversus Deum erexisse sciebat, vel ad horam illas aliquando daret.’ And writ a pe­remptory Letter to Thomas, not to presume to intermed­dle in any kind in the exercise of his pastoral cure, until he had desisted from his rebellion against the See of Can­terbury, and done that subjection to himself which his predecessors, Thomas and Gerard, had formerly made out of the antient custom of their antecessors; charging him without such a profession of subjection, never to receive consecration to that See, under pain of an Anathema, and inter­dicting [Page 175] all the Bishops of England under pain of Excom­munication, not to consecrate him, nor yet to have any Christian communion with him, if consecrated by any foraign Bishops. Soon after which Letter Anselm decea­sing, the King keeping his Court a [...] London at Pentecost: ‘Rex Regni Proceres atque Praesules ad incundum de Eboracensi Archiep: consecratione Concilium Londinum convocavit: Wherein caepit agere cum Episcopis et Regni Principibus, quid esset agendum de consecrati­one electi Eccle [...]iae Eboracensi?’ Where Anselms re­cited Letter being produced and read, the Earl of Mel­lent demanded, ‘Which of the Bishops durst to receive that Letter without the assent and command of the King their Soveraign Lord?’ Whereupon the Bishops perceiving that the Earl by this question was willing, ‘calumniam movere, qua eos regiae Majestati obnoxios faceret, remoti à multitudine, habito consilio staruunt apud se, suis omnibus, si regia sententia hoc forte Co­mitis instinctu dictaret, se malie dispoliari, quam iis quae Anselmus de praesenti quaerela praeceperat, non ob­temperare.’ Istis ergo firmato Consilio inter se; they sent for Samson Bp. of Worcester to know his opinion therein [...] who communing with them, and telling them, that him­self was present when as his brother Thomas Archbishop of York Elect, tum antiquis consuetudinibus, tum invincibi­libus allegationibus actus, eandem p [...]ofessionem Lanfranco Archiepisco Cantuariensi, & cunctis suis successoribus fecit. Thereupon, Eadmerus, l. 3. p. 103, 104. ‘simul omnes Episcopi ad Regem reversi sunt, constanter & literas quibus Comes sciscitatus fue­rat, se suscepisse, & contra eas nulla ratione quicquam acturos asserentes; Ad quae▪ cum idem Comes caput a­gitare [...], autumans jam in illos quasi de contemptu Regis crimen injiciendum, dixit Rex, Quicquid in iis aliorum sententia ferat, de me constat, quia cum Episcopis sentio, nec vel ad horam excommunicationem Anselmi subjacere ali­quatenus volo. Quibus a [...]ditis, gavisi sunt omnes. Et agentes domino grates pariter conclama verunt, Ansel­mum adesse, et quam, non poterat in corpore degens, j [...]m [Page 176] mundo abs [...]tem causam Ecclesiae suae determina [...]e. De­inde, in laudibus eximii Principis demoratum est, ac ut ipse dignitatem Primatus Ecclesiae Cantuariensis humili­ari a nul [...]o permitteret postulatus; siquidem in hoc, di­cunt, consuetudines antiquae et earum confirmationes, astipulatione totius regni sub magno Rege Willielmo fac­tae, necne privilegia quae his priota existunt ab Aposto­lica Sede, ipsi Ecclesiae collata corrumperentur, scinde­rentur, annihilarentur. Adquievit istis Rex, & jussit ipsarum quoque scripta Auctoritatum, quae Ecclesia Can [...]uariensis habebat, sub celeritate afferri, allata reci­tari. Quod ubi factum est, intulit. Quid amplius quae­ritur? Auctoritates, & privilegia Apostolicae Sedis & quae in praesentia Patris & Matris meae, sub testimonio & con­firmatione Episcoporum, Abbatum, & Procerum Regni de­finita sunt, Nota. ut quasi de Epistola Anselmi penitus taceatur, ego in quaestionem mitterem, ego novis Ambagibus agitari per­mitterem? Immo sciat Thomas se aut subjectionem & obedientiam Ecclesiae Cantuariensi ejus (que) primatibus▪ ut An­tecessores sui professi sunt, professurum, aut Archiepiscopa­tui Eboracensi ex toto cessurum. Eligat. Fugat ergo, quod vult. Consideratis itaque Thomas auctoritatibus quibus Ecclesi­am Dorobernensem niti, & circumvallari videbat, spre­tis clericis suis, quorum se Consilio credidisse sero dolebat, se contra ipsas Auctoritates nolle stare, sed morem Antecesso­rum suorum sequendo & ipsis adquiescere, & Ecclesiam ip­sam deinceps semper diligere velle dixit, & honorare. Prae­cepit igitur Rex ut professio, quam Thomas erat facturus in sui praesentia dictaretur, scriberetur, sigilloque suo, nequid in ea quovis molimine antequam eam proficiendo Thomas le­geret, mutaretur, servaretur inclusa.’ Quod et factum est.

‘Dominica ergo die quae fuit IV. Kl. Julii conven [...] ­runt, jubente Rege, Richardus Londoniensis, Willielmus Wintoniensis, Radulphus Roffensis, Herbertus Norwicen­sis, Radulphus Cistrensis, Radulphus Dunelmensis, & Her­veus Pangornensis Episcopi in Ecclesia beati Pauli Lon­doniae pro consecratione Thomae. Inter solitam ergo exa­minationem, suo loco professionem, de subjectione & [Page 177] obedientia sanctae Ecclesiae Dorobernensi exhibenda Ri­chardus Lundoniensis Episcopus, qui Thomam erat sacra­turus ab illo exegit. Professio igitur, sicut erat sigillata sibi coram omnibus oblata est, factoque sigillo evoluta & lecta ab eo est ita. Ego Thomas Eboracensis Eccle­siae consecrandus Metropolitanus profiteor subjectionem & Canonicam obedientiam sanctae Dorobernensi Ecclesiae, & ejusdem Ecclesiae Primati Canonice electo, & conseerato, & successoribus suis Canonice inthronizatis salva fidelitate Do­mini mei Regis Henrici Anglorum, et salva obedientia ex parte mea tenenda, quam Thomas Antecessor meus sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae ex parte sua professus est.’

‘Intererat huic officio Prior Ecclesiae Dorobernensis Conradus nomine) & ex Monachis ejusdem loci, quam­plures, qui pro hoc ipso, quoniam res eos maxime re­spiciebat, illo convenerant. Lectam itaque professio­nem cum a Thoma sibi oblatam Richardus Antistes Lon­doniensis accipisset, eam nominato Priori & Fratribus tradidit, dicens; Hanc Fratres & Domini mei in testi­monium auctoritatis vestrae Elclesiae suscipite, & ipsam vo­bis factam in memoriam posteritatis, servate. Deinde a Radulpho Cicestrensi Episcopo dictum in populo est ip­sam consecrationem, ex recto, et antiqua consuetudine debere fieri Cantuariae. Et adjecit. Verum quia ipsa Ci­vitas, defuncto Patre nostro Anselmo, nunc quidem Ponti­fice caret, v [...]sum Regi sacratisque ordinibus regni est, atque Principibus, [...]am hic atque ab hujus sedis Episcopo prae aliis potissimum celebrandam, eo intuitu, ea ratione quod Episco­pus Lundoniensis inter alios Episcopos est Decanus Ecclesiae Cantuariensis, & ideo speciali quadam dignitate, caeteris anteponendus. Ita ergo in Episcopatum Eboracensem Thomas consec [...]atus est, suscipiens a Ministro, quod sus­scipere detrectavit a Magistro.’

Anno 1114.Eadmerus l. 5. p. 109, 110.112. King Henry by the admonition of the Pope, and prayers of the Monks of Canterbury and other, and above all, being moved by divine instinct: Episcopos et Principes Angliae in unum apud Windeshoram fecit ve­ni [...]e, eorum consilium in constituendo Pontifice Cantuariensi volens habere. The King first pi [...]ched upon Faricius Ab­bot [Page 178] of Abendon, who was there present for that end by the Kings command: Animus tamen Episcoporum et quorundam Magnatum in aliud vergebat, praeoptantium, aut quemlibet Episcoporum de ordine Cleric [...]li, aut Clericum aliquem de Capella Regis in opus illud ascisci. But when it was objected, that there had been no Archbishop since Au­gustin, but only one, which was not of the Monastick order, who for that presumption and other perverse things done by him was deposed by the Pope: and therefore they ought not to subvert the antient and authentique custom, when there was no reason or necessity to do it; they were compelled to desist from their enterprise, which they la­boured with much endeavour to accomplish: whereupon by Gods disposing providence, they suddenly gave their sentence for Ralph Bishop of Rochester to be Archbishop, requiring the Kings assent thereunto: who altering his mind concerning promoting the Abbot, willingly gave his assent to Ralph; to whom all the Monks, Elders, and People of Canterbury gave their ready assents. Whereup­on two Messengers were sent to Rome to Pope Paschal for his Pall, with Letters from the King and Bishops of Eng­land and Covent of Canterbury, wherein they recite his Election to this See: adding; Huic electioni affuerant Episcopi, Abbates, et Principes Regni, & magna populi multitudo, (to wit of Canterbury, not elected Knights, Citizens or Burgesses) consentiente Domino nostro Rege, et eandem electionem laudante, suaque auctoritate corroborante. The Pope hereupon, with much difficulty, at the earnest intreaty of one Anselm, Nephew to the deceased Anselm, sent a Pall to Ralph by him, together with an angry harsh Letter to the King and Bishops the same year. Whereup­on Eadmerus l. 5. p. 114, 115, 116. Eodem anno Henricus Rex, jussi [...] omnes Episcopos et Principes totius regni, ad Curiam suam, sub uno venire. Unde rumor per totam terram dispersus est, Pontificem Can­tuariorum Generale Concilium (praes [...]nte Legato Domini Papae) celebraturum, & nova quaedam, tantoque Conventui digna, pro correctione Christianae Religionis in omni ordine pro­mulgaturum. Ita (que) ut Rex jusserat 16 Kal. Octobris Conveutus omnium apud Westmonasterium in palatio [Page 179] Regis factus est: & quod de Concilii celebratione, et Christia­nitatis emendatione, rumor disperserat, nihil fuisse, quae con­fluxerat multitudo tandem advertit: Only the Popes Letter to the King and Bishops (recorded in Eadmerus) was there read. Wherein Pope Paschal setting forth his pre­tended universal Authority over all Kingdoms and Chur­ches derived from St. Peter; & that no great businesses should be done concerning the Church without him or his Legates privitie and advice; taxeth the King and English Bishops, for electing, and translating Bishops, holding Synods, Councils, and medling with the affairs of Bishops without his privity▪ for not permitting any Legats freely to pass into or return from England, without the Kings spe­cial license: for hindring Appeals to Rome, and not duly collecting and paying his Peterpence; admonishing them to reform all these their Exorbitances, and concluding with this menace. Si verò adhuc in vestra decernitis obsti­natia permanere, nos Evangelicum dictum, et Apostolicum exemplum, pedum in vos pulverem excutiemus, & tanquam ab Ecclesia Catholica resilientes, divino judicio trademus. The King hereupon advising with his Bishops and Nobles, what answer he should return to the Pope concerning those things, and certain others which did very much of­fend his mind, Cono his Legat having suspended and Ex­communicated the Bishops of Normandy, eo quod Conci­liis (generalibus) tertio vocati, interesse noluerunt: Placuit in Communi, ut Rex suos Nuncios mitteret per quos quae vellet securius Papa mandaret: and withall sent that reso­lute Letter by them to the Pope here cited p. 108, 109.

Eadmerus l. 5. p. 118.126An. 1116. When the forecited Parliamentary Coun­cil at Salisbury was held; Anselm returning from Rome, came to the King into Normandy with Letters from the Pope, appointing him his Legate and Vice-pope in Eng­land, Quod regno Angliae, brevi innotuit. Admirati ergo Episcopi, Abbates et Nobiles quique Londoniae aduniti sunt, super his, & quibusaam aliis, praesente Regina, commu­ni Consilio tractatur, Quid multa? PLACUIT OMNIBUS, Archiepiscopum Cantuar. quem maxime res haec respici­ebat, Regem adire, & exposita ei antiqua regni consuetu­dine, [Page 180] SIMUL AC LIBERTATE, si consuleret Romam ire, ET HAEC NOVA ANNIHILARI: amplectitur ille consilium; & repairs thereupon to the King, informing him of this their resolution; with whom he found An­selm, waiting for a passage into England to exercise his Legatine authority. Sed Rex antiquis Angliae consuetudi­nibus praejudicium inferri non sustinens, illum ab ingressu An­gliae detinebat. Itaque omnis de hujusce potestatis (Legati) exors effectus, a Normanda est in suos regressus.

In the year 1121. K. Henry the 1. Eadmerus l. 6. p. 136. Consilio Radulphi Cant. Pontificis et Principum Regni quos omnes in E­piphania Domini, sub uno Londoniae congregavit, decrevit sibi in uxorem Atheleiden filiam Godfredi Ducis Lotha­ringiae. After which she arriving in England; Conventu Episcoporum, Principum, et Procerum Regni, qui pro occursu Reginae factus fuerat; the difference between Archbishop Ralph and Thurstan about his subjection to him, was moved: Pope Calix [...]us who ordained him, com­manding the King and Archbishop, to permit him to en­joy his Bishoprick; aut Rex anathemate, & Radulphus suspensione Pontificalis Officii, plecteretur. Hereupon the privileges of the Church of Canterbury (recorded in Ead­merus) were recited, & quam dignè Deo haec Apostolica disponerentur, intellectum est ab omnibus. Tamen ne prae­missae intentio poenae, Regem vel Pontificem aliquatenus con­turbaret, EX COMMUNI CONCILIO permissus est i­dem Thurstinus Angliam redire, & Eboracum Regia via veni [...]e. Quod & factum est, ea dispositione, ut nullatenus extra parochiam Eboracensem divinum officium celebraret, donec Ecclesiae Cantuariensi, de injuria, quam ei intulerat, abjurata cordis sui obstinatione satisfaceret.

About the year 1122. Eadmerus l. 6. p. 137, 138. Pope Calixtus having by force deprived Pope Gregory, sent one Peter to be Legate over all Britain, Ireland, and the Orcades, as well as France, who sent some Abbots and others before him to give no­tice of his coming, the whole land being astonished at the expectation of his coming, the King sent the Bishop of St. Davies, and another Clerk to him into France where he stayed, to signifie his pleasure and command, [Page 181] that they should bring him into England to him. The King by prudent counsel enjoyned them; That after his entrance into England, they should so order his journey, that he should not enter into any Church or Monastery for hospitality or lodging, and that no necessaries should be administred to him from others; but only at his own expence. Being brought to the King and worthily recei­ved, he related the cause of his coming: The King pre­tending an expedition against the Welsh, answered; ‘Se tanto negotio operam tunc quidem dare non posse, cum Legationis illius stabilem auctoritatem non nisi per con­niventiam Episcoporum, Abbatum, et Procerum, et totius regni conventum, roborari posse constaret. [...]u­per haec, [...]ibi patrias consuetudines ab Apostolica sede concessas, nequaquam se aequanimiter amissurum fore testabatur (in quibus haec, & de maximis una erat, quae Regnum Angliae liberum ab omni Legati ditione consti­tuerat) donec ipse vitae praesenti supersit. His horum­que similibus regali facundia editis, praefa [...]us Petrus assensum praebere utile judicavit, & annuit. Quaprop­ter larga regis munificentia magnifice honoratus, nullo modo se quicquam antiquae dignitatis derogaturum, immo ut dignitatis ipsius gloria undecunque augmenta­retur, spo [...]pondit plena fide elaboraturum. Pax ita­que firma inter eos firmata est, & qui Legati officio fungi in tota Britannia venerat, immunis ab omni offi­cio tali, cum ingenti pompa, via qua venerat extra An­gliam, a Rege missus est.’ At Canterbury he perused the antient privileges granted to the Prelates by the See of Rome touching their superiority over York: ‘Quibus ille perspectis atque perpensis, testatus etiam ipse est, Ecclesiam Cantuariensem grave nimis immoderatum praejudicium esse perpessam, & quatenus hoc velocius corrigeretur, [...]e modis omnibus opem adhibiturum pol­licitus est, Post haec Angliam egreditur.’

By all these Parliamentary Councils and Proceedings in them, and the Kings answer to this Legate, it is most apparent from the testimony of Eadmorus (present at [Page 182] most of them) and then antient Hi [...]orians. 1. That they all consisted during all the reign of King Henry the 1. of the King, Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Lords and Barons, without any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Commons elected by the people. 2ly. That not only the legisla­tive but judicial power or judicature of Parliament in all civil, ecclesiastical and criminal causes debated or judged in them, resided wholly in the King, Prelates, Earls, Barons and Nobles, which they joyntly and severally ex­ercised by mutual consent, as there was occasion. 3ly. That our Kings, Prelates, Nobles were then all very vigi­lant, and zealous in opposing the Popes usurpations up­on the antient Liberties, Privileges, Customs of the king, kingdom, and Church of England. 4ly. That those See the Antiquity of the Parlia­ments of Eng­land, p. 18, 19, 40, 80. Antiquaries and others are much mistaken, who affirm, the Commons were called to the Parliament of 16 H. 1. as well as the Peers and Nobles; and that since that time the authority of this Court hath stood setled, and the COMMONALTY had their voice therein, which the said H. 1. GRANTED TO THEM, in love to the Eng­lish Nation, being a natural Englishman himself, when as the Normans were upon terms of revolt from him to his Brother Robert Duke of Normandie; it being clear by these Histories, and all the Parliamentary Councils under King Henry the 1. and under Hen. the 2. King Ric. the 1. King John, and Henry the 3. forecited, and here ensuing; that there were no Knights Citizens, Burgesses, or Com­mons elected by the people, summoned to our Parlia­ments in their reigns succeeding Henry the 1. therefore not in his. 5ly. That the Opinion of In his Britannia, p. 120, 122. Mr. Cambden, The An­tiquity of the Parliaments of England, p. 18, 20, 87. Judge Dodridge, Jo. Holland, Posthu­ma, p. 346, 347, 348. Sir Ro. Cotton, Titles of Honour, p. 712, 713, 717. Mr. Selden and others, is true, that the first Writ of Sum­mons of any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses or Commons to Parliament now extant, is no antienter than 49 H. 3. dors. 10.11. ‘That King Henry the 3. after the ending of the Barons wars, appointed and ordained, That all those Earls and Barons of the Realm, to whom the King himself should vouchsafe to send his Writ of Sum­mons [Page 113] should come to his Parliament, and none else but such as should be chosen by the voice of the Burgesses and Freemen, by other Writs of the king directed to them: And that this being begun about the end of Hen. the 3. was perfected and continued by Edward the 1. and his Successors.’ Which Chronicle vol. 3. p. 37, 38. Holinshed, & History of Great Britain, p. 538, 559▪ Speed, do likewise intimate in general terms: So that upon due consideration of all Histories, Records, and judicious Antiquaries, it is most apparent, that the Commons had no place nor votes by election in our Parliaments in Hen. 1. his reign, no [...] before the latter end of King H. 3. and Ed. 1. who perfected what his Father newly be­fore him began, in summoning them to Parliaments.

This being an irrefragable truth, as I conceive, the next thing to be considered of is this; whether the Com­mons, when thus called and admitted by H. 3. and E. 1. in­to our Parliaments, had any share, right, or interest in the judicature of Parliaments then granted to them, ei­ther as severed from, or joyntly with the King and Lords? And if any share or right at all therein; at what time, and in what cases was it granted or indulged to them?

With submission to better judgements; I am clear of opinion, that the King and Lords, when they first cal­led the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses to Parliament, never admitted them to any share or copartnership with them in the antient, ordinary, Judicial power of Parl. in civil or criminal causes, brought before them by Writ, Im­peachment, Petition, or Articles of complaint, as they were the supreme judicature and Court of Justice; but reserved the judicial power and right of giving and pro­nouncing all Judgements in Parliament, in such cases and ways of proceeding, wholly to themselves, admitting them only to share with them in their consultative, Le­gislative and Tax imposing power, as the Common Council of the Realm, & thereby in cases of Attainder by Act, Bill, or Ordinance (a part of the Legislative not ordi­nary judicial authority of Parliament) allowed them a voice and partnership with themselves, and a share in re­versing [Page 184] such A [...]tainders by Act, Bill, or Ordinance by a­nother Bill or Sentence; but in no cases else, except such alone, wherein the King or Lords should voluntarily, at their own pleasures, not of meer right, requite their concurrence with them. The Arguments, reasons, in­ducing me to this opinion and irrefragably evincing it, are these.

1. The Form of the Writs for electing, Knights, Ci­tizens, Burgesses of Parliament, with the retorns and Indentures annexed to them, which are only ad facien­dum, & consentiendum his quae & tunc ibidem de Communi Concilio dicti regni contigerint ordinari; Which gives them no judicial power in civil or criminal causes there ad­judged, as the Writs to the Lords doe give to them by these clauses; Ibidem cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, & Pro­ceribus regni colloquium habere & tractatum: vobiscum &c. colloquium habere & tractare: Personaliter intersitis Nobis­cum, ac cum Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus super di­ctis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensu­ri; and usage, custom time out of mind.

2. Because when first summoned to our Parliaments, they were never called nor admitted thereunto as Mem­bers of the Lords house, or as persons equal to them in power, nor admitted to sit in the same Chamber, as Peers, with them, but as Members of an inferiour degree, sitting in a My Le­vellers level­led, and Pre­face to an Ex­act abridge­ment of the Records of the Tower. distinct Chamber from them, by themselves, at first, as they have done ever since, which See my Catalogue of the Speakers in my 2 Table to an Exact abridgement, &c. p. 151.155. I have elsewhere proved, against Sir Edward Cooks, and others mistakes, as Modus tenendi Parliamentum it self re­solves, if it be of any credit.

3ly. Because after their call to our Parliaments, in 49 H. 3. they had scarce the Name, nor Form of an House of Commons, or Lower House, nor any Speaker of their Hou [...]e, that we find in History or Record, till 51 E. 3. Therefore doubtlesse they had no judicial power or ju­risdiction.

4ly. When they became a House, and had a Speaker, they could neither chuse their Speaker in any Parliament [Page 185] without a command to and license first granted them by the King, Lord Chancellor, or the person implyed by the King to shew the causes of summoning the Parlia­ment; See my Table of Speakers, an Title Parli­ament, Speaker, Commons to the Exact abridgeme [...] of the Re­cords of t [...] Tower, an [...] p. 155, 174, 189, 390▪ 53 535, 618, 619 640, 649, 661 who gave them a command to elect their Speaker, and then to present him to the King and Lords for their ap­probation of him at the time prescribed them; who had then power to allow or disallow their Speaker, and to order them to elect another then or afterwards, incase of unfitness, sick­ness, imprisonment, or any other just ground or excuse, as our Parl. Rolls and others attest. If then the Commons can neither elect their own Speakers, nor approve nor remove them, but by the Kings and Lords approbation; who may discharge them upon just grounds, and order rhem to elect others in their places; and that against their wills, as in the case of Thorpe hereafter cited: Then certainly the judicature in all other cases, as well as this of their very Speakers, and Members too, resided still in the King and Lords, and was not communicated to the Com­mons House.

5ly. The Commons House inability to administer an Oath to any person in any case 1 R. 2. [...]o [...]. Parl. n. 31.42.7 R. 2. n. 13, 14.21 R 2. n. 53. which the Lords alone have power to doe in Parliament.

6ly. Their Petitions, 21 E. 2. n. 68.50 E. 3. n. 16. [...]0 41.10 R. 2. n. 6.10 18.21 R. 2. n. 15, 16.1 H 4. pl. Co­ [...]ae, n. 1.2.28 H. 6. n. 14. [...] 53. Articles of complaint, and Impeachments in all Parliaments, delivered and sent up to the Lords against Delinquents in Criminal causes, as well of Commons as Peers, Clergy men as secular persons; and their praying the Lord to judge and give sentence a­gainst them.

7ly. Their prosecuting and giving in evidence against all sorts of Deliquents at the Lords Bar, as accusers.

8ly. Their standing always in such cases; and that bare headed in the Lords House, as Prosecutors, Informers,8 R. 2. [...]. Grand-Jurymen, whiles the Lords alone fit, and that covered, and only give, pronounce the iudgement, and that in the Comons absence for the most part, not presence.

9ly. Their having Co [...]ks 4 li [...]stir. p. 21, 2 [...], 23. no voice or share at all in the hear­ing, examining, debating, reversing erronious Judge­ments in other Courts upon Writs of Error brought in Parliament, but the Lords alone.

[Page 196]10ly. The Kings & Judges not sitting amongst them, but only in the House of Peers to authorize and assist them in their judgements, are all infallible arguments and clear ir­refragable demonstrations, that the Judicatory, or judicial power of Parliaments was never communicated to the Commons House, upon their first admittance into Par­liament, nor since, but remained intirely, fully in the King and Lords alone, as it did before. That this is so in truth, I have the express acknowledgement and con­fession of the whole House of Commons themselves long since, in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 79. remain­ing on record to all Posterity, with the Kings and Lords concurrent resolution, both from the time of the Com­mons first admission, and for all succeeding ages. The Commons in this Parliament, November 3. made their Pro­testation in the same manner they had done in the beginning of the Parliament; and more over shewed to the King See an Exact abridg­ment of the Records in the Tower, p. 392. Co­me les Ioggementz du Parlement apperteignent soule­ment au Roy et Seignieur, et nient as Communes, &c. That the Judgements of Parliament appertained only to the King, and to the Lords, and not unto the Commons. And thereupon they pra [...]ed the King out of his special grace, to shew unto them the said Iudgements, and the cause of them, that so no Record mig [...]t be made in P [...]rliamen [...] a­gainst the said Commons, which are or shall be parties to any judgement given or hereafter to be given in Parliament, with­out that privity. Whereunto the Archbishop of Canterbury gave them this answer by the Kings commandment; That the Commons themselves are Petitioners and demanders, Et que le Roy et les seigniours de tout temps ont eues et averont de droit les juggement in Parliament en ma­nere come mesmes les Communes sont monstrez, and that the King and Lords from all times have had (for times past) and shall have (for time to come of right the Iudgements in Parliament, in manner as the Com­mons themselves have shewed, Saving that in Statutes to be made, [...]or in Grants and Subsidies, or in such things as are to be do [...]e for the common profit of the REALM, the KING will have especially their advice and assent. [Page 197] By this memorable Record in Parliament it is apparent by the Commons own confession, First, That the Judgments in Parliament even in cases of Commoners themselves, and Mem­bers of the Commons House as well as Peers, appertain only to the King and to the Lords, in the Affirmative. Se­condly, That they appertain not to the Commons, in the Negative. Thirdly, A Confession both of the Commons, King and Lords, That they have from all times in all a­ges before that Parliament appertained to the King and Lords, and that of right, not by usurpation or connivence. Fourthly, An express order and resolution, that the King and Lord shall alwayes kéep and hold this their Right of Iudicature in all times to come, without admitting the Commons to share therein upon this their Petition, as not fit to be granted them. Fifthly, That if the Com­mons should be admitted at any time to be parties or pri­vies to the Judgements in Parliaments, as they then de­sired; it would be meerly out of the Kings special Grace. Sixthly, That the special reasons, ends of the Kings sum­moning the Commons to Parliaments at the first and ever since, were only these especially, 1. to have their advice in Statutes to be made, 2. in Grants, or Subsidies, 3. in such things as are to be done for the common profit of the Realm; not to give them the least share, right or interest in the Judicature or Judgements of Parliament, as it is the su­premest Court of Justice.

The Judicial Power and the Judgements in Parliament being never transferred in part or whole by the King and Lords to the Commons House, but intirely reserved to themselves, as before their admission in [...]o our Parlia­ments, as I have proved, it follows inevitably from thence; 1. That all Judgements given by the Commons House alone, or by any of their Committees of Sequestra­tions, Examinations, plundered Ministers, &c. without the Lords, are meerly void and null in Law, being Coram non judice; and may be justly questioned and vacated by the Lords upon appeal or complaint, as Nullities. 2. That the House of Commons have no more right or power to [Page 188] judge or vote down the Lords House, or question or null their Judgements upon appeals to the Commons from them (as Lilburn and Overton ▪ pretend they may) than the Grand or Petty Jury have to Vote down the Judges and Justices of Assize or Sessions from the Bench, or to re­verse or repeal their Judgements and Orders; Or the Common Council of London to vote down the Lord May­or and Aldermen, and reverse their Orders and Judge­ments in their Court upon appeals unto them: They be­ing in nature of Grand Jury men, and the General Inquisitors of the Realm, to inquire of, present and impeach, transmit delinquents of all sorts in Parliament to the Lords House, their only Judges, Cooks 4. Instit. p. 24. 3ly, That the King and House of Lords are now of right, and still ought to be the only true and proper Judges of all Parliamenta­ry Causes, and Controversies, Civil, Ecclesiastical or Criminal, whether they concern Peers, Clergymen or Commoners, as they were originally before any Knights, Citizens or Burgesses summoned to them.

To clear this from all Scruples and avoid mistakes, I must inform you, that there is a twofold way of proceed­ing and judgeing in Parliaments. The 1. extraordinary and extrajudicial, by way of Bill, Act, or Ordinance, by the Legislative power alone; such Bills, Acts, Ordinan­ces, ratifying only the precedent judgements of the Lords passed against Malefactors, being not any proper actual Judgements in their own name. This is evident by one of the first cases wherin the Commons after their admissi­on into our Parliaments, were made parties to a Judge­ment by way of Bill. In Henry de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 3. c. 4.5. Polychron. l. 1. c. 42: Exili­um Hugonis, in Totles Magna Char­ta, f. 50. &c. Claus. 15 E. 2. dors. 32. the Parliament of 15 E. 2. there were sundry Articles of High Treason in accroaching royal Power in divers cases &c. as likewise of misdemea­nour and Breach of the Great Charter, exhibited against the 2. Hugh Spencers (both privy Counsellors of the realm) which upon examination were found true Totle, f. 53, 54. BY THE EARLS, BARONS & OTHER PEERS OF THE LAND: ‘Parquoy NOƲS PIERS DE LATERRE COUNTS & BARONS en la presence nostre SEIG­NOUR [Page 189] LE ROY, AGARD, que Sir Hugh le De­spenser le Fitz, & Sir Hugh le Despenser le piere soient disheritz a touts jours, come disheritours de la corone & enemies du roy & de son people, & que ilz soient de tout exiles hors du royalme Dangliterre, sans retourner in nul temps, si ceo ne soit de assent nostre Seignor le Roy, & de lassent DES PRELATS, COUNTS ET BARONS, et ceo en parlement duement somons. Et les donons port a Dover, & nul parte aillours, a voyder & a passer hors du royalm Dangliterre, enter cy la feast de sainct John le Baptist prochein avenir, cest jour ac­compte. Et si les [...] it Sir Hugh & Sir Hugh demurgent en le royalme Dangliterre oustre le dit jour, que done lour est de voyder & de passer, come desuis est dist, ou que apres le dit jour retournet, adonques soit fait de eux, come de enemies de roy & de roialme.’ This judgement being given against them in Parliament only by the Peers, Earls and Barons in the presence of the King, as the Close of the Act for their banishment and 15 E. 2. dors. 32. Clause Roll of that year recite; thereupon there was an Act drawn up (wherein all the Articles and the judgement given a­gainst them are recited) for confirmation of this Judge­ment, wherein the Prelates and Commons were made par­ties, though not to the judgement it self, beginning thus. Al honeur de deiu, &c. luy monstrent Prelates, Counts, & Barons, et les autres Pieres de la terre, & COMMON de Royalm, contre Sir Hugh, &c. To which Act the King much against his will, to prevent a warr, consented. The History of the Lords proceedings against these Spencers is thus related by Historiae Angliae, p. 91, 92. Ypodig. Neustriae, p. 104. Walsingham: There falling out a diffe­rence between Hugh Spencer the younger and Earl of He­reford about lands which Spencer purchased of William de Brews, which the Earl desired to buy and had first con­tracted for, but Spencer by his power at Court bought from him; the Earl thereupon being much incensed, com­plained of this injury to Thomas Earl of Lancaster; Historiae Angliae, p. 91, 92. Ypodig. Neustriae, p. 104. qui ‘allicientes caeteros pene cunctos Comites & Barones in partem suam, conjurationem fecerunt maximum ad vi­vendum [Page 200] & moriendum pro justitia, & regni proditores pro viribus destruendis, & praecipue utrunque Hugonem de Spencer, patrem scilicet atque filium, quos odio in­exorabili perstringebant, eo maxime quia regem duce­bant, pro suae voluntatis arbitrio, in tantum quod nec Co­mes, nec Baro nec Episcopus quicquam valuit expedire in Curia sine horum consilio vel favore. Omnium ergo livore persequebantur, qui omnibus pene dominaban­tur, & quo plus crevit eorum gloria, & eo amplius con­tra illos crevit invidia, quae semper accrescit abundantia aliorum. Igitur Barones duce Thoma de Lancastria apud Shirborn in Elmedon convenerunt, faederati prout dicitur & juramentis astricti, ad prosequendum proposi­tum usque ad corporis & animae divisionem. Sed ta­men pene cuncti prae [...]er Thomam de Lancastria & Hum­fridum Comitem de Herefordia & paucos alios ante fi­nem negotii retrorsum abierunt, & prae timore mortis se­se Regi dediderunt: sed haec inferius plenius videbuntur. Cumque Barones ut praefertur apud Shirburnam conve­nissent, quosdam artirulos proscriptionem dictorum Hugonis & Hugoni [...] composuerunt, sed tamen vias ju­ris et aequitatis in hac parte penitus omiserunt, suorum pro tempore exequentes impetus animorum. Nam illorum bona qui illis vel amicitia vel affinitate juncti fuerant, furibunde invadebant, capientes castra per vio­lentiam, vastantes praedia per malitiam, & perimentes famulos reper [...]os i [...] custodiis eorundem, dolentes ob hoc tantummodo, quod eorum personas capere quos oderunt minime potuerunt: praedicta furia de die in diem vires sumente, Barones vexillis explicatis ad sanctum Alba­num veniunt, per viam deripientes ubique victuali [...], & pauperes terrae gravantes. In hac comitiva fuerant qui­dam, qui propter inveteratum odium monasterium san­cti Albani dictique loci Monachos, se gravaturos devo­verant. Sed tamen disponente Deo qui neminem temptari permittit supra vires, horum magister & autor tantae malitiae in villa de Alysbury priusquam ad san­ctum Albanū attingeret, morbo percussus irremediabili, [Page 201] propriis seipsum descerpit manibus, & post duos dies miserabiliter expiravit. Caeteri tam formidabili tre­mefacti vindicta, casum pro miracu [...]o reputantes, ab executione voti illiciti timore magis quam amore desti­terun [...]. Magnates vero apud sanctum Albanum cum suis armatis exercitibus per triduum perhen in [...]n­tes miserunt solennes ad Regem nuncios Londoniis commorantem, Londoniensem, Sarisburiensem, Eliensem, Herefordensem & Cicistrensem, Praesules qui tunc apud sanctum Albanum convenerant pro pace reformanda; mandantes, ut dominus rex non solum su­am vacuaret curiam, sed regnum suum de regni Prodito­ribus Hugone & Hugone le Spencer, per communitatem terrae in multis condemnatis articulis, exilium (que) meri­tum subire permitteret si diligeret regni pacem. Petie­run [...], Barones insuper, ut rex ipsis & omnibus qui in eo­rum comitiva arma moverant, literas patentes indem­nitatis concederet, & ne pro transgressionibus transactis vel praesentibus a rege seu quovis alio futuris tem [...]oribus punire [...]ur. Ad haec dominus rex respondit, quod Hugo le Spencer pater in suo negotio mare transierat, & Hugo junior in mari ad custodiendum quinque Portus, prout ex officio renebatur, qui de jure vel consuetudine exu­lare non debent ante responsa data per eosdem. Ad [...] ­c [...] prae [...]ere [...], quod eorum petitio juris & rationis funda­mento carebat, eo maxime quod dicti Hugo senior & Hugo junior parati semper fuerant omnibus de se con­querentibus in forma juris respondere, & si probare pos­sent eos in aliquo statuta terrae laesisse, parati semper sue­rant legibus regni parere. Postremo cum juramento addidit, quod noluerit sacramentum violare ad quod a­strictus fuerat in Coronatione sua, concedendo literas pacis et indulgentiae tam notorie delinquentibus in suae personae contemptum, et totius regni perturbationem, et majestatis regiae laesionem. Hiis auditis, Proceres acti in [...]u [...]iam, confes [...]im ad arma▪ rosiliunt, & milites quidam super armatura coti [...]cas induerunt vocatas quarteloys, Armigeri vero indumenta bendas habuerun [...], quibus in­dumentis [Page 192] expost induti, tracti sunt & suspensi plurimi­de procerum Comitiva. Cum fastu igitur & pompa ni­mia Barones Londonias adierunt, hospitatique in sub­urbia civitatis, manebant pacifice donec licentiam in­gredi civitatem obtinuissent: obtento a rege civitatis ingressu, Magnates sicut prius in petitione sua fortiter perstiterunt. Tandem interveniente regina & praefa­tis episcopis laudabiliter mediantibus, rex inductus est propter werrae periculum evitandum, ut condescende­ret votis & petitionibus Procerum praedictorum. E­dictoque super hiis per comitem Herefordiae in aula Westmonasterii publicato, Hugo senior in exilium actus est. Sed Hugo junior in diversis locis latitans, in Ang­lia & in mari permansit.’

The Clause Roll of 14 E. 2. m. 17. Schedula, records the proceedings with this addition: that King Edward the 2. having summoned the Lords to come to a Parliament with the rest of the Council at Glocester, Humfry de Boun, Roger de Mortimer, and their confederates, refused to come upon the Summons, for fear of Hugh Spencer, who was made Chamberlain in pleno Parliamento 12 E. 2. at York, desiring that he might be committed and kept in safe custody till the Parliament; for they we [...]e unwilling to come to him, so long as he was with the King. The King said; he much wondred at this their carriage, in regard Spencer was never questioned in any other Parliament since he was made Chamberlain, for any misdemeanour: & ignorare non debetis nec potestis, quod mandata nostra omnibus & sin­gulis ad Nos ad hujusmodi mandata nostra convenientibus, protect [...]o & desensio sunt & debent, secundum legem et consue­tudinem Regni nostri. As for removing Spencer from him, which they desired; he said, it were unjust, and of ill ex­ample, aliis Ministris nostris s [...]ipsum amoveremas à Nobis totaliter, sine caus [...]. Praef [...] u [...] vero Hugonem sive quema [...]is alium Custodiae sine causa committere non possumus nec debemus,Nota.cum hoc esset conira tenorem Magnae Chartae de libertatibus Angliae, et contra Communem Legem Regni nostri, ac contra Ordinationes (made by himself [Page 193] and the Lords in Parliament.) Idem enim Hugo se protu­lit plane ac publice coram Nobis ad respondendum in Parlia­mento nostro & alibi prout debuit querelis nostri & si [...]gulo­rum a [...] ipso conqueretium volentium, & ad standum inde re­cto, &c. And thereupon he commands them to come and treat cum caeteris de Concilio, at Oxford; whereas it appears by the Dorse of this Roll, he had formerly summoned them and the rest of the Council to Glocester, whether these Earls refused to come. Claus. 15 E. 2. dorso 32. The whole proceedings against the Spencers in Parliamen, are at large recorded (but cancelled by order of the Parliament at York) They were sent to every Court to be inrolled: and the writ recites, thar their judgement was per pares in praesentia Regis.

Soon after, the same year the King summoned a Parlia­ment at York on the 3. of September:Claus. 15 E. 2. m. 23, 24. & dors. 13.32. Claus. 17 E. 2. m. 30. 21 R. 2. rot. Parl. m. 55. to 67. See Ho­linshed, Fa­bian, Poly­chronicon. where this judge­ment against the Spencers was questioned as erronious; and being referred to the consideration of ‘the Provincial Council of Canterbury, they conceived it to be erronice factum, because the Spiritual Lords never assented to it, neither could they doe it, because it was Jndicium san­guinis, for if they submitted not to the exile they were to be proceeded against as Enemies to the King and Realm.’ After which ‘the King and some of the Lords had the sentence read to them; and they said, It was erroni [...] ­ous. The Earls of Richmond, Pembroke and Arundel said, They gave their voyces for fear of the other Noble mens power: and the Judges said; Consideratio praedicta fuit contra Legem & consuetudinom regni. The King writes down all this, and then sends to some of the Bishops that were absent from the Council to know their minds 4 Januarii: who concurring in judgement with the rest; thereupon the Process, Judgement and Act against the Spencers, was nulled and made void, before the King, Lords and Commons (who were consenting to it before.) 1. Because they were not called to it to make their de­fence. 2ly. Because the Lords Spiritual (who were Peers,) assented not to it. 3ly, Because against MAG­NA [Page 194] CHARTA, & the franchises of England; Nullus liber homo utlagetur, &c. 4ly. Because the Faults were not sufficiently proved. 5ly. Because the Lords in the Kings absence, of their proper authority, usurping to themselves royal power, had given the judgement of his royal assent, with the assent of the Lor [...]s and Com­mons, without his privity, and against his will. The judgement and process of this repeal and nulling their sentence, were sent by Writ into every County to pro­claim, and to null and cancel the first judgement. A little before which Parliament Thomas Earl of Lanca­ster, and sundry other Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen for adhering to him, and levying war against the king, were arraigned, impeached before the Lords, and com­manded to be hanged, drawn, quartered and beheaded.’ Co­mitum et Baronum Consilio, as Hist. Angl. p. 94, 95. Y­podigm. Neu­striae, p. 120. Walsingham re­lates, without the Commons peculiar assent, and accor­dingly executed.

Anno 1326. Hugh Spencer the younger (notwithstand­ing the repeal of his exile) being taken by the Kings for­ces was brought to Hereford, and there arraigned pub­liquely before William Trussel, a Judge: His inditement is at large recorded in the Chronicle of Leicester, and in Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 3. c. 15. col. 2547. &c. beginning thus; Hugo de Dispencere En Parle­ment nostre Seignour le Roy que ore est, tenue a Westminstre lanquinzisme, per examinent dez Praelates, Contes, Barones, et tote la commune de Realm fuist notoriement trove, que vostre piere, & vous Hugh fu [...]stez agardez TRAYTOURS & enmys del Realm; pur quel par assent & commandment no­stre Seigniour le Roy, vostre Piere, & vous Hugh fuistez ex­ules del Realm, sanz james revenir, si ceo ne fuist par lassent & commmandment nostre Seignious le Roy, & ceo en playne Parlement duement al ceo summounz. And for his returning into England against this Act, and his mani­fold murders,Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. [...]06. oppressions and misdemeanors since, there recited at large, he was condemned to be hanged, drawn, bowelled, quartered and beheaded, which was exe­cuted [Page 195] accordingly, December. 8. and his head fixed on a Poll, and set upon London bridge.

The Repeal of the Spencers exile was not long after repealed, and the Act for their exile re-confirmed in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. ch. 1, 2. in the Statutes at large, which recites; That they were exiled, disinherited and ba­nished out of the Realm by the Commons assent, and award of the Peers and Commons of the Realm, and by the as­sent of King Edward, as Traytors and Enemies of the King and of his Realm: And that he by the Common Counsel of the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other Great men, and of the Commonalty of the Realm, in his Parliament holden at Westminster, did ordain and establish, That the repeal of the said Exile, which was made by Duress and force, should be adnulled f [...]r evermore; and the same exile made by the a­ward of THE PEERS AND COMMONS BY THE KINGS ASSENT, as aforesaid, shall stand in its strength in all points, after the tenour of every Article therein con­tained. But this Act of repeal by the like power and as­sent was repealed as erronious, and the heir of the Spen­cers restored to blood and Lands by the Parliament of 21 R. 2. Rot. Parl. u. 35. to 57. And that whole Parliament again repealed and nulled by 1 H. 4. c. 3. Cooks 4 Instit. p. 25. This was the issue of this very first Attainder, wherein the Commons concurred with the Lords, being carried by force and power on all hands in those turbu­lent times.

In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. ch. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. in the Statutes at large. Alexander Archbishop of York, Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Pale Earl of Suffolk, Robert Tresylien, chief Justice, R. Belknap, with sundry other Judges, Lawyers, Knights, Gentlemen, Clergymen, and other Commons and Prelates were im­peached by the Duke of Glocester, and other Lords Ap­pellants of High Treason, in 36 Articles, & thereupon at­tainted, condemned, judgement of death, banishment, for­feiture of their lands and estates given against them in Parlia­ment by the Lords, without the Commons. After which the [Page 196] Lords exhibited a Petition to the King for the confirmation of the said Attainders and forfeiture. Whereupon the King consi­dering the mat [...]er of the said Petition to be true, at the request of the said Commons, of the assent of the Prelates, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and all others of this present Par­liament, granted the request of the said COMMONS in all points, after the form of the said Petition; And moreo­ver of the assent aforesaid, passed sundry Acts touching their Attainders, Judgements, Exiles, and forfeitures, which all may peruse at leisure in the Statutes at large. In the Parliament of 21 R. 2. upon the Petition of the Commons, by the like assent, c. 2. to 12. in the Statutes at large; these Attainders, Judgemens, forfeitures, and the whole Parliament of 11 R. 2. were repealed, as erronious, and nulled. Yet after by the Parliam. of 1 H. 4. c. 3. the Parl. of 21 R. 2. is nulled, and that of 11 R. 2. revived and confirmed, with all the attainders, and Judgements therein given. In the Parliament of 9 H. 6. c. 8. Owen Glendor, formerly endited and attainted of high Treason for his grand insur­rections and rebellions, by the assent of the Lords spiri­tual and temporal, and of the King [...] at the special re­quest of the Commons, was by special Act, declared a Traytor; and all manner of Indictments, Inquisitions, Processes, Records, Judgements, Ordinances, Statutes made against him, authorized, established for Law, by assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament. In the Parliament of 29 H. 6. c. 1. The King by the advice of the Lords spiritual & temporal, and at the request of his Commons, by a special Act, attainted John Cade of se­veral High Treasons, for traytorously iman [...]ging the Kings death, the destruction and subversion of this Realm, in gathering and levying great numbers of the Kings peo­ple, and them exciting to make insurrection against the King, his regalty, crown, and dignity, and to make and levy war falsly and trayterously against the King: for which they confiscated all his Lands, Tenements, rents and possessions to the king, corrupt and disable his blood for ever, and enact him to be called a false Traytor [Page 197] within the Realm for ever. And in 31 H. 6. c. 1. with the advise and assent of the Lords, and at the request of the Commons, it is ordained, established, that the said John Cade shall be reputed, had, named, and declared a false Traytor to the king; and all indictments and proceedings had and made under the power of his Tyranny, were clearly repealed and adnulled for ever, and to be of no effect, but void in Law, and put in oblivion, and destroy­ed for ever, as purposed against God and Conscience, and the Kings royal estate and preheminence, and also dishonourable and unreasonable. In the Parliament held Anno 38 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 5. to 26. Richard Duke of York with sundry other Lords and Commons were attaint­ed of High Treason by Bill for conspiring and levying war again [...]t the King. And in the Parliament of An Abridge­ment of the Records, p. 670, 671, 672.677, 689, 691, 699, 702, 703, 707. 1 E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 12, 17. to 37 King Henry the 4 H. the 6 Queen Margaret, Edward Prince of Wales, Henry Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Devonshire, with sundry other Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen, Priests and Yeomen were attainted of High Treason by Bills, for levying war against king Edward the 4. In the Parliament of 4 E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 2. to 39. the Duke of Somerset, Henry Beau­ford, Sir Ralph Piercie, with sundry other Knights, Es­quires and Gentlemen were attainted of High Treason by Bill for levying war against the king; most of which attainders in the Parliaments of 12 E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 15.Cooks 2. Instit p. 39, 40, 41. to 36.13 E. 4. n. 45.14 E. 4. n 45.27, 28, 29, 31, 32.17 E. 4. n. 19, 20, 21, 22. E. 4. n. 23▪ were repealed by Bills, and the parties, or their heirs restored to blood and Lands. In the Parliaments of 14 E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 34, 35, 36, 37. Sir Richard and Sir Robert Wells, John Vere, Earl of Oxford, Sir Thomas Vere, with sundry more Knights and Gentlemen were attainted by Bill of High Treason, for Levying war against the king, and some of the Attainders repealed by Bill afterwards. In the Parliament of 25 H. 8. c. 12. Elizabeth Barkin, Richard Master, Edward Bar­kin and sundry others were attainted and condemned of High Treason, & John Fisher Bishop of Rochester, Thomas [Page 198] Gold and others of misprission of High Treason, by Act of Parliament. In the Parliament of 28 H. 8. c. 7. Queen Anne, George Lord Rochford, Sir Henry Norris, Sir Fran­cis Weston, William Breerton Esquire, and Mark Sutton were convicted and attainted of High Treason, and their lands forfeited by Bill. In the Parliament of 32 H. 8. Thomas Lord Cornwell was convicted and attainted of High Treason by Bill (against Law, and the great Char­ter) without ever being called to answer, or any legal hearing, for the Treasons therein expressed, according [...]o his own intentions to have thus proceeded against o­thers without legal tryal. In the Parliament of 33 H. 8. c. 21. Queen Katherine, & Jane, Lady Rochford were con­victed and attainted of High Treason by Bill, to which Act the king was enabled to give his royal assent, by Let­ters Patents, signed by him under his hand with his great Seal, notified and published in the HIGHER HOUSE, to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons there assembled, without comming to the House in per­son to give his royal assent thereto. In the Parliament of 2 & 3. Ed. 6. ch. 17. Sir william Sharington Knight being indicted and attainted of High Treason, for forging and coyning of mony called Testons, his attainder was con­firmed by Act of Parliament and his lands forfeited. And ch. 18,Nota. Sir Thomas Seymor Lord Seymor of Sudley, and high Admiral of England, for his trayterous aspiring to the Crown of this Realm, and to be King of the same, and for compassing and imagining by open Act to deprive the King of his royal estate, and title of his Realms, and for compassing and imagining the death of his Noblemen, and most trayte­rously to take away and destroy all things which should have sounded to the let or impediment of this his most trayterous and ambitious enterprise (as the Act recites;) and for other his misdemeanors, innumerable untruths, falshoods, deceiptfull practises, outrages against the King, oppression, & manifest ex­tortion upon the Subjects of the Realm, was adjudged and at­tainted of high Treason by Bill, and to sustain such pain of death, and other forfeitures, aes in cases of High Treason have [Page 199] been used being a Member so unnaturul: unkind, and corrupt, and such a heynous offender of his Majesty and his Laws, that he cannot nor may not conveniently be suffered to remain in the body of the Commonwealth, but to the extreme danger of the Kings Highness, being the head, and of all the good Members of the same, and of too pernicious and dangerous example, that such a person so bound to his Majesty by sundry great benefits, and so forgetfull of them, and so cruelly and urgently continuing in his false and treacherous intents and purposes against his Highness, and the whole estate of his Realm, should remain among us.

In the Parliament of 1 Mariae ch. 1. the Attainder of Queen Katherine is reversed by Bill; and ch. 16. the At­tainders of John Duke of Northumberland, Thomas Cran­mer Archbishop of Canterbury, William Marquess of Nor­thampton, John Earl of Warwick, Sir Ambrose Dudley, with other Knights and Gentlemen, formerly convicted and at­tainted of Treason, according to the Law of the Realm, for their detestable and abominable Treasons, in pro­claiming and setting up Queen Jane, to the peril and great danger of the person of Queen Mary, and to the utter loss, disherison, and destruction of the Realm of England, if God in his infinite goodness had not in due time re­vealed their trayterous intents (as the Act recites) at the Petition and with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament, were con­firmed and ratified by a special Act. In the Parliament of 29 Eliz. c. 1. the Attainders of Thomas Lord Paget, Sir Francis Englefield, and sundry other Knights and Gentlemen, who were lawfully indicted, convicted, and attainted of many unnatural, detestable and abomi­nable Treasons, to the fearfull peril and danger of the destruction of the Queens Majesties person, and of the Realm, were confirmed by a special Act, and ch. 3. there is another Act, to avoid fraudulent assurances, made in certain cases by Traytors. In the Parliament of 3 Jacobi, ch. 2. Sir Ever [...]rd Digby, Robert Winter, Guy Fawkes, Robert Cates [...]y, and all the rest of the Gunpowder Traytors who [Page 200] undertook the execution of the most barbarous, execra­ble and abominable Treason that could ever enter into the hearts of most wicked men, by blowing up the Lords House of Parliament, with the King, Queen, Prince, Lords Spiritual and Temporal, Judges, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament, therein assembled; were attainted of High Treason, and their former attainders and convictions confirmed by a special Act: And in this very last Parliament, the See Straf­fords tryal. Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland, and See my Can­terburies Doom. William Laud Archbishop of Canter­bury, after judgement of high Treason, upon their seve­ral impeachments and trials given against them by the Lords in their House, were likewise attainted of Treason, and their judgements ratified by a special Bill and Ordi­nance, to which the Commons assented, as well as the Lords; their assents to Attainders, by way of Act or Bill being so necessary, that if the King in Parliament Wills, that such a man shall be attainted of Treason and lose his lands, and the Lords assent, and nothing is spoken of the Commons in the Bill, this is no Act nor, good Attainder in Law, and the petson shall be restored by the opinion of all the Judges, 4 H. 7. f. 18. Broke Parliam. 42. Fitz. 3.7 H. 7.14. 11 H. 7.27. Broke Parliam. 107. Plowden 79.32 H. 6.18. As the Commons in our Eng­lish Parliaments have assented to all these and some other Bills, and Acts of Attainder cited in Sir Edward Cooks 4 Institutes, ch. 1, 2. and Mr. St. Johns Argument at Law concerning the Bill of Attainder of High Treason of Tho­mas Earl of Strafford, printed by Order of the Commons House 1641. So I find that the Commons in Ireland have done the like in the Parliaments held in Ireland, as the Printed Statutes of Ireland 28 H. 8. c. 1. for the At­tainder of the Earl of Kildare, and others of High Trea­son. 11 Eliz. ch 1. for the Attainder of Shan O Neyle and others of High Treason, of 13 Eliz ch. 6. & 7. for the Attainders of Fi [...]zgerald and others of High Treason, Of 27 Eliz. ch. 1. for the Attainders of Iames Eustace and others of High Treason, of 28 Eliz. ch. 8. & 9. for [Page 201] the Attainders of the Earl of Desmond, John Brown and o­thers, and of 11 Jacobi ch. 4. for the Attainders of the Earl of Tyrone and others of High Treason, for their seve­ral rebellions, insurrections, wars, against their Sove­raigns, and other Treasons mentioned in these respective Acts, abundantly evidence.

But yet the Commons assents to all these Bills of At­tainders in cases of high Treason, did not institute them Judges of these persons, nor give them any share in the judicial right and power of Parliaments, 1. Because most of these persons thus attainted by Bill, were Queens, Dukes, Earls, Lords, Barons, and Peers of the Realm, who were triable & to be judged only by their Peers, & none else, by the Common Law of England, Magna Charta, c. 29. and sundry other Acts, not by the Commons, who are not their Peers.

2ly. Because most of these parties thus attainted by those Bills, were first attainted, tried, judged, condemn­ed in Parliament by the Lords alone, as their proper Judges, upon the complaints or impeachments of the Lords Appellants, or of the Commons themselves, or else before some other Judges, upon indictments and le­gal tryals; and those Acts did only confirm and ratifie their precedent attainders recited in them.

3ly. Because in many of these Acts the Commons did only petition, that their Attainders might be ratified by Bill, and the King and Lords assents thereto, which was done at their request as Petioners, not Judges.

4ly. Because their Judgements and Attainders, passed formerly by the Lords and Judges, were good in Law, though thus ratified afterwards by Bill, for the greater terror, certainty, and satisfaction; and these Bills did pass no new Judgements and Attainders upon the parties, but only ratifie the old; and in cases where there was no precedent Attainder, they attaint them only by vertue of their Legislative power, without any indictment, tryal, or hearing of the parties themselves, as Judges of them (some of them being dead when attainted) taking all the [Page 202] charges in the Bills pro confesso, and notoriously true, and proved such by some other precedent legal convictions and evidences.

2ly. There is a formal proper Judgement given in our Parliaments both in criminal and civil causes, upon com­plaints, Articles, Petitions, Impeachments, Inditements, In­formations, Writs, Appeals, Reports, References, and that either against or concerning Peers themselves, or against or concerning Commoners, and other Laicks or Clergy­men. And in all such cases, proceedings, the King and Lords alone have a proper judiciary power or right of Ju­dicature without the Commons, vested in and executed by them, which I shall abundantly evidence and make good by sundry memorable Presidents out of our Histories and Records in all ages, not vulgarly known, and for the most part never yet remembred by any who have wri [...]ten of our Parliaments, and the proceedings in them, whose Treatises are very slight, unsatisfactory, and in many things of this nature, erronious.

I shall begin first with presidents concerning Ecclesia­stical & Temporal Lords alone, proceeded against, impea­ched, judged, censured in our Parliaments for sundry crimi­nal causes, Offences, Treasons, wherin the House of Com­mons can challenge no share or voice in the Judicature, (especially in the case of Temporal Lords, who are such in their own right, and sit in Parliament ratione Nobilitatis) but the Lords alone, and that by the express Letter and Resolution of the Great Chariers of King John, and of King Henry 3. and Ed. 1. c. 14.29.15 E. 3. c. 2, 3, 4. and ro [...]. Parl. n. 6.8.11 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 6, 7.5 H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 12.28 H. 6. ror. Parl. n. 51, 52, 53. 20 H. 6. c. 9.26 H. 8. c. 13.28 H. 8. c. 7.18.31 H. 8. c. 12.32 H. 8. c. 4.33 H. 8. c. 12, 20, 23.35 H. 8. c. 2.1 Ed. 6. cap. 12. 1 Mar. c. 6.1 & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 3.4 & 5 Phil. & Mar. c. 4.1 Eliz. c. 1.5.5 Eliz. c. 11.13 Eliz. c. 1.14 Eliz. c. 1, 2, 3. 18 El. c. 1.23 El. c. 1, 2.27 El. c. 2.3 E. 3.19. Fit: Corone 16 [...].1 H. 4.1.10 E. 4.6. Brooke Trial 142. Stamford▪ l. 3. c. 1. f. 152.33 H. 8. Brook [...] [Page 203] Trial 142.34 H. 8. Bro: Corone 172.13 H. 8.11. Br. Treasons 29.38 H. 8. Br. Treasons 2.33. Dyer 99.107.208.360. Cook 6 Rep. f. 52.9 Rep. f. 30.87. and Cooks 2 Instit. f. 28, 29, 48, 49, 50. and his 3 Instit. c. 1. & 2. p. 27, 28, 29.30, 31. All which declare, enact, re­solve, That the Peers of this Realm shall not be tried or pro­ceeded against, but only by the lawfull judgement, and verdict of their Peers. The Lords and Barons of Parliaments trial by Peers alone of their own rank, being so essential, that they cannot waive, nor put themselves upon the trial of the Country, by 12. ordinary Freeholders, as was resolved in the Lord Dacres case, Pa. 26 H. 8. Cooks 3 Institutes, f. 30. much less then can they waive their Peerage it self, and sit as Commoners in the Commons house, as I have for­merly proved.

The first president I meet with in our Histories of this nature, is in the reign of Cassibelan the British King, who having repulsed Julius Caesar upon his first landing in this Island and forced him to return into France, Galfridus Monum: hist. l. 4. Porticus Verunnius, Hist. Brit. l. 4. Mat. Westm. Flores Hist. p. 66, 67. Fabi­an, Holinshed, Grafton. Edictum fecit ut omnes Proceres Britanniae convenirent; to the City of [...]roynovant, now London: where Evelin, nephew to Androgens Duke of Troynovant, slaying Heralgas nephew to Cassibelan, upon a sudden quarrel as they were playing together, Cassibelan thereupon commanded Evelin to be brought before him, talem sententiam quam Proceres regni judicarent subire: which Androgeus opposing, [...]aying sese suam Curiam habere, & in illa diffiniri debere quicquid aliquis in homines suos clamaret; thereupon Cassibelan threatned to waste his Country with fire and sword, if he refused to deliver up his Nephew to justice, to undergo the sentenc [...] quam Proceres dictarent: which he according­ly executed, for refusing to put his Nephew upon the Trial and Judgement of the Nobles for this murder.

The next president I find, is that of Will. Malmsburien­sis de Gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 264. to 269. Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 792. to 795. Mat. Westm. Anno 692.711. Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 160, 161. Stubs and Godwin in Wilfrids life. Wilfrid Archbi­shop [Page 204] of York, who for refusing to divide his Bishoprick in­to two Bishopricks more, and for endeavouring to per­swade Queen Emburga, to become a Nun, and desert her husband Egfrid, King of Northumberland, was through that Queens malice and prosecution in two several Par­liamentary Councils Anno 678. & 692. twice deprived of his Archbishoprick and banished the Realm, by King Egfrid, Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest o [...] the Bi­shops and Nobles of the Realm assembled in these Coun­cils; and at last restored to his Archbishoprick again, in another Council, An. 705. by King Osred his will and con­sent.

About the year of our Lord 924. Willelm. Malmburien­sis de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. [...] ▪ c. 6, p. 62. Spelmanni Concil. p. 407, 408. Speed p. 396. Elfred a Noble­man, who opposed Aethelstans title and election to the Crown, though in vain, intended to seise upon him at Win­chester, and put out his eyes; but his Treason being discove­red, he was apprehended and sent to Rome to purge himself thereof by Oath: where he abjuring the fact before the Al­tar of St. Peter in the presence of Pope John the 10th. fell down suddenly to the ground as dead, and being thereupon carri­ed away thence to the English School, he there expired within 3 dayes after. The Pope acquainting the King therewith, and craving his advice, what to do with him, and whether he should have Christian burial? the King thereupon assemb­led a Council of the Nobles of his Realm, at whose in­teaty he granted him Christian burial; but for this his Treason, they confiscated all his Lands great and small to the King, who by their consent granted them all to the Abbey of Malmsbury by his Charter: wherein he recites Elfreds Treason, death, and the judgement given against him by the Nobles: adding Sciant Sapientes regionis nostrae, non has praefatas terras me in iuste rapuisse, rapinamque Deo dedicasse▪ sed sic eas accepi quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates regni Anglorum: et sic adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in Magnis et Modicis. Here we have a direct judgement given against Elfred after his death, by all the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a Par­liamentary Council, for Treason against the King, for [Page 205] which they adjudged, he should forfeit all his Lands to the King: whose seisure of them by this legal judgement, was no rapine, but a just and legal perquisite, which he in gra­titude dedicated unto God.

Mat. West. Sim. Dunelm. Florent. Wi­gorn. Hove­den, Bromton. an. 985.986▪ 992, 993. Malmsb. de Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 10. Anno 985. as some; or 986. as others relate, King Ethelred banished Alfric Duke of Mercia ▪ out of the Realm: the cause and manner thereof, not expressed by our Historians, is thus recited in King Ethelreds Charter to the Abbot of Abingdon, in the Leiger book of Abing­don, f. 91. that Alfric had forcibly ravished and taken a­way, Willemetrant and Syrene from a widdow named Ead­feild, for which he was banished: after which being recal­led, and made one of the Kings Admirals against the Danes, Anno 992· he played the Traytor and revolted to the Danes, as our Historians record; for which Treason, & as that Charter recites; quia cum Ducatu suo contra Regem Ethelredum reus exstitit, omnes possessiones ejus Regis ditioni subactae sunt: and that by the Lords judgement given in a COUNCIL at CIRENCESTER: stiled Synodale Conci­lium ad quod omnes Optimates mei simul in unum con­venerint, et eundem A [...]fricun Majestatis reum, de h [...]c pa­tria profugum, expu [...]erunt: by whose Judgement, as he sei­sed his Dukedom and Lands there adjudged to be forfei­ted for his Treason, it is likewise probable he caused the Eyes of Algarus, son of this Traytor Alfric to be put out: An [...]o 993. when this Council at Cirencester was held, as I conjecture.

In a great Parliamentary Council held at Oxford, Malmsb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. c. 10. Fl. Wigor. p. 382. Mat. Westm. p. 395. Hove­den, p. 433. Anno 1015. King Ethelred caused some Nobles of the Da­nish race, whereof Sygeforth and Morcar were chief, to be suddenly and secre [...]ly slain and put to death, as being noted and accused of Treason and Perfidiousness towards the King; who thereupon seised upon their Earldoms, Lands and Goods.

King Cnute Aethelre­dus Abbas de Geneal. Re­gum Angl. col. 965, 966. Flor. Wigorniensis, p. 389▪ 390. Simeon Dunelmen­sis, col. 175, 176. Hoveden, p. 436. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventibus Angl. l. 1. c. 3. Polychron. l. 6. c. 18. Hen. Huntindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 363. Anno 1017. by his precepts assembled all [Page 206] the Bishops, Dukes, Princes and Nobles of the English Nation in a Great Parliamentary Council at London, where they all swore allegeance and homage to Cnute as their King, to­tally rejected, abjured Edmond Ironsides Sons and Brothers, (right heirs to the Crown;) against their former Oaths of Al­legiance to them, and by wicked advice, ad [...]udged Prince Edwin to be banished the Realm, and Edmond Ironsides Sons to be sent beyond the seas, to be slain by the Barbarians; for which, by divine retaliation, [...]he chiefest of them within one year after, were slain or banished the Realm by King Cnute, whom they endeavoured to ingratiate and secure by this their unjust sentence. The Col. 937, 938. Chronicle of Bromton, Part. 6. Caxton in his Chronicle, and Titles of Honor, part. 3, ch. 5. Sect. 6. p. 634. Mr. Selden, record this memorable proceeding in an Appeal of Treason against Earl Godwin in a Parliamentary Council held about the year 1043. Godwin Earl of Kent being enforced to fly into Denmark to pre­serve his life, for the murder of Prince Alfred, Brother to King Edward the Confessor, hearing of Edwards piety and mercy, resolved to return into England, humbly to im­plore his mercy and grace, that he might regain his lands then confiscated for it; having provided all things for his journy he put to Sea, arived in England, and posted to Lon­don, where the King then held a Parliamentary Council wi [...]h all his Nobles. Comes Godwinus usque Londonias ubi Rex et omnes regni Magnates ad Parliamentum tunc fuerant, properavit, rogans ibi et petens amicos & con­sanguineos suos, qui post Regem majores terrae fuerunt, ut gra­tiam et amicitiam à Rege sibi perquirere studerent. Qui su­per hoc consilio inter eos deliberato, ipsum coram Rege pro gra­t [...]a obtinenda secum duxerunt. Sed statim cum Rex eum in­tuitus esset▪ De proditione et morte Alfredi fratris sui, ipsum appellavit in haec verba. Proditor Godwine ego te appello de morte Alfredi fratris mei, quem proditionaliter occidisti. Cui Godwinus se excusando respondit. Domine mi Rex, salva reverentia et gratia vestra, pace & domina­tione, fratrem vestrum unnquam prodidi veloccidi; un­de super hoc pono me in consideratione Curiae vestrae. Tunc d [...]xit Rex, Karissimi Domini, Comites et Barones [Page 207] terrae: qui est [...]s homines me [...] liget modo hic congrega [...], & appel [...]um meum responsumque Godwini audisti [...], Volo, quod inter nos in ista appellatione rectum judiciam de­cernatis et debitam justitiam faciatis: Comitibus vero et Baronibus super hoc ad in vicem tractantibus, quid [...]m inter eos de justo judicio faciendo diversimodo sentiebant: Alii enim a [...]cebant; Quod nunquam per homagium, ser­vitium, seu fidelitatem Godwinus Regi exstitit alligatus▪ et ideo Proditor suus non fuit; & quod ipsum etiam manibus fuis non occiderat. Alii vero dixerunt: Quod Comes, nec Baro, nec aliquis Regi subditus bellum contra Re­gem in appellatione sua-de Lege potest vadiare, sed in toto ponere in misericordia su [...], et emendas sibi of [...]er [...]e competentes. Tunc Leofricus, Consul Cestriae▪ probus homo quoad Deum & seculum, dixit: Comes Godwinus, post Re­gem & homo melioris parentelae totius Angliae, et dedicere non potest, quin per consilium suum Alfredus frater Regis interemptus fuit; unde per me considero, qúod ipsemet & filius suus, et nos omnes 12. Comites, qui amici et consanguinei sui sumu [...], coram Rege humiliter proceda­mus, onerati cum tanto auro et argento quantum inter brachia sua quilibet nostrum poterit bajulare, illud sibi pro su [...] transgresin afferendo, et suppliciter deprecando, ut ip­se malevolentiam suam, rancorem et iram Comi [...]i con o­net: et acce [...] tis homagio suo & fidelitate, terras suas sibi integre restituat e [...] retradat. Illi au [...]em omnes sub ista for­ma thesauro se onerantes, et ad Regem acced [...]ntes, seriem & modum considerationis eorum sibi demonstr [...]bant. Quorum considerationi Rex contrad [...]cere nolens, quicquid judicave­rant per omnia ratificavit: Concordia igitur sub isto modo inter eos facta, Comes statim reobtinuit integreterras suas See the 3. Part of my Seasonable Legal and Historical Vindication, &c. p. 273. to 277. By this notable president it is most apparent: That the Peers and Barons in Parliament, were then the sole and only Judges, and gave judgement in it: That Peers in the Confessors reign and before, were only to be tried, judg­ed by their Peers: and that their Judgement and resoluti­on was binding even to the King himself, who ought to assent to and confirm their judgements given in his own Appeal and particular cases.

[Page 208] Malmsb. de Gestis Re­gum, l. 2. c. 13. Mat. Westm. Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Bromton, an. 1051. Hun­tindon Hist. l. 6. p. 366, Holinshed, Grafton, Fa­bian, Speed. In the year of our Lord, 1051. this Earl Godwin refusing to execute King Edwards unjust command, to fall with his Army upon the Inhabitants of Dover, upon the complaint of Eustace Earl of Boloigne, whose men they slew in an affray raised by their own insolency and abuse; conceiving it to be unjust to condemn and execute them before a Legal hearing, trial and conviction, upon a meer accusation; thereupon Eustace and the Normans accused Godwin and his two sons, Harold and Swain, to the King, that they disobeyed and went about to betray him. Wherefore, TOTIUS REGNI PROCERES, all the Nobles of the Realm were commanded to meet together at Glocester, that the business might be there debated in a Great Parliamentary As­sembly. Syward Earl of Northumberland, Leofri [...] Earl of Mercia, and all the Nobility of England there meeting upon this occasion; Godwin and his two sons only absent­ed themselves, thinking it not safe to come thither with­out a strong armed guard: upon this they raised a great Army under a pretence to curb the Welshmen, marching with their forces into Glocestershire as farr as Beverston Castle. Whence he sent a Message to the King, to deliver up to him Earl Eustace, with his Companions, and the Normans and Bononians who kept Dover Castle, else he would denounce war against him. The King having rai­sed a powerfull Army, returned him this answer; That he would not deliver them up to him: withall commanding him and his Sons to come unto him on a set day, to answer his rai­sing of an Army against him, and disturbing the Peace of the Realm without his license, and to submit himself to the Law for the same. At last to prevent a bloudy battel, by the me­diation of the Nobles of England (engaged on both par­ties in this quarrel) it was agreed, that hostages should be given on both sides, and that the King and Godwin should meet in another Parliamentary Council at London on a certain day, to plead one with another: where such a Council (or Parlia­ment as our English later Historians stile it) being assemb­led: Godwin and his sons were summoned to appear there­in only with 12 men to attend them: which they think­ing [Page 209] both unsafe and dishonourable to them, refused to appear without hostages and pledges also given for their safety, refusing to surrender their Knights fees to him; the King for their contempt to appear and justifie them­selves in his Court of Parliament, thereupon in suo Con­cilio communi Curiae suae judicio; by the Common Coun­cil and Judgement of his Court (of Parliament) banished Godwin and his 5. Sons out of England: and a Decree was published, that they should depart w [...]thin 5. days out of England; Which Judgement and Outlawry against them, was given in Parliamento pleno, as Radulphus Cistrensis in his Po­ly [...]h [...]onicon, Henry de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 11. and other Historians inform us. Godwin and his Sons hereupon departing the Realm, infested it both by Sea and Land, till at last raising a potent Navy and Army, to prevent further danger and effusion of blood; the King by the COUNCIL OF HIS NOBLES assembled for that purpose; reversed the unjust Judgements given a­gainst them, restored them to their Lands, Honors, Pow­ers, and banished those Aliens who gave the King ill Counsel, and incensed him against Godwin and the Eng­lish.

Henry Huntindon Hist. l. 6. p. 366. Poly­chron. l. 6. c. 20 Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 445. King Edward Anno 1055. Habito Londini Conci­lio, holding a Parliamentary Council with his Prelates and Nobles at London, banished Algarus Son of Leofric Earl of Mercia out of the Realm Hen. de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 11. Willelmus Malmsburien­sis, de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 23. Quia de Proditione Regis in CONCILIO CONƲICTUS fuerat; because he was convicted in the Council of Treason against the King; as some Historians write: yet Florentius Wigorniensis, Si­meon Dunelmensis, Hoveden Henry de Knyghton, and others affirm, that he was banished sine culpa, without any crime at all: whereupon he coming with 18 ships out of Ire­land, joyned with Griffin King of Wales, raised a great Army and invaded England; whereupon by agreement he was restored by the King to his Earldom: After which, Ingulphi Hist. p. 898. Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden, anno 1055, 1058. Anno 1058. he was banished the second time, and by th [...] [Page 210] ayd and assi [...]tance of Gr [...]ffin, restored again to his Earldom (whereof he was unjustly deprived.)

In the year 1074. Hoveden, Annal. pars prior, p. 456, 457. Simeon Dunelmensis, col. 208, 209. Florent. Wi­gorniensis, Huntindon, Bromton, Holinshed, Speed, Daniel and others, Anno 1174, 1075. Waltheof Earl of Northumberland, with sundry other Earls, Bishops and Abbots, and other Eng [...]ishmen, meeting together at the mariage of Earl Ralph to the daughter of William Fitz O [...]bert, conspired togeth­er against King William the first (then in Normandy) to expell him out of his kingdom, reputing it a great disho­nour, that an illegitimate Bastard should rule over them: for which purpose they raised forces and confederated them­selves with the Danes and Welshmen. But being resisted by the Kings party and routed; thereupon the King post­ing into England, imprisoned Roger Earl of Hereford, and Earl Waltheof, though he revealed the whole conspiracy to Archbishop Lanfranke, and submitted himself to the King before it brake out, by which means it was timely suppres­ed. The King the next Nativity of our Saviour follow­ing, CURIAM SUAM TENUIT held his Court (of Parliament) at Westminster; wherein, ‘Ex eis, qui con­tra eum cervicem suam erexerant, de Anglia quosdam exlegavit, quosdam eru [...]is oculis, vel manibus truncatis, deturbavit; Comites vero Walt [...]eolfum & Rogerum JUDICI ALI SENTENTIA DAMNATOS arctiori custodiae mancipavit; and the next year 1075. Comes Waltheofus ju [...]su Regis Willielmi extra Civitatem Winto­niae ductus est indigne, et crudeliter securi decapitatur, et in eodem loco terra obruitur et in bivio sepelitur.’ Sir Edward Cook in his 2. Institutes p. 50. affirms, that this Roger Earl of Hereford was tried BY HIS PEERS, and found guilty of this Treason, PER JUDICIUM PARIUM SUORƲM: who was thereupon imprisoned all the days of his life. If then this Court thus held, was a Parliament, and those Earls there tried and found guilty of Treason in it by their Peers even under the Conqueror himself; it is a most pregnant Authority to prove; that Peers are triable only by their Peers in Parliament; that they are the only Judges in Parliament in cases of Treason, and did then give sentence of banishment, and pulling out the eyes, and [Page 211] cutting off the hands of Traytors of inferiour condition, as well as sentence of death, decapitation, and perpetu­al imprisonment against those two Earls.

Floren­tius Wigor­niensis, Mat. Westm. Mat. Paris, Brom­ton, Simeon Dunelmensis, Hoveden and others, Anno 1070. Anno 1070. There was a GREAT COUNCIL held at Winchester, jubente & praesente Rege Gulielmo, where­in Si [...]gan [...] Archbishop of Canterbury, his Brother Bishop Agelmar, and lundry Abbots were degraded for many pretended rather than real crimes and misdemeanours, ‘operam dante Rege ut quamplures ex Angliis suo hono­re privarentur, in quorum loco suae gentis personas sub­rogavit, in confirmationem sui (quod noviter acqusie­rat) regni. Hic & nonnullos tam Episcopos quam Ab­bates, quos nulla evidenti causi, nec Concilia, nec le­ges seculi damnabant, suis honoribus privavit, & us­que ad finem vitae custodiae mancipatos detinuit, sus­picione tantum inductus novi Regni:’ As Florentius Wigorniensis and others inform us. And in another Floren­tius Wigorni­ensis, Anno 1070, p. 435, 436. Mat. Paris, Hove­den, Huntin­don, Simeon Dunelmensis Bromton. Council held the same year at Windsore, Bishop Agelric (for pretended crimes) was uncanonically degraded, without any fault, and presently after sent Prisoner to Marlebridge: In this Council many Abbots were like­wise degraded, and Norman Monks put in their places.

In the 7 year of William Rufus, Eadme­rus Hist. Nov. l. 1. p. 25. to 32. Antiqui­tates Eccles. Brit. p. 101, 102. Gul. Malmesbury de Gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 1. p. 219 to 230, Speeds History, p. 462, 463, 464: Holinshed, vol. 3. p. 22, to 36. Anno Dom. 1094. there fell out a great difference between the King and Archbishop Anselm upon this occasion. The King alle­ged that it was the royal prerogative of him and his An­cestors, That no man without his license or election should nominate or acknowledge any one within the Realm of England, to be a lawfull Pope, or yield obedience to him as Pope: and that whosoever would deprive him of this royal prerogative, it was all one as if he endeavoured to deprive him of his Crown. Anselm whiles he was Abbot of Becca in Normandy, before he was made Archbishop of Canterbury, had acknow­ledged Urban to be lawfull Pope, whom the King had nor yet received as Pope, and resolved to receive his Pall from him, and by no means to recede from this his subjection and obedience to him. Upon which occasion the King being [Page 212] highly displeased with him, protested, That Anselm could not possibly keep that allegiance which he owed to him, and likewise his obedience to the Apostolick See, against his will, they being inconsistent together; and thereupon reputed him a Traytor to his Crown and dignity. ‘Anselmus igitur [...]e [...]ivit inducias ad istius rei examinationem qua­renu [...] Episcopis, Abbatibus, cunctisque regni Principi­bus una coeuntibus communi assensu definiretur; [...]rum s [...]lva reverentia & obe [...]ientia sedis Apostolicae possit fi­dem Regi terreno ser [...]are, an non? Quod si probatum inquit, fuerit, utrumque fieri minime posse, fate or malo terram tuam, donec Apostolicum suscipias, exe­undo devitare, quam beati Petri ejusque Vicarii obe­dientiam vel ad horam abnegare. Dantur ergo indu­ciae atque ex Regis sanctione firme totius Regni No­bilitas quinto Id. Martii, pro ventila [...]ione istius causae in unum apud Rochingh [...]ham coit.’ All the Bishops, Abbots and Nobles being there assembled in a Parlia­mentary Council, this controversie between the King and Anselm being stifly debated for many days, The King required, and the Bishops and Nobles much pressed An­selm, singly to submit himself to the Kings Will, without any saving of his obedience to the Pope: which he peremptorily refused, this being the sum of his answer to the Bishops and Nobles. Cuncti noveritis in communi, quod in his quae Dei sunt, Vicario be ti Petri obedientiam; & in his quae ter­renae Domini mei Regis dignitati jure competunt; & fidele consilium & auxilium propensus mea capacitate impendam. The King extremely incensed with his answer, most in­tirely inquired of his Bishops and Nobles; what he should object against his speeches? After much consulta­tion they agreed upon an answer; telling Anselm, No­veris totum regnum conqueri adversum te, quod nostro com­muni Domino conaris decus Imperii sui, Coronam auferre, Quicunque enim Reg [...]e dignitatis & consuetudines tollit, Co­ronam simul & regnum tollit, &c. Whereupon they ad­vised him to renounce Urban, and to submit to the King, and crave his pardon for his offence; Which he refusing, [Page 213] they perswad [...]d the King to give him no longer time to advise, if he persiste [...] in his obstinacy; Sed in eum mox judicii sententiam invehi, juberet: The King and Bishop of Durham pre [...]ed, That he might be deprived of his Ring, Pastoral staff, and Bishop [...]ick, and banished the Realm, if he would no submit to the Kings will; which some of the Nobles misliking (concei [...]ing, that he being their Supe­riour and Metropolitan, could not be judged by them, but by the Pope alone) the King said, Quid placeat si haec non placent? dum vivo parem mihi in regno utique sustinere nolo, &c. Anselm thereupon desired the Kings safe conduct, promising voluntarily to depart the Realm, but refused to resign his Bishoprick; which the King refused to grant unlesse he resigned it: At last, by the mediation of the Nobles and Bishops, the King granted him longer time to consider of his absolute submission to him; upon the promise of his loyal and peaceable deportment in the in­terim, and so this Parliamentary Council ended, the proceedings whereof are at large recorded by l. 3. p. 70. &c. Eadmerus, well worth perusal.

Anno Th. Wal­singham Ypo­digmae Neu­striae, p. 33, 34. 1095. Robert de Mulbrain, William de Auco, and many others, conspired to deprive King William Ru­fus both of his kingdom and life, and to make Stephen Earl of Albemarl King, whom the King having thereupon taken Prisoners by an Army raised against them, and committed to safe custody, till their trial in Parliament.

Anno 1996. 8 days after Epiphany, apud Salisberiam tenuit CONCILIUM; in quo jussit Gulielmi de Auco, in duello victi oculos eru [...]re, & testiculos abscindere, & da­piferum illius Gulielmum de Alderi, suspendi. Comitem Odonem de Campania, praedicti Stephani patrem, & quosdam alios traditionis participes in custodiam posuit. Here the King and Lords in a Parliamentary Council, [...]udge and condemn Traytors to death, imprisonment, or other corporal punishment, as well Commons as Peers.

In the year of Christ, 1.100. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 997. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 7. p. 378. Mat. Paris, p. 51, 54. Will. Malmesb. de gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 277, 278. Hen. de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. Polychr. l. 7. c. 12. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops, p. 645, 646, 647. Roger de Hoveden An­nal. pars prior, p. 648. Ranulph Flambard Bi­shop [Page 214] of [...]urham, Consilio gentis Anglorum, By the Vote of the whole Parliament of England, was clapt up Prisoner in the Tower of London by King Henry the 1. at the importunity of the Nobles, and the innumerable complaints made against him, he being the chief Au­thor and promoter of all the evil customs, extortions, and unjust oppressions of the Realm and people, exercised by King William Rufus (then redressed by the Charter of King Henry, made and ratified by the assent, advice of his Nobles and Barons) exacting many times twice as much of the people as W [...]lliam Rufus required, where­with the K. very well content, would laugh, and say, That Ranulph was the only man for his turn, who cared not whom he displeased, so he might please his Master. After he had been imprisoned some space, he made an escape out of the Tower by a rope, hurting his Leg and Arm by a fall from the wall to the ground, the rope being too short; & then escaping into Normandy, instigated D. Rob. to claim the Crown, and invade the Realm; to his own great loss, the effusion of much Christian blood, and great distur­bance and damage of the kingdom; being ad omne scelus paratus.

Anno Dom. 1102. Eadme­rus Hist. Nov. l. 3. p. 67. Wil. Malmesbury de gestis Pon­tif. l. 5. p. 220. Antiqu. Ec­cles. Brit. p. 103, 104. Mat. Westm. Mat. Paris, Hove­den, Bromton, An. 1102. Si­meon Du­nelm. col. 227, 228. Radulph. de Diceto, col. 499. Bromton, col. 1000. There was a GENERAL Council held in the Church of St. Peters in Westminster on the Westside of London; Communi assensu Episcoporum, et Abbatum, et Principum totius regni: huic conventui affuerunt (Anselmo Archiepiscopo petente a Rege) PRI­MATES REGNI, quatenus quicquid ejusdem Concilii au­ctoritate d [...]cerneretur, ƲTRIUSQUE ORDINIS concordi cura & sollicitudine tatum servaretur; sic enim necesse erat. I [...] this Council the Sin of Symony was first of all condemned by the authority of the holy Fathers, and Wido Abbot of Pescore, Wimundus of Tavestock, and Bald­win of Ramsy, Godric of Burgh, Haymo of Cernel, Egelric of Midleton being therein convicted of Simony, were removed and deposed for it by this Council, and Richard Abbot of Ely, Robert of St Edmonds and the Ab­bot of Miscelen deposed for other particular crimes and [Page 215] offence [...]. A [...]o [...] which the King being much incensed against Anselm and other Bishops for refusing to conse­crate those Bishops whom the King invested with a staff and ring, the King and Anselm having a hot contest a­bout it at Canterbury, Ne ipse perdendo suorum jura An­ [...]ecessorum ipsis vilior esset: Eadmerus l. 3. p. 70 &c. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 105, 107. See here p. 170, 171. [...] Anselm requested the King [...] deferr [...]he business till Easter▪ ut aud [...]to Episcoporum, Regni [...]ue Primatum Concilio, qui modo non assunt; re­sponde [...]m hi [...] ▪ which the [...]ing consenting to, at Easter, communis Concilit vocem unam accepit, that he should goe to Rome to the Pope to procure a repeal of the Canon, made against investi [...]ures; and that as the Kings Embas­sador, Regis preces, Regnique negotia Apostolicis auribus ex­positurus: Anselm undertaking the journey to Rome, like an Arch-Traytor, so incensed the Pope against investi­tures, and the King, That William Warenast the kings Embassador telling him, H [...] kn [...]w the King would rather lose his Crown than this Privilege of Investitures: The Pope thereto replyed; Yea, let him lose his head also if he will, whilst I live, he shall never appoint any Bishop in his Realm, but I will resist h [...]m what I may. The King hereupon (by the advise of his Nobles) prohibited Anselm to return into England, and seised all his Temporalties, and [...]oods moveable and unmoveable into his hands, keeping him in exile for 9 years space, after which he was conditionally restored, at the mediation of the Kings Sister A­dela.

Anno 1106. Henry de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. col. 2374. Here p. 172. Robert Duke of Normandy, was first ad­judged to a shamefull cruel death, and after that to have his eyes pulled out, and he kept perpetual Prisoner: and Earl Morton with others adjudged to perpetual prison, BY THE PEERS, for taking up arms against King Henry the 1.

King Will. Malmesbury Historiae No­vel. l. 2. p. 181, 182, 183. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops, p. 319, 320, 321, 322. Holin­shed, p. 50, 51. Stephen having against his own, the Bishops and Nobles Oaths to King Henry and Maude, usurped the [Page 216] Crown, Anno 1199. There were divers rumours spread a­broad, that Robert Earl of Normandy, and Mawde would invade England, and that Roger Bishop of Salisbury, and Alexander his Nephew, Bishop of Lincoln, who were ve­ry powerfull, wealthy, and had built, fortified and fur­nished divers strong and stately Castles, would upon the Empress landing surrender them to her, and revolt from Stephen to her party, Paternorum scilicet beneficiorum me­moria inducti, being both advanced and inriched by her father: Whereupon the Nobles oft times wished Ste­phen to compell them speedily to resign their Castles to him, least he repented too late for not doing it, when they were in the Enemies power. Thereupon the King on the 8 of July apud Oxenford, FACTO CONVENTU MAGNATUM, summoned both these Bishops to this Parliamentary Assembly; to which Bishop Roger was very unwilling to come, having a great reluctancy in his mind against it; whereupon he excused his coming, by reason of his age and infirmity: but that would not be admitted, come he must, and did. When these Bishops came to Oxford, there fell out a sudden quarrel between the servants of the Bishops, and the servants of Alan Earl of Britain, as they sate together at the Table, the Bishops men quarrelling with the Earls, and falling first a fighting with one another with their fists, and at last with their swords, a sore fray was made, divers being wounded on either side, and one slain; the Earls servants being put to slight by the Bishops. The K. taking this occasion, Conveniri jussit Episcopis, ut Curiae suae satisfa­cerent de hoc, quod homines eorum pacem ipsius exturbas­sent: Modus fatisfactionis foret, ut claves castellorum su­orum quasi fidei vadis traderent. The Bishops said they were ready to give the King satisfaction, but delaying the surrendring of their Castles, he commanded them to be more strictly watched, lest they should depart; and the king carrying the Bishop of Salisbury with him, besieged his Castles till they were surrendred to him by composi­tion. This act of the king was variously interpreted, and [Page 217] very i [...]l resented by all the Bishops, who thereupon re­volted from him, first in their affections, and then by their actions to Mande, when she arived, and elected, declared her right heir to the Crown. Henry Bishop of Winche­ster the Popes Legat, though King Stephens own Brother, publikely to the Kings face, as well as privately, affirmed, Si Epis [...]opi tramitem Justitiae in aliquo transgrederentur non esse Regis sed Canonum judicium: sine publico et Eccle­siastico Concilio illos nulla possessione privare debuisse: Regem id non ex rectitudinis zelo, sed commodi sui compendio fecisse, qui Castella non Ecclesiis, ex quarum sumptibus, et in quarum terris constructa erat, reddider [...]t; sed Laicis, eisdem­que parum religiosis, contradiderit, &c. Quapropter vigorem Canonum, experiendum ratus, CONCILIIO quod quarto Ca­lend. Septembris celebraturus erat Wintoniae, fratrem Ste­phanum, incunctanter adesse praecepit. Dicto die omnes fere Episcopi Angliae, cum Theobaldo ARCHIEPISCOPO Cantuariensis, venerunt Wintoniam: In which Counc [...]l the Bp. of Winchester first reading his Legats Commission in England granted him by the Pope, and then relating the great indignity done by King Stephen to those Bishops by imprisoning their persons and seising their Castles against the Canons, demanded the Archbishops and Bishops ad­vice what to do therein: concluding, Se ad executionem Concilii, nec pro Regis amicitia, qui sibi frater erat, nec pro damno possessionum, nec etiam pro capitis periculo defuturum. Rex causae suae non diff [...]sus Comites in Concilium misit, quae­rens cur vocatus esset? Responsum est à Legato in compendio: Non debere illum, qui se Christi fidei subjectum meminisset, indignari, si à ministris Christi ad satisfactionē vocatus esset, tanti reatus conscius, quantum nostra secula nunquam vidis­sent, &c. Consulte vero in praesentiarum Rex faceret, si ratio­nem facti sui redderet, vel Canonicum judicium subiret: Ex debito etiam oportere ut Ecclesiae faveret, cujus sinu exceptus non manu militum in regnum promotus fuisset. Hereupon the Earls departing, having provided an answer, returned with one Albric de Vere, an experienced Lawyer: who aggravating the Bishops offences against the King, and [Page 218] the [...]ray of their Servants at Oxford in a modest manner, without reproach; alleged, that they being accused by general reports in all mens mouths, for intending to deli­ver up their Castles to Maud upon her arival, the King had thereupon apprehended and imprisoned them, not as Bishops, but as his Servants and Officers, and had not ta­ken away their Castles by force, but by the Bishops volun­tary surrender, ut calumniam de tumultu, quem in Curia coneitaverant, evaderent: That the money found in them, was only that the Bishops had collected for King Henry his Uncles use, and belonged now to his own Eschequer; and that the Bishops willingly parted with the mony and Castles to him, for fear of the things they had committed against the King, who wanted not Witnesses to prove it. Therefore he desired the agreements between him and the Bishops might remain confirmed. Bishop Roger on the contrary, denyed he was ever the Kings Officer, or received his moneys; adding, Si justitiam de rebus sibi ablatis in illo CONCILIO non inveniret, eam in audientia majoris Curiae q [...]aerendam. The Legat gently replyed, Omnia quae dicuntur contra Episcopos prius in Concilio Ecclesiastico et accusari, & a [...] vera essent, decuisset inquiri, quam in indemnes contra Ca­nonum Decreta sententiam proferri. Rex itaque faciat quod in forensibus judiciis legitimum est fieri, ut revestiat Episco­pos de rebus suis. Alioquin jure Gentium, disseisati non pla­citabunt. After much debate on both sides, the cause was put off 3. dayes one after ano [...]her till the Archbishop of Rhoan came. Is ubi venit, dixit, se concedere ut Castella E­piscopi haberent, si se jure habere debere per Canones probari possent; quod quianon possent, extremae improbitatis esse contra Canones niti velle. Et esto (inquit) justum sit ut habeant; Certe, quia suspectum est tempus, juxta morem aliarum gen­tium, Optimates omnes claves munitionum suarum debent vo­luntati Regis contradere, qui pro omnium pace debet militare. Ita omnis controversia Episcoporum infirmabatur. Aut enim secundum Canonum scita injustum est, ut habeant Castella; aut si hoc pro indulgentia principali toleratur, ut tradant cla­ves necessitati temporis debent cedere. Albric the Kings [Page 219] Lawyer added; that the King was informed the Bishops intended to send some of themselves to Rome against him: But he advise [...]h none of you to presume to doe it: for if any of you shall presume to go any whither against his will and the dignity of the Realm of England it is pro­vided that his return will be very difficult. Hereupon the Council presently dissolved, and so ita discessum est, ut nec Rex censuram Canonum pà [...]i vellet, nec Episcopi eam consul­tum exercere ducerent duplici ex causa; seu quia Principem excommunicare sine Apostolici conscientia temera [...]ium esset, seu quoniam audirent, quidam etiam viderent gladios circa se nudari.

Chronicon Gervasii, col. 1371. Gul. Nub [...]igen. l. 1. c. 32. Matth. Westm. anno 1152. Gervas. Dorobern. Act. Pontif. Cant. col. 1668. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 117. God­wins Catal. of Bishops, p. 85, 86. Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 57, 59. Speeds History, p. 496 497. King Stephen in the [...]ea [...] 1152. Convocato apud Lon­donium, Generali Concilio, cum Episcopis, Proceribus et Nobilibus Angliae, tum pro Regni negotiis, cum etiam pro negotio vacantis Ecclesiae Eboracensis; much fearing and suspecting the valour and power of Young Henry Duke of Normandy (right heir of the Crown) ne in primo gradu haereditas cassaretur, fraude retenta, proposuit animo filium suū Eustachium, regio diademate insignire, & de jure debito & ju­rato Henricum praevenire & penitus privare. This design of his being propounded in this Great Council, the Earls and Barons assented to it; and thereupon (as Matthew Westminster records) Comites & Barones Angliae fecerunt ligantiam & fidelitatem Eustachio, filio Regis Stephani. Whereupon King Stephen requested Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops, to crown and anoint Eustace King. Which the Archbishop perempto­rily refused, the Pope having expresly prohibited him by his Letters; ne filium Regis qui contra jusjurandum reg­num usurpasse videbatur, in regem sublimaret: that he should not crown the Son of a King, who had usurped the Crown and kingdom, against his Oath to Henry the first, Queen Maud, and their heirs. Hereupon King Stephen and his Son Eustace with their complices, being highly incensed, commanded all the Bishops with the said Arch­bishop, to be shut up in one house where they were as­sembled, desiring to extort that from them by terrors and [Page 220] threats, which they could not gain by prayers or price. Some of the Bishops struck with fear, deserted the Arch­bishops advice, and seemed to comply with the King; but the Archbishop continuing firm and resolute in his purpose, escaping out of the House by a miraculous acci­dent, took his barge, and rowing down the Thames, got beyond Sea, and so escaped the threats of the King and Eustace, and defeated him of his much desired honour. Whereupon the King being more exasperated than be­fore (by the advice of the Council) presently banished him the Realm, seised his Temporalties and confiscated all his goods: Who by way of revenge stirred up Duke Henry, right heir to the Crown, to invade the Realm, the very next year; to whom most of the Nobles and people (mindfull of their former Oaths) presently flocked, deserting the perjured Usurper Stephen; who against his Oath invaded the crown by the instigation also of Roger Bp. of Salisbury; who though advanced by King Henry the 1. from a mean condition to the greatest place and power next to the King; yet pro­ved so treacherously ingratefull to his heir Queen Maud, to whom he had sworn allegiance, Neubri­gensis hist. l. 1. c. 6. U [...] Rege defuncto qui ei tantae in hoc seculo claritatis autor extiterat, circ [...] legiti­mos ejus haeredes insidus, ut S [...]ephanum Sacramento illo aequè astrictum allocaret, non solum non est veritus iucurrere per­jurium, verum etiam aliis insigne pejerandi praestruxit ex­emplum. And therefore was himself as ingratefully and perfidiously handled by King Stephen, who imprisoned his person and his Nephew Alexanders, Bishop of Lincoln very strictly, seised all their magnificent Castles, Wealth, Treasures, & pined them with famine; so that this perjured Bishop for loss of his Castles or Treasures, fell distracted through grief, and died mad de perspicuo Dei judicio vitam longo tempore splendidissimam infelicissimo fine concludens; as Neubrigensis observes.

Chronicon Gervasii, col. 1386, 1387, Roger Hoveden, annal. pars posterior, p. 491. to 534. Mat. Paris, p. 94. to 127. Mat. Westm. Bromton, ann. 1166 &c. Antiqui. Eccles. Brit. p. 118. to 124. God­wins Catalogue of Bishops, p. 86▪ to 96. Fox Acts and Monum. p. 186. to 206. Speeds History, p. 503. &c. Holinshed, p. 69. to 81. King Henry the second succeeding Stephen, Ann. 1164. [Page 221] to suppress the usurpations of the Pope and Prelates on the Crown, summoned all the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Ea [...]ls, Barons and Nobles of the Realm to a Parliamentary Great Council a [...] Clarindon, where they made a recognition of all the antient Customs and liberties of the Realm, used in the reign of king Henry the first, which they all took a solemn Oath inviolably to preserve to the King and his heirs for ever, and Archbishop Becket amongst the rest. The 11 Article was this: Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, & universae personae regni, qui de rege tenent in capite, habent possessio­nes suas de Domino Rege sicut Baroniam, &c. sicu [...] Baro­nes caeteri debent interesse judiciis curiae Regis, (to wi [...] of his Court of Parliament, An Abridge­ment of the Records in the Tower, p. 322. Seld [...]ns Titles of ho­nour, part 2 p. 735. 11 R. 2. Rot. Parl. p. 1. m. 2. rot. 34. as the protestation of the Archbishop and Prelates in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. rot. Patl. n. 9.11. resolves it) cum Baronibus, quo­usque perveniatur in judicio ad diminutionem Membro­rum vel ad mortem, An unanswerable authority tha [...] rhe Barons and Peers in Parliament, had antiently, in the reigns of Henry the 1. and 2. and long before, a judicial power even in criminal (as well as canonical) causes deserving loss of Member or death, and that as well in cases of Commons as Peers. It is observable that though according to this Article the Bishops in those days did not pronounce sentence, nor were not actually present at the giving of judgement by the other Barons in cases of blood; yet they took upon them the name of Ba­rons, and were present on that account, at all the debates, in criminal causes, and gave their votes therein in our Parliamentary Councils, absenting themselves only from the sentence and execution, for which Petrus Ble­sensis Archdeacon of Bath under king Henry the 2. thus justly censures them. Canon E­piscopalis Tractatus de Institutione Episcopi Bibl. Patrum, Tom. 12. pars 2. p. 942.944. ‘Quidam Episcopi Regum muni­ficentias & eleemosinas antiquorum, abusive BARO­NIAS & REGALIA VOCANT, & in occasione tur­pissimae servitutis, SEIPSOS BARONES appellant; vereor ne de illis quereletur Dominus, & dicat Osea 8.4. Ipsi regnaverunt, et non ex me, Principes extiterunt, & ego non cognovi. Scias te assumpsisse Pastoris officium [Page 222] NON BARONES, Cer [...]e Gen. 48.38. Joseph in Aegypto patrem suum & fratres instruxit, ut dicerent Pharoni, viri pa­stores sumus. Maluit eos profiteri Pastoris officium, quam PRINCIPIS aut BARONIS, &c. Vacuum a secularibus oportet esse animum divinae servitu [...]is ob­sequio consecratum, &c. Illud coelestem exasperat iram, et plerisque discrim [...]n aeternae damnationis accu­mulat, quod quidam Principes Sacerdotum et Seni­ores populi, licet non dictent judicia sanguinis, eadem tamen tractant disputando ac disceptando de illis, se­que adeo immunes a culpa reputant, quod mortis aut truncationis Membrorum judicium decernentes, a pronuntiatione duntaxat, et executione paenalis sen­tentiae se absentant.’ (The very words of this Article of Clarindon) ‘Sed quid hac simulatione perniciosius est? Nunquid discutere & diffinire licitum est, quod pro­nunciare non licet? Certe Saul de morte David mul­tiplici machinatione tractabat, (let others observe it) & ut malitiam suam sub umbra innocentiae palli­aret, dicebat, 1 Reg. 18.17. Non sit manus mea in eum▪ sed sit super eum manus Philistinorum. Sane quantum haec dissimu­latio ipsum excusabat apud homines, tantum apud Deum eundem damnabilius accusabat; Expressa fimi­litudinis forma, in CONSITORIO illo, in quo Christus ad mortem damnatus est, Pharisaei & Scribae dicebant, Johan. 18.3. Nobis non licet interficere quemquam: cum­que tamen clamarent dicentes, crucifige, sententiam in eo occisionis cruentae malignitate dictabant. Quem occidebant gladio linguae, publice protestabantur, sibi occidere non licere: eorumque iniquitas eo ipso dete­stabilior erat, quia ut evaderent humanum judicium, eam simulatione innocentiae occultebant; Animabus prae­latus es, non corporibus: nihil Praelato commune est cum Pilato: Christi villicus es, & Vicarius Petri; nec respondere oportet Coesari, de commissa tibi jurisdi­ctione, sed Christo, Quidam tamen per usurpatas seculi administrationes se vinculo curiali obnoxiant, & quasi renunciaverint suae privilegio dignitatis, calculum durioris eventus expectant.’

[Page 223]These Articles of Clarindon were not only sworn to, but likewise subscribed and sealed by all the Bishops, ex­cept Archbishop Becket, who refused to sign or set his seal unto them, unlesse the Pope would first confirm them by his Bill. The King hereupon sent two Embassadors to Rome unto the Pope, to crave his allowance of these Laws; but Becket had so dealt with the Pope before hand (who knew the cause to be more his own than Bec­kets) that he rejected the sute, and withall absolved Becket and the other Bishops from the Oath of allegiance they had taken to observe them. Whereupon the King being highly offended with Becket; summoned a Great Parliamentary Council of the Prelates and Nobles at Nor­thampton, wherein he demanded an account of 30000l, which came to Beckets hands during his Chancellorship: which he excusing, and refusing punctually to answer unto, the PEERS and BISHOPS condemned all his moveables to the Kings mercy. After which the Lords and Peers by joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury, for not yeelding temporal obedience to the King, according to his Oath taken at the Council of Clarindon, The Bishops thence­forwards openly disclaiming all obedience to him, as their Archbishop: The next day, whiles THE BISHOPS & PEERS were consulting of some further course to be taken with him, Becket caused to be sung before him at the Altar, The Princes set and speak against me, and the Un­godly persecute me, &c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his hands (a thing strange and unheard of be­fore) entred armed therewith into the Kings presence, though earnestly disswaded from it by all who wished him well; wherewith the King being inraged, comman­ded the Peers there assembled in a Parliamentary Council, to sit in judgement upon him, as on a Traytor or per­jured person; who accordingly adjudged him both a Traytor and perjured Rebel, and that he should be forthwith apprehended and cast into prison as such a one, and forfeit all his goods and temporalties. The Earls of Cornwal and Leicester, who SATE AS JUDGES, ci­ting [Page 224] him forthwith to hear his sentence pronounced; he immediately appealed to the See of Rome, as holding them no competent Judges: Whereupon all the Prelates and Nobles reviling him with the name of Traytor and per­jured person; he replyed, That were it not for his function, he would enter the duel or combate with them in the field, to acquit himself from Treason and Perjury. And so speeding away from them for fear of imprisonment, and disguising himself under the name and habit of Dereman, fled in a small Fisher boat into Flanders; Thereupon the King seised all his goods and temporalties into his hands, and sent Embassadors to the Earl of Flanders, the French King and Pope, praying them in no wise to suffer or foster within their Dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him.

Stepha­nides de Vita & Passione Tho: Cant. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho­nor, part 2. c. 5. p. 705, 706.The 2d. is William Fitz. Stephen, a Monk of Canterbury who attended Becket in his troubles. Hee after a large relation of the charge of John the Kings Marshal against him for injustice, mentioned by Hoveden, relates the dif­ference then happening between the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Barons in giving judgement against him, and the judgement it self, and proceedings therein in these words. ‘Secunda die consulentibus Episcopis, Comi­tibus et Baronibus Angliae omnibus; Nec Roffensis Episcopus, Chronicon Gervasiii col. 1394. Will. N [...]raic. cum plurib [...]s a [...]is non [...]um ve­nerat: Archiepiscopu laesae Majestatis Coronae Reglae arguitur, quia scilicet ut supra narratum e [...], a Rege ci­ [...]atus pro causa Johannis (the Marshal) neque venerat, neque idonie se excusasse [...], Archiepiscopi depulsio nul­lum locum habuit: allegata tamen Johannis supradicti injuria, et jurisdictione hujus causae propria & Curiae suae integritate, REX EXIGIT JUDICIUM. Archie­piscopi ratio nulla est approbara. VISUM EST OM­NIBƲS ex reverentia Regiae Majestatis, et ex astricti­one ligii homagii quod Domino Regi fecerat Archiepis­copus, & ex fidelitate e [...] observantia [...]ene [...]i ejus honoris quam ei juraverat, quod pa [...]um esset defensus vel excu­satus, quia citatus a Rege, neque venerat, neque corpo­ris infirmitatem, vel necessariam quae differri non possit [Page 229] officii, ecclesiastici administrationem per nuncios alle­gaverat: Condemnandumque eum dixerunt in paenam pecuniariam omnium bonorum suorum mobilium ad misericordiam Regis, De proferendo Iuducio [...]itan­ [...]ia fuit in [...]e [...] Episcopos et Barones, utr [...]sque a [...]teris il­lud imponen [...]ibus, u [...]r [...]que se excusantibus: Aiunt BA­RONES; vos EPISCOPI pronunciare debe [...]is senten­tiam, ad nos non pertinet. Nos Laici sumus; vos personae ecclesiasticae, sicut ille; consacerdotes ejus, Coepiscopi ejus. Ad haec aliquis Episcoporum: Imo vestri potius est hoc officii, non nostri; Non enim est hoc judicium Ecclesiasticum, sed Seculare. Non sude­mus hic EPISCOPI, sed BARONES. Nos BARO­NES & vos BARONES: PARES hic sumus. Ordi­nis autem nostri ratione frustra inni imini. Quia si in nobis ordinationem attenditis, & in ipso simi [...]itet at­tendere debetis. Eo autem ipso, quod Episcopi sumu [...], non possumus Archiepiscopum & Dominum nostrum ju­dicare. Sed quid? Rex, haec audita de pronunciando controversis, motus est. Et controversia super hoc de­sicum est. Dominus Wintoniensis (then Henry de Bloys) impositus dicere, tandem et invitus PRONUNCIAVIT. Archiepiscopus autem, quia sententiae vel recordationi Curiae Regis Angliae non licet contradicere, sustinuit; consilio Episcoporum, ad acta, ad mitigandum et hono­randum Regem, solenni & manuum ipsius missione, quasi concessionis judicii, ut moris est ibi: et omnibus Epis­copis datis vadibus praeter Gilbertum illum Londinen­sem, qui rogatus pro eo sponder noluit▪ quae ejus sin­gularitas notam fecit.’

The 3d. is Chroniea Gervasii, col. 1389. to 1394. Gervasius Dorob [...]rnensis, who thus re­cords the proceedings in this Council against Becket: ‘Timens autem Rex, ne impune manus ejus Cantuariensis Achiepiscopus evaderet, jam edoctus mulriplici cogita­tatione et pravorum eruditione quibus eum pravitatis laqueis innodaret; praecepit PRAESULES ET PRO­CERES REGNI apud Northamptoniam, una cum ipso Archiepiscopo, CONVENIRE. Qui cum die tertia [Page 230] ante [...]estum Sancti Calixi Papae conveni [...]ent, Archie­piscopus in multis accusatus est. Primo, quod cuidam Johanni coram ipso litiganti plenam justitiam non exhi­buit, & super hoc ad Regis praesentiam vocatus, venire contempsit. Respondens Archiepiscopus; praefato Jo­Johanni dixit condignam non defuisse justitiam, & Johan­nem non legaliter curiam suam infamasse, qui non super Evangelium, ut moris est; sed super veterum cantuum codicellum quem secum tulerat, voluerit pejerare. Quod autem super hoc citatus ad Regis non venit prae­sentiam, non contemptus fuit, sed infirmitate valida in­vitus retentus est. His rationibus Archiepiscopus excu­sari non poruit, sed Curiali Iudicio et Episcoporum consensu condempnatus est, ita ut omnia mobilia ejus in misericordia Regis ponerentut. Quo facto; repe­tit ab eo Rex quingentas libras quas ei dum esset Can­cellarius dicebat commodasse; Cumque allegaret Ar­chepiscopus e contra et diceret; praefatam non commo­datam sed de plano datam esse pecuniam: nihilominus de suis fide jussores idoneos coactus est exhibere. Et haec opera secundae diei. Tertia vero die appetitur absque misericordia, jubeturque de fiscalibus et Episcopatibus & Abbatiis vacantibus ratiocinia reddere, quas in custo­dia sua habuerat tempore Cancellariae. Respondit; se super his non teneri, eo quod die electionis suae hujus­modi non fuit quaestione pulsatus, & quod ecclesia Can­tuariensis eum susciperet ab omnibus his liberum et ab­solutum. Attamen super his prudentiores se velle con­sulere dicebat, & de consulto respondere. Convocatis igitur Episcopis, quaesivit Archiepiscopus; quid Do­mino Regi super hujusmodi quaestione esset responden­dum?’ Whose several advices, and Speeches are there re­corded at large, which I pretermit.

‘His ita gestis sederunt aliquandiu sub silentio, nec erat qui amplius his aliquid adderet, etiam ante quaesita ut pateret eis exitus, inclusi enim erant. Volo, inquit Dominus Cantuariensis, loqui cum duobus Comitibus qui cum Rege sunt, Roberto scilicet Legecestrensi, & [Page 231] Reginaldo Cornubensi. Quibus, i [...]ico, apertis o [...]tiis, a [...]tan­tibus dixit Cantuariensis. Super his de quibus nos Do­minus Rex convenit contulimus; et quia non habemus ad praesens eos quibus res ipsa migis innotuit, ideo us­que in crastinum petimus inducias tunc responsuri sicut Deus nobis inspiraveri [...]. Datis igitur u [...]cunque peti­ [...]is induciis ea die discesserunt ab invicem. Crastina au­tem die, scilicet Dominica, usque in secundam feriam dilatum est negotium. Archiepiscopus autem ea no­cte iliaca passione dirissime vexatus lecto decubuit anxi­atus: Mane autem facto ad Curiam accersitur, & in ab­sentem saevitur. Verum quia putabant aulici quod ae­gritudinem singeret, missi sunt ad eum Comites duo, quos supra nominavimus: qui licet viderunt eum excusabi­lem, mandatum tamen Curiae aegrotanti retulerunt. Ip­se autem usque mane sequentis diei petens inducias, fatetur se venturum in Curiam etiamsi lectica esset defe­rendus. Renuntiantibus illis in palatio quae audierant et viderant, secreto intimatum est Archiepiscopo, quod si in Curiam veniret, vel trucidaretur, vel in carcerem truderetur. Crastino summo m [...]ne venerunt ad eum Episcopi plures, suadentes ei, ut pacem Ecclesiae et evi­tandum tanti periculi scandalum, rigorem animi mitiga­ret, et Regis penitus se committeret arbitrio: adjici­entes; & quod nisi fieret sic, jam audiret in Curia Regis Perjurii sibi crimen imponi, & tanquam Proditorem JUDICANDUM; eo quod terreno Domino terrenum honorem non servaret, cum a vitas regni consuetudines, observaturum firmasset. Ad quas specialiter observan­das, jusjurandi nova se et alios astrixerat religione. At ille inquit; Fateor fratres inexcusabilis sum ante Deum contra Deum praestans juramentum: Sed quia melius est ad animum redire quam perire, legem legi Dei repugnantem non admitto. Davit male juravit, sed poenituit: Herodes juramento suo stetit, & perlit. Ideo vobis praecipio, ut re­spuatis quae respuo, suffocantes ea quae sanctam suffocant ecclesiam. Detestabile quidem est quod vos non solum me solum deseruistis in certamine, sed et me qualemcunque Pa­trem [Page 232] vestrum sam per duos dies cum Aulicis judicastis, qui simul mecum stare deberetis. Quod ne fiat de caetero, vobis in virtute obedientiae prohibeo, unde & matrem nostram Ro­manam Ecclesiam appello. Quod si ut rumor est in me vio­lenta manus injecta fuerit, vobis itidem in virtute obedientiae praecipio, quatenus districta excommunicationis sententia ec­clesiasticas injurias vindicetis.’ ‘Quod audiens Gilebertus Londoniensis Episcopus, appellavit. Discesserunt igitur Episcopi ad Curiam properantes. Archiepiscopus autem in Ecclesiam ingressus, sacris indutis vestibus & pallio redimitus, devotissime de Sancto Stephano missam cele­bravit, officium inchoans: Etenim sed [...]runt, &c. non ut alii dixerunt tanquam pro persona sua Officium inchoa­re [...], sed quia idem altare beato Stephano esset dedicatum jussit Archiepiscopus missam de martyre celebrari. Igi­tur expleto ministerio amotoque ab humeris cum infula pallio, caeteris indutus sacris vestibus cappa Clericali super injecta, Curiam introivit, In [...]raturus autem ca­meram qua Rex & anlici ipsius praestolabantur adventum, de mann Clerici, Alexandri nomine, crucem accepit, eamque manu propria portavit. Unde admirantes E­piscopi qui eum praevenerant, assurgentes ei de manu ip­sius quasi pro reverentia crucem accipere voluerunt, ne iram regis crucem bajulando magis accendere videretur. Herefordensis sibi eam tradi petivit. Londoniensis vero eam concupivit, dicens eum non debere contra regem dominum suum armatum incedere: Si viderit, inqui­ens, Rex te armatum intrare, gladium suum in caput tu­um exeret fortiorem & tunc videbis quid tibi proderunt arma tua. Haec ait Cantuariensis, Deo committimus. Et Londoniensis: Stultus hactenus, inquit, fuisti, & ab hac stultitia ut video non recedis, hodie in te tua fatuitas apparebit. Audiens autem Rex quod sic Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus armatus incederet, secessit citius in ca­meram ulteriorem, sedente hac seorsum Cantuariensi solo fere, cum suis admodum paucis, Episcopis loco & animo sedentibus ex adverso. Rex autem multo stipatus ag­mine cogitabat Archiepiscopum de clericis male tractan­dis [Page 233] primo appetere. Sed ne Episcopi qui jam solum re­liquerant, pro Clericis pugnaturi ad eum redirent, fie­re [...]que ex consensu in regem conflictus acrior, ex consul­to aulicorum, Rex ad alias calumpnias se convertit. VOCATIS igitur EPISCOPIS & PROCERIBUS, gravem et [...]grandem Rex deponit querimoniam, quod Archiepiscopus sic armatus in Curiam veniens, ipsum et suos omnes inaudita a seculis forma NAEVO NOTA­VERIT PRODITORIS. Cum autem Rex inde supra modum excandesceret, et universi fere ipsius animum stimularent, abierunt retrorsum etiam ipsius Archiepis­copi adversarii, acsi jam in caput ejus vibratum viderent gladium. Unde & in ar [...]o Pontifices positi, volvunt & revolvunt quid agendum, qualiter haec sit necessitas evi­tanda.’ Et tandem ex communi consilio, Nos, inquiun [...], ‘eum appellabimus coram Papa, de facili convincetur, SINE REMEDIO DEPONETUR. Quae cum plu­rimum placerent Regi, exierunt omnes Episcopi ad Can­tuariensem; quorum unus caeteris eloquen [...]ior & arro­gantior, Hilarius scilicet Cicestrensis Episcopus, prorum­pens in vocem. Quandoque, air, noster fuisti Archie­piscopus, et tenebamur tibi obedire; sed quia Domino regi fidelitatem jurasti, hoc est vitam, membra & ter­renam dignitatem sibi per te salvam fore, et consuetudi­nes quas ipse repetit conservandas, & tu niteris eas de­struere, cum praecipue spectent ad terrenam sui digni­tatem & honorem, ICCIRCO TE REUM PERJU­RII DICIMUS, & perjuro Archiepisco de caetero obe­dire non habemus. Nos itaque & nostra sub Domini Papae protectione ponentes, te ad ipsius praesentiam ap­pellamus super his responsurum. Audio, inquit Cantua­riensis, quae dicitis. Substraxerunt se itaque Episcopi ex adverso sedentes diutius in summo silentio. Rex autem interius cum Principibus sedens pro tribunali, Euntes ait, DISCERNITE QUID PERJURUS & CON­TUMAX PRODITOR DEBEAT SUSTINERE. Itur, JUDICATUR. Et a quo vel qualiter pronunci­andum esset JUDICIUM informatur. Processerunt [Page 234] tandem a Rege Comites & Barones cum turba multa, quorum primi & praecipui erant, Robertus Leicestriae, & Reginaldus Comes Cornubiae. Qui cum Archiepiscopo quasi improperantes retulissent, quae et quanta ei bona Dominus Rex contuli [...]set, tandem Comes Leicestriae qui erat dux verbi, caepit sub [...]iliter inflectere sermones, quasi ad judicium Curiae in Archiepiscopum proferendum. Prae [...]entiens hoc Archiepiscopus, mox non expecta [...]o ju­dicio surgit, protestans, non esse eorum Archiprae [...]ulem suum judicare de crimine. Non est, inquit, in eum fe­renda sententia qui judicem superiorem appellavit, eti­am si Laico liceret Episcopum judicare. Unde tibi Co­mes Leicestriae, potestate mihi a Deo collata ut filio Ec­clesiae praecipio ne in patrem tuum spiritualem judicium proferre praesumas Verum mox improperatum et in­clamatum a nonnullis est, quod tanquam Perjurus et Proditor a Curia discederet. Ipse vero sic se vertens, et austero vultu respiciens r [...]spondit; quod nisi ordo sa­cerdotalis obstaret, et si sibi fas esset, in armis bellicis a Perjurio & Proditione se contra ipsos defenderet. His dictis a Curia discessit, et per aulam transiens probris multis a Curialibus affectus est. Cum autem januam clausam repperisser, et j [...]nitor puero [...]erberando inten­disset, accurrens quispiam clavem repperit, januam ap­peruit, patrem demisit, & sic pater patriae manus impi­orum evasit, &c.’

King Gul. Nu­b [...]igensis Re­rum Angl. l. 4. c. 14, 17, 18. Hoveden, an­nal. pars po­sterior, p. 663.680. to 735. Mat. Paris, p. 151. to 161. Holinshed, p. 129. to 133. Speed, p. 531. &c. Godwins Catal. of Bishops, p. 247. to 261. Fox Acts and Mo­numents, p. 214.223, 224. Mat. Westm. anno 1191. Richard the 1. Anno 1189. going to the holy Warrs, made William Longchamp Bishop of Ely, not only his Chancellor and Chief Justice, but the chief Protector and Guardian of the whole Realm; who having obtained a Legatine Power also from the Pope, and getting the Mili­tia, with most of the Kings Castles into his hand, proved a most unsufferable Tyrant to the Nobility, Gentry, Laity and Clergy, so oppressing, domineering over their persons, Liberties▪ Estates, imprisoning, taxing, disseising, spoyling them [Page 235] of their Offices, Castles, Lands, Privileges, Estates at his plea­sure, and over-awing them with Troops of Horse, Garrisons & New Governors set over and quartered in every County, and with his great Guards of armed horse which he constantly kept about his person, that Earl John the Kings brother, the Nobility, Prelates and People, being no longer able to indure his exorbitant insolency, intollerable Pride, Oppressions, Rapines, Exactions, and transcendent Ty­ranny, raised great forces against him, to regulate his Ex­cesses, and bring him to Justice. Whereupon he being somewhat terrified in the 2. year of King Richard the 1. Anno 1191. Earl John, and the Bishops, with the Pre­lates, Earls, and Nobles of the Realm, assembled in a kind of Parliamentary Council, came to an agreement touch­ing the future settlement, reformation, Peace and Go­vernment of the Realm, and preventing all future tyran­ny and oppression; which was drawn up in writing, pub­lished, subscribed and sworn, to be inviolably observed both by the Earl John and Chancellor, and by 14. other Earls and Barons on either side. One of the Articles of this Agreement (recorded at large by Annal. pars posterior, p. 700, 701, 702. Roger de Hoveden) was this: Concessum est, quod Episcopi & Abbates, Co­mites & Barones, Vavasores et liberi tenentes, non ad volunta­tem Justiciarium vel Ministrorum Domini Regis, de terris & catallis suis disseisientur, sed judicio Curiae domini Regis, secundum legitimas consuetudines et Assisas Regni tractabuntur, vel per mandatum domini Regis: (a­greeable to Magna Charta, c. 29.) No sooner had the Chancellor taken his Oath, but his forein forces he had privily sent for ariving in England, he presently violated it, and played the Tyrant worse than before, command­ing the Kings own Brother Geoffry, Archbishop of York, to be apprehended at Dover in the very Church, dragged out violently in his Archiepiscopal robes from the Altar, and then thorough the dirty streets in the sight of all the peo­ple, who cried out after the Chancellors servants, who thus abused him. Hoveden Ibid. Mat. Pa­ris Hist. Angl. p. 160, 161. O ignavi! quare ita ducitis illum, quid mali fecit? Archiepiscopus est, & Regis filius, Regis­que [Page 236] frater: But they taking no notice of their clamors, carryed him to Dover Castle ▪ and there kept him Prisoner, till he was thence released by Earl Johns command. The Archbishop coming to London complained to Earl John, the Bishops, and other Nobles of the injury done to him by the Chancellor: ut Cancellurius juri staret in CURIA RE­GIS super injuria illa, quam Archiepiscopo Eboracensi fe [...]e­rat, et Hugoni Dunelmensi Episcopo. Quod cum ipse Can­cellarius facere de die in diem distulit, Eodem tempore ad instantium Comitis Johannis, Convenerunt apud pontem de Loedone inter Radingum & Wyndleshores, die Sabbathi p [...]oxime post festum Sancti Michaelis ad Colloquium MAG­NATES ANGLIAE, de arduis & magnis Regis & regni negotiis tractaturi. The next day the Archbishop and Bi­shops who all came to this Parliamentary Assembly) meet­ing at Reading, excommunicated all those who were ai­ding and assenting to the imprisonment of the Archbi­shop: After which, Comes Johannis, & Archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, & Episcopi & Principes Regni, statueru [...]t illi diem peremptorium apud Ridinges. Ad diem autem illum venerunt illuc COMES Moretonii, & fere omnes Episcopi & Comites & Barones Regni; Et post diem peremp­torium moram fecerunt ibi expectantes adventum Cancellarii: sed ipse venire noluit, nec nuntium mittere. Deinde Comes Johannes et Episcopi, & Barones qui cum eo erant paraverunt se Londoni [...]s ire, ut ibi in Major [...] audientia Londinensium fruerentur consilie, quid eis faciendum esset de Cancellario, qui sic conturbaverat regnum & juri stare noluit. The Chan­cellor hereupon flying from Windeshores into the Tower of London for shelter: Comes Johannes, & fere omnes Epis­copi, & Comites & BARONES Angliae, eadem die (scil. 3. die post octavas Sancti Michaelis) intraverunt Londonias: Et in crastino praedistus Johannis frater Regis, & Archiepis­copus Rothomagensis, & omnes Episcopi & Comites & Ba­rones (& cives Londinenses cum illis) convenerunt in atrio Ecclesiae Sancti Pauli: (where sitting together as in a Great Parliamentary Council and Court) post longos trac­tatus Ricardo regi fidelitatem juraverunt. Imprimis Comos [Page 237] Johannis, deinde duo Archiepiscopi, et omnes Episcopi, & quot­quot convenerunt Comites & Barones. Deinde die Jovis proxi­mo habitum est Colloquium in Orientali parte turris Londi­nensis, praesentibus MAGNATIBUS praedictis. Ac­cusabant praedictum Cancellarium in multis, & praecipue in in­juriis quas fecit Domino Eboracensi Archiepiscopo, & Do­mino Dunelmensi Episcopo. Socii autem praedicti Cancel­larii, quos Rex associaver at illi in regimine regni, accus [...]bant eum in multis: dicentes, quod ipse spretis illorum consiliis om­nia negotia regni cum impetu, & voluntaria dispositione facie­bat. Archiepiscopus vero Rothomagensis, & Willielmus Marescallus Comes de Strogoil, ostenderunt coram populo lite­ras Domini Regis figillatas: per quas Dominus Rex manda­vit à Messana, quod ipsi associarentur Cancellario in regimi­ne regni, ut et Cancellarius sine illorum consil [...]o & aliorum as­signatorum nihil de nego [...]io regis, ac regni tractaret, et ut prae­dictus Cancellarius, si ipse quod [...]unque [...]n detrimentum Regni, vel sine consil [...]o praedictorum fecisset, deponeretur, et loco illius institueretur Rothomagensis Archiepiscopus. Placu [...] ergo Johanni fratri Regis & omnibus Episcopis et Comitibus, et Baronibus Regni (as Judges) & civibus Londonia­rum, (which Matthew Paris and others mention not, but only Hoveden, and that as auditors, spectators and ap­provers of their Sentence) quod Cancellarius ille depo­neretur, et deposuerunt eum, & in loco ill [...]us instituerunt Rothomagensem Archiepiscopum, qui nihil operari voluit in regimine regni, nisi per voluntatem [...]t assensum Sociorum suo­rum assignatorum, & per Consilium Baronum Scaccarii. Hoveden p. 702, 703, 704. Hugh de Nuvant Bishop of Coventry in his Epistle, de Dejectione Eliensis Episcopi Regis Cancellarii: writes of him, that by reason of his intollerable Tyranny and Oppression: Per totam insulam a Laicis publi [...]e proclama [...]ur: Pereat qui perdere cuncta festinat: opprimatur ne omnes oppri­mat: and then thus relates the manner and grounds of his deprivarion. Mane ergo habito Concilio cum omni­bus fere Magnatibus Regni, praesente Domino. Johanne fratre Regis. & Rothomagen [...]i & Eboracensi Archiepisco­pis Episcopis et prusentibus Dunelmensi, Londinensi, Win­tonensi, [Page 238] Bathoniensi, Ronensi, No [...]wice [...]si, Linco [...]niensi, Herefordensi, Menevensi, Coventrensi, factoque Consilio coram omni populo totius Civit [...]tis, praesen [...] [...]ustu [...]a [...]is D [...]mini Regis & apprebantibus Consilio universorum sta­tuitur, Nota. ne talis de cae [...]ero in Regno Angl [...]ae a [...]mine [...]ur, per qu [...]m Ecclesia Dei ad ignominiam, & populus ad inopram e­rat redactus: ut en [...]m caetera omi [...]tam, ipse et ganeones sui to­tum regnum exhauserant, nec viro baliheus, nec foeminae moni­le remans [...]t, nec annulus nobili, nec quodlibaet preciosum etiam alicui Judaeo. The saurum quoque Regis exaninaverat pror­sus, ut in omnibus scriniis vel sacellis nihil praeter claves de toto illo biennio posset inveniri. They likewise made him take a solemn Oath to deliver up all the Kings Castles to them, and to give pledges to perform it, and banished him the realm.Hoveden, p. 708. Deinde praedicti Justitiarii et omnes Epis­copi et Comites & Barones Angliae in communi scripto manda­verunt Regi, qualiter Cancellarius suus regnum Angliae, & the sauros suos destruxerat, ot qualiter ipse per Commune Concilium regni ejectus est. To which Rerum [...] Anglicarum l. 4. c. 18. Gulielmus Nub [...]igensis subjoyns. ‘Tyranno igitur qui regnum tur­baverat, propulsato EPISCOPI & OPTIMATES cum JOHANNE Londoniis congregati, de regni ordinatio­ne tractare caeperunt. Et primo quidem ab omnibus Regis Richardi propter Christum pereginantis Omnes Magnates Regni conve­nerunt in u­num, & jura­verunt fideli­tatem & fidele servitium RI­CHARDO Regi Angliae, & haeredi suo contra omnes homines, Roger de Hoveden, Annal. pars posterior. page 702, 718. fideli­tate jurata, regni administrationem Rothomagensi. Ar­chiepiscopo DECRETO COMMUNI tradiderunt, amotisque Ministris tyrannicis, provinciarum regimen melius ordinari voluerant. Quibus actis, Anglia in cunctis finibus suis pacem recepit, & decenri sub novis caepit recteribus moderamine gubernari: malis plurimis quae sub tyranno pullulaverant, atque viguerant, pariter cum ipso eliminatis,’ A happy Publike change and Par­liamentary reformation worthy our imitation.

[Page 239]In the Roger de Hoveden, an­nal. pars po­sterior, p. 724, 734, 739. Mat. Westm. Mat. Paris, an­no 1192, & 1193. year of our Lord 1193. Earl John conspi­ring with the French King to deprive king Richard his brother of his Crown, kingdom, and Dominions, seising many of his Castles beyond the Seas, (profering the Em­perour great [...]ums of money not to release him, being then his prisoner,) and endeavouring to get possession of the Realm of England, Anno 1194. ‘Venit in Angliam Adam de Sincto Edmundo clericus et familiaris Comitis Johannis, mi [...]sus ab eo in Angliam cum literis ad castel­la sua munienda contra fratrem suum.’ Who coming to the lodging of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, and boasting much of the prosperity of his Lord, and what Ca­stles the French King had delivered to him as he sate at dinner; to the great of [...]ence of the Archbishop and others; thereupon after dinner, Adam returning to his lodging in London, ‘Major Londoniarum injecit manus in eum, & tenuit; & cae [...]it omnia brevia sua, in quibus manda­ta Comitis Johannis continebantur, & tradidit ea Can­tuariensi Archiepiscopo. Qui in crastino convocatis coram eo Episcopis, Comitibus et Baronibus Regni, ostendit e [...]s [...]eras Comi [...]is [...]ohannis & earum [...]enorem. & statim per Commune Concilium Regni definitum est, quod Comes Johannes di [...]e [...]retur de omnibus te­nementis suis in Anglia; & ut Castella sua obsiderentur: (for this his Treason) & factum est ita. Eodem die Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, Hugo Lincol­niensis, Richardus Londoniensis, Gilbertus Roffensis, Godefridus Wintoniensis, & Wigorniensis & Herefor­densis Episcopi, & Henricus Exoniensis electus, & Ab­bates et Clerici multi Cantuariensis dioeceseos conve­nerunt in capella Monachorum infirmorum apud West­monasterium, et sententiam anathematis tulerunt i [...] Comitem Johannim, et in omnes fautores ejus et consi­liarios qui pacem et regnum Regis Angliae turbaverunt vel turbarent, nisi relicta hostilitate ad satisfactionem venirent. After which they appointed what persons should besiege and reduce Earl Johns Castles, who vi­gorously executed their commands.’ King Richard soon [Page 240] after being enlarged returning into England, summoned a Great Parliamentary Council at Nottingham, the proceed­ings whereof against Earl John and others, are thus recor­ded by Annal. pars posterior. p. 736, 737. Seldens titles of Honor, par. 2. [...]h. 5. p. 707. Roger de Hoveden. ‘Tricesima die mensis Martu [...]eria quarta Richardus Rex Angliae celebravit prim [...]m CONCILII SUI diem apud N [...]tingham; cui interfuerunt, Alienor regina mater ejus, et Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, qui in dextris Regis se­debat in Concilio ilio; et Gaufridus Eboracensis Archie­piscopus, qui a sinistris ejus sedebat, et Hugo Dunel­mensis, et Hugo Lincolniensis, et W [...]llielmus Eliensis re­gis Cancellarius, et Willielmus Herefordensis, & Henri­ous Wigorniensis, et Henricus Exoniensis, et Johannes Candidae Casae Episcopi: Et Comes David frater Regis Seotiae, & Hamelinus Comes de Warenna, & Ranulfus Comes Cestriae, et Willielmus Comes de Ferreres, & Willielmus Comes de Salisberia, & Rogerus Bigot. Eo­dem die Rex disseisivit Gyrardum de Canvilla de Castel­lo, & Vicecomitatu Lincolniensi, et Hugonem Bardulf de Vicecomitatu Eboracensis sciriae, et de Castello Ebo­raci et de Scardebur [...], & de custodia de Westmerland (for their disloyalty towards him) et omnia supradicta disposuit venditioni, &c. Tricesima prima die mensis Maii, Rex Angliae celebravit secundum diem Concilii [...]ui: in quo ipse petiit sibi fieri judicium de Comite Iohanne fratre suo, quod contra fidelitatem quam ei juravera [...], Castella sua occupaverat et tertas suas trans­marinas et cismarinas dest [...]uxera [...], et foedus cum inimi­co suo Rege Franciae contra eum inierat: Similiter & de Hugone de Nunant Coventrensi Episcopo SIBI FIE­RI JUDICIUM postulavit, qui secreti sui conscium e­um reliquerat, et Regi Franciae et Comiti Johanni ini­micis suis adhaeserat, omne malum in perniciem regni sui machinans. ET JUDICATUM EST, quod Co­mes Johannes, et Episcopus Coventrensis citarentur, & si intra quadraginta dies non venerint, nec juri steterint, JUDICAVERUNT COMITEM JOHANNEM DE­MERUISSE REGNUM, & Episcopum Coventrensem [Page 241] subjacere judicio Episcoporum, in eo, quod ipse Epis­copus era [...], et JVDICIO LAICORVM in eo, quod ipse Vicecomes Regis extiterat. Secunda die mensis Aprilis Sabbato celebravit diem quar [...]um, & ultimum Concilii sui, in quo omnes, tam Cleri [...]i quam Laici qui volebant sibi conqueri de Archiepisc: Eboracensi, fecerunt queremonias multas de rapinis et injustis exactionibus: sed Archiepiscopus Eboracensis nullum eis dedit respon­sum. Deinde per consilium et machina [...]ionem Cancel­larii ut dicitur) Girardus de Camvilla fuit retatus de receptatione praedonum, qui rapuerunt bona Mercato­r [...]m euntium ad nundinas de Stanford: et ab eo reces­serunt ad rapinam illam faciendam, et de rapina illa re­dierunt ad eum. Praeterea appellaverunt eum DE LAESIONE REGIAE MAJESTATIS, in eo quod ipse ad vocationem Ju [...]titiarium Regis, venire noluit, nec juri stare de praedicta receptatione rap [...]orum, neque eo [...] ad justitiam regis producere: Sed respondit; Se esse hominem Comitis Johannis, et velle in curia sua juristare. Prae [...]erea appellaverunt eum, quod ipse fuit [...]n viet adjutorio cum Comite Johanne et aliis inimicis Regis ad Castella Regis de Notingham et de Tikehill ca­pienda. Girardus vero de Camvilla negavit omnia quae objiciebantur ei ab illis, et illi dederunt vadium de pro­sequendo, et Girardus dedit vadium defendendo se per unum de liberis hominibus suis.’ A clear evidence of the form of proceedings in our Parliamentary Councils in that age against Traytors and other Offenders there impeached, accused in criminal causes, and of the Lords antient undisputable right to give judgment therein, both in case of Peers (as Earl John, the Bishop of Chichester, and Archbishop of York then were) and in case of Com­moners, Girard de Camvil (as I take it) being then no Peer or Baron of this Realm, but only a Servant to Earl John, though afterwards in Hoveden, p. 811. King Johns reign I finde him numbred amongst the Barons, who were Witnesses to the homage and Oath of Allegiance made by William King of Scots to King John. Earl Mat. Paris p. 169. John soon af [...]er co­ming [Page 242] to his Brother King Richard, ca [...] himself down at his feet, and with many tears, confessing his folly, ill coun­sel and practices against him craved his pardon; where­upon he received him into his favour, and presently re­stored his lands which he had seised into his hands as forfeited by the Parliaments sentence denounced against him for his treason.

The Mat. Paris Hist. Angl. p. 218. See Sel­dens Titles of Honor, part. 2. c. 5. p. 707. Pope in the year 1208. having interdicted the whole Realm of England, King John thereupon fearing that he would likewise excommunicate him and absolve his Nobles from their Allegiance to him; to preserve his royalties, sent a Company of armed Soldiers to all the Po­tent Nobles of the Realm, and especially to those he suspected, exacting See Claus. 7 H. 3. m. 8. The Barons of the Marches of Wales sum­moned to put in their Sons for Hostages to the King. Hostages from them, that so if they should after­wards be absolved from their allegiance, he might reduce them to due obedience. Many submitted to the Kings commands, and delivered some their Sons, others their Nephews, others their Kinsmen for hostages to the Messengers. Who at last coming to William de Brause a Noble man, and re­quiring pledges from him as they had done from others, found a repulse. For Matilda his wife out of a womanish procacity, taking the word out of her husbands mouth, answered the Messengers: I will not deliver my children into the hands of your Lord King John, because he most dis­honourably slew his Nephew Arthur, whom he ought to have honourably kept and preserved. Which her Husband hear­ing, rebuked her, saying; That she had spoken like one of the foolish women against our Lord the King; for if I have of­fended him in any thing, I am and will be ready to answer my Lord, and that without hostages, SECUNDUM JU­DICIƲM CƲRIAE SUAE ET BARONUM PA­RIUM MEORUM assignato die & loco. The Ba­rons in that age being to be judged and tried only by their Peers, and that in the Kings Court of Parliament, for any offences against the King; not by the Commons or any inferiour persons.

In the year of Christ 1233. Mat. Pa­ris, p. 370, 371.372. to 384. Mat. Westm. an. 1233.1234 King Henry the 3. re­moving most of his English great Officers and Councellors [Page 243] from his Court, and placing Poic [...]o [...]es and Aliens in their room, by whole Counsel he was wholly sw [...]yed & misguided (especially by Peter de Rivallis) ‘qui homi­nes Angliae naturales, & Nobiles totis viribus oppri­mebant, proditores eos vocabant, quos etiam de pro­ditions apud Regem [...]ccusabant▪ [...]ne [...]aurorum [...]e [...]i­am suorum Rexeis custodias cum [...]egibus pat [...]ii & judi­cii [...] commisit. Quid plura? Judicia commit [...]ntur in­justis, leges exlegibus, justicia inj [...]riosis. Et eum NO­BILES de regno, & in regno de oppressionibus sibi irro­gatis, coram Rege causam deponerent, Petro Episcopo impedience, non fuit qui eis justitiam exhiberet, &c. Cumque his & consim [...]ibus injuriis RICHARDUS COMES, regni MARESCHALLUS, vider [...]t tam NO­BILES quam ig [...]bbiles op [...]rimere, & i [...]ra regni penitus deponere, zelo justitiae provocatus, associatis sibi qui­busdam Magnatibus ad Regem, audacter accessit, increpans eum audientibus multis, quod per pravum Consilium advocarat extraneos Pi [...]taviense, no pressi­onem r [...]gni, & hominum suorum de regno naturali [...]m, LEGUM PARITER AC LIBERTATUM. Unde Re­gem humiliter [...]ogabat, u [...] tales excessus corrigere fe­stinarer, per quos Coronae suae & regni sui subversio im­mineba [...]. Affirmabat insuper, quod si hoc emendarc distugerer, IPSE ET CAETERI DE REGNO MAG­NATES, tamdiu se ab ipsius consilio subtraherent, quamdiu alienigenarum consortio frueretur: Ad haec autem respondens Petrus Wintoniensis Episcopus, dixit, quod bene licuit Domino Regi extraneos quoscunque vellet vocare ad defensionem Regni sui & Coronae, & etiam tot & tales, qui possent homines suos superbos & rebelles ad debitum compellere famulatum. Comes vero Mareschallus, & caeteri MAGNATES perturbati a Curia recedentes, cum aliud non poterant habere re­sponsum, firmiter promiserunt ad invicem, quod pro hac causa, quae omnes tangebat, usque ad divisionem corporis & animae, viriliter dec [...]r arent.’ After which the King with the Bishops advice filling all England with [Page 244] Po [...]o [...]ovines newly called over; and being wholly guard­ed, counselled, swayed by them, out of hatred and con­tempt to the English Nation [...] ‘Rex mi [...]is li [...]eris f [...] is, [...]ocavi [...] omnes de regno Comites et Barones ad col­loquium, [...] apud Oxoniam, [...] [...]m Sancti [...]ohannis, sed ipsi noluerunt ad ejus mandatum ve [...]i­re, tum prop [...]er in [...]idias al [...]enigenarum, [...]um prop [...]er indignationem quam conciperant adversus Regem, qui ex [...]ran [...] os ad eorundem Baronum vocavit con [...]emp [...]um. Et cum hoc Regi per nuncios solennes denuncias [...]ent, iratus est vehementer & judicialiter jussit diffinire, quo ordine debeat eos compellere ad suam Curiam (the Parliament) convenire ▪ Tunc decretum est per Of the Lords who appeared. judici­um, ut secundo et tertio vocentur a Rege, ut probet [...]venire ve [...]in [...], ve [...]non. Significavit ergo Rex MAG­NATIBUS memoratis, ut venirent apud Westmonasti­rium quinto Idus Julii, AD COLLOQUIUM, & ibi per eorum consilium emendaret, quicquid de ju [...]e no­verat corrigendum. Sed cum audissent Magnates prae­ [...]ati, quod paulatim applicuerunt in regno praedones multi cum equis & armis a Rege invitati; cum nullum pacis vidissent vestigium, suspectas habentes Pictaven­sium innaras versutias, supersederunt ad diem [...]bi sta­tu [...]um venire; denunciantes Regi per nuncios solen­nes, quatenus omni dilatione remota, Ejicerer Pet [...]um Wintoniensem Episcopum, & c [...]eceros Pictavenses de Cu­ria sua: Sin autem nolle [...], ipsi omnes, de communi Concilio totius regni ipsum cum iniquis Consiliariis suis a regno depellerent, et de novo Rege creando contractarent. His ira ge [...]is, Rex animo [...]on [...]ternatus est vehementer, et ejus Curia tota, vultum demitten­tes, & non mediocriter me [...]entes [...] fiet error filii patris errore deterior, quem homines sui de fa [...]igio [...]egni deponere satagentes, ad illud nomen quod ei per quoddam prae [...]agium datum est, scilicet Iohannes Extor [...]is, fere derruserunt Tunc Petrus Episcopus Con [...]ium Regi dedit, ut a [...]ma moveret contra rebel­les homines suos, & Castella eorum & terras Pictaven­sibus [Page 245] con [...]erre [...], qu [...]regnum Angliae a s [...]is proditoribus tuer [...]tur.’ The King following his evil counsel. spoil­ed Gilbert Basset a Nobleman of a Mannor given him by King John, and when he demanded restitu [...]ion of it, cal­led him Traytor, and threatned to hang him unlesse he departed his Court [...] he also imprisoned Sir▪ Ric. Swa [...]d and suspecting all the other Nobles and Great men of the Realm, demanded hostages from them, signifying to them all by his Letters, that before the Calend [...] of August they should present to him so many and such hostages; wherewith they might remove all suspition of jealousie out of his mind. Cumque Comites ac Barones Angliae in magno militiae appar [...] [...] COLLOQƲIUM Calend. August [...] sibi praesticum▪ the Earl Marshal being informed by his Sister Isabel, as he was going thither, that ther were ambushes laid to take him by his enemies, to present him to the King and Bishop of Winchester, who would imprison and deal with him as they had done with Hubert Earl of Kent; he thereupon departed in the night and posted into Wales to avoid the danger. ‘Venerunt autem AD COLLOQUIUM praedictum, Comes Ce­striae, Comes Lincolniae, Comes de Ferrariis, & Comes Richardus Frater Regis, cum aliis Comitibus & Baro­nibus multis▪ sed nihil ibi actum fuit propter absenti­am Comitis Mareschalli, et Gileberti Basset, et quo­rundam aliorum absentium Magnatum’ (the Lords re­fusing to act, si [...], or grant any thing to the king whiles the [...]e eminent Members were absent,Nota. and their House no full.) ‘Unde Rex per Consilium Episcopi Wintoniensis & Stephani de Segrave fecit invitari per literas omnes de regno Magnates, qui sibi ad militare servitium▪ rene­bantur, ut venirent apud Gloverniam cum eq [...]is & ar­mis die Dominica ante Assumptionem beatae Mariae. Sed Richardus Mareschallus, & alii multi qui fuerunt confaedera [...]i, cum venire noluisseut ad diem statutum, fecit Rex, ac si proditores essent, villas eorum con­cremari, pa [...]cos & vivaria eorum destruere, castella ob­sidione vallare;’ the King outlawing them of Treason: [Page 246] Whereupon there arose a war and many skirmi [...]hes be­tween the Kings party and Poictovines, & the Earl Mar­shal and his Confederates for near two years space.

Mat. Patis, p. 381, 382.Anno 1234. Rex Anglorum venit ad COLLOQUI­UM apud Westmonasterium in Purificatione beatae Ma­riae, in quo quosdam Episcopos & maxime Alexandrum Ce­strensem Episcopum, graviter increpavit de n [...]mia familia­ritate Comitis Mareschalli, & quod ipsum a regni s [...]lio de­pellere nitebantur. Episcopus autem ille, Pontificalibus indutu, cum talia sibi objecta cognovisse [...], ne [...]non quos­dam qui Regi suggesserant exasperando; Episcopos foven­tes partes Mareschalli, velle alium Regem erigere, commotus est vehementer. Excommunicavit igitur in continenti omnes qui contra Regem iniquitatem hujusmodi sceleris cogitabant, vel super Episcopos, qui omnino de salute & honore regis solli­citabantur, malitiose talia imponebant. Et sic manifestata Episcoporum ac probata innocentia, confusis discordiae seminatoribus, siluit legista (Rogerus de Cantelu) ab a­nathemate ut videbatur, non immunis. Sic igitur in­tervenientibus Episcopis, qui aderant, pacificatus est Alexander Cestrensis Episcopus, & quievit spiritus illius nimis ante amaricatus. Affuit quidem hinc COLLO­QUIO Magister Aedmundus Cantuariensis Electus, cum multis Episcopis suffraganeis, qui omnes Regis, & Reg­ni desolationi condolentes, venerun [...] ad Regem, & quasi uno corde, animo et ore dixerun [...]: ‘Domine Rex, dici­mus vobis in Domino, ut fideles vestri, quod consilium quod nunc habetis, & quo utimini non est [...]anum nec securum, sed crudele & periculosum vobis et regno Au­gliae, Petri videlicet Wintoniensis Episcopi, & P [...]tri de Rivallis, & complicium suorum. Imprimis, quia gen­tem Anglicanam odio habent & contemnunt, vocan­tes eos proditores, & facientes omnes sic vocari, & avertentes animum vestrum ab amore gentis vestrae, & corda nostra, & gentis vestrae a vobis; quod apparet in Mareschallo, qui melior homo est terrae vestrae, quem per mendacia interseminata a vobis elongantes perverterunt. Et per hoc idem consilium, scilicet per [Page 247] dictum Epis [...]opum, amis [...] Pate [...] vester Rex Johannes, primo corda gentis suae, deinde Norma [...]mam, post a­lias terras, & in fine totum the the [...]aur [...]me exhau [...]ie▪ & [...]ere Dominium Angliae, & nunquam po [...]ea pacem habuit. Per idem con [...]ilium tempotibus nostris, turbatum fui [...] reguum, & venit interdictum; et denique factum est regnum tributarium▪ et princeps provinciarum fact [...]s est pro [...] do [...]or ignobilibus sub [...]ibuto, et inita guerra et diu protelara, mortuus est pater vester quas [...] extorris, nec in pace regni vel animi, et h [...] mortem per eo [...] ad­modum incurrit periculosam. Per idem consilium contra vos detentum [...]uit Castellum de Bedeford, ubi multum thesaurum, et stre [...]uos nomines perdidisti: ob quam causam interim Rupe [...]am in ignominiam to­tius regni tui amisisti. Item perturbatio nunc immi­nens toti regno periculosa, per eorum consilium ini­quum accidit, quia si per justitiam et rectum judici­um terrae tractati fuissent, homines vestri, non eveni [...]et ista perturbatio, et haberetis terras vestras non destru­ctas, et thesaurum inexhau [...]lum. Item in fide dicimus, qua vobis astringimur obligati, quod consilium vestrum non est pacis, sed perturbationis terrae,Nota quia sic cresce­re volunt, qui per pacem non possunt, scilicet per reg­ni perturbationem, et aliorum exhaeredationem. Item, quia Castra vestra, et fortitudinem vestram habent in manu sua, quasi de gente vestra diffidere debeatis. I­tem quia [...]caccarium vestrum, et omnes custo ias et eschaet [...]s maximas habent in potestate sua, placet [...]alis expectatio, et quomodo vobis respondebunt in fine, ut credimus comprobabis. Item, quia nisi per sigillum vestrum, vel praeceptum sine sigillo Perri de Rivallis, vix aliquod magnum nego [...]i [...]m [...]it in regno, quasi [...]vos pro Rege non haberent. Item, per idem consilium na­turales homines de regno vestro de curia vestra expulsi sunt: unde [...]imendumest tam de vobis quam de regno, cum videamini magis esse in eorum potestate, quam ipsi in vestra sicut per plurima constat exempla. Item, quia pnellam de Britannia, et sororem vestram habent [Page 248] in potestate, et alias plures puellas nobiles, et alias mu­lieres nubiles, cum wardis et maritagiis quas dant suis, et disparaban [...]. Item, quia legem terrae juratam et confirmatam; atque per excommunicationem corro­boratam, pariter et justitiam confundunt et perver­tunt, un [...]e [...]imendum est, ne sin [...] excommunicati, & vos eis communicando. Item, quia non observant ali­cui promissionem, fidem, vel juramentum, vel scriptu­rae munimentum, nec timent excommunicationem. Un­de qui a veritate recessetunt, sunt desperati, ut qui in timore remanent diffidentes.’ Haec autem fideliter vo­bis dicimus, et coram Deo et hominibus consulimus ro­gamus et monemus, ut tale consilium amoveatis a vobis, et sicut est in aliis regnis consuetudo, regnum vestrum tractetis per fideles homines vestros et juratos de regno vestro. Denunciamus enim vobis in veritate, quod nisi infra breve tempus ista correxeritis, in vos, & in omnes alios contradictores, per censuram ecclesiasticam procedemus, nihil nisi consecrationem venerabilis Patris nostri electi Can­tuariensis expectantes. Et his ita dictis, Rex humiliter postulavit inducias, dicens, se non posse ita subito consilium suum amovere, donec de thesauro suo illis commisso, ratio­cinium audisset. Et sic solutum est COLLOQUIƲM, re­cedentibus cunctis cum fiducia concordiae celeriter ob i­nendae.

Mat. Paris p. 383. On the 5 of April following, Convenerunt ad COL­LOQƲIUM apud Westmonast. REX CUM COMMITI­BƲS ET BARONIBUS, & Archiepiscopus nuper conse­cratus, cum suis suffraganeis, ut regno perturbato salu­briter providerent, Archiepiscopus quidem conjunctis sibi Episcopis, accaeteris qui aderant Praeclatis, ostendit ei consili­um suum & Episcoporum, super desolatione regni, & peri­culo imminenti, replicando suprascripta incommoda, in COL­LOQUIO superius habito sibi expressa. Denunciavit etiam ipsi expresse, quod nisi celerius errorem dimitterei, & cum fidelibus regni sui pacifice componeret, ipse in continenti cum omnibus qui aderant Praelatis, IN IPSUM REGEM SEN­TENTIAM FERRET EXCOMMUNICATIONIS, & in [Page 249] omnes alio [...] hujus pacis contradictor [...]s et concordi [...] perversones. ‘Rex autem pius audiens consilium Praelatorium, humili­ter respondi [...], quod consiliis eorum in omnibus obtem­peraret: unde post dies pauco [...], intellige [...] proprium errorem, po [...]uitentia ductus, [...]raecepit Petro Wintoni­ensi Episcopo, ut pergens ad Episcopatum suum, curis intenderet animarum, et de caeteris Regiis negotiis ne­quiquam interesse [...]. Petro eti [...]m de Rivallis immura­biliter jussit, cujus Angli [...] [...]ota dispenfacionibus subja­cebat, ut redditis sibi Castellis suis, & ratio [...]inium de thesauris in continenti reddere [...], et a Curia recederet; affirmans cum juramento, quod nisi beneficiatus et in sortem [...]lo [...]i [...]orum esset admissus ipse ei ambos oculos eruere faceret. P [...]tavienses insuper omnes [...]am de Cu­ria sua, quam de castrorum presidiis expellens, remisit in patri [...]m suam, praecipiens ut ultra faciem suam non viderent. Et sic Rex dimissis iniquis Consiliariis suis, revocavit ad obseq [...]ium suum naturales homines de reg­no suo, subjiciens se consilio Archiepiscopi et Episcopo­rum, per q [...]os sperabat regnum perturbatum, ad statum prosperum revocare.’ Soon after the King (as appears by Claus. 18 H. 3. m. 19.) by the advice and judgement of the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, and other his Great men in the Parl. at Gloucester, reversed and nul­led all the Outlawries against Hubert Earl of Kent, Ralph Basset, and other adherents to the Earl Marshal, eo quod in­juste, et contra legem terrae in eos fuerant promulgata, (which he caused the Sherifs publikely to proclame;) recalled Hugh de Burgo Earl of Kent, Gilbert Basset, S [...]r Richard Sward, whom he had formerly banished, imprisoned, in­jured, ‘cum omnibus qui cum eis, et pro eis in exilium fuerunt pulsi; in gratiam suam plenam et non fictam re­vocavit, et eis in osculo pacis receptis reddidit om­nia jura sua, IN COLLOQVIO 510 Calend Junii; admitting (in this Parliament) the said Hubert, Gilbert, and Sward, to be his domestick servants and familiar coun­sellors: runc demum intelligens, quod primum fuerat seductus astutia consiliatorū ▪ In the mean time R.E. Mar­shal [Page 250] being treacherously slain in Ireland, by a Letter sent hence from the Kings ill Counsellors under the Kings Seal; hereupon, in eodem Colloquio, Aedmundus Cant. Archiepiscopus fecit recitari exemplar literarum, de proditione Richardo Comiti praeparata coram Rege et unverso Conventu Episcoporum, Comitum pariter ac Baronum qui affuerunt, quae a Consiliariis regis mi [...]ae fuerunt ad Magnates in Hybernia. Unde Rex ip­se et alii omnes qui eas audierant, admodum sunt con­stricti, & usque ad lachtymarum compuncti sunt effusi­onem. Rex autem confessus est in veritate, quod com­pulsus ab Episcopo Wintoniensi et Petro de Rivallis & aliis Consiliariis suis, jussit figillum suum apponi in quibus­dam literis sibi praesentatis, sed tenorem eorum se nun­quam audisse cum juramento affirmavit. Ad hoc re­spon [...]um Archiepiscopus dixit, Scrutamini Rex conscien­tiam vestram, quia omnes illi qui literas illas mitti procura­verunt, et hujus proditionis conscii fuerunt, rei sunt de morte Marescalli, ac si illum propriis manibus occidissent. Tunc Rex, HABITO CONSILIO, fecit vocari per literas Episcopum Wintoniens [...]m, Petrum de Rivallis, Stephanum de Segrave, et Robertum de Passeleve, ut venirent ad fe­stum Sancti Johannis, ratiocinium reddituri de thesauris suis receptis pariter & expensis, sed et de sigillo suo quod ma­le tractaverant, ipso penitus ignorante, mandavit ut tunc ve­nirent RESPONSURI ET JURI PARITURI. Sed illi proprias conscientias habentes suspectas in omnibus, ex una parte Regem, ex altera fratres et amicos metue­bant Marescalli, cujus necem procurasse videbantur. Unde ad pacem Ecclesiae confugients, Episcopus et Pe­trus de Rivallis in Ecclesia Cathedrali apud Wintoniam latitabant, a conspectu hominum sese penitus subtra­hentes. Stephanus vero de Segrave in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae in Abbatia Canonicorum apud Legecestriam delituit, et qui prius a clericatu ad militiam per arro­gantiam confugerat, ad clericatus officium reversus, co­ronam quam reliquerat, inconsulto Episcopo revocavit. Robertus quoque Passeleue ad latibulum divertit incog­nitum, [Page 251] &c. Sed revera ad Novum templum, [...]e infir­mum simulans, in quodam secreto celatus cellario la­ [...]itabat, more tectus leporino. Tandem Aedmundus Cant. Episcopus, impetravit a Rege, ut sub salvo con­ductu ipsius et Episcoporum possunt ad diem certum co­ram illo [...]enite, ut omnis in regno dissentionis occasio sopiretur. Statuit igitur illis diem Rex pridie Idus Julii apud Westmonasterium, ubi sub protectione Archi­episcopi et Episcoporum ad Regis praesentiam sunt pro­ducti. Petrus de Rivallis primus in causam vocatu [...], apparuit coram Rege in habitu clericali, cum tonsura et lata corona, Regem [...]ue reverenter salutavit cum Iu­sticiariis su [...]s in Banco sedentem. Quam Rex torvo respiciens oculo, O PRODITOR inquit, per iniquum consilium tuum, sigillum meum ignorans apposui literis de proditione Comitis Mareschalli. Per tuum etiam pravum consilium, ipsum et alios de regno meo homines naturales et eorum animos à me pariter, & amorem averti. Per pra­vum etiam consilium tuum et complicum tuorum, guerram contra illos movi, in jacturam irrestauribilem, et regni op­probrium, per quam guerram thesaurum meum et vitam multorum illustrium, simul et honorem meum amisi lamen­tabiliter. Exigit igitur Rex praeterea ratiocinium de thesau­ro suo et custodia puerorum nobilium et escheatarum cum aliis proventibus multis, quae ad Coronam spectabant. Cum­que haec et alia multa Rex ab eo sub proditionis nomine exigisset; nihil omnino de objectis sibi criminibus ne­gavit, sed coram Rege in terram corruens, per haec ver­ba ejus misericordiam imploravit. Domine Rex, in­quit, nutritus sum a vobis et in bonis temporalibus dives factus; ne confundes hominem quem creasti, sed concede sa [...]tem tempus deliberandi, ut de rebus exactis, competenter vobis valeam reddere rationem. Cui Rex: Mittam te iu Turrim Londinensem ut ibi deliberes donec mihi satisfacias praevia ratione. Ad haec Petrus, Domine, Clericus sum, nec debeo incarcerari, vel sub Laicorum custodia deputari. Respondit Rex: Te ut laicum hactenus gessisti, a te agi­tur ut Laico, cui meum commisi thesaurum, exigo. Ʋe­runtamen [Page 252] e [...]e pro sens est Archiepiscopus, qui si pro te fi­di [...]ubere voluerit; tradam te illi ut mi [...]i [...]tisfaci [...]t de exactionibus supradictis. Ad quod cum silui [...]se [...] Archie­piscopus, misit Rex praedictum Petrum in Turrim memo­ratam, accipie [...]s in manus suas omnes laioas possessiones e­jus, quia sub habitu clericali l [...]ica erat induius, gestans ane­la [...]ium ad lumbare, quod clenicum non decebat. Et tunc P [...]t [...]us fle [...]it amare, scilicet ingredie [...]s n [...] ioulum [...] du­cendus ad turrim supradictam. Fuit autem in ea die Jovis, et s [...]quenti die Veneris. Et tunc ab Archiepis­copo liberatus, apud Wintoniam perductus est, et in ec­clesia dimissus cathedrali.’

‘Apparuit autem eadem die in Regis praesentia Stepha­phanus de Segrave, veniens sub protectione Archiepisco­pi, de rebus sibi impositis res [...]onsu [...]u [...]. Qui cum staret in judicio Juri pariturus; increpavit eum Rex sub no­mine nequissimi proditoris, de domnibus articulis de quibus increpave [...]at Petrum de Rivallis; hoc etiam ad [...]iciens, quod consilium dederat et, ut Hubertum de Burgo ab offi­ci [...] Justiciarii amoveret, incarceraret, patibulo suspende­ret, & Nobil [...]s de regno exilio relegaret. Cumque haec & alia multa ei imposuisset slagitia, exegit ab eo ratioci­um de ossicio Justiciarii, quod sub eo ministraverat post Hu­bertum de Burgo, de rebus receptis pariter et [...]xpensis. Super his autem Archiepiscopus et Episcopi impetra­verunt inducias a Rege usque ad festum S. Michaelis, ut deliberandi tempus haberet. De pravis quoque consi­liis sibi imputatis, alios altiores eo medios scilicet int [...]r Regem et eum quibus necesse habuit immediate respon­dere, nepote W [...]lierum Carleolensem & Petrum de Rival­li [...] non me redarguat. Et sic de aliis umbonem f [...]oiens recessit, in alios crimen retorquendo. Et sic absdondit se iterum Robertus Passeleue.’ The King made Hugh de Pateshulle, an honest and faithfull man chief Justice of England, much against his will, in Passeleues place. And at the Archbishops request, in the same Parliament, resto­red to Gilbert, Brother and heir to murdered Richard Earl Marshal, all his inheritance both in England and Ireland, [Page 253] received his homage, knighted, and gave him the rod of his Marshals Court, as the manner is, to hold that office as well and freely as his ancestors enjoyed it. And so this Civil warr and Combustion between the King and his Nobles was fully reconciled.

I have transcribed this History, and these Parliamen­tary proceedings at large out of Matthew Paris. First, to manifest the Gallantry, Courage, Zeal, Vigilancy, Una­nimity of our Nobles, Lords, Barons, and Prelates in that age, in opposing, reprehending the King himself to his face, and threatning to depose and excommunicate him, both in and out of Parliament, for entertaining foreigners and ill counsellors about him; neglecting, hating, banishing his own Nobles and natural Subjects as Traytors, without any just cause or legal trial, and subverting, confounding their Lawes, Liberties, Justice, &c. 2ly, To manifest the proceedings, impeachments in these Parliaments against the Earls and Nobles refusing to appear at these Par­liaments upon the Kings these successive Writs of Sum­mons; his outlawing them of high Treason, and spoiling, burning, seising their houses, Lands thereupon, being adjudged by the Lords in Parliament, to be illegal and af­terwards reversed as unjust and against the Law, Claus. 18. H. 3. m. 19. 3ly, To manifest, that the Lords in Parlia­ment would not act any thing in the absence of these emi­nent Lords refusing to appear. 4ly, To evidence the Sen­tence and Justice of the King and Lords, against these ill Counsellors, Aliens and Traytors to the Publique, whom they caused to be removed from the King, Court, King­dom, put from their publike Trusts and Offices, called to an account, publikely arraigned before the King himself and his Justices; by whom they were imprisoned, their lands confiscated, and better Counsellors of State and Judges put into their places.

Mar. West. p. 1531 Anno 1240. Accusatus est graviter Comes Cantiae Hubertus de Burgo CORAM REGE ET CURIA TOTA London: ubi post mult [...]s disceptationes, ut ira­ [...]undia Regis, quae immoderate nimis con [...] ipsum [Page 254] excanduerat, quiesceret, ADJUDICA [...]UM EST, ut quatuor Castra sua Charissima (scilicet Blancum Castrum, Grosmunt, Scenefrithz, & Haetfeild) Domino Regi [...] resigna­ret, ut caetera sibi cum Regis benevolentia in pace rema­nerent.

Mat. Paris p. 938. Anno 1258. The Nobles complained in Parlia­mnnt of the Kings advancing his half Brothers, who were aliens, swaying all things, and impoverishing the Realm, and of their intollerable pride, insolency, and injuries; and the Earl of Leicester particularly complain­ed to the Parliament of William de Valentia; non tam [...]n Regi sed universitati praecordialiter est conquestus, exigens in­stanter sibi justitiam adhiberi. The Mat. Paris p. 940, 241. Mat. Westm. p. 277, 278. same year the Great men and Nobles of the Land, Videntes Regnum un­dique desolatum, tum exactionibus & tallagiis tam Curiae Romanae quam Regis, quam etiam alienigenarum, & prae­cipue Pictavensium elatione praesumptuosa, fivore regio in regno nimium in sublimi provecta, tantas in Anglia Domi­nationes sibi usurpantium & magisteria, [...]ost Pentecosten apud Oxon. COLLOQUIUM GENERALE CELEBRAVE­RUNT (being summoned to this Parliament by the Kings Writ) super hiis, necnon & status regni melioration [...] efficaci­ter & exquisite tractaturi. Quo non sine armis & equis ele­ctissimis muniti venerunt, ut si Rex & alienigenae sui [...] pro­visionibus, & statutis sponte contemnerent assentire, vigore op­posito cogerentur, aut ipsi alienigeni universaliter, sine morae regnum Angliae poenitus evacuarent, Quas quidem provisiones Oxon. & stat. necnon ET MAGNAM CHARTAM TAM DE LIBERTATIBUS ET DE FORESTA; tandem Domino Rege ad suorum PROCERUM observantiam statu­torum inclinato, per quēdam de suis militibus tactis sacrosan­ctis juramētum praestante, 24 prudentium virorum & Nationis Anglicanae, quos ad Regni gubernationem sub eodem duxerint inter se eligendos, consilio se commendavit & consideration [...]. His igitur p [...]ractis fidelitatem Regi & regni ET AD CON­SIDERATIONEM SUORUM PARIUM STARE omnes, quotquot in regno commorare vellent, fecerunt jurare The Nobles in this Parliament required, that all the Poicto­vines [Page 255] might surrender up all the Castles they held in Eng­land into the Kings hands; Whereupon they perempto­rily swore by the passion and wounds of Christ, that they would never doe it whiles they breathed. Whereupon the Earl of Leicester said to William of Vairencia, the most insolent of them all, That he should either surrender up the Castles he held of the Kings, without delay, VEL CAPUT AMITTE­RET on he should lose his head. Similiter ALII CO­MITES ET BARONES DICEBANT etiam constructis­sime assertione consistentes. The Poictovines being very much terrified with these words; not knowing what to doe, and fearing to fly to any Castle, lest they should there be besieged and soon taken or starved by the Lords, fled secretly and speedily from the Parliament to Winche­ster; not sparing their horses sides, and setting spies up­on hills and Towers to observe whether the Barons pur­sued them; who hearing of their flight, commanding all their followers to arm themselves, and dissolving the Parliament, without adjourning it to any certain day, Walsing­ham Ypodig. Neustriae, An. 1258. p. 61, 62. Mar. West. p. 278. Mat. Paris, p. 222. pursued them to Winchester; where the King and Nobles holding another PARLIAMENT, the Poicto­vines JUDIDIUM EXPECTARE NOLENTES, nec ausi exhibitionem JUSTITIAE, quae singulis secundum jura­mentum REGIS & PROCERUM debebatur expestare (be­ing the sole judges of them in Parliam. for their exorbi­tant offences) they presently fled out of the Realm be­yond the Sea, to avoid their sentence. Hereupon ‘Mat. Paris p. 945. Significatum est literatorie, ad multos etiam quos praedicti Pictavienses impudentur offenderant; ut [...]ne­relam super hoc repone [...]res▪ ostenderent Maguatibus Regni da [...]a sibi a dictis Regis fratribus illata, & eas querelas dilucidantes, constanter moras sequeren­tur, & ut sibi omnia, secundum quod jus dictaret re­stituerentur. Sed quia instabat tempus messium, con­siderantes simultatem, et instantes labores forte inutiles sequi renuerunt donec majorem cernerent opportunita­tem.’ The Lords in Parliament being willing to award them damages and reparations against the Kings own [Page 256] Brothers in Law, upon complaint and clear proof of the injuries and damages they sustained by them.

Mat. Westm. Anno 1260, p. 295, 296. Anno 1260. There falling out a great difference be­tween King Henry the 3. and Prince Edward his Son: Simon Earl of Leicester and other Nobles; thereupon, ‘Convocato in praesentia Regis apud sanctum Paulum, BARONAGIO, habitoque prius tractat [...] de Eadwar­do super injuriis Regi (ut dicebatur) illatis; paratus est idem Eadwardus, se omnium objectorum probare immunem, et ad duorum Regum, scil. Patris sui, et Avunculi, provisionem in emendatione facienda se dare tractabilem: dicens, Omnes alios Barones, et Comites sibi de jure non esse Pares, nec suas in eum exercere discussiones. Unde d [...]cu [...]a hinc inde verita­te, omniumque relatorum falsitate probata, pacificato Regi concordatus est filius, multiplicatis de jure ini­micorum confusionibus. Concordato itaque Eadwardo Regi et Reginae, et aliis amicis, mox querela subsequi­tur de Comite Leicestriae Simo [...]e, super pluribus injuriis tam citra mare quam ultra, contra Regem (ut diceba­tur) perpetratis. Praefixo igitur die ad respondendum, & se de objectis expurgandum, idem Comes ad dictum diem, licet breviorem, paratus est quantotiens petitis satisfacere, et ad discutiendam super oppositis verita­tem, omnium transmarinorum quam cismarinorum, ar­bitrio obtemperare, exceptis quinque tantum minutis, tam suae quam Eadwardi, discordiae seminatoribus. Q [...]o audito Comes Gloverniae cum suis consentaneis, rimens sibi post praedicti Comitis purgationem, gravissimas de se suscitati querelas, US QUE AD ALIUD PARLIA­MENTUM praefatum diem procuravit prorogandum, Unde tumultu ad tempus sedato, Rex proprium adivit Palatium cum gaudio. Articuli vero praetactarum cul­parum cum suis fabricatoribus plures sunt, & ultra mo­dum transgressibiles, si veri essent. Sed quia incredi­biles sunt, & nulla fulciuntur veritate, ne mendacio­rum scriptor dicerer, a [...]t fabricator, eos huic paginae non arbitror annotari. Jmo qui eos si [...]ienter audire desi­derat [Page 257] a mendac [...] monda [...]i [...] ex [...]auriet, & me in noc relinquens alium relatorem exquirat.’

Anno 1261. Ma [...]. West. p. 306, to 318. Mat. Pa▪ p. 938, 939, 940, &c. Prince Edward returning out of France, brought. William de Valentia the Kings Brother-in-law with him, lately banished out of the land, who could then scarce obtain any admission into it, but upon this condition, ‘Ut praestito in ingressu sacramento BARO­NUM PROVISIONI IN OMNIBUS OBEDIRET, & singulis contra eum d [...]posi [...]is quaerelis et deponendis, si nece [...]se fuerit, responderet. Eadwardus vero super vanis Regis consiliis, & consiliariis edoctus, eisdem valde iratus, sponte se patris absentavit obtutibus, & fideliterut perjuraverat, assensit Baronibus. Inquisi­tis itaque diligenter praedictae contentionis fautoribus, et cognitis, unanimiter omnes cum Eadwardo conju­rarunt, quod nunquam regi consentirent in uno, do­nec quoldam non nominandos a suo amoveret consilio. Addentes quod per talium pacis perturbatorum sugge­stiones Rex saepe decipitur, & in praetacta papali abso­lutione juramenti sui (to observe the provisions of the Barons made at Oxford.) provisio Regi & regno saluta­ris infirmatur. Unde revelato eorum secreto, nun­quam Rex, talium consilio intermediante, suo poterit BARONAGIO prout decet consenti [...]. Com [...]es an­tem Gloverniae et Leicestriae, pace sunt tunc firmis­sima confaederati simul cum Eadwardo & aliis, con­testantes, quod aut praedictorum perturbatocum a rege removerent consorrium, aut guer [...]a vi [...]iniore suscitan­da alterutros se darent in interitum.’ In pursuance whereof the Barons continued in arms so long, till they forced the Kings ill Counsellors from him, constrained him to reconfirm and assent to their provisions made at Oxford, to banish all strangers out of the Realm, and to put all his Castles into their hands.

Anno 1264. Richard King of Romans, Mat. Westm. p. 322. Mat. Paris p. 962, 963. Prince Edward the Kings eldest Son, caterique BARONES OMNES ET NOBILES praedicto regi Angliae constanter sincerae fidei & devotionis operibus adhaerentes, in their memorable Letter [Page 258] and answer immediately before the battle of Lewes, Si­moni de Monte forti, Gilberto de Clara, caeterisque univer­sis & singulis perfidiae suae complicibus ▪ who accused them of giving neither good nor faithfull Counsel to the King, in their Letter then sent to them, write thus, in order to a legal trial in the Kings Court of Parliament by their Peers. De hoc autem quod falso nobis imponitis, quod nec fid [...]le, nec bonum consilium regi Domino vestro damus, ne­quaquam verum dicitis. Et si vos, domine Simon de Monte forti, vel Gileberte de Clara, velitis hoc idem IN CURIA DOMINI REGIS ASSERERE, parati sumus securum veniendi ad dictam CURIAM procurare conductum, & nostrae super hoc innocentiae veritatem, & vestrum sicut PER­FIDORUM PRODITORƲ [...]M mendacium declarare per ALIOS (misprinted in some Copies alium) NOBILI­TATE ET GENERE VOBIS PARES (not parem) re­lating to that of Magna Charta, c. 29. Per legale judici­um PARIUM SUORUM, by which Peers only are le­gally triable.

In the year of our Lord 1265, being the 49 year of Henry the 3 his reign, the Earl of Leicester, Simon de Montefort, and sundry other of the Barons being slain, and the rest of them totally routed in the Battel of Eve­sham by Mat. West. An. 1265, p. 340. Mat. Paris, p. 967. Walsing-Ypodigm. Neustriae, An. 1265. See Ho­linshed, Fabi­an, Daniel, Speed, Graf­ton, An. 49 H. 3. Hen. de Knighton de Eventibus Angliae. Prince Edward; thereupon the King being re­scued out of their hands, and restored to his royal autho­rity, summoned a Parliament at Winchester on the Nati­vity of the blessed Virgin. In which Parliament, REX ET REGNI MAGNATES ORDINARƲNT (as Mat. Westminster relates) quod di [...]iores Civitatis Londinen­sis, in carcerom truderentur; quod Cives & Civitas Londi­nensis (Nota) suis antiquis Privilegiis & libertatibus pri­varetur OB SUAM REBELLIONEM: & quod stipites & cathenas quibus Civitas fuerat roborata, de medio tolleren­tur, PRO EO QUOD Simoni de Montiforti, Comiti Leicestriae IN REGIS CONTEMPTUM, ET ETIAM DAMNUM REGNI FORTITER ADHAESE­RANT. Capitunei etiam factionis contra Regem, juxta vo­luntatem ejus pl [...]ctendi, carcere manciparentur. Quod & to­tum factum est. Nam & potentiores Civitatis, apud Ca­strum [Page 259] Windesoram Carceri fuerunt mancipa [...]i, qui post mo­do poena pecuniaria, ad summam non modicam mulctabantur. Libertas fuit civibus interdicta, & Turris London per sti­pites & Cathenas Civitatis forti [...]r facta, Post ho [...] aprid West­monasterium in festo Translatio [...]is Sancti Edwardi, there was another Parliament held at London summoned by this Writ yet extant on Record.

Dorso Claus. 49. H. 3. m. 11. in Schedula. Sel­dens Titles of Honour, p. 717, 718, Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, &c. Cum post gra­via turbationum discr [...]minadudum habita in regno nostro, Carissimus filius Edwardus primogenitus noster, pro pa­ce in regno nostro assecurenda, et firmanda obses traditus extitisset, et jam sedata, (Benedictus Deus) turbatione praedicta, super deliberatione ejusdem salubriter provi­denda, et plena securi [...]a [...]e et tranquillitate pacis, ad ho­no [...]em Dei, & utilitatem totius regni nostri firmanda, et totaliter complenda, ac super quibusdam aliis regni nostri nego [...]is quae sine Consilio vestro et aliorum Praelato­rum et Magnatum nostrorum nolumus expediri, cu [...] eisdem tra [...]tatum nos habere oportet; Vobis mandamu [...] rogantes in fide et di [...]ectione, quibu [...] Nobis tenemini [...] quod omni occasione postposita, & negotiis aliis praeter­termissi [...] ad Nos Londoniis. &c. Nobiscum et cum Praedi­ctis Praelatis et Magnatibus nos [...]ris, quos ibid. v [...]c r [...] ­cimus supe [...] praemi [...]is istis trac [...]a uri▪ et Consil. impensuri. Et hoc sicut, Nos et honorem nostrum ac ve [...]rum necnon et communem regni nostri tranquillitatem diligitis, nul­latenus omittatis. The Teste of this Writ to the Bishops, bears date of Winchester (where the former Parliament was held) Decemb. 14. the Writs to the temporal Lords.Selden [...] Titles of Honour p. 72 [...].724. Abbots and Peers b [...]ar date at Woodstock the 24 of this Month; there being no lesse than 64 Abbots, 36 Priors, the Master of the Temple, and 4 Dears of Cathedral Churches summoned thereunto,Paten [...]. 26 E. 3. part▪ 1. m. 22. Sel [...] Titles of Honour, p. 724.734. besides Knights and Burgesses now first summoned to that Parliament to set­tle peace, most of them being VOLUNTARIE SUM­MONITI, and not bound of right to come, not holding of the King by Barony. In this Parl. by judgement of the King and Lords SENTENTIA EXHAERE­DATIONIS IN REGIS ADVERSARIOS FEREBA­TUR; [Page 260] '& omnes qui contra Regem cum Comite Simoni 'steterunt; exhaeredicabantur; quoram terras Rex suis sideli bus tradidit sine [...] mora, pensatis meritis singulorum. The Execution of this Sentence appears in the Patent Roll of 50 H. 3. m. 10. Schedula. Where the Lands and Menors of Simon de Montfort and other Rebels adhering to him a­gainst the King, are confiscated to the King, and granted by him to sundry others there mentioned; as the Lands of the Barons adhering to King Lewis against King John their na­tive Soveraign, were in like manner forfeited to and gran­ted by him, Claus. 17 Johan. Regis, dors. 7, 10, 11. By these two last Parliamentary presidents and proceedings against the Londoners, Simon Montfort, the Baron [...], and a [...] other his Confederates whether Peers or Commoners in case of Treason and Rebellion against the King, to the for­feiting of their antient Customs and Liberties, impriso­ning and fining of their persons confiscation of their goods disinheriting them of their Lands and Freeholds, by judg­ment and [...]entence of the King and Lords, it is undenia­ble, that the King and Lords have an antient undoubted right to judge and censure both Peers and Commoners too in Parliament, in cases of Treason and other misde­meanours there properly triable.

In the year Mat. West. an. 1251. p. 3 [...]3, 344. 1266. King Henry the 3d. & RE­GIONIS NOBILES assembling together at Westminster at Christmas, to treat about setling the Peace of the realm after the accustomed manner, there issued out an Edict against Earl Ferrers, who was perpetually depri [...]ed of his Earldom according to the form of his Obligation, (for his Treason and rebellion against the King) and Edward the Kings son was put in possession of two Counties (or Earldoms) to wit, Derby and Leicester. The same year after divers skirmishes between the disinherited Baro [...]s and persons, and the Kings forces; to settle a firm peace upon the Legates motion there was another Parliament held at Mat. West. ibidem. Kenelworth, wherein by the accord and consent of the King and Lords, the persons disinherited, whose Lands the King had confiscated for their Treason and Re­bellion [Page 261] in the two former Parliaments, were notwith­standing admitted upon their submission to the King, for reasonable fines and compositions, (reduced to a certain­ty by Bishops, and other Lords Commissioners) both to their Pardons, Liberties, Charters, and Inheritance [...], 3. only exc [...]pted; their fines not exceeding 3. years value, nor to be under one; without any imprisonment, or loss of Member [...]: as you may read at large in the accord be­tween them and the King at Dictum de Kenelworth. Kenelworth printed in the Statutes at large. See Par. 50 H. 3. dors. 9. the Patent Charter and Claus. Ro [...]s of 50, 51, 52, 53. of Henry the 3. and Claus. 4 E. 1. m. 15. d [...]rso.

In the Claus. 21 E. 1. m. 3.2. Dorso: plac. Parl. 21. E. 1. pla▪ 17: Parliament of 21 E. 1. John Archbishop of Yorke was impleaded and complained against for excom­municating the Bishop of Durham being juxta latus Regis per ipsius praecep [...]um, against the dignity of the King; and for imprisoning William of Willicon, and John Rowman, two of the Bishops servants, in the Castle of Durham, being excommunicated by him in his Ecclesiastical Court, for the Wardship of certain Lands to which the Archbishop pretend [...]d a Right; the Custody of which lands being a Temporal matter, belonged not to Ecclesiastical cogni­sance. The Archbishop protes [...]ing, that although he ought not to answer for this matter in the Court of our Lord the King, yet he was willing to answer: And thereupon allegeth, that the Bishop of Durham was his Subject and Suffragan; and shews the whole matter and manner of the proceedings against him and his Servants in his Court, and justifies the same. To which Richard de Breelwell who prosecuted for the King, answered, that the Bishop of Durham was to be considered in a twofold estate, one as a Bishop, the often as an Earl, in respect of his Temporalties and Tenements: In which l [...]ter respect he was not subject to his Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction; to which the Archbishop replied. After much and [...]ong debate, it was adjudged and resolved by the Lords, in Par­liament▪ that for this offence, the Archbishop should be com­mitted to prison: and likewise agreed▪ that in like cases it [Page 262] should ever be so: this his Excommunication of them in his Ec­clesiastical Court for a temporal matter: being an high con­tempt against the King, to the disinherison of his Crown and dignity. Moreover, he was adjudged to make his submission to the King, and to pay a fine of 4000 maerks to the King for this offence. The Archbishop hereupon makes his submis­sion; aend after much mediation to the King by his friends, his imprisonment was remitted, but the King would not abate one penny of his sine, for the due payment whereof, he was enforced presently to enter into a Recognisance; and so dismissed. The Record is very long, worthy perusal, but this is the summary of it.

Anno 1283. Walsingh. Ypodigma [...] Neustriae, p. 7 [...] Mat. West. an 1283. p. 371. after the feast of St. Michael in PAR­LIAMENTO tento Salopiae, David quondam frater Lew­lini Principis Walliae, per Potentiores Angliae judicatus, judicialiter condemnatus, ad caudas equorum per munici­pium Salopiae, tractus et suspensus est, visceribus (que) combustis, corpus capite truncatum, & in quatuor partes est divisum, qui­bus in Civitatibus Angliae Nobilioribus suspensis, caput Lon­doniis super palum fixum est, ad terrorem consimilium prodi­torum.

Tho. Wal­singham, Hist. Angl p, 34, 35. Ypodigmae Neustriae, p. 82, 83. Mat. Westm. anno 1296, 1297. p. 405.407. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 209. to 220. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops, p. 125 126. Fox Acts & Monum. p. 310, 311. Ho­linshed, p. 301, 302.King Edward the 1. Ann. 1297. the 14. of his reign holding a Parliament at St. Edmonds, where there was granted him an 8. part of the goods of Cities and Bo­roughs, and a 12. part of the rest of the people: the Cler­gy by reason of the Constitution of Pope Boniface made that year, prohibiting under pain of Excommunication, that no Taxes nor exaction [...] should by any means be exacted from the Clergy by secular Princes, or payd by them of the goods of the Church, denyed the King a Subsidy which he deman­ded of them to maintain his wars. Whereupon the King that they might deliberate of a better answer, deferred the business to another Parliament to be held at London the next day after St. Hillary, An. 1298. The Parliament then assembling, the Clergy therein persisted in their de­nyal of a Subsidy, upon the foresaid ground; The King thereupon (by his Nobles advice) excluded them from his protection, and prohibited any Lawyers to plead for them in [Page 263] the Exchequer or before any other Regular Judge, as being unworthy of his peace, and seised all the goods, movables and immovables of Clergy men found in Lay fees, and con­fiscated them. To redeem which Protection many of the Clergy by themselves, and many by Mediators afterwards gave the King a fift part of their goods. The King finding the Archbishop more rigid than the rest, seised all his lands, and commanded all his debts found in the Rolls of the Exchequer to be speedily levied on his goods: For the same Archbishop by the assent of the Clergy had procured from the Pope an Inhibition; Ne quis Clericorum Regi respiceret, de bonis Ecclesiae. The Clergy being thus put out of the Kings Protection, and thereby disabled to sue, or sit in Parliament, were secluded the Parliament house, the King holding the Parliament with the Temporal Lords and Com­mons alone, and making valid, good Acts and Ordinances therein in this case without the Clergy, as Defence of the Apolog. pr. 6. c. 2. p. 521, 522. Bishop Jewel Jurisdic­tion of Courts f. 19. M. Crompton, True Dif­ference be­tween Chri­stian Subjec­tion, and Un­christian Re­bellion, part. 3. p. 541. See my Antipathy of the English Lordly Prelacy to Unity and Monarchy, part 1. p. 50. part 2.511.460. Dr. Bilson and others affirm; which Dr. Standish averred he might lawfully doe before the Kings Council and a Committee of Lords and Commons, in the Parliament of 7 H. 8. Keilwayes Reports, f. 184. b. Sir Edward Cooke being of the self [...]ame opinion in his 4 Insti­tutes, p. 25. citing other Presidents of this kind to prove, that Acts may be made without the Bishops, as 15 E. 2. Exi­lium Hugonis le Dispenser. 3 Rich. 2. c. 3.7 Rich. 2. c. 12.11 R. 2. n. 9, 10, 11. 21 R. 2. n. 9, 10. 1 H. 5. c. 7.6 H. 6. n. 27.

Peter de Gaverston Mat. West. p. 463. Thom. Walsingham, Ypodigm. Neustriae, p. 99, 100. Hist. Angliae, p. 68, 69, 70. to 77. See Holinshed, Giaf [...]on, Stow, Speed, Daniel, Sir Richard Baker, and others in Edward S. Henry de Knygh­ton, de Eventibus Angliae, l. 3. c. 13, 14▪ a de [...] oi [...] lascivious person▪ for his misdemeanours, and corrupting Prince Edward, with whom he was educated from his infancy) in the year 1306 [Page 264] in a Parliament then held by King Edw. the 1. assensu Communi Procerum, fuerat exilio penpetuo condemn [...]tus. This King was no sooner dea [...], and the Crown descending to King Edward the 2. but he presently recalled Gaver­ston from his exile, against the will of the Lords, made him Earl of Cornwall, and gave him the Isle of Man: An. 1307. the very first year of his reign. He being more high in the Kings favo [...]r, more glorious in his apparel, and insolent in his behaviour than any other; thereupon, Anno 1309. Regni Proceres et Nobiliores viden [...]es se contemni, & Petrum de Gave [...]on cunctis anteferri, access [...]runt ad Re­gem, humiliter rogantes, ut Baronum suorum vellet con­siliis tractare Regni negotia, quibus a pericu [...] sibi imminen­tibus non solum cautior, sed t [...]tior esse possit. Quorum votis facie tenus Rex annuit [...] Parliamentum Londini institu [...]t fiori, ad quod omnes qui interesse debebant (mark it) ve­nire mandavit. The Parliament there assembling Anno 1310. Decreto Parliamenti, ad Baronum instantiam, Petrus de [...] Gaver [...]on in Hyberniam, Exilio relegatur. No sooner was the Parliament ended, but the King caused special writs to be written and sealed in his own presence, for recalling Gaverston from his exile, and restoring him to his Lands; which writs he took into his own hands for a time, and then sent them to the Sheriffs, with special command to see them duly executed, under grievous penalties, In these Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 155. Writs he recites, that Mounsieur Piers de Ga­verston Earl of Cornwal, was of late exiled out of ou [...] Realm, against the Laws and Vsages of the said Realm, which he was bound to keep and maintain by the Oath he took at his Coronation. For which cause he did out of that common right and justice which was due to all his Subjects, recall and restore him, without the Lords, against their wills; as the writs in the Clause Rolls inform us. Ypodig­ma Neustriae, p. 99, 100. Thomas of Walsingham thus relates the manner of it, and ill consequence thereof to Gaverstons ruine, in these words. ‘Soluto Parliamen­to cunctis gaudenter ad sua disced n [...]ibus, rex reman­sit tristis, cogitans & disquirens cum privato suo conci­lio, qualiter posset ipsum ab exilio revocare. Sug­gestumque [Page 265] fuit [...] q [...]od si sororei [...] Comitis Gloverniae, qui pro [...]unc [...] j [...]venis [...]o [...]i [...], & sub tu­ [...] Regis, prae [...]a [...]o Pet [...] [...] co [...]uge [...], posset ip­sum intrepide revocare. [...] hi [...]s audicis cum omni festinatione missis nuneil [...] [...]cersivit e [...]m, & inter ipsum & sororem Comicis fecit celebrati nuptiae, licet multum Gomi [...]i displicerent. E [...]i [...]de Petrus superbiens plus solito, regni nobiles vilipendit, subsannabat Proceres, mediocresque despexir, Et quia Rex permiserat sibi faculta [...]em pene facien [...]i qu [...]e vellet, quantum ad ea quae respiciebant personam regiam, caepit sicut prius thesaurum regis colligere, & negotiatoribus ultra mari­ni [...] accommo lare, non ad usus quidem regios, sed suos proprios. Qui in tantum expilavit regem, ut non ha­beret unde solveret expensas solitas domus suae. Regi­na vero tantum rebus necessariis arctab [...]tur, ut regi Franciae patri suo lachrymabiliter quereretur, honore debito se privatam. Barones igitur considerantes, quod eorum tollerantia Petro malignandi praestabat au­ [...]atiam, domino regi denunciaverunt assensu communi, ut vel dictum Petrum a sua propelleret comitiva, arti­culosque provisos effectui manciparet, vel ips [...] certe in eum tanquam perjurum insurgerent. Durus videba­tur hic sermo regi quia Petro carere nescivit, sed plus periculi cernebat emergere, si petitionibus Proce [...]um non ob [...]emperaret. Petrus igitur abjurat regnum▪ regis plus [...]ermissione quam beneplacito addita a Baroni­bus conditions, quod si de caetero posset in veniri in Ang­lia vel aliqua terra regi subiecta, caperetur, et velut hostis public [...]s damnaretur. Igitur sub praemura con­ditione da [...]o sibi conductu, Angliae regnum I [...]gons de­sernit & Franciam est ingressus. Quo adito Rex Fran­corum jussit suis ut eum caperent, si quo modo possent, & diligente [...] cus [...]odirent, n [...] dire [...] in Angliam, & Proceres sicut prius turbaret, & filt [...]m. Petrus de [...]is praemonitus fugit in Fland [...]iam, ibi quae [...]iturus requiem nec invenit. Tandem cum suis consortibus a [...]ienigenis redivit in Angliam, de amicitra confisus Comitis Glo­verniae [Page 266] cujus sororem duxerat in uxorem. Parum ante festum natalis domini, regis se presentavit ob [...]utibus, qui prae gaudio sui adventus, juramenta, pacta, promissa, negligens, tanquam coeleste munus hilariter suscepit e­um, & secum detinuit cum familia sua tota.’

Anno 1311. post natale rumore vulgato de Petri re­versione, ‘regni Magnates & plebei conturbati sunt. Qui necessitate ducti, elegerunt sibi Thomam de Lancastria in ducem et defensorem, ut periculis consulerent & ma­lis futuris. Nobiliores vero regni de communis de [...]re­ti sententia, miserunt honorabiles domino regi nuncios exorantes, ut vel dictum Petrum eis traderet, vel ut or­dinatum fuerat ipsum regnum evacuare juberet. Rex vero sinistro ductus consilio, Baronum supplicationes parvipendens, ab Eboraco recessit ad Novum Castrum. Magnates proinde sub omni celeritate ad Novum Ca­strum iter arripuere. Quod cum Rex audisset, quasi proscriptus aut exul, fugit cum dicto Petro Tynemu­tham, et inde Scardeburgiam ubi habebatur castrum re­gale, ubi praecepit Castellanis, ut custodiam Petri sus­ciperent & castellum victualibus instaurarent, rege se alias transferente, nec opem ferre valente, quin cape­retur & reduceretur usque ad villam de Dadington. Ubi Comes Warwici, Guido de bello campo fecit eum decollari tanquam legum regni subversorem & publi­cum proditorem;’ Communi Iudicio. Which he more amply relates in his History of England, p. 69. to 77. Here we have judgement of banishment given against Gaverston by the Lords in Parliament 3. several times ▪ the 1. whiles a Commoner; the two later whiles an Earl, as an Enemy to the Realm and publike Traytor; and a Sentence of death denounced against him, in case he returned; which was ac­cordingly executed on him by the common Sentence of the Lords; A Convincing proof of their Jurisdiction in criminal Causes, both over Commoners and Peers. His second banishment by the Lords, was ratified by a Bill, (as the Spencers was) to which the Commons gave their Assent, (as they did to two Acts in the Par­liament [Page 267] of 7 Edward the 2. printed in Totles Magna Charta, part. 2. f. 43, 44. Ne quis occasionetur pro reditu; as also, pro morte Petri de Gaverston, made by the Grant and Assent of the King, Archbishops, Bushops, Abbots, Priors, Earls and Barons, ET TOU­TE LA COMMƲNALTIE de nostre Royalm;) By which Bill his Lands were all forfeited and give [...] to the King; as appears by Claus. 1.2 E. 2. m. 5. where Hugh de Audeley the younger, and Margaret his wife, petitioned; A nostre Seigneur la Roy & son Counscil, PRELATES, COUNTS & BARONS de la terre: The Petition was for the Earldom of Cornwall after the death of Peter de Gaverston, to whom it was given in ge­neral tayl, Margaret being his daughter and heir; be­cause THE▪ GREAT CHARTER wills, that after the death of a Baron, his heir shall have his heritage and mariage; and the Statute of Westminster 2. wills, That heirs in tayl shall not be prejudiced by the deed, fine or feofment of their Ancestors ▪ and the GREAT CHARTER also wills, That no man shall be outed of his freehold, without the award and judgement of the Law of the Land. Afterwards upon debate of this Petition, pro eo quod recordatum fuit by the LORDS AND COMMONS, that it had been AGREED BY THEM, that all things given by the King to Gaverston and Margaret, should be revoked; per quod in hoc Parliamento modo per praefatos Praelatos, Comite [...], Baro­nes, et totain Communitatem Regni cousideratum est, that the Earldom and all the rest of his Land [...] should re­main in the King: that all Charters of it should be repealed, all enrolments cancelled; & quod est adjudicatum intretur ad Scaccarium, et ad utrumque C [...]ri [...]m, there to be inrolled also. And there is a writ directd to the Treasu­rer and Barons and Chief Justices of both Benches to inrol it, in this Roll. This judgement being by way of Bill, in pursuance of the former Bill for his attainder, had the Commons assent thereto, as well as the Lords, though the Peti [...]ion here was directed only to the King and Lords, for restitution, not to the Commons▪ who could not be Ga­verstons [Page 268] proper Judges in Parliament, being a Peer, but only by way of Bill of Attainder.

In the 15 year of King Ed. 2. the two Sir Hugh Spen­cers Father and Son, were articled against, impeached and condemned of High Treason by the Lords in Parlia­ment, and exiled by their judgement, without the Pre­lates or Commons, who only consented to the Act for their banishment after the judgement given, of which at large before; Exilium Hugonis le Dispenser 15 E. 2. Totles Magna Char­ta, f. 52, 53, 54. Walsing­ham Hist. Angl. p. 91, 92. Henry de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 3. c. 14. col. 2539. to which I shall here annexe the Arricles of their impeachment being very memorable.

Alhonnour de Dieu & de sainct esglise, et de nostre seignour le roy, et au profite de luy, et de son royalm [...], & a peace de quiete maintenir en son people, et pur mein­teynment de lestate de la Corone, luy monstrent Praela­tes, Coun [...]z, et Barons, et les autres Pieres de la terre, & common du royalme contresir Hugh le Despenser le fitz, et Sir Hugh le Despenser le Pier, que come le dit sire Hugh le Despenser le fitz au Parlement Deverwike fuit nosme et assentu destre en lossice du Chamberlain nostre seignor le roy de servir en cel office, come afferoit: An quel parlement fuit auxi assentu, que certeins Prelates et [...]u res Grandes du roialme demorerent pres de roy par s [...]isons de lan, pur meulx counseiler nostre seignor le roy, sans queux nul grosse bosoigne ne se deveroit fair: le dit sir Hugh le fitz attreit a luy syr Hugh son pier, que ne fuit nient assentu ne accorde en parlement, a demourer ensi pres de roy, & enter eux deux, acroachant a eux royal power sur le roy & fes ministers, & le guyment de son royalme, a dishor our du roy, emblemisement de sa coro­ne, et destruction du royalme, des grandes et du people, et sesoient les maluesiees des [...]us escriptes en compassant de [...]oigner le coer nostre seignour le roy des Piers de la terre pur avoir eux soule governance de la terre.

En primes que sir Hugh le Dispenser le fitz feusi coruce vers le roy, et sur ceo coruce fist un bille, sur la quel bille, il voillet auoir en aliance de sir John Gyffarde de Brym­mesfeld, sir Richard de Greye, et dautre davoir mesne le roy par aspertee de faire sa volunte; issent que en luy ne [Page 269] temist mye, que il ne [...]e eu [...]t fair, [...]a tenure de la bille sen­suit sous escript.

Homage & serement de ligeance est pluis par reson de la corone, que per reason de person le roy, & pluis se lie a la corone que a la person, & ceo piere que avant que [...]e­state de la corone soit descendu, nul ligeance est a la per­son regardant. Dont si le roy par case ne se meisne par reasone en droit de la corone, les leiges sont lies per s [...]re­ment fait a la corone de remeuer le roy, et le state de la corone par reason: & au [...]rement ne serroit le serement tenus. Ore fait a demander coment lem doit amesner le roy, ou par suite de ley, ou par asper­tee? par suite de ley ne luy poet home pas redresser: [...]ar il navera pas juge, si ceo ne soit depart le roy. En quel case si la volunte le roy ne soit accordant a reason, si na­veroit il forsque errour maintenue & confirme. Dont il covient pur le serement lauuer, et quant le roy ne voet chose redresser & oustre que est pur le common people malueis et damageous pur la corone, a judger est que la chose soit ousle par aspertee, que il est lie par [...]on sere­ment de governer son people & ses lieges, & ses liege, [...]ont lies de govern en eide de luy, & en defaut de luy.

Et auxint, par lour covin & malveistz mesneront & ma­le conseileront nostre seignour le roy, si que a sa presence, quel il doit de son devoir monstrer a les grandz, et a son people, & a les graces & droit que eux luy requeront re­sponder ne luy fil [...] point forsque a la volunte & a la taille les ditz sir Hugh, & sir Hugh, en oustance le roy d [...] son de­voir contre son serement, et les [...]ueurs des grandes et du people de son seignour liege.

Auxint, mesnes ceux par lour male conueigne ne suffre­rent pas les grands du realme, ne les bons counsellors le roy parler ne approcher le roy pur luy bien counseyler, ne le roy parler a eux, et a lour volunte, et solone lo [...] taille, et chose que ils voillent in rebotaun [...]es les grandes et les bons counseilors le roy de lour bone volunte [...]uers lour seignour liege, et acroachaunt a eux royal power▪ mai­stree, & soveraigntie sur la persone le roy, a grand disho­nour et peril du roy, & de la corone, & de son royalm.

[Page 270]Auxint mesmes ceux pur attainder a lour malvesiees, & covesties, et disheritance des grandz de la terre, et de­struction du people, ousleront bones et cove [...]ables mini­sters que [...]urent mis par assent, et ministrent au res faux & malueys de lour covine, que ne suffrent droit estre fait, et viscountz, escheitour, conestables des chastelx, et au­tres en les offices du roy, nient covenables pur le roy, ne pour le people, & fesont mettre Justices, nient conusant en ley de la terre, doier et terminer les choses tounchant les grandes et le people du royalme, si come le dit sir Hugh le pere, sir Raufe de Basset, sir Rafe Camoys, and sir John Juge, et autres lour alies et jures especialment: & par covine de tielz ministres, & lour faux procurours & fautours sauxement fesoient enditer par faux jurrours de lour alliaunce les Peres de la terre, cest a scauoir le Count de Hereford, mon sir Gyffard de Brumfelde, et mon sir Robert de Mouchant, et autres bons gentz, pur couetise davoir lour terres, & issint eeo que denst estre a la main­tenance de la peax, & des bons, & punishment des ma­lueis, mesneront a disheritance des grandes et destruction del people.

Auxint, fauxement & malueisement counseileront no­stre seignor le roy daler oue chiualx & et as armes vers les parties de Gloucester, et luy sierent chiuaucher et les gent armes en cels parties a cour sur les bons gentz contre la forme de la grande chartre, et lesgard des Piers de la terre: & issent par lour faux et malueis counsell, voloient avoir mou guerre en la terre, a destruction de saint esglise et de people pur lour querel propre.

Auxint, lou le count de Herford, et le seignor de wyg­more par commandement de roy assign dalier de guerre sur Thlewelyn Bten, que feust leue encounter le roy en Glamorgan, ant come les terres furent en mayn de roy par la morte le count de Gloue, le dit Thlewelyn se rendist a les ditz seignours a la volunte le roy en sa grace, et ses seignours luy par mittrent bone grace, et sur tiel con­dicion le recovererent, et luy liverent a nostre seignour le roy. Et nostre seignour le roy en tiel fourme luy re­ceust, [Page 271] et puis come les ditz seignours feurent ho [...]s de la terre, les ditz Syr Hugh le fitz, e [...] Sir Hugh le piere, que avoient [...]croche royal po [...]ar, sicome de suis est, pristent le dit Thlewelyn, et luy mesnerent a Cardiff, puis que Syr Hugh le fitz feust seisies illonques de sa pur partie, et par lour coveigne en parnant jurisdiction lou nul est en cel case ne poient par reason avoir, et luy firent illonques: treiner et pender, decoller, et quartroner felonousement pur chose fair entemps le roy Henry. Et ensi purparnant roial poyar et jurisdiction, que appendant a la Corone en disheritance de la Corone, et a deshonour nostre seignor le roy, et des dites seigneure de Hertford et de Mortimer, et en malveis exemple et graunde perill, par case en temps a venir.

Et auxint male counseilant nostre seigneur le roy de prender en sa mayn les terres et les chateux Sir Hugh Dundle le fitz: et le foriugerent de ses terres sans du pro­ces solonques la lee de la terre, pur covetise davoir acroche au dit Sir Hugh le Dispenser le fits certeins terres. Et par autre faux compassements compassa davoir les terres mon Sir Roger Dammorie pour avoir atteynt par tielx et faux compa [...]sementz al entire del Counte de Gloucestre, en disheritance des piers de la terre.

Auxint la ou nostre seigneur le roy, par ses letters pa­tentz desous son grande seale en plain Parlement a West [...] grant a Counte de Warwike, que si mort luy avenust, que les executours puissent avoir ses tertes, tan (que) al age son heir: la quel grant puis la mort du dit Count le roy con­firma a son parlement a Nicolne, al request et par assent de piers de la terre, le dit Sir Hugh le Despenser le pier, par meintenance, abbette, et procurement le dit Sir Hugh son fitz, fist nostre feigneur le roy repeller ce le fait sans en­cheson, et baille au dit Sir Hugh le pier. pur son propte profit, la garde de mesmes celes terres, et issint d fesantz par lour malveis counseil ceo que le roy lour avoit graunt en ses parlementes par son bon counseile, et par assent des piers de la terre, a deshonour du roy, et encountre droit et raison.

[Page 272]Auxint, mesmes ceux nount pas suffertz nostre seigneur le roy prender resonable fines des piers de la terre, et au­tres que sont entre son fee, come ad este use eins ces [...]eurs: Mes pur covetise dattendre a tielx terres, par poiar roial a eux accroche, ount sait metter en teiels bosoigne non dues empechementes, surmettantes la terre estre forfair, come de Mounsire John de Mombray pur les terres de Gower, et des autres, a damage et dishonour nostre seig­nour le roy, et countre la loy de la terre, en desheritance des grandes et des auters du Royalm, ensi feisant le roy veer en parlement contre son serement.

Auxint, pur lour malveis covetise, et par poiar roial a eux acroche, ne susterent nostre seignor le roy doier, ne droit fair' as grandes de la terre, sur la demonstrance que ilz fesoient a luy, pur luy et pur eux de la disheritance de la corone et de eux, touchant les terres que furent as tem­plers. Et issint par yoiar roial a eux accroche ont ils mesne nostre seignour le roy, son counseil et ses prelatz, que des choses touchant eux ou lour alies, ount emprise et embra­ce par eux que droit ne poet estre fait fors (que)a lour volunte, et a dammage et a dishonour de nostre dit seigneur, et pe­ryl de son serement, et dishinheritaunce, et destruction de plusours autres grandes du people de son royalme. Et auxint de eslues as eves (que) abbes, et priours, que devoient de droit estre resceux de nostre seignour le roy, lou ils sont en due maner estues, ne poient approcher a nostre seig­nour le roy, ne one luy parler de querer sa grace, tanque ils avoient fait sine et fret Sir Hugh le fitz a sa volun­te.

Ne nul que eust grant aquere de nostre seignour le roy, ne poet a nul grant atteinder avant (que) ilz avoient faitfine a luy. Estre ceo lou John de Lacchelegh et autres fuerent agardes a la prisone pur un trespas que ils avoient fait a la dame de Merk, a damag'. de la dist dame de M. Centz marcz, dont ils furent atteintz devant mon Sir Robert de Middyngle er ses compaignons Justices assignes a oier et terminer cel temps, cel trespas, et le dit John feust en la prison de Colcestre par la gard suisdit, Sir Hugh le fitz ac­crochantz [Page 273] a luy roial poiar amesna le di [...] Iohn▪ hors de la prison, contre leye de la te [...]re, eius que il avoir fait gree a la dit dame des damages avantditz, et luy fist vender sa terre a luy, et [...]ever sur ceo un fine.

Claus: 16 E. 2. m. 5. There is this memorable case recorded. The King being at Bishops. Thorpe near York; held a Council with his Lords (divers of which are there named) concerning the Truce with Scotland: inter qu [...]s Nobiles, Hen. de Bellamont Baro, & de Magno et secreto Concillo ipsi Domino Regi juratus, vocatus fuit, & ibidem venit. Being there pre [...]ed by the King to give his advice herein, quodam motu excessius, & animo quasi irreverents dicto Domino Regi saepe respondit: quod sibi con­sulere noluit in hac parte. Whereupon the King comman­ded him thence: Upon which he went out of the Coun­cil, and said: He had rather be absent, than there. Upon which contemptuous carriage and words consideration being had by the Lords and Council, & by all the Iudges & Barons of the Exchequer, being there amongst others (to wit, as assistants) in regard he was sworn, and had ta­ken the Oath of a privy Counsellor to the King, being called in again, Committitur Scalae Prisonae pro contemptu & in­obedientia praedictis. After which he was let to mainprise; and a truce being there concluded with the Scots; there­upon the writs ad arma, &c. were revoked, that were formerly i [...]sued to the Tenants by Escuage and Knights service.

In the Henry de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 3. c. 16. col. 2255. Wal­singham H [...]st. Angliae, p. 100. 101. Ypodig­ma Neustriae, p. 111. Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 18. dorso. Parliament held at Winchester, Ann. 2 E. 3. Edmund Earl of Kent the Kings Uncle, by the instigation and power of Roger Mortimer Earl of March, was arrest­ed, impeached, condemned and execut [...]d, for conspiring and attempting to rescue his Brother King Edward the 2. and saying he was alive, after the time he was murdered; which Treason, was said to be manifestly proved by Let­ters found about him, and by his own voluntary confessi­on before the Coroner (recorded in Walsingham, and the Clause Roll of 4 E. 3.) which Letters and confession were openly read in Parliament; pur que oue le assent des [Page 274] Countz, Barons et autres Grantz et Nobles [...]n mesme le Parliament, par agard dicelle, estoiet le dit Count come Nostre Trayture et Traiture de Royalm adjudge a la mort: as the King himself recites in his Writs and Letters to all Sherifs. Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 16. dorso; Demorte Ed­mundi nuper Comitis Cantii publicanda; commanding them to publish this as the cause and manner of his death, and to arrest all those that said, King Edward the 2. was alive, or that the said Earl of Kent was otherwise put to death. So that by this record, being a Peer; he was adjudged to death only by the Earls, Barons, Great men and Nobles in Parliament, without the Commons, not named in this re­cord. And therefore Cottoni Posthuma, p. 349. the Kings Letter to the Pope in 4 E. 3. relating the proceedings and judgement against the Earl in these words, if truly recited, Comitibus Magnatibus, Baronibus, & aliis de COMMUNITATE dicti regni ad PARLIAMENTUM illud congregatis, in­junximus, ut super hiis DISCERNERENT ET JUDI­CARENT quid rationi & justitiae conveni et, habentes prae oculis solum deum; qui eum CONCORDI ET UNANIMI SENTENTIA tanquam reum criminis laesae Majestatis, ADJUDICARENT ejus sententiae &c. Objected by Sir Robert Cotton, to prove the Commons to have a share and voice in judicatures in Parliament, and that not in the case of a Commoner but this great Peer; must needs be understood of an Attainder by Bill, to confirm the judge­ment formerly given against him by the Earls, Barons, and Lords alone in this Parliament, as in the case of the two Spencers, not long before; not of his original sentence, given only by the Lords, Barons, and other Great men and Nobles, as the Clause Roll and all Writs to the Sheriffs record. Which the Parliament Roll in 4 E. 3. n. 11, 12. doth likewise intimate, where Earl Edmonds eldest Son, and Margaret Countesse of this Earl of Kent, by their Petitions prayed, that THE RECORD (or Bill) against the said Earl might be reversed for er­rors therein appearing, and he to be restored to blood and lands of his Father, and she to her Dower, which [Page 275] was granted and ordered by Parliament, saying to the King the wardship of the same during his minority; and thereupon it was further enacted, That no Peer of the land, nor other persons should be impeached for the death of the Earl of Kent, but only the said Mortimer and 3 more (then impeached and condemned of High Treason for his murder as well of the deposed Kings) and that his Countess should have her Dower, as Claus. 5 E. 3. part. 1. m. 24. assures us.

In the Parliament of 4 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 14.4 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 3, 4.13. Cooks 3. Inst. p. 7. Edward the eldest Son of Edward Earl of Arundel, condemned and beheaded without any legal trial by his Peers, by Roger Mo [...]timers power and procurement, Anno 18 E. 2. peti­tioned that he might be restored to his Fathers blood, lands, and goods considering the said Earl was unduly put to death, See Hen. de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 3. c 14. col. 2549. Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 106. being not tried by his Peers, according to the Law & the grand Charter, But for that the said Attainder was afterwards confirmed by Parliament, he amended his Petition, and prayed in such wise to be re­stored of the Kings meer grace; Whereupon he was re­stored to all his Fathers lands, and to Arundel Castle, saving to the King all such lands as were given to this Earl by King Ed. 1. whereupon he did homage to the King in Parliament, and had livery of the king of all his lands, per assensum of the Lords; as i [...] recorded in rot. Fin. An. 3 E. 3. m. 14. Claus. 4 E. 3. in dorso, and Claus. 5 E. 3. part. 1. m. 2, 3.

In this Parliament of 4 E. 3. n. 6.An Ex­act Abridge-of the Re­cords, p. 6.8. The Lords claim to be JUDGES OF THEIR PEERS IN THAT & FU­TURE PARLIAMENTS, in cases of Treason, &c. And n. 1. Roger Mortimer Ear of March, who had formerly condemned and beheaded other Peers, without any le­gal trial by their Peers, and deposed, murdered King Edward the 2. was by divine retaliation arrested at the Parliament held at Nottingham by the Kings command, then sent Prisoner to the Tower, impeached, attainted, condemned and executed himself as a Traytor, without any hearing, or personal defence, BY THE LORDS [Page 276] AND PEERS AS JUDGES OF PARLIAMENT by the Kings assent: The Articles of his Treasons, Felonies, and other misdemeanors entre in that Parliament Roll scarce legible now were read before the Lords against him and other of his companions. The Articles against him are thus related by Walsingham Ypodig. Neu­striaet p. 111, 112. Hist. Angliae, p. 112.4. E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 1. Walsingham. Causae quae impone­bantur eidem, proue accepimus, istae fuere, writes Walsingham, Prima causa, quod fuit consentiers mor [...] Regis Edwardi in castro de Berkley. Secundo impositum ei fuit, quod ipse im­pedivit honorem Regis et regni apud Stannyparke, ubi Scoti fugerunt, qui capi & intersici potuerunt. Tertio, quod ipse accepit 20 millia mercarum a Scotis, & illas tunc per­misit evadere, & turpem pacem postmodum inter Sco­tos, et Regem ju venem sieri procuravit; et super hoc Char­tam Regis sieri fecit eisdem. Et etiam illud vile matrimoni­um contractum inter sororem Regis et David filium Roberti de Brus, consummari consuluit & procuravit. Quarto, quod male consumpsit totam pecuniam in the sarris patris hujus Re­gis, et Domini Hugonis de Spencer inventum, et omnia bona regni, postquam Angliam regina intravit, suae disposi­tioni subjecit, ita quod ipse & Regina abundabant, & Domi­nus Rex egebat. Quinto, quod appropriavit sibi custodias, et maritagia nobiliora per totam Angliam. Et quod fuit malus Consiliarius Regis & Reginae matris, et nimis secre­tus cum ea, ut d [...] aliis taceamus. These with other Arti­cles mentioned in the Parliament Roll being read; thereupon, Les ditz COUNTZ, BARONS, ET PIERS, COME JUGGES DU PARLIAMENT (as the Par­liament Roll it self recites) per assent du Roy in mesme le Parliament agarderent et ajugerent, que le dit Roger COME TRAYTOUR ET ENEMY du ROY, et du ROY­ALME, fuist tr [...]yne et pendis. Upon which sentence, without being called to answer, the Earl, Marshal, by the Kings and Lords command, assisted with the Mayor and Sherifs of London, and the Constable of the Tower, executed him the Thursday next after the first day of the Parliament. Ubi mortis excepit sententiam trastus & suspensus apud Elmes, super communi furca latronum, as Walsingham relates.

[Page 277]The Articles of this Regicides impeachment being ve­ry memorable, and somewhat larger than those in Wal­singham, scarce legible in the Parliament Roll of 4 E. 3. I shall here present you with, together with the manner of his apprehension and judgement, out of De Event. Angl. l. 3. c. 16. col. 2556.2557, &c. Henry de Knyghton. King Edward perceiving the great malice and cruelty of Queen Isabel his Mother and Mortymer, that they occasioned many seditions, favoured the Scots to the great dishonour of the King and Kingdom, destroyed the King her Husband: Et quanta mala eorum consilio & auxilio exercebantur in regno, qu [...]ntaque mala opera eorum somento vel [...]bantur, by the secret advice of his friends, resolved to separate them from one another, to prevent greater mischiefs. Nam in tantum invalescebant in terra, quod totum regnum in periclitando labi videbatur. Deinde Rex tenuit CONCILILM SUUM apud Notyngham in quindena Michaelis cum pene omnibus Magnatibus regni. In quo Rex saniori consilio de eorum fraude et malitia salu [...]r [...]us edoctus, vidensque periculum tam praeteritum quam in poste­rum [...]am in praesenti per dictos Isabellam et le Mortymer e­videnter imminens, graviter in corde condolens suscepit; sicque die Veneris in crastino sancti Lucae Rex cum electa comitiva in obscuro noctis, perr [...]xit per quendam viam subterraneam de villa Notynghamiae usque in castellum, et venit ad came­ram matris suae Isabel [...]ae, et invenit ibi prope eam in alia ca­mera Rogerum de Mortymer, et Episcopum Lincolniensem Henricum. Et statim Rex jussit Rogerum apprehendi, et in securam custodiam usque in crastinum poni. In crastino fecit apprehendere omnes suos adhaerentes per [...] tam villam dis­persos Et statim misit omnes Londonias, videlicet le Mor­tymer, Et duos filios ejus, scilicet Galfridum & Edmun­dum milises, et Dominum Oliverum de Byngam, Dominum Simonem de Berforde. Et in captione Rogeri Mortymere occisus est Dominus Hugo de Tryplyngton miles, et sene­scallus familiae regis per dictum Rogerum Mortymer in in­gressu regis in camera eorum. Isabella mater regis ad udi­cata est perdere omnes terras suas, et cum difficultate evas [...]t dampnationem ad mortem, eo quod er at mater regis, et ob re­verentiam [Page 278] regis dilata est sententia. Et ordinatum est singu­lis annis caperet de cista domini regis ad sustentationem suam tria millia mercarum, et mane [...]et in uno certo loco ubi rex pro ea disponere vellet. Magnates regui imposuerunt contra Ro­gerum Mortymer Articulos sequentes.

4 E. 3. n. 1. 28 E. 3. n. 9, 10Primerment, que parla on ordenee fuist al parliment de Londrez proscheyne apres la coronnement nostre seignour le roy, que quatres Eveskes, quatre Contes, et vj. Baro­nes dustent estre pres du roy pour la conseyller, issint que tote foitz quatre y fuissent; Cest assavoir une Eveske, une Conte, et dieux Barons, a meynez, & que nule grosse bosoigne soit faite sanz lour assent, & que chescu [...]e re­spondist dez ces fetz pur son temps: la dit Roger nyent eyant regarde al dit assent, accrocha a luy real pouare & le governement del realme sur lestate le roye, ousta et sist oustre et mettre ministres en loustele le roy et aillours par my la realme a sa volunte de ceux que surent de son a­corde. Et myst John Wyarde & altres entour le roy de­spyer cez faitz et c [...]z ditz, issint que le roy fuist en tiele manere envyrone de cez enmys qil poet riene faire de sa volunte, mes auxi come une homme de south altre garde.

Ensy, par la ou le piere nostre seigniour le roy feust a Kenilworthe par ordinancez dezpieres de la terre a demo­rer illoeques a ces estres, pur estre servi come afferoit un tiele seigniour, le dit Roger par real pouare a luy accroche ne lessa tant qil leust devers luy a sa volunte. Et ordyna qil fuist mande au chastiel de Berkeleye, ou par luy et par les sones f [...]ist fausement, traytouresment et selonesment mordre et tue.

Ensy, le dit Roger fist defendre par briefe le roy souz le grante seale, que nule venist al parliment de Salisbury a force et armes, sor quant qil poet forfere devers le roy. Et la vynt le dit Roger et autres de sa covygne a force et armes al dit parliment contre la dite defense. Par quoy plusours de la terre, come le Conte de Lancastre et autres sachans la manere de sa venue, nevyndrent poynt. Et come par la ou lez prelatz estoyent assemblez al dit par­liment [Page 279] en une meason pur counseiller sour lez bosoignez le roy, et de realme, le dit Roger debrusa les eos de la measone ove gentz dez armez sour lez ditez prelatez, et lez manassa de vye er de membre sil [...] fuissent si hardys a dire oue faire riene encontre sa volunte et ordinancez. Et en mesme le parliment fist tant, que le roy luy fist conte de la Marche, et luy dona plusours terres et tenementz en disheritance de sa coronne. E puis mena le dit Roger e ceux de sa covygne nostre seigniour le roy armez sur le contede Lancastre et autres piers de la terre tanque a Win­cestre, la one yls estoient venancez devers le roy, au dit Parlement de Salesbury. Parquay le dit conte et lez au­tres pieres de la terre pur eschewere le peryl que poet a­venir, a la reverence du roy, departirent et aillerent en­vers lour pays, dolons qils ne poyent ove lour seigniour lige parlere ne conseiller come ils deveront.

Ensy, le dit Roger fist le roy chivacer forciblement sur le conte de Lancastre et autres piers de realme que estoi­ent ordeignes davoyr estre pres du roy pur luy conseiller. Et en tant les enchasa par force, que le dit conte et autres grantez del realme que voil rent profiteau roy, se mistre [...]t a la grace le roy, sauve a eux vie et membre, et qils ne fuissent disherites ne al trop grant ranson; Mes ils furent mys au trop grante ranson que lours terres vendront a tous joure. Et les autres fit enchacer hors de la terre a seiser lours terres, contra la fourme de la Grante Charte et leye de terre.

Ensy, par la oue le dit Roger sa [...]oit biene que le piere nostre seigniour le roy est oit morte e enterre, il par al­tiez de sa covygne en desceyvance maner, fist entendre al Edmund conte de Kent, qil fuist en vye: par quey le dit conte fuist moult desirous de savoire la verire. Et fist es­pier par to [...]ez lez bonez voiez qil savoit, tanke le dit Roger, par real powere a luy accroche, fist prendre al par­liment de Wincestr [...] le dit cont le Kent, procuta qil fuist iilocques mys a la mort.

Ensy le dit Roger fist le roy doner a luy sez enfantz e a sez alies chastieles, viles, maners, et francheses en Engle­terre, [Page 280] Irland, et Gales en decre [...]e de la coronne.

Ensy le dit Roger en disceivaunce manere fist les chiva­lers dez contez gratier au dit De Win­chester.parl: al roy de chescune vile Dengliterre que respont par quatre, et le provost en eyre vne homme de armes a lour costages en sa guerre de Gas­coyne par une an; la quele charge le dit Roger avoit com­passe a tourner ceo avoyr en autre profite pur luy et au­tres de sa covygne, en destruccion de people.

Ensy, le dit Roger par real ponare a luy accroche fist maundre lettres suth la grante chartre au plusours grantz chivalers et altres, qe ils venesont al roy queu part qil fust, et a lour venue le fist chargere qils se addre [...]ent daler en Gascoyne, ou qils feissent fyn oue ranson a sa volunte; Dez quenz ascunez fyrent fyn grievous, et tout le pluis est ve­nuz au profite le dit Roger.

Ensy, le dit Roger fausement et maliciousment fist le discorde entre le piere nostre seigniour le roy et la reyne sa compaigne, et sa fist entendre, que si ele out venuz a luy, qil la out tue de cotele, ou altre arme, ou autre manere de mordre, et par tiele cause, et autres sotilletes si fist il tant que la reyne ne vint pas devers son seigniour, al grant dishonour du roy et de tote realme, et damage par cas en temps avenir, qe de dieu deffende.

Ensy, le dit Roger sy ad pris er faite prendre devers luy et les autres de sa companie de tresore le roye a sa volun­te sans noumbre en deners et jeueux, en destruccion du roy; issint qe le roy nad rien de paiere pur son viure.

Ensy, le dit Roger si ad fait prendte devers luy et de­vers sez alliez lez xx mille marz quex sont venus hors dez Scozce pur la fourme de la pees, et rien est venue al pro­fite du roy.

Ensy le dit Roger cez prises par my le realm auxi come roy et seigniour de tutte, et entre luy et lez autres de la covigne merent al double del gentz et chivalez en la company le roy qe le roy ne fist, en destruccion del peo­ple, sans faire payment altre qe a lour volunte.

Ensy, le dit Roger par son real pouare fist le roy, granter a la montance del CC. chivalers a ceoux Dirland que a­vount [Page 281] ruez lez grantes et autres de la terre que furent de la foy le roy en cellez pa [...]. P [...]r la ou le roy devoit pluis ost par reson avoyre vengee loure mort de pardonee contre fourme de parlement.

Ensy le dit Roger compassa devoyre destrut lez noryes le roy et lez secrettez le roy de queuz il se pluis a [...]ya. Et susmyt al roy en presence la reyne sa miere et dez eveskes de Nichole et de Salusberye et autres de counsaile le roy qe lez avanditez secretez le roye luy exciterent destre la covygne dez enmys par de lay, en destruccion de sa mie­re et del avant dite Roger; La quela chose il affirma tant sour le Roy que le parole le Roye ne poet creu. Et cele vendurdi deinz la nute qils estoient prisez, a la myt nyt suant, donke pur lez caulez susescriptes et molt dez autrez choses que ne sont pas ore a dyre touz, si fist le dit roy prendre en la manere par eide et avisement dez priveez et nuriicz come il vous ad souent monstres.

Tunc propter causas subscriptas et multas alias quae jam non sunt recitandae ad praesens, Rex praecepit Comitibus, Baronibus, et caeteris Magnatibus regui, justum judici­um ferre super praedicto Rogero Mortymere. Qui om­nes adinvicem consulentes venerunt, dicentes, quod omnes et singuli articuli superius de dicto Rogero attestati veri sunt et notorii, et omni populo terrae cogniti, et praecipuè articulus tangens mortem regis apud Berkeleye; unde respiciatum est et adjudicatum, quod praedictus Rogerus, ut proditor et ini­micus regis et regni, distrastus sit et suspensus tertio kalend. Septembris apud Londonias. Cujus corpus duobus diebus et duabus noctibus nudum pendebat super furcas.

By these Articles it is evident, 1. that it was adjudg­ed high Treason in him to murther King Edward the 2. af­ter his resignation of, and deposition from the Crown, by his own and a Parliaments consent; How much more then to destroy, murther him, when an actual lawfull King, when never deposed, without and against his Parli­aments consents, and contrary to their resolutions, pro­testations, Covenants, Oaths? 2ly. That to come with armed forces to any Parliament, to over-awe, force, me­nace, [Page 282] terrifie thereby, and drive away any of the Mem­bers thereof from it and compel the rest to comply with, or not to oppose what this armed party propounds (or to put any Nobleman to death) is a high and treasonable offence; That Lords and other Members may justly depart from Parliament without doing any thing, when there is any such force upon them: Let Lilburn and others guilty of such Treasons sadly consider them, and take timely warning by this president.

In the An Ex­act Abridge­men. p 85, 86. Parliament of 28 E. 3. n. 7. to 14. Roger Mortimer of Wigorn, Cosin and heir to this executed Roger, required by his Petition, that the Act of his Attain­der in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. n. 1. might be examined, and for manifest Errors therein reversed; whereupon the re­cord was brought into Parliament, and all the Articles, Proceedings and Circumstances of his Judgement at large recited. Which being read, it was alleged, that the judg­ment was defective & erronious in all points (not for the sub­stance of his Charge) for that the said Earl was put to death and disinherited, (by the Lords, as Judges o [...] Parliament, by the Kings command) Sans nulle accusement, et sans estre mesne au juggement, au en respons, without any accusation, and without being brought to Judgement, or to answer: for which causes it was prayed, That the said Statute and Judgement might be reversed and annulled. For which causes, Nostre Seignour le Roy, et les dits Prelates, Prince, Duks, Countz et Barons, per accord des Chivalers des Counts, et des ditz Comunes, re [...]ellent et anientissent, et pur erroigne et irr [...]t ajudgent les Records et Iuggements suis dits. This Judgement (whose reversal is also reci­ted in Claus. 28 E. 3. m. 7. & 29 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 29.) though given in Parliament, being erronious and void in Law, because given without any lawful accusation, trial, answer and arraignment of the party, against the Great Charter and Law of the Laud; which ought to be obser­ved, not violated by the Lords or Parliament it self in their Judicial proceedings.

In this Parliament of 28 E. 3. [...]. 13. Richard Earl of [Page 283] Arundel by Petition shewed; that in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. touching the attaind [...] of Edmund Earl o [...] Arundel his Father, a Statute was made without forfeiture, albeit he was put to death, and prayed, that he may now be taken as heir of his Father, and that Act reversed as erro­nious▪ which being read, and duly considered, [...] su [...]ce [...] oue bon deliberation et auys a graunt [...] nostre Seigniour le Roy, Prelates, Prince, Duk [...], [...] Barons [...], il apiert clerement que le dit Edmund fuist non [...] a la mert, et que parols recites eu le dit Statute touchant la mort et destruction de dit Edmund sont voydes, erroignes et nulles. Pur quoi nostre Seignior le Roy et les ditz Prelates, Prince, Dukes, Countz e [...] Barons, per accord des Chivalars des Coun­te [...] et des dites Commune, ajuggent et agardent, que la reci­tation et quelque est en le dit Statute touchant la mort et de­struction du dit Edmund, sont Voides, erroignes et nulles, &c. et soint anientez et pur nul toutz a toutz jours. The said Ed­mund being put to death without due proces or trial by his PEERS, according to the Law of the Land and the Great Char­ter; Therfore the Act confirming this erronious attainder, was thus reversed, repealed, and nulled.

In these two last Records it is observable: First, that the King and Lords debated, adjudged these Judgements and attainders to be erronious; but because they were confirmed by Act of Parliament, the assent of the Knights of Shires and Commons was required and had to their reversal, as well as to the nulling and repealing of other publike Acts.

In the Parliament of An Exact abridgement of the Records of the Tower, p. 121, 122. 50 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 21. to 31. William L [...]d Latymer was accused by the Commons, for divers oppressions by him done to the Kings people, both during his command in Britain, and also in the time that he was Chamberlain to the King, and of his Council in levying divers sums of money for victuate and ransoms a­mounting to many thousand pounds, for which he never accounted; For the loss of sundry Fo [...]s and Towns in Normandy and Brittain to the Enemy, of which he had the command, and partaking with Richard Lions in those ille­gal Impositions, and misdemeanours, whereof he was then [Page 284] impeached by them. Whereunto the Lord Latymer, saving the tryal of his Peers, offered to answer any parti­cular person [...] that would complain against him; but that the Commons would not do, but prayed he might answer their charge in general: whereupon he answered every of the Charges against him, and that very fully in open Par­liament before the LORDS. Yet notwithstanding the Bishops and Lords gave Iudgement against him in full Parliament; that for his ill Counsel and Government, against the profit of the King and Realm, and namely for divers Chevisances to the Kings loss, for procuring grants to the destruction of the Staple and Town of Calice, and for divers impositions laid upon wools, he should be com­mitted to prison, under the custody of the Marshal, and make fine and ransom at the Kings pleasure. Whereupon the Commons further required; That he might lose all his Offices, and be no longer of the Kings Council: which the King granted. After which this Lord found certain Lords and others of quality (whose names are mentioned in a Schedule annexed to the Parliament roll) to be his Main­pernors, for the forth-comming of his body during the Parliament; Upon which the Marshal offered him to be at large.

In the same An Exact abridgement, p. 123. Parliament, 50 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 34. John Lord Nevil was accused, that during the time he was of the Kings privy Council he bought certain debts due by the King to the Lady Ravensham and Simon Love, a Mer­chant, at under values; and for receiving of the King more wages and for a longer time than was due for one hundred Souldiers in Britain. Upon which he confessed he received 95 l. of the Lady for the obtaining of her debt only, our of her meer good will, which was not disproved. The Charge touching Love, he wholly denied. Love thereupon being brought into the Parliament before the Lords; wholly excuseth the Lord Nevil: But because Love the day before had confessed the contrary unto two of the Knights of the Parliament; he was committed to Prison by the LORDS. To the receiving of Wages, he [Page 285] fully cleared himself: Notwithstanding the LORDS GAVE JUDGEMENT of imprisonment, and of l [...]s [...] of Lands, Goods and Offices against him▪ and that he should make restitu [...] of the 95 l. to the Ladies Executors.

These Judgement [...] [...] the Commons importunity were so unjust; that in the very next An Exact abridgement, p. 150. Parliament of 51 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 75. upon the prayer of certain Bishops, Lords, and the Commons themselves, the Lord Latymer by the Kings grant and royal assent, and the Authority of the Lords was re­stored to his Offices and Privy Counsellorship, whereof he was deprived by them this Parliament, upon untrue Suggestions. Such partiality and injustice is there many times even in Parliaments themselves, out of malice, faction or af­fection.