CHAP. I.

PROCOPIUS of CAESAREA wrote the History of the wars that the Emperour Justinian had with the Barbarians, both Easterne and Westerne, and what the issue of them was; that the memory of so great Actions might not, through Tract of Time, be buried in Oblivi­on, and lost to the Word; The preservation whereof he conceived might be of very great use, both to those that are now living, and to those that shall come after; in case that time should againe bring about the necessity of the like actions in any part of the World. For, the knowledge of a like History, suiting with that of any other Age, is of great advantage to those that shall have to doe with any Wars; in that it informes, what the success in the like former Actions hath been, and intimates withall what issue the present, (supposing the best Coun­sells being taken) in all probability shall have. He was conscious also to himselfe, that He was the best able to write this History; though for no other reason, yet because He was chosen to be Assessor to Belisarius, the Emperours Generall, and so was present, in a manner, at all that was done in these Wars.

He conceived further, that as Eloquence became an Oratour, & Fables were proper for Poets, so Truth was that an Historiographer ought chiefely to look at. Therefore he spared not to note the Failings even of his nearest Friends, but gave an exact Account of all their Actions, whether they were well, or ill done. Neither will the Actions of any other Age appeare either of more use, or more Gallant, (to him that shall but duely consider them) then those that have passed in these Wars; for in most of them, as wee have been informed, almost Miracles have been done. Ʋnless a man will needes give the preemi­nence to former Ages, and will not vouchsafe to allow his owne to be able to doe any thing.

And therefore as in our Armies now we have some Archers, others Sword and Buckler-men, and the like names of Souldiers that the Ancients had; yet will not some allow any of the Ancient Prowess and Valour to have descend­ed down to our Age; shewing herein how pittifully ignorant they are of the Practise of those times. For they doe not at all consider, that the Archers in Homer's time (whose Profession grew to be a tearm of reproach) had neither Horse, nor Javelin, nor Buckler, nor any thing else to defend themselves, but went on foot into the field, and were forced to find shelter for themselves some other way, sheltering themselves (instead of a Buckler) either behind some Tomb-stone, or Pillar, where neither if they were put to flight, they could be safe; nor, if their Enemies fled, could they do them any harm: Nei­ther did they ever fight in open field, but alwaies, as it were, by stealth did, what ever they did. Besides, the way of their Archery was so lamentable, as that drawing their Bow-string to their breast, they so let their Arrow fly, which, in all probability, could not doe any execution at all, wheresoever it fell. And this was the manner of the ancient Archery. But our Archers now adaies go into the field, armed with Habergeons, and Greaves that come up as high as their knees. They have besides their Quiver of Arrows on their right side, and a Sword on their left; and some of them have a Javelin also fast­ned about them, and a kind of short Buckler, as it were, but without any handle, made fast to their shoulders, which serves to defend their head and neck. They are also excellently well horsed; and though their horses run never so fast, they can with case shoot either way, and annoy their Enemies, either pursuing them, or flying. Besides, they draw their Bow-string toward their Forehead, up to the right Ear, which gives such force to the Arrow, that where it lights it kils, no Shield nor Corslet being able to resist the violence. Some, considering none of these things, onely reverence and ad­mire the old times, not allowing any advantage to succeeding inventions. But all can be no impediment, but that in these Wars great exploits, and most famous have been done. First therefore, beginning a little higher, shall be declared, what happened between the Romans and Persians, in reference both to their Victories and Losses in these Wars.

CHAP. II.

WHen the Roman Emperour Arcadius drew near his decease in Constan­tinople, having a Son, Theodosius, not yet weaned from the breast: He was troubled both for him, and his Empire, how to provide for both. If he should give Theodosius a companion in the Empire, he feared in effect he might prove his Sons Murtherer, setting an Enemy upon him armed with soveraign power; and if he should leave him alone in it, it was likely some taking ad­vantage of his desolate condition might usurp the Empire, and destroy him. In Constantinople he had none of his blood to be his Protector; and in Hono­rius the Uncle, he had no hope he could suffice for it; the Affairs of Italy be­ing in so ill terms. The Persians no less troubled him, lest despising the Em­perors childhood, they should ruin the Roman Provinces. Arcadius in this perplexity, though none of the quickest Wits, yet lighted upon a Counsell which preserved him and his State, whether it were by communication with Wisemen, which an Emperour cannot want, or by divine Inspiration. For by his Testament he declared his Son his Successor, and Isdegerdes, K. of Persia, his Protector; whom he besought with his whole power and providence, to preserve both his Empire and Son. And thus Arcadius having disposed of the Empire, and his private Affairs,Anno Domini 398. died.

Isdegerdes, before renowned for Nobleness, now shewed it more than ever, to deserve wonder and praise: For not neglecting the Injunctions of Ar­cadius, he kept perfect peace with the Romans, and preserved the Empire to Theodosius: by his Letters to the Roman Senate accepting the Protectorship, and threatning War against any that should rise against Theodosius: Who [Page 3]grown a man, and Isdegerdes dead,Vararanes begin [...] in Anno Dom. 423. Vararanes King of Persia invaded the Roman Territories with a great Army; but did no hurt, returning in this manner. Anatolius was sent the Emperors Ambassador to the Persian, who being come near the Army, leaped from his Horse, and alone, and afoot, went towards Vararanes, who demanded of the company, who this was; they said, it was the Roman General. The King amazed at the excessive ho­nour, turned his horse, and rode away, and after him his Army. Being in his Country, he entertained the Ambassador with much curtesie, and yeelded to the terms of peace he desired, That neither should erect any new Fortification near the others boders; which if it were done, gave either side opportunity of doing what they pleased.

Afterwards Perozes, King of Persia, Perozes be­gan in Anno 457. with a great Army warred against the Ephthalites (a Nation of Hunnes, called white Hunnes) about their Boun­daries. These Ephthalites are a Hunnish Nation, but not mingled with o­ther Hunnes, having no part of their Country bordering upon them; their dwelling being to the North of Persia, where is a City called Gorgo; and some skirmishing about bounds they have, being no [...], so called because they have no fixt habitation, but move from place to place, carrying their families in waggons, and driving their flocks & heards before them, as the need of fresh pasture requires. Creaghters, as other Hunnes; but are seated in a good Land; Neither make they any Inroads in­to the Roman Territories, but onely with the Persian Armies. These onely Hunnes have white bodies, and visages not uncomely; and their course of life is not as of the rest, brutish; being under one King in a lawfull govern­ment, and dealing justly with themselves and neighbours, no less than the Romans, or any other people. Their Rich men have each twenty or more companions, to be their perpetual Camerades, and to partake in a commu­nity of their goods. When any Principals die, the Retainers use to be put into the same grave with them. Perozes invading these Ephthalites, Eusebius then Ambassador from the Emperor Zeno was with him. The Ephthalites made shew to be much affraid, and betook themselves to flight, and with much hast ran into a place compassed with steep mountains, and covered with thickets; between the mountains is a broad way, reaching far, with no way out, but still continuing in the same circle. Perozes suspecting no fraud, nor considering he went in a strange Country, pursued without looking a­fore him; some few of them flying before him, but the most hiding them­selves in the Fastnesses, who now had the back of the Enemy; and would not yet appear, that the Persians might be so far engaged within their Ambushes, and the Mountains, that they should not be able to retreat. Which the Per­sians apprehending (the danger now beginning to appear) were silent for fear of Perozes, but they desired Eusebius to admonish the King (who saw not the ill terms he was come to) rather to advise upon some way to escape, than to hazard thus impertinently. Eusebius told not Perozes the danger, but this tale; That a Lion once spyed a Goat bleating, and tyed upon a bank, and ran to make his dinner of him, but fell into a deep hole, which had in it a round narrow path without any way out, framed purposely by the owners of the Goat, which they set over it, to bait the Lion into a snare. Perozes at this tale grew affraid, lest the Persians pursued their own mischief, and so went no further, but called a Council what to doe. The Hunnes now in sight, had guarded the entrance, that none might goe out. The Persians then cleer­ly seeing the disaster, lamented; no hope appearing to avoid the danger. The King of the Ephthalites sent to reproach Perozes for his sensless rashness, in thus foolishly ruining himself and his people; but promised the Hunnes should grant them their lives, if Perozes would adore him (being now his Lord) and swear his Country oath, that the Persians should no more invade the Ephthalites. Perozes consulted with the Magi, whether these conditions were to be yeelded to; Who answered, that for the Oath he might doe what he pleased, but in the other he should delude the Enemy by a trick: They had a custom each morning to adore the rising Sun; that he observing duly the hour, should meet the King of the Ephthalites, with his face to the rising Sun, and so adore, avoyding by this the disgrace. Perozes accordingly swore the peace, and adored his Enemy, and then went home with his Army.

CHAP. III.

BUt not long after Perozes, neglecting his Oath, resolved to revenge this scorn; and assembling from all his Dominions both Persians and Confe­derates, he went against these Hunnes; of his thirty Sons leaving onely Caba­des behind him, then grown a man. The Ephthalites hearing of it, and grie­ving to be so deceived, reviled their King, for betraying their Affairs to the Persians. He smiling, demanded, what Affairs he had betrayed? whether their Country, or Arms, or Goods? They replyed, Nothing, but our oppor­tunity, upon which all other things depend; urging him presently to goe meet the Enemy. But the refused, the Invasion being yet not certain, and the Persians still in their own Country; and staying where he was, he did this. Upon a Plain, through which the Persians were to enter his Country, he digg'd in a great space of ground a deep pit, extreme broad, leaving in the middle a narrow passage, for ten Horse a breast; over the pit he laid Reeds, and upon the Reeds Turfs, which concealed the superficies: And he directed his peo­ple, running from the Enemy, to keep close, and few in rank upon the firm ground, and to beware of the pit. On his Royal Palace also he hung out his Halas, or Gods, by whom Perozes swore, and breaking his Oath, invaded now the Hunnes. While the Enemy were in their own Country, he stirred not, but hearing by his Scouts, they were come to Gorgo (being in the ut­most border of Persia) and marching toward him; himself with most of his Army stayd short of the pit, sending out some to shew themselves upon the Plain at a good distance, and no sooner seen by the Enemy, but to retreat a­main, remembring the pit. They did so, and (at the pit going few in rank) came clear to the Army. The Persians not imagining the plot, pursued fu­riously upon full speed, it being in an open Plain, and so fell into the pit, not onely the foremost of them, but the rear also; for pursuing furiously, they perceived not the mischief of those in the front, but falling on them with Horses and Lances, killed them, and were destroyed for company. A­mong whom was Perozes, and all his Sons. They say, being ready to fall in­to this pit, he took a Pearl hanging at his ear, a most fair one, and of infinite value, and cast it away, that none might hereafter wear so beautifull a Piece, as no King was ever master of the like; but to me the report seems not pro­bable, for one in such a suddain distress to have his mind upon ought else. I rather think his car was cut off, and the Pearl conveighed away. The Roman Emperor endeavoured to buy it of the Ephthalites, but they could not find it, though they took much pains in the search. Some say, they found it, and sold another to Cabades for it. The Persians story of this Pearl is remarkable, and not altogether incredible. They report, that this Pearl lying in a Scallop­fish, not far from the Sea-shore in Persia, both the shels opened, and in the midst lay the Pearl, a most goodly spectacle: No where was found any thing to resemble it in bigness, or beauty, since the world was. Upon this beauty doted a huge fierce Dog-fish, following without quitting it day or night: Being to seek his food he would hunt for it, and having found it, snatch it up, and hastily devour it; then to his Scallop-fish again, to fill himself with that beloved sight. Which a Fisherman once observing, but fearing the Fish, he durst not venture on it, but made the relation to King Perozes, who there­upon long'd to have the Pearl, importuning the Fisherman with fair words, and great hopes; and he yeelding to the requests of his Lord, is reported to have sayd to him; ‘O my Liege, 'tis true, Wealth is desirable, and life more; but above all a mans children are precious; for whose sake nature forces a man to do any thing. I will venture upon this fish, and hope to make you master of this Peal. If I come off victorious, 'tis likely I shall be ranked a­mong the happy men of the time. Doubtless you, being a King of Kings, will bestow great wealth on me. And should I get no reward, it is enough I have been my Prince's benefactor. If I be devoured, be it your part, Sir, to recom­pence my children for their fathers death: So shall I have my reward [Page 5]in those nearest to me; and your glory will be greater, doing good to me in my children, for which I cannot give you thanks. That onely is pure gratitude, which is shewen to the dead.’ Having thus said, he departed. Be­ing at the place where the Scallop used to swim, and the Dog-fish to follow, he sate upon a Rock, watching to get the Pearl alone from her Lover. At last the Dog-fish finding a fish for his repast, fell aboard. The Fisherman left those who attended him, and making after the Scallop, caught it, and hasted to shore; which the Dog-fish perceiving, came to the rescue: The Fisherman, though not far from shore, finding he should be surprised, threw the Scallop on land, and presently was caught and devoured. His atten­dants ashore took the Pearl, and brought it to the King, relating what hap­pened. Thus the Persians report of this Pearl. But to return to my former discourse.

Perozes and his Army thus overthrown (for who escaped the pit, fell into the enemies hand) the Persians made a Law; Not to follow the chase upon the full speed, though the enemy run away in that kind. As for the rest, that went not in this expedition, they chose for their King,Cabades be­gan in Anno Domini 486. Cabades, the yong­gest Son of Perozes, onely surviving. And they were under the Ephthalites two yeares, and paid them tribute; untill Cabades, more confirmed in his kingdome, refused it: who afterwards governed Tyrannically, and made ma­ny Alterations, and a Law; That the Persians should have their women in common: which the Commons misliked, and taking arns deposed him, and kept him in prison, and chose Blasses King, the brother of Perozes, all his other Sons being dead: For of a private race the Persians might not chuse a King, if the blood Royal were not quite extinct. Blasses succeeding, assem­bled the chief men of Persia, and propounded in counsell touching Cabades, whom the multitude would not endure to be put to death. Many severall opinions being spoken, Gusanastades, a principall man, and by Office a Chanaranges (which with them is a Generall) who had his govern­ment bordering upon the Ephthalites, shewing his knife, such as the Persians use to pare their nails with, as long as a mans finger, and the third part of an inch thick; ‘See this knife, said he, a very short one; yet can it doe that now, which within a while twenty thousand armed men will not be able:’ Intimating, that if they did not kill Cabades now, he would get abroad, and trouble them again. But they thought it not fit to kill one of the blood Royall, but rather to keep him in the Tower of Obli­vion; where if a man be imprisoned, it is not lawfull to mention him; once to name him, is death; from whence the Persians gave it that name.

CHAP. IV.

THe Armenian Histories report, that once this Law of the Tower of Obli­vion was broken, thus. There was a cruel War between the Persians and Armenians, for thirty two years, in the Reigns of Pacurius King of Persia, and Arsaces King of Armenia, of the race of the Arsacides. This war con­tinuing, both were brought low, especially the Armenians. But being both distrustfull, neither sent Heralds to his adversary. In the mean time the Per­sians fell into a war with other Barbarians, inhabiting near the Armenians; who to make demonstration of their affections to a peace, invaded those people, acquainting the Persians therewith; and coming unexpected, slew most of their men. Pacurius pleased with the proceeding, sent to invite Arsaces, giving him his faith. And being come, he entertained him with much curtesie, and as a brother, used him with all terms of equality: and having mutually sworn amity and confederacy between the Persians and Ar­menians, he dismist him. A while after, Arsaces was accused to attempt innovations, and Pacurius beleeving it, again sent for him, to communicate of their common affairs. He without delay went, and with him the gal­lantest Armenians, and Basicius his chief Captain and Counsellor, emi­nent [Page 6]for valour and wisdom. Pacurius reproached them both, for forgetting their Oath, and plotting a revolt. They denyed constantly with oaths, never to have any such thought. At first Pacurius, put them in hold with disgrace; but after demanded of the Magi what was to be done. They thought it not fit to condemn men denying, and not evidently convinced; but advised him a way, to bring Arsaces openly to accuse himself. They directed the Kings Pavillion to be floored with earth, half of Persia, and the other half of Arme­nia; and having used some spel [...] upon the Pavillion, they prayed the King to walk some turns with Arsaces in their presence, to be witnesses of what passed, and to charge Arsaces with violation of the league and his oath. Ac­cordingly Pacurius sent for Arsaces, and walkt his turns with him in the pa­villion, demanding, why neglecting his oath, he sought again to ruin the Persians and Armenians with a war. Arsaces (the conference being upon Per­sian earth) denyed, and protested himself his faithfull servant: But when he came upon the Armenian ground, suddenly, I know not upon what compul­sion, he changes into a bolder stile, menacing Pacurius to punish this base u­sage. With these high terms he went, till he turned again upon the Persian ground; where recanting, he became an humble suppliant to Pacurius. But no sooner again upon Armenian ground, but he returned to his threats; and by turning thus oft both waies, he concealed not his secretest counsels. Upon this the Magi condemned him to have violated the truce, and his oath. Pa­curius caused Basicius to be stript of his skin, and the same filled with chaf to be hanged on a high tree. Arsaces he would not kill, being of Royall blood, but imprisoned him in the Tower of Oblivion. Not long after an Ar­menian, a favourite of Arsaces (who followed him this last journey into Per­sia) accompanied the Persians in a war against some Barbarians, wherein he demeaned himself valiantly, and was a great means of the victory. Whom Pacurius bade demand what he pleased, and he should not fail of it. He de­manded onely to doe service to Arsaces one day he would make choice of. The King was troubled to break a Law so ancient, but to keep his word, granted his request, who by the Kings permission being in the Tower, adored Arsaces; and both embracing each other, made a kind of sweet lamentation of their fortunes, with much adoe untwining themselves. Having had their fill of mourning, the Armenian bathed Arsaces, drest him, and put on him the Royall habit, and placed him upon a couch; where Arsaces feasted the company Princely, as he used before. Many discourses past in their cups, and things happened delighting Arsaces; and the drinking lasting till night, and much joying in each others company, they parted overwhelmed with contentment. Then they report that Arsaces said; That having spent this the merriest day he ever had, with him he loved most, he would no more return to the miseries of life, and then he stabbed himself with a knife purposely taken up at the Feast. Thus the Armenian Histories relate of Arsaces, and that Law of the Tower of Oblivion so broken. But to return to my matter.

While Cabades was in prison, his Wife attended on him, bringing him necessaries, whom the Captain of the Tower tempted, being exceeding beau­tifull. Which Cabades understanding from her, bade her yeeld to him. And the Captain getting her to his bed, became doting in love with her; giving her free access to her Husband, and to retire without impediment. There was also a Nobleman named Seoses, a great friend of Cabades, who watcht near the Tower for an opportunity to get Cabades out; who by his Wife ad­vertised him of horses and men ready for him not far from the prison, and In what place. Cabades perswaded his Wife to let him have her garments, and to put on his, and stay in his lodging. So Cabades got clear of the pri­son, the Keepers seeing him, but taking him for his Wife, and so they nei­ther stayd, nor troubled him. In the morning finding the Wife in the Hus­bands chamber and apparel, they took her for him; and the mistaking pre­vailed some dayes, till Cabades was got far away. What became of the Lady, (the plot being discovered) and how they punisht her, I have no certainty, [Page 7]the Persians therein not agreeing. But Cabades secretly with Seoses went to the Ephthalite Hunnes, and marrying their Kings daughter, brought an Army against the Persians; who finding themselves too weak, fled from the Hunns. Cabades coming where Gusanastades was Governour, said to some, that that Persian, which that day first came to offer his service, he would make Chana­ranges. But he repented him of his words, remembring the Persian Law, for no Government to be conferr'd upon strangers in blood; but such onely to have the place, to whose race it did belong; and he feared, if any presented himself not of the kindred of the Chanaranges, that to keep his word he might violate the Law. But by chance his word was kept without injury to the Law; Adergudunbades appearing first, a young man, cosen to Gusanastades, and very expert in Martial affairs; who first saluted Cabades his Lord, adored him as King, and besought him to command him as his slave. *So Cabades en­tring the Palace, and finding Blases unguarded, put out his eyes,Cabades re­stored began Anno Domi­ni 501. as the Per­sians use to malefactors (pouring into them, being kept wide open, boyling oyle; or with a bodkin red hot melting an ointment into the inside of the eye) and ever after kept him in prison, after two years reigning Gusanastades he put to death, and made Adergudunbades General. Seoses he made the Adra­sta-daras Salanes; that is, Superintendant over all Offices and Armies; an office first held by Seoses in Persia; None before nor after ever had it. Cabades also established and secured his Empire, being witty and valiant, no man more.

CHAP. V.

AFfterward Cabades became in debt to the King of the Ephthalites, which not being able to pay, he prayed the Emperour Anastasius to lend him the money. The Emperour consulting with some about him, they disswaded him from it; shewing what the inconvenience would be, if he should confirm with his money the Barbarians friendship among themselves; telling him withall. It were better for him they should ever clash with one another. * Upon this pretence onely, Cabades resolved to invad [...] the Romans; This War began in Anno Dom. 503. and into Armenia he brought the first news himself with an Army, forraging the Country. Then, though in the Winter, he sate down before Amida, a City of Mesopotamia. The Amidenses, though having no Garrison (as having lived before peaceably and quietly) and wanting all manner of provision, yet stood out against the dangers and inconveniencies of the Siege. At that time one James, a Syrian, a just, and a very religious man, had for many years been a Recluse at Endielon, a Town distant from Amida a dayes journey, that so he might not be interrupted in his godly contemplations: And the neighbours, to help his good intent, had pitcht a pale about him, with spaces wide enough onely to see, and conferre with such as came to him; and a roof over him to keep off rain and snow. And there he had long continued, not yeelding to heats nor colds, and feeding on roots, and on them not every day, but fasting sometimes a good while together. Some Ephthalites scouring the Country, espyed this James, offered to shoot at him; but their hands sud­dainly benummed, could not draw their bows. Cabades, hearing the report of it in the Camp, would be an eye-witness of the miracle; and seeing it, was astonisht, and all the Persians with him: he humbly therefore besought James to remit his mens offence; which he doing at the first word, they were instantly freed of their fears. Cabades then bade him demand something, thinking he would have askt some great sum. But he prayed him only to be­stow on him such men, as in this war should come to him for protection: Which Cabades granted, and left him Letters for their assurance. And it be­ing divulged, many from all parts came, and were preserved.

But Cabades with his Rams battered Amida on every side, the defendants avoyding the stroak of the Engine with cross beams: And he gave not over, till he found the wall that way impregnable; as not falling, nor so much as [Page 8]shaking at so many stroaks: So strong their buildings were in ancient times. Failing therefore this way, he raised a Mount, so high that it commanded the wall. To which the defendants drew a Mine from the Town, and by carrying out the earth from within the Mount, made it hollow, the outside keeping the form it had, giving no suspition of any thing to the Enemy. The Persians mounted it, thinking as upon firm ground to shoot into the Town; But company pressing in, the Mount sunk, and almost all perisht. Cabades, at this despairing, resolved to raise the siege, commanding the Army the next day to retire. But the Townsmen now secure, flouted the Barbarians from their walls; and some common women drew up their clothes, shewing Ca­bades the parts which should not be seen by men. Upon this the Magi for­bade his retreat, assuring the King that ere long the Amidenses would shew him all their secret and hidden things: So the Camp lay still. Some dayes after, a Persian found near one of the Turrets the mouth of an old Vault, onely with a few small stones covering it. He entered it a lone in the night, and got within the wall, and when 'twas day, came and told it Cabades; who the next night went with some of his Army, and scaling ladders to the place: where he had a favourable chance. The said Turret was guarded by Monks (the strictest kind of Christians) who that day observed an Annual Feast, and at night wearied in their solemn assembly, having taken a greater proportion of meat and drink than usuall, they perceived not the Enemy; who entring the Town by few at a time, ascended the Turret, and killed the Monks being fast asleep. Then Cabades set scaling ladders to the wall next the Turret; and day appearing, the Amidenses, who guarded the next Turret, perceiving their danger, came hastily to the rescue. Where after a hot conflict on both sides, at last they got the better, killed many of the men already come up, kept off those upon the ladders, and were very near quit of the danger. But Cabades drawing his Cimeter, forced his men up the ladders, threatning death to the comers down: And so having much the advantage in numbers, they got the better, and took the Town after eighty dayes siege. Much slaughter was done, till Cabades riding into the Town, an old Priest of Ami­da came to him, and told him; That it was not Kingly to kill men that were at his mercy. Cabades yet angry, answered, Why then would they stand out against me? Because, Sir (replyed the Priest) God would give you Amida, not by our wills, but your own valour. Cabades pleased with this reply, suffered no more execution to be done, but bad the Persians sack the City, and take prisoners, selecting the principall for himself. Then leaving a thousand Persians in garrison, under one Glones, and some few wretched Ci­tizens to serve them in their necessaries, with the rest of his army and pri­soners he went home. To these prisoners Cabades used a princely courtesie; he let them all goe home free, and gave out they ran away. The Emperour Anastasius also dealt liberally with them, remitting the Citties tribute for seven years, and destowing many benefits upon their City in publique▪ and on particular men; so that they soon forgot their miseries. But this was after­wards.

CHAP. VI.

BUt Anastasius hearing of the siege of Amida, immediately sent forth an Army against the Enemy: In which, besides the Commanders of compa­nies, were Generals, Areobindus (who married the daughter of Olybrius, late Emperour of the West) Generall of the East; and Celer, Commander of the Palatine Cohorts, called by the Romans Magister; and the two Gene­rals of the Legions in Constantinople, Patritius the Phrygian, and Hypatius the Emperours Sisters Son. These were the four Generals; and with them went also Justine, who was Emperour after Anastasius, and Patriciolus, with Vitalianus his son, who afterward rebelled against Anastasius; & Paresmanes of Colchis, an excellent good souldier, with Godidasclus and Sbesas, Goths, who [Page 9]followed not Theodorick into Italy out of Thrace, both gallant men, and ex­pert Souldiers: others followed of the best. So brave an Army went not a­gainst the Persians before it, nor since. They marcht not together: Every General led his own forces. The Praefect, or Commissary of Provision for the Army, was Appion an Egyptian, a principal Patrician, and valiant, whom the Emperour declared his partner in the Empire by a Patent, that he might have absolute authority in the expense of the army: which being long in levying, & marching but slowly, found the Persians, after this cursory invasion, gone home with their spoils. The Generals would not besiege Amida, hearing it to be abundantly provided with all necessaries; but were earnest to make an im­pression into the Enemies Country. And they marcht not in one body, but encamped severally. Cabades being near, and knowing this, entred the Ro­man borders. They, not informed of his being there with his whole army, supposed it to be some small party. Areobindus encamped in a town called Arzaméne; being distant two dayes journey from the City of Constantina. And Patricius and Hypatius in a town called Siphris, about 44 miles distant from Amida. Celer was not yet come up to them. But Areobindus hea [...]ing Cabades came with his whole army, quitted his camp, and ran to Constantina. The Author reckons by fur­longs; and sayes here 350 fur­longs. An Itali­an mile contains 8 furlongs. The Enemy took the camp and baggage, but no men in it; and from thence with speed marcht to the other. But Patricius and Hypatius, having met eight hundred Ephthalites marching before the Persian army, had killed them all; and not dreaming of the army with Cabades, were passing their time merrily like Conquerors, laying down their arms and preparing for dinner. And they were washing their meat in the brook there, and some troubled with heat were bathing, which made the water run foul. Cabades having heard the fortune of his Ephthalites, marcht apace toward the Enemy, and by the thick­ning of the brook guest at the matter, and that the enemy was unprepared. So commanding to drive on with full speed, suddainly he surprised them at dinner, and unarmed. The Romans not able to abide their charge, ran away without striking stroak. Some were overtaken and slain, others fled to the Mountain there, and for fear leapt down the rocks, not one of them esca­ping. Bat Cabades fearing his enemies, the Hunnes, who now invaded his country, went home with his whole Army, and had a long war with them on the Northern borders thereof. In the mean time the other Roman army came, but did nothing, having no Commander in chief, and the Generals with their equality of power ever crossing one anothers opinions. Celer past the river Nymphius, and invaded Arzaméne, (This river runs by Martyropolis, and is distant from Amida thirty five miles) and having forraged the country, soon went home. Areobindus, the Emperour sent for to Constantinople, and the o­thers sate down before Amida in the winter. Who failing in their endeavours to force the place, resolved to take it by famine: And the besieged then wanted provisions; but the Generals not knowing it, and seeing the souldier weary of a winter siege; imagining also, the Persian army would ere long come a­gainst them, they made hast in some way to rise from thence. And the Per­sians also doubtful in these difficulties, though they concealed their wants, and made shew of plenty, yet gladly they would make a handsome retreat. In the end a capitulation was made, for the Persians to have aAre ten Cen­tenaries of gold. If there be but ten ounces and a half to t [...]e Roman pound; then is a Cente­nary 3150. l. sterling And 10 Centenaries here 31500. l. sterling. thousand pound weight of Gold, and so to render the City. The articles were perfor­med, and the Son of Glones receiving the money, gave up Amida. For Glones himself was slain in this manner. The Romans being not yet set down before Amida, but not far from it, a peasant who frequented the City, and used secretly to sell to Glones at great rates, poultery, bread, and ripe fruits, promised the Generall Patricius for reward to put Glones and two hundred Persians into his hands. He promised him his demand, and sent him away. The man rent his garments, and came weeping into the town; went to Glones; and tearing his hair, ‘My Lord, quoth he, I was bringing you of my best provisions; but I was met, beaten, and had all taken from me, by these rogues whose custome it is to rob the poor peasants (being old Roman souldiers) rambling in small parties; and who fly before [Page 10]the Persians, and robb the poore Countryman. Thinck Sir I how you may avenge us and the Persians. It is but hunting without the suburbes, and you will find good game: For they go prolling about not above foure of five in a company.’ Glones askt, how many would suffice for the business; He said fifty was enough, being to meet not above five together; but whatsoe­ver should happen, it would be good to have 100. and if it were 200. 'twere the better; Store hurts no man. Glones chose 200. horse, and bad the man guide them. But he said, 'twas better, to send him before to discover these Roman free booters, and to bring the Persians word, who then might take their best orportunity. Glones approved of his counsell; and then he went to the Ge­nerall Patricius, and acquainted him with all the proceedings, who sent 1000. Souldiers, and two of his own Life-guard with him. These he laid in ambush, neer a village called Thialasamum, five miles from Amida, within a vally of coppices and bushes. Then he ran, and told Glones, his game was ready, and guided him and his 200. men into the enemies ambush. Being past a good space within it, unseen by Glones or his Company, he ran and called up the Romans ambush, and shewed them the enemy. The Persians seing them, were amazed at the suddain accident; Retire they could not (the enemy having their backs) nor being in an enemies Country knew any other way to runne. As they could therefore, they put in order to receave the assailants, but over­matcht in numbers were broken, and all killed with Glones, which vexed his Son, that he could not stay to revenge his Fathers death, so that he burnt the Church of St. Simeon, where he lodged. Other buildings neither Glones, nor Cabades, nor any Persian, destroyed nor defaced in Amida, nor without it.

But to returne to my former discourse. Thus the Romans recovered Amida for mony, two yeares after the taking. Being within it, their own negligence appeared, and the Persians abstemiousness, finding, by comparing the quanti­tity of the victuall left, and the Barbarians that went out, not above seven dayes provision remaining, though Glones & his son had long issued it out to the Per­sians more scarcely, then need could well endure; and to the Romans in the Town nothing, from the beginning of the siege; So that they were forced to eat unu­suall food, and abominable, and at last one another. The Generalls, finding themselves thus deceaved by the Barbarians, reproached the Souldiers intem­perance, and disobedience, who having it in their power to take the Town with all the Persians in it at mercy, had dishonorably transported the Roman treasure to Barbarians, and gotten Amida, as a merchandize for mony. Af­terward the Persians (their warre with the Hunnes growing long) made a Truce with the Romans for seven yeares, concluded by Celer the Roman Ge­nerall, and Aspevedes for the Persian. Thus I have told the beginning and con­clusion of these warrs with the Persians.

CHAP. VII.

BUt what happened concerning the Caspian Gates I will now relate. Mount Taurus of Cilicia passes first by Cappadocia; then Armenia, and Per­sarmenia, and then Albania and Iberia, and the other nations that way, free, or subject to the Persians, extending thus through many Countryes, and the further it goes, growing to a greater bredth and height. Beyond Iberie, you come to a narrow way, reaching some six miles, and ending at a steep place unpassable; where for the way out, nature hath built a kind of Gate, ancient­ly called the Caspian gates, or streights. Beyond which are faire champions well watred, and large plaines for horse pastures; where are seated the nations of the Hunnes, and extend to the Lake of Maeotis, who passing by the streights in their inroads into Roman or Persian provinces, come with their horses lustie, going not about, nor nor being engaged in ragged Countries, save onely those six miles into Iberia; whereas by other passages they arrive with much toile, and cannot make use of the same horses, having been forced to many circuits and craggie wayes: which Ala [...]nder the great considering, built Gates indeed [Page 11]there, and by them a Fort; which through many owners, at last came to Am­bazuces a Hunne, a friend of the Emperor Anastasius. This man growne old, and neer his end, offered Anastasius for mony to put the Romans in possession of the Caspian Gates, and the Fort. But the Emperour (who used not to doe things unadvisedly) considering that it was not possible to maintaine a garri­son in that place, wanting all commodities, and having no nation neer it subject to the Romans, he thanckt the man much for his good will, but would not meddle with the thing. Ambazuces soone after died, and Cabades forcing out his sonnes, possessed himselfe of the Gates. Anastasius also, after the truce with Cabades, at a place called Daras, built a very strong City, and named it then Anastasia, being distant from Nisibis about twelve miles, and from the Persian frontier three miles and a halfe at most. This building the Persian de­siring to hinder, could not, having his hands full with the Hunnes. But having dispatcht that warre, he expostulated with the Romans for this building so neer his confines, and contrary to the Articles of Peace. Anastasius, partly threatning, partly pretending friendship, and with large presents, put it off. Another City also this Emperor built upon the frontier of Persarmema, which had been before a village, and from Theodosius his name was called Theodosia. But Anastasius compassed it with a strong wall, which no lesse then the other troubled the Persians, being both as Rampires upon his Country. Not long after Anastasius deceasing, Justine succeeded in the Empire, the others kind­red being rejected, though many of them very eminent men.

Cabades was also troubled, fearing innovation upon his house after his de­cease; For upon his Sonnes he could not transferre the Kingdom, without some question. His eldest, Caoses, the law invited, but him he could not abide; the fathers opinion therein overruling nature, and the ancient Lawes. His second Sonne Zames, having lost an eye, the Law excluded, prohibiting to make a King having but one eye, or any other maime. But Chosroes, borne of the sister of Aspevedes, he chiefly affected. But seeing the Persians admire the va­lour of Zames, as being a good Souldier, and a favourer of vertue, he feared least taking armes against Chosroes, they might ruine his house, and Kingdom. Hereupon he resolved to make a peace with the Romans, by procuring his Son Chosroes to be adopted by the Emperour Justine; which he conceaved the one­ly way to preserve the security of his Empire. To this purpose he dispatcht ‘Ambassadors to Constantinople, with letters to Justine, to this purpose. Your selfe know, that the Romans have done us wrongs, which I am resolved not to urge; knowing that those in reason ought to have the Victory,He was Son of Vigilantia, si­ster of Justine, by a very obscure man, one Saba­tius, and Illyri­an. This Quae­stor, or Assessor Imperatoris di­clated all Laws and Edicts, and subscribed them. Which war war­rant to the Prae­sectus Praeto­rio to publish them. He judg­ed a p [...]ales to the Emperours person; and in summe had the care of the whole Empire committed to him. vid. No­titiam utrius (que) Imperij. who having the right on their side, are yet willingly put to the worst, to gratisie their friends. But for this I must demand a favour, which binding our selves, and subjects by kindred, and the consequent thereof, good affection, may for ever settle to us the blessings of peace. It is that you would adopt my Son Chosroes, who is to succeed me in my Kingdom, for your Son.’ Justine was glad at the proposition, and so was Justinian, his sisters son, and successor designed, urging the speedy perfection, and drawing up of the adoption after the Roman forme. But Proclus crost it: who was assessor to the Emperor (the Romans call this officer, Quaestor) and a knowne just man, not to be bribed, nor hastily passing Edicts, or altring things setled: He opposing it, spake thus. I use not ‘to meddle with novelties, which of all things I feare most knowing that they cannot possibly stand with safety. But were I a very daring man, I think I should shrinck and tremble at the storme that is to be expected from this Act. For I cannot conceave any thing now in consulation, but with a faire pretence to betray our State to the Persians; who in plaine words, without disguising, or modeslie, pray us to let them take our Empire from us; covering their grosse deceipt with simplicity, and their impudent proposition with a pretended desire of quietnesse. But you both had need to oppose this designe of the Bar­barians, to the utmost of your power; you Sir I least you prove the last Roman Emperour; and you the General, least you block up your own way to the Em­pire. Some tricks coverel with faire pretences, need an interpreter to the common sort. But this Ambassage bluntly, at first dash, will have this Chos­roes [Page 12]heire to the Roman Emperour. Consider it thus, I pray. By nature is due to children their fathers estates: All Lawes, though differing in other things, do yet in this agree, both among Romans, and Barbarians, that children are to inherit their fathers estates. So that yeilding to this their first request, the rest you must consequently grant.’ The Emperour and his Nephew approved this speech, consulting what was to be done. In the meane time came other letters from Cabades to Justine, to send to him men of experience, for conclud­ing of a peace, and to signifie the forme that was to be observed in the adopti­on. Upon this Proclus more eagerly opposed the Persians proposall, and urged that they should rather adopt to themselves the Roman power and dominion; declaring his opinion, that it was fit they, as speedily as might be, should conclude a peace; and withall that some chief men should be sent; who being demanded by Cabades, in what manner the adoption should be, should answer, as is fit for a Barbarian; For the Barbarians adopt sons, not by writings, but by arming them. Accordingly Ambassadors were sent by Justine, and promise of some greater men to follow, for consummating all touching the peace, and Chosroes. There were therefore shortly after sent Hypatius a patrician, Nephew to the late Emperour Anastasius, and Generall of the East; and Rufinus, sonne of Silvanus, a principall patrician, and one well knowne to Cabades. From the Persians came Seoses, their most powerfull man, who had the chief power over all armies and offices; and with him Mebodes, who was Master of the Pa­lace in Persia. These meeting upon the frontier, treated concerning an accord­ing of the differences, and concluding a peace. And Chosroes came down to the Tigris, two dayes journy from Nisibis, that the peace being concluded, he might go to Constantinople. Many discourses past about their differences; and Seoses alledged, that Colchis, now called Lazica, antiently belonged to the Persians, and that the Romans held it from them unjustly. The Romans took it very ill that their title to Lazica should be questioned; But when they said, that the Adoption must be performed in a form fit for a Barbarian, the Persians thought this insufferable. So both broke off, and they severally went home. And Chosroës returned to his father, vowing to revenge this scorn upon the Romans.

Mebodes afterward accused Seoses for mentioning Lazica without their Master direction, purposely to break the Treaty, and for communicating therein first with Hypatius, who bare the King least affection, and crost the conclusion of the Peace, and the Adoption. Seoses being charged by his Ene­mies with many other things, was called to a judiciall tryall before the Per­sian Senate, who were all displeased with his new Office, and offended at his behaviour. He was a man free from corruption, and very just; but extremely arrogant. Which, though a vice naturall to the great Officers of Persia, yet in Seoses, themselves thought it to reign in extremity. His accusers charged him with the matters afore mentioned; and for not contenting himself with the ancient customes of the Persians, worshipping new Gods; and that lately he had buryed his Wife; the Persian Laws prohibiting the burying of dead bodies in the earth. So the Judges condemned him to dye. And Cabades seemed to grieve as for a friend, but would not pardon him; professing that he was not offended with him, but he must not infringe the Laws: And yet he owed his life Seoses, who was the chiefest cause of his living and reigning; and being thus condemned, he was put to death. His office as it began so it ended with him, none after him having ever the like Generall power over all offices and armies. Rufinus also accused Hypatius to the Emperour, who upon it discharged him of his Office; but after torturing some about him, he found no truth in the accusation, and so did no other harm to him.

CHAP. VIII.

CAbades then desired to invade the Romans, but found this impediment. The Iberians of Asia, who are seated by the Caspian Gates to the South­ward, [Page 13]have next them to the West, Lazica, and to the East, part of Persia. This people are Christians, as devout as any, and have alwayes been subject to the King of Persia. These Cabades would inforce to his Religion, writing to their King Gurgents to do all things as the Persians did, and not to bury their dead bodies in the earth, but to throw them out to the dogs and birds. Where­upon Gurgenes revolted to the Emperour Justine, requesting assurance of him, that he should not leave him to the mercy of the Persians. Which he granted willingly, and sent Probus, Sisters son to the late Emperour Anastasius, a Patritian, with money to raise an army of Hunnes for his ayd, to Bosporus, a Maritime City lying on the left hand as you sail toward the Euxine Sea, 20 days journey distant from Cherson, which is the farthest Roman City that way; all between being possessed by Hunnes. These Bosporians were formerly a free people, but lately they submitted to the Emperour Justine. But Probus re­turning without doing any thing, the Emperour sent Peter Generall into Lazica, with some Hunnes to ayd Gurgenes. And at t [...] same time Cabades sent an army against Gurgenes and the Iberians, under Boës a Persian, his Gene­rall. But Gurgenes finding himself too weak for the Persian, and the Roman succours not competent, fled into Lazica with his wife and children, and chief men of Iberia, and his brothers, whereof Peranius was the eldest: and in the confines of Lazica stayd, fortifying in the fastnesses against the Enemy: Which hindred the Persians that pursued them, from doing any thing to pur­pose. Afterward some Iberians came to Constantinople, and Peter was remand­ed home. The Lazians also refusing to help to guard the Province, the Em­perour sent an army commanded by Irenaeus. Formerly the guard of two Forts at the entrance of Lazica from Iberia was carefully maintained by the Provincials, though enduring much: For no Corn nor Wine grows near, nor other commodity; nor for the fastnesses can be brought thither, but upon mens backs; and they lived (being used to it) upon Panicum, or Mill-seed, there growing. But the Emperour taking thence those Warders, put Roman Garrisons to keep the places; whom at first the Lazians supplyed with pro­visions, though hardly; but after refused the service, and the Romans abando­ned the Forts, which the Persians seised on.

In the mean time, the Romans led by Sittas and Belisarius, invaded Persar­menia, and having forraged much country, and taken many prisoners, they retired. They were youths then, their beards first springing, and Lanciers of the guard to Justinian the chief Generall, who soon after held the Empire with his Uncle Justine. In another inroad into Armenia by Sittas and Belisarius, they were suddenly met, and put to the worst by Narses and Aratius, who not long after revolted to the Romans, and served under Belisarius in Italy. Licelarius also a Thracian invaded about Nisibis with another Army of Ro­mans, who retreated running away, and none charging them. Whereupon the Emperour discharged Licelarius, and gave Belisarius the command of the forces in Daras: And then was Procopius the Writer of this history chosen his Con­sellour.Anno Dom. 527. Justinia­ni 1. who was declared Empe­rour with Ju­stine on good friday being then the first of April, Anno Dom. 527. And Justine di­ed the first of August after. See Alemannus Historicall notes pag 43. Shortly after Justine died, having before declared Justinian his Sisters Sonne Emperour with him. Justinian being sole Emperour; directed Belisarius, to build a Fort at Mindon, upon the confines of Per­sia, on the left hand of the way to Nisibis: who having raised it to a good height, the Persians sent to forbid him, threatning to hinder it, not with words onely, but deeds. The Emperour hereof informed, and how Belisarius was not able with the Forces he had, to beat off the Persians; he com­manded Cutzes and Buzes, Captaines of the Forces inThis was one of the fif­teene Provinces subordinate to the Governour of the Orient: And these were there Duces li­mitanei; The Country border­ing with Ara­bia, and the Sa­racens. Phoenicia Libani, to repaire thither with another Army. These were Thracians, and brethren, yong men, and rash in their encounters; They march't together to the building; where the Persians hindred, and the Romans assisted the workmen, all they could. In the fight the Romans had the worst, and lost many men; Cutzes and some other were taken: whom the Persians shut up in a cave perpetuall pri­soners; and no Forces defending the building, they cast it down.Anno Domi­ni. 528. Justiniani 2.

CHAP. IX.

AFterward Justinian made Belisarius Generall of the East, and directed him to make an expedition against Persia: who levying an Army of good importance, came to Daras. With him was joined in the command, Hermogenes, Captain of the Emperours Guard, and sometime Quaestor to Vita­lianus, when he rebelled against the Emperour Anastasius. Rusinus also he sent his Ambassador, with direction to stay at Hierapolis upon the Euphrates, till he should signifie his pleasure, there being some discourses on both sides for a peace. But Belisarius and Hermogenes had newes, that a Persian invasion was feared, to take Daras. Whereupon they provided to sight, in this manner. Neer to the gate toward Nisibis, a stones cast off, they drew a deep trench, with many passages through it; not dig'd in a right line, but thus. In the midst was a short Line: on either end whereof went out two streight horn-works, and from both ends of the horn-works, the trenches ran in right lines a great space of ground. The Persians soon after came with their army, and encamped at Amodis, a Village two miles and a half from Daras, where were Pituazes and Baresmanas with one eye, and other Commanders; the Generall of the whole Army being Perozes, by office a Mirranes, so called in Persia, who sent to command Belisarius, to make ready the bath, for the next day he meant to bathe in Daras. The Romans upon this provided strongly for the en­counter, as being the next day to fight. The Sun up, and seeing the enemy come on, they put in order of battell, thus. The farthest point of their left-hand Line, which ran from the horn-work there, to a hillock, Buzes possest with store of Horse, and Pharas the Herulian with three hundred of his Coun­trymen. To the right hand of these, on the outside of the trench, in the Angle made by the Line and the horn-work, stood Sunica [...], and Augan, by birth Massagets, with 600 Horse; that if Buzes and Pharas should be routed, they wheeling about, and getting the backs of the enemy, might readily second the Romans on that side. On the other hand they were embattel'd in the same manner: The point of the Line that way was made good with store of Horse, commanded by John the son of Nicetas, Cyrillus, Marcellus, Germanus, and Doro­theus; & at the right hand angle were placed 600 Horse, commanded by Simas and Ascan, Massagetes; who were likewise (if John should be routed) to fall on from thence, upon the backs of the enemy. All about the trench stood the rest of the Horse, and the Infantery; behind whom toward the middle, stood Belisarius and Hermogenes. Thus were the Romans ordered, a­mounting to 25000; the Persian being 40000 Horse and Foot. They stood both in rank (their Fronts against each other) striving to make it as deep, as might be. Neither began the fight; but the Persians seemed to wonder at the Romans order, musing what they would doe. Towards evening some Horse from their right wing charged the Troupes of Buzes and Pharas; who retreating fair and softly, the Persians did not pursue them, but stood still; fearing to be compast by the Enemy. The retiring Romans then of a suddain charged them; who staid it not, but gallopt home to the Batallion; and Buzes and Pharas put themselves into the same place and order again. Seven Persians in this encounter were slain, whose bodies the Romans carryed off. As their battels stood thus, a young man, a Persian, spurred up to the Roman army, challenging any to fight with him. No man daring to undertake him; one Andrew, a follower of Buzes, no souldier, nor trained to the wars, but the master of a Wrestling school in Constantinople, and following the army to attend Buzes in the bath, being a Constantinopolitan born, without provoca­tion by Buzes, or any other, adventured the combat. And the Barbarian looking about him which way to assault him, Andrew prevented, and with his Lance hit him on the right pap, so strong a blow, that the Persian fell from his horse, and Andrew, as he lay, with a short knife cut his throat. At which, from the Town-wall, and the Roman army was a huge shout. But the Persians being grieved at it, sent out another horsman, valiant, and very [Page 15]tall, no youth, but with some gray hairs. Who approaching the Romans, and slashing with his whip often, made his challenge also. None presenting themselves, Andrew, though prohibited by Hermogenes, stole into the field; and both with their Lances made a furious charge. Their Lances broke upon their Corslets; and their horses heads meeting, down they fell with their riders; both falling neer each other. And striving to rise, the Persians heavy body could not so easily: But Andrew by the advantage of his practise in the Wrestling school, first got up, and struck the other as he was upon one knee, and having him down killed him. Upon which a greater shout than before was made from the town and Roman army; and the Persians loosing their bataillion, retired within their trenches, it growing dark. The next day came 10000 men from Nisibis to the Persians. But Belisarius and Hermogenes wrote this Letter to Mirranes.

All men confess peace to be the chiefest of blessings, and consequently a Peace­breaker to be guilty of his own and other mens mischiefs. So that that Generall is best, who is apt to end awar in a peace; whereas you bring a causless war upon us, while all stands well between the Persians and us, and our Princes are consulting upon terms of peace, and our Ambassadors near at hand to accord all differences, if some desperate effect of this your invasion choak not our hopes. Draw home your Army therefore, and be not an obstacle to so great a blessing, least you prove authour of the mischiefs likely to fall on your own Nation. To these Letters Mirranes return­ed this answer.

I should be perswaded by your letters to doe what you desire, if it were not a Let­ter from Romans; who can easily promise, but their performance is not to be hoped; though you confirme your agreements with oath. So that tired with your deceipts, we are forced to come armed; and expect nothing, my deare Romans! now, but war with us. For here will we die, or grow gray, till you have done us right. Belisarius wrote againe unto him.

Good Mirranes! you must not humour your own arrogance, nor lay false imputati­ons upon others; we have said it, and truly, that Rufinus is coming in Ambassage, and not farre hence: Which shortly your selfe will know. But since you desire warre, with Gods help we shall oppose you; who will assist our peaceableness, against your ar­rogance; who being by us invited to peace, reject it. The Letters we have written both, we shall hang up upon our Ensignes in the battell. Mirranes to this replies againe.

Neither are we entred into this warr without Gods; but with them shall come up­on you; who we hope to morrow will put us in possession of Daras. Let there be made ready therefore for me the best bath in the town. Belisarius then prepared for the battell.

CHAP. X.

ANd the next day, Mirranes about Sun rising, calling his Souldiers, made a speech to them; That he knew Persians in dangers, not to take their courage from their Captains orations, but from their own vertue, and awe of one another. But seing them dispute, how the Romans, not using without tumult and disorder to come to fight, receaved the Persians now with an order so little belonging to them: Least upon a false conceipt they should commit error, he warned them, not to suppose the Romans upon the suddaine grown more valiant, and expert Souldiers, but ra­ther cowards more then ever; being so affraid of Persians, that they dare not embat­tle without making a trench to defend them; nor with it begin a fight, but are glad, and thinck their business spedd above their hopes, if they are able to retire to their walls, the Persians not charging them: Hence were they in no disorder, not coming to the hazard of a battell. But if the fight come to handy blows, then their cowar­dize and want of experience will put them into their wonted disorder. And for them­selves he bad them have their thoughts upon the judgement of their King of Kings, expecting a base punishment, if they doe not now fight as becomes the valour of Per­sians.

Mirranes having thus encouraged his Souldiers, led on against the enemy. Belisarius also and Hermogenes, drawing out their troupes from their trench; ex­horted them to consider by the former fight, that the Persians are not invincible, nor immortall; and that they were beaten by them formerly through their own diso­bedience to their commanders, not by any advantage of valour or strong bodies in the enemy. Which fault they may easily amend. Indeed the crosses of fortune no industry can cure, but of a mans faults; his own will may be the Physician. So that if they resolve to obey directions; the day will be theirs: and the enemy failing in their one­ly confidence, (the Romans disorder) will goe off, as they did in the former encoun­ter. And for the enemies nombers (their greatesh scare-crow) he bad them despise it: Seing their foot was nothing els, but a multitude of miserable peasants, who come to the warre onely to sappe a wall, or riffle a dead body, and other things to serve the Souldier: having no armes to trouble much an enemy; and their bucklers no big­ger then to ward a shot onely. So that if they fight bravely this day, they will both vanquish the Persians now, and restraine their insolence from invading the Ro­mans. Belisarius and Hermogenes having made this exhortation, and seing the Persians coming on, ordred the Army, as before. The Persians stood oppo­site in front; Mirranes, not placing so the whole Army, but the one halle one­ly, the other shood behind him, to receave men from the fight, and to give on fresh, and so in their turnes to come all to fight. The band onely, named Im­mortall, he commanded to stand still, till himself gave the signall: Who stood in the front, giving the command of the right wing to Pityazes, and of the left to Baresmanas. The Armies being thus embattell'd Charas came to Belisarius and ‘Hermogenes; and said thus: I see no great service I can doe upon the enemy, staying here with my Herulians: But if covering our selves under yonder ris­ing ground, when the fight is begun, we shall suddainly from the hillock charge, shooting the enemies backs, in likelyhood we shall ruine them.’ Bel [...] ­sarius approved it, and accordingly it was done. Neither side began the fight till noone, which being past, the Persians gave on: Who put it off to that time of the day, because themselves use to eat about evening, and the Romans at noone; and if they charged them fasting, they thought they would not endure the fight so well. At first the arrowes slew from both sides, and with their mul­titude made a kind of duskiness a long time, and slew many. The Persians arrowes came much thicker, by reason of their fresh men still renewing, which the Romans did not marke: Who notwithstanding had not the worse, a strong wind blowing upon the Persians, and not suffering their shot to do much effect. The Arrowes being spent, they used their Lances, on both sides, and came up closer. The Romans left wing was in most distress, where the Cadisens, with Pityazes charging suddamely and furiously, routed them & kill'd many in the execution. Which Sunicas and Algas perceaving, gallopt amaine to them: But first the three hundred Herulians under Pharas came down from the hill upon the enemies backs, and did wonders, specially upon the Cadisens: who when they saw Sunicas too giving on upon their flanck, ran away. And there the overthrow being cleer, the Romans on that side joining, made a great slaughter among the Barbarians; so that of their right wing they lost about 3000. The residue escaped hardly to the Bataillion; and the Romans chasing no farther, both parts stood still in their orders; And such was the successe on that side. But Mirranes sent the Immortall band, and many others closely to the left side: which Belisarius, and Hermogenes perceaving, sent Sunicas and Algas, with their six hundred horse, to the angle of their right hand line, where Simas and Ascas stood, and behind them many troupers of Belisarius. The Persians left wing commanded by Baresmanas, with the Immortalls, charged the Ro­mans with full career: who not abiding it, fled. Then from the Angle, the Romans, and those behind them gave on hotly upon the Barbarians sl [...]nck, as they pursued, and cut their Army in two, leaving the most to their right hand; the rest to the left, among whom was the Ensigne-bearer of Baresmana, whom Sunicas with his lance wounded. The Persians, who pursued foremost, seing their ill case, turned about, and leaving the chase, rode against these; and so came to be charged both wayes by the Romans; For they that fledd, [Page 17]knowing what happened, turned head. The Immortall band, and the other Persians there, seing the great Ensigne taken down, and lying upon the ground; they with Beresmanas, presently charged the Romans; who receaved them; and first Sunicas kill'd Baresmanas, and threw him from his horse. Then the Bar­barians struck with feare, thought no more of fighting, but ran away in con­fusion. The Romans compassing them, as they could, kill'd about 5000. So the Armies moved, the Persians to their retreat, the Romans to the pursuit. The Persians foot in the overthrow threw away their bucklers, and surprized in confusion were cut in pieces! The chafe lasted not long, Belisarius and Hermogenes not suffering them to follow further, least the Persians might turn head, and rout them pursueing without order. They thought it enough to keep the victory entire: For before that day, t'was long since the Persians were overthrown by the Romans. Thus they parted then; nor would the Persians come to any more battells. Some skirmishings there were upon inroads, wherein the Romans had not the worst. And this was the success of the Ar­mies in Mesopotamia.

CHAP. XI.

BUt Cabades sent another Army into the Roman Armenia, consisting of Persarmenians, Anno Domi­ni. 529. Justiniani 3. and Sunites (who border upon the Alans) and three thou­sand Sabirian Hunnes, a very warlike Nation. The Generall was Mermeroes, a Persian, who encamped in Persarmenia, three dayes journey from Theodosio­polis, preparing for the invasion. Dorotheus was then Generall of Armenia, a wise man, and who had seen many warrs; but Sittas, Generall of the Forces in Constantinople commanded the Armenian Army in cheif. These hearing of Forces levyed in P [...]rsarmenia, sent two Lanciers to discover the enemies power. To whose Army they came, and having observed all, and returning, met in a village some of the enemies Hunnes, who took one of them named Dagaris, the other got away and brought newes to the Generalls. Who instantly armed their Forces, and suddainely set upon the enemies campe; who frighted with the suddaineness, ran away without striking stroak. The Romans killed many and rifled their Camp, and then rode back again [...]. But not long after Merme­roes with his Army entred the Roman territory, and finding the enemy neer the City of Sattala, he encamped in a village called Octabe, seven miles from Sattala. Sittas behind a hill (whereof are many about that City, though sci­tuate in a plaine) with 1000. men lay close, directing Dorotheus with the rest to keep within their trenches, seing they were not able to stand the enemy being 30000. strong, and themselves not half the number. But the next day the Barbarians came to their trenches, and were compassing them, when suddain­ly seing Sittas coming down from the hill, and not being able to judge the number, because of the dust, then great in the Summer time, they thought them more then they were, and so left compassing, and made hast to draw together into lesse ground; which Sittas to prevent, divided his men into two Troupes, and charged them coming from the trenches. Which the Romans therein per­ceaving, took courage, and sallyed all upon the gallop, and charged the ene­my also; and having them thus in the midst of their Troupes, they routed them. But the enemy exceeding them in numbers, made head; and the fight was fierce, and at handy stroakes, and some short chases upon one another, be­ing all Horsemen. Then Florentius a Thracian, Captain of a Troupe of Horse, rusht into the midst of the enemy, and took away the Generalls ensigne, and throwing it down to the ground, gallopt back, but was over-taken and cut in pieces in the place, and so was the greatest canse of the Romans victory. For the Barbarians losing sight of the chiefe Ensigne, fell into feare and disorder, and retired within their Camp, having lost many in the fight. The next day they march't home, and none followed them; The Romans thinking it much, first to beat so many of them in their own Country; and now when they invaded them, to send them home vanquisht by a lesse number, and with nothing done.

The Romans then also took in some townes of the Persians in Persarmenia, and two Forts called Bolus and Pharangium, where the King hath a revenue out of gold mines. A little before also they had subdued the Tzanians, who lived formerly within the Roman land, a free people: Concerning all which thus it was. In the way out of Armenia into Persarmenia to the right hand is Mount Taurus, reaching to Iberia, and the nations before named. To the left hand the way is steep with ragged Mountaines over head, covered with perpetuall clouds and snow, whence the Phasis springing runns into Lasica. Here anciently have dwelt these Tzanians subject to none, formerly called Sa­ni, using to robb the neighbouring Romans, and living hardly and upon what they could steale, their own Country bringing forth nothing good to feed on. The Emperour therefore gave them a pension in gold, not to robb those parts. For which they tooke their Country Oath, and broke it, coming still unlookt for, and mischieving the Armenians, and other Romans beyond them, even to the sea. They made short inroads, going quickly home; and if they met a Roman Army, were beaten, but impossible to be taken, by reason of their strong Country. But Sittas before this warre overcoming them in fight, and using many allurements both by words and deeds, gained them absolutely, that they became Civill men; and were enrolled in Roman bands, and marcht with their Armies, and turned Christians also. Beyond these Tzanians Coun­try, a deep rockie vally runns, as farr as Mount Cau [...]asus; wherein are popu­lous villages, and vines, and other fruits in abundance. For three dayes journy, it is tributary to the Romans; but further begin the marches of Persar­menia, where is that mine of gold, by Cabades committed to the charge of one Simeones: Who seing the King in the heat of a warre, cosened him of the re­venue thus. He yeilded himself, and the Fort of Pharangium to the Romans, who demanded not the gold of the Mine, being contented, if the Persian lost the benefit; and the Persians could not force away the Romans; the Country was so fast and strong. About the same time also Narses and Aratius, who had some blowes with Sittas and Belisarius, (as I said before) revolted to the Romans, with their Mother, whom Narses, the Emperours peculiar Treasurer entertained, (being also a Persarmenian) and gave them great gifts. Which Isaac their yonger brother hearing, got secret conference with the Romans, and delivered them the Fort of Bolus, standing not farr from Theodosiopolis, by causing them to hide Souldiers neer, whom he in the night time closely let into the Fort by a Posterne; and thus he came to Constantinople too.

CHAP. XII.

IN the meane time the Persians overthrown by Belisarius at Daras, Anno Domi­ni. 530. Justiniani 4. kept to­gether about those parts, till Rusinus coming to Cabades told him, That Justinian his brother, had sent him to him with a just complaint, against the Per­sians, for entring his Country in Armes. That it would become so great a King, and so prudent, rather to procure peace, then a troublesome war to himself and his neighbours. In which hope, he said, he was come to him, that for the futur [...] both of them might enjoy the benefit of peace. Cabades replied; O Son of Silvanus! Doe not recrimi­nate; knowing, (no man better) that you Romans are the chief cause of these trou­bles. Wee for the common benefit of us both, took the Caspian Gates, forcing thence the Barbarians. The Emperour Anastasius, (you know) might have purchased them, but would not, least he should be put to a great expense for us both, by main­taining there forces continually. And from that time we have lodged a Garrison there, and maintained it; and you thereby have dwelt in your own Country, unspoiled by Barbarians on that side, and possessing quietly your estates. But as if this were nothing, you have fortified at Daras, and made it a great City, and a rampier a­gainst Persia; a thing expresly prohibited in the treaty with Anatolius: And hereby our affaires have been ruined with toyles, ana the expense of two Armies, the one to hinder the Massagetes from forraging both our Countries, the other to restraine your incursions; wee complaining hereof and demanding either your joint Forces at the [Page 19]Caspian Gates, or Daras to be dismantell'd, you have slighted it; nay advanced your desigue with a gre [...]ter injury, (if I remember) your fortisieing at Mindon. So that the Romans may chase peace, and they may chuse warre, either by righting us, or proceeding in the contrary. For the Persians shall not lay down their armes, till the Romans (as they ought) either joyne in the Guard of the Caspian Gates, or dismantle Daras. Cabades having thus said, dismiss't the Ambassadour, intimating to him, that for a summe of mony he would be content to lay aside all his quarrells to the Romans. Wherewith Rusinus acquainted the Emperour at his returne to Constantinople; whither soon after came Hermogenes. And so the Winter ended, andAnno Domi­ni. 530. Justimani 5. the fourth yeare of Justinians raigne.

Anno Domi­ni. 531. Justiniani 5. In the beginning of the Spring, 15000. Persians all horse, under the com­mand of Azarethes a Persian, invaded the Romans; and among them Alamun­darus the Saracen, with great numbers of Saracens. In this invasion, they did not as they were wont, enter by Mesopotamia, but by Comagena, now called Euphratesia. The reason of forbearing Mesopotamia now, and why it is so cal­led is thus. From a Mountaine of Armenia not very steep, being five miles to the North of Theodosiopolis, issue two springs, presently making, the right hand spring, Euphrates, and the left, Tigris. Tigris without winding, goes strait on to Amida, taking in no waters by the way, and by the North-side of it passes into Assyria. But the Euphrates, running not farr, vanishes, not sinking under ground but with a kind of miracle. Over the water lyes a bogg, deep and six miles long, and two miles and a half broad, wherein much reed growes, and the mudd is so stiffe, that to passengers it seemes firme ground. Horse and Foot and Waggons passe upon it every day, and stirr not the ground, nor discover it for a bogge. The inhabitants every yeare burn off the reed, that it stop not the way: and sometime a strong wind blowing, the fire pierces to the roots, and discovers the river in a small channell: And the mudd landing up againe soon after, restores to the place the forme it had. Hence this river runs to the Country of Ecelesa, where was the Temple of Diana in Tauri; Iphigenia, Agamemnons daughter, with Orestes, and Pilades, flying thither with the image of Diana. The other Temple standing to this day at Comana, is not that of Tau­ri. But thus it was. Orestes stealing with his sister from Tauri, fell into a great sickness; and enquiring of the Oracle for cure, was answered, that he should have no help, till he had built a Temple to Diana, like that in Tauri, and there should shave off his haire, and call the City by it. Orestes hereupon tra­velling in these parts, saw the river Iris, springing from a steep Mountaine, and supposing it to be the place designed by the Oracle, built there a faire Ci­ty, and a Temple to Diana, and shaving his haire, called it Comana, which continues to this day. But this abated not the disease, which raged rather more. So that travelling, and seeking yet further, he found a place in Cappa­docia, very like Tauri, and I have wondred seing it, taking it for Tauri it self. The Mountaine there is absolutely like Taurus, and so called also, and the river Sarus there very like the river Euphrates. So there Orestes built a goodly City, with two Temples in it, the one to Diana, the other to his sister Iphi­genid, which the Christians have made Churches, not altring the buildings at all. This City is called the Golden Comana, where he cut off his haire, and recovered of his disease. Which some hold to be no other, but the madness he fell into, for killing his own Mother. But the Euphrates from this Tauri in Ecelesa of Armenia, runs Southward by much Country, and takes in many rivers, and among the rest Arsinus, (which comes down from Persarmenia) then grown large, passes into Leucosyria, now called the lesser Armenia, the Metropolis whereof is Melitene, a faire City. From thence it runs by Samosa­ta, and Hierapolis, and many other townes, to Assyria; where both rivers meeting, end in one name of Tigris. The Country from Samosata beyond the river was anciently called Comagena, but now Euphratesia from the river. The Country on this side, between it and the Tigris, is called Mesopotamia: Some part of which hath severall other names, as Armenia, unto Amida: Edessa al­so, with the towns about it: And Osrhoêne, from Osrhoês, who anciently raign­ed there, when they were confederates of the Persians. The Persians therefore [Page 20]having taken Nisibis, and other places in Mesopotamia from the Romans, when they invaded their country, ever neglected the Province beyond the Euphrates, being without water and wast, and there drew together, being their own coun­try, & near an enemies inhabited, & from thence used to make their invasions.

CHAP. XIII.

MIrranes also upon his return with his Army overthrown, having lost most of his men, had a sharp punishment from the King, who took from him his Head-tire of gold and pearl, which tied up his hair; a mark of the greatest honour in Persia, next to the King: where none may wear gold, ring, nor belt, nor buckle, nor any thing of gold, but by the Kings grant. Cabades then being in doubt how to invade the Romans; for Mirranes failing thus, he could not presume upon any other; Alamundarus, King of the Sara­cens, advised him thus, ‘In all things not to trust to Fortune, nor in all wars to expect the better; being neither reasonable, nor mans condition; but the conceit of it prejudicial. For mens unreasonable hopes of success, failing sometimes, (as they may) prove their vexation. That men having not ever Fortune to presume on, put not war bluntly upon hazards, though they have the advantage of their enemies, but study to deceive them with stratagemes. In a danger upon equal terms is no assurance of victory. That therefore he should not grieve for the misfortunes of Mirranes, nor tempt Fortune again. If he enter by Mesopotamia and Osroëne, where the Cities were never stronger, nor better guarded with souldiers, that he will have no sure bar­gain of it. That the Country beyond the Euphrates, and Syria next it, hath no fortified City, nor considerable Forces; but he shall find Antioch the chief Roman City of the East for wealth, bignes, and populousnes, with no souldiers in it; and a common people thinking upon nothing but Holy-daies, and Feasts, their perpetual quarrels with one another in the Theaters. Which he may take by surprise, and return home, without meeting an Enemy, and before the Forces of Mesopotamia can have the news of him. That he should take no thought about water, or provisions: himself would guide the Army the best way.’ Cabades neither disputed against this advise, nor distrusted it; knowing Alamundarus a wiseman, an experienced souldier, and faithfull to the Persians, and very valiant; who for fifty years, had brought the Romans into low case, from Egypt to Mesopotamia forraging their country, and dri­ving all afore him, burning cities, and making innumerable slaves, whom he kill'd, or sold for a great deal of money. He made his inroads so suddainly, and advantageously, that none encountred him: The Com­manders seldome hearing of him, before he was gone with his booty. And when any overtook him, he defeated them, either charging them unprepared, or pursuing disorderly. Once he took prisoners Demostra­tus, brother of Rufinus, and John the sonne of Lucas, with all their men, and got a great sum of money for their ransom. In a word, he was the sharpest enemy the Romans had. The reason was, because onely Alamundarus had command of the Saracens under the Persians, with authority and title of a King; whereby he could invade the Romans when and where he pleased. Nei­ther were the Roman Captains, called Duces Limitanei, nor the Phylarchi, or chieftains of the Saracen-tribes in league with the Romans, able to oppose him, being too weak to fight with him single in their severall countries. Whereupon the Emperour Justinian put many of those Tribes under Arethas, the sonne of Gabâlas, chieftain of the Saracens in Arabia, giving him the title of a King; a thing not used by the Romans. But Alamundarus rather more ruined the Romans; Arethas in the inroads or fights, either ha­ving ill fortune, or betraying the business; we have no certainty of him. And so Alamundarus (none opposing) forraged the East furthest of any, and long­est, being a very old man; and Cabades liking his counsell, sent 15000 men under the command of Azarethes (as I have said) whom Alamundarus was to guide the way.

CHAP. XIV.

THese passing the Euphrates into Comagena unlookt for, and being the first Persians that ever invaded us that way, that we can learn, it amazed the Romans, and at first perplexed Belisarius, when he heard it. But he soon resol­ved upon resistance, and having left competent garrisons in the places, of Me­sopotamia, that Cabades with the rest of his army might not find them un­guarded; he went with speed against the Enemy, compassing the Euphrates, and having about 20000 horse and foot, 2000 of them Isaurians. The Cap­tains of horse were the same that fought at Daras with Mirranes. Of the In­fantery was Peter commander, a Lancier of the guard to Justinian; and of the Isaurians, Longinus and Stephanacius. At the City of Colchis they encamped, hearing the Enemy were at Gabbula, a place almost fourteen miles from it. Alamundarus, and Azarethes hearing thereof, stayd their journey, resolving to march homeward, fearing to hazard; and they retired, keeping the Euphra­tes to their left hand. The Roman army followed; and where the Enemy lod­ged, sate down the night after: Belisarius purposely not suffering the Army to march greater journeys, having no mind to fight, and thinking it suffici­ent if Alamundarus and the Persians retired home without effect. The army at this murmured at him, both Commanders and Souldiers, but not yet to his face. The Persians at last lodged upon the shore of Euphrates, opposite to the City of Callinicum, resolving from thence to march through a desert country, and so out of Roman ground, and not as before by the rivers side. The Romans from the City Sura, where they lodg'd, rose, and overtook the Enemy trussing up their baggage. The Feast of Easter was to be the next day, which Christians observe above all others; the day before it, and much of the night abstaining from all meats and drinks. And Belisarius seeing them eager upon the enemy, and willing to withdraw them from the opinion, (Hermo­genes being of the same mind, sent newly Ambassador from the Emperour) he called them together, and spake thus; ‘Whether are you transported fellow souldiers! to chuse thus a needless danger? That onely is pure victory, that comes off without damage from the Enemy: and that now fortune, and the fear of us amazing them, gives us; which advantage it is better to en­joy, having it, than to seek it when it is gone. The Persians invited with hopes, invaded us, and now failing, run away. If we force them to change their course, and fight; overcoming, we gain nothing, but to rout an ene­my flying already. But having the worst, we lose our present victory (not forced from it, but giving it away) and leave the Emperours land to the spoil of the Enemy, with none to defend it. Consider also, that God doth co­operate with mens necessary, not wilfull actions; how men stopt from fly­ing will fight, though unwillingly; and how many disadvantages there are to us for a battell, many being marcht hither afoot, and all of us fast­ing, and some of us not yet come up:’ The Army reproached Belisarius for this speech, not muttering now, but with open clamour to his face, calling him faint-hearted man, and a discourager of them. And this errour some Commanders ran into with the souldier, onely to shew their valour. Be­lisarius amazed at this impudence, turned his discourse to encourage them, and to order them to the encounter, saying that he knew not their alacrity before, but now he took courage, and went against the enemy with more hopes. So he set his Batallion in front, and his foot in the left wing towards the river, and to the right hand, where there was a steep peece of ground, A­rethas with his Saracens: himself with the horse stood in the middle. Aza­rethes seeing the Romans embattell'd, and ready for the encounter, said to his men; ‘That being Persians, certainly they will never change their honour for life, if they might have the choice. But that now, if they would, they could make no such choice. They who can by running from a danger, live disho­nourable, if they can so resolve, chuse yet instead of the best, the most pleasant thing. But they who must die either honourably by an enemy, or basely by [Page 22]a superiour, dradg'd to execution, are mad if they chuse not the best condi­tion, instead of the basest. He bad them therefore, not thinking onely upon the enemy, but upon their Lord and Master, so to fight that day.’ Having ex­horted them, he placed his Batallion opposite to the Enemy, and gave the right wing to the Persians. and the lest to the Saracens. The battell then joy­ned, and was stifly fought. The arrows flew thick from both sides, and killed many. Some single encounters were between the Battallions, with much va­lour performed. The Persians fell more by the shot, though they shot thicker, and are almost all Archers, and the most dextrous living; but from weak bowes little beut, the shaft lighting upon the Romans corslet, head-peece, or sheild, crackt without hurt doing. The Romans shot is slower, being from stiff bowes much bent, and hardly; but coming from stronger men than Persians, they speed where they light, no armour resisting the force. Two thirds of the day were past, and the fight yet equall. When the Persians best men com­bining, charged the right wing, where was Arethas and his Saracens. They opened their Battallion, and not abiding the charge ranne a­way, suspected that day to betray the Romans. The Persians thus breaking through the ranks, had the backs of the Romans horse, who weary with their journey and toyl in fight, being fasting too, and prest both wayes by the ene­my, gave it over, and ran into small Ilands in the river near them. Some staid and did bravely; among whom Ascas, having slain many chief Persians, was with much adoe cut in pieces, leaving a noble story to his enemies; and with him eight hundred more fell, good men; and all the Isaurians, with their Commanders, using no resistance: Men unexperienced, newly taken from the plough, and who knew not what a battell meant; yet hotter than any upon the fight, they reproached Belisarius with cowardize a little before. Indeed they were not all Isaurians, but most Lycaonians. Belisarius staying with some few, while Ascas and his company stood, resisted also: But seeing them slain, he fled into the battallion of foot, where Peter their leader maintained the fight, with some with him, the most being run away. Then Belisarius quitted his horse, causing his followers to doe the like, and with the rest re­ceived the enemy. Who after a short execution came back, and gave on upon Belisarius; who to prevent the enemies compass, kept his mens backs to the river, and stood their charge; where was a fierce fight, though with unequall powers, a few footmen fighting with all the Persian horse, and yet not routed by them. For standing close, and fencing with their shields, they shot the e­nemy to more purpose, than they were shot. And the Barbarians to break them, riding oft against them, rode back again without effect; their horses being skittish upon the clashing of the shields, and the riders in confusion. And at night they retired to their camp. Belisarius also with some few got into a ship, and past into an Iland, whether some came after swimming. The next day the Romans were transported to Callinicum in ships, sent from thence. The Persians having spoyled the dead bodies, went home; finding their own not fewer in number than their enemies. Azarethes at his come­ing home had no thanks from Cabades, though he wanne this battell; and upon this reason. When an Army is levyed in Persia the King uses to sit upon his Throne, and by him stand baskets, and the General designed for the army; which is to pass man by man before the King, and each to throw an arrow into the baskets; and they to be sealed with the Kings own seal. When the army comes home, every souldier takes his arrow out of the panniers, and some Commissioners number the arrows remaining, and so report to the King the number of the souldiers come home; whereby it is known how many are perished in that war. This custom is ancient in Persia; and Azarethes pre­senting himself to the King, he askt him what place he had conquered, ha­ving invaded the Romans with Alamundarus, with design to take Antioch? Azarethes answered, that he had taken no place, but had vanquisht Bellisarius in battell. Then Cabades willed the army to come in, and take out their arrows, whereof many being left in the baskets, the King reviled Azarethes, and after hold him in disgrace.

CHAP. XV.

THe Emperour Justinian then bethought himself of associating the Home­rites, and Ethiopians against the Persians: Who, where they inhabite, and wherein the Emperour thought them usefull to the Romans, I will tell you. The Homerites are to the East of Palestina, upon the red sea, which beginning from India, ends in that part of the Roman Empire; having upon the coast where it ends, in a narrow straight, the City AElas, and the mountains of E­gypt to the South, and a desart country, reaching far to the North. As you sayl in, the land from both fides is seen, till the Iland of Jotabeé, which is from Aelas some hundred and five and twenty miles; where are seated the Hebrews, anciently free, but in Justinians reign made subject to the Romans. From hence a large sea opening, no land is to be seen to the right hand, as you sayl in, but at night you cast anchor on the left hand shore, the sea being full of shelfes, and in the dark not to be meddled with. There are many harbours made by the nature of the places, and safe to put in at. The coast from Palestina the Saracens possese, who are anciently seated in the country of Palm-trees, being in the midland, spacious, and having no­thing growing but Date-trees. Which Abocharabus, Governour of the Saracens there, gave to Justinian, who made him Chieftain of the Saracens in Palestina, thereby preserving that Province from spoyl, Abocharabus being terrible to his subjects and enemies; and very valiant. This country of Palm-trees being desert, and in the middle without water, for ten dayes journey, is of no use to us. Abocharabus gave us the name of a present only, which the Emperour knowing well, yet took it of him. Next to the Sara­cens in Palestina, are other upon the same coast, called Maadeni, subject to the Homerites. Upon the coast nextbeyond are the Homerites, and beyond them many other nations are seated, to the Man-eating Saracens. Beyond whom are the Indians. Opposite to the Homerites on the other shore are Ethiopians; called Auxomites, of the City of Auxomis, where is their Kings court. The sea between them is five dayes and nights sayl over, with a reasonable wind, keeping there the sea all night, by reason there are no slielves. This some call the Red sea; and the rest as you sail out to AElas, the Arabian gulf. For all the country from thence to Gaza was formerly called Arabia, and their King held his Court at Petra. The Homerites haven from whence they sayl into Ethiopia is called Boulicas, and they land at a haven of the Adulites, from whence, the City of Adulis is onely two miles and a half, and from Auxomis twelve dayes journey. The vassels of India, and on these seas, are not built like other ships, nor trimmed with pitch or such like, nor are the planks fastned with iron through them, but tyed together with cords. Not because of Iron-drawing Rocks (as is vulgarly thought) the Romans ships upon that sea coming from AElas, though built with Iron, finding no such matter; but be­cause neither Indians, nor Ethiopians have. Iron, nor other materials for that use: Nor can they buy any of the Romans; who forbid it upon pain of death. From Auxomis aforesaid, to the Roman Frontiers in Egypt, is thirty dayes journey; where are the Blemmyes, and Nobates, and other numerous people. The Blemmyes are seated in the midland, but the Nobates upon the Nile. This was not formerly the Roman frontier, which was seven dayes journey beyond. But Dioclesian finding their tribute a trifle, and their country nar­row, being most taken up with the rocks of Nile; and the garrisons in it (being many) burdening his Treasury with the charge: And considering how these Nobates then dwelling about the City of Oäsis, spoyled the Towns near them, he drew them to rise from that place, that they might no more trouble the country about Oästs, by giving them fair Roman Cities, and a large country, all from Elephantina on both sides the Nile, which he thought they would now guard, and beat off the Blemmyes (as being their own land) and other barbarous Nations. He gave them also, and to the Blemmyes, a pension in Gold, not to prey upon the Roman territories; which they still receive, yet over-run the Provinces. So impossible it is for Barbarians to keep, [Page 24]faith with Romans, but for feare of the Souldier. Yet the said Emperour, in an Iland of the Nile neer Elephantina, built a strong Castle, with Temples, and Altars for the Romans, and these people; appointing Priests of each Nation, and thinking by a participation in the same devotions, to make a sure amity be­tween them. And upon this he called the place Philae, Both the Blemmyes, and the Nobates worship the Gods esteemed by the Graecians, and Isis and Osiris and Priapus too; and the Blemmyes sacrifice men to the Sunne. The Temples in Philae these Barbarians held to my time, but by direction of the Emperour Justinian, Narses the Persarmenian, who revolted to the Romans, (as I said) commanding the forces in those parts, demolished them, keeping the Priests in restraint, and sending the Images to Constantinople.

CHAP. XVI.

BUt during this warre with Persia Hellisthaeus King of Ethiopia, a very devout Christian, hearing how the said Homerites of the opposite con­tinent were many of them Jewes, and many Heathen, and laid excessive bur­dens upon the Christians, he sent out a Navy and Army against them, and fighting with them, routed them, and slew their King and much people. And having made Esimiphaeus King of them, a Homerite, and a Christian, and im­posed a tribute upon them, he went home. In the Ethiopian Army were many, both slaves and leud persons, that would not follow the King home, but staid with the Homerites, being in love with the Country, as being very good land. But not long after, the people imprisoned Esimiphaeus, and made one Abramus their King, a Christian, who had been a slave to a Roman Merchant, residing for his traffique, in the Ethiopian City of Adulis. Hellisthaus, to punish Abra­mus, and his complices, for the wrong done to Esimiphaeus, sent against them under the command of a kinsman, 3000. men. These also desiring to remaine in that good land, liad secret conference with Abramus, unknown to their Commander, and in the battell kill'd him, and joyned with the enemies, and continued there. Hellisthaeus angry, sent another Army, which coming to a battell returned with much losse; and then afraid to meddle any more with Abramus, he forbare warr. But he being dead, Abramus was content to pay the tribute to his successour, and so confirmed his governement.

These things happened afterward. But then during the raignes of Hellisthae­us, and Esimiphaeus, Justinian sent his Ambassadour Julian, to desire their con­federacie against the Persians (the Romans, and they consenting in one religi­on) and that the Ethiopians would make themselves masters of a rich trade, by dealing with the Indians for their silke, and selling it to the Romans, who should have this onely advantage therein, that they should carry out their mony to their enemies for it. Of this silke are made the anciently called Persian, now Serick, or silke garments. The Homerites were prayed also to make chiefetaine of the Maadeni Saracens, one Caisus, a banisht man (who having kill'd a kins­man of Esimiphaeus, was fled into a wilderness, being of the race of the Phy­larchi, and a very good Souldier) and that together with those Saracens, they would invade the Persians. Both dimist the Ambassador with promise to effect the Emperours desires, but neither performed; the Ethiopians not being able to buy the silke; because the Persian Merchants ever come first to the havens, where the Indians unlade, being their next borderers, and buy up all. And the Homerites thought it hard, to travell through a desert, many dayes journy, to fight with a people more warlike then themselves. Afterward Abramus having setled his Kingdome, promised oft to Justinian, but onely once began the journey, and turned home againe. Thus the Romans spedd with these people.

In the meane time Hermogenes came to Cabades in Ambassage after the bat­tell of Euphrates, but could not effect the peace, finding him much enraged, and so came away. Belisarius also the Emperour sent for, discharging him of that command, to make warre upon the Vandales; and Sittas was sent to guard [Page 25]the East. The Persian Army, led by Chanaranges, Aspevedes and Mermeroes, againe entred Mesopotamia, and (none encountring them) sate downe before Martyropolis, where were garrison'd Buzes, and Bessas; It stands in the Pro­vince of Sophanene, thirty miles to the North of Amida, upon the river of Nymphius, which bounds the Roman and Persian territories. The Persians as­saulted, and were valiantly receaved by the besieged, who could not thinke long to hold out, the walls being very assaultable, and easie for the Persians works, and they having neither provisions, nor engines, nor any other thing within of importance to defend. Sittas with the Roman army came to Attachas, twelve miles from Martyropolis; where he encamped, not daring to march further: with him was Hermogenes in another Ambassage. In the meane time this happened. The Romans and Persians have anciently had spies, defrayed at the publique charge, who secretly passe among the enemy; informing them­selves of all occurrences, and advertising their owne Princes. Many of these, as affectionate Patriots, doe their best, some betray their Countries secrets to the enemy. One of the Persian spies then discovered to Justinian much of their affaires, and how a Nation of Massagetes was coming into Persia, and from thence were to invade the Romans, with the Persian army. The Emperour had experience of the mans truth, and persuades him with mony, to goe and report to the Persians before Martyropolis, that these Massagetes were hired by the Emperour, and instantly to come against them. Who according went to the Persian Camp, and told them that an armie of Hunnes their enemies were coming to ayde the Romans: which made them afraid, and doubtfull what to doe.

CHAP. XVII.

IN the meane time Cabades fell mortally sicke, and calling to him Mebodes, a Persian, his chief favourite, opened his resolution concerning Chosroes, and the Kingdom, and that he feared, the Persians would seek to frustrate it. Me­bodes prayed him to leave his resolution in writing, and to assure himself, the Persians would not disrespect it. Cabades thereupon declared Chosroes King by his testament, written by Mebodes himself, and soon after died. His usuall funerall ceremonies being performed, Caoses presuming upon the Law, took upon him the dignity. Mebodes forbad him, alledging that none of himself might take the Kingdome, but by the votes of the principall Persians, Caoses referred to the great Officers the cognisance of the matter, not suspecting op­position from thence. So the principall Persians being assembled, and set down; Mebodes, by reading the testament, manifested the determination of Cabades: Anno Domi­ni 531. & Justiniani 5. whose great vertues they all remembring, forthwith declared Chosroes King of Persia. And thus Chosroes got the Kingdom.

But Sittas and Hermogenes, having no meanes to relieve Martyropolis, sent to the enemies Generalls to tell them; That they were hinderanoes to the King their master, to the blessings of peace, and to both their common-wealths. That Ambassadors are sent from the Emperour to their King, to end all differences, and to make a truce; That therefore they should quit the Roman territory, and give the Ambassadours leave to negotiate for the good of both parties; and that they are ready for what they say to give good hostages, that it will shortly be effected. There chanced to be there at the same time a messenger with the newes of the death of Cabades, and that Chosroes was King, and the affaires in Persia yet tottering. Which caused the Generalls to heare gladly the Romans propositions, [...]earing also the invasion of the Hunnes. So that the Romans declared for hostages Martinus and Sone­cius, one of Sittas his Lifeguard: and the Persians raised their siege, and went home. The Hunnes not long after entred the Roman territory, and finding no Persian army, after some few dayes, retired home also. And Hermogenes with his fellow Ambassadors, Rufinus, Alexander, and Thomas, repaired to the Ti­gris, where was the King of Persia; who upon their coming, released the ho­stages. The Ambassadors, to make Chosroes tractable, used flatteries little be­coming [Page 26] Roman Ambassadors, which so pacified him, that a perpetual peace was concluded for 110. Centenaries, 346500 l. sterl. to be given him, and the Commanders of the Forces in Mesopotamia to reside no more at Daras, but at Constantina, as they did formerly: The forts in Lazica he denied to restore, and yet demanded of the Romans restitution of Bolus, and Pharangium. A Centenary weighes 100. pound weight, so called of Centum in Latin: and this gold he demanded to quit the Romans from demolishing Daras, and sharing in the charge of the Garrison at the Caspian Gates. The Ambassadors liked all, but the Forts; alledging they could not deliver them without the Emperours express pleasure. So it was resolved, to send Rufinus to Constantinople, concerning these particulars, pre­fixing him seventy dayes for his journey; and the rest to stay till his returne. The Emperour hearing what Chosroes stood upon, directed the peace to be con­cluded upon those tearmes. But Chosroes, upon a false rumour that Justinian, offended with Rufinus, had put him to death, being troubled, and angry at it, he invaded the Romans with his army. But Rufinus returned, and overto [...]k him neer Nisibis, where they resolved to consummate the peace, and the mony was brought into the town by the Ambassadors. But Justinian repenting the quit­ting the two Forts in Lazica, wrote to his Ambassadors, absolutely forbidding to part with them. So Chosroes refused to conclude the treatie, and then Rufinus considered how more hastily then safely he had brought the mony into the Persian dominion, and casting himselfe prostrate before Chosroes, besought him to safe conduct the mony, and to deferr the present bringing an Army upon the Romans. Chosroes bad him rise, and promised to grant all for his sake. So the Ambassadors came to Daras with the mony, and the Persian Army marcht back. His fellow Ambassadors were jealous of Rufinus, and accused him to the Emperour, because Chosroes yeilded upon his perswasions to every thing. But the Emperour did him no hurt, sending him againe shortly after, and Hermogenes to Chosroes; when they concluded the accord, That each should restore what was taken in this warre; That there should be no more any Com­mander of Forces residing in Daras; And for the Iberians now in Constantino­ple, they were to have their choice, either to stay there, or returne home. Upon which many of them staid, and many went into their own Country. Thus was concluded the Perpetual Peace (as they called it) in the * sixt yeare of Justinians raigne,Anno Domi­ni 532. Iustiniani 6. the Romans, delivering up the Forts of Bolus and Pharan­gium, and the Persians the places in Lazica: Who then also sent home Dagaris, to the Romans, for another Persian of quality. Dagaris did often after expell the Hunnes, and he overcame them in severall battells, being an extraordina­ry good Souldier.

CHAP. XVIII.

THe peace being thus ratified by both parts, two Rebells of their owne subjects fell upon both these Emperours, in this manner. Chosroes was of an unruly spirit, a great undertaker, troublesome; full of tumult himselfe, and an extreame troubler of others. So that the Persians being weary of his governement, such of them, as were stirrers, consulted to make another King of the house of Cabades. Zames they had a mind to, but the Law excluded him, for his mayme of an eye: In the end they resolved to advance to the King­dome the son of Zames; and he, as his sons protector, to manage the affaires. This resolution they revealed to Zames, and with their many encourage­ments, perswaded him to the business; and a fit time was appointed to sur­prize the King. But the plot being discovered to the King, he prevented it, and put Zames to death, and the rest of his brother, and their male issue, and all such men of quality, as contrived, or were accessory to the conspiracy; among whom was Aspevedes, his mothers brother. Cabades, the son of Zames, (be­ing fostered with the Generall Adergudunbades) he directed the said Generall to kill, (though his own foster child) trusting the man [...] neither indeed could he force him, not without him kill the child. The Generall much grieved at [Page 27]this dismall Injunction, acquainted his wife with it, and the childs nurse. The wife weeping, took him by the knees, and besought him not to kill Ca­bades. So they consulted together, and concluded to breed the child closely, and to write to Chosroes, that he was dead. This they did accordingly, and so concealed the young Cabades, that none had any suspition, but his own son Varames, and one of his trustiest servants. But Cabades being come of age, the Generall fearing discovery, gave him money, and bad him save his life in ba­nishment. And all this he kept from the knowledge of Chosroes: till Chosroes went with his army into Lazica (as shall be related hereafter) and Varames with him, who had waiting on him the servant privy to the business of Ca­bades, and revealed all to the King, producing his servant who agreed in all points. Chosroes raged, and thought it unsufferable, to beare such things from one of his own slaves; and he bethought himselfe of this way to get the man into his hands. When he was coming home out of Lazica he wrote to the Generall, that he resolved to invade the Romans, and not at one entry, but dividing his army, that he might make his invasion both on this side, and be­yond the Euphrates. One part himselfe must lead, and he would upon no ser­vant bestow an equality in honour with himself, but on him the Generall, in regard of his valour. So that he should doe well, with speed to meet him in his journey, that he might communicate, and direct what should concern the expedition, leaving his traine to follow fair and foftly after. The Ge­nerall overjoyed with this honour from the King, and farr from guessing his own mischief, did as he was commanded. But spent with hard travell, (being an old man) he slipt his bridle, and fell from his Horse; wherewith his legg being broken, he was forced to stay to be cured. Chosroes arriving at the same place, he was brought to the Kings presence; who told him he could not go the expedition appointed, with his legg in that case; but bad him at some Castle there get the help of Surgeons. And so he sent him the way to his death, and after him men to kill him; An invincible Generall, and so reputed by the Persians; having subdued twelve Nations to Cabades. Being dead, his son Varames was made Generall. Long afterward Cabades the son of Zames, or one usurping his name, came to Constantinople. He was in his face like King Cabades, and Justinian used him honourably, as the grandchild of that King. Mebodes also Chosroes killed upon this ground. Being upon earnest bu­sinesse, he bad Zaberganes call Mebodes to him: who found him training his Souldiers, and told him, the King called him in hast. He said, he would come presently, when he had dispatcht the businesse he was about. The other hating him, reported to the King, that Mebodes would not come as yet, alledging business. The King enraged, sent one to him, to command him to the Tripos, or three-footed table. Which is thus. An iron three footed table stands ever at the Court-gate, and when any Persian understands the King to be offended with him, he may not fly to Temple, or elsewhere; but sitting by this table must expect the Kings sentence, none being to guard him. Here Mebodes sate many dayes in a pittifull habit, till one by the command of Chosroes, took him away, and killed him. To this came the good services he had done Chosroes.

CHAP. XIX.

ABout the same time happened in Constantinople a suddaine mutiny, which grew high, and ended in much mischief, both to the Senate, and peo­ple. The Commons of every City anciently have been divided into the Veneti and Prasini, the Blews, and the Greens. But it is not long, since about these names and clours, (wherein they stand to see sights) they consume their estates, abandon their bodies to tortures, and refuse not the most shamefull death. They run the danger of fighting with their opposites, being sure, (should they get the better) to be haled to prison, and after extreame torturing, to be put to death. There growes in them a hatred without ground, and lasts un­determinable, not yeilding to allyance, kinred, or any law of friendship; be [Page 28]it brother, or son, that dotes upon the contrary Colour. Nothing human, or divine they regard, in comparison of the victory in these, be it impietie a­gainst God, or violation of lawes, or of the Commonwealth by subjects or enemies: nay themselves wanting necessaries, and their Country receaving in­jury in the most important things, they are not sensible of it, so this their por­tion may prosper: So they call their fellow Factionists. Nay the very wo­men partake in this abomination, not onely as their husbands followers, but often their opposites; though they never goe to the Theaters, nor have other inducements. That I know not what to say, but that it is a meer disease of the mind: and thus it is in every City, and Corporation. But at that timePraefectus U [...]bi, next in dignity to the Prefect: Prae­torio. The Au­thour in his old age held this of­fice. the Governour of the Citizens of Constantinople, led some Factionists to execution. Both parties then making peace, and conspir­ing, first took away the men led to punishment, then let out of prison all who lay either for sedition, or any other crime; and without respect, slew the said Governours ministers. The Citizens who were of neither faction fled to the opposite continent; and the City, (as if under an enemy) was set afire. The Temple of Saint Sophie, and the Bath of Zeuxippus, and the Emperours Court from the porch to the Temple of Mars was consumed. Moreover the great Portions, reaching to Constantines market place; and many great means houses, end much wealth. The Emperour and Empress with some Senators shut them­selves up in the Palace, without stirring. The peoples word to one another was, Nica, overcome; From whence to this day that Mutiny is called Nica. John the Cappadocian was thenPraefectus Praetorio of the Orient; There was another of Illyrium, both belonging to the Easterne Em­pire. Prefect of the Court; and Tribonianus, a Pam­phylian, Assessor to the Emperour, by the Romans called Quaestor. John was a man vnbred in any liberall science (having learn't at the Grammar Schoole onely poore letters, to write as poorely) but in naturall abilities, the most powerfull man we ever knew, both to discerne fit things, and in doubtfull to find a resolution; but the wickedest man alive: wherein he employed the strength of his nature, without respect of God or men; for gaine studying the ruine of mens estates, and of whole Cities. Quickly growing to a great wealth, he fell into boundless gluttony, preying upon the subject till dinner time, and the rest of the day spending in drunkennesse, and wanton abusing his bo­dy, eating till he vomited. A man ready to catch mony, and more ready to la­vish it. Such was John the Cappadocian. But Tribonianus, beside a great naturall ability, had attained to an excellence in learning, inferiour to no man of his time: But in the wayes of Covetousness most industrious, and ever ready to sell right for gaine; making, and repealing Edicts every day, ever selling them to any who had occasion to use them. During the peoples quarrells about those names, and colours, there was little speech of these mens misgoverne­ments. But when they consented, and were now formed into a mutiny; open­ly in the City they rail'd upon them, and sought occasions to kill them. The Emperour to reconcile the people, put them both out of their places, and made Phocas a Patrician, Prefect of the Palace; a wise man, and naturally ad­dicted to justice, and Basilides a Patrician he made Quaestor, a famous honest man. But the mutiny raged nothing lesse. The fift day of the same, about evening, the Emperour commanded Hypatius and Pompeius, Nephewes of the late Emperour Anastasius, to retire to their houses; either suspecting some attempt of theirs upon his person, or afraid that they were driven thereto by destiny. They fearing what came to passe, that the people would force them to the Empire, said, that it was not honest to leave their Emperour in so great danger. Justinian at this was more suspitious, and bad them instantly be gone home. They went, and it being night, were quiet; but the Sun no sooner up, but it was divulged, how these Lords were retired from the palace: and all the multitude ran to them, and salute [...] Hypatius Emperour, and con­ducted him to the market place, to take the affaires upon him; Maria his wife, a wise and sober Matrone, crying, and lamenting, and protesting to her friends, that the people were leading her husband to his death; and hanging upon him to stay him, till the people forced him from her. And when he was un­willingly come to Constantines market-place, they proclaimed him Emperour [Page 29]of the Romans, binding about his head a golden wreath, for Diademe they had none, nor other thing usuall to invest the Emperour. The Senators, as many as were not in the Palace, joyned; and the opinions of many were, to try their fortune at the Palace. But Origen a Senator admonished them; That indeed the case they were in, could not be decided without warr, and that warr and Empire are confest the greatest things among men. But great actions are not managed in an instant, but with advises and labours, which must have longer time for their exe­cution. That if they march now to the Enemy, their affaires will be upon the edge of a razour; and in a little plece of time they shall adventure all, and then for what happens, either adore or revile Fortune; into whose hands the hastiest businesses com­monly fall. But that if they carry it leysurely, they shall not take Justinian in the Palace, if they would; who will thinck it well, if he may run away. Soveraignty des­pised, totters downeward, the strength of it daily consuming: That there are other Palaces, Placillianae, and that of Helena, from whence this Emperour may issue, and manage the warr, and other matters. The multitude embraced this advice, and Hypatius, (who was to have a mischief) bad them lead on to the Circus. Some say he went thither purposely, being well affected to the Emperour: Who held a Counsell, whether he should stay, or fly by Sea: Many discourses were; but the Empress Theodora spake thus. I suppose this no time to enquire, whether a woman should be bold among men, or may be valiant, when they are afraid. They, whose affaires are come into extreamest perill, must attend nothing, but how to settle best, that which lyes before them. I hold flying (if ever, certainely now, though it would preserve us) not expedient. For a man born into this light, not to dy, is im­possible: But for one that hath been an Emperour, to become a Exile, is not to be en­dured: For let me never come to be without this purple robe, nor live that day, in which they that speak to me, call me not their Lady and Mistress. If Sir! you have a mind to escape, 'tis no hard matter. We have store of money; and there's the sea; and yonder are shipps: But consider, whether you may not have cause, most willingly to exchange your safety, for death. For me, I like the old saying; How breave a Se­pulcher a Kingdom is! At this speech they took courage to stand it out, and consulted of meanes of opposition, if any should set upon them.

All the Souldiers, both quartered about the Emperours Palace and else­where, neither affected the Emperour, nor durst openly joyne in this action, but expected the event. But Justinians whole hope was in Belisarius and Mun­dus. The first newly come from the Persian warr, had brought a strong reti­nue with him, of Lanciers and Targettiers, and others, all old Souldiers. And Mundus, beingThere was another cal'd Generall of all of the Orient; and two Gene­ralls of the Le­gions in Byzan­tium: In La­tin their name was Magistri militum. Generall of Illyrium, chanced, being sent for to Constantinople, to bring with him a Troop of Herulians. But Hypatius in the Circus, went up directly, and sate him down in the Emperours Seat, where he uses to see the horse races and other exercises. Then out of the Palace came Mundus, by the gate called Cochlea, from the round forme like a shell-snaile. But Belisarius went first toward Hypatius, and the Imperiall Seat, and at a hall where uses to be a guard of Souldiers, he called, willing the Souldiers to open the doores for him to goe against the Usurper. The Souldiers resolving to stand for nei­ther, till one were cleerly the Conquerour, made as if they heard him not. Belisarius returning to the Emperour, affirmed they were all undone; the Soul­diers revolting, who guarded the Palace. The Emperour bad him goe in by the Brazen gate, and the portall there; and he passing with much danger and toile, through rubbish, and places halfe burn't, got to the Circus. Being come to the Gallery of the Veneti, which is to the right hand of the Emperours Seat, he was thinking to set upon Hypatius; but the gate there was narrow, and he feared the people, seing him pestred in a narrow passage, might cut in pieces himselfe and his company, and then easily set upon the Emperour. So re­solving to give on upon the innumerable multitude, which stood confusedly and crowded in the Circus, he drew his sword, and bad the rest doe the like, and ran upon them, with a great shout. The people being crouded together, and seing corselets, and Souldiers of approved valour and experience, unmer­cifully hewing them with their swords, fell to running away. A fearfull cry was made, and Mundus standing neer, and desirous to have his share in the [Page 30]action (being a daring man) when he saw Belisarius in fight, he rusht into the Circus also at the gate called Necra. And so the Mutineers between them both were cut in peeces. And the overthrow being clear, and much slaughter of the Commons, Boraides and Justus, the Emperours Nephews, pulled Hypatius out of his seat (none resisting) and led him with Pompeius to the Emperour; (of the common people there being slain that day more than 30000.) The Emperour commanded them to prison; and Pompeius wept, being a man little versed in business; but Hypatius chid him, saying, That none ought to lament for men perishing unjustly; forced at the first by the people, and then coming to the Circus for no hurt to the Emperour: But the next day the souldiers killed them both, and threw their bodies into the sea. The Emperour confisca­ted their estates, and of all the other Senators of their faction; but afterward restored to them, and to the sonnes of Hypatius, and Pompeius, their former dignities, and so much of their estates, as he had notBut he gave away all their best lands and goods first. See the Secr. Hist. given away. And thus the mutiny ended.

CHAP. XX.

TRibonianus and John the Cappadocian had their Offices restored to them a­gain. Tribonianus lived many yeares in the same, and dyed in his bed, without receiving other disgrace, being a faire spoken man, pleasant, and able to vail his Covetousness with abundance of Learning. But John was irksome to all the world, threatning the whip to all men, and sharking all kind of booty. In the tenth year of his Office he paid the just penalty of his lawless life in this manner.This story be­gins 8 years af­ter the Mutiny, and ends tenne years after it, when Iohn was stript of all, and sent begging to Alexandria. As appears in the end of the Chapter. The Empresse Theodora hated him of all men; and he being fallen foul with her by some errors, sought not to gain her with flattery and good turnes, but openly plotted against her, and accused her to the Emperour; neither respecting her fortune, nor the Emperours extreame affection to her. She perceiving his doings, desired to kill him, but could not, the Emperour so much esteemed him. But John knowing the Empresses mind, was terribly affraid, suspecting every night in his bed, some Barbarian should rush in to kill him; and still peeping out, and searching the entries, that he could not sleep, though he had about him some thousands of Lanciers and Targetiers; a thing never used by any Praefect. But no sooner day; but again, forgetting all fear of God, or man, he became a common destruction to all Romans, frequenting Sorcerers, and hearkning to impious South-sayings, vainly foretelling to him the Imperiall dignity; that one might see his thoughts in the air, transported with hopes of the Empire: And in his wicked course of life he bated nothing, nor was God in any of his thoughts. If he went to Church to pray, or watch all night, he observed not the Christian Rites; but having on a course garment, like a Heathen Priest, he mumbled all the night some ungodly spels, to captivate more the Emperours mind, and to preserve himself from mischief.

In the mean time Belisarius, after the conquest of Italy, came to Constantino­ple with his wife Antonina, to manage the war against the Persian, being pre­cious to all men, and indeed deserving much estimation. Yet this John was harsh to him, and still plotting against him; onely because himself was generally hated, and Belisarius of all men the most renowned. And the hope of the Romans being upon him, again he made an expedition into Persia, leaving his wife Antonina in Constantinople, who (being the ablest woman a­live to effect things hard to be effected) to gratifie the Empresse, devised this. John had a daughter, his onely child, named Euphemia, whom he extreamely loued, very modest, but young, and so easily caught. This mayd, Antonina, by much soothing, and assiduity, at last gained to her lure; not disdaining to impart her secrets to her. And once having her above in a chamber, she feigned to lament her own fortune, That Belisarius (after so much enlarging the Roman Empire, and two Kings brought prisoners to Constantinople, and so vast a wealth) found Justinian ungratefull; and in other things she accused [Page 31]the Government, as unjust. Euphemia overjoyed at this discourse, being trou­bled too with the Government, and fear of the Empress; ‘Truly, dear Lady! (quoth she) you are the causes, who having power, will not use it. We are not able, daughter (replyed Antonina) to stirre in the Camp, if some in the Court concurre not in the action: But if your Father would, wee should easily (being once in the business) effect, whatsoever it should please God.’ Euphemia confidently promised, that this should be done; and departing, re­lated the matter to her father. Who pleased with it, and conceiving it to lead him the way to his Prophesies, and the Empire, without pausing upon it, consented: Willing his daughter to treat for a meeting the next day, and that he might give her his oath. Antonina knowing his mind, and desirous to draw him from suspecting the truth: ‘To give him a meeting now (quoth she) will doe hurt; it will cause suspition, and hinder all: But she was in­stantly to goe into the East to Belisarius; being departed from Constantinople, and in her house in the suburbs (which is called Rufinianae, a house of Belisa­rius) there John should come to take leave, and bring her on her way; where they might conferre, and give oath, and take it.’ John liked this, and a day was assigned accordingly. The Empresse informed of all from Antonina, com­mended the plot, and encouraged her in it. And at the day appointed, Anto­nina took leave of the Empress, and came to Rufinianae, and the next day was to begin her journey. Thither at night came John, to finish the agreement. The Empresse had informed her husband of these attempts of John to usurp, and so sent to Rufinianae Narses the Eunuch, and Marcellus, Commander of the Palatine guards, with many souldiers, and direction to search out the business, and if they found John in any plot, to kill him, and come away. They say the Emperour advertised of this proceeding, sent one to John, not to meet Anto­nina secretly. Which advise John neglecting (it being his fate to be ruined) about midnight met Antonina near a hedge, behind which she had placed Narses, and Marcellus, to hear what was said. There did John consent in plain words to the conspiracy, and confirmed it with most terrible oaths. Then did Narses and Marcellus, break in upon him. But at the noise, Johns Lanciers (who were at hand) came presently in. One of them wounded Marcellus with his sword, not knowing who it was; whereby John with them escaped, and ran to the City. If he had had the heart to goe immediately to the Em­perour, he had had no hurt, I verily think: But by flying to the Temple, he gave the Empresse full scope to advance her design against him. So that of a Praefect made a private man, and removed from that Church, he was brought to another, standing in a suburb of Cyzicum, called Artâce, and there made a Priest, naming himself Peter. He was not made a Bishop, but a Priest: Neither would he execute the function of a Priest, lest it should hinder his promotion to greater offices. For he would not lay down his hopes. His estate being con­fiscate, the Emperour remitted much of it, being still inclined to spare him. There had John the means (secure from dangers, and rich, both by what he had collected himself, and what he had by the Emperours grace) to use his pleasures without controlement, and with moderation to esteem his estate happy. At which all men repined, that being the wickedest devil in the world, he should thus live happyer than he did before.

But God would not suffer his punishment to stay there, but prepared this greater scourge for him. Eusebius, the bishop of Cyzicum, was as harsh a man as John himself. And him the Cyzicenians accused to the Emperour in a judi­ciall way; but not prevailing (Eusebius being too strong for them) some young men laid wait, and killed him in the Market-place of Cyzicum. With this Eusebius John had great differences, which cast a suspition of the fact upon him. So that some Senators being sent to examine it, first put him in the common prison, setting him naked like a robber, or some pilfering rogue (one who had been so powerfull a Praefect, enrolled among the Patricians, and had sate in the Consuls chair, then which dignity none is greater in the Roman state) and tearing his back with many stripes, they forced him to re­veal his own life. There was no great argument of his guilt of the murder; [Page 32]but the justice of God exacted from him a revenge, for abusing the whole world. They took then all his estate from him, and put him naked into a ship, save with one course coat, which cost not much. His conductors, where­soever the ship put in, made him beg his bread, and small moneys for his subsistence. And so begging all the way to Egypt, he was brought to Antinoë and this is the third year of his being there a prisoner. Yet in all this affliction, he quitted not his hope of the Empire; but fell to accuse some Alexandrians: for Arrears to the Treasury.

This just vengeance fell upon John the Cappadocian, ten years after this time. But then the Emperour made Belisarius Generall of the East again, and sending him into Africa, Anno Domi­ni 533. & Iustiniani 7. recovered the country, as shall be hereafter declared; which much vexed Chosroes and the Persians, repenting they had made a peace, when he saw the Romans power so augmented. And sending an Ambassadour to Constantinople, he congratulated with the Emperour, and in merriment de­manded his share of the spoyles of Africa, seeing he had not vanquished the Vandales, if the Persians had not made peace with him. But Justinian sent Chos­roës a present in money, and dismissed the Ambassadour.

In the mean time at Daras one John, a souldier of the Garrison (some few of his fellow souldiers conspiring) usurped, and possessed the City. In the Pa­lace there, as in a Cittadell) he sate, confirming dayly his tyranny: And had not there been peace then with the Persians, some desperate mischief had fallen out. The fourth day of this tyranny, some other souldiers, by the direction of Mamas Bishop of Daras, and Anastasius a principall Citizen, went to the Pa­lace at noon, each having under his cassock a short sword. And first at the inner court, finding some few Lanciers of the guard, they killed them; then going into the Hall, layd hold on the usurper. Some say the souldiers did not begin with him; but that (they demurring upon it in the inner court, afraid of the danger) a pudding seller in their company rusht in suddainly upon John, and with his knife wounded him; not mortally. But flying in haste, he fell among the souldiers, and then (they say) they laid hold on him; and ha­ving set the place on fire, that it might not encourage any hereafter to rebell, they put him fettred in the common prison. Where one among them, fearing, that the souldiers knowing him to be living, might trouble the City again, killed him, and so appeased the mutiny, and the said tyranny in Daras.

CHAP. I.

CHosroes hearing how Belisarius was recovering Italy for the Emperour Justinian, could hold no longer, but would find some specious pretext to break the peace: Alamundarus he directed to procure causes of a warr. Who charging Arethas for encroaching on him, with that colour forraged the Romans; alledging it no breach of peace between them and the Persians; neither having included him. Indeed in no treaties was any mention of the Saracens; being comprehended in the names of the Romans and Persians. The Country these Saracens disputed, is called Strata, and lies to the South of the City of Palmyra. Trees nor Corne it hath none, (being parcht with Sun,) onely it affoards some flocks of Sheep. Arethas claimed it for the Romans from the name it had (Strata in Latin being a paved way) and producing testimonies of ancient men: But Alamun­darus would not dispute about names, alledging the owners to have anciently paid him rent for the pasturage. Justinian committed the arbitration of these differences to Strategius, a Patrician, superintendent of his treasures, a wise man, and nobly born, and to Summus late Captain of the Forces in Palestine, and brother to Julian, (who was Ambassador to the Ethiopians and Homerits) who thought it not sit the Romans should quit the Country. But Strategius prayed the Emperour, not to give the Persians, (now quarrelling,) occasion for a warr, about such a poore barren Country. Who consulted about it, and much time was spent in the Arbitration. But Chosroes said the peace was bro­ken, in that Justinian during the same had manifested a great designe upon his house, by endeavouring to gaine from him Alamundarus; Summus at the Ar­bitration having importuned him with great offers of money to revolt. Chos­roes also produced the Emperours letters written to Alamundarus; And he alledged, that he had also written to the Hunnes to invade and forrage the Per­sians, [Page 36]and that the Hunnes had sent him the Letters. Chosroes with these obje­ctions, (true, or false, I know not) resolved to break the peace.

Then also Vitigis King of the Goths, brought low with the warr there, sent two Ambassadours to him, to persuade his invading the Romans; being not Goths, (for feare of spoiling the business being discovered) but Ligurian priests, won to this negotiation by large gifts. He that seemed the better man, and called himself a Bishop, went for the Ambassadour, and the other for his ser­vant. Being come into Thrace, they took in an Interpreter for the Syrian and Greek tongues; and so came into Persia undiscovered; the Romans keeping no exact guards because of the peace: And having accesse to Chosroes, they spake thus; Other men, O King! employ Ambassadors for ends of their own: But Vitigis King of the Goths and Italians, having sent us to advise you concerning your Em­pire, thinck him, as present, to say thus. In a word, O King! you abandon your owne Empire, and all men besides, to Justinian; who being naturally pragmaticall, am­bitious, and restlesse, hath strong desires to conquer every Land and Dominion. But finding himself unable to deale singly with the Persians, nor during their opposition, to assaile others; he resolved to blind you with a Peace, and to compell others to joyne their powers to his, against your Dominions. The Vandales and Moores he hath al­ready ruined, by removing us out of his way with a title of friendship: And now fully stored with money, and men, he invades us: shewing, that if he can subdue the Goths; with us, and the slaves he hath already made, he will bring his Army up­on the Persians, respecting no name of friendship, nor his Oath. So that while there is yet hope, doe us no more hurt, nor suffer any your selfe; but in our misfortunes, see what may happen to the Persians. Thinck the Romans never your friends, but once above you in power, that they will consummate their hatred. Use your power in the due time, least you seek it, when 'tis gone. The point of opportunity once blunted, never recovers. 'Tis better to prevent and be safe; then coming short of the opportu­nity, to suffer the basest things from an Enemy. Chosroes esteemed this Counsell of Vitigis to be good; and studied more the breaking the peace; in his envy of Justinian, not considering these discourses to come from the Emperours Ene­mies. He had a mind to it, and so like a willing fugitive he yeilded himself: which happened also to him upon the discourses of the Armenians and Lazi­ans afterward. They imputed to Justinian that, which is the high praise of a generous Emperour, the making his Empire greater and more glorious; which they might aswell object to Cyrus the Persian, or Alexander the Mace­donian. But envious men know no right: And thus Chorsroes resolved to breake the peace.

CHAP. II.

BUt in the meane time this happened. Simeones (who gave up Pharangium to the Romans) in the heat of the warr obtained of Justinian some Arme­nian villages; and having them, he was slaine by some of the ancient possessors; the murtherers being two brothers, the sons of Perozes, fled into [...]ersia; and the Emperour Justinian gave the villages to Amazaspes, sisters son to Simeones, and made him governour of Armenia. After this a follower of Justinian, one Acacius, accused Amazaspes of confederacy, and plotting to deliver Theodo­siopolis to the Persian, and other Townes, and by the Emperours direction put him to death treacherously, and was made Governour of Amenia: He was a wicked man, and so appeared, and most cruell to the Armenians, by unreasonable rapines,12600 li. slerl. and by taxing them with a new tribute of foure Centenaries. The Armenians not able to endure him longer, conspired and killed him, then seized upon Pharangium: Against whom the Empe­rour sent Sittas from Constantinople, where he had remained ever since the peace. He at first made a slow warr, striving to appease, and reduce them to their former affections; promising to get their new tribute remitted. But the Emperour, at the instigation of Adolius, the son of Acacius, reproach't him for dallying. Then he prepared to give battell, endeavouring with faire [Page 37]promises to joyne some, to have the rest better cheape. The Apetians, a great and populous people, willing to submit, sent to him for assurance; that turn­ing to the Roman Army from their own Countrey-men, they should enjoy their own estates, free from grievance. He gladly made an Instrument of their assurances, and sent it them signed; and confident upon this to winne the bat­tell without striking stroke, he marcht to the Oenochalaces, where the Arme­nians encamped. But the bearers of the Instrument could not meet the Apeti­ans; and part of the Roman Army, not knowing of the accord, killed some few of them they met. And Sittas finding some children and women in a cave, an­gry for the Apetians not joining according to promise, or not knowing them, killed them. So they stood in battell with the rest, offended with all this. The fight could not be in one place, but was scattered in ragged ground, and pre­cipices, and bottomes of hills. So that Sittas not with many, and some few Armenians, came neer each other, with a deep vally between them; being both sides horse-men: Sittas past the vally, and charged the enemy; who re­tiring, stood still, and Sittas stopt there too. By chance an Herulian of the Roman army came back in fury from the chase of an enemy, passing by Sittas, who had struck his lance into the ground, The Herulians horse rushing main­ly against it, brake it; which much troubled Sittas. For an Armenian who knew him (having his helmet off) assured the rest it was Sittas. Who hearing what the Armenian said, and seeing his lance crackt upon the ground, drew his sword, and would have retreated over the vally. The Enemy rode eagerly after him, and one overtook him in the vally with a sword, which cut off the crown of his head, not hurting the scull. Sittas spurr'd on; but Artabanes, the son of John, of the race of the Arsacides, kill'd him with a thrust of his lance behind. Thus was Sittas lost impertinently, and not sutably to his for­mer actions; A goodly man he was, valiant, and an excellent Commander, inferiour to none of his time. Some say one Solomon killed him, an obscure fel­low, and not Artabanes.

Sittas being dead, the Emperour sent Buzes against the Armenians. Who be­ing neer them, promised to reconcile them, desiring conference with some of their chief men. None would give credit to Buzes, nor hearken to his offers, save John, the father of Artabanes his friend, of the race of the Arsacides, who presuming upon Buzes, as his friend, came to him with his son in law Bas­saces, and some others. These the next day lodged where they were to meet Buzes, and perceaved themselves compass't with the Roman army. Bassaces, when he could not perswade John to flie, rode back, leaving him all alone; whom Buzes kill'd.

The Armenians having no hope of reconciliation, and unable to maintaine the warr; under the conduct of Bassaces, a valiant man, betook themselves to the Persian King: To whom some of their Chiefs being admitted, spake thus. There are amongst us, Sir! many Arsacides, descendants of that Arsaces, who no stranger to the Persian Empire, when it was under the Parthians, was a famous King in his time, inferiour to none. But we now stand before you, become slaves and fugitives, not willingly, but forced; in apparance by the Romans, but indeed, O King! by your resolution. For who gives power to the wrong doer, justly beares the blame of the wrong. To deduce it higher, and through the severall occurrents, Ar­saces, our last King, quitted his Royalty, it seemes, willingly to Theodosius the Ro­man Emperour, with condition for those of his blood, to enjoy libertie, and not to be subject to Tribute. Which we preserved till your famous Peace, or rather common ca­lamitie. For now not regarding friends nor enemies, this friend of yours, O King! in words, and enemy in deeds, hath troubled all the world. Which your selfe will know ere long, when he hath subdued the Western Nations. What thing prohibited hath he not done! what well settled not stirred? Hath he not taxed us with unusuall tri­butes? made slaves of the Tzanians our borderers, a free people? set a Governour over the King of the wretched Lazians, a thing not incident to the nature of things? not to be exprest? Hath he not with his Generalls unjustly surprized the Bosporites, subjects of the Hunnes? made league with the Ethiopians, never heard of by the Romans? added the Homerits, red Sea, and Country of Palme-trees to the Roman [Page 38] Empire? not to speak of the Affricans and Italians. The whole world not containing the man, he searches gulfes beyond the Ocean, and another world. Why doe you delay, O King! respecting this wicked ruinous peace? Is it, after all the rest, to be his last dish? To know what man Justinian is to them that yeild to him, you have us for a Precedent, and the poore Lazians: how he uses men unknown, as well as them that wrong him; consider the Vandales, Goths and Moores. But the maine of all: stu­dies he not during the peace to draw Alamundarus your servant to revolt from you? to associate the Hunnes against you, men unknown to him? But a shrewder act then this was never: Now he perceaves his Westerne conquests ready for conclusion, he seeks to circumvent the East, having none now to wrestle with left, but the Persians. So that himself hath broken the Perpetuall Peace. They break peace, not who arme first, but who plot against their allies in time of peace, and the crime is acted by him that goes about to do it, though the success faile. And not they who cause the warr, but they who oppose them, use to conquer. Nor will the match be equall; their best Souldiers being in the utmost parts of the world; and of their two best Generalls, we have lately slaine Sittas; and Belisarius Justinian will not look on. Which he slight­ing, holds in his hands the dominion of Italy: So that you will have none to oppose your invasion; and us you shall have with our best affections, and long experi­ence of the Countrey, the guides of your Army. Chosroes liked these reasons, and imparted to his trustiest subjects, what Vitigis and the Armenians had said; propounding in Counsell what was to be done; where the conclusion was, to make warr on the Romans in the beginning of the spring, it being then Au­tumne; Anno Domi­ni 539. & Anno 13. Ju­stiniani. and Justinian in the thirtenth yeare of his raigne; the Romans the while not suspecting the breach of the Perpetuall Peace; but hearing onely that Chos­roes murmured against the Emperours successes in the West, and charged him, as I have mentioned.

CHAP. III.

THen also appeared a Comet, at first about the length of a tall man, after­ward much longer: The taile was toward the East, and the head to the West; and being in Capricorne, kept behind the Sun in Sagittary. Some called it (being long with a sharp head) gladiata, some barbata. It was seen more then forty dayes. The learned in these things, made severall repugnant prae­dictions upon this starr: But what hath fallen out since, I will relate. Imme­diatly a great army of Hunnes passing the river Ister overran all Europe; a thing often done, but never with so much mischief to people. * From the Jonian gulfe, to the suburbs of Constantinople, they spoiled all in their way; in Illy­rium they took 32. Castles; destroyed Cassandria (anciently Potidaea) having never, (that we know) attempted before a walled Town; and with much boo­ty, and some 120. thousand captives retired home, meeting no opposition: Af­terward they did many mischiefs to the Romans in their inroads.He calls the Jonian Gulfe that which is called the A­driatique Sea. They as­saulted the wall in Chersonesus, and forcing the Guards, and at full Sea (being upon the Gulf called Melas) getting over it, entred within it, fell suddainly upon the Roman inhabitants in Chersonesus, slew many, and made almost all the rest slaves. Some cross't the Strait between Sestus and Abidus, spoiled the towns of Asia Minor, and then returning to Chersonesus, went home with the rest of their army and their booty. In another inroad having spoyled Illy­rium and Thessaly, they assaulted the wall at Thermopylae; where the Garrison defending stoutly, they unluckily found the path up the mountaine, and so wasted all Greece, save Peloponesus; and then retired.

Not long after the Persians breaking the peace, did much infest the Romans of the East; Belisarius having newly subdued Vitigis, and brought him to Con­stantinople. Before the Persian invasion, Justinian, who saw Chosroes (as I have said) quarrelling, sent a remonstrance to him by Anastasius, a prudent man, who lately had suppressed the Rebellion at Daras, and wrote letters to this effect. Wise men, who know God, strive to root up the occasions of warr, especially with their best friends. But men unadvised, and rashly affecting even God for their enemy, [Page 39]contrive causes, which are no causes, of sights and troubles. To break a peace, and run into a warr, is an easie matter. The nature of things makes the worst courses easiest to worthless men. But to finish a warr to ones mind, and to get peace againe, is not so easie. You complaine of letters, which by me were written with no all pur­pose; but by you are interpreted with a sense, such as conduces to the execution of your own counsells with some pretence. But we can alledge your Alamundarus his forraging our countryes, and acting desperate things during the peace; sucking our Towns, ransacking, killing, enslaving our people; so that you are not to complaine, but to excuse. The complaints of wrong doers are proved by actions, not discourses. And we, notwithstanding all this, resolved to observe the peace; while you seek warr, and coine complaints, which concerne not us. Men seriously embracing quiet, shake off complaints against friends, though they presse hard: But such, whom the articles of their friendship displease, study for pretexts: A thing not becoming ordinary men, much lesse Kings. Lay then these things by; and consider the multitudes to perish in this warr; and who shall beare the blame of what shall happen in it. Consider the oath you took when you receaved your money, which you slight now, but can with no so­phistry evade. God is of a more excellent nature, then to be cosened by all the men living. Chosroes would not answer any thing to this Letter, nor dismisse Anastasius.

But in the end of the Winter, and of theChosroes first Invasion. thirteenth yeare of Justinians raigne; Chosroes entred the Roman territories with a great army, and so cleer­ly brake the Perpetuall Peace. He marcht not through the midland,Justinians reigne ended with the Win­ter almost; For he was declared Emperour with his Ʋncle the third day before Easter. See Se­cret. History. So this first In­vasion of Chos­roes was Anno Iustimani 14. Anno Dom. 540. but with the Euphrates to his right hand. Beyond the river stands Circesium, the furthest castle the Romans have, and a very strong one. The river Aborras, being great, meetes the Euphrates there, and the castle stands in the neck of land between the two rivers; and a long wall from each river, taking in the ground with­out the castle, makes it a triangle. Chosroes would not attempt so strong a place, nor passe the river; his designe being for Syria and Cilicia; so he marcht on; and being gone so much way, as would amount to about three ordinary dayes journey, by the bancks of Euphrates, he came to Zenobia; a City built by Zenobia the wife of Odenatus; who anciently being a Prince of the Saracens, and in amity with the Romans, recovered for them the Easterne Empire, sub­dued by the Persians. This Zenobia Chosroes considering to be no place of im­portance, and the Countrey about it desert, and barren; not to take time from his greater affaires, he attempted to get it by composition; and not prevailing, march't on as much way more, and came to the City of the Surenians upon the Euphrates. Staying before it, the horse he rode on neighed, and pawed with his foot; from which Omen the Magi pronounced the Town would be taken. So he encamped, and from his Camp drew his Army to assault: where an Ar­menian, one Arsaces, who was Captain of the Garrison brought his men up to the battlements, and after a brave fight, and many enemies slaine, was kill'd by a shot; and the Persians (it being late) retired to their Camp, meaning the next day to renew the assault. But the Romans, despairing upon the death of their Commander, sent out the next day the Bishop of their City, to suppli­cate Chosroes for the sparing themselves & the Town. Who with some attend­ing him, and a present of fowle, wine, and fine manchets, cast himselfe downe before Chosroes, weeping, and beseeching h [...]m to spare miserable men, and a City of little estimation with the Romans, or Persians hitherto, and promising to pay reasonable ransome for their persons and city. Chosroes was offended with the Surenians; the first Roman subjects in his way, and refusing to re­ceave him; nay taking armes and killing many principall Persians: but he hid his anger under a faire countenance, that by these mens chastisement he might terrify all in his way, and bring them to yeild without fighting. So he took up the Bishop very courteously, receaved his present, and pretended to com­municate with some chief men about the ransome, and then to satisfie his re­quest; and so sent him away without the least jealousie of his designe. With him he sent a convoy of Persians, whom he instructed to go to the Town, com­forting the Bishop with hopes; that himself and company might be seen by the Townsmen cheerfull without feare, and when the guards opened the gate for [Page 40]him, to cast a stone or piece of wood between, and himder their shutting it awhile; presently his army should follow; which he presently made ready, with command to ride full speed to the town upon signall given. The Persi­ans came close to the town, and took leave of the Bishop, whom the Sureni­ans seeing over-joyed, and honourably conducted by the enemy, apprehended no mischief, but set their gate wide open, and caught the bishop in their arms, applauding him. Being in, the Guards thrust the gate to shut it, but the Per­sians having thrown a stone between, they could not get it together; and they durst not open it again, perceiving it possest by the enemy. Some report, that it was not a stone, but a piece of wood that the Persians threw down. But before the townsmen could perceive it, Chosroës came with the army, and quickly forced open the gate, and entred the town, and being in a fury, ran­sackt the houses, kill'd most of the men, and making the rest slaves, burnt the City to the ground; and then he sent away Anastasius, willing him to carry the news to Justinian, in what part of the world he left Chosroës the sonne of Cabades. But either for covetousnesse, or kindnesse to Euphemia (whom, be­ing one of these captives, and very beautifull, he made his wife, and infinite­ly doted on her) he was pleased to doe the poor Surenians some good. He sent to Sergiopolis, a Roman City (bearing the name of Sergius, a famous Saint, and distant from this ruined City fifteen miles to the Southward, in the Bar­barian plains) and directed that Candidus the bishop thereof, should ransome them, being twelve thousand captives, for two Centenaries. But he not having the money, refused it. Chosroës willed him to send him a bond to pay it hereafter,6300. l. sterl. which is but 10. s. a man. and so with a small summe to redeeme a multitude of Captives. Candidus did so, promising to pay the money within a year, confirming it by oath, and upon penalty, if it were not payd by the day, to pay it double, and to be no more a Priest for breaking his oath. This was drawn up in wri­ting, and so he had the Surenians delivered to him: of whom the most part, not enduring the misery fallen on them, perished.

CHAP. IV.

CHosroës, this done, marcht forward. The Generall-ship of the East the Emperour had so divided, as that all to the Euphrates was left to Belisa­rius (who formerly had the whole command) and from thence to the Persian frontier, all was under Buzes, and till Belisarius should returne out of Italy, he had the charge of the whole East; who first lay at Hierapolis with all the army. But understanding what happened to the Surenians, he called to him the chief men of Hierapolis, and told them; ‘That when the match is equall, there is reason to fight quickly with an enemy invading; but to men much weaker than their enemy, it is more expedient to circumvent him with stratagems, then to run into an evident danger: What forces Chosroës hath, they have heard. That if they make the war from the walls, the Persians will block them up; and furnish themselves with provisions out of their country (none opposing) while they want within; and that the siege lasting, their walls cannot hold out, being very assaultable, nor can the Romans but fall into some desperate estate. But that guarding the City with part of the army, and lodging the rest in the bottoms of the mountaines near the City, infesting the enemies camp, and his forragers with suddain courses, they will force him to raise his siege, unable to make his assaults at his ease, nor to provide food for so great an army.’ The advise of Euzes seemed pertinent, but he did nothing; but went away with the choicest men of the army; and in what part of the world he was, neither the Romans in Hierapolis, nor the e­nemy could learn. Justinian, hearing of the invasion, dispatcht Germanus, his brothers sonne, in much haste with three hundred men, promising to send a great army soon after. Who came to Antioch, visited the walls, and found much of them of good strength; the plain ground was compast by the river Orontes, and the hill was steep, craggy, and unapproachable; onely at the top [Page 41]of mount Casius, he found the wall very assaultable, from a rock stretching far in bredth, and as high as the wall. He directed therefore, either to cut the rock from the wall, that none from it might get up, or else to joyn it to the wall by a tower upon it. But workmen found both these impossible, in so short time with an enemy so near, and to beginne and not perfect it, would but shew the enemy where to make their war. Germanus failing in this, and after long time seeing no army from the Emperour, nor likelyhood of any, fearing Chosroës might make it his chiefe business to take Antioch, hearing the Emperours Nephew to be within it; and the Antiochians having the same thoughts, resolved all in counsell to buy their safety with money. And to Chosroës they sent Megas, Bishop of Berrhoea, a prudent man; who finding the Persians not far from Hierapolis, and being admitted to Chosroës, besought ‘him to pitty men who never offended him, nor were in case to resist him. That it is not fit for a King to use violence against yeelding men; nor ge­nerous to give the Emperour no time to consult, either for rectifying the peace, or for preparations to war, by a mutuall consent; and to invade thus without warning; their Emperour not knowing in what case they are.’ The rude nature of Chosroës could not be put in tune by discreet words; they rather more swell'd him with pride and folly; threatning to destroy all the Syrians and Cilicians; and he bade Megas follow him. Then he encamped before Hierapolis; which finding strong, and a good garrison within, he sent Paul his interpreter to demand money of them; Paul was bred up in the Ro­man Territory, and went to a Grammar-school in Antioch, and was thought to be descended of Romans. The citizens fearing their walls, which embra­ced a great circuit to the mountaine; and willing to save their country from spoyling, agreed to give two thousand pound weight of silver.5250. l'. sterl. And Megas obtained of Chosroës with much intreating,31500. l'. sterl. to accept * ten Centenaries of gold for all the Easterne provinces, and so to leave them. Megas returned to An­tioch; and Chosroës having his money for Hierapolis, marcht to Berrhoea, stand­ing between Antioch and Hierapolis, from either two dayes journey. But the fourth day, Megas, with few in company, came to Antioch; and the Persian army to the suburbs of Berrhoea. Chosroës urged the Berrhoeans by Paul the in­terpreter, for twice as much money as Hierapolis gave, because their walls were weak, nor could they trust to them. They yeelded to his demand, pay­ing down 2000 l. weight of silver, but the other 2000 l. alledging they could not pay down; and he urging them, they fled by night to the Castle in the high town. The next day, they that came from him to receive the rest of the money, found the gates shut, and could speak with none. The King under­standing it, by his command they entred the Citie with scaling ladders, none resisting; and opening the gates let in all the army. Chosroës in a rage would have burnt the City; but first he would take in the Castle; where some Ro­man souldiers defended valiantly, and killed some enemies. But the Berrhoe­ans flying to the castle with all their horses and cattell, by that niggardly trick were undone; for there being but one spring, and all the cattell suffred improvidently to drink up the water, the spring became dry; and in such e­state they were.

CHAP. V.

BUt Megas could not perswade the Antiochians to the agreement he had made with Chosroës. For the Emperour had sent to him Ambassadours, who then abode at Antioch, Iohn the sonne of Rufinus, and Iulian his Secre­tary; which Iulian forbade expresly to give money to the enemy; or to buy [...]hus the Emperours towns. They accused also Ephraim, the Bishop of Antioch, to Germanus, of attempting to betray the City to Chosroës. So Megas depart­ed, nothing done; and the Bishop of Antioch, fearing the Persians coming, went into Cilicia, whether soon after came Germanus with some few, leaving there most of his company. But Megas arrived at Berrhoea; and much afflicted [Page 42]with what happened, complained to Chosroes for this perfideous usage, to send him to Antioch about truce, and in the mean time to ransack his coun­trymen, who never wrong'd him; to block them up thus in the Castle, and burn and ruin their city. Your self, Sir (answered Chosroës) are too blame, making me lose my time here, and returning so long after the day appoint­ed. For your countrymen; they contracted to pay money, which as yet they cannot think of performing; but presumptuous in their strong Castle, they put us, as you see, to the necessity of a siege: Whom I hope with the help of the Gods shortly to chastise for it, and for my Persians here lost. Megas re­plyed; ‘If all must be silent, while you, a King, accuse wretched men; then am I bound to confesse without disputing; absolute power, as in all the rest, must overcome in words. But if one may (laying aside respects) stand for truth; O King! you have nothing justly to charge us with. I went the messen­ger of your propositions to Antioch, and returning the seventh day (then which what can be more speedy) I find my country thus used by you. Who having abandoned all that is most precious, have nothing now left, but to fight for their lives; and the advantage of not paying the rest of the mony; it being impossible for men to pay what they have not. Names are ancient­ly defined for things; Disability is one thing, and Ingratitude another. In­deed, he that wantonly refuses, is with reason hated; but one by disability driven to the same point, is to be pittyed rather. Though the worst things are befallen us, yet, Sir! leave us with this comfort, not to have been au­thours of our own misfortunes. Think what you have received, to be the whole summe; and enough; not weighing it by your own greatnesse, but by the the Berrhoeans ability. Force us no further; least at last you seem to want power; seeing excessive undertakings ever are rewarded with unfaisi­bleness. The most powerfull way is to attempt no Impossibles. Let this be our apology for the present: But if I might speak with the poor men; I might say something, now not thought of.’ Chosroës permitted him to goe to the Castle; who finding there what happened to their spring, weeping, he came back to Chosroës, and falling flat upon the ground, protested, the Berrhoeans had no money; and besought him to bestow the bodies of the poor men upon him. Which Chosroës granted upon his lamentable crying, and gave his faith to all in the Castle. Who being so near lost, thus came out; and went whe­ther they pleased; and among them some of the souldiers; but the most re­volted to Chosroës; complaining of the state to be behind in their Pay for ma­ny years; and they went with him into Persia afterward.

CHAP. VI.

BUt then, hearing from Megas, that the Antiochians would give no mony, he marcht against them, where some were fled the City with their goods, and the rest resolved the like, if Theoctistus and Molathes, Captains of the forces in Phoenicia Libani, had not with a supply of 6000 old souldiers en­couraged them, and stayd their flight. Shortly after came the Persian army, and encamped near the river Orontes. Chosroës sent Paul his Interpreter to de­mand money of the city, and for ten Centenaries of Gold, or lesse, if it were payd presently, he appeared willing to have been gone. Then came to him the Ambassadours, and after much expostulation on both sides, about the break­ing the peace, returned. The next day the common people of Antioch, who are not used to serious matters, but still to merriments and debauches, put scorns upon Chosroës, and derided him from the battlements; and had al­most stoned Paul, if he had not foreseen and avoyded it, for exhorting them to redeem their persons and city for a little money. Chosroës incensed here­with, resolved upon the assault; and the next day he commanded part of the army to give on by the river si [...]nd himself went against the top of the hill, where the wall is most assau [...]e. Here the Romans finding the places they were to stand and fight on, narrow, tied long beams between the turrets [Page 43]fast together; and enlarged the standings for more bodies to oppose the as­sailants. The Persians came on valiantly, and their arrows flew to the very top of the hill. The Romans, both souldiers, and many of the boldest citizens defended stoutly; the great bredth and height of the rock commanding the wall, and bringing the fight to be equall, as upon even ground. If the Ro­mans had put out but three hundred men, and possest the rock first, and thence kept off the assailants, I doe not think the town had been endanger'd; for the Barbarians had no means from whence to assault, being beaten perpendicular from the rock and the walls both. But this was not thought of; the Antiochi­ans being to perish by this army. The Persians having Chosroës present, and crying loud unto them, strove beyond power, giving no space to the other to spie or ward their shot. But the Romans pressing up to defend, the ropes under them which tyed the beames suddainly brake, and down they all fell: They who made good the next Turret, hearing the noise, thinking the wall to be thrown down there, ran away. Some young citizens only, who used to quar­rell in the Circus, would run no further; being come down from the wall. But the old souldiers, with Theoctistus and Molatzes, lept on their horses, which stood ready, and rode to the gate, giving out that they went to receive in Buzes with an army with him. Thither ran also the Antiochians, men, wo­men and children, and the place being narrow, they tumbled over one ano­ther, overborn with the horses; and the souldiers sparing none, but rather urging on faster, that there was a great slaughter made. But the Persians set their scaling ladders, and mounted, none opposing; and a while stayd upon the battlements, as if doubtful, and discovering; lest there might be ambushes in the rough waste ground, among rocks and precipices, which is within the walls, upon the descent from the hill. Some say it was upon the advise of Chosroës, who perceiving the bad ground, and the souldiers running away, feared to necessitate their turning head upon him, which might hinder him from taking the greatest, fairest, most populous, richest, and happiest Roman City in the East; than which esteeming lesse all things else, he resolved to give the souldiers fair leisure to run away: so that the Persians pointed with their hands to them, and bade them make haste away. And they did so, with their Commanders, going out of the gate of Daphne, a suburbe of Antioch, with some few of the common people; the Persians having onely not medled with that gate, who when they saw the souldiers gone far, they descended, and from the hill fell into the midst of the City. Some young men en­countred them, some armed with corslets, but most unarmed; onely throw­ing stones, and driving them off a little, they seemed to have the better, and sung their Paeans, and cryed Emperour Justinian, Callinicus, or the fair Con­querour, as it they had the victory indeed. In the mean time Chosroës sent for the Ambassadours to speak with them, sitting upon the Turret by the top of the hill; when Zaberganes, one of his commanders, conceiving the conference would be for a composition, came to him hastily, and sayd: ‘O Master! you differ from the Romans themselves, to think to preserve these men, who before the danger flout your Majesty, and being beaten, dare im­possibilities and desperate acts upon the Persians; as if they feared your hu­manity should pitty men, scorning preservation, and spare them, that will not be spared; such as lay ambushes for, and kill their Conquerours in a town taken, their own garrison having forsaken them.’ Chosroës at this, sent many of his best men against them; who brought him word, that all was well; the Persians having by their numbers routed the Antiochians, with much slaughter, sparing no age. Two wives of Noblemen of Antioch are reported to have gotten without the walls, and that seeing the enemies coming to­wards them on all sides, and fearing to be taken, and abused, they ran to the river Orontes, and covering their faces with their veils, lept into it, and were drowned. So every species of misery fell upon the Antiochians. Then did Chosroës speak thus to the Ambassadours. ‘The old saying, I see, is true; God ever gives the good mingled with the evill; so that we have not so much as laughter, which we repent not of. Good fortune is attended with [Page 44]some cross, and pleasure with grief, suffering no prosperity untainted. This city, the most renowned of the Roman dominion, I have taken without la­bour; God hath given me, (you see) a suddaine victory. Yet to behold the slaughter of such multitudes, & my trophy died with so much blood, it takes away the pleasure: And hereof are the miserable Antiochians guilty; who being not able to beat off the Persians, have yet with senceless rashness sought their own deaths, strugling under the yoak against men conquering them so easily. My chief men importune me to compass the city, and destroy every man in it: But I, to preserve them, direct rather to drive them on that fly; as being impious to insult on men under my power.’ This Chosroes spake in a vaunt­ing affected way to the Ambassadours; who saw for what reasons he gave the Romans leysure to run away. He was the shrewdest man living to speak things that were not; to conceale the truth; and to lay the blame upon men he wrong'd, for the faults done by himself; Ever ready to agree to any thing, and sweare to it; but more ready to forget both agreement and oath; skillfull to a­base his mind to any abomination for money, and yet in his countenance to pretend piety, and in words to detest the action. As when he so treacherously ruined the Surenians, who never wrong'd him. Espying a principall matrone (the town being taken) drag'd violently by her left hand by a Barbarian, and with the other haling after her her little child newly weaned, and fallen to the ground, which she would not let goe, it being not able to keep pace; Here he shewed his very humour; Groaning, and seeming to the stand­ers by, specially Anastasius the Ambassadour to weep, he pray'd God to punish the Authors of those things; intimating the Emperour; though he knew well himself to be the onely authour. With this strange bad na­ture he became King of Persia, after rejection of the gallant Zames, for his one eye; and of the eldest Caoses, for his Fathers reasonless hatred; and he prevailed easily against his oppugners; and to the Romans did even as much mischief, as he desired. Thus Fortune, resolving to make a man great, ever acts her resolution in the fit time (none opposing the strong current of her will,) she regards not the worth of the man, nor avoids things seeming unfit, nor cares for the worlds rayling for having advanced one not deserving her grace; In brief, not thinking upon any thing, but how to bring her purpose to effect.

CHAP. VII.

CHosroes commanded his army to make slaves of the Antiochians surviving, and to ransack their estates; and himself with the Ambassadors went down from the Hill to the Church. Here he found so great treasures of gold and sil­ver, that had he taken no other spoile, he had gone away with a huge wealth. He took down many admirable pieces of marble, which he Commanded to lay without the walls, to be carried into Persia; and then gave order to burne the City. The Ambassadours requested him, to spare the Church onely, for which he had receaved a sufficient ransome. This he granted, and commanded to set fire to all the rest; for which leaving some few, he retired to his camp. God had foreshewn a while before this calamitie to this city. The Ensignes of the Cohorts residing there, standing to the West-ward, of themselves turned to the East, and then returned where they were before, none touching them. This the Souldiers shewed, among many others,This Officer he calls before Praefect of the Camp. to the Pourveyor of the expence of the army, one Tatianus, born at Mopsuestia in Cilicia, a discreet man. They seeing the prodigie, knew not then how the dominion of the city would be transfer'd from the Western to the Eastern Emperour, that being appointed to suffer what fell out, they might have no means to avoid it. I am astonished, recording for ages to come this great calamitie, and comprehending what should be the will of God, highly thus to exalt some man or place, and then upon no reason appearing, to ruine them. It is not lawfull to say, but that all things by him are done with reason; who yet endured Antioch to be laid [Page 45]flat with the ground by a most impious man; whose beauty and magnificence could not even then be wholy concealed. The Church onely escaped this de­struction, by the Persians care, who had the charge of it; Many houses also were saved in the Cerataeum, not by any mans care; but standing in the furthest end of the city, not joyning to other buildings, the fire reacht them not. They burnt also all without the walls, but the Church of Saint Julian, and the houses about it, where the Ambassadours lodged. And the city-walls they wholly forbore. The Ambassadors came againe also to Chosroes, and said thus. If we did not, Sir! speak to your self present, we should not believe, that Chosroes the son of Cabades were entred the Roman Territories in armes, despising his Oath so lately sworn, (the strongest pawn of faith among men) and breaking Truce, the onely hope left in the calamities of warr. Certainly this course is to translate the life of men to that of beasts. Without Truces must be perpetuall warr, which will banish those from nature who use it. You wrote lately to your brother, that he is guiltie of breaking the Truce: confessing thereby, that Truce-breaking is a foule mischief. If the fault be not his, you do not justly to invade us. If he have done some such thing, yet pursue your action no further, and appeare the better man. He that hath the worst in the ill, ought to overcome in the better. But we know the Emperour hath not transgrest the peace; and we entreat you not to act those mischiefs upon us, which the Persians will never enjoy: and you will gaine nothing, but the fortune of doing desperate injuries to the Romans, with whom you lately made Truce. But Chosroes protested, Justinian to have broken the Truce, and recited particulars, some materiall, others slight, or counterfeited. Especially he offered to shew the Emperours letters to Alamundarus; and the Hunnes, the maine causes of the warr: but he neither alledged nor shewed, that ever any of the Romans in­vaded the Persians, or did any hostile act. The Ambassadors denied some things, and in others laid the blame upon Justinians Ministers. In conclusion, Chosroes demanded money; not onely a present summe, being to establish a peace for ever; (For friendships gotten with money, commonly wast with the money) but a yearely pension for a firme peace, and for the Persians guard­ing the Caspian Gates, and no more importuning about Daras; for which they shall be their perpetuall stipendiaries. What! said the Ambassadors, would you have the Romans pay them a tribute? No! quoth he, but to have the Persians their souldiers, giving them pay for their service. You give pensions to the Hunnes and Saracens, not as they are Tributaries, but to guard your Terri­tories. After much debate, in the end they came to this accord; That Chosroes should presently receave fifty Centenaries of gold,157500. l'. 15720. l'. sterl. and a perpetuall yeerly payment of five more; and so do no more mischief, but receaving ho­stages upon this accord to retire with his whole army into his country: whither other Ambassadors should be sent from Justinian to settle a firme peace.

CHAP. VIII.

CHosroes then went on to Seleucia, a maritime city, about sixteen miles from Antioch, where neither finding nor harming any Roman, he washt onely in the Sea-water, did sacrifice to the Sun, and whom he pleased, with a deale of superstition, and rode back againe. Being come to his camp, he desired much, (as he said, onely for curiosity) to see Apamea, which stood neer. The Ambassadours unwillingly yeilded, upon condition, that having seen the city, and receaved 1000. l'. weight in silver, he should retire without spoiling it. But Chosroes appeared to the Ambassadors and all men, to take that journey, onely to catch at some triviall cause to sack the city, and coun­trey about it. Then he went up to Daphne, a suburbe of Antioch, where he ad­mired the Grove and the Fountaines, things worth the seeing. Having sacri­ficed to the Nymphs, he came away, doing no mischief there, but the burning of the Temple of Michaell the Archangell, upon this mistaking. An eminent Persian, well known to the King, rode with some in his company by a ragged [Page 46]piece of ground, called Tretum, where stands the Church of the Archangell made by Evaris; where finding a young man of Antioch hidden, and alone, he quitted his company and chased him. The young man was a Butcher, named Acimachus; who ready to be caught, turned upon his pursuer suddainly, and with a stone hit him under the eare into the dura mater: and being fallen down, dispatcht him with his own Cimiter, rifled his armes and apparell, got up on his horse, and rode cleer away by good chance, or his knowledge of the wayes. Chosroes was grieved at the accident, and commanded some to burne that Church of the Archangell; who thinking he meant this in Daphne, burn it with the buildings about it.

Then Chosroes with his army went to Apamea: where is a piece of wood of a cubit long, part of Christs Cross, brought thither long agoe by a Syrian. This the Inhabitants believing to be a great defence to them and their city, have put it in a casket set all with gold and precious stones, and committed it to three Priests to keep; and one day yearely the whole city brings it out, and adores it. The Apameans were affraid of the Persians coming, hearing too, how in Chosroes was no truth: and they entreated their Bishop Thomas, to shew them the wood of the Cross that they might doe it their last worship: When a miracle happened above reason and belief. The Priest carrying, and shewing the wood, a bright flame hovered above it, and the roofe over it shone with an extraordinary light. The Priest goeing round the Church, the light went a­long, keeping still the place of the roofe directly over him. The Apameans were ravisht with delight at the miracle, at once rejoycing and weeping; and now confident of their preservation. Thomas having gone round about the Church, put up the wood of the Cross into the casket, and covered it, and sud­dainely the shining ceased. Understanding the enemies to be neer, he went to Chosroes; who asking him if the Apameans meant to oppose his army, he ans­wered, they had no such thought. Then open your gates (quoth Chosroes) and re­ceave me into your city with some few. I am come (replied the Bishop) for the same purpose to invite you. So the Army pitcht their tents by the walls, and Chosroes with two hundred of his best men rode into the city. And no sooner in, but he forgot his promise to the Ambassadors, commanding the Bishop to give him not 1000 l. weight of silver onely, nor ter fold that; but all their treasures of gold and silver, being very great. I doubt not, but without scruple he had sackt, enslaved the whole city, if God had not manifestly hindred him: So did covetousness and vaine glory besot him; For to lead cities into captivity he esteemed it a great renown; and thought it nothing to use the Romans thus, contrary to accords and truces. This humour of his appeares by his attempt upon Daras, and the Callinicians during the truce, which I shall relate hereaf­ter. But God, as I said, preserved the Apameans. When Chosroes had taken their treasures, and Thomas saw him drunk with aboundance, he brought the wood of the Cross, and opening the casket, shewed it him, saying; O Excellent King! This is all I have left; This casket beautified with gold and precious stones, I envy not unto you: Take it with all the rest. But this piece of wood is to us both preservative, and precious. I beg, and entreat you Sir to give it me. Which Chos­roes granted. Then to shew magnificence, he willed the people to goe to the Circus; and the Charioters to run their matches; and himselfe was an earnest beholder of their sports. But hearing how Justinian was long addicted to the Veneti, meaning to be contrary to him in that also, he would procure the vi­ctory for the Prasini. The Charioters from the starting place set out; and one that wore the Blew, got the start, another wearing Green, following close at the others wheels. Chosroes supposing it done purposely, chafed, and cry­ed out, That Caesar was foremost; which should not be; commanding the fore­most Chariot to stay, and so cast behind, to get afore againe if it could. His command being fulfilled, his side, the Prasini won the match. There an Apa­mean came, and complained to him of a Persian, for entring his house, and for­cing his daughter a virgin. He in a great rage, commanded the man to be produced, and crucified in the campe; But the people clamour'd to him, and beg'd to spare the man. Chosroes promised to pardon him, but shortly after [Page 47]secretly crucified him; and these things done, rode back with his army.

And at Chalcis, distant ten miles and a half from Berrhoea, He forgot the ac­cord againe; encamped before the city, and sent Paul the interpreter, threat­ning to force their city, unless they buy their safety, ransome themselves, and deliver him the Souldiers in their town with their Commander. The Chalci­ans feared both the Emperours, and swore they had no souldiers; hiding most of them, and Adonachus their Captaine, in poore cottages from the ene­my; And getting up hardly * two Centenaries of gold,6300 l'. sterl. (their city being not rich) with it they ransomed their bodies and city. From hence Chosroes meant to make his retreat, not by the way he came, but to cross the Euphrates, and plunder Mesopotamia. Neer Obbane, which stands five miles from the castle of Barbalissus, he made a bridge, and went over, signifying to the army to fol­low, and that the third day by such an houre, he would take up the bridge; and some of them chancing to be cast behind, at the houre, he not regarding them, sent to take up the bridge, and they got home as they could.

CHAP. IX.

CHosroes was then ambitious to take Edessa; induced by a confident tra­dition among the Christians, (which troubled him) that it was never to be taken; affirmed upon this ground. Augarus, long agoe Toparch of Edessa (so they then called their nationall Kings) was one of the wisest men of his time, and for that cause in much savour with the Emperour Augustus. Desir­ing to be a Roman Confederat, he went to Rome; and conferring with Augu­stus, so amazed him with his wit, and inamour'd him with his conversation, that he would not part with him, though he urged his dismission. At last, after long absence, longing to returne to his country, but not persuading Augu­stus to let him goe; he used this devise. He went out neer Rome to hunt (being therein studious) and compassing much country, took many wild beasts alive, and from every countrey where he caught them, carried of the earth home with him to Rome, together with the beast. Augustus sitting in the Circus (as his manner was) Augarus came to him, and shewed him the beasts, and the earth, and which country earth belong'd to every beast. The earth he caused to be laid in severall parts of the Circus, and the beasts from one place to be let goe: When every beast leaving one another, ran to the country earth from whence he was taken. Augustus beheld it long and earnestly, wondring to see nature untaught make even to beasts desirable their native earth. Then Auga­rus suddainly taking him by the knees, said, O Sir! And what mind doe you think I have, who have wife and children, and a Kingdom (though a small one) in mine own countrey? Augustus overcome, and forced with the truth, dismissed him, though unwillingly; and bad him ask him some thing. Augarus prayed him to build a Circus at Edessa; which being granted him, and he dismissed, he came home. His Subjects askt him; what good he had brought them from the Emperour Augustus. He answered, That he had brought a Grief without damage, and a joy without gaine; intimating the fortune of the Horse-races. Augarus growing old, and vexed with a grievous gout, and the paine, and sitting still troubling him, he consulted with the skillfullest Physicians from all lands; but finding no ease, he forsook them, and absolutely despairing, bewayled his fortune. At that time Jesus, the Son of God, conversed in the body with the people of Palestine; by committing no sin, and by working miracles, mani­festing himself indeed the Son of God. He raised dead men, as from sleep; to men born blind he opened their eyes, cleansed leprous bodyes, lame feet he set loose, and did what ever Physicians pronounce incurable. Augarus hearing the relation from some Palestinians, residing at Edessa, took comfort, and wrote to Jesus, to leave Jury, and those ungratefull men, and to live with him. Christ wrote back againe to Augarus, refusing to come, but promising health by his Letter. They say he added this, That the city should never be conquered by the Barbarians. This Postscript, the writers of the history of [Page 48]that time knew not of; but the Edessenians affirme to have found it with the Epistle; which Epistle they have hung for a defence, engraven upon their city gates. But shortly after it came under the Persian, not forced, but thus. Augarus upon the letter from Christ, grew well, and having lived long, de­ceased. But his son succeeding him, being the ungodlyest man living, wrong­ed his subjects; for which fearing the Romans chastisement, he revolted to the Persians. But long afterwards the Edessenians killed the Barbarian Garrison, and yeilded their city to the Romans. Which Chosroes knowing, studies to re­cover the city: and this I guess by things happened in my time, which shall be related in their seasons. And I have had a conceit, that if Christ did not write that Postscript, yet (men having that opinion) he would keep the city from taking; that he might give them no excuse of wandring.

But upon this ground Chosroes much affected the taking of Edessa. At Batne, a little Town three dayes journey from Edessa, he lodged his army; and by break of day was marching toward Edessa. But they went out of their way so, that the next night they lodged in the same place: and this happened twice: And when with much adoe he was gotten to Edessa, they say, his chopps swell'd with Rhewme; which so troubled him, that he resolved not to attempt the city. But he sent Paul, and demanded money of them. They said, that of their city they had no feare; but not to hurt their towns, and villages, they agreed upon two Centenaries of gold; which he receaved, and kept his agreement.

CHAP. X.

THen came letters from Justinian to Chosroes, agreeing to ratifie the trea­tie between him and the Ambassadours; upon which he discharged the Hostages, and prepared for his retreat; being pleased to ransome the Antio­chian captives: the Edessenians therein shewed an incredible alacrity. Not a man, but according to his ability brought the ransomes into the Church, and some above ability. Courtisans threw in their Jewells, and the husbandman, wanting money or householdstuffe, brought his asse or poore ewe to the Church, that a great quantity was gathered of gold and silver, and other goods; but none of it was given for the ransome. Buzes being there, prohi­bited the ransoming, expecting some great gaine out of it. So Chosroes with the captives marcht on. The Carrenians met him, and offered him a great summe, but being no Christians but Heathens, he would not take it. But of the Constantinians he took their monie, yet claimed the city to be his from his An­cestors. For Cabades having taken Amida, would have also gotten Edessa, and Constantina. And being before Edessa, he demanded of the Magi, if it were to be wonne, pointing with his right hand to the place. They told him, no. For by stretching his right hand to it, he gave a symbole, not of taking, or of hurt­ing the city, but of preservation. He was satisfied with this, and led his army against Constantina, and encamped, with purpose to besiege the town. Barado­tus then Bishop of the city (an upright godly man, mighty with God in pray­er, whose very countenance shewed him to be indeed gracious with God) came to Cabades with a present of wine, dry [...]iggs, hony, and fine manchets; and besought him, not to attempt a town of no importance, neglected by the Romans, without garrison, or other defence, but the poore miserable inhabi­tants. Cabades upon this, not onely bestowed the city upon him, but gave him all the store-victualls of the army for the siege, and then departed out of the Roman territory. Hereupon Chosroes claimed the city to belong to him from his Father.

Being come to Daras, he sate down before it. Within, the Romans, and the Generall Martinus prepared for their defence. The city hath two walls, the innermost large and faire, and sixty foot high, with turrets; all one hundred foot high: The outward wall is much lesse, but strong and of good importance. The ground between is about fifty foot broad; where, upon the approach of [Page 49]an enemy, the Darenians put their cattle. At first Chosroes with multitude of arrows forced upon the walls to the West-ward, and set fire to the gates of the lesser wall; but none durst enter. Then he wrought a Mine closely on the East-side of the town, the rest of it being built upon a rock. The Persians be­ginning from the town ditch, being very deep, were neither seen, nor at all discovered by the enemy. And now they were under the foundation of the outter wall, and in the ground between the walls, and shortly to pass the great wall, and take the town; when from the camp of Chosroes, about noon, came a man (or more than a man) all alone to the wall, seeming to gather up the scattered arrows; and withall warding with his shield, to flout those upon the battlements. Then discovering the businesse, he bade them watch­fully provide for their safety, and went his way. The Romans immediately dig'd for life in the ground between the walls; which the Persians not discern­ing, went on with their work, in a streight line to the wall; and the Romans, by the advise of Theodorus, a famous Ingineer, traversed with their Mine very deep, that in the end the Persians in the ground between the walls, fell sud­dainly into the Romans cross Mine; who killed the first comers, but the rest escaped to the camp. The Romans would not pursue them in the dark. Chosroes failing in this, and seeing no hope of taking the town, capitulated for a thou­sand pound weight of silver, which he had from the besieged, and went home. Justinian, for this attempt of Chosroes upon Daras, during the truce, refused to ratifie the Treaty. And this was the successe of Chosroes first Invasion, and so the summer ended.

In Assyria he built a City a dayes journey from Ctesiphon, and named it Antioch of Chosroes, planting there the Antiochian captives. He built them a publique Bath, and a Circus, and fitted it for other delights; bringing from Antioch, and other Roman Cities, Charioters, and skilfull Musicians. He kept these Antiochians at the publique charge, not like captives; and term­ed them Basilici, as exempt from all Magistrates but the King. If a Roman captive ranne from his Master, and fled to this Antioch of Chosroes, being there avowed by an inhabitant for his Kinsman, he might not be led away by his master, though a very principall Persian. The Prodigy which befell the Antiochians in the reign of Anastasius was now consummated. A strong wind then, and a suddain, blew up by the rootes, the goodly tall Cypresses in Daphne, the suburb of Antioch; it being not lawfull to cut them. Shortly after this prodigy, in the reign of Justine, an Earthquake shook the City so, that it overthrew most of the buildings, and destroyed three hundred thousand men. But in this last destruction the City, as I have related, was even ruined.

And now Belisarius the Emperour sent for to Constaentinople; where having wintred, at the beginning of the spring he sent him Generall against Chos­roes; with the Commanders who came with him out of Italy. Anno Dom. 541. & Justi­niani 15. Of whom Va­lerianus was made Generall of the Cohorts in Armenia; Martinus being formerly sent into the East; so that, as I said, Chosroes found him at Daras. Of the Goths, Vitigis stayd at Constantinople; the rest served with Belisarius against Chosroes. At this time the Ambassadour of Vitigis, who called him­self a Bishop, dyed in Persia. The other stayd awhile with them for an In­terpreter, then retired into Roman land; where John, commander of the forces in Mesopotamia, took him near Constantina, and imprisoned him; and being que­stioned, he told him all his negotiation. Belisarius made haste to prevent any new Invasion of Chosroes; But

CHAP. XI.

IN the mean time Chosroes led an army into Lazica, Second Invasion of Chosroes, the said Anno Dom. 541. upon this ground invi­ted by the Lazians. The Lazians first inhabited Cholchis, and were subject to the Romans; not to payment of tribute: Onely upon decease of their King, [Page 50]the Roman Emperour sent to the Successor the Ensignes of Majesty; and they guarded the marches of their country; that the Hunnes might not by Mount Caucasus (which borders with them) passe through Lazica, and invade the Romans. Neither for this received they money, nor army from the Romans, nor served in their wars; only they trafficked in Merchandise with the Romans of Pontus; bartring skins, hides, and slaves for corn, salt, and other com­modities they want. But upon the accident formerly recited by me, to Gur­genes King of Iberia, some Roman forces were lodged in Lazica; with whom the Barbarians were discontented, and chiefly with Peter the General, a man naturally mischeivous. He was born in Arzanéne, a country beyond the river of Nymphius, subject to the Persians. Being a child, he was taken captive by Justine, invading Persia with Celers army after the taking of Amida; who used much humanity to him, and sent him to a Grammar school. Then was he Scribe to Justine; who comming to the Empire upon the death of Ana­stasius, made him a Generall, wherein he grew infinitely covetous, and lewd to all men. Justinian afterward sent Commanders into Lazica, and at last Iohn Tzibus; a man raised from mean condition, and advanced to this Ge­neralship, onely for being the wickedest of all men, and very sufficient to find unjust revenues. And he ruined and confounded the affairs of the Romans and Lazians. He perswaded Justinian to build a Sea-town in Lazica, called Pe­tra: Where sitting, as in a Cittadell, he made booty of Lazica. He prohibi­ted Merchants to import Salt, or other provisions to the Lazians, nor to buy ought of them; but setting up a Monopoly at Petra, himself was both retailer, and sole master of the sayd trade, and sold to the Lazians, not at usuall prizes, but as he list. The people also were displeased at the Roman army, ly­ing upon their country, not formerly used; and not enduring it, resolved to revolt to the Persians. And (unknown to the Romans) they sent Ambassadors to negotiate the same with Chosroes, with instructions to take assurance from Chosroes, not to leave the Lazians to the Romans without their consent; and so to come home with an army of Persians. These Ambassadors in Persia get­ing private accesse to Chosroes, spake thus. ‘Great King, if ever fortune did gladly reduce men revolted foolishly from their friends to strangers, such think us the Lazians to be. We were ancient allyes of the Persians, and did, and received many good turns; the monuments whereof remaine to this day, both among our Records, and in your royall Palace. But in succeed­ing times, our ancestors either neglected by you, or upon some other ground, entred into league with the Romans. And now both we and our King present to the Persians our selves and country, praying you to consider of us thus. If upon no hard measure from the Romans, but of meer ill nature, we come to you, reject us, as not likely to be faithfull to you. The manner of break­ing friendship, is a detection of that made with others. But being to the Romans friends in words onely, but in effect trusty slaves, and suffering most unrighteous tyranny; receive us for your servants, formerly your friends; detest a bitter tyranny risen so near you; and doe things worthy the justice naturall to the Persians. He is not just who does no wrong himself, if he re­scue not men oppressed by others, being able. To speak some of the things practised by these accursed Romans: To our King they have left the only out­side of Royalty, themselves have usurped the authority. The King, in the condition of a minister, stands in aw of a Generall directing him. They have laid an army upon us, not to guard our country (for none molest us but themselves) but to lock us up in prison, while themselves are masters of what is ours. Nay, see Sir! a more expedite devise of theirs to rob us. Their own superfluities they compell us to buy, and they buy what Lazica affords for their use; but so, as the price in both is set down as our conquerours please. And thus they rob us of our necessary commodities, and our mony too; under the specious name of Trade, being indeed a meer oppression. Over us is a Governour, a retailer, with his authority making a trade upon our wants. This being the cause of our revolt, it hath the justice of it in it self. But as to the commodity resulting to you by accepting the Lazians; [Page 51]you shall add unto the Persian Empire an ancient Kingdom, and therein en­large your glory. Then shall you by our Countrey have the conveniencie of using to Roman Seas. Wherein building shipps, the very Palace of Constanti­nople will be accessible unto you, with ease, nothing being between to stop you. Adde also, that it will be in your power, for the bordering Barbarians to spoile the Romans every yeare, Lazica, (as you know) being now their on­ly rampier against the mountaines of Caucasus. So that right leading, and profit following, not to admit our proposition, is certainely no good coun­sell. Chosroes was pleased with this discourse, and agreed to aide the Lazians:’ Demanding of the Ambassadors, if it were possible for a great army to march into Lazica, which he heard to be scarce passable for a traveller, being moun­tainous, and for a long way entangled with thick woods. They told him that by cutting the trees, and throwing them into the ill passages, there would be easie way for his whole army; and they promised to be his guides, and to work in the head of the army. Chosroes encouraged herewith, gathered a great ar­my, and prepared for the voyage, not discovering his intent, but to his most secret Counsellors, and charging the Ambassadors not to reveale their nego­ciation. His pretence was, a journey into Iberia, to settle things there; where a nation of Hunnes was reported to invade the Persian dominion.

In the meane time Belisarius gather'd together the army in Meso­potamia, and sent some into Persia to discover; intending to encounter the enemy there, if he invade againe; and he mustred, and furnished his Soul­diers; being naked, and unarm'd, and afraid of the name of a Persian. The espialls returning assured him, there would bee no invasion; Chosroes being engaged in a warr with the Hunnes. Belisarius upon this re­solved to enter the enemies land with his army. Arethas came up to him with an army of Saracens; And the Emperour wrote to him to invade the enemies countrey immediately. So that calling to him the Commanders at Daras, he 'spake thus. Fellow Commanders! I know you experienced in many warrs; and I call you not now, by remembrances or exhortations to provoke your resolution against the enemy (I doe not thinck you need discourses to make you valiant); but that by consulting we may chuse the best for the Emperours affaires. For the warr, more then any thing affects the directions of good counsell: And those who counsell, must be free from awe and feare. For feare amazing, suffers not the judgement to make choice of the best things: And awe clouding better determinations, carries the judgement com­monly to the worse. If therefore the Emperour or my self, be thought to have made any resolution already, believe it not. For he being farr distant from the affaires, cannot fit proceedings to new occasions; and so there is no feare; if by crossing him, you effect what is most expedient for his affaires. And me, being but a man, and af­ter a long time come from the West, something cannot but passe unseen. So that with­out standing in awe of my opinion, you are to speak boldly what is best for your selves and the Emperour. At first, we came hither to restraine the enemy from invading our countrey. But now, things succeeding above our hopes, we may consult concern­ing his countrey. For which purpose being now assembled, it is fit for every man to speak freely, what he holds most expedient. Belisarius spake thus; and Peter and Buzes bad lead on the army without delay into the enemies countrey, whose vote all the Assembly followed. Requithancus and Theoctistus, commanders of the forces in Phoenicia Libani, said, they approved the invasion also, but feared in their absence, Alamundarus would forrage Phoenicia and Syria, and that the Emperour might be offended for their not guarding the country under their charge: So they refused to accompany the army. Belisarius said, they imagined that which was not; For being now Summer, two moneths of this season the Saracens consecrate to their God, and make no inroads. And so promising to dismisse them, and their troopes within two moneths, he commanded them to goe along, and with much diligence prepared for the Invasion.

CHAP. XII.

BUt Chosroes and the Persian army, being come through Iberia to the con­fines of Lazica, guided by the Ambassadors, cut the tree [...] which they found thick and entangled, and threw them into the steep and ragged wayes, and so past easily, none encountring them. When they were come into the midst of Lazica (where the Poets fain to have been acted the fortunes of Jason and Medea) Gubazes, King of the Lazians, came and adored Chosroes as his ma­ster; rendring himself with his Royall Palaces, and all Lazica. Petra stands in Lazica upon the Euxine Sea, formerly a meane town, but by Justinian fur­nished with walls, and other ornaments, and made a strong famous place. Chosroes understanding the Roman Forces with John Tzibus to be there, sent an army, and Aniavedes Generall thereof, to surprize it. But John knowing their coming, directed no man to sally, nor to be seen upon the battlements; and he placed his forces in armes, close to the gates, commanding them not to ut­ter the least sound or voice. The Persian being come before the walls, and see­ing no man, supposed the city wast, and abandoned by the enemy. So he ap­proach't to set up scaling ladders, expecting none to defend, because he saw nor heard no enemy, and he sent to Chosroes, to let him know, what they found. He sending the most of his army, commanded a generall assault, and one of the Commanders to make use of the Ramme neer the gates, and from the neer­est hill to the city himself was a spectator of the business. When suddainly the Romans opened the gates, and falling upon the enemy unaware, killed most of them, specially those about the Ramme; The rest with their Generall ran away and escaped. Chosroës in anger crucified Aniavedes, for being over-stragem'd by John, a retailer, and no souldier. Some say he crucified, not Aniavedes, but the commander who attended the Ramme. Then himself with his whole army encamped before the town; and perceaving upon view the fortifications not very tenable, he brought on his forces, commanding to shoot at the battle­ments. The Romans defending with their engines, and shot, at first the Persi­ans (though they shot thick) hurt little; but suffred much, being shot from high. Afterward (for Petra was to be taken by Chosroës) John, being shot into the neck, died. Then the Romans became careless; and it growing dark the Bar­barians retired. The next day, they drew a mine to the town: which for steepe rocks about it, is not accessible, nor yet to the sea-ward; but by one narrow entrance only upon plaine ground, with high clifts on each side. There the builders of the city foreseeing the walls easie to be forced, made from each clift a long wall, a crosse the entrance, and at each end two turrets, wrought with great stones, not hollow in the middle, but whole from the ground, and very high, and the stones so joyned, as not to be shaken with Ramme or other engine. The Persians closely with their mine, were come under one of these turrets; whence carrying out the stones, they set up tim­bers, and put fire to them. Which encreasing by degrees, crumbled and brake the firme ess of the stones, and so loosening the Turret, down it came suddain­ly. The Romans in it perceaved it just so much before, as not to fall with the Turret, and to get within the city walls. Then the Enemy could easily force their entrance upon even ground. But the Romans affrighted, came to a par­ly, and receaving Chosroës oath, for their persons, and goods, yeilded them­selves and the city by composition. Chosroes finding in Petra much wealth be­longing to John, took it; but of any other, himself nor the Persians toucht nothing; And the Romans, having every man his own, mingled with the Per­sian army.

CHAP. XIII.

BElisarius heard nothing from these parts; but marcht with the army toward Nisibis; and being half way thither kept his right hand way, where [Page 53]were store of springs, and a spacious champian to encampe. But some had no mind to goe on, so that Belisarius made this speech to the Commanders. ‘I did not mean to publish my determination: For a word vented in a camp spreds at last even to the enemy. But I see every man will be an absolute Commander; therefore I shall impart, what I thought to conceale; with this preamble, that when in an army many will be absolute, nothing can be well done. Certainly Chosroes invading others, hath not left his own country without guard, especially this City, being the first therof and a rampire to the rest; wherein, I know, he hath lodged a garrison so strong, and of so good men, as will be able to oppose our assaults. A demonstration thereof is Na­bedes their Commander, who next to Chosroes is the prime man for reputa­tion in Persia. Who doubtlesse will set upon us, and we shall not be rid of him, without vanquishing him in fight. If we fight near the city, the Per­sians will have the advantage, backt with their fortification, to follow their execution securely, if they overcome; and if they be overcome, to be pre­sently within their walls, which you see well defended, and inexpugnable. On the other side, if we rout them, we may enter the town pell- [...]ell with the enemy, or thrust between them, and force them to fly to some other re­gion, and so get Nisibis, having none to defend it.’ Upon this speech of Be­lisarius, the rest obeyed, and kept within the camp: Onely Peter, General of Armenia, stood still, with a good part of the army under his command, a mile and a quarter from Nisibis. Belisarius put in order of battail the troupes with himself, and sent direction to Peter to stand in readinesse till he gave the sig­nall, and to observe at noon, that the Barbarians will sally, because them­selves dine in the evening, and the Romans at noon. But Peters men slighted his commands, and being faint with the sunne (for that city is extremely hot) layd down their arms, and disorderly fell to gather figs, without apprehen­sion of an enemy. Which Nabedes observing, gallopt up to them with his army. They seeing them issue out of the gates (being in an open champian) sent to Belisarius to succour them; and themselves tumultuously, and in con­fusion encountred. Belisarius, before the messenger came, saw the enemies mo­tion by the dust raised, and with his troupes rode amain to their succour. But in the mean time the Persians charged them; which they not enduring, ran away. The enemy pursuing took Peters Ensign, and slew fifty of them. Doubt­less they had dyed every man, if Belisarius had not received them into his troups, much distressed. Where first the Goths presenting their long thick Lances, the Persians stood them not, but fell to running, and the Romans, and Goths pursuing killed a hundred & fifty of them. The chase was not long. So the enemy got within their walls, and the Romans returned to their camp. The next day the Persians set the Ensign of Peter for a trophy, upon one of the turrets; and laught and brag'd, but durst sally no more out of their forti­fications.

Belisarius considering Nisibis strongly scituated, and having no hope to take it, urged to rise thence, and to march, where they might suddainly spoyl the enemy. So after a dayes march he came to a castle of the Persians called Sisibranum, full of inhabitants, and eight hundred of the best Persian horsmen to guard it; commanded by Blechames, a principal man. The Romans encamp­ed before the Castle, and assaulting were repulsed with losse of many; the walls being strong, and the Barbarians opposing obstinately. Belisarius then called his fellow Commanders, and told them; ‘How experience of many wars taught them to foresee the event in actions doubtful, and before dis­asters to chuse the better way. That they knew their disadvantage now, marching in an enemies country, full of strong Garrisons. If they goe on, it is likely that from Nisibis the enemy will follow them, and infest them with ambushes. And if another army meet them, they will be forced to a battail with both, and may be undone. Then if they be routed, they have no means of retreat into Roman land. They should not therefore crush them­selves with inconsiderate industry, nor with ambition to winne, hurt the Roman affairs. An ignorant daring brings to destruction, and a sober de­laying [Page 54]laying preserves men. That themselves therefore should sit down before the Castle, and that Arethas with his Saracens (men unapt for assaults, but excel­lent plunderers) should enter Assyria, and with them some of their best soul­diers. These, if no opposition appear, to take the spoyl; and (the enemy op­posing) to retire to this army: Which if it take the Castle, may passe the Tigris, fearing no mischief behind, and informed in what state the Assyrians are.’ They all approved this advise of Belisarius: Who accordingly commanded Arethas to go against the Assyrians, and sent with him 1200 souldiers, most of his own Targettiers, commanded by two of his Lanciers, Trajanus and John sirnamed Phagas, and directed to be obedient to Arethas, whom he instructed to forrage the countries, and coming back to the camp, to report what forces the Assyrians had. These past the Tigris into Assyria, found the country rich, and without guard, and so ransackt many towns and got much wealth. Be­lisarius in the mean time understood from Persian prisoners, That the Castle (not using, as Daras and Nisibis, to lay in yearly provisions, and then prevent­ed by an enemy, and having brought in none, and many suddainly resorting thither for refuge) wanted provisions. He sent therefore George, a wise man, and trusted with his secrets, to try if the place might be had by composition. Who with his reasons, and fair words, prevailed with them to take assurances for their safety, and to render themselves and the Castle to the Romans. Be­lisarius did no harm to the Inhabitants, being Christians, and antiently Ro­mans. The Persians with Blechames he sent to Constantinople, and threw down the walls of the Castle. These Persians and Blechames the Emperour sent into Italy against the Goths.

But Arethas, fearing the Romans might take away his booty, would return no more to the camp. And he commanded some scoutes sent out purposely by him, to report a great army of enemies to be at the passage of the river; up­on which he advised John and Trajan to return some other way into the Ro­man Territories. So they went not to Belisarius, but keeping the Euphrates on their right hand, came to Theodosiopolis, standing upon the river of Abor­ras. The Roman army with Belisarius, hearing nothing of these forces, were troubled and affraid: And the said siege having being long in the Persian Mesopotamia, infinitely hot; the men being not used to heats, specially those of Thrace; and stirring much in them, and lodging in close cabbins in the summer, the third part of them lay half dead with Feavers; and all were ear­nest to be gone home; specially Requithancus, and Theoctistus, Captaines of Phoenicia Libani. Who importuned Belisarius (the Saracens consecrated time being past) protesting to stay there to no purpose, and in the mean time to abandon the towns of Libanus and Syria to Alamundarus. Belisarius hereupon called a counsell, where John the sonne of Nicetas first rose, and spake thus; ‘Excellent Belisarius! I think the world hath not had, neither for time nor va­lour, a Captain like your self. This opinion prevailes not onely with Ro­mans, but with all Barbarians. And certainly hereby you will preserve this glory firm, if you bring us alive into the Roman dominions; as we now are, our expectations are not fair. Our Saracens, and best men are come over the Tigris, and gone into our upper Provinces, so fast, as not to send us so much as a messenger. Requithancus and Theoctistus will be instantly gone; supposing Alamundarus forraging Phoenicia: and of the rest we have more sick, then sound men, to bring them into the Roman dominions. Such, as if an enemy light on us here, or upon our retreat, not a man will be left to report our disaster to the Romans at Daras. To march up higher, I think it not pos­sible in reason. Whilst therefore some hope is left, 'tis good counsell to make a faire retreat; and madness for men in our danger, not to advise upon safety, but designes on an enemy.’ All approved this speech of John; and cryed out for a speedy retreat. So Belisarius put his sick into waggons, and led home the army; where he heard what Arethas had done, but could have no right of him, being not yet come to him.

Chosroes in the mean time, having taken Petra, had the newes of Belisarius invasion; of the battaile by Nisibis; the taking of Sisabranum, and what the [Page 55]forces, which with Arethas past the Tigris, had done. So leaving a Garrison in Petra, he went into Persia with the rest of his army, and Roman captives. These were the occurrents of Chosroes's second invasion; And Belisarius was by the Emperour sent for to Constantinople, where he spent his Winter.

CHAP. XIV.

IN the beginning of the Spring,Chosroës third Invasion in An. Dom. 542. & Justiniani 16. Chosroes invaded the Roman territorie the third time, with a great army; keeping the Euphrates to his right hand. Candidus, Bishop of Sergiopolis, having not kept his day with Chosroes, was a­fraid, and came to the Persian Camp; where he besought Chosroes not to be of­fended with him; That he never had money, nor ever thought of ransoming the Surenians himselfe; he had been a sutor to the Emperour, but got no good. But Chosroes put him in prison, and bitterly tortured him, and bad him pro­cure double the summe formerly agreed. He prayed him to send to Sergiopo­lis, to receave the treasures of the Church; which Chosroes did, and Candidus sent some with his messengers: to whom the Sergiopolitans gave many of those treasures, protesting to have nothing left. But Chosroes said, those should not suffice; he must have more; and he sent some in pretence to make privy search for their wealth, but indeed to surprize the city: But Sergiopolis was not then to be taken. For a Saracen under Alamundarus (being a Christian) named Ambrus, came under the wall by night; revealed the plot; and bad them re­ceave no Persians into their town. So Chosroes seeing his men returne without effect, in a great rage sent six thousand men to force the town. Who assaulted, and the Sergiopolitans at first defended bravely. But grown weary and affraid, they advised to render the city; having but two hundred Souldiers within. But Ambrus came againe by night, and told them that within two dayes the Persians would raise their siege; their water absolutely failing. Whereupon they refused to parly; and the enemy afflicted with third, rose, and returned to Chosroes. Who would not dismiss Candidus: It behoved, I think, that having broke his oath, he should no more be a Priest.

But when Chosroes came into Comagena, called Euphratesia, he would not forrage, nor take townes, as having spoiled all in Syria formerly in his way, and either sackt or ransom'd them, as hath been said. But his intent was to march directly into Palestine, and there to take the spoile, especially of the Treasures at Jerusalem; hearing the Province was fertile, and richly inhabited. The Ro­mans both Commanders and Souldiers had no mind to meet the enemy, to stay his passage; but thought it enough within their fortifications to preserve them, and themselves. Justinian advertised of this invasion, againe sent Belisa­rius; who taking Post-horses, arrived with great speed, (having no Souldiers with him) in Comagena. Justus the Emperors brothers son, with Buzes and some other, were gotten into Hierapolis; and hearing Belisarius to be neer, wrote this letter to him. Chosroes, as your self know, hath againe invaded the Romans, with a much greater army then formerly. Whither he intends, he yet makes no shew: onely we heare, he is very neer, and hurts no town in his way, still marching forward. Come therefore speedily unto us, if possibly you can slip by the enemy; that you may be preserved for the Emperour, and guard here Hierapolis with us. Belisarius liked not this letter, but went to Europus, a town upon the Euphrates; from whence he sent, and levyed an army; which encamped there; and to the commanders he returned this answer; If Chosroes goe against other people, and not Romans, you have fallen upon a most safe counsell. They who by lying still can avoid the mis­chief, are madd to run into a needless danger. But you being quit of the Barbarian, he will fall upon some other country, the best he can find, and without garrisons; Know then, that a valiant death is better, then such a preservation, or rather trea­son. Come you therefore speedily to Europus; where assembling our whole forces, we shall effect upon our enemies, what God shall grant us. The Commanders took heart at this letter; and leaving Justus with some to guard Hierapolis, the rest went to Europus.

CHAP. XV.

WHen Chosroes heard Belisarius to be at Europus, he march't no further; but sent to him one of his Secretaries, named Abandanes, (a very dis­creet man,This is supplied by the Latin Translation.) to complaine; that Justinian had not sent his Ambassadors to ra­tifie the treaty. Of whose coming Belisarius understanding, he chose six thousand the goodliest of his men, as if he would send them out to hunt. He commanded also Diogenes, one of his Lanciers, and Adolius, the son of Acacius and Armenian (one of those who attend in the Emperours Palace to keep off noise, whom the Romans call Silentarij, and now Captaine of the forces in Armenia) to skirt along the shore of Euphrates, with a thousand horse, and at times to make shew to passe the river to invade their countrey. Himself hearing the Ambassador to be at hand, retired to his pavillion, which uses to be made with boards; that he might seeme to the Ambassador, to be in a poore town without pro­visions. His souldiers he thus disposed. On the one side of his pavillion, were the Thracians, and Illyrians; and behind them the Goths; and next the Heru­lians; then the Vandales and Moores. They took up much space, not standing still, but walking at distance, and looking carelesly, and confidently upon the Ambassador. None had his mantle on, but linnen coates like women girt about them, and in their hands a Horsemans-whip. For armes some had swords, some battle axes, others bowes onely; looking like hunters, in all hast, (omit­ting all) to be pursueing the wild beasts. Abandanes the Ambassador, coming to Belisarius said, That it was a foule indignity, that Cesar (so the Persians call the Roman Emperour) had not sent Ambassadors about the Articles, which had constrained his master to enter the Roman territory in armes. Belisarius not fear­ing their great army, and without any trouble in his mind or countenance, smiled, and with a cheerfull look answered him; Men doe not censure the acti­ons of Chosroes by the same reasons he does them by: other men demanding ought of their neighbours, send Ambassadors first, and if they get not right, then they make warr. But he being in armes in the heart of our provinces, shamelesly now talks of peace. Having thus said, he dismissed the Ambassador. Who coming back to Chosroes, perswaded him to lay down armes, telling him; That he lighted up­on a captaine the stoutest, and the wisest in the world, and upon such souldiers as he never beheld the like; whose order he extreamely admired. Then was the match between them unequall; He overcoming, should onely vanquish a slave of Cesars; but being overcome, should get infinit dishonour to him and his house. The Romans also being beaten, may escape into their fortresses, and in their own countrey. But if other then well happen to his army, there will be no messenger left to report the cala­mity in Persia. Chosroes upon these reasons, had a mind to goe home, but was troubled, knowing the passages of the river to be guarded by the enemy:Here the Greek begins againe. and march the same way againe through a wilderness he could not, the provisions they brought with them failing. In conclusion he thought it best, though with hazarding a battaile, to get to the land on the other side the river, and so to march through a plentifull countrey. Belisarius knew well, that not 100000. men could hinder his passage; the river being passable by boats, and his army stronger, then to be barred their way by few enemies. Having also, as I said, commanded Diogenes and Adolius with a considerable party to the shore, to amaze the enemy with suddainess, and to put him in disorder: Now he fear­ed, least by frighting him, he might interrupt his quitting the Roman territo­ry; thinking it a matter of much importance, to drive him away, without hazarding with a very small army, heartily affraid of the Persians, against so many thousands. Wherefore he bad Diogenes and Adolius stay. And Chosroes speedily making a bridge, pass'd with his army over the Euphrates. Which was done with ease, the Persians having in their marches, ever ready, great iron hooks, wherewith they fasten long timbers together, and make a bridge sud­dainly. Being upon the other side, he sent to tell Belisarius, that he had grati­fied the Romans with his retreate, but expected Ambassadors from them imme­diatly. Belisarius also passed the Euphrates, and sent some to Chosroes, to com­mend [Page 57]him for retiring; to promise Ambassadors forthwith from the Em­perour, to finish the articles accorded; and to desire him in his passage through the Roman subjects, to use them as friends. Which he promised, so he might have some principall man for hostage of performance of what they under­took. Belisarius hearing what he said, sent him from Edessa John, the son of Basilius, an unwilling hostage; being the chief man in the city for birth and estate. But the Romans much extolled Belisarius, who in this action seemed to gaine more reputation, then when he brought Gelimer and Vitigis prisoners to Constantinople. The truth is, it deserved highly to be valued, when the Ro­mans were terrified, and hid in their fortresses, and Chosroes with a mighty ar­my in the midst of their country, for a Generall coming post from Constan­tinople, to encamp with a few in the face of Chosroes; to stop him; and then, either frighting him with his fortune and valour, or deceaving him with art, to make him in effect run away, and in words desire a peace.

But Chosroes neglected his agreement, and took Callinicum, none being to guard it. Their walls, being decayed, they were ever taking down to rebuild them, and then they had opened a piece, and not made it up. When they heard the enemy to be neer, the richer sort carried out their goods, and re­tired to other strong places. The residue, with a number of peasants flock't thither, continued in the town without any garrison. These Chosroes made slaves, and laid the town even with the ground. Shortly after he recea­ved John the hostage, and retired into his country. The Armenians also, who revolted to Chosroes, took assurances from the Romans, and went with Bassaces to Constantinople Belisarius also went to Constantinople, sent for by the Emperour, to be immediatly dispatcht into Italy, where things were very ill.

CHAP. XVI.

ABout the same time was a Plague, which almost consumed mankind. Of all blowes from heaven, bold and subtile men will talk of a cause, amazing us with reasons, and physiologies above our apprehension; knowing nothing to be sound they say; but contented, if they may perswade with their cosenages, such as frequent them. But of this to find any other cause is not pos­sible, but God himself. For it came not upon one part of the world, nor in one season of the yeare, from whence subtile wits might coyne a cause. But it vexed the whole world, and all conditions of men, though differing often even to contrariety; sparing no constitution, nor age. Mens differing in their places of dwelling, diets, complexions, addictions, or any thing else in this disease did no good. It took some in the summer, some in the Winter, others at other seasons. So that let Sophisters, and discoursers of Meteors shew their learning; I will onely relate where it began to rage, and in what manner it destroyed. It began among the Egyptians of Pelusium, and spread to Alexan­dria, and the rest of Egypt one way, and the other, to that Palestine, which borders upon Egypt. From thence it travelled through the world, as by set journeyes and stages; removing as by appointed gistes; and staying in each countrey a certaine time; and making destruction its onely business; and spred­ing on both sides to the utmost bounds of the world, as if affraid, least any odd hole of the earth should escape it. It spared neither Iland, nor cave, nor top of mountaine, which had men dwelling in it. If it skipt a countrey, by not touching it at all, or but here, and there; yet returning afterward, it struck no more the neighbouring people formerly visited, but from that coun­try it removed not the sore, before it had justly made up the full measure of the dead, according to the lot of their perisht neighbours. It began still at the sea-coast, and from thence went to the uplands. In the second yeare of it, it came to Constantinople, about the middle of the Spring; where it was my for­tune then to reside. And it was in this sort. Apparitions of Spirits in all shapes humane, were seen by many; who thought the man they met, struck them in some part of the body; and so soon as they saw the Spirit, they were taken [Page 58]with the disease. At first men meeting such, blessed themselves; repeating the most divine names; and using other ceremonies; but did no good; For many who fled into Churches perisht. Afterwards, they would not heare their friends calling, but lockt up in their chambers, stopt their eares, though the dores were even broken open; fearing the Sprite called on them. Some in their dreames suffred that, which others from those that met them; or heard a voice, that they were enrolled in the appointed to dy. But most without warning by dreames, or waking visions, suddainly became feaverish; some newly waking; some walking; others doing other things. Their body changed not colour, nor was hot, as in a feaver, no inflammation being, but the feaver so remisse in the beginning, and so till evening, that neither the sick, nor the physician feeling his pulse apprehended danger. But to some the same day, to some the next, or many after, there rose a Bubo, not onely in the groyne (which part is called Bubo) but in the armeholes, under the eare, and in other parts. These things came alike to all; but the symptomes afterward, I cannot say, whether the difference of bodies made, or the onely will of him, that sent the sickness. Some had a deep slumbring; others a sharp distraction; both suffering, what was proper to the disease. These slumberers forgot all they were formerly used to; seeming perpetually to sleep. If they were look't to, they would eate sometimes; and some neglected, starved. Those taken with madness, were troubled for want of sleep, and with many apparitions; thinking men assaulted them to kill them, crying out, and running away. Their keepers vexed with endless toyle, were pittied as much as themselves: Not for being infected (for no Physician, nor other, caught the disease by touching sicke or dead bodies; many strangely continuing free, though they buryed, and tended such as were nothing to them; and many catching it, they knew not how, and dying in­stantly;) but they pittied their perpetuall toyle; in raising them tumbling upon the ground; and in strugling with them, when they would throw them­selves out of windowes. Such as could, leaped into the water, not for thirst, but caused by their phrensie; for many leap't into the Sea. Much toyle they had also to get them to eat; and many, for want of keepers, were starved, or brake their necks. Some without slumbring, or madness, had their Bubo gangrened, and they dyed with extreame paine. Which doubtless happened to the rest, but being not themselves, they understood it not; the Phrensie taking away their senses. Some Physitians upon these symptomes, conceaving the head of the disease to be in those plague sores, searcht the dead bodyes, and opening the sores, found a huge carbuncle, growing inward. Some died forthwith, some after many dayes. Such, whose bodies were spotted with black pim­ples, the bigness of a lentile, lived not a day. Many, a voluntary vomiting of bloud seizing, died. This I can say, that many famous Physicians judged some instantly would dye, who unexpectedly grew well; and confidently af­firmed the recovery of others, who were vpon the point of death. So that no cause of this sickness was reach't by mans reason; some event happening to all, whereof no reason could be rendred. Some bathing helped, others it hurt; Many dyed for want of cure; and many scaped without it; it proving both wayes to those that used it. In a word no way was found of preservation, nei­ther by preventing the disease, nor mastering it; no cause appearing neither of their falling sick, nor recovering. Women with child taken with it, certain­ly dyed; some miscarrying; some fairely deliver'd, and perishing with their children. Yet they say that three women were delivered, who grew well, their children dying; and one dyed, whose child had the happ to live. Such as had their sore great, and running with putrefaction, escaped; the same as­swaging the violence of the carbuncle; and this was commonly a certaine signe of health. But whose plague-sore stay'd, as it first rose, such had the miserable accidents, I mentioned. Some had their thigh withered, the sore rising upon it, and not running. Some escaped with imperfect tongues, and lived stam­mering, o [...] speaking sounds without sence. In Constantinople this sickness lasted foure months, and was three months in extremity. At first few dyed, more then usually. Then it grew hotter; then died five thousand every day, then [Page 59]10000 and more. In the beginning, men took care to bury each his own dead, casting some into other mens Monuments, either unseen or by force. But in the end all was in confusion: Servants were without Masters; and rich men wanted servants to attend them; being sick or dead; and many houses were empty. So that divers for want of acquaintance lay long unburied.The Greek fails here, and it is supplied from the Latine translation. * The Emperour (as was reason) made it his own care; and committed the over­sight to Theodorus, whose office was to subscribe the Emperours answers to Pe­titions (the Latines call him Referendarius.) To them that wanted, and to the poor multitude, he gave reliefs in mony out of the Treasury. And now in the afflicted City were no trades, nor shops to be seen. Many for fear leaving their bad courses, consecrated themselves to God: and many, when the danger was past, fell to their old despising of God again.

CHAP. XVII.

BUt to return to my former discourse. Chosroes marcht Northward to Ar­dabigara, a town in Assyria, Anno Domini 543. Justiniani 17. purposing from thence to invade the Romans again. Here is a great Pyraeum, which the Persians adore above all Gods; where the Magi keep a perpetuall fire, and offer much sacrifice; and in their greatest affairs use it for an Oracle; it is the fire which anciently the Romans called Vestall. Here Chosroes had news of two Ambassadors from Constantinople, about the Peace, Constantianus an Illyrian, and Sergius an Edessenian; both Ora­tors, and able men. Chosroes expecting their comming, forbare hostility. But Constantianus fell sick upon the way; and the Plague at last came into Persia. But Nabedes, Governour of Persarmenia, by the Kings command, sent Euduli­us, Prelate of the Christians there, unto Valerianus, Commander of the forces in Armenia; to complaine of the slownesse of the Ambassadors; and to exhort the Romans to peace. He came into Armenia with his brother, and told Vale­rianus, that he heartily affected the Romans, being Christians as himself; and would so perswade Chosroes, that the Ambassadors should find no impediment of concluding a peace to their own desire. But the Prelates brother getting privately to Valerianus, told him; That Chosroes in great distresse desired a peace; his sonne conspiring against him; and his army being full of the Plague. Valerianus upon this sent away the Prelate; promising the Ambassa­dors should shortly come to Chosroes; and the said advertisement he wrote to Justinian. Who thereupon directed him and the Army to invade the Persians; for he saw not that any enemy would oppose them; willing all the forces to joyn, and enter into Persarmenia. The Captains upon these Letters rode with their troopes into Persarmenia. Chosroes was newly gone from Ardabigara, for fear of the Plague, with his army to a part of Assyria, where the sicknesse was not yet come. Valerianus with his forces encamped at Theodosiopolis, to whom joyned Narses, with some Armenians and Herulians. But Martinus, Generall of the East, with Ildiger and Theoctistus, encamped at Citharizum, a Castle four dayes journey from Theodosiopolis; whether came Peter shortly after, and Ado­lius, with some other Captaines; Isaac also, * brother of Narses was there;Here begins the Greek again. and Philemuth; and Verus, with the Herulians under their command, came to Arzanéne, not far from the camp of Martinus. Justus also the Emperours Nephew, and Peranius, and John the son of Nicetas, with Domentiolus, and John Phagas, encamped at Phison, a Castle near unto Martyropolis. Thus were these Commanders quartered, with their severall troops; amounting in the whole to thirty thousand. These joyned not, nor communicated; save when the Ge­nerals sent to one another to know news of the Persians. Peter upon a sudden motion, without acquainting the rest, invaded the enemies country. And the next day, Philemuth and Verus, with their Herulians followed. Martinus and Valerianus hearing thereof, marcht likewise to the Invasion. Shortly all joyned in the enemies country, save Iustus, who was quartered far off; but hearing (though late) that his fellow Commanders were entred the enemyes land, he marcht thither also, but could not unite his troopes with theirs. [Page 60]Those Generalls marcht directly to Dubis; neither forraging, nor other­wise hurting the country. Dubis is a Territory eight dayes journey from Theodosiopolis, of good land, wel scituated for air, and water; being fair cham­pians, full of populous villages close together, and inhabited by Merchants, who traffique with the Indians, and neighbouring Iberians, and with all the Persian Nations, and some Romans. The Bishop of the Christians, the Greeks call Catholicus, who hath the charge of all the country. Some fifteene miles from Dubis to the right hand comming from the Roman Territories, stands a ragged mountain, hardly to be passed, and in a very narrow passage a village called Anglon, where Nabedes hearing of the enemies comming, kept fast; confident of the strength of the place. The village is at the furthest end of the mountain; where, upon a steep rock, stands a Castle of the same name. Na­bedes fortified the passage to the village with stones, and waggons, and drew a trench before, and lodged his army in the said village; and in old houses without it, layed ambushes of foot. The Persians amounted in all to four thousand men. The Romans came to a place, distant a dayes journey from Anglon, and took a scout of the enemies, who told them, that Nabedes was re­tired from Anglon. Narses at this chafed, reproaching his fellow Comman­ders for their tardinesse. The same others did likewise; taunting one ano­ther. And now carelesse of fighting, and fearlesse of dangers, they attended pil­laging onely. They marcht confusedly, without discipline, without watch­word (as is usuall in such actions) or distinction by any kind of order. The souldiers were mingled with the attendants upon the baggage, and marcht as to some great booty ready drest for them. Being near Anglon, they sent out scoutes, who brought them word, that the army was inbattail array. The Commanders were amazed with the suddainnesse; yet thought it base and cowardly to turn their backs with so great an army. So ordering the army as well as in that case they could; they marcht against the enemy. Peter ha­ving the right hand wing, Valerianus the left, and Martinus the battell. Being come near the enemy, they stood still in their ranks confusedly, by rea­son of the ragged ground, and their being newly put in order. The Barba­rians also drew close together, and stood viewing the enemies powers; Nabedes had commanded none to strike the first blow, but the enemy giving on, to resist him. Narses with his Herulians, and some Romans, gave on upon the Persians; and them he routed, who ran away up to the Castle. Much mischief was done between them in the narrow passage; and Narses pressed upon the enemy, and encouraged his men; and the rest fell to work. But suddainly the Ambushes issuing from the old houses, into the narrow lanes, killed some Herulians, and wounded Narses in the head mortally, whom his brother Isaac carried off; but he dyed quickly, having in this fight done bravely. The Romans upon this growing to confusion, Nabedes drew out all his army, which in those narrow lanes shooting at a multitude, killed them at ease, and most the Herulians; being the most part unarmed, and in fight never using head­piece, corslet, or other defensive armour, save a shield, and a thick coat girt about them. Their slaves fight without shields, which their masters permit them to weare, when they have shewed themselves good souldiers. But the Romans not enduring the enemy longer, fled amain, remembring neither va­lour, shame, nor ought that good is. The Persians suspecting, that they could not fall to so shamelesse a running away, but had some ambushes; drave them out of the fastnesses, and then turn'd bridle, not daring with a few to encoun­ter so many in a plain. But the Romans (specially the Commanders) think­ing the enemy still pursuing, ran without intermission; urging their horses with whip and voice; throwing away their arms in haste; as having no cou­rage to fight with a Persian over-taking, but all their hope of safety in their horses feet. In a word, it was such a running away, as scarce a horse over-lived it, but instantly dyed, the course ended. So great a disaster the Romans have not formerly had. Many were slain, more made slaves to the enemy, who took so great a quantity of arms and baggage, that the rich state of Persia appeared much richer by this victory. Adolius in this retreat, passing by a Castle in Pers­armenia, [Page 61]was slain by a wound in his head of a stone thrown by one of the In­habitants. Justus and Peranius, having a little plundered the country of Ta­raunia, returned home.

CHAP. XVIII.

BUt the next year Chosroes invaded the Romans the fourth time,Chosroës 4th. Invasion in An. Dom. 544. & Justiniani 18. with his army into Mesopotamia. And this expedition he made not against the Em­perour Justinian, nor any mortall man indeed, but even against God, whom onely the Christians adore. For in his first Invasion, missing Edessa, and reti­ring so; he and his Magi were much discontented to be overcome by the Chri­stians God. Wherefore he threatned to make the Edessenians slaves, and to turn their City to a Sheep-pasture. Being come before Edessa with his army, he sent some Hunnes to the walls over against the Circus to steal the sheep, kept near the walls by shepheards, presuming upon the strength, and steepnesse of the place. But the Barbarians got to the sheep, and the shepheards stoutly re­sisted; but with the aid of some Persians they got away one flock; which ran back again, while some Romans sallying fought with them: Where a Hunne fighting in the front, and most troubling the Romans, a country fellow hit him with a sling-stone on his right knee, and down he fell headlong; which en­couraged the Romans. The fight lasted from morning till noon, and both thinking they had the better, parted, the Romans to their walls, and the Bar­barians to pitch their tents a mile from the City, where they encamped. Chos­roes, either upon some dream, or the apprehension of disgrace to misse Edissa twice, thought of selling his retreat to the Edessenians for money. Paul the Interpreter therefore the next day, under the town-walls, advised the Ro­mans to send men of quality to Chosroes. They chose four eminent men; whom Zaberganes met in the camp, by the Kings direction; and with threatning words asked them; which they would rather have, a Peace, or a War. They confessing to chuse peace before dangers: Then must you buy it, quoth Zaber­ganes, with a great summe. They sayd they would give as much as formerly; when he came thither after the sack of Antioch. Zaberganes laught; and bade them consult seriously for their lives; and come back again. Shortly after Chosroes sent for them, and recited the Roman towns he had led into captivity; threatning to them also the terriblest usage, if they gave him not all their money within their walls; upon which onely he would raise his siege. The Ambassadours acknowledged, that they would buy their peace, if he enjoyned possibilites. But the conclusion of a danger, they said, no living man could know before the combat; war being not upon articles of agreement between the parties. Upon this Chosroes commanded them in anger to get them gone.

The eighth day of the Siege, he beganne to raise a mount against the walls; making, without arrow-shot, a square work of trees cut down with leaves on, spreading over them much earth, and over all, a quantity of rude unwrought stones (his onely care being to raise the Mount speedily) putting between the earth and stones long timbers, which fastned the work; that growing high, it should not be weak. But Peter the Roman Generall being in the town, with Martinus and Peranius, sent out Hunnes against the workmen, who falling on suddainly, killed many. One of his Lanciers, named Arger, killed above seven and twenty. But the Barbarians kept better guard afterward, and none sallyed on the workmen: Who being come within arrow-shot, the Romans from the walls stoutly employed their slings and bows. Before their labourers in this Aggestus (so is it called in Latine) the Barbarians hung upon long poles hair-cloths of Goats hair, thick and long, that no fiery darts nor arrows could pierce through, but there fell dead. Then the Romans affraid, sent Am­bassadours to Chosroes, and with them Stephanus a famous Physitian, who had cured King Cabades of a disease, and got a great estate by him. He with the rest [Page 62] ‘coming to Chosroës, spake thus. Men have ever held humanity the marke of a good King. So that, mighty Sir! if you kill and lead into captivity, you may perchance obtaine some other titles, but shall never be thought a good man. And of all cities, Edessa should least have a misfortune from you; Where I was borne; who not foreseeing what would come to passe, fostered you; and by counselling your father to appoint you his successor, have been to you a principall cause of the Empire of Persia, and to my country of these miseries. Thus men are themselves the authors of most of their own misfortunes. But if you have any remembrance of this service, you will doe us no more hurt; bestowing this retribution on me; by which, O King! you will have the for­tune not to be esteemed a most cruell man.’ But Chosroës professed not to rise from thence, till the Romans delivered him Peter, and Peranius his fathers slaves, presuming to beare armes against him. If they refused this, they must either pay1575000. l'. sterl. five hundred Centenaries of gold, or admit his ministers to search the city, and to bring him all the gold and silver within it, and upon this they might keep the rest of their goods. This Chosroës spake at randome, ex­pecting with ease to take the city. And the Ambassadors finding his proposi­tions impossible, returned much troubled; And reporting the demands, filled the city with noise and lamentations.

CHAP. XIX.

BUt the mount rose to a great height, and went on apace. The Romans in perplexity, sent againe Ambassadors; who were sutors for the same things, but were not regarded, but driven out of the Persian camp, with scorn & hout­ing. Then they began to raise their walls higher, toward the mount; But the Persians worke farr overtopping that also, they gave it over; And desired Mar­tinus to procure a capitulation, as he would himself. He got as neer as he could to the camp, and spake with some Persian commanders; who to amuse him said, Their King desired peace, but could not perswade the Emperour to leave quarrelling. He could not deny Belisarius to be above Martinus in power, and place; who perswaded the King to retire from the midst of the Roman Provinces, with pro­mises of Ambassadors to perfect the Treatie of peace; but he could not performe, be­ing not able to force the Emperours will. In the mean time the Romans drew a mine to the enemies work; and commanded not to leave working, till they were under the middle of the Mount. Where being, the Persians above heard the noise; and finding what they did, cross-mined on both sides, to catch them in the middle. They perceaving it, stopt up their mine there with earth; and from underneath the part of the Mount next the town, carryed out the timber, stones, and earth, and made a little hollow roome; where they laid dry loggs steep't in Cedar oyle, and Assyrian pitch. During this preparation the Persian commanders in many meetings with Martinus discoursed to the effect afore­said, seeming to entertaine a parley for Peace. But their mount being brought to perfection, and raised farr above the walls, they sent away Martinus; re­fusing any composition; and fell to work.Here againe the Latin trans­lation fills up a great gap. The Romans then set the dry loggs a fire: which burnt part of the Mount; but not spreading to the whole, and be­ing burnt out, they brought more into the hollow roome. Then appeared the smoake from the Mount at night: and the Romans to prevent the discovery, shot small vessells filled with burning coales, and fire darts, thick over the mount: and the Persians thinking the smoake came from them, ran to quench them. But the fire prevailed, and the Barbarians pittifully crying, were shot and killed from the walls. At Sun-rising, Chosroes came with some of his army; went upon the Mount; and first found the mischief, shewing, how the smoake came not from that darted from the enemy, but from fire below; and he willed the army to shout. The Romans grew confident, and flouted them: They all cast on, some earth, others water, which abated the smoake there, but presently it burst out in another part more vehemently; The water also added force to the sulfur, and Assyrian pitch, and spread the fire more; and within, the fire [Page 63]prevailed above the water; and about evening the smoke was so high, that it was seen at Carr [...], and other neighbouring parts. There were fights also upon the Mount, wherein the Romans overcame. And now the flame rose cleerly; when the Persians abandoned the work. Six dayes after they assaulted some­thing before day-light, (the Romans being dead asleep): And they set to their ladders, and were mounting: But a peasant awaking, called up the Romans. They fought; and the Persians were beaten to their camp; leaving their lad­ders, which the Romans drew up. About midnight Chosroës sent a great part of his army to force the great Gate. The Romans (not onely Souldiers, but peasants and people) stood them, had the better, and routed them. As they were running, Paul the Interpreter put himself among the Romans, and told them, that Recimer was newly come from Constantinople an Ambassador about peace. So they parted. Recimer came to the Barbarians camp some dayes be­fore; which they concealed from the Romans; expecting the event of their works; if those prosper'd, they resolved to come to no treatie; if they were beaten (as they now are) they might come to it fairely; the Romans having invited them. When Recimer was neer the city gate, the Persians demanded some to be sent out to treat an accord with Chosroës. They answered, they would within three dayes send Martinus, who now was sicke. Chosroës suspe­cting the answer not to be sincere, prepared for warr; commanding store of bricks to be laid upon the Mount. Two dayes after he approached the walls with his whole army, and applyed his ladders and engines; and begirt the town; placing squadrons at every gate, & Saracens behind them; who when the town was taken, were to lay hold on run-awayes. The fight began in the morn­ing, and at first the Persians had the better; being many against few; for the Romans were not aware of the assault. The fight proceeding, the city was full of tumult; the women and little children went to the walls; and the men re­sisted valiantly; Many peasants did bravely. The women and children with the old men brought stones to the combatants. Some threw down boyling oyle. Then the Persians refused to fight any longer; telling the King plainely, they would not give on: Chosroës in a rage, threatning and urging them, brought them all on. And againe with shouts they applied their ladders, and engines, as if they would instantly enter. But the Romans defending in great numbers, the enemy fledd; and the Romans hiss't at Chosroes; daring him to the assault. Onely Azarethes with his troupes continued fighting about the gate of Soëna; and from a place called Tripugia, the valiantest of the Romans sallied. Other Persians assaulting an outwork, prest hard upon the defendants, till Peranius with many souldiers, and some Edessenians, having routed Aza­rethes, rode up to these. So that Chosroes beginning the assault in the morning, gave it over late at night: Both passed the night unquietly; the Persians affraid of their trenches; the Romans providing stones and other things against ano­ther assault the next morning; when the Barbarians came not on. But the day after, a part of the army animated by Chosroes set upon the gate of Barlaim; but were beaten back to their camp. Then Paul the Interpreter called up to the walls for Martinus, to treat an accord. Which he did; and Chosroës recea­ving39062. l'. 10. s'. sterl. 50000. gold Staters from the Edessenians, subscribed the articles; pro­mising no more to infest the Romans. In conclusion, setting his palissadoes and others works on fire, he went home with his army.

About this time died two Roman commanders, Justus, Justinians nephew, and Peranius the Iberian; the first by sickness, the other by a fall from his horse in hunting. In whose roomes the Emperour placed Marcellus, his sisters sonne, a youth, and Constantianus, afterward Ambassador to Chosroes about the treatie. These had audience in Assyria, where stand Seleucia, and Ctesiphon, faire cities, built by the Macedonians, who after Alexander the great raigned in Persia. Of which cities the Tigris bounds their territories; no other countrey being be­tween them. Here finding the King, they demanded restitution of the places in Lazica, and ratification of the articles of peace. But Chosroes said, that a peace would hardly be, without a truce first for a time, during which by mu­tuall concourse, and communication, they might more firmely determine the [Page 64]Perpetuall Peace, and that the Romans to get it must give him money; and they must send him one Tribunus, with whom by a day certain he would con­clude the businesse. This Tribunus, a Physitian, had cured Chosroes of a great sicknesse,The Quinquen­nial Cessation, An. Justin. 19. Anno Dommi 545. for which he was his friend, and very gratefull. Justinian forth­with sent him Tribunus; and of the money twenty thousand Staters. And so a Truce was concluded for five years, in the nineteenth year of Justinians reigne.

Shortly after Alamundarus and Arethas had a war, without any ayds of Per­sians or Romans on either side. Alamundarus in an Inroade took a son of Are­thas prisoner, and sacrificed him to Venus. From him was discovered, how Arethas sold the affairs of the Romans to the Persians. Afterward they came to a battel with their whole forces, wherein Arethas got the better, and rout­ed the enemy, and killed many. A while after he had the pursuit of two sons of Alamundarus, but could not take them.

CHAP. XX.

But in Lazica, Chosroes had a design to kill Gubazes their King,Here the Greek continues. * and to transplant the Nation into some other part of his dominions, and to plant Persians in their room: For he thought it a matter of much importance, firmly to possesse Lazica, being of manifold use to the Persians: First, by holding more securely the Iberians, who would have none to fly to in case of revolt: For the principall Iberians with their King Gurgenes revolting (as I said be­fore) the Persians suffered not the nation to chuse their King any more; nei­ther were they willing subjects to the Persians, but both were suspicious of each other; and the Iberians discontented, and ready to stir upon fit oppor­tunity. He considered also, that not onely the Persian dominions would here­by be for ever free from the devastation of the Hunnes bordering upon Lazica; but that himself, having a mind, might send them against the Romans; there being no rampire against the Barbarians of Mount Caucasus, but only Lazica. But principally Lazica would advantage the Persians, by issuing from thence to infest by land and sea the places upon the Euxine sea, to subdue Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bithynia, and to surprise Constantinople, there being none to stop their course. Upon these considerations Chosroes would have Lazica, but could not be confident in the Nation. For after the Romans were retired from thence, the common people were discontented at the Persians Government, who of all men have least variety in their humours, their manner of life being extreamly strict; their laws hard of disgestion, and their commands intol­lerable. And in reference to the Lazians the difference infinitely appeared, both in Religion and conversation; the Lazians being Christians, none more; and the Persians quite contrary. Besides, no Salt being in Lazica, nor Wine, nor other native commodity; all is imported from the sea coasts of the Ro­mans; not giving money to the Merchants, but skins, and slaves, and other things with them abounding. From which being now barred, they were dis­contented. And Chosroes perceiving it, consulted upon some safe prevention, before they should stirre for an alteration; and thought it most expedient to rid away Gubazes their King, and to transport the Nation, and to plant Per­sians and others in their country.

He sent also to Constantinople Isdigunas, under pretext of an Ambassage, and with him five hundred chosen Persians, directing them to get into Daras, and lodging in severall houses to set them afire, and while the Romans were busie to quench the fire, to open the gates, and receive in the rest of the Persian army; the Governour of Nisibis being commanded to be in readynesse with forces concealed thereabout. Thus Chosroes thought without labour to have the killing of the Romans in Daras, and to be master of the City. But a Roman fugitive in Persia having knowledge of it, went to Daras, and there revealed it to George; who formerly perswaded the Persians besieged in Sisibranum to yeeld to the Romans. George went out to meet the Ambassador, and told him, [Page 65] ‘this was not like not Ambassage; and that Persians in so great numbers use not to lodge in Roman Cities; he should do well to leave the rest in a town called Amudis, and with a few in his company to enter Daras.’ Isdigunas chased, and took this for a great affront, being an Ambassadour sent to the Emperour. But George, without respect to his storming, preserved the City to the Romans; receiving him in, with onely twenty of his train. He failing in his plot, went to Constantinople, with his Wife and two Daughters, the pretence of his extraordinary company. Where having accesse to the Emperour, of businesse great or small he had nothing to say, though he had been six moneths in the Roman dominions; but he delivered usuall presents to the Emperour, and letters, to know if he were in good health. This Isdigunas Justinian entertain­ed with the most grace and honour that we ever saw him use to any Ambassa­dour; feasting him, and Bradu [...]ionas his Interpreter; and setting them upon the same couch with himself, a thing never done before. No man ever saw an Interpreter sit at table with the meanest Governour, much lesse the Em­perour. And this Ambassadour without businesse, he entertained, and dimissed more honourably than ever any.31500 l. sterl. His charges and presents came to more than ten Centenaries of gold.

CHAP. XXI.

BUt into Lazica Chosroes first sent much ship-timber, giving out it was for engines to stand upon the walls of Petra. Then he sent Fabrizus, with three hundred chosen Persians, instructing him, closely to kill Gubazes, and of the sequele he would take care. The timbers in Lazica were all consumed by lightening. But Fabrizus being there, and practising to execute his instructi­ons concerning Gubazes, sent for a Nobleman of the country, named Pharsanses, (whom he understood to be in disgrace with Gubazes for some offence, not daring to come in his fight) and to him revealed the matter, and advised with him how to attempt it. The conclusion was, that Fabrizus should goe to Petra, and send for Gubazes, to acquaint him with the great Kings reso­lution touching Lazica. But Pharsanses secretly discovered the plot to Gu­bazes. Who thereupon refused to come to Fabrizus, and prepared for an open revolt. Fabrizus committed the guard of Petra to the other Persians, to pre­pare all things safe against a siege; and so went home, having done nothing. Gubazes reported to Justinian the present estate, besought his pardon for things past, and his present ayd to shake off the Persian Government. The Emperour was glad of the news, and sent him seven thousand men, comman­ded by Dagisthaeus, and a thousand Tzanians. Who joyned with Gubazes and the natives, and besieged Petra. The Persians within defended it valiant­ly, and much time was spent in the siege; they having laid in store of victuall in the town. Chosroes was troubled at it, and sent against them a great army of horse and foot, under the command of Mermeroes. Whereof Gubazes being advertised, and upon advise with Dagisthaeus, did thus. The River of Boas springs near the confines of Tzanica, about Pharangium in Armenia. First it runnes a good way to the Northward, and is small and fortable, till it comes where it hath the Marches of Iberia to the North, and the utmost ridge of Mount Caucasus to the South. Hereabout inhabit the Alans, and the Abas­gians, in antient amitie with the Romans, and they are Christians; the Zec­chians also, and Sabirian Hunnes. From the Marches of Iberia and Caucasus, this River is supplyed with other waters, grows greater, and instead of Boas is called Phasis; is navigable, and disembogues into the Euxine sea. On both sides of it is Lazica. To the right hand the country is well inhabited, to the borders of Iberia; on that side the river are their villages, and some small cities, antiently built, as Archaeopolis, a strong place; Sebastopolis, and the Castle of Pityuntium; and towards Iberia, Scanda, and Sarap [...]nis. Other strong Cities there are, as Rhodopolis, and Muchrisiis. But to the Southward are the Marches of Lazica for a dayes journey, a country uninhabited; upon [Page 66]which border the Ponticke Romans. In the desert marches of Lazica Justinian built Petra in my time, where, (as I said) John Tzibus set up the monopoly, which caused the Lazians defection. From Petra Southward the Roman bor­ders begin; where are populous towns, as Rhizaeum, Athens, and others unto Trapezond. The Lazians, when they brought Chosroes into the countrey, past the Boas, and came to Petra; leaving Phasis (then so called) to his right hand; pretending to avoyd the delay and toyle of ferrying over the river Phasis; but in truth not willing to shew the Persians their dwellings. And Lazica on both sides the river is full of bad wayes, having rocks on either side the countrey, which make long narrow glinnes. (The Romans, as the Grecians, call such wayes, Clausurae.) But then, Lazica being unguarded, the Persians guided by the natives, came with ease to Petra.

But now Gubazes being informed of the Persians coming, wrote to Dagisthae­us to send forces to guard the passage beyond the Phasis, and not to raise the siege, before Petra were taken. Himself with his own army march't to the utmost borders of Lazica, to guard the Passage there. He had sometime be­fore gotten some troopes of Alans, 9450 l. sterl. and Sabirians; who agreed for three Cente­naries, to help to guard his countrey, and so depopulate Iberia, that the Per­sians should not be able to come in that way; and the money the Emperor was to pay: whom Gubazes praid to send the same, and some Donative to the La­zians, now in much distress; alledging himself also to be behind for ten yeares, being enrolled a Silentiary of the Imperiall Palace, and having receaved no pay from the time Chosroës entred Lazica. Justinian meant to performe his re­quest, but greater business diverting him, he sent not the money in the due time. But Dagisthaeus, being a young man, and unable to manage a Persian warr, made no advantage of the opportunities offered him: Whereas he should have sent to the Passage the most of his army, and been himself at the action, he sent, as to some slight business, onely two hundred men. And he did nothing upon Petra with all his forces: The enemy within, at first were not 1500. men, who continually being shot, and slaine at the assaults; after as much valour, as ever men shewed, were reduced to a very few; and dispairing, and unable, lay still. The Romans drew a mine under the wall; and the wall falling with a house joyning to it, fell all into the Ruine, securing the town as much as the wall. This troubled not the Romans, who saw hope, by mining in another part, to take the town: and Dagisthaeus wrote of it to the Emperour; urging for rewards of victory, and appointing what he and his brother should have; for they would take Petra presently. But the Persians receaved the assaults bravely, and beyong expectation; their troopes being much decayed. Where­in the Romans prevailing not, they mined againe, and came on with their work so, that the foundation of the wall had no ground to beare it, and the wall was in the aire, suddainly to fall. And if Dagisthaeus had presently put fire to the supporters, the town had been taken. But he with his hopes from the Emperour, dallying, did nothing.

CHAP. XXII.

IN the meane time Mermeroes with a Persian army past the marches of Iberia, and avoyding the townes of Lazica, for feare of stopp, kept the Phasis to his right hand; his care being to save Petra, and the Persians in it. Where the piece of the wall which tottered, as I said, fell suddainely; at which fifty Ro­mans entred, and cryed out aloud, The Victorious Emperour Justinian. They were led by John, a young Armenian, son of that Thomas sirnamed Guzes, who by the Emperours direction built many fortresses in Lazica, commanding the army there, and well esteemed by the Emperour. This John the Persians en­countred, and so he retired, wanting seconds. Then Mirranes, commander of the garrison, willed the Persians to attend their guards, and went (being afraid of the towne) to Dagisthaeus; gave him faire words; promised to ren­der the town shortly, and so amused him, that he did not, as he should have [Page 67]done, presently march into the town. In the meane time Mermeroes was en­countred at the Passage by the two hundred Romans: who valiantly kept off the assailants. But the Persians persisting, and being still supplied with new men for their slaine (having lost more then 1000.) The Romans weary with killing, and overprest with numbers, ran up to the mountaines. Dagisthaeus hereof advertised, presently raised the siege, and without giving any direction to the army, away he gallopt towards the Phasis, and all the Romans followed; leaving their baggage in the camp. Which the Persians seeing, sallyed, fell a­mong their Cabbins, and were rifling the camp. But the Tzanians, who fol­lowed not Dagisthaeus, came to the rescue; routed the enemy (who ran into the town, after the losse of many) and ransackt the Roman camp themselves; Then went to Rhizaeum, and from thence home by Athens, and Trapezond.

The ninth day after Dagisthaeus his retreat, Mermeroes with his army came thither: where he found remaining of the Persian Garrison 350. men, whereof 150 sound, the rest wounded and unserviceable. The dead bodies the survivors never threw from the walls, but endured almost stifling with the stench; that the enemy, seing so many lost, might not be the more encouraged to assault. Mermeroes said scoffingly, that the Romans affaires were to be lamented, being fallen into so weak a condition, as not to be able with all their endeavour to force 150. Persians, that had no walls to defend them. But the walls he care­fully repaired, and wanting lime and other materialls, he filled with sand the linnen wallets, wherein the Persians brought their provisions, and laid them insteed of stones; and this served for walling. In the town he left 3000 chosen men, with a proportion of victuall for no long time, and direction to repaire the walls. Himself with the rest of his army returned homeward; And because if he marcht the same way he came, he would find no provisions, ha­ving left what he brought out of Iberia in Petra; he went over the mountains, which, he heard, were inhabited; that by forraging he might make his army live. But one Fubelius, a noble man of Lazica, conducting Dagisthaeus, and 1000. Romans, surprized the Persians where they lodged; and having stolne some horses at pasture, and killed some who kept them, retired; and Merme­roes rose from thence. But Gubazes not affrighted with what happened to the Romans, quitted not the Passage on his side, supposing there to be the maine of his hopes. For though the Persians forced through the Passage beyond the Pha­sis, and got to Petra; yet he could not incommode Lazica, being not able to cross the Phasis without shipps; the river is so deep and broad, and so swift, that it enters the Sea a good way unmingled with salt water, & out of it passengers take in fresh water: And with shipps, the many Fortresses on this side, will make an enemies landing unsafe. Justinian also at last sent the monyes for the Sabirians, and other for Gubazes, and the Lazians. Long before he had sent a good army thither commanded by Recithangus the Thracian, a wise man, and a good souldier; but it was not yet arrived. Mermeroes having gotten to the mountaines, would have provided victuall for Petra, knowing, that that he had left, would not serve a Garrison of 3000. men. But what he could light on in the country, hardly sufficing his own army of 30000. he could send nothing to Petra worth the speaking. So he resolved with the most of his army to quit Lazica, and leave some few, who of the provisions they could get, were to transport most to Petra, and to live upon the rest. And so 5000. chosen men he left with Fabrizus, and three other commanders. He thought a greater ar­my not needfull; there being no enemies. With the residue he went into Pers­armenia, and lay quiet in the townes of Dubis. The 5000. upon the furthest con­fines of Lazica, encamped by the river Phasis, stragling to plunder thereabout; Gubazes observing it, sent to Dagisthaeus to come up to him, as having it in his power to doe the enemy a notable mischief. He did so, marching with the river Phasis to his left hand, till he came where on the other side encamped the Lazians, and where the river was fordable. This neither the Romans, nor Persians knew (not knowing the countrey) but the Lazians knew it, and there passed the river, and joyned with the Romans. The Persians sent out 1000 chosen men to prevent an enemies infesting their camp: And two of these [Page 68]advancing to discover, fell into the enemies hands, and discovered all to them. So the Romans suddainely set upon the 1000. men, of whom none es­caped, but were most slaine, and the rest taken. Gubazes learnt the number of the Persian army, how farr off they were, and in what estate. They march't therefore towards them, computing to fall on them farr within the night. They were in number fourteen thousand. The Persians, without thought of an enemy, slept securely. They thought the river not fordable, and their 1000. men farr upon their way, without encountring any. So that the Romans unexpe­cted charging them after midnight, found some asleep, some newly awake, and naked upon their pallets; not a man with a thought of fighting; But most of them thus surprized were slaine. Some they tooke, among whom a prin­cipall commander. Some few escaped in the darke. The camp the Romans and Lazians took, with all their Ensignes; and had the booty of much armes, and goods, and of Horses and Mules a great number. They followed the execu­tion farr into Iberia; where lighting upon other Persian troopes, they killed many. The Romans and Lazians also found there a quantity of meale and other provision, and burnt it; which the Persians were conducting out of Iberia to Petra. So they left at the Passage some numbers of Lazians, that no provi­sions to Petra might passe that way; and then returned with all their booty and captives. And thus ended the fourth yeare of the Persian affaires, being the three and twentieth of Justinian's raigne.

The yeare before,Anno Dom. 548. & 23. Justiniani. was the fourth yeare of the truce, where A­gathias begins. John the Cappadocian was sent for by the Emperour to Con­stantinople; for the Empress Theodora died in that yeare. Yet could he not re­cover any of his offices. The honour of Priesthood he held against his will. He had also apparitions promising the Empire. For the Devilluses to display before unsetled judgements, with some great hopes, that which they natu­rally love: and so was this John deluded by some Juglers; who told him he should weare the habit of Augustus. And in Constantinople was a Priest, who kept the treasures of the Church of S. Sophia, named Augustus. When John was shorne a Priest (having him­self no garment fit,) they, who were employed in it, made him put on the Cope and Rochet of this Augustus; And so, I think, the prediction was fulfilled.

CHAP. I.

THis end had the Emperour Justinian of the Persian war. And now I come to his actions against the Vandals and Moors: First shewing from whence those Vandals brake in upon the Roman Provinces. After the death of Theo­dosius, a most just Prince, and a great Souldier, his two Sons succeeded, Arcadius the elder in the Eastern Empire, and Honorius in the West. This Division was formerly made by Constantine and his sons, who first transfer'd the Empire to Constantinople, which City he much enlarged, and dignified, and called it by his own name. And the Emperours divided the two Continents be­tween them, thus. The Ocean encompasses the whole earth, or the most part of it, (we know no certainty therein) But into this part comes an Inlet from the Western Ocean, dividing the two Continents, and making our Seas; which begin from Caliz, and reach to the lake of Moeotis. The land to the Southward thereof from that pillar of Hercules which is named Septem (by reason of the seven hillocks there appearing) is called Asia, and that over against it Europe: And the Strait [Page 2]which parts these Continents, is ten miles and a half over; which then continue parted by main seas to the Hellespont; and there they meet at Sestus and Abydus, and again at Constantinople and Chalcedon, to the anciently named Cyan [...]an rocks, whereabout now is that which they call Hieron. At both these last Straits, the Lands are a mile and a half distant. From one of Hertules pillars to the other, along the shore, not compassing the Ionian gulf, nor Euxine sea, but crossing from Chalcedon to Constantinople, and from Otranto to the Land over against it, [...] 285 dayes journey. To reckon exactly from Constantinople to the Lake of Maeotis, along the Euxine sea, is impossible; the Barbarians beyond the River [...]r, or Danu [...], making the Coasts unaccessible to Romans: But to the River [...] from Constantinople is twenty two dayes journy: And on [...] side, from Chalcedon to the River of Phasis (which comes out of Cholchis into that sea) is forty dayes journy. So the circuit of all the Roman Empire along the Sea-shore is three hundred forty seven dayes journy; crossing the Ionian gulf from Otranto (as I have said) which is an hundred miles over, and the compass of the gulf isLeander says, That from O­tranto to Ve­nice is 700. miles; and that is but half of the Gulf. My conceit is, that the Author wrote 54. days journey; which is twice 700. milei. four dayes journy: So great anciently was the Roman Empire. The Emperour of the West had Africk under him, which contains ninety dayes journy, from Caliz to Tripolis: And in Europe his share was from the other Hercules pillar to the Ionian gulf, 75 dayes journy: To which must be added the compass of the said gulf. But the Emperour of the East had for his share 120 dayes journy from Cyrene in Africk to Epidamnus upon the Ionian gulf, now called Durazzo; be­sides the Roman Provinces upon the Euxine Sea, as I have said. A dayes journy contains 120 furlongs, (which are 25 English miles) the distance from Athens to Megara. Of the Ilands Britany, by much the greatest, fell to the Western Empire, being without Hercules pillars: And within them, Ebusa, and Majo­rica, and Minorica, lying above seven dayes journy from that Inlet of the Ocean. The other Ilands upon the Mediterranean belong to each Emperour, as they are situate in the limits of either.

CHAP. II.

BUT Honorius holding the Western Empire, the Barbarians invaded his Coun­try: Who they were, and in what manner, I will tell you. Heretofore were many Gothick Nations, and now are; but the greatest, and most famous of them are the Goths, Vandals, Visigoths, and Gepaedes. Anciently they were called Sar­matians, and Melanchlenians. Some called, these, Getick Nations. They vary all in names, but in nothing else; being all fair-bodied, with yellow hair; tall, and with good faces: They have the same lawes, customes, and religion (being all Arrians) and speak all the Gothick language. I suppose them to have been anci­ently one Nation, and their names to have been distinguished afterward by their several Princes. Formerly this people inhabited about the river Danubius; then the Gepaedes held the places about Singedon and Sirmium, on both sides the River where now they are. From thence the Visigoths rose first, and came to the aid of Arcadius; but some time after, (For Barbarians cannot inure themselves to keep faith with Romans) these Visigoths under their Prince Alaricus rebelled against both the Emperours: They begun in Thrace, and thence overran all Europe. Honorius at first sate still in Rome, thinking of no enemy, but contented to be suf­fered quiet in his palace but hearing how the enemy was not far off, but already in Taulantia with a mighty Army, he fled from his Palace to Ravenna, a strong City lying upon the bottom of the Ionian gulf.That is, all Ita­ly on this side Otranto, in re­spect of Con­stantinople: which must di­ligently be ob­served in this Author, when he says, On this side Some say (but improbably, by what I can gather by his disposition) that upon some mutiny by his subjects he drew in the Bar­barians: But they finding no enemy opposing, exceeded all that ever were in cruel­ty; so destroying the Cities they took, especially on * this side the Ionian gulf, that they have no mark now remaining save some turret or gate; killing also all in their way, old and young, not sparing women nor children, so that Italy remains to this day extreamly unpeopled. They robbed all the wealth of Europe; and having for their master-piece left nothing in Rome, publike nor private, they marched into France.

CHAP. III.

THe taking of Rome by Alaricus, was thus.An. Dom. 412. & Honorii 16. Having spent much time in the Siege, and not taking it by force, nor other means; he chose out 300 beard­less Youths, whom he knew well bred, and valorous above their years: These he told secretly, that he would colourably present them for Slaves to some Roman Patricians; and he charged them, being in their houses, to shew all mildness and sobriety, and to serve their masters cheerfully in all their injunctions; but at a day apyointed, after noon, while their masters were sleeping after their dinners to meet all at Porta Salaria, suddenly to kill the Guards, and to open the gate, Alaricus having thus instructed the young men, sent Ambassadors to the Senate to tell them, ‘That he admired their good affection to their Emperour, and would trouble them now no more, seeing manifestly their singular valour and fidelity: But to have remembrances remaining with such worthy men, he desired to present them with some few Servants.’ Soon after, he sent the young men, and commanded the Barbarians to tru [...]s up their baggage for a retreat, that the Romans might perceive it. The Senators gladly entertained this discourse, and the Presents, and lived merrily, and suspected no design, seeing the young mens obedience, and in the Camp some gone already, some busie to rise, the rest ex­pected to do the like immediately. At the hour assigned, Alaricus put his Army, in order by Porta Salaria, as if to march away, (being there quartered at first) The young men then also killed the Guards at the said gate, and set them open, receiving in Alaricus at pleasure. The houses next the Gate they burnt, and a­mong them that of Salust who wrote the Roman History, whereof the remains half-burnt stood to my time: Then they sackt the City, slew most of the Romans in it, and went away. Then they say that the Eunuch of Honorius, then being at Ravenna, who kept his Cocks of the game, told him the news how Rome was lost; He cryed out, Why! even now he eat from mine own hands, (He had an extra­ordinary great Cock named Rome) The Eunuch understanding him, told him, that the City Rome was lost by Alaricus: The Emperour rousing himself replied, I thought, my friend, it had been my Cock Rome. So simple, they say, was that Emperour. Some say that Alaricus took not Rome thus: But that Proba a Ro­man Lady eminent for wealth and honour, pittying the people perishing with miseries, and for famine eating one another, and seeing no hope of better, (the River and Port being block'd up by the Enemy) directed her servants in the night to open the gates; Alaricus at his parting from Rome, declared Attalus, one of the Nobility, Emperour, putting on him the Diadem and Purple robe, and all other ensigns of the Imperial dignity; that by this he might depose Honorius, and give Attalus the Western Empire. But Attalus had neither wit himself, nor could follow good counsel; sending into Africk, without Alaricus's consent, Gover­nours without an Army.

Britany then revolted from the Romans, and the Souldiers chose Constantine their Emperour, an eminent man, who with a Fleet and a good Army invaded Spain and Gaule. Honorius with ships in readiness, expected the success in Africk, to sail thither upon the rejection of those sent from Attalus, and so to retain some part of the Empire; if otherwise, to go to Theodosius (who being very young, held the Empire after his father Arcadius and to continue with him. But fluctuating in these uncertainties and cares, he had a miraculous blessing, (God usually assist­ing men not subtile to devise for themselves, so they be not wicked) For from Africk came sudden news, that Attalus's Governours were slain; and unexpectedly came to him a great Navy from Constantinople with an Army to his aid: Alaricus also offended, took from Attalus the Imperial habit, and made him a prisoner, and himself soon after died; and the Army of Visigoths were by Adulpbus led against Gaule. Constantine also was overthrown in battel, and slain with his sons. But Britany the Romans could never recover, continuing ever since under their own Princes.

He ever calls the Ostro­goths, only Goths. The Goths who passed over the river Danubius first held Pannonia; then Towns in Thrace given them by the Emperour, where having not spent much time, they Conquered Italy. But of that in my discourse of the Goths.

CHAP. IV

BUt the Vandales inhabiting about the Lake of Moeotis, upon a great famin, went to the Germans, now called Franks, and to the river of Rhine, associ­ating the Alans, a Gothish Nation. From thence they rose under the conduct of Godidiscius, and planted in Spain. And Honorius came to conditions with Godi­discius, to continue there without infesting the Province. And whereas there is a Roman Law, That men out of possession the space of thirty years, cannot enter upon the disseisors; but before are by prescription barred their action in Court for the same; Honorius by his Edict commanded the Vandales continuance in Roman Land, not to need that thirty years prescription. In this estate Honorius left Italy, and died. With him Constantius was Emperour, who married his sister Placidia, but died before Honorius; having had in his small time in the Empire no means to act any thing, his son Valentinian from his nurse was brought to the Palace of Theodosius, and there bred. But the Courtiers in Rome chose Emperour one of the Souldiers named John; a mild and a prudent man, and valiant. He usurped five years, but ruled moderately, not hearkning to informers, nor unjust­ly killing nor confiscating any: But against the Barbarians he could do nothing, by reason all at Constantinople was his enemy. Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, sent an Army against him under Aspar and Ardaburius his son, and deposed him; giving the Empire to Valentinian, yet a child, who took John cut off one of his hands, brought him into the Circus of Aquileia upon an ass; and when he had endured much scorn and indignity from the Stage, there put him to death.

Valentinian being thus Emperor of the West, his mother Placidia bred him ef­feminately, that he became vicious from a child; he frequented Conjurers and Star-gazers, made love to other mens wives, and was extreamly debaucht, though he had a wife most beautifull: So that he was so far from recovering the lost pieces of the Empire, that he added the loss of Affrick, and ruined himself; and after his death his wife and children had the fortune to be captives. The disaster in Africk hapned thus. The two Roman Generals, Aetius and Bonifacius, both valiant and expert Soldiers, inferiour to none of their time, ever were at difference in the publique affairs; being men so high in worth and spirit, that he shall not err, who cals them the last of the Romans. All the Roman virtue and valour was so reduced into these two. Bonifacius Placidia made General of Africk, which displeased Aetius, but he concealed his dislike (their enmity being covered yet under a fair visour) but Bonifacius once out of the way, he accused him of Ty­ranny, and a desire to deprive her and the Emperour of Africk; and that she might easily find the truth; (for if she sent for Bonifacius he would not come.) She liked the advice, and did so: But Aetius wrote privatly to him before, that the Emperours mother had a plot upon him, to be rid of him; for proof where­of he forewarned him, how he should be presently sent for upon no ground. Bonifacius not thinking light of the advice, and being summoned to go to the Emperour, refused, concealing the advertisement he had from Aetius. Upon this, Placidia thought Aetius above all men well affected to the Emperour, and con­sulted about Bonifacius: Who [...]nable to withstand the Emperour, and to go to Rome holding it not safe; advised by what means he might make a league with the Vandales, who, as I said, were [...]ea [...]ed in Spain, not far from Africk. Godidis­cius was dead; but Gonthar [...] his legitimate son, and Genserick his base son succeed­ed in his Dominions; the first whereof was a [...]oy, not much active; but Gense­rick very well exercised in Military affairs, and the shrewdest man alive. Bonifa­cius sent to Spain to these sons of Godidiscius, to invite them to equal terms with him, for each of the three to have a third part of Africk; and if any one of them [Page 5]be invaded, the rest to defend him.Anno Dom. 430 & Valentiniani Tertii anno quarto. Upon this accord the Vandales passed the straits of Calize into Africk: and afterward the Visigoths planted in Spain. But in Rome the friends of Bonifacius, weighing the disposition of the man, took it for a miracle that Bonifacius should turn Usurper; and by Placidia's direction went to him to Carthage, and spake with him; where they saw Aetius Letters, heard the whole business, and returning reported to the Empress, in what terms he stood. She amazed at this, hurt not Aetius, nor reproacht the disservice done to the Em­perours house, his power being great, and the Emperours affairs in bad terms: But with that advertisement of his, she acquainted Bonifacius's friends, and be­sought them to draw him (upon her oath for his safety) to return to his Country, and not to endure to see the Roman Empire reduced under Barbarians. Bonifa­cius hearing this, repented his League with the Barbarians; and wooed them with large promises to leave Africk. But they thought themselves scorned by such Propositions, so that he was forced to come to blowes with them and being bea­ten retired to Hippo, a strong City in Numidia upon the Sea. Where the Vandales besieged him under the leading of Genserick: Gontharis being dead, made away by his brother, some say: but other Vandales say, he was taken prisoner by the Germans in a battail in Spain, and crucified, and that Genserick was King alone, and lead the Vandales into Africk. But Hippo they could not get by force nor composition, and they were prest with famine: so that after much time spent they raised their siege. Shortly after a great Army came from Rome and Constan­tinople under the General Aspar to Bonifacius; which in a battel very bravely fought, he had much the worse, and all ran away. Aspar returned home; and Bo­nifacius came to Placidia, and removed the groundless suspition against him.

Thus the Vandals got Africk from the Romans; and the enemies they took alive, they reserved for slaves in restrains. Among whom was Mantianus, who was Emperour, after the decease of Theodosius. But then Genserick commanding the captives to be brought into the Palace, that he might examine if any had not a Master fit for his quality; and they being together in the open air about noon in the heat of Summer, troubled with heat and weary, they lay down, and fel asleep, when an Eagle flying that way, hovered with her wings spread out over the head of Martianus. Genserick markt this strange Omen not to come for no­thing, called for him, and askt him what he was.This is supplied from the La­tine Translation. He said he was the Assistant of Aspar in his secret affairs, (an Officer the Romans call Domesticus.) Genserick con­sidering the gesture of the Eagle, and Aspars power in Constantinople, would not kill him; not thinking such an Omen fit for a dying man: If he were to reigne, he was not left to him to kill. Gods decrees are not possibly to be prevented: So he bound him by oath to be his friend, and upon no ground ever to make war up­on the Vandales. Thus was Martianus dismissed; and shortly after succeeded Theodosius, and proved a very good Prince: Only he regarded not how things went in Africk. But this was afterward.

CHAP. V.

GEnserick, after the defeat of Asper and Bonifacius, weighing wisely the va­riety of fortune, that new Armies might come from Rome and Constantinople, that his powers would not match with the Romans; and that God changes mens fortunes as they grow old; he resolved in his new victories to bear himself moderately, and not too high. So he made a league with Valentinian, paid him tribute, and left his son Honoricus in hostage; whom afterward he received home, when then friendship was more grown. In the mean time Placidia died at Rome; Valentinian having only two daughters by Eudoxia, sister to Theodosius: But he was ruined thus. Maximus a Senator, descended from that Maximus the Tyrant, destroyed by Theodosius the elder, for which the Romans celebrate an annual festivals; had a very sober and fair Lady to his wife. Valentinian being [Page 6]in love with her, and desiring to enjoy her, but finding it difficult, used this wicked plot. He sent for Maximus to the Palace, and at Dice laid gold against his Ring, and won it; This he sent secretly to the wife in the husbands name, requiring her to come immediately to visit the Empress Eudoxia: She obeyed, and some acquainted with the secret waited upon her in the Court into a room far from the Empresses chamber;Here the Greek continues. There Valentinian met her, and ravisht her. She extreamly afflicted with the dishonour, went home, all blubber'd with tears, and reviled Maximus for giving the opportunity: Who being infinitely grieved at it, con­spired against the Emperour. But seeing the great power of Aetius, who lately had defeated Artilas invading the Roman Empire with a mighty Army of Mas­sagetes and other Scythians, and fearing him for an obstacle of his proceedings, he determined first to remove him, not considering that in Actius was the whole hope of the Romans. So by the artifices of some Eunuchs about the Emperour, his friends, he infused into the Emperour, that Aetius was plotting a revolt. And Valentinian judging the information by no other argument but by the worth and power of Aetius, put him to death. When a Roman was famous for a word spoken, being askt by the Emperour, if the killing of Aetius were not well done? and answering, That he could not tell whether it were well done, or how it was done; but this he knew, that he had cut off his right hand with his left. Aetius being dead, Attilas having none to match him, forraged at his ease all Europe, and made both the Empires tributary, both the Emperours sending him annual taxes.

Then they say, Attilas besieging Aquileia, a great and populous maritime City within the Ionian gulf, and not being able by force nor otherwise to get the town, and wearied with a long Siege, put his Army in readiness to rise the next day by sun-rising; and the Barbarians were busie in their retreat accordingly: When a Stork having his nest upon one of the turrets, where he had bred his young, sud­denly with his young flew from the same, the young ones sometimes flying even with him, sometimes getting upon his back; and thus they fled far from the town. Attilas seeing it (being a very cunning Diviner) commanded his Army to stand still, telling them that the Bird with his young ones was not fled away for no­thing, but prophesied some mischief to the Town. Upon this they say the Bar­barians renewed their siege, and that the wall by the Storks nest fell down of it self, making the Town open to the enemy, and that so Aquileia was taken by assault.

But afterward Maximus killed the Emperour, and married Eudoxia by force, his wife being newly dead. And in bed he spake a word once, how for her love he had done what he did. Eudoxia, before offended with Maximus, and desirous to revenge the wrong done to Valentinian, by this word was more incensed to plot against him, hearing thus from Maximus himself how her husbands disaster came for her sake. So that, no sooner day, but she sent to Carthage, entreating Genserick to revenge Valentinian, ruined by a wicked man, in a manner unworthy of himself and the Empire; and to redeem her, suffering things abominable, from the Tyrant. She urged him as his Friend and Allie; and that it were impious, such a villany should be acted in a Kings house without a revenger; And from Constanti­nople she expected no revenge, Theodosius being dead, and Martianus in possession of the Empire. Genserick for no other respect, but finding he should get wealth by it, sailed into Italy with a great Navy, marcht up to Rome, and (none resisting) was Master of the Imperial palace. Maximus running away, the Romans stoned to death, and cut off his head, and rent his other members in pieces. Eudoxia with her two daughters by Valentinian, Eudocia and Placidia, Genserick made prisoners; and carried away to Carthage infinite wealth of gold and silver, and spared neither Brass nor any thing in the palace: He robbed the Temple of Ju­piter Capitolinus, and took away half the covering of it being of the richest brass, with much gold melted in it, and very admirable and magnificent. They say, the ship where the Images were was cast away, but with the rest the Vandals landed at Carthage. Eudocia Genserick married to his eldest son Honoricus; The other daughter was married to Olybrius a principal Senator of Rome, whom with the mother Eudoxia, at the Emperours request, he sent to Constantinople. The Em­pire [Page 7]of the East Leo then held, Aspar placing him therein after the death of Martianus.

CHAP. VI.

GEnserick afterward took down the wals of all the Cities of Africk, save Carthage; That the Africans siding with the Romans might have no strong places to gather head, nor the Emperours forces by taking towns and by garrisons in them, think to trouble the Vandals. His counsel seemed a good one then, to secure the Vandals: But afterward, when these Towns without walls were so easily taken by Belisarius, Genserick was laught at, and his wise counsel judged folly. Thus men ever change their opinions of counsels, with the fortunes of them. The rich and eminent men of Africk he gave as so many bond-men, with their lands and goods, to his sons, Honoricus and Genson, Theodorus being dead without issue: From the rest he took their lands, and bestowed them on the other Vandals, which are yet called the Vandals Heritages. All the Towns he gave his sons, and others he called the Kings land, freeing the same perpetually from tributes: The ancient possessors the while had the fortune to be poor and free men, and had permission to go whither they would.Lat. vers. Some held, or claimed their lands to no purpose: Many were banished and put to death upon no cause, specially such as were thought to have hid money in their houses. Thus Africk was overwhelmed with miseries. Genserick also in convenient places had garri­sons under 80 Colonels, whom he called Chiliarchs, as if his Army were so many thousands, being in truth but 50000. At first he enrolled only Vandals and Alans; afterward he admitted under the name of Vandals all other Barbarians, except Moors, and at last he received them also into the Army. After the death of Va­lentinian, he made every Spring a voyage to rob Sicily, or Italy, sacking some Cities, and some laying flat with the ground. When he had made havock in those parts, turning upon the Eastern Empire, he infested Illyrium and Peloponesus, and the Ilands adjacent, with the rest of Greece: Then to Italy and Sicily again, if ought were left, to pillage it. Once hoy [...]ng sail from the Port of Carthage, his Ship-master askt him, whither he would go for pillage? His answer was, Whither God shall drive me. Making war thus at random.

The Emperour Leo, to restrain this insolence, prepared an Army of 100000 men to send against the Vandals, and a great Navy, collected from all parts of Greece. This war, they say, cost him a huge treasure, and to no purpose. His Ge­neral was Basiliscus, brother to his wife Verina, the trustiest man he had, and safest for him; friendship continuing yet between him and Aspar, who, being an Arian, could not get the Empire, but with his power made Leo, against whom afterward he conspired. And now fearing lest the victory of the Vandals might make him proud, both to his particular, and in the government, he instructed Basiliscus at his departure to prolong the war. Leo also sent Anthemius a Senator, great in blood and estate, to be Emperour of the West, that he might be aiding to him in the Vandalick war. And Genserick promised the Western Empire to Olybrius, Placidia's husband, to joyn with him; upon which confidence he had higher thoughts, and more vexed the Roman dominions.The Greek again. In the mean time Marcelli­anus a friend of Aetius, (who after the murder of Aetius entred into action against Valentinian, and got the dominion of Dalmatia none opposing) Leo courted and gained; and then sent him to the Iland of Sardinia, subject to the Vandals, whom Marcellianus presently drave out and got the Iland. From Constantinople also was sent Heraclius into Tripolis in Africk, who took all the Towns therein, left his ships there, and led his Army by land to Carthage. These were the entrances into this war. But Basiliscus arrived with his Army at a small Town 35 miles from Carthage, called Mercurium, from an ancient Temple of Mercury. And if he had not treacherously dallied, but marcht instantly to Carthage, he had taken the Town instantly, and made the Vandals his Captives. So much afraid was Genserick [Page 8]of Leo, seeing Tripolis and Sardinia taken, and so brave a Navy as the Romans had not set out of a long time. But this the Generals either cowardly, or trai­terous delay hindred. But Genserick made this good use of Basiliscus his neg­ligente. He armed his Subjects, manned most of his ships, and made ready of the rest the swiftest of sail without men in them; then sent Ambassadors to Ba­siliscus,, desiring a five days cessation, that he might advise upon the means of doing the Emperours pleasure. They say, he sent him closely a great sum of money, which bought this truce, supposing (which came to pass) that he should get in that time a wind to bring his ships about. And Basiliscus, either to comply with his pro­mise to Aspar, or selling his opportunity, or whether he thought it so best, lay stil, attending the enemies advantage. But the Vandals (the wind serving) hoist sail a­gainst the enemy, towing after the ships without men. When they came near, they put fire into the empty ships, whose sails spreading to the wind, they let them run upon the Roman Navy. They falling in among a multitude of Vessels, sud­denly consumed with themselves, those they fell foul with. In the mean time the Roman fleet was in confusion, with cries equalling the winds, and the whizzing of the flames, and with the Soldiers and Mariners calling, and thrusting the fire-ships with long poles, from their own pittifully perishing. The Vandals also shot, and sunk the rest, taking the flying Soldiers with Arms and all. Some in this over-throw did bravely; specially John, Lieutenant General to Basiliscus, but not acquainted with his Treason: His ship being boarded, he slew many up­on the deck; and when he saw the ship taken by the enemy, he leapt into the sea with all his Arms. Genson, the son of Genserick wooed him, and gave him his faith to save his life; but he plunged into the sea, using this word only, That John should never come into the hands of dogs.

And this was the end of this war: Heraclius returned home; Marcellianus pe­risht by the Treason of one of his fellow-Commanders: But Basiliscus in Con­stantinople took sanctuary in the great Church dedicated to Christ, (the Constan­tinopolitans call it the Church of St. Sophia, holding the attribute of wisdom most becoming God;) and the Empress Verina obtained his pardon. But the Em­pire he could not then get, what he endeavoured: for Leo shortly after killed Aspar and Ardaburius in his Palace, suspecting them to conspire his death. An­themius, also Emperour of the West, was slain by Recimer who married his daugh­ter. And Olybrius succeeding him, had not long after the same fate. Leo de­ceasing in Constantinople, Leo the son of Zeno, and of Ariadne daughter to Leo, received the Empire, being very young. And his father being chosen his partner in the Empire, the child was quickly rid out of the way.

CHAP. VII:

THen Majorinus had the Western Empire; a man worth the remembring; as excelling in virtue all the Roman Emperours that ever were. He could not with patience endure the disaster of Africk, but raised a great Army in Li­guria to go against the Vandals himself, being industrious and very ventrous of his person. He thought best first to discover the Vandals power, and the hu­mour of Genserick; and how the Moors and Africans stood affected towards them: And resolving to put this in execution himself, he took his journey to Genserick with a feigned name, and as an Ambassador from the Emperor. And further to avoid mischief and the overthrow of his business by discovery, he died his hair, (which was as yellow as the finest gold) into a perfect blew for the time. Genserick to fright him, took him in a friendly way, into his Armory, where was much good Arms. They say the Arms then of themselves moved, and clashed together; that Genserick thought it an Earthquake: but being without, and upon enquiry finding no notice taken of any Earthquake, he thought it a mira­cle, not guessing the meaning. Majorinus dispatcht to his desire, returned into Liguria; lead his Army over land, purposing to cross the Straits at Hercules [Page 9]Pillars, and so to march to Carthage. Genserick informed thereof, and how he was deceived by Majorinus, was heartily afraid, and made preparation for the war; and the Romans from the virtues of Majorinus conceived hope of recove­ring Africk. In the mean time Majorinus died of a dyssentery; a man mode­rate to his Subjects, and to his enemies terrible; newly come to the Empire, and living in it too short a time,An. dom. 471. Glycerius succeeded him, and had the [...] for­tune. Then Augustulus received the Empire. Other Emperors there were in the West, whose names though I know, I omit; they living a very short time in the Government, and so doing nothing worth mentioning.

But Basiliscus in Constantinople passionately in love with the Empire attempted to usurp, and prevailed, Zano with his Empress fled into Isauria his native Coun­try: And Basiliscus usurped a year and eight months, generally hated by all men, and by the very Guards of his Palace for his extream avarice. Zeno therof ad­vertised, went against him with an Army, to whom Basiliscus opposed another under A [...]dius his General. But being encamped near, Armatus delivered his Army to Zeno, upon condition, he should make his son Basiliscus, Caesar (being very young) and make him his successor Basiliscus forsken by all the world, fled to the Church of St. Sophia; but Acacius the Bishop of the City, put him into Zeno's hands, objecting against him impiety, in much embroiling and inno­vating the Christian Doctrin, as inclining to the heresie of E [...]yches: And so it was indeed. Zeno resuming the Empire, (to comply somewhat with his oath to Armatus) adopted his son Basiliscus; but soon after deprived him of that honour, and killed Armatus. Basiliscus with his wife and children he sent into Cappado­cia in the winter season, commanding them to be left without meat or apparel, or any other conveniencies. Where pincht with cold and hunger, and [...]lying to one another for succour, embracing them own dear bodies, they all died. Such punishment had Basiliscus of his ill Government. But these things hapned af­terward. Genserick, having now either with force, or artifices, shaken off his e­nomies, [...]a [...]ied the Roman Provinces more then ever; till Zeno came to a Trea­ty with him, and perpetual peace was concluded; That the Vandals should commit no acts of hostility against the Romans; nor from them receive any.

THis Treaty was observed all the time of Zeno, and Anastasius his successor, and during the reigne of Justin; whose sisters son Justinian succeeding; in his time this war was, which I purpose to relate.

CHAP. VIII.

BUt Genserick shortly after died a very old man; charging the Vandals by his Testament, that the Kingdom should descend ever to such male descendent of Genserick, as was eldest in years. Genserick having reigned over the Van­dals from his taking of Carthage 39 years,An. dom. 479. & Zenonis septimo. Honoricus his eldest son succeeded, Genson being dead. In the reigne of Honoricus, the Vandals had war only with the Moors, who being rid of Genserick, who kept them in awe, did the Vandals many mischiefs and suffered many. This Honoricus was most cruel, and un­just to the Christians of Africa; forcing them to turn Arrians, or for refusing, burning, and in several sorts destroying them. From many he cut out their tongues by the roots; who to my time lived in Constantinople, speaking perfect­ly, and feeling no manner of inconvenience from that torture. Two of these, medling with light women after it, lost their speech. He reigned 8 years, and died in his bed. The Moors inhabiting the mountain Aurasium, being revolted already from the Vandals, and not to be reduced, by reason the Vandals could not come to fight with them in that sleep unpassable mountain; which stands in Numidia, [...] days journey to the Southward of Carthage. After Honoricus, An. dom. 488. & Zenonis 15. the Dominion of the Vandals come to Gundamund the son of Genson, the son of Genserick, having the advantage of year above any of Gensericks race. Gun­damund had many battels with the M [...]ors, [...] the Christians more then the [Page 10]other;An. Dom. 500. & Anastasii 7. and died in the middle of the 12^th. year of his reign. * His brother Trasamund succeeded; a goodly man, wise and magnanimous. But he constrained the Christians to change, not by tortures, as his Predecessors; but courting them with honours and offices, and with large gifts; taking no notice of such as would not submit. If he found a man in a great crime, he offered him impunity to change his religion. His wife being dead without children, and he desirous to establish his government with succession, demanded to wife Amalafrida, the sister of Theodorick King of the Goths, whose husband was lately dead: He sent him his sister with a guard of 1000 selected Goths, attended with 5000 more, fighting men; and he gave her Lilybaeum, one of the Promontories of Sicily. So Trasa­mund of all the Princes of the Vandals seemed the most powerful. Yet in his reign the Vandals had a great overthrow from the Moors, Cabaon, Prince of the Moors about Tripolis, a man experienced in many wars, and very witty, hearing that the Vandals would make war upon him, first enjoyned his Subjects to forbear unjust dealings, delicious foods, and specially the company of women: Then he made two Entrenchments; in the one himself lodged, and his men; in the other he shut up the women, making it death for any man to go into the womens Entrench­ment. Then he sent Spies to Carthage with this direction, to mark what scorns the Vandals upon their march, did to the Christians Churches; and when they were gone from the place, themselves to doe the quite contrary. And they say he used this speech, That 'tis true, he was ignorant of the God whom the Christians worship: But it was likely (if he were so powerful as they say he is) that he will punish those that scorn him, and defend those that honour him.

The Spies having markt the Vandals preparations at Carthage, followed their Army in a poor disguise toward Tripolis. The Vandals at their first dayes march lodged in the Christians Churches, put in their horses and other beasts, and spared no kind of scorn. They practised therein all lewdness, and beat and whipt the Priests they found, commanding them services which they imposed on their mean­est slaves. So soon as they were gone, the Spies of Cabaon, according to his order, made the Churches clean again, took away the dirt and such like profanely left in them, lighted the Lamps, did lowly reverence to the Priests, and used them cour­teously, and to many poor about those Churches gave money, and then followed the Vandals Army. Thus in all the journey, they mended herein what the Vandals offended: And being come neer, went before to Cabaon, and told him how far the enemy was, and what was done to the Christians Churches. He presently put in order to fight. The field where he would entrench, he took in with a circle a­bout, and placed his Camels side-long in a round to fence his Camp, making the Front 12 Camels deep: The women and children, unable men, and baggage he put in the middle, and his fighting men between the legs of those beasts with shields to ward with. The Vandals knew not what to do to this kind of batallion, being neither Archers, nor Darters, nor good Infantry, but most Hors-men using the Lance and the Sword, and not able to hurt an enemy afar off; and their horses not enduring the sight of the Camels, would not approach the enemy, who dart­ing at multitudes from a safe place, killed them and their horses, that they ran away. The Moors followed the execution, and killed and took them, so that few came home. This fortune had Trasamund with the Moors, and after 27 years reign dyed.

An Dom. 527. & Justini 9. It was Justi­niani 1. who began to reign with Justin on good Friday of that year, 5 Ap. and alone in August fol­lowing. CHAP. IX.

ILderick succeeded him, the son of Honoricus, the son of Genserick: A Prince mild to his subjects, and not harsh to Christians, nor to any; but faint-hearted, not enduring to hear of war. In such expeditions at the Vandals had, Hoamer was Generall, his nephew, a good Souldier, whom they called the Achilles of the Vandals. In his reign the Vandals lost a battel against the Moors of Byzacium, commanded by Antallas; and fell out with Theodorick and the Goths in Italy. [Page 11]For they kept in prison Amalafrida, and put all the Goths to death who attended her, charging them with practise against their King and State. Of this Theodorick had no revenge, wanting a Navy to make war upon Africk; and Ilderick was an ancient friend of Justinian, who governed absolutely then, (his Uncle Justin being very old, and not skill'd in affairs of State) and they courted each other with Presents.

There was of the race of Genserick one Gelimer, the son of Gelgris the son of Genson, of ripe years, and so expected immediately to succeed Ilderick. In war he was thought one of the best of his time, but wicked, and skilful in mutinies and rapines. Perceiving his Reign coming slowly, though he had taken the govern­ment by the yieldingness of Ilderick, he could not keep his thoughts in that con­dition, but made a party, and perswaded the best men to depose Ilderick, as a Coward, beaten by the Moors; and betraying the State to the Emperour Justin, to keep the Kingdom from him, who was of the other house, which he said was the intent of the late Ambassage to Constantinople. They did so upon these per­swasions:An. dom. 530. & Justiniani quarto. And Gelimer getting the Kingdom, kept Ilderick in prison, after seven years reign; with Hoamer, and his brother Evagees. Justinian hereof adver­tised, being now Emperour, sent Ambassadors, and wrote thus to Gelimer. You doe not religiously, nor as is due to the testament of Genserick, to keep in prison an old man of your blood, and your King (if Genserick's wise constitutions be worth ought) and to force from him a Kingdom, which shortly you will have by law. Pro­ceed not in evil; nor change the title of a King to that of an Ʋsurper, for a little ad­vantage of time: But let him carry the image of Royalty to his grave (whereinto he is stepping) yourself having the execution of it already; and having the substance, attend upon the Law of Genserick for the name. If you doe thus, you will find God propitious, and Ʋs your friend. But Gelimer sent away the Ambassadors unsatisfied; put out Hoamers eyes, and kept Ilderick and Evagees in straiter prison, accusing them to have attempted an escape to Constantinople. Upon this Justinian sent other Ambassadors, and wrote thus. We did not think, you would have done the quite contrary to our advices. But seeing it pleases you to get a Kingdom thus, take what fortune gives you. But send to us Ilderick, and blind Hoamer and his brother, to get such comfort, whereof men are capable, who have lost Kingdoms and eye-sights. If you refuse this, we will not endure it. The hope they had in our friendship induces us; and the Treaties with Genserick cannot stop us, being not to make war upon, but to vindicate his Successor. To this Gelimer made this answer. King Gelimer to the Emperour Justinian. I have neither taken the Kingdom by force, nor committed impiety against mine own blood. The Vandals deposed Ilderick for practising against the house of Genserick: And me time hath called to the Kingdom, giving me my right of eldership according to the law. 'Tis good for a man to govern the State he hath, and not to encroach upon other mens cares; and 'tis just in you, who have a Kingdom of your own, not to be thus medling. If you break the Treaties, and invade us, we shall oppose you to our power; calling to witness the oath sworn by Zeno, whose successor you are. Justinian was angry before, but these letters more set him upon a revenge: And being an acute deviser, and nimble in execution, he resolved to conclude the Persian war speedily, and then to invade Africk. Belisarius Gene­ral of the East was, then at Court, sent for; but with no word of leading an Army into Africk. It was given out, that he was discharged of his government: AndAn. dom. 533. Justiniani septi­mo. the Persian perpetual Truce was newly made.

Iustinian (all being wel at home, and with Persia) at a consultation acquainted the great Officers, that he would levy an Army against Gelimer and the Vandals. The most of them were discontented at it, remembring the overthrow of Basiliscus, and that great Fleet of the Emperour Leo, the Souldiers lost, and the huge debt made by the State. Above all, the Prefect of the Palace, (whom the Romans call Praetor) was netled at it, and the Lord High-Treasurer, and all Collectors of tributes, both belonging to the Treasury and the Emperour; considering how they must supply the necessities of the war infinitely, and not be admitted to excuse or delay. And every Generall, doubting the employment, apprehended the great­ness of the hazard; after escaping the sea, to encamp in an enemies country, and upon their landing to fight with a great and potent Kingdom. The Souldiers [Page 12]newly returned from a long and difficult war, scarce having tasted of their home-contentments, were troubled to be led now to a Sea-fight (a thing they had never heard of) and to be sent from the East to the West, to hazard against Vandals and Moors. All others (as is the manner of multitudes) meant to be spectators of new businesses, with other mens danger. None durst cross the voyage, save Iohn the Cappadocian, Prefect of the Palace, being the boldest and smartest man of his time: He (while others mourned in silence) spake thus to the Emperour. ‘Sir! The security of conversing with you gives me confidence, to speak things expedient for your service, though not pleasing. Your wisdom hath so temper'd power & justice in you, that you judg not him absolutely a friend to your affairs who seconds you, nor are offended with opposing you; weighing things by the sin­cere meaning: which makes it safe to differ from your counsels. Hereby in­duced, Sir! I shall advise happily what for the present may offend, but here­after I shall make my affection apparant, and call you for a witness. If you shall begin a war with the Vandals, and then find it grow into length, my counsel will then appear good. If your confidence arise from assurance of victory, no mar­vail you venture men, spend money, and engage the toyls of such combats; for victory gotten covers these afflictions of war. But seeing this is in the hands of God, and that looking upon foregoing presidents, we cannot but fear the event of this war; certainly to content our selves with quietness, is better, then the hazards of battels. You will send an Army against Carthage, whither by land it must march 140 dayes journy; or sail the [...]ength of the great sea to the utmost bounds of it: So that the news of the occurrents will be a year in coming to you. And if you vanquish your enemies, yet you cannot be master of Africk, Sicily and Italy being in other hands. But if you be overthrown, (the Peace being broken) you will draw the war upon your own country. In a word, it will not be in your power to enjoy the victory; and if fortune be cross, it will ruine the affairs well setled. Before action, consultation is profitable: when the blow is given, it is vain to repent; but before it, one may safely change his mind: It will be most expedient therefore to make due use of the times.’ The Emperour approved this advise, and let fall his eagerness to the war. But a Bishop out of the East got access to him, and told him, ‘That God had charged him in a dream to blame him; having undertaken to deliver the Christians in Africk from Ty­rannie, to grow faint now upon no ground; whereas I will assist him (said he) and make him master of Africk.’ The Emperour upon this could hold no longer; but prepared an Army and a Navy, and provisions, requiring Belisarius to be in readiness to goe Generall into Africk.

CHAP. X.

TRIPOLIS was already put into rebellion against the Vandals by one Puden­tius, a native there, who sent to the Emperour for an Army to subdue the Province unto him: who sent Tattimuth with some small forces; with whom Pudentius joyning, and finding no Vandals there, he took the Countrey for the Emperour. Gelimer was hindred from chastizing Pudentius, by Godas a Goth and servant of Gelimer, a man pragmatical and couragious, and seeming well af­fected to his Master. To this Godas Gelimer had committed the Guard of Sardi­nia, and to collect the tributes there: whose mind not digesting such a fortune, he usurped the Island, and denyed to send the Tributes, keeping them to himself. And understanding that Justinian sought occasions of a war with Gelimer; He wrote thus to him. Not out of ingratitude, not suffering any disfavour from my Master, I have thought upon a revols. But seeing his cruelty both to kindred and subjects; I would not willingly be a partaker of the same. It is better to serve a just Emperour, then a Tyrant who commands things unlawfull. Consider therefore of assisting my enterprize, and send me forces to defend me from an invasion. The Emperour sent Eulogius to him, and wrote him an answer, commending his wis­dom [Page 13]and zeal to justice; and promising aides, and a General sufficient to keep the Island, and assistance otherwise, that the Vandals should not hurt him. Eulogi­us being come into Sardinia, found Godas had put on the title and habit of a King, and gotten a Guard about him. And to the Emperours Letters he said, That for souldiers he desired them, but had no need of a General. Which he wrote to the Emperour, and dismist Eulogius.

But before, the Emperour had prepared 100 mens commanded by Cyrillus, to guard the Island for Godas. And with them he had in readiness for Carthage 10000 foot, and 5000 horse levied of the Legionaries and Confederates. Here­tofore such Barbarians only were enrolled Confederates, as were admitted into the Roman State, not to be slaves (as having not been vanquisht by the Romans) but upon equal terms; the Romans calling foedera; their Treaties with those they have had war with: but now all take that name; time not deigning to keep names upon the things they were first put, and things being called as men please; not as they were before their times. The Commanders of the Confederates were, Dorotheus General of Armenia, and Solomon, who was assistant to the Ge­neral Belisarius; the Romans call such an Officer, Domesticus; Cassiodorus cals these Do­mesticos mi­nistros qui comitibus ad obeunda pub­lica munera obsequeban­tur. Why fol­lowed the Co­mites or Gene­rals to execute publick servi­ces, Lib. 9 ad vilum. (he was an Eunuch, but not purposely cut, but upon an accident in his swathing clouts) Cyprianus also, and Valerianus, Martinus, Altheas, John, Marcellus, and Cyrillus afore men­tioned! Of the Legionaries, Ruffinus and Aigan (who had been of the retinue of Belisarius) and Barbatus, and Rappus, were Commanders of horse; and of foot, Zaedus, Martianus, Sarapis and Theodorus, sirnamed Ctenatus, and Teren­tius. John who was born at Durazzo, commanded in chief all the foot. Solo­mon came from the farthest East, belonging to the Romans, near Daras. Aigan was a Hunne; all the rest were Thracians. Pharas also commanded 400 Her­rulians: Which is a­mong the 500 ships, 40 to a ship, one with another. I won­der how the Latine Transla­tor thought 3000 Mari­ners could mann 500 wips. But he, though a learned man, had not the Greek Edition now extant; and so his Transla­tion is full of errors. and Sinnion and Balas, gallant men, had 600 auxiliary Hunn [...]; all Arch­ers on horseback. This Army was transported by 500 ships none being of more burden then 50000 Medimni, nor of less then 3000. They were manned with 20000 Mariners, most Egiptians, Ionians, and Cilicians. The Admiral of the whole Fleet was Calonymus an Alexandrian. They had also 92About 1200. tun, accounting a medimnus for a bushel. Pinnaces in case of a sea-fight, with one row of oars, and decks over their heads; not to be sub­ject to the Enemies shot. They call these Dromones, for their swiftness. They had aboard no passengers, but 2000 rowers, Constantinopolitans. Archelaus, a Patritian, who had been Praefect of the Palace in Constantinople, and Illyrium, went now Praefect of the Camp. So is the Officer called who makes provision for the Army. Over them all, the Emperour placed Belisarius (late Comman­der of the Oriental Legions) his General with absolute authority; whom many Launciers and Targetiers followed, old tryed Souldiers. The Emperour enabled him by his Letters to do whatsoever seemed best unto him; and the same to be firm, as the Emperours own act. Belisarius was born in Germania, Not in Ger­many, as some Germans would have it; but in Germa­nia, a City of Thrace in the confines of Illy­rium. It was a Metropolis, and recited in the Sanctions of the Eastern Bi­shops, saith, A­lemannus, in his Historical notes upon the Secret History. a City which stands in the confines of Illyrium and Thrace.

Gelimer in the mean time having lost Tripolis by Pudentius, and Sardinia by Godas: The first lying far off, and having Roman aids already, he gave over; and sent no forces against it. But to prevent the Emperours succours in the Island, he sent under his brother Trazon 5000 Vandals in 120 good ships. But Justinian having commanded away Valerianus and Martinus, to attend the rest of the Ar­my in Peloponesus; and being both a ship-board, he had some further direction to give them, which he had resolved, but it was forgotten upon other business inter­vening. So he sent for them; to tell it; but again thinking it inconvenient to in­terrupt their passage; he sent to command them not to return to him any more, nor to come ashore. The Messenger called out aloud to them not to come back again at all. The company took it for a bad Omen, that none of them should re­turn out of Africk to Constantinople. And they thought the Emperour unwit­tingly had sent them a kind of a curse. If it be interpreted of Valerianus and Martinus, the conceit proved not true. But Stotzas, there a Lancier of Marti­us, was to rebel against the Emperours and usurp, and never to come back to Constantinople: upon whom it may be conjectured fortune conferred that curse.

CHAP. XI.

BUt in the seaventh year of Justinians reign, about the Summer Tropick, the Army was embarqued; and Belisarius the General commanded the Praeto­rian ship to ride under the Emperours Palace. Thither came Epiphanius, Arch­bishop of the City; and having prayed as was fitting, he put aboard a Souldier newly baptized,Being suppli­ed out of the beginning of the Secret History. Whose Godfather and Godmother were Belisarius, and Antonina, being one of their houshold, and named Theodosius, and much valued by them. And thus the said General and his wife put to sea. With them was Procopius; the Writer of this History; who at the first was afraid of this Voyage; but a dream, he had, encouraged him, and made him eager upon it. He dreamt he was in Be­lisarius his house, whom a servant told that one had brought him presents; that Belisarius bad himself go look upon them; and he in the inner Court, saw men carrying flowers growing with their earth; which he commanded them to lay down in the Porch. That then Belisarius came with his Life-Guard, sate down upon that earth and eat of the flowers, willing the rest to do the like, who fell to, and seemed much pleased with the dainties. Thus was the dream. But the fleet followed the Praetorian ship, and at Perinthus, now called Heraclia, staid five days; where the Emperour gave the General almost all his horses of his pa­stures in Thrace. From thence they came before Abydus, where being becalm­ed four days; it fell out that two Massagetes in their drink (the Massagetes be­ing all great drunkards) killed one of their Countreymen, whom Belisarius cru­cified upon a hillock near Abydus. The rest, especially the kinsmen of the men, murmured; That they came not to aid the Romans upon terms of subjection to their Laws; and by their own Laws, murders had no such punishments. Some Roman Soldiers murmured too; such as would not be punished for their offences. Whereupon Belisarius spake thus to the Army. ‘To men that never saw wars, I should need a long speech to perswade, how great a preparation for victory it is, to be just. But you by often vanquishing enemies, not inferiour in bodies, and very valiant; and by often having the contrary success, have learnt; that men fight in both the Armies, but God determines the victory, as himself pleases. So that we must make less account of good bodies, of arms, and warlick prepa­rations, then of justice and duty to God▪ For men in need are to honour that most, which is most able to do them good. Now the principal mark of justice is, the punishment of murderers: For if we must judge of right and wrong, by what men do to one another; certainly to a man nothing is so precious as life. If any Barbarian killing his Countryman in drink, upon that pleads im­punity; I conceive his excuse aggravates his crime: For a man must not be so drunk as to kill his best friends; specially in an Army; nay drunkenness it self, without murder, deserves punishment. And then to wrong ones own Nation, appears more heinous to any man of understanding, then a stranger. The exam­ple and event of such doings you may all yonder behold. And you must not be­gin quarrels, nor take away ought which is other mens. Neither will I endure that man, or esteem him a souldier of mine, who cannot employ innocent hands against our enemies, No valour will get the victory, which is not rankt with justice.’ The Army upon this speech, and seeing the crucified men, and expecting the danger of committing unlawfull acts, grew afraid, and resolved to live sober­ly. Then, that the whole Army might sail, and lie at anchor together (in a great fleet many ships necessarily being cast behind, specially if the wind blow high, and the ship-masters know not what leader to follow) he painted the masts of his own ship, and two others where his train was, from the top about a third part, with red, and in their sterns setting up high poles, hung up lanterns, that the Generals ships might be seen both by night and day. And to these he comman­ded the ship-masters to hold their course; which thus leading the whole fleet, not one ship was cast behind. And at weighing anchor from any harbour, the Trumpets ever sounded the warnings. From Abydus a stiff wind brought them [Page 15]to Sigaeum; from whence being becalmed, they came late to Malea. There the calm stood them instead; for the want of sea-room for so great a fleet, and in the night, troubled, and endangered the same. The Mariners did bravely, calling out, and thrusting with their long poles, and skilfully keeping their distances but if the wind had risen strong, and against them, they had with much adoe saved the ships. But getting by, they reached Taenarus, now called Caenopolis. From thence they came before Methône where they found Valerianus and Martinus, arrived a little before; and the wind not serving, Belisarius landed the whole Ar­my. There he distributed the Commands, and ordered the Soldiers; and being therein busie, and the wind not serving, many of the Army died of a sickness thus occasioned, John the Cappadocian, a bad man, was ingenuous to find projects for money to the treasury, with the ruine of men; (a man beyond my power to de­scribe; and in my former History I have spoken of him;) but now he destroyed these soldiers thus. The bread for the Army, to make it laste, and not corrupt too soon, is to be twice baked; and so of necessity must weigh less; and the soldiers, in the giving it out, must have a fourth part less in weight. John, that he might spend less wood, and wages upon bakers, & by gain the weight, brought the loaves unbaked to the publick bath, and put the same into the stove there, under which the fire is made, and being thus sorrily baked, sent it in bags to the fleet: which being at Methone, the bisket turn'd to dough, and that mouldy, corrupt, and [...]usty; and the Officers distributed it thus to the soldiers by pecks, and sometimes by bushels. Who feeding upon it in the Summer, and a place of ex­tream heats, grew sick, and above 500 died; and more had, if Belisarius had not provided bread of the Country to help them. He acquainted the Emperour there­with, who commended him for it: but he could not get John punished as then.

CHAP. XII.

FRom Methòne, they came to the Port of Zante. Here they took in fresh wa­ter, and other necessaries, to pass the Adriatique sea;Thus the Author calls constantly that sea which others call Ma­re Ionium. through which, with a scant wind, they came in sixteen days to a desert coast of Sicily; near Mount Aetna. In this lingring passage their waters corrupted, all save what was drank at the table of Belisarius, which his wife devised to keep untainted, in six vessels of glass, covered thick with sand in a little cabbin in the hold, where the Sun could not come. Belisarius landed there, and was much troubled in his thoughts, not knowing what soldiers the Vandals were, nor how, nor from whence to make the war upon them. The soldiers also troubled him, fearfull of a sea-fight, and not ashamed to tell him, that on land they will do their best, but if the enemies ships come they will fly, not able to fight with them and waters too. In this perplex­ity he sent Procopius, his Assessor, to Syracuse, to enquire if the enemy way-laid their passage in the Island, or main Land: what part of Africk was best to land in, and from whence to make the war, and this done, to meet him at Caucana; a­bout 27 miles from Syracuse, where the fleet should ride at anchor. It was gi­ven out, he was sent to buy victual of the Goths: For Amalasuntha, the mother of A [...]l [...]ricus, had agreed with Justinian to give his Army free market. Ara­laricius was under years bred by his mother, and was King of the Goths and Ita­lians: upon whom after the death of Theodoricus, the Kingdom descended, be­ing son to his daughter Amalasuntha; by a man deceased also. Amalasuntha, to make Justinian her friend, had yielded to this free market, among other his com­mands, and now performed it. But Procopius found at Syracuse, a Countryman and friend of his from a boy, residing there about his Traffique at Sea; of whom he learnt all his demands. For a servant of his who had returned within three days from Carthage, told him, that there was no fear of the Vandals way-laying the fleet; there being there no news of an Army coming; and their vali­antest men being newly sent against Godas; and that Gelimer having no thought [Page 16]of an enemy, neglected Carthage, and the sea-towns and made his abode at Hermione, near Byzacium, 4 days journy from any sea; so that they might sail on securely, and put in where the wind and weather should invite. Procopius hearing this, took the servant by the hand to the Port, and was inquisitive of many particulars; til be­ing abo [...]rd, he commanded to hoist sail for Caucana. The Master of the fellow stood upon the shore wondring at his mans not returning. But Procopius called out to him not to take it unkindly, for his servant must speak with the General, and guide the Army into Africk, and then should be returned to him to Syracuse, with a rich reward. But arrived in the Army, he found them all mourning the death of Dorotheus, General of Armenia, a man much desired by the Army. Belisarius, when he heard the news from the man, rejoyced extreamly, and much commen­ding Procopius, commanded the Trumpets to give warning for weighing anchor And so they came to the Isles of Gaulus and Malta, dividing the Adriatique and Tyrrhen [...] seas; and thence with an Easterly wind, they came the second day upon the coast of Africk, five dayes journey from Carthage.

Being near the shore, Belisarius commanded to cast anchor; and assembling the Commanders consulted of their landing. After some diversity of opinions, Archelaus spake thus, ‘Our General is to be commended highly, who having the advantage of wisdom, experience and power, yet consults, and commands us to speak our opinions of landing, though knowing by his own observations, what must and may be done. And I cannot but admire you the Commanders for so readily perswading our landing; who know that to exhort men to an immi­nent danger, brings no advantage to the adviser, but laies him open to an accu­sation. For men when things succeed to their desire, are pleased, and that's all; but when otherwise, they accuse the author of the advice; though it be unjust that a man for his counsel in publick deliberations should be questioned. But resolving thus to land in an enemies Country, in what Port will you leave your ships? What fortification, or walled Town expect you? The coast from Lec­ca to Carthage, you hear is nine days journey open to all winds, and without a­ny harbour: And in all Africk, by Genserick his command, no walled Towns are standing but Carthage: And the Country, I am told, is destitute of waters. And if in the midst of these incommodities we meet with an enemy, what shall we resolve then? shall we not think such counsels infused rather by some unlucky Damon, then humane reason? Our ships also, when we are landed, and a storm comes, must either be scattered infinitely, or else perish upon this shore. Then for your necessary support, what supply expect you? Let no man look upon me the Commissary for Provisions. Then there are no servants for you, the soldiers must supply that Office. To conclude, where will you put your spare arms and baggage? and when you need such, whence will you be furnished? My opinion is, to sail directly for Carthage, where there is a haven four miles and a half from it, called the Pool, unguarded and capable of a great fleet, from whence you may make the war, and easily take Carthage.’ And then having vanquisht the enemy far ‘from thence, nothing will be difficult nor dangerous to Conquerours. For na­turally, the head once gon, the rest fals of it self. These things you are to con­sider, and chuse the best.’

After this speech, Belisarius began thus. 'Let none, fellow Commanders, think me to sit here a judge of what hath been spoken, nor to speak last, suppo­sing ‘my sentence necessarily to be followed. I have heard your opinions, and my part is to propound what I conceive, and together with you to chuse the best.’ One thing you must remember, that the soldiers even profess to fear a sea-fight, and if the enemy come, to turn their backs to them. And in that case ‘it is foolish to pray to God for success, being afraid, and our selves procuring the contrary event. If then we sail to Carthage and encounter an enemies Navy and our men fly from them, our counsel will be followed with repentance and complaints. A fatal error admits some excuse, but this none. And if a Tem­pest happen (which is most urged to fright us, and not well) and our ships be [...]attered (as they say) or perish upon this coast: I pray which is less hurt, to have our ships cast away alone, or with them, all the rest of us to fall by the enemy? Besides, falling upon the enemy unprovided, and not looking for us, [Page 17]we may subdue him; but when he is armed and prepared, we shall hazard a war upon equal terms. Concerning the provision of necessaries, and how we shall put ashore, it is not now time to consult, nor enquire. Shall we stay for a tem­ipest to fall upon our Navy in a fight (as often happens) and then begin to learn what to do? I think we ought forthwith to land, taking with us our horses, arms, and other needfull things; and presently to entrench our selves within a good Rampire (which will defend us as the strongest wall) and from thence make the war. And think not to want any thing, if we fight valiantly. Who vanquish their enemies, all they have is theirs; Victory brings all to that side it enclines to.’ In your swords therefore consists your safety, and aboundance.

All the Counsel easily consented to this, and rose; forthwith landing the Ar­my, three months after their departure from Constantinople. The General chose by the sea-side, a place which both soldiers and mariners fortified with trench and rampire; and by multitude of hands concurring, and the General urging, it was finished the same day. Digging the earth, they came to much water (a thing never before seen in Byzacium, a dry Country) which supplyed men and beasts. Procopius congratulated with the General, not so much (as he said) for the water, as for the presage of an easie victory, which proved so indeed. That night the Army lodged in the Camp, set their watches and did all as is usual. Only aboard every ship Belisarius appointed five Archers, and the light Gallies to lie round a­bout them to prevent sodain mischief.

CHAP. XIII.

THe next day some soldiers went up into the Country, and stole their ripe fruits, whom the General severely chastised; and calling the Army together, spake thus. ‘To feed upon other mens goods by violence, is at all times wicked, because unjust; But now, setting the consideration of justice aside (though that were hard) it is so aboundantly inconvenient, that we must fear the danger: we are here put ashore with this only confidence, that the Africans being anci­ently Romans, are unsure, and ill affected to the Vandals. From this I did hope for supply of necessaries, and to avoid mischief from the enemy. But now your intemperance hath changed all to the contrary. You have reconciled the Africans to the Vandals, and turn'd their hatred upon your selves, (for wrong'd men naturally hate them that do them the present violence;) and so you have for a little gain now sold your future safety, and plenty. By buying what you needed, you might have avoided the imputation of injustice, and made the ow­ners your friends. Now you must have the war with Africans and Vandals too; nay with God himself; whose assistance no man can invoke, doing wrong. But give over this sharking, and quit your hands of a gain so full of hazard: The proper time now being, when sobriety must preserve us, and disorder will bring certain death▪ If you be carefull of these things, God will be propitious, the people of Africk well affected, and the Vandals easie to be dealt with.’

After this speech, Belisarius sent Boraides, one of his life-guard, with some of his Targetiers, to Syllectus a sea-town in the way to Carthage, and a days jour­ney from the Camp; whose Inhabitants, he heard, instead of their demolished walls, to have fortified each man his own house, to keep off the Moors, and so to have made a kind of Town wall. Boraides he instructed to attempt the Town, and taking it, to do no hurt, but with representing many conveniences, and how they come to set them at liberty, to get entrance for the Army. They about candles lighting getting near the Town, past the night in a deep bottom there; and the next morning overtaking some Peasants, they slipt into the Town with them, and possest it; then without tumult, called the Bishop, and principal of the Town; told them their Generals instructions, and immediately receiving the keys from them, sent the same to the General. The same day the Master of the Kings Posts revolted, and gave up all his horses. The General also took one of [Page 18]those that ride with the Kings Packets, which they call Veredarii, and did him no hurt, but took his oath to deliver Justinians Letters, written to the Vandals, into the hands of the Governours. Which signified thus. We make no war upon the Vandals, nor infring the Treaty with Genserick. But we endeavour to free you from an usurper; who, disrespecting the Testament of Genserick, keeps your King in prison, and hath begun to destroy such of his bloud, whom he hated; and of the rest, hath put out their eyes, and imprisoned them, not suffering them to end their sorrows by death. Assist us therefore to free you from so wicked Tyranny, that you may en­joy peace and liberty: which to observe to you, we make oath here to God. The man that took these Letters from Belisarius, durst not shew them, but to some privat friends, and did nothing material.

CHAP. XIV.

BUt Belisarius marcht in order for a battel towards Carthage. He gave 3 [...]0 of his Targetiers to John, who was the Steward of his houshold, whom the Romans call Optio; being an Armenian, and eminent for valour and discretion. Him he directed to march some two miles and a half before the Army, and to give warning, if they see an enemy, that the Army may prepare for fight. And to the left hand of the Army, he directed the Massagetes to march. And himself was in the rear with his best men, looking for Gelimer to come shortly from Her­mione. To the right hand was no fear, being to march by the sea-shore; and the seamen he commanded to keep them company, by letting down all their sails, but their sprit sail, in case of a strong gale; and in a calm, to force their way with oars. When they came to Syllectus, Belisarius had his soldiers most sober, not striking, nor using any disorder. And the Africans he so gained with his gentleness, that he marcht as in his own Country; the people not withdrawing themselves nor goods, but giving free market, and being very serviceable to the soldier. They marcht ten miles a day, till they came to Carthage, lodging still in a Town, or safely in their Camp. We came by Lepta and Adrymettum to Grassa, about 43 miles from Carthage; where was a Palace of the Vandal Governor, and the fai­rest Gardens we ever saw, aboundantly watered with fountains; and with a large grove of trees loaded with ripe fruit, whereof the soldiers took their fill without any miss, every man setting his cabbin under a fruit-tree.

But Gelimer hearing the enemies arrival, wrote from Hermione to Carthage, to his brother Ammatas, to kill Ilderick, and the other prisoners of his bloud, and otherwise appertaining to him; and himself to arm the Vandals, and such forces as he had in the City; and at the narrow passage near a town called Deci­mum, to charge the enemy on both sides, and so to catch him as in a net. Am­matas accordingly killed Ilderick, and his cousin Evagees: Hoamer was dead be­fore. He armed also the Vandals, to sally in the due time. Gelimer followed us close; and one night only, as we lodged in Grassa, he gave us an alarm; upon some skirmishing of our scouts with theirs; by whose returning to the Camp, we understood the enemy to be near. From hence marching, we lost sight of our ships, being put to go about some high rocks there, and a Promontory under which stands Mercurium. Belisarius sent word to Archelaus the Commissary, not to put in at Carthage, but to stay 25 miles short, till he send for them. From Grassa the fourth day we came to Decimum, about 8 miles from Carthage. This day Gelimer sent his Nephew, Gibamumdus, before with 2000 Vandals, to march to our left hand; that so Ammatas from Carthage. himself in our rear, and Giba­mundus at our left hand, charging together, might compass us.

CHAP. XV.

FOr my part, I could not but wonder in this battel to see, how God knowing the event, draws out the model thereof to his own will; and how men are ignorant whether they mistake, or whether they be upon a right counsel, that a way so may be made to the success before determined. If Belisarius had not commanded John to advance before the Army, and the Massagetes to march at our left hand, we could not have escaped the Vandals. And for all this, the Van­dals could not have been so ruined, if Ammatas had not come to Decimum about noon, three hours sooner then his time, we being then farr short of it, and the Vandals Army also. And this was not all his fault. He came with a few, and those not of his best, to encounter John, leaving the main body in Carthage, with direction to come after to Decimum. He killed 12 good men of ours in the head of Johns troops, but himself fell, having shewn much valour; and being fallen, the rest were routed, and running away, turned the whole body marching from Carthage; who being in no order to fight, but in small parties of thirty and twenty together, and seeing Ammatas troops running, and imagining multitudes pursuing, ran back for company. Whom Johns Troops killed up to the gates of Carthage; And so great was the execution of that 8 miles, that one would have guest it the work of 20000 men at least. Gibamundus at the same time, and his 2000 men, came to the Salt plains, five miles from Decimum, on the left hand of the way to Carthage, a place without men or trees, or ought else (the saltness of the water hindring the grouth of any thing but salt;) here falling upon the Mas­sagetes, they perisht every man. Among the Massagetes was a man valiant and strong, but Captain of a few; who had a priviledge from his ancestors, in all encounters to charge first; and no Massagete to shoot or strike till he began the fight.

This man rode up close to the Vandals Army; who either amazed with his da­ring, or suspecting some plot of the enemy, stirred not so much as to shoot at him; fearing (it may be) to venture, hearing the Massagetes to be a warlick Na­tion, and having never seen their manner of fighting. But he returning, told his Countrymen, that God had sent them those strangers ready drest; So they gave on furiously, and the Vandals breaking their ranks, and not resisting, basely pe­risht every man. We without hearing these accidents, marcht towards Decimum. And Belisarius, in a convenient place, some four miles from Decimum, fortified an entrenchment, and placed his foot in it; and then made this speech to the Army. ‘Now, fellow Soldiers! is come the time of our tryal. Our enemies, I hear, are marching towards us; and our ships, by the scituation of the place, are severed from us; and now our only hope of safety is in our swords; having neither Town nor Fortress to be bold upon. If we now do valiantly, we shall in likelyhood subdue our enemies; but if we faint, nothing remains, but to be beaten, and perish by the enemy: Advantages for victory we have: First, We fight for the possession of that which in right is ours; then do the Vandals hate their own usurping Tyrant, and commonly God assists the rightfull cause; and the soldier ill affected to his Prince, never fights valiantly for him. Besides, we have spent our time against Persians and Scythians; but the Vandals, since their Conquest of Africa, have seen no enemy but naked Moors. Now, in every Trade practise breeds skill, and disusage ignorance. Our Entrenchment from whence we are to make the war, is finished; where leaving our arms which we cannot carry, and baggage, we may sallie, and retiring, find what we need. I en­treat therefore every man to think upon his reputation, and the pledges he hath left at home, and so undanted to encounter the enemy.’

CHAP. XVI.

BElisarius having thus spoken, and said a prayer, leaving the guard of his wife and the Camp to the foot, he sallied with his horse. He thought not good to hazard with the whole Army, but first to skirmish with his horse, and try the enemy, then to give battel with the main; so he sent the Confederates be­fore, and followed with the rest, and with his own Lanciers and Targetiers. The Confederates being come to Decimum, found the bodies of the 12 companions of John; and close by them the body of Ammatas, and some other Vandals. Being in doubt, and not knowing whether to go further; and from a hil discovering round, they saw a dust, and soon after a great troop of Vandals. They sent to Belisarius to come speedily; the enemy being upon them; and the Commanders, some urged to charge the enemy, others alleadged their forces not sufficient. While they were disputing, the Barbarians came up close, with Gelimer in the head of them; ha­ving passed between the way where Belisarius went, and that where the Massagetes, who had fought with Gibamundus; but the hilly ground between, hindred their sight of Belisarius; or his entrenchment, and of the defeat of Gibamundus. Be­ing near, each contended to possess the highest down, which seemed apt for an entrenchment. The Vandals running hard, gained the down, and grown terri­ble, routed the enemy. The Romans fan away to a Town less then a mile from Decimum, where was Ʋliaris, one of Belisarius his life-guard, and 800 of his Targetiers. The Vandals staid their course, thinking that Ʋliaris would stand them; but his troops, so soon as the other began to charge, fled amain to Belisari­us. It was strange, that Gelimer having thus the victory in his hands, should vo­luntarily quit it. But God, when he wil have a mischief befall a man, infects his reason, not suffering the most expedient things to come into his mind. If he had followed the execution, Belisarius himself had not stood him, but we had al been absolutely ruined; so great seemed the number of the Vandals, and the Ro­mans fear. Or if he had rode on to Carthage, he had killed the troops of John, every man, (who were carelesly scattered, and rifling the dead bodies) and had saved the City, and been Master of our ships, and cut off all our hope, either of victory or return home: But he did neither; but riding softly down the hill, and in the plain, finding his brothers dead body, he spent the time in lamentations, and about the funeral, and thus lost his opportunity, which he could never recover. Belisarius stopt his flying men, chiding them; and hearing of the death of Am­matas; and the brave execution of John; and informed sufficiently of the place and the enemy, he marched against Gelimer and the Vandals: who being in dis­order, and unprepared, ran away amain, with the loss of many, (the execution lasting till night) and fled not to Carthage, nor Byzacium, from whence they came; but toward the plains of Bule, and the way to Numidia. About evening, John, and the Massagets also came to us; and relating, and hearing the several ad­ventures, lodged with us that night in Decimum.

CHAP. XVII.

THe next day our foot coming up, with Belisarius his wife, we marcht toward Carthage; and arriving within night, lodged abroad near the City. No man would have opposed our entrance; the Carthaginians opening their gates, and the City shining all night with lights and bonfires; and the Vandals remaining, were fled into the Churches. But Belisarius feared in the night some ambush, and the soldiers disorder, lest in the dark they might fall to pillage. The same day also the fleet came up to the Promontory, and the Carthaginians had opened the iron [Page 21]Chain of Mandracium their haven, to let it in. In the Palace is a dark prison, called Ancon, (or the Elbow) for such as the Tyrant was offended with. Here at that time were many Eastern Merchants, whom the Tyrant accused to sollicite the Emperour to invade him; and the same day that Ammatas was slain in Decimum, he had given order for their execution.

The keeper of the prison hearing the accident at Decimum, and seeing the fleet within the Promontory, went to the men (who had heard nothing, but sate in the dark expecting death) and askt them what they would give to be saved from thence. They promising to pay any thing, he said, he would none of their mo­ney, but prayed them to swear, if they escaped, and he came into danger, to as­sist him to their power; they did so. And he taking out a board, shewed them the fleet sailing in, and then set them lose, and went along with them.

The fleet first doubted, hearing nothing: then sending to Mercurium, they were advertised of all, and with great joy sailed on with a strong gale. Which bringing them within 18 miles of Carthage, Archelaus, and the land-men, com­manded to cast anchor, according to the Generals instructions. But the Mari­ners alleadged the coast to be without harbour, and that there was likelyhood of a storm, which kind of storms the natives call Cypriana; which falling in that place, they should not be able to save a ship. And so it was indeed: Wherefore striking sail, and consulting, they thought not fit to attempt the haven of Man­dracium, fearing to break Belisarius's direction, and suspecting Mandracium to be chained up, and besides, not able to hold the whole fleet; but they thought the Pool to be for their purpose (being but five miles from Carthage, and capa­ble of the whole fleet) and to find there no stop. So coming thither about even­ing, they cast anchor, all, save Calonymus, with some mariners; who not regarding the General, put into Mandracium, and there robbed some Merchants, strangers, and Carthaginians, dwelling upon the sea-side.

The next day Belisarius commanded the men a ship-board to land, and with the Army, in order of battel, rode towards Carthage, fearing the enemies am­bushes. ‘Here he put the soldiers in mind of their good fortunes since their mo­deration to the Africans; admonishing them to continue their good order, e­specially in Carthage; That the Africans were formerly Roman subjects, and unwillingly brought under the Vandals, from whom they had suffered abomi­nable things; That for this, the Emperour made war with the Vandals; and that it were impious now to abuse them, whose liberty was the cause of this ex­pedition.’ Then he entred Carthage, none opposing; went to the Palace, and sate down in Gelimers Throne. Here the Merchants, and the other Carthagini­ans, who dwelt upon the sea, came in a multitude, and with clamour to Belisari­us, complaining that Mariners the last night had robbed them of all they had. He made Calonymus swear to produce the goods; but he neglecting his oath, went away with the goods then; but afterward at Constantinople, by a terrible judge­ment, he fell mad, bit out his own tongue, and died. Belisarius then comman­ded his dinner to be, where Gelimer used to feast his great men. The Romans from the Greeks, call the place Delphica, from a three-footed Table standing in the Palace at Rome, upon which the Emperours Cup-bearers set the cups; which they call Delphica (a three-footed table, and first used at Delphos) and so in Con­stantinople; and wheresoever the Emperours Table stands, they call the room Delphica. The Emperours house also they call Palatium, of one Pallas a Gre­cian, who dwelt in that place before the sack of Troy, and built in it a good hand­some house; where Augustus, having got the Empire, first lodged, and thence they called the Emperours house the Palace. Thus Belisarius dined in the Del­phica, and with him the Commanders of the Army. The day before, a dinner was provided for Gelimer, and we feasted upon the meats. Gelimers servants brought in our dinner, filled our wine, and in all things else attended us. Here a man might see fortune in her bravery; shewing all things to be hers, and that none can call any thing his own. And that day Belisarius attained a glory, which never happened in his own time, nor to any of the ancients. For the soldiers using not to enter, no not into any Roman City, and but 500 together, without some disorder, specially upon the sodain: This General had his men in such or­der, [Page 22]that there was not the least insolence or menace used. There was no inter­ruption of Trade; but in a City newly taken, in a state changed, and upon the alteration of their King, not an Officer of Justice had his house shut up. The publick notaries dispatcht their writings at the Courts, and took the soldiers home with them, as is the manner; and the soldiers bought what they liked in the mar­ket place, using no unquietness.

CHAP. XVIII.

THen Belisarius gave assurances to the Vandals fled into the Churches; and took care of the walls of Carthage, which had been so neglected, that in many places they were easily to be mounted, and a great part was quite faln down; which, the Carthaginians told us, caused Gelimer not to stay in the City; as not able in so short a time to secure the walls. We heard also of an old Prophesie, that had been among the boys in Carthage. That Gamma should expell Beta; and again Beta should expell Gamma. It was then acounted as an idle riddle among sporting boys; but now it was clear; for Genserick expelled Bonifacius, and now Belisa­rius Gelimer. Then also the meaning of a dream was manifested, which many had dreamt, and often; not guessing at the event. The Carthaginians, above all, reverence St. Cyprian and by the sea-side have dedicated a Church to him close to the City, where they use many devotions, and yearly celebrate a feast which they call Cypriana; and from thence those storms I mentioned, are named, which hap­pened about that feastival. This Church, in the reign of Honoricus, the Vandals got, forcing out the Christians and their Priests with much indignity; and officiating there themselves, as now appertaining to the Arrians. The Africans being much grieved at this, they say St. Cyprian often appeared to many in their dreams, and bad the Christians not be carefull for him; he would be his own revenger. Which saying being divulged; the Africans expected the time of punishment upon the Vandals for these devotions; but guest not at the event. But now, the Feast being to be the next day, and the Arrian Priests having made clean the Church, hung out their fairest reliques, prepared the lamps, brought out their treasures, and fit­ted every thing for the proper use. When they heard of the overthrow of Am­matas at Decimum, away they all ran. And the Orthodox Christians came to the Church, lighted the lamps, and officiated according to their own rites. And so the prediction of that vision was known also. The Vandals likewise remembred an anti­ent story, and wondring acknowledged, that to man no expectation is impossible, nor no possession firm. The story was this. That when the Vandals were forced by a famin, to forsake their ancient native Country, yet some staid, having no mind to follow Godigisclus. They in time came to have plenty, and Genserick with his fol­lowers got Africk. Which they were glad to hear, who followed not Godigisclus, finding their Country now able to feed them. And they feared lest their African Plantators or their posterity, might in time come home upon them again, expelled by the Romans, who (they doubted) would not always neglect that Province. So they sent Ambassadors to Genserick, who said unto him, ‘That they congratulated their Countrymens great prosperity, but were no more able to guard their own Country; which they despising, had planted themselves in Africk. Wherefore they prayed them, if they make no account of their native soil, to bestow on them a possession to themselves useless. That so being absolute proprietaries of the Country, they might chearfully spend their lives for it against any invader. Genserick and the Vandals, thought this just, and yielded to the Ambassadors de­sire.’ But an old man among them, esteemed very wise, said. ‘He would never con­sent to it; for among men is nothing setled upon a sure foundation; there is no firm and perpetual estate in what they have; nor in what they have not, impossibili­ty.’ Genserick approved his saying, and sent away the Ambassadors with a de­nial: and was then laught at, and his old Counsellor, for foreseeing things im­possible.

But upon these accidents I have related, the Vandals were better instructed in humane affairs, and found it the speech of a wise man. Of those Vandals that staid in their own Countrey, there is no memorial left. They were few, and ei­ther forced under some bordering Barbarians, or willingly mingled, and their names drowned in the other. And these subdued by Belisarius, had no thought of going to their antient Country, having no means sodainly to pass into Europe, specially their ships being gone. But in Africk they were punished for the mis­chiefs done the Romans; chiefly the Zacynthians: For Genserick infesting for­merly Peloponesus, and attempting Tenarus, but repulsed with loss of many men, and put to a shamefull retreat; being angry, set upon Zacynthus, killed many, made captives of 500 principal men, and then sailed away; and in the middle of the Adriatique sea, cut those 500 men in pieces, and scattered their pieces in the Sea. This was formerly.

CHAP. XIX.

BUt now Gelimer by mony and courteous usage, gained many African pea­sants to undertake the killing of such Romans as they found stragling; and he proclaimed a sum of gold upon every killing to the actor. Many slaves and at­tendants upon the Army were slain, pilfring in the Villages, and their heads were brought to Gelimer, for which the peasants were well paid by him, supposing to have been rid of so many soldiers. About this time Diogenes, one of Belisarius his life-guard, did very bravely; who sent him out with 22 of his Targetiers to discover the enemy. These men, at a Town two days journy from Carthage, the peasants being not able of themselves to kill them, advertised Gelimer. Who sent against them 300 horse, with direction to bring them alive; he thought it a great matter to have one of Belisarius his life-guard, and 22 of his Targetiers his prisoners. Diogenes and his company entred one of the houses, and in an upper chamber went to bed, hearing the enemy to be farr enough off. The Vandals came after midnight, and thought it not good to force into the dores in the night, fearing in the dark they might kill one another, and open a passage out for the e­nemy. Cowardise dul'd their wits; for by using fire, or without it, they might have with ease taken them, being naked in their beds. So they put themselves in rank round about the house, and chiefly at the dore. In the mean time a Roman soldier waked, and hearing the noise (some Vandals murmuring to one another, and stirring their arms) he guest the matter, waked his companions, and softly told them the accident. They, by Diogenes direction, quietly put on their cloaths, cook their arms, went down, and bridling their horses, got up unespied. And after a short stay in the Court, suddenly they open the dores and sally. The Van­dals charged them, but the Romans warding with their shields, and with their jave­lins keeping off the assailants, rode away clear; with loss only of two men. Di­ogenes himself had three wounds, one in the neck, into the face another, of which he was within a little of dying; and one upon his left hand, by which he lost the use of his little finger. But in Carthage, Belisarius with mony got artificers, and labourers, and made a Trench, and strong Palissadoes round about the walls; and in short time repaired also the decaies thereof; a work much admired by the Carthaginians, and afterward by Gelimer, being brought thither prisoner. Who wondring at the walls, said, that his negligence therein had been the cause of his present condition.

In the mean time Tzazon the brother of Gelimer, arrived with his fleet in Sar­dinia, at the Port of Carnalis; took the Town at the first charge, and slew Godas and his soldiers, and hearing that the Emperours fleet was upon the coast of A­frick; but not what was done, he wrote this Letter to Gelimer. Know O King of Vandals and Alans, that Godas the Ʋsurper is slain by us, and the Island again under your Empire; Keep therefore a festival of Victory; And hope that the enemy who pre­sumes now to invade our Country, shal find the same fortune, which they had formerly, [Page 24]when they invaded our Ancestors. The bearers of these Letters sailed into the ha­ven of Carthage without thought of an enemy, and by the watch being brought to the General, delivered the Letters, and revealed their negotiation; a­mazed to see the sudden change. But from Belisarius they had no hard usage.

About the same time this happened also. Before the coming of our fleet, Gelimer had sent Gotthaeus, and Fuscias, and other Ambassadors to Theudis, Prince of the Visigoths in Spain, for a league. Who being past the straits, found that Theudis was at a Town far from the sea. When they ca [...]e to him, he feasted them with much courtesie, and askt them at the feast, how things were with Ge­limer and the Vandals. He had heard all before (the Ambassadors coming slow­ly) from a Merchants ship which parted from Carthage the same day the Romans entred it, and with a fair wind arrived in Spain. And he had forbidden the Mer­chants to divulge it. But now when Gotthaeus and his fellows answered him, that all was well, he demanded about what they came? They propounding a League, Theudis bad them go to the sea-side; and there you shall know certainly your af­fairs at home. The Ambassadors taking it for the idle speech of a man in drink, replyed not. But the next day again propounding the League, and again Theu­dis using the same words, they thought there was some alteration in Africk; but not imagining any thing of Carthage, they sailed thither, and landing near it, fell among the soldiers, and yielded; and were brought to the General, and told him their business, and had no hurt from him.

CHAP. XX.

CYRILLƲS also came to Sardinia; but hearing what was become of Godas, he sailed to Carthage; where he found Bel [...]sarius and the Roman Army victo­rious. Solomon was sent to the Emperour to relate the successes.

Gelimer in the Plains of Bule, near the Frontier of Numidia, four days jour­ney from Carthage, gathered together the Vandals, and such Moors as were his friends; being few, and without Government. For the Rulers of the Moors of Mauritania, Numidia and Byzacium, sent Ambassadors to Belisarius, to profess their service to the Emperour, and to promise to joyn with him. Some of them sent their sons for hostages, and desired him to send them their Ensignes of Principality, according to the ancient custom; which was, that none might rule Moors, before he had those Ensignes sent by the Emperour, though he were an enemy to the Romans; And having them now from the Vandals, they thought not their Government firm. The Ensignes are, a silver Rod gilt, a sil­ver Cap, not covering the whole head, but like a Garland, and kept upright with silver wire round about: A white Mantle also, fastened with a golden Clasp over the right shoulder, in the manner of a Thessalian Mantle: A white Robe embroi­dered, and a gilt shoe. Belisarius sent all these unto them, and mony also, but they did not joyn with him, nor yet durst stand for the Vandals, but kept aloof, watching the event of the war.

Gelimer also sent a Vandal into Sardinia, with a Letter to his brother Tzazon, containing this It was not Godas surely, but some mischief from heaven upon us, that put that Island into rebellion; which thereby deprived us of you, and our best Vandals, and in sum, swept away the prosperity of Gensericks house: You went not from hence to recover that Island, but that Justinian might be Lord of Africk. We un­derstand by the events, what Fortune then determined. Belisarius came upon us but with a small Army: But the Vandals valour presently ran away, with our good for­tune Ammatas and [...]ibamundus are lost by the Vandals cowardise Our horses, ships, all Africk, nay Carthage it self are in our enemies hands; while the Vandals sit down with the loss of their wives and children, and estates, having fought poorly. We have nothing left but the Plains of Bule; where the hope we have in you hath put us, and still keeps us. So that leaving any farther to usurp, and quitting Sardinia, and those cares, come speedily unto us with your whole f [...]et. It is inconvenient for [Page 25]men in hazard for the main, to quillet about the rest. And combating our enemies together, we shall either recover our former fortune, or gain this, not to suffer with­out one another.

Tzazon, when he had perused this Letter, and imparted it to the Vandals, they howled and lamented, concealing it from the Islanders; but between themselves bewailing in silence their present estate. And forthwith disposing the businesses at random, they went all to sea, with the whole fleet, and the third day landed in Africk, upon the Frontiers of Numidia and Mauritania. Thence they marcht a foot to the Plains of Bule, and joyned to the rest of the Army. There were many sad rencontres then among the Vandals, not to be exprest, and such as an enemy would have pittied to look on, and see the condition of mankind. Geli­mer and Tzazon fallen on each others neck, could not let go. They said nothing, but grasping each others hand, howled. The like did the others, embracing those who came from Sardinia; and a long time they enjoyed that contentment: And were so amazed at the present fortune, that what was important before, was not now thought upon; Gelimer not enquiring concerning Godas, nor Tzazon of the passages in Africk. Which he might conjecture by the place they were now in. Neither was there speech of wives or children; they perceiving well, that what was not here, was certainly dead, or a prisoner with the enemy.

CHAP. I.

BUT Gelimer conducted the Army of Vandals, being now all come together against Carthage: where he cut off the Cities Aquaeduct encamped a while, and no enemy sally­ing, retired. They quartered themselves in the neigh­bouring Towns, and thought to block up the City so, set­ting guards upon the high-ways. They used no spoyl nor pillage, assuming the Country as their own: and expe­cting some Treason by the Carthaginians, and such Roman soldiers as were Arrians. With large promises also, they invited the Comman­ders of the Hunns to be their friends and confederates: They, who were dis­affected to the Romans, alleadging that Peter, the Roman General, had brought them to Constantinople against their wills, and contrary to his express oath. So they entertained the motion, and agreed in the battel to turn their powers against the Romans. Of all this Belisarius had some suspition, by relation of some fu­gitives; [Page 28]and the walls being not wholly finished, he would not sally, but accom­modated all things within. He crucified one Laurus a Carthaginian, for Treason, upon a hillock before the City, convinced by his own Secretary; which frighted the rest from the like attempts The Massagetes courting with gifts, and invita­tions to his table, and other complements, at last he got out of them what Geli­mer had promised them, to turn cowards in the battel; and indeed that they had no mind to fight, fearing that, the Vandals being overthrown, the Romans would not dismiss them to their own Country, but wear them out in Africk; and be­sides, take their booty from them. Belisarius sware to them, that they should be sent home so soon as the Vandals were absolutely overthrown, with all their boo­ty; and bound them by oath to aid us with all alacrity. Then, all things being well prepared he spake thus to the Army. ‘To use exhortations of courage to you, may seem needless fellow-soldiers! who have already so vanquisht the e­nemy, that Carthage and all Africk is the purchase of your valour:’ and Vi­ctors never have faint hearts. But it is not unseasonable to put you in mind, ‘that fighting bravely now the Vandals will have an end of their hopes, and we of fighting. You ought then chearfully and with pleasure to enter into this combat; being to be the period of your labours: And let none speak of the Vandals multitude; which uses not to determine wars, but mens valour. Let the most powerfull thing among men, a sense of reputation upon your former acti­ons affect you: it being a shame for men in their wits, to grow worse, and to lessen their own virtue. The enemy their fear, and remembrance of misfor­tunes will make cowards; the one frighting with things past, the other expel­ling hope of victory; ill fortune ever instantly dejecting mens spirirs. Be­sides, our combat is for greater things. If the former fight had succeeded ill, our danger had been, not to conquer anothers Country: But now we lose that which is our own, if we be not victorious. So that our fear is so much the grea­ter, as it is less to purcha [...]e nothing, then to lose what one hath. Formerly we got a victory without our Foot; but now with our whole Army I hope we shal get the enemies Camp, men, and all they have. You have in your hands the conclusion of this war; if you neglect it, and put off opportunity, you will seek it when 'tis gone. Fortune despised, stops; especially if the judgements be improved of those she favoured not before. That Goddess hates such as squan­der away their prosperity. And if any man imagine that the fight of the ene­mies wives and children, and most precious things, will make them dare even be­yond power, he errs. Anger about things so dear, weakens minds excessively affected, and suffers them not to make due use of occasions. All which taking into our consideration, let us undaunted march against the enemy.’

Having thus encouraged them, he sent out all his horse that day, save 500. and to John the Armenian he gave his own Targetiers and Ensigne, (which the Ro­mans call Bandum) commanding him to skirmish upon occasion. Himself with the foot, and [...]oo horse followed. The Hunns were determined to keep their ac­cords with Gelimer and Belisarius too, and to begin no fight for the Romans, nor before it to turn to the Vandals; but upon the victory of either, to follow the execution upon the vanquished. The Roman Army found the Vandals encamp­ed at Tricamazus, about 17 miles from Carthage, and lodged not far from them. Where about midnight, fires were seen upon the Romans spears, and the heads thereof red hot; and the few who saw this Prodigie were amazed, not know­ing what the event would be. But the same happening long afterward in Italy, they took it upon experience for a signe of victory. But then it happening first, they were troubled, and past the night in fear.

CHAP. II.

THe next day Gelimer placed the Vandals wives and children, and all their wealth, in the midst of the Trench, though unfortified; and calling them to­gether, spake thus. ‘We strive not now, dear Countrymen! about loss of ho­nor, or Empire; as if by cowardly abandoning these, we might live quietly at home, and hold our estates. Fortune hath turn'd us now to this point, either to con­quer our enemies, or to leave them masters of our wives, and children, Coun­try, and all our wealth; and the only advantage of our escaping will be to be slaves, and beholders of these things. But if we vanquish we shall live in prosperity, and after an honorable death, leave our Families happy, and pre­serve the Vandals name and Empire. If ever men fought a battel for all they have, and for the hopes of all men, we are they. Our fear and danger now, is not to die; but not to vanquish our enemies: which failing, only death is good for us. Let none of you therefore faint, but couragiously abandon his person; affecting death rather, then the base miseries of a defe [...]t. He that is ashamed to be base, fears no dangers. Think not upon the former fight, where­in not our cowardise, but some cross fortune tript us; whose stream holds not always the same course, but changes every day. In valour we presume to have the advantage; and in numbers we exceed our enemies by ten times as many men. Then have we many, and great provocations to valour. The glory of our ancestors, ashamed of our degenerating and the Empire they left us, pro­testing to forsake us, if unworthy. Then to see the howlings of these women, and these weeping children, even stops my speech, with the extream grief: so that I will only say this: That these our dearest pledges we shall never more see, if we vanquish not our enemies. Consider it, and be valiant, and do not deface the glory of Gens [...]rich.’

Having thus said, he commanded his brother Tzazon particularly to animate his soldiers, that came from Sardinia; who assembling them some space from the camp, ‘spake thus. 'Fellow soldiers! The generality of Vandals are to combat for what you have heard from the King: but you are moreover to strive with your own selves. Lately fighting for dominion, and to recover the Island, you o­vercame. Now you hazard in the greatest things you have, and must use your greatest courage. Who fight for dominion, and are vanquished, are not ruined in the main: But fighting for all, their lives depend upon the conclusion of the battel. And if you be valiant to day, the deposition of Godas will clearly ap­pear an effect of your valour; but if now you faint, you will lose the reputa­tion also of that action. And we have the advantage over the rest; terrified with their former defeat; we being unvanquisht, and fighting with a courage untainted. Then will the greatest part of the garland of victory be yours, you will be called the Preservers of the Vandal Nation: for by winning in com­pany of men formerly unfortunate, you will appropriate to your selves the bet­ter fortune. Upon these considerations you may do well to stint the howling of your women and children, and calling God to your assistance, to march boldly against the enemy in the head of your Countrymen.’

Gelimer and Tzazon, after these exhortations, drew them out; and about noon came on (the Romans being preparing their dinners) and stood in order up­on the banks of the brook there. On the other bank the Romans put also in or­der thus; The left wing Martinus, Valerianus, John, Cyprian, Althias, and Mar­cellus had, and the other Commanders of Confederates: The right wing Pap­pus, Barbatus, and Aigan, and the Captains of the Legionary horse. In the midst stood John, with the Generals Lanciers, and Ensigne; and thither in the due season came Belisarius himself, leaving the foot behind, marching fair and softly. The Hunns who used before not to mingle their ranks with the Roman Army, then stood aloof, with the intention I have said. The Vandals order was, [Page 30]to distribute each wing among the Colonels of thousands, every one leading his proper Regiment: And in the middle stood Tzazon; and in the rear the Moors. Gelimer himself rode about from place to place, to encourage his soldi­ers: Whom he warned in this fight, not to use Javelins, nor any weapons but their swords. It was long ere they began. Then John, by Belisarius his direction, with a few chosen men, passed the brook, and charged those in the middle; where Tzazon repulsed him back towards the main Army, pursuing him to the brooks side, but not going over. Again John drawing out more Targetiers of Belisari­us, rode against Tzazon; and being again repulsed, retired. He renewed the charge the third time, with almost all Belisarius his Targetiers and Lanciers, and the Generals Ensigne, shouting and clashing their arms. The Barbarians valiant­ly received them, using their swords only; and the fight grew stiff, where many Vandals, and of the best, were slain, and Tzazon himself. Then came on the whole Roman Cavalry, and passing the brook, charged the enemy. And the defeat, begin­ning in the middle, appeared clearly; each one routing their opposites with ease. Which the Massagetes perceiving, according to their resolution they followed the execution with the Roman Army, which lasted not long; the Vandals recovering their Camp; and the Romans not holding themselves able to fight with them in their entrenchment, stript such dead bodies as had any gold upon them, and retired to their Camp. In this fight were slain of Romans 50. and of Vandals 800. But Belisarius about the evening (his foot being come up) marcht with his whole Ar­my to the Vandals Camp. Gelimer seeing Belisarius with his foot, and all marching, without one word speaking, or giving any direction, leapt on horseback and fled the way into Numidia; his kinsmen, and some few houshold servants following him, amazed, and concealing what it was for. Some time the Vandals knew not of Gelimers flight; but when they found it, and saw the enemy, the men were in a tumult; the women howled, the children cryed; none sought to save their goods, nor regarded the lamentations of their dearest friends; But every man in confusion ran away. The Romans took the Camp, with all the wealth in it, and destitute of men: And following the chase all night, killed the men they over­took, and made slaves of the women and children. They found in the Camp so great a mass of wealth, as was never together in a place. For the Vandals had long ransackt the Roman Provinces, and brought much wealth into Africk; which being also good land, and most plentifull of all commodities; the reve­nues in mony were not spent in other Countrys, but put up by the owners for the space of 95 years,An. Dom. 533. Just. 70. in which the Vandals had the dominion of Africk. From whence their wealth now grown into a great bulk, was that day restored to the Romans. This overthrow, and taking the Vandals Camp, happened three months after the coming of the Roman Army to Carthage, in the middle of December.

CHAP. III.

BUt Belisarius was troubled to see the Romans disorder, and all night was a­fraid, lest the Vandals making head again, might ruine them. If they had come, not one Roman had escaped to enjoy their booty. For the soldiers, being of a sudden become masters of so great wealth, and of personages extreamly beauti­full, could not contain, nor find any satiety in their booty. They were drunk with their prosperity, and would have every man returned to Carthage, carrying all along with them. And they stragled by one and by two, as their hope of gain led them, searching in woods and fastnesses, and in caves and such places, subject to danger, and ambushes, fearing no enemy, nor respecting Belisarius; being af­fected with nothing but the desire of booty. Which Belisarius seeing, he knew not what order to take. And so soon as it was day, he stood upon a hillock by the high way, calling upon them for order, and chiding the soldiers and commanders. Such as came that way, sent their booty and captives with their Comrades to Car­thage; and themselves repaired to the General, and obeyed his directions. He [Page 31]commanded John the Armenian, to follow Gelimer without intermission, and to take him alive or dead. And he wrote to his friends in Carthage, to take the Vandals out of the Churches in Towns thereabout, giving them assurances and to disarm them that they might not stir, and to keep them safe in the City till his coming. With the troops he had, he went about recollecting the Army, and giving assurances to such Vandals as he found, there being none but in Churches; whom he disarmed, and sent under guards to Carthage, giving them no time to make head. All being setled, he marcht with the rest of his Army against Geli­mer. John following the chace five days together, came very near to Gelimer; who being not ordained to be taken by John, this cross chance happened. A­mong the pursuers with John, was one Ʋliaris, a Lancier of Belisarius; valiant, and of an able body; but not serious, his greatest delight being wine, and jests. The sixth day of their pursuit, being in drink, he spied about Sun-rising a bird upon a tree, and let fly an arrow at it. He mist the bird; but shot John behind in the neck; who soon after dyed of the wound; leaving a great miss both to the General and Emperour, and all, both Romans and Carthaginians. He was a valiant, and a virtuous man, and bore himself mildly and moderately to all men. Thus John the Armenian died. But Ʋliaris coming to himself, fled into the Church of a Village near hand; And the soldiers pursued no further, but at­tended the cure of John; and being dead, performed his funeral rites, and ac­quainted Belisarius with the accident, staying in the place: Who came immedi­ately to the Sepulchre, mourning the misfortune, and honoured the same with a yearly Revenue, and many other things. To Vliaris he did no harm, hearing from the soldiers that John had made them swear that he should not be punished for the fact, being unwittingly done. Thus Gelimer escaped his enemies hands that day. Belisarius still pursued [...]im; and at Hippo Regia, a City upon the sea in Numidia, ten days journy from Carthage, he learnt how he was gone up to the mountain of Pappua, and not possible to be taken. This mountain is steep, and very ill way; high rocks standing round about it. In it inhabit Barbarian Moors, friends and confederates of Gelimer; and on the utmost border of it, stands an antient City, named Medenos. Here Gelimer with his company rest­ed. But Belisarius being not able to attempt the mountain in the winter; and holding it unsafe to be absent from Carthage, the state being unsetled, he left Pharas with some forces to besiege the mountain. This Pharas was a valiant, prudent, and virtuous man, though an Herulian. And for an Herulian not to be false and a drunkard, but to pretend to virtue, is rare, and much to be commen­ded. But he was both himself an affecter of discipline, and all the Herulians that followed him. Belisarius commanded him to lie all the winter at the foot of the hill, exactly guarding, that neither Gelimer get down, nor have provisions brought to him.

Then taking the Vandals out of the Churches in Hippo, upon his faith given them (being of the best) he sent them with a guard to Carthage: and he had this fortune here. One Bonifacius an African of Byzacium, Secretary to Geli­mer, was by Gelimer furnished with a good ship, having in it all the royal trea­sures; and he was commanded to lie at anchor in the Port of Hippo; and if he saw the affairs go ill, to sail with the mony to Theudis, Prince of the Visigoths in Spai [...]; where himself, upon the ruine of the Vandals, intended to save himself. Bonifacius staid, while there was any hope; but hearing of the battel of Trica­marus, and the rest formerly related, he hoists sail according to Gelimers appoint­ment: But a contrary wind brought him back into the Port of Hippo: and under­standing the enemy to be near, he wooed the Mariners with large promises, to get to some other Land. But they could not, a storm coming, and the Tyrrhene sea being grown high; so they resolved, that God certainly meant to give the Romans that treasure, not suffering them to put to sea: and with much adoe get­ting clear of the harbour, they lay off at sea in some danger. Bonifacius sent to Belisarius, being come to Hippo, some whom he directed to get into a Church; saying that they were sent by Bonifacius, who had Gelimers Treasures; but con­cealing where he was, before oath given; that delivering the Treasures, he shall have no hurt done him, but keep such moneys as are his own. They performed [Page 32]these directions. And Belisarius glad of the news, made no scruple to swear: But sent some who received the Treasures, and dismissed Bonifacius with his own moneys, having stollen a mass of wealth from Gelimer.

CHAP. IV.

BEing returned to Carthage, he made the Vandal prisoners ready to send to Constantinople with the first of the spring; and sent forces to take in what had been under the Vandals: and to Sardinia Cyrillus, with the head of Tzazon; the Islanders not yet yielding, nor believing the report of the Vandals il fortune at Tri­camarus. And he directed him to send part of his forces to take in Corsica (antiently called Cyrnus) not far from Sardinia, which had been under the Vandals also. Cy­rillus accordingly shewed the head of Tzazon to the Islanders of Sardinia, and made both the Islands tributary.

Belisarius sent also John with the foot company under his leading, unto Caesa­rea in Mauritania, being 30 days journey from Carthage, in the way to Caliz and Hercules Pillars; and a populous maritine City. Another John, one of his targetiers, he sent to the Straits of Caliz, to possess the Castle of Septum, one of the Pillars. To the Isles of Ebusa, Majorica, and Minorica, he sent Apollinarius, an Italian, who went young into Africk; and there being grown rich by the bounty of Il­derick, after his deposing and imprisonment, he went a sutor for Ilderick to Justi­nian, with some other Africans. And in this voyage with the Romans he did va­liantly, and at Tricamarus the best of any. For which service Belisarius gave him the command of those Islands. He re-enforced also the Romans under Pu­dentius and Tattimuth in Tripolis, the Moors pressing sore upon them. He sent some likewise to receive the Castle at Lilybaeum in Sicily, as belonging to the Van­dals dominion, but was repulsed by the Goths, refusing to yeeld any part of Sicily, and denying the Castle to have been the Vandals.

Whereupon he wrote thus to the Governours there▪ You deprive us of Lilybae­um, a Castle of the Vandals, the Emperours slaves; wherein you deal both unjust­ly and unwisely, without your Princes mind and privity, to put the Emperour into a war with him, whose favour he hath so laboured to purchase. How strange a pro­ceeding is it, to suffer Gelimer to hold the Castle, and from the Emperour, Gelimers Master, to take away his slaves possessions? Take heed: consider how friendship co­vers many grievances: but an enemy endures not the least injury, but looks back, and will not wink at his foe grown rich, whence he should not; But then he alleadges the wrongs done to his Ancestors; then he fights; wherein though he fail, yet he loses no possession; but prospering, makes the vanquished ask forgiveness. Do you there­fore do us no farther ill, nor suffer any. Make not the Emperour an enemy to the Goths, whom you wish propitious. For know, that if you dispute this Castle, you will have a war, not only for Lilybaeum; but for all you hold without just title.

The Goths imparted these Letters to Atalaricus his mother, and by her di­rection made this answer. Excellent Belisarius! your exhortation may be perti­nent to some other men, but not Goths. We are not so mad as to detain any thing from the Emperour: Sicily we challenge all to be ours; whereof that Castle is one of the head Lands. If Theodorick gave his sister, married to a Vandal King, the use of a Mart Town in Sicily, this can give no pretence of title. But noble General! do us right; and decide this controversie not as an enemy, by a battel, but as a friend at an Arbitrament. We refer it to the Emperour himself, to do as to him shall seem le­gal and just. And we wish you to be advised, and to attend the determination of your Emperour.

Belisarius herewith acquainted the Emperour, and staid till he should further direct him.

In the mean time Pharas being weary of a winter-siege, and supposing the Moors unable to oppose him, he undertook the ascent unto Pappua, with his troops well armed. But the Moors defended it so, that those who went up the Hill being steep, and bad way, were easily ruined; and Pharas being obstinate lost [Page 33]110 men, and with the residue was beaten back. But he set very diligent guards, that they might be put to yield for hunger, permitting none to scape away, nor any thing to be brought them from without. Where the sufferings of Gelimer and his kindred and others with him, delicately bred, no relation can equal. The Van­dals being of all the known Nations the most effeminate, and these Moors the hardiest. They first since their possession of Africk have used their daily baths, and plentiful tables, of the best and pleasantest things the earth and sea afford; most of them wore gold and silk, and past their times in Theaters, horse-races, and other delights, and principally huntings: They had their Masques and Playes, Musiques and gallant sights; many had gardens furnished with waters and trees, used much feasting, and were as much addicted to venerie. But those Moors are choaked up in close cabbins, never removing for heat of summer, or any inconvenience; and ly­ing upon the ground, or happily with a sheeps-skin under them: They never change apparel, but all the year wear a thick coarse mantle, and a Freese-coat: They have no bread nor wine, eating their wheat, barley, and Olyra (as other animals) without reducing it to flour. With these Moors Gelimers company having long sojourned, in this strange change of diet, and now necessaries failing too; they could hold out no longer, but thought it the most pleasant to die, and to serve not base.

CHAP. V.

WHich Pharas understanding, wrote thus to Gelimer. ‘I also am a Barba­rian, not used to discourses; but do write now what I cannot but learn from the course of things. Why have you cast your self, dear Gelimer! and your whole kindred into this depth of misery? Is it to avoid being a slave? is that it you stomack, as conceiving all miseries good cheap for liberty? And doe you not now serve, having your best hopes of safety upon the most wretched of all the Moors? Tis better for a man to be a slave among Romans begging, then to reign over the Moors of Pappua. And can it be so extreme a scorn to be a fellow-servant of Belisarius? Fie [...]l noble Gelimer. We glory (being not born of noble parentage) to be the Emperours slaves. But you (they say) the Emperour in­tends to receive into the Senate, and to the highest honour called the Patriciate, and to bestow on you a large fertile country, and much wealth; and Belisarius will undertake these conditions upon his oath. Can you bear what fortune brings generously? and when she mingles her distastes with some good, will you peevishly reject it? Are not good things from fortune as needfull for us as bad? But these things the most sensless will not think. It seems being plunged in dis­asters, you lose your wits; For grief uses to amaze, and turn the mind upon bad counsels. But if you can manage your thoughts, without repining against for­tune; you have it in your power, to chuse what's good for you, and to rid your self of these miseries.’

Gelimer lamented bitterly at the reading this Letter, and wrote back thus. ‘I thank you much for your counsel; but to serve an Enemy wronging me, I hold intolerable; Of whom I would get right, if God were propitious. He hath set Belisarius upon me, I know not why; found a reasonless pretext of a war, and brought me to this, having never offended him in word nor deed. It is not impossible, but that something he wishes not may happen to him, though an Emperour, yet but a man. I can adde no more; my misfortune hath taken a­way my invention. Farewell gentle Pharas; and at my request send me a Harp, a Loaf of bread, and a Sponge.’ Pharas doubted long how to construe the last clause of the Letter; till the beater told him, That Gelimer askt him a Loaf of bread, longing to see and taste a baked loaf, which he had not seen since his com­ming to Pappua: That he needed a Sponge for his eye, swell'd with a rheume, for want of sweating and bathing: And being skilful upon the Harp, he desired one to sing to it a sad Ditty he had composed upon his present calamity. Pharas con­doling [Page 34]with him, and at the condition of mankind, sent him the things according to his Letter; but blocke him up faster then before. And three winter-moneths were spent in this siege; And Gelimer feared that ere long they would get up to him; He saw the children of his kin even swarm with lice; full of sorrow he was, weary of the thought of any thing but dying; yet he endured all beyond imagi­nation, till he saw this sight. A Moorish woman had pounded some wheat, and thereof made a little Cake, which she threw in the hot ashes upon the hearth, as the Moors use to bake then bread: Two hungry boyes, (one the said womans son, and the other Gelimers sisters son) watcht at the hearth to catch the cake when it was baked: The Vandale boy caught it first, and hungerly thrust it hot into his mouth, with the ashes on; the other boy took him by the hair, and with beating forced him to put out the cake again. Gelimer, who observed all this accident, could not beare it, but relented, and presently wrote thus to Pharas. ‘If ever man endured misery with a success quite contrary to his counsels, such am I, Excellent Pharas! I mean not to neglect your good advice; being no longer able to strive with fortune, nor struggle under the yoke of destiny, which I will follow as it pleases the same to lead me. Let me have assurance of Belisarius un­dertaking the performance of that by the Emperour, which you lately intimated, and I will immediately render my self to you, and all my kindred, and Vandals here with me.’

Pharas acquainted Belisarius with this, and the former Letters; desiring to know his pleasure. Who much desiring to bring Gelimer alive to the Emperour, and overjoyed with the news, instantly sent to Pappua, Cyprian Commander of the Confederates, with some others, to give oath to Gelimer for the safety of him­self and company, and that he should have an honourable rank with the Emperor, and want nothing. And they with Pharas went to the foot of the mountain, whither came Gelimer, received the assurances as he desired, and went with them to Carthage. Belisarius was in a suburb thereof, named Aclae: where Gelimer be­ing presented, fell a laughing openly, that some imagined him to be distracted through the extremity of his misery: But his friends alleadged the man to be of sudden apprehension; He was royally born, and a King; and now from a con­tinued power and wealth, fallen into bondage and fear; And after his enduring so much in Pappua, he must now be ranked amongst slaves; And thus having had experience of Fortunes smiles and frowns, he thought Humane condition to de­serve only laughter. Thus they conceived of it. But Belisarius acquainted the Emperour how Gelimer was a Captive at Carthage, and prayed leave to come a­long with him to Constantinople; keeping him in the mean time in an honorable restraint, and preparing his Fleet. Many experiments the world hath seen beyond hope, and many it will, while Fortune continues the same. Many things seeming to Reason impossible, have come to pass, and been wondred at: But I know not whether ever the like of these things hath happened. For a fourth Successor of Genserick (his Kingdom flourishing with wealth and men of war) to be ruined in so short a time, by 5000 new comers without a place to anchor in, (so many only were the Horse, who by their valour or fortune debated the whole war) is justly to be wondred at. But I return from whence I digressed; This being the con­clusion of the Vandal wars.

CHAP. VI.

But some Commanders being envious of Belisarius (as is usual in great felicities) traduced him without any colour of truth, to the Emperour, of usurpation. The Emperour made no shew of it, either despising the accusation, or thinking it his best way; and sent thither Solomon, and gave Belisarius his choice, either to come to Constantinople with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to stay and send them. But he (who was not ignorant how the Commanders charged him with usurpa­tion) urged to go to Constantinople to cleer the imputation, and to be revenged of [Page 35]his accusers. He came to discover the plot against him thus. His accusers fearing the miscarriage of their letters to the Emperour, and so to spoil their design, wrote of the usurpation in two letters, by several messengers in several ships; one where­of sailed away unespied; but the other upon some suspition was taken in Man­dracium, and his letter intercepted, and the plot discovered to Belisarius, who thereupon made haste to get to the Emperours presence. But the Moors of By­zacium and Numidia, breaking their truce, revolted, and suddenly made war up­on the Romans, without any occasion at all: An action agreeable to their dispo­sitions; for with Moors is no care of oaths, nor hostages, (though of their chil­dren, brethren, or Rulers) neither any assured peace, but by their feare of the enemy. They made truce with Belisarius, and broke it, as I shall tell you. The Emperours Fleet being expected in Africk, the Moors afraid, resorted to their soothsaying women, it being not lawfull for their men to soothsay. These women after being possessed with a Spirit, as was usual for them, according to the manner of the ancient Oracles; foretold an Army from the waters, the ruine of the Van­dals, and destruction of the Moors, when a Generall of Romans should come without a beard. Upon this answer the Moors, seeing the Fleet at sea, were afraid, and would not assist the Vandals; but sent to Belisarius, and made a peace, watch­ing for the success. And the business of the Vandals being dispatcht, they sent to spie in the Roman Army if there were any Commander without a beard; And finding all well stored with beards, they thought (as they would have it) the Oracle to concern some after-ages, and not them. So they long'd to break the truce, but were afraid of Belisarius, despairing of overcoming the Romans, he being with them. And hearing him to be ready to go, and his Lanciers, Targetiers, and Vandal Captives to be already on ship-board, they took arms suddenly, and did the Africans much mischief: For the Souldiers being dispersed in small gar­risons upon the borders, and unprepared, could not every where oppose, nor hin­der the Barbarians inroads, which were often, and secret. And so men in con­fusion were slain, women and children made slaves, goods every where carried a­way, and all the Country full of flights. Belisarius was at sea when he heard of this, and could not come back now; but he appointed Solomon to govern Africk, and to take the most part of his Targetiers and Lanciers, and to chastise the Moors for this wrong to the Romans. Another Army the Emperor sent to Solomon, with Theodorus the Cappadocian, and Ildeger, who married the daughter of Antonina, Belisarius his wife. And the ancient African tributes being not to be found up­on the ancient Roman records there, which Genserick had destroyed; Tryphon and Eustratius were sent with commission from the Emperour to make a taxe; Men whom the Africans found harsh and intolerable.

But Belisarius being arrived at Constantinople with Gelimer and the Vandals, was thought worthy of those ancient honours given to Generals for the greatest victories. It is about 600 years since any had the same, unless it were Titus, Tra­janus, and such Emperours, as led the Army in person, and got victory of some Barbarian nation. He led the spoils, and prisoners of war, in pomp through the City; which the Romans call a Triumph; but it was not in the ancient manner: He went afoot from his own house to the Circus, and there from his Pavillion to the Emperours throne. The spoils were things belonging to the service of the King, and Gold-chains, and the Chariots for his Queen, with many Jewels & Cups of gold, and all things useful at a Kings feast. Silver also weighing many thou­sand talents and a huge mass of Royal furniture, (Genserick having sackt, as I said, the Palace at Rome) among which were some monuments of the Jewes, brought to Rome by Titus, after the destruction of Jerusalem. A Jew there espy­ing the same, standing by one of the Emperours familiar friends, It is not so good (quoth he) to bring these monuments into the Palace of Constantinople; for they cannot continue but where Solomon first placed them: Hence it is that Genserick sackt the Palace in Rome, and now Belisarius that of the Vandals. The Emperour hearing this, sent them to the Christian Churches in Jerusalem. The Captives were, Gelimer, bearing a Purple robe, and all his kindred, and the tallest and beau­tifullest of the Vandals. Gelimer seeing the Emperour sitting upon a high throne, and the people on both sides in the Circus, and himself in that calamity, used no [Page 36]lamentation, but still repeated that in the Scripture, Vanity of vanities, all is vanity. Being at the Emperours throne, they took from him the Purple robe, and caused him to fall upon his face and adore the Emperour. The same did Belisarius, sup­plicating for him to the Emperour: who, with his Empress Theodora, gave large means to Ildericks children, and the descendants of Valentinian; and to Gelimer they gave towns in Galatia of good value, where they suffered him to dwell. He would not change his Arrian Religion; so he was not admitted a Patrician. Belisarius not long after had a Triumph according to the ancient custom. Going to be installed Consul, he was born by Captives in a chariot, from whence he threw of the Vandal spoils among the people, silver-vessels, and gold-belts, and much more of the Vandals wealth. And then men saw things forgotten, thus re­newed by time.

CHAP. VII.

BUt Solomon taking the charge of the Army in Africk, the Moors being up, and the State tottering, was uncertain what to do; Hearing how the Bar­barians had killed the Garisons in Byzacium, An. Dom. 534. Just. 8. and forraged the Country; but the misfortune in Byzacium of Aigan the Hunn, and Rufinus the Thracian, troubled him most, and all Carthage, being men of great reputation in Belisarius his reti­nue, and the whole Army. Aigan was one of Belisarius his life-guard; and the other, as the valiantest of the rest, was the Generals Standard-bearer, whom the Romans call Bandophorus: These commanding then Troops of horse, and seeing the Moors make booty, and slaves of the Africans, laid wait for them in a narrow passage, killed them, and rescued all their captives. Which the Barbarian Prin­ces, Cutzînas, Esdilâsas, Juphrûthes, and Medisinissas hearing, set upon them a­bout evening; whom the Romans, being few, and surprised in the narrow pas­sage, in the midst of thousands, were not able to resist; which way soever they turned the enemy having their backs. Rusinus and Aigan ran to a rock, and thence kept off the enemy with their arrows; who durst not come up, but darted their Javelins. Their arrows being spent, the Moors came to handy blowes, and they awhile defended themselves with their swords; but numbers overpressing, cut Aigan in pieces, and carried away Rufinus. But Medisinissas, fearing he might escape, and trouble them again, took off his head, and shewed it at home to his wives; being for bigness, and abundance of hair, a goodly sight.

It is not amiss to say something here, how, and from whence the Moors came originally to inhabit Africk. When the Hebrews came out of Egypt, and Mo­ses was dead, and Joshua his successor, with more then humane valour, had brought the people into Palestine, possest the Country, overthrown the Nations, conquered their Cities, and was thought invincible: The Gergesites and Jebusites, and other Nations, mentioned in the Scripture (being populous, and inhabiting the sea-coast, from Sidon to Egypt, called Phoenicia, and under one King, as is confessed by all Writers of Antiquities) seeing this new Captain unresistible, they removed from their own Country into Egypt. Where finding no room, (Egypt being antiently populous) they went on into Africk: and building many Cities, possest it all, unto Hercules Pillars, and to this day continue there, using the Phoenician language. In Numidia they built a Castle, where now is the City of Tigisis. In which stand two Pillars, near the great Conduit, with these words engraven in the Phoenician language. We are they who fled from before Jo­shua the chief, the son of Nun. Other people antiently inhabited Africk, and therefore were said to be born of the earth. Whereupon their King, Antoeus, (who wrastled with Hercules in Clypea) was called the son of the earth. After­ward the Phaenicians came with Dido into Africk, to those of the same race, who received them and permitted them to build Carthage. But in time, the Cartha­ginians grown great and populous, overcame these Moors in battel, who came [Page 37]thus out of Palestine, and forced them to inhabit far from Carthage. And the Romans afterward being Masters of the world, planted the Moors upon the ut­termost borders of the inhabited Countrys of Africk, and made the Carthagi­nians, and other Africans Tributary. But lately the Moors got many victories of the Vandals, and held Mauritania, extending from Caliz to Caesarea, and the most part of Africk beside.

But Solomon understanding the accident of Aigan, and Rufinus, prepared for a War, and wrote this Letter to the Princes of the Moors. ‘Others heretofore have ventured foolishly, and perisht, not divining the event of their presump­tion: But you, seeing a president of your neighbours the Vandals, upon what madness have you drawn your swords against the great Emperour? and do thus abandon your safeties, after solemn oaths, and your sons given for pledges? Is it to shew that you regard neither God, faith, kindred, nor safety? Being such, in what God can you trust for help, provoking a Roman Emperour? You have lost your sons; for what is it you mean to hazard? If you repent for what is past, write that you will give over; If not, expect a Roman war to come up­on you, with your violated oaths, and the undoing your own sons.’

The Moors made this answer to Solomon. ‘Belisarius perswaded us with large promises, to obey the Emperour. But now affording us no share of your pro­sperity, you would have us friends and aids still, starving with hunger. It is you are the faith-breakers, not the Moors: Not they, who fly off from their as­sociates upon wrongs, violate Truces, but they who demand Truce, and then oppress men: Not they, who fight for their own, make God their enemy; but who usurping other mens right, dare hazard a war. Concerning sons, you may be troubled, who must have but one wife: We who may have 50 wives at once, can never want a generation.’

Upon this, Solomon resolved to lead his Army against them; and having dispo­sed of things in Carthage, marcht into Byzacium, and encamped at Mamme, near the aforesaid Moorish Princes.

CHAP. VIII.

AT the foot of high mountains there, upon a plain piece of ground, the Bar­barians put their battel in order to fight, thus. They put their Camels in a round (as Cabaon did formerly) made their front 12. Camels deep, and placed their women and children in the middle, save some few, who made their entrench­ments, and cabbins; drest their horses and Camels, and their own diet, and did many services in their fights. Themselves stood between the Camels legs, having shields, swords, and Javelins; and some horse upon the mountains. Half the Round next the mountain, Solomon omitted; fearing lest the enemy from thence, and from the Round might charge his men at once, and so get their backs, oppo­sing the Army to the rest, and finding them dejected with the accident of Aigan and Rufinus, he made them this speech to encourage them. You that are fel­low ‘soldiers of Belisarius, are not to fear, nor make it an example, if 50000 Moors have vanquisht 500 Romans. Call to mind your own valour: Think how the Vandals vanquisht the Moors, and with what ease you are now Masters of the Vandals; and having beaten the better men, will you fear the weaker? The Moors are the poorest Nation to fight in the world, coming naked, or with short shields only, ill made, and unable to keep out a blow, and such men, as when they have thrown out their two Javelins, if they do no effect, run instant­ly away: So that we may by warding their first fury, have the better with ease, your advantage in your arms, valour, strength of body, experience in battels, and confidence, for having been already victorious over every enemy, you are to consider. All which the Moors wanting trust only to their multitude, who be­ing no soldiers, are the more easily beaten by a few well prepared. The soldi­er hath his confidence in himself: but the coward is commonly distressed by [Page 38]his croud of assistants. And these Camels deserve your contempt, which can­not resist us, and being wounded by us (as they shall) will put these men in dis­order. Their presumption upon their former good fortune, will fight for you. For boldness measured by ones power, may be an advantage: but exceeding that, it runs him into danger. Which considering, and not valuing the enemy, you shall silently, and with ease vanquish him.’

The Princes of the Moors also, seeing their men amazed at the Romans order, used this encouragement. ‘You have found, fellow soldiers I that these Romans have but the bodies of men, having killed some of their best men, overwhelmed with our Javelins, and taken many of them prisoners. Then have we a great advantage in numbers: And our strife is about the greatest things, either to be Masters of Africk, or slaves of these braggarts. So that now hazarding for all, if we be not more then ordinarily valiant, we shall do no good. And let us not regard their arming, which combers their foot, then whom the Moors will be much the swifter. And their horse will be disordered by the sight of our Camels, and by their cries, louder then the noise of the battel. To think the enemy unresistible because of his victory of the Vandals, is an errour. The Generals vertue ever poises the battel: and Belisarius, the greatest cause of that victory, fortune hath removed: Besides, the Vandals we had weakened be­fore, and made them an easie conquest to the Romans: And if we do valiantly now, we shall be Masters of these men also.’

This exhortation ended, the battel begun. At first the Romans were put into confusion by their horses skittishness at the sight and cry of the Camels, throw­ing their riders, and running away, and by the Moors incursions, darting the Javelins they had: so that being frighted and in tumult, they neither defended, nor kept their ranks. Which Solomon seeing, leapt from his horse, and comman­ded the rest to do the like, and to stand still, warding with their shields, against the enemies Javelins, and to keep their orders. Himself with 500 men gave on upon the Round; directing to kill the Camels. The Moors there ran away, and some 200 Camels were killed. Which being done, the Round was to be entred, and the Romans pierced into the midst of it, where the Moors wives were. The Barbarians all amazed, ran up the mountain, whom the Romans pursuing, killed some 10000 of them, flying in confusion. The Camels surviving were taken: and the Romans marcht to Carthage, to keep their Feast of Victory.

The Barbarians grown angry, made an universal invasion, leaving none behind. First they overran Byzacium, sparing no age they could catch. Solomon was new­ly come to Carthage, when this news was told him. So that he marcht against them with the whole Army; and at the mountain of Burgaon, upon which the Moors encamped, he sate down, expecting the Moors descent, that he might give them battel upon plain ground. But seeing them not come down, he put the Army in a fair order to fight. But they watched their occasions in the mountain, being heartily afraid of the Romans, and having no mind to fight in a champian. Burgaon is most of it very ragged; and to the East inaccessible; but to the West passable; and rising gently; and between two rocks is a deep woody Valley. The top of the mountain, where they expected no enemy, they left without men; and they quitted the foot of it, which was easie of access; and encamped in the mid­dle, to have the shooting of the enemies heads from above. And they had hor­ses, either to run away with, or to chase, if they got the day: Solomon seeing the Moors would not yet come to the even ground, and the Roman Army weary in that desert place, made haste to fight. But finding the soldier dismayed atheir enemies multitude, much greater then in the former battel; he spake thus to them.

‘The enemies fear of you needs no accuser nor witness; it convinces it self. So many thousands not daring to encounter you upon even ground; and ha­ving no confidence in themselves, but making this fastness their refuge: So that exhortations in words are needless to you, whom the things themselves, and your enemies weakness animates: Only let me put you in mind, that by the prosperous conclusion of this day, you will instantly enjoy all the wealth of Africk; the Vandals being overcome, and the Moors reduced, and no enemy [Page 39]left to think of. And that the enemies may not shoot down upon our heads, nor we suffer harm from the nature of the place, shall be my care.’

Solomon having thus said, commanded Theodorus the Scout-Master, to draw out 1000 foot, with their Ensignes, about the evening, and closely to get up at the East side of Burgaon, where the mountain is most difficult, and being come to the top, to pass the night without noise; and with Sun-rising to shew them­selves to the enemy, displaying their Ensignes, and to shoot at them. He did accordingly, and at mid-night, passing up a ragged way near the rock, was nei­ther discerned by Moors nor Romans; being said to be sent to ly abroad, to pre­vent mischief to the Camp. Before break of day Solomon went to the skirt of the hill, toward the enemy; and the soldiers, when the day grew bright, seeing the top of the mountain, full of men displaying Roman Ensignes, were amazed. When they on the top, began the fight, the Romans perceived them to be their own; and the Barbarians finding themselves shot on both sides, and without means to drive off the enemy, they despaired and ran away. But daring to fly neither to the top nor bottom of the hill, being both possessed by the enemy; they ran amain to the woody Valley, some on horse-back, some afoot. And being a multitude, and in fear, and tumult, they killed one another, and falling in to the Valley very deep, the foremost were slain, and not discerned by them that followed. But when the Valley was full of horses and dead bodies, the residue were saved, passing over the bodies from Burgaon to the other rock. The survi­vers affirmed 50 thousand Moors to have been slain in this overthrow. The Ro­mans lost not a man, nor so much as received a wound from the enemy, nor other accident, but all enjoyed the victory untoucht. The Barbarians Princes escaped all, save Isdilasas, who upon promise of life, yielded himself prisoner. Their boo­ty of women and children was so great, that they sold a Moorish boy for the price of a sheep. The Moors remaining, then remembred the womens Prophe­sie, That their Nation should perish by a man without a beard.

CHAP. IX.

THe Roman Army with their booty and Jsdilasas returned to Carthage. But the Barbarians surviving, would not continue in Byzacium, being few, and fearing to be opprest by the neighbouring Africans, but fled to to Jabdas, An. Dom. 535. Just. 9. Prince of the Moors of Aurasium in Numidia. In Byzacium such of them only re­mained, as were subject to Antalas, who kept his faith to the Romans, and had no harm done to his Sujects. In the mean time the said Jabdas forraged Numidia with 3 [...]000 men, and made slaves of many Africans. Althias then had the com­mand of a Castle thereabout, who having a mind to rescue some of those captives, drew out 70 Hunns of his Garison; but not conceiving it possible with such a number to stand the multitude of the Moors, he would have possest some nar­row passage, where the enemy marching, he might have seized upon the captives. But finding all open champian about the Towns there, he resolved to possess a great well standing in Tigisis, an unwalled City, but in a great fastness; thinking that the enemy being thirsty, would certainly come thither, no other water be­ing near. The great odds in numbers caused his conceit herein to savour of mad­ness. The Moors having toiled in the summer heats, and being extream thirsty, ran to the well, imagining no opposition: But finding the place possest by the ene­my, they stood amazed, being faint, and longing for water. Jabdas therefore came to a parly with Althias, and offered the third part of his booty, that his Moors might drink, which he refused, but offered to fight a single combat with him. Which Jabdas accepted; and it was agreed, that if he vanquisht Althias, the Moors should drink. Who were glad, and confident, seeing Althias a lean man, not tall; whereas Jabdas was the goodliest and valiantest of all the Moors. They were on horseback; and Jabdas threw first his Javelin, which Althias caught fly­ing at him in his right hand (which amazed his enemy) and with his left hand [Page 40]bent his bow (being both-handed) and killed Jabdas horse. The Moors brought their Prince another horse, upon which he leaped up, and ran away; the Moors following in disorder. Althias recovered the captives and booty, and got a great name in Africk for this act.

But Solomon, after a short stay in Carthage, led the Army against Jabdas to mount Aurasium, for sacking the Towns of Numidia, while the Roman Army was busie in Byzacium. The other Moorish Princes also incensed Solomon against him; as Massonas, being enemy to Jabdas, who killed Mephanias his father trea­cherously, though he had married his daughter: And Orthaeus, because he had plotted with Mastinas, Prince of the Barbarians in Mauritania, to expell him, and the Moors his subjects, from their antient habitation. So the Army under Solomon, and their Moorish aides, encamped by the river of Amigas, which runs by Aurasium. Jabdas thought the champian disadvantageous for him to fight in; so he made Aurasium as difficult as he could in the fit places for an as­sault.

This mountain is 13 days journey from Carthage, and the greatest we know; the circuit being three days journey. It is difficult to get up, but being up, and on even ground, are fields, fountains, rivers, and many admirable gardens; the wheat there, and all that grows, is twice as big as in any other part of Africk. Some neglected Castles also there are, the Inhabitants finding no use of them: who never were put into any fear since the Moors took Aurasium from the Van­dals. Nay they demolished Tamugadis, a populous City to the Eastward of the mountain, upon the very entrance of the plain, that enemies might not lodg there, and for the Cities sake approach the mountain. The Country to the west of Aurasium being large and good, the Moors had likewise; beyond whom are other Moors subject to Ortaeus, who aided Solomon. I have heard that man say, that beyond his Country is a Wilderness, and beyond that, men not black, like Moors, but with white bodies, and yellow hair.

Solomon distributed monies amongst his Auxiliaries, encouraged them, and with his whole Army ascended mount Aurasium, in order of battel, thinking that day to try his fortune against the enemy; so that the souldier had brought but little fodder for their horses. They went six miles and a quarter in very bad way, and lay all that night in the fields. And the seaventh day (going every day as much) they came to an old Castle by a river, called by the Latines, Mons-scuti. Here they had been told the enemy was encamped; but none encountring, them­selves encamped there, preparing to fight: they spent there three days. But see­ing the enemy absolutely gone, and necessaries failing, Solomon and the whole Army doubted some plot of their Auxiliary Moors. Who knowing perfectly the ways of Aurasium, and in likelyhood the enemies designes, by riding to them secretly, and often being sent by the Romans to discover, yet they never spake a true word. So they thought it best to be gone before some blow, and to return with greater provisions, and better furnished in other things. Now they were a­fraid, and suspected treason from their Auxiliaries, whom they knew naturally false, and especially when they aid the Romans, or any against the Moors. Upon all these considerations, and the famine pinching, they went down immediately, and made an entrenchment in the champian.

But the winter being come, Solomon marcht to Carthage, where he prepared for another journey in the beginning of the spring to Aurasium, without any auxiliary Moors, if it might be; and he appointed forces and a fleet against the Moors in Sardinia; being a rich Island, and as big as two third parts of Sicily; the circumference of it is twenty days journey; and is in the mid-way between Rome and Carthage, and much vexed with Moors, who were confined and planted there with their wives and children, by the Vandals. There possest the mountains near Carnalis, and at first committed petty stealths upon the natives; but being grown to a number of 3000 men, they made open inroads, and ransackt all the places near them, being by the natives called Barbaracini. Against these Moors Solomon prepared a fleet th [...] winter.

CHAP. X.

BUt at the same time, Belisarius being sent into Italy by the Emperour, against Theodatus and the Goths, landed first in Sicily, and took the Island; the man­ner whereof I refer to my ensuing History of the affairs of Italy. When I have written the occurrences of Africk, I will come to the Relation of Italy and the Goths. This winter Belisarius spent in Syracuse, and Solomon in Carthage. And all this year the Sun had a fearfull and prodigious light, without beams, like that of the Moon, and for the most part it was as eclipsed, without the clear and usual lustre. And during the same, famine, war, and all kind of mortality did infest mankind. It was in the tenth year of Justinians reign.

In the beginning of the spring, the Christians celebrating their Easter, An. Dom. 536. Just. 10. the soldiers mutinyed in Africk upon this occasion. The Roman soldiers having vanquisht the Vandals, married their wives and daughters. Who drew their husbands to challenge the possessions formerly theirs, as being unjust (having enjoyed the same by the Vandals) to be deprived of them now, being married to their Conquerors. The soldiers having this put into their heads, thought they ought not to yield those possessions to Solomon, who intended to annex the same to the Treasury, and the Emperours house; not refusing the slaves and moveables for spoils to the soldier; but the Lands he alleadged to belong to the Emperour, and State, which fed them, and gave them the quality of soldiers, not to conquer for them­selves the Lands taken by Barbarians from the Empire; but to recover them to the Treasury, from whence they and the other Armies had their entertainments. Another party also there was which troubled Africk as much, or more. In the Army were some thousand Arrian soldiers, most Herulians. These were provoked by the Vandal Priests, being not allowed their accustomed divine service, but bar­red from all, both Sacraments and Churches: For Justinian permitted not any Christian not Orthodoxal, to have the benefit of Baptism, or any other Sacra­ment: Especially they were troubled, the Feast of Easter approaching, wherein they might not baptize their children in the holy Laver, nor do what belong'd to the Feast. And Fortune heaped to this, another mischief upon the Romans, by adding a supply to these Mutiners. The Emperour had made five horse troops of the Vandals, brought to Constantinople by Belisarius, to lye perpetually in Ci­ties of the East, under the title of Vandalici. The most of these went by sea into the East, and made up the appointed troops, till this day serving against the Per­sians. But 400 of them from Lesbos, forcing the Mariners, came upon the coast of Peloponesus, and from thence sailed into Africk, landing in a desert coast; where leaving the ships, they went into Mauritania to mount Aurasium. This encouraged and more combined the mutinying soldiers, who had many conferen­ces and oaths about it.

The Feast being at hand, the discontented Arrians, who were interdicted the Church, eagerly urged it. And the ring-leaders of them had resolved to kill Solomon, the first day of the Feast, called the great day. The plot was undi­scerned by any: For though many were engaged in it, yet none misliked, nor re­vealed it; many of Solomons Lanciers, and Targetiers, and most of his houshold-servants coveting those possessions, were in the mutiny. At the day, Solomon sate in the Church, apprehending no mischief; The men appointed to kill him, made signes to one another, and had their hands on their swords; but did no­thing: either reverencing the Church-service, or abashed at the state of their General, or by something divine restrained: But divine service being ended, and every man come home, the soldiers blamed each other for fainting, and appoin­ted the plot the next day: When they likewise came from Church without doing any thing; and meeting in the market-place, railed upon one another, each man terming his fellow false, and faint-hearted, and reproaching his awe of Solomon. And their plot being divulged, they thought it unsafe to stay in Carthage. So the most of them went out, and pillaged the Villages, and used the Africans as [Page 42]enemies. The rest remained in the City unsuspected, and seeming ignorant of the conspiracy.

Solomon hearing what the soldiers did in the Country, and exhorting them in the City to good affection to the Emperour, at first they seemed to entertain his discourse. But hearing how those abroad did what they listed in the Countrys, securely; the fift day of their mutiny, they impudently railed upon Solomon, and the other Commanders in the Circus. Solomon seat Theodorus the Cappado­cian to appease them, a man that loved him not, and was suspected to practise a­gainst him. Whereupon the mutiners with cries chose him their General, and with him went to the Palace, where they killed another Theodorus the Scout-Ma­ster, a worthy man, and a good soldier. Being blouded, they killed all they met, whether Africans or Romans, if Solomons friends, or with mony about them. Then they pillaged the houses, where no soldiers defended, taking away all of any value, till the night, and drink after their toil quieted them. Solomon fled to the great Church of the Palace; whither about the evening came Mar­tinus; and when the mutiners were asleep, they went to the Lodging of Theodo­rus the Cappadocian, who constrained them to sup, though they bad little mind to it, and brought them to a ship in the harbour, provided for them by Valerianus. Procopius, the writer of this History, was in company, and five of Solomons re­tinue. After 37 miles sailing, they came to Messua, a road for Carthage shipping, and a safe place. From hence Solomon sent Martinus to Valerianus, and the o­ther ommanders in Numidia, to attempt to reduce such mutiners as any of them knew, by mony, and all means. And he wrote to Theodorus to take care of Car­thage, and to do what he could. Himself with Procopius went to Belisarius to Syracuse, relating the accident, and praying him to repair to Carthage, and vindi­cate the Emperour from this affront of his own soldiers.

CHAP. XI.

IN the mean time the mutiners having sackt Carthage, made their rendezvouz in the Plains of Bule, and chose Stotzas, one of Martinus his life-guard, their General; a man couragious and active, hoping to get Africk thus, by expelling the Emperours commanders. He arming his forces, being 8000. led them to Car­thage, expecting instantly to take the City. He sent for the Vandals who escaped from Lesbos, and others who w [...]nt not with Belisarius, being either concealed, or neglected by the Officers. In all they were 1000 men, who went readily to Stot­zas Camp, and a multitude of slaves came also, Stotzas being near, sent to Car­thage to yield without further hurt. But Theodorus and the rest professed to guard the City for the Emperour, and required them to forbear force; sending to them Josephius, who had been of the Emperours guard, and now was one of Be­lisarius retinue, and lately sent to Carthage about business: whom Stotzas put to death for his message, and fell to the siege. And the Citizens afraid, were think­ing to yield upon composition. When Belisarius with 100 of his Lanciers and Targetiers, and Solomon with one ship arrived at Carthage toward the evening: the besiegers expecting the rendring the City on the next day, and with that hope lying still that night; and when it was day, hearing of Belisarius arrival, shame­fully rose, and ran away. Belisarius got together 2000 of the Army, and with fair words and mony, exhorting thm to a good affection to the Emperour, he pursued the flyers, and overtook them at Membresa, about 43 miles from Carthage. Here they both encamped, and prepared to fight; Belisarius by the river of Ba­gradas; the other upon a high ragged ground: Neither would enter the City, being unwalled. The next day they drew out to fight, the mutiners trusting in their numbers, whom Belisarius his men despised, for foolish fellows, undisciplined.

And to imprint this the more firmly, Belisarius spake thus unto them. ‘Fel­low soldiers! This happens to the Emperour against our hopes and wishes, to come to a battel with our kinsmen and companions, whom we cannot conquer [Page 43]without grief. But our comfort is, that we began not; we only defend our selves. He who by his treasons renounces his kindred, is not killed by his friends, but in the quality of an enemy is punished for his injury done them. These men have proclaimed themselves enemies, Barbarians, any thing, by their spoy­ling Africk, and killing both natives, and many Roman soldiers, for no offence, but their good affection to the State. For this we come to chastise them, now enemies, though some time friends. No men are friends or enemies by nature; but in their actions are either united in a joint assistance by a similitude of man­ners and opinions, or disunited by a dissimilitude. And as they are unjust men and enemies, we are to fight with them: So are they to be despised, being a mul­titude not assembled by Law, but upon wrong: And such never fight valiantly: valour not vouchsafing to keep company with outlaws, and men unjust: neither will they keep their orders, nor obey the directions of their new General, who wanting power to be confident, must necessarily be contemned by them For rebellion is naturally hated, never honoured; and being timerous it self, cannot govern the subject, and keep him in awe. So that the enemy wanting both va­lour and government, their defeat will be easie; and you must march against them with contempt, not estimating the power of a battel by numbers, but by order and valour.’

Stotzas also used this exhortation. ‘You have with me, shaken off the Roman servitude; and grudg not now to die for the liberty gotten by your valour. It is not so grievous to grow old and die in slavery, as after freedom to return to it again; the interim of ease making the calamity taste more sowre. You may consider therefore, how in the overthrow of the Vandals, you had your part in the toil, and others now possess the spoils; and how being soldiers, you are en­gaged to a life of hazarding, either for the Emperour, if you serve him again, or for your selves, if you keep your liberty. And the better of these two you may now chuse, by resolving in this action to fight, without fainting. Consider also that you have taken arms, and if you now be subdued, you will not find the Romans gentle masters, but shall suffer extremities, with the addition of be­ing justly ruined: So you see our death will be honorable if we die, and if we be victorious, our life will be free and happie; but bitter, if we be beaten, when our only hope must be in our enemies mercy. And in the battel the enemy hath much the disadvantage in numbers, and hath no great mind to charge us, wish­ing, it seems, their part in our liberty.’

Thus spake Stotzas, and the Armies came to the encounter. But a strong wind blew in the mutiners faces, who fearing the disadvantage of fighing, where the wind would carry the enemies arrows violently on them, and abate the force of theirs; they wheeled about, thinking the enemy, not to have their backs o­pen, would turn about too; and so have the wind in their faces. But Belisarius seeing them open their ranks, and straggle disorderly, bad begin the fight, which Stotzas men not looking for, fell into confusion, and ran away into Nu­midia, where they rallied again. Belisarius followed no execution, thinking it e­nough with so small an Army to beat the enemy, and send him going.

To the soldiers lie gave the enemies camp to pillage, who found not a man in it, but much wealth, and many Vandal women, for whose sake this war was. Then, Belisarius marcht back to Carthage, where hearing that his Army in Sicily muti­nied too, and would undoe all, if himself in person did not prevent; he took or­der for Africk, and committing Carthage to Ildiger and Theodorus, he went in­to Sicily.

The Commanders in Numidia, hearing of Stotzas being there, and gathering head, prepared to fight with him. Marcellus and Cyrillus commanded the Con­federates, Barbatus the horse, and Terentius and Sarapis the foot; Marcellus commanded in chief, being Governor of Numidia. Who hearing of Stotzas being, with a few at Gazophyli, a Towne two dayes journey from Constantina; marcht with speed to prevent the coming of the other mutiners. The Armies being near, and the fight ready to begin, Stotzas came alone into the midst, and spake thus to the enemy. ‘Fellow soldiers! It is unjust in you to take arms a­gainst [Page 44]your kinsmen and companions, who have undertaken this war with the Emperour, being grieved to see your miseries and wrongs. Do you not remem­ber how long your pay hath been due, and still is detained from you? how the spoyls of the enemy, your prizes appointed by the law of arms, are taken from you? The fruits of your victory others must riot upon, while you follow as their servants If I offend you, use your anger against this body presently; for I hate to fly to others for refuge. If you have no exception to me, come and use your arms for your selves.’

The soldiers embraced this motion of Stotzas, and affectionately saluted him; and their Commanders seeing it, retired into a Church in Gazophyli. Stotzas joyned the Armies against them, gave them his faith for their coming out, and then killed them all.

CHAP. XII.

THe Emperour hearing these things, sent Germanus his brothers son, a Patri­cian, accompanied with Symmachus, as Praefect of the Camp, to manage the expence of the Army,An. Dom. 537. Just. 11. and Domnicus, to be Commanders of the foot, upon the decease of John his predecessor. Germanus being landed at Carthage, mustered the forces, and by the Check Roll of the soldiers names, he found a third part of them to be in Carthage and other Cities, and the rest joyned with the Rebels. Wherefore he would begin no fight, but took care of the Army; and finding the soldiers in Carthage to be kinsmen and comrades of the enemies; he courted them: and said the Emperour had sent him expresly into Africk to vindicate the soldiers, and to chastise such as had wrong'd them. Which the mutiners hearing, came in by few at a time; whom Germanus received courteously, gave them his faith, and held them in good account, paying them their full dues for the time they had been in rebellion. The report whereof drew them in troops from the enemy. And then Germanus hoping to match the Rebels in numbers, prepared for a battel.

Stotzas also perceiving the mischief, and fearing more defection of his men, made haste to try his fortune. He had some hope too, if he could get near the soldiers in Carthage, to get them to run away to him. And with this hope he chiefly confirmed his Army, and speedily marcht to Carthage, and encamped near the sea, about four miles from the City.

Germanus armed and put in order his soldiers, and having heard what hopes Stotzas had, he spake thus. ‘Fellow soldiers! you have no just complaint against the Emperours usage of you: Who in Constantinople took you to him newly come out of the Country with a knap-sack, and one poor coat; and hath now made you so great, that the Roman State is committed to you. But how he hath been scorned by you, and suffered the greatest extremities, you cannot be ignorant. Whereof the remembrance indeed he would have you retain, but the prosecution he clearly remits, expecting this only satisfaction from you, to be ashamed of what you have done, and thereupon to learn a new lesson of fidelity, and to repair your former ingratitude. The timely repentance of er­ring men obtains their pardon; and a seasonable service done, may take the name of ungratefull men from you. Nay if at this time you appear well af­fected to the Emperour, know this, that no memory will remain of what is past, The actions of men have their names from the conclusion: and errors done, no ages can undoe; but being repaired by better deeds, they get a hand­some silence, and commonly are forgotten. If now you neglect your duties a­gainst these rogues; your many battels hereafter for the Romans, and victories of our enemies, will not by the Emperour be thought a recompence. The bravest apology is, to get honour in the very things men have erred in. Thus you are to think concerning the Emperour. And I, who never wrong'd you, but to my power have shewed my affection to you, entreat this only of you in this danger, [Page 45]That no man will march against the enemy contrary to his mind; but if he de­sire to joyn with their Army, to pass over to them immediately; doing us this only favour, not to abuse us secretly, but in an open way: Which is the reason I move this here between the Armies, and not in Carthage; not to hinder any that will run away; but to leave it in every mans power, to shew his affection to the State.’

Every man upon this speech, bustled to shew himself to his General, and to swear the good affection he had to the Emperour. And some days they were thus encamped against each other. At length the mutiners seeing none come to them, whom Stotzas told them of, being afraid, as failing in their hope, they disbanded, and went into Numidia, where were their wives and booty. Ger­manus shortly after, with his Army well prepared, and with store of waggons for it, came thither also; and overtaking the enemy at a Town called Scalae Vete­res, he prepared to fight, setting the waggons in front, and the foot by them (commanded by Domnicus) to secureing their backs. The best horsemen, and such as came from Constantinople, himself had at the left hand of the foot. The rest he set at the right wing in three Troops, commanded by Ildiger, and Theodorus the Cappadocian; and the biggest by John the brother of Pappus: the fourth by himself. The Mutiners stood opposite to them, not in much order, but scatter'd like Barbarians. Not far behind came many thousand Moors, led by Jabdas and Orthaeas, not all true to Stotzas; many having sent to Germanus, and pro­mised in the fight to turn against the enemy. Germanus could not much trust them, being a people so false to all men. And they joyned not with the muti­ners, but kept aloof behind, waiting the event, and with the conquerours to pur­sue the vanquished. Stotzas approaching the enemy, and seeing the Generals Ensigne, call'd to his men, and marcht towards him. But the Herulian mutiners stopt him, saying, that the powers of Germanus they knew not; but they knew that the enemy in the right wing would not stand. So that charging them, and they running away, they are likely to put the enemies whole Army in disorder; whereas if Germanus beat them, all will be lost. Stotzas approving the advice, left the rest to fight with Germanus, and himself with his best men, gave on upon John, and his troops, who not abiding them, ran away in confusion. The muti­ners took their Ensignes, and pursued them. Some turn'd upon the foot, who began to disband; When Germanus drawing his sword, and calling upon his troop to do the like, with much adoe he routed the enemy on his side; and gal­lopt up to Stotzas, with the troops of Ildiger and Theodorus. And all was so mingled, that the mutiners chasing some of their enemies, fell among others, and were slain. The confusion grew great, and Germanus his troops coming on neer­er behind them, they were afraid, and thought no more of fighting. Both sides using the same language, and arms, and differing not in shape, habit, nor any thing, could not be distinguished; till Germanus directed the Emperours Army to ask any they took, what he was; if he said he was a soldier of Germanus, to bid him give the watch-word, which if he could not, to kill him. Germanus had his horse killed in the fight, and himself being down and in danger, his life-guard rescued and remounted him. Stotzas in the tumult with some few escaped; and Germanus marcht against the enemies camp; where the mutiners who had the guard of the Trenches, opposed him; and there was a stiff fight, the mutiners being very near beating them back. But some sent by Germanus to attempt the camp in another place, got into the entrenchment with ease, which the mutiners seeing, ran away; and Germanus with the Army, entred the camp. The soldiers fell to pillage, neither thinking of the enemy, nor hearkning to their Generals directions; Who fearing the enemy might rally, and charge them, stood in the camp gate, crying and complaining for discipline to men that heard him not. The Moors followed the execution upon the mutiners, and pillaged the camp with the Army. Stotzas at first trusting to the Moors, rode up to them, to renew the fight. But finding what they were doing, he made a shift to escape with 100 men. Many made head with him, and tryed to fight again, but being repulsed, they all submitted to Germanus; only Stotzas, with a few Vandals, retired into Mauritania, and there marrying a daughter of one of their Princes, remained. And so ended this mutiny.

CHAP. XIII.

BUt Maximinus, a Lancier of Theodorus the Cappadorian, had gotten many of those mutiners with a design to usurp, and drew stil more, revealing his intent, among others, to one Asclepiades, a Palestinian, a great favorite of Theodorus; who discovered the plot to Theodorus, and he to Germanus. Germanus would not stirr new business in a state unsetled, but thought to gain the man by fair usage, rather then to punish him. The life-guard of any great Roman officer use at their admit­tance, to swear fidelity to him and the Emperour: He sent therefore for Maximi­nus, and extolling his valour, took him for one of his own guard, and he, glad of the honour, and means hereby to facilitate his designe, took the Oath, but neglected the same, and persisted more then ever in his Treason. The City keep­ing a publick festival, many of Maximinus mutiners came at dinner time to the Palace, as Germanus was feasting his friends, with Maximinus behind him. One whispered Germanus, that many soldiers stood tumultuously at the Court gate, complaining of their pay for a long time unsatisfied. Germanus commanded some of the trustiest of his life-guard to make sure of Maximinus, without let­ting him perceive any thing. Those mutiners with threatnings and tumult, ran to the Circus; and such other conspirators as knew their intent, ran thither by one and one. If they had been all assembled, it had been hard to suppress them: But most of them being yet behind, Germanus sent instantly such as affected the Emperour and himself, and they came to a fight with the mutiners, who expected not such a thing from the soldiers; but missing Maximinus to conduct them, and wan­ting the numbers they lookt for, gave it over, and disorderly ran away; many of them were killed, and many taken, and brought to Germanus. Such as came not to the Circus, shewed as if they had not been in the conspiracy; and Germanus would not make any search after them. He examined if Maximinus had, since his Oath, proceeded in his Treason; and being convicted to have been more for­ward in it since his being of the life-guard, he caused him to be crucified under the walls of Carthage: And so absolutely dispersed the mutiny.

CHAP. XIV.

BUt the Emperour called home Germanus, with Domnicus, and Symmachus, and again made Solomon Governor of Africk, being now in the thirteenth year of his reigne;An D [...]m. 539 Just. 13. giving him another Army, and Commanders in it, Rufinus, and Leontius the son of Zannas, the son of Pharesmanes and John the son of Sisinio­lus; Martinus and Valerianus being formerly sent for to Constantinople. Solomon being come to Carthage, and free from the mutiny, governed Africk moderately, and kept it safe, disciplining the Army, and sending the suspicious men to Constan­tinople, and to Belisarius, supplying their rooms with new, and banishing the re­mains of the Vandals, and all their women. He compassed the Cities with walls, and observing the Laws exactly, preserved the State; that Africk in his Govern­ment was rich and happie.

Things being setled, he made war upon Jabdas, and the Moors of Aurasium: and sent out before with forces, Gontharis, one of his life-guard, a good soldier; who encamped by Bagais, a desert Town upon the River of Abigas; and there he was overthrown in a fight by the enemy, and retiring to his camp, was straitly besieged. Solomon afterward encamped with the whole Army, seven miles and a half from Gontharis entrenchment; and hearing how he had sped, he sent him part of his Army, and bad him be of good courage and fight again. The River Abigas comes from Aurasium, and being in the plain below, waters the land as the Inhabitants will, by drawing the stream to their uses. For it enters through [Page 47]several breaches under ground into the plain, where it rises again, gathering a stream: And the Inhabitants, by damming up the breaches, or opening them, make what use they please of the waters. The Moors then opened the breaches, and let in all the River about the Romans camp, which made a marish not to be past for deepness. The Romans were distracted at it; but Solomon bearing there­of, marcht thither; whom the Barbarians fearing, retired, and in Babos [...]s, at the foot of the mountain encamped. Solomon came thither too, and in fight beat them, and made them run away. The Moors thought it disadvantageous to have fights upon equal terms, thus being not able to stand them; but trusting to the fastnesses of Aurasium, and hoping that the Romans would be weary of the toil, as formerly, and be gone, many of them went away into Mauritani [...] and to the Barbarians to the southward of mount Aurasium. But Jabdas with 20000 Moors, went to Zerbule, a Castle built by him in Aurasium, and there lay still. Solomon, not to spend time in besieging; and hearing how the Country of Ta­mugadas had store of ripe wheat, he conducted his Army thither, took the spoil, and burnt the rest, and then returned to Zerbule. In the mean time Jabdas lea­ving a sufficient guard for the Castle was gone up to the top of Aurasium, fea­ring to be blockt up in the Castle, and reduced to wants. And at Tumaz, a place rising with cliffs round about, and fenced with broken rocks, he rested. The Ro­mans three days assaulted Zerbule, and the walls being low, shot many Moors, and chanced to kill all their Commanders. The third day at night, the Romans, hearing nothing of those Commanders death, consulted to rise; Solomon thinking it best to go against Jabdas and the main body of the Moors, who being subdued, Zorbule would quickly yield. But the Barbarians (their Leaders being slain) would hold no longer, but silently ran away, and abandoned the Castle, undi­scovered by the enemy. The Romans at day break were trusting baggage; but wondred to see no enemy upon the wall. And doubting what it should mean, and compassing the Castle, they find the gate open, where the Moors ran way. They entred and took the booty, but would not pursue the enemy, being men ap­parelled lightly and skilfull in all the passages. Having sackt the Castle, and left a Garison in it, they went on, all afoot. And at Tumaz, where the enemy was, they encamped in a fastness, having water and other necessaries very scarcely. A long time was spent, and the Moors sallied not, so that being more besieged then the enemy, they fretted, chiefly for the want of water,Here the La­tine Transla­tion. which Solomon put a guard upon, giving out but a cup full to a man every day. But seeing them im­patient, and unable to endure longer this hard diet, he resolved to stay no longer, but to draw the men to fight near this Castle, and thus exhorted his men.

CHAP. XV.

‘HAving by Gods favour beaten the Moors out of Zerbule, a thing seeming difficult, and uncredible to such as have not seen our former actions; we must not now neglect the gift of God, but with our accustomed valour, boldly undergoe this hazard, and from our former good fortune presage a future vi­ctory. And the advantages of all actions standing in the due use of occasions; if any man now slothfully neglect the offer of fortune, let him not accuse her, but himself, being abandoned through his own default. You see the Moors weakness, and this Castle wherein they shelter themselves, destitute of provisi­ons. And you must with a patient siege expect the enemies surrender, or by neglecting that, neglect with danger, a victory ready for us. How much bet­ter, and less dangerous is it to try your fortune against men, not likely to fight with you, being wasted with famine? Confider these things seriously and obey directions.’

Solomon spake thus, and then studying how, and where to assault (all being round about a rock) fortune shewed him his way. One Geson, a Lieutenant of [Page 48]foot, (whom the Romans call Optio,) either in sport, or earnest, or by divine impulsion mounted alone, and presently other souldiers admiring his courage followed him. Three Moors ran to oppose him, and the place being narrow, came single. The first by chance falling, the Roman used his advantage, and killed him. The souldier who followed him seeing it, ran up with a shout; and the whole Army neither expecting leader, nor sound of trumpet, nor observing order, but crying and encouraging one another, gave on: where Rufinus, and Leontius, the son of Zan [...]as, did so bravely upon the enemy, that terrified at it, and seeing their guards cut in pieces, they all ran away, and the most overtaken in narrow passages were slain.

Jabdas, though woudned by a dart in his thigh, escaped and fled into Mauri­tania. The Romans pillaged the enemies camp, and Solomon caused them to stay in Aurasium, and repair the Castle, and left a garrison to hinder the Moors re­course thither in their rebellions. In Aurasium is an ancient Tower, standing up­on a rock called Geminians Rock, safe, and difficult of accesse. Here Jabdas had lately put his wealth, with his women; and never thinking that an enemy could get thither, or force the Tower, he left one old Moore onely to take charge of his treasure. But the Romans through all the difficulties got thither, and one of the souldiers as in sport, began to climb up to the Tower; whom the old man and the women laught at for a mad man. But he scrambled up with his hands and feet, and being got up drew his sword, and cut off the old mans head. The rest of the souldiers boldly and with alacrity helpt one another up, took the women and a great treasure, with which Solomon re-edified the walls of many cities in Africk. The Moors being beaten out of Numidia, fled into Zebe, a Country of Mauritania beyond mount Aurasium: whose metropolis is Sitiphis, tributary to the Empire. Caesarea is head of the other Mauritania, tributary likewise, except the City it self, exempted by Belisarius for a landing place for Romans; there being no good passage to it by land. So in Zebe the Moors sate down, whereby the Affricans continued in obedience, and a setled peace, without thought of hostility, and were very happy under Solomon, a prudent and moderate Governour.

CHAP. XVI.

IN the fourth year after, all this prosperity changed into miseries. It was Justinians fourteenth year of his reign,An. Dom. 540. Just. 14. when Cyrus and Sergius the sons of Baccus, Solomons brother, were sent to govern in Africk; the elder Pentapolis, and the younger Tripolis. To these the Leucathian Moors came with an Army as farre as Leptis Magna, giving out it was to give them presents, and to esta­blish a peace. Sergius by the perswasions of Pudentius the Tripolitan (who made the first war against the Vandals for the Emperour) received into the City 70. Moors, whom be invited courteously to a feast, promising to grant their de­mands, and the rest he willed to stay in the suburbs. They say they came with a treacherous intent to kill Sergius; and that one of them in speech with him ex­postulated the Romans unjust spoiling their corns and Towns, and other wrongs; which Sergius slighting, and rising from his seat, and going away; one of them caught him by the mantle, and would have staid him, Hereupon the rest rose, and tumultuously stood about Sergius: and one of his Lifeguard drew his sword, and killed the Moore that held him by the mantle: whereupon all being in an up­roar, the Lifeguard of Sergius kill'd all the Moores, save one; who seeing his fellowes slain,Here again the Greek begins. stole out of the roome, and got to his countrymen, telling them what happened: who ran to their camp, and with the rest came in Armes against the Romans. Neer Leptis Magna Sergius and Pudentius, with their whole forces, met them. The fight came presently to handy blowes, and the Romans were victorious and flew many, sack't their camp, and got a great booty, and abun­dance of women and children. Afterward Pudentius was slain by his own rash ad­venturing, and Sergius retired with the Army into Leptis Magna, it being grown dark. Shortly after the L [...]ucathians came with a greater preparation against the Romans; Sergius went to Solomon his Uncle, to desire that he would come back [Page 49]against these with a great Army; where he found Cyrus his brother. The Moors the while over ran Bizacium, and sack't most of the towns. Antalas also formerly ever faithfull to the Romans and therefore having the Government of the Moors in Bizacium, was now turned enemy to Solomon, who had taken from him those allowances the Emperour had assigned him, and killed his brother, for making a commotion in Beracium. So he willingly joyned in a league with these Barbari­ans, and led them to Carthage against Solomon: who advertized thereof, marcht towards them; and finding them at Tebeste, a City six dayes journey from Carthage, he encamped his Army, together with Cyrus, and Sergius, and Solomon the yonger, all sons of Bacchus. He sent to the chiefes of the Leucathians (being afraid of their multitude) complaining of their taking arms, and invading, be­ing yet in league with the Romans; demanding a ratification of the peace; and promising to take the strongest oathes, to abolish the memory of what they had done. They laugh at these overtures, and said; ‘That doubtlesse they would swear the Christians oath, which they call, the Gospels: which Sergius having sworn, and then killed those who trusted him; they meant now to try by a bat­tel, what power those oracles have against men that forswear them; that so be­ing confident in them, they may come to a treaty.’

Solomon, hearing this, prepared to fight; and the next day, meeting some enemies driving a great prey, he defeated them, and took it from them. The souldiers murmured because he kept it to himself, not giving them the spoiles of War: But he bad them stay till the War was ended, and then every man should have his share according to his desert. The Barbarians again urged to give battel. But of the Romans, some were absent, others went on with no heart: yet at first the fight was equall; afterward, the Moors surmounting much in numbers, the Romans ran away. Solomon with his company endured their shot a while, then being over prest, fled; and at a torrent his horse stumbling he fell. His Lifeguard set him up again, but being in pain not able to hold his bridle, the Barbarians overtook and killed him, and many of his guard, Solomon being dead thus the Emperour gave the Government of Africk to Sergius, who proved the de­struction of the Province. All were discontented; the commander at his youth, indiscretion, and insolence, and the impertinent affronts he did them, wherein he imployed his power, wealth, and the authority of his place; The souldiers, because he was a coward; And the provincials, for all this, and moreover for his unsatiable love of their wives and Estates.

Above all, John, the son of Sisinniolus, being an able souldier, and of great reputation, was offended with his greatness, and extream ingratitude to himself. So that neither he nor a man among them would draw their swords against the enemy. Almost all the Moors followed Antalas, who had sent for Stotzas out of Mauritania. And Antalas then wrote this letter to the Emperour. ‘That I am the servant of your Empire I deny not; But the Moors have been forced to take arms upon the base injuries done by Solomon, not to rise up in arms against you, but to resist an enemy; especially I from whom he was not contented onely to take away my allowances, designed by Belisarius, and by you given me, but he hath killed my brother guiltlesse; we have now righted our selves up­on him that wrong'd us; and if you will have the Moors obsequious servants of your Empire, as formerly, command Sergius the Nephew of Solomon to leave Africk, and send some other Generall: you cannot want men far worthier then Sergius. So long as he commands your Army, there can be no peace between the Romans and Moors.’ The Emperour notwithstanding this letter, and though he knew the Generall hatred of Sergius; yet in respect of Solomons worth, and manner of death, he would not remove him.

CHAP. XVII.

THe brother of Sergius, yong Solomon, was thought to have perisht with his Uncle, and was not lookt after, so much as by his brother. But he was taken prisoner by the Moors; and being askt who he was; he said he was a [Page 50] Vandal, and slave to Solomon, and that he had a friend at Laribum, a Town there­about, named Pegasus, a Physitian, who would pay his ransome. The Moors un­der the Town-walls called for Pegasus, and shewing him Solomon, askt if he would redeem him;38 l. 15 [...]. and for 50 gold staters they delivered him to him. Being within, he slouted the Moors for being cosened by a boy; and told them how he was the brothers son of Solomon. The Moors angry for having so easily let goe such a pawn, besieged Laribum to take Solomon. The besieged were afraid, wanting provisions, and offered the Moors money to raise their siege: which they accept­ed, finding they should not force the Town, being not used to assaults; and not knowing the wants within: So the Leucathians went home; But Antalas made head again in Byzacium; having besides his Moors, Stotzas with some few Ro­mans, and Vandals. John the son of Sisinniolus, at the Africans opportunity, raised Forces and went against them; and he appointed Himerius the Thracian, Commander of the forces in Byzacium, to draw out his troops, and to joyn with him at Menephesis in Byzacium. But heating the enemy to be there encamped, he wrote of it to Himerius, and to joyn with him in another place, that they might with joynt forces encounter the enemy. The bearers of the Letters going another way, met not Himerius; who with his troops fell into the enemies hands; only Severianus a young man, the son of Asiaticus a Phaenician, with his troop of horse, being 50. fought with the enemy, and held out, till pressed with multitude, they ran to a Castle upon a hill, which was of no strength, and there yielded upon composition to the enemy, who killed him not, nor any of the soldiers, but they took Himerius prisoner, and bestowed all the soldiers on Stotzas, upon their promise to serve against the Romans. Hi­merius they threatned to kill if he performed not his promise: which was to de­liver to them the City of Adramettus; and upon the protestation of his true meaning, they went thither with him, being not far off. Him they sent before with some soldiers of Stotzas, dragging after them Moors bound: Themselves followed. They directed Himerius to tell the guards that John was victorious, and would forthwith come with a multitude of Moors his prisoners; and that the gates being open, he should get in with his company. They did thus, and the Adramettians were deceived, and let them in, not mistrusting one who com­manded the whole forces in Byzacium. They that entred with him, staid the guards from shutting the gates, and received all the Moors into the City; which they sackt, and leaving a small Garison, departed. Some prisoners afterward e­scaped to Carthage, among whom was Himerius, and Severianus; it being no hard matter to run from Moors Many staid willingly with Stotzas.