CHAP. I. Of Its Name, Climate, Dimen­sions, Division, Aire, Soil, Commodities, Money and Buil­dings.

Name & Climate. IReland was once cal­led Scotia, from the Scots who inhabited there; and Scotia major, to distinguish it from Scotland, in the Isle of Britain; But the general Name hereof is Ireland; by the La­tins, called Hibernia; by the Greeeks, Iernia. And though some frame a wrested Etymology from Iberus, a [Page 81] Spanish Captain; and some from Irnaulph, once a supposed Duke hereof; as others, ab Hyberno aâre, the winter-like and inclement air: Yet probably, the Name proceeded from Erin, which signifieth, in their own language, a Western Land. And yet we must not pretermit the Etymon given us by Bochartus, (more neer the name, than most of his o­ther Fancies) who will have it called Hibernia, from Ibernae, a Phaenician word, signifying the farthest Habi­tation: there being no Country known amongst the Antients, which lay West of Ireland; and is seated under the eighth and tenth Climates; the longest day being 16 hours and a half in the Southern, and 17 hours 3 quarters in the Northern parts.

It is in length, 300. and in breadth,Dimen­sion. 120. Miles; in shape, some have formed it like an Egge; and others compared it to the Fore-leg of a Boar, if the simile breed no offence, contains by computation, about fif­teen millions of Acres; it is about halfe as big as England and Wales, and much about the same bigness as [Page 82] Scotland, including the Islands there­unto belonging.

Division.It was divided antiently into five Provinces, each one a Kingdom in it self; that is to say, 1. Leinster, 2. Meath, 3. Ʋlster, 4. Connaght, and 5. Mounster: but of late time, the Province of Meath is reckoned for a member or part of Leinster; within these four Provinces (accor­ding to the latest Division) are con­teined 2328. Parishes.

Leinster.This Province, the Natives call Leighingh, the Britains, Lein; in La­tine, Lagenia; in the antient lives of the Saints, Lagen; and in English, Leinster. It lyeth Eastward along the Hibernicum Sea: on Connaght side Westward, it is bounded with the River Shanon; the North with the Territory of Louth, and the South, with part of the Province of M [...]nster. The Country butteth up­on England, as Mounster and Con­naght do on Spain.

The FormForm. thereof is Triangle, and sides not much unequal, from her South-East unto the West point a­bout 80 miles; from thence, to her [Page 83] North-west about 70 miles, and her East coast along the Irish Sea-shore, eighty miles: the Circumference up­on two hundred and seventy miles.

The AireAire. is clear and gentle, mixt with a temperate disposition, yeil­ding neither extremity of Heat or Cold, according to the seasonable times of the Year, and the natural condition of the Continent. The Soil is generally Fruitful, Plentiful both in Fish and Flesh, and in other Vict­uals, as Butter, Cheese and Milk. It is Fertile in Corn, Cattle, and Pa­sture ground, and now in a much better way of improving than for­merly, in regard the English do ge­nerally affect to inhabite in this Pro­vince, more than in any other part of Ireland, by reason of its neerer Neighbourhood to the Me­tropolitan City of Dublin, and bor­dering so neer upon England, doth thereby consequently afford them, both more pleasure and profit. It is well watered with Rivers, and in­differently well Wooded, except the County of Develin, which com­plains much of that want, being so [Page 84] destitute of Wood, that they are compelled to use a clammy kind of fat Turff for their Fuel, or Sea-coal brought out of England.

The CommoditiesCommodi­ties. of this Coun­try do chiefly consist in Cattle, Sea-Fowl and Fish. It breeds many ex­cellent good Horses, called Irish Hobbies, which have not the same pace that other Horses have in their course, but a soft and round amble, setting very easily.

Division.This Province containeth the Counties of Kilkenny, Caterlogh, Queens County, Kings County, Kildare, East-Meath, West-Meath, Weshford, Wicklo and Dublin: In which, are comprehended 926. Pa­rishes, whereof, 47. Towns of Note, and 102. Castles, well fortified, and able to make good resistance against an Enemy; The English being for­ced to fortifie themselves in their Plantations with strong holds and fortresses, against the incursious of the Natives.

Mounster.This Province is called in Irish, Mawn; in a more ordinary con­struction of Speech, Wown; in La­tin, [Page 85] Momonia; and in English, Mounster; lyeth open Southward to the Virginean Sea: Northward it fronteth part of Connaght: The East is Neighboured by Leinster: And the West is altogether washed with the Ocean Westward.

The FormForm. thereof is quadrant or four-square, and in length extended from Ballattimore Bay in her South, unto the Bay of Galoway in her North, is about 90. miles. Her broadest part from East to West, is from Waterford Haven, to Feriter Haven, and containeth an hundred miles. The whole Circumference, by following the Promontories and Inlets, are above four hundred and forty miles.

The AireAire. mild and temperate, neither too chilling Cold, not t [...]o schorching Hot. The Soil in some parts Hilly, looking a loft with Wooddy, Wild and Solitary Moun­tains: Yet the Vallies below, are garnished with Corn-fields. And ge­nerally, all, both pleasant for Sight, and fertile for Soil.

The general CommoditiesCommodi­ties. of this Province, are Corn, Cattel, Wood, Wool and Fish. The last whereof, it affords in every place plenty and abundance of all sorts. But none so well known for the Store of Her­rings that are taken there, as is the Promontory called Eraugh, that lies between Bautre and Ballatimore Bay. Whereunto every year a great Fleet of Spaniards and Portugals resort (even in the midst of Winter) to Fish also for Cods.

Division.It was in times past divided into many parts, as Towoun, that is North Mounster, whereof Twomond (al-Thomond) or County of Clare was accounted part of it; Deswoun, that is South Mounster; Hierwoun, that is, West Mounster; Mean-Woun, that is, Middle Mounster; and Ʋr­woun, that is, the Front of Mounster. But at this day it is distinguished into these Counties; Limrick, Kery, Corke, Waterford and Tipperary: And in these Shires are comprehended (besides many safe Stations and Roads for Shipping) twenty four Towns of Note and Trading, sixty [Page 87] six Castles of Old Erection, and in­cluding in the whole, eight hundred and two Parishes.

This Province being counted the largest of all Ireland, Ulster. called by our Welch Britains, Ʋlt [...]; in Irish, Cui Guilly; in Latin, Ʋltonia and Ʋlidia; in English, Ʋlster; On the North it is divided by a narrow Sea of three or four hours Sail from Scotland; Southward it extends it self to Con­naught and Leinster; The East part lieth upon the Irish Sea; And the West part is continually beaten with the boisterous rage of the main West Ocean. This Province and farthest part of Ireland, fronteth the Scottish Islands, which are called the Hebri­des, and are scattered in the Seas be­tween both Kingdoms; whose In­habitants at this day are the Irish-Scot, and their Language is the same as the Irish.

The FormForm. thereof is round, reach­ing in length from Coldagh Haven in her North, to Kilmore in her South, neer an hundred miles; and in breadth from Black-Abby in her East, to Calebeg point in her West, one [Page 88] hundred thirty and odd miles: The whole in Circumference, about four hundred and twenty Miles.

Aire.This Country seldom feeleth any unseasonable extremities, the quick and flexible Winds cooling the heat of Summer, and soft and gentle Showers mollifying the hardness of the Winter. Briefly, the frozen nor torrid Zone have not here any usur­pation; the clouds in the Aire being very sweet and pleasant; yea, and when they are most impure, are not unwholsom, nor of long continu­ance, the rough winds holding them in continual agitation.

Commodi­ties.This equal temperature causeth the ground to bring forth great store of several Trees, both fit for Building & bearing of Fruit; plentiful of grass for feeding of Cattle, and is abun­dantly furnished with Horses, Sheep and Oxen; The Rivers likewise pay double Tribute, deep enough to carry Vessels either for pleasure or profit, and Fish great store, both for their own uses, and commodity of others. Salmons in some Rivers of this Country abound more in [Page 89] number than in any River of Europe. To speak (in general) though in some places it be somwhat barren, troubled with Loughs, Lakes and thick Woods, yet it is every where fresh and full of Cattle and Forrage, ready at all times to answer the Husbandmans pains; And now Na­ture being much beholden to the Art and Industry of the British Plan­ters in this Province, who cause all things to flourish there, has wholly taken away the former complaints, how that the various show upon Banks, the shady Groves, the green Meadows, hanging Hills, and the spacious Fields fit for Corn (being left unmanured) did seem to be an­gry with their Inhabitants for suffer­ing all to grow wild and barbarous, through their own negligence.

It is divided into the Counties of 1. Louth, 2. Cavon, 3. Fermanagh, Division. 4. Down, 5. Monaghan, 6. Ar­magh, 7. Colrane, 8. Tirconnel. 9. Tir-Oen, and 10. Antrim. In which are comprehended two hun­dred and fourteen Parishes, whereof fourteen are Towns of Note for [Page 90] Commerce and Traffick, and thirty Castles for the defence of the Coun­try, and keeping under the wild I­rish; wilder and more untractable formerly in these Northern parts than the rest of Ireland; But now by reason of the last general Rebel­lion (the Irish being upon the mat­ter wholy rooted out from hence) there is as hopeful a British Plantati­on going on in this Province, as in a­ny other in all Ireland.

Con­naught.This Province named by Giraldus Cambrensis, Conaghtia, and Conacia; by the Irish, Conaughty, and the Eng­lish men, Connaught: is bounded Eastward, with part of the Province of Leinster; Northward, with part of Ʋlster; Westward, with the West main Ocean; and on the South, it is confined with a part of the Pro­vince of Mounster, closed in with the River Shanon, and butting against the Kingdom of Spain.

The FormForm. thereof is long, and to­wards the North and South ends, thin and narrow; but as it grows towards the middle, from either part it waxeth still bigger and big­ger; [Page 91] extending in length from the Shannon in her South, to Eins Kel­ling in her North, one hundred twen­ty six Miles, and the broadest part is from Tromer in her East, to Barragh-Bay in her West, containing about fourscore Miles. The whole in Cir­cuit and compass is above four hun­dred Miles.

The AireAire. is not altogether so pure and clear, as in the other Provinces of Ireland, by reason of certain moist places (covered over with grass) which of their softness are usually termed Boghs, both dangerous, and full of vaporous and foggy mists.

This Country as it is divided into several portions,Commodi­ties. so is every portion severally commended for the Soil, according to the seasonable times of the year. Thomond or the County of Clare, is said to be a County so conveniently situated, that either from the Sea or Soil there can be no­thing wish'd for more, than what it doth naturally afford of it self, were but the industry of the Inhabitants answerable to the rest. Galaway is a Land very thankful to the painful [Page 92] Husbandman, and no less Commo­dious and profitable to the Shep­heard. Maio, is replenished both with pleasure and fertility, abun­dantly rich in Cattle, Deer, Hawks, and plenty of Honey. Slego (coast­ing upon the Sea) is a plentiful Country for feeding and raising of Cattle. Letrim (place rising up throughout with Hills) is so full of rank grass and Forrage, that (as So­linus reporteth) if Cattle were not kept sometims from grasing, their fulness would endanger them. And Roscomon is a Territory, for the most part plain and fruitful, feeding many Heards of Cattle, and with mean Husbandry and Tillage, yeilding plenty of Corn. As every particular is thus severally profitable by in­bred Commodities; so is it no less commended (in the generality) for the many accommodate and fit Bays, Creeks, and Navigable Rivers, lying upon her Sea coasts, that after a sort invite and provoke the Inhabitants to Navigation.

Division.It is divided at present, into these five Shires; that is to say, 1. Letrim, [Page 93] 2. Roscommon, 3. Maio, 4. Slego, 5. Galloway, and 6. Thomond, or the County of Clare. In which are com­prehended but eight Towns of any consequence, for commerce and traf­fick, (an Argument of the imperfect plantation of it by the English Con­querors) and about twenty four Castles, for the defence of the Coun­try, of Old Erection, besides such Fortresses as have been raised occasi­onally in our latter troubles. But in the whole it contains three hundred and fix Parishes.

These four Provinces makes up a Kingdome (which for the bigness) is of a most beautiful and sweet Country as any under Heaven,A Charact­er of all Ireland. be­ing stored throughout with many goodly Rivers, replenished in abun­dance with all sorts of Fish; sprink­led with many very sweet Islands and goodly Lakes, like little Inland-Seas, which will carry even Ships upon their waters; adorned with goodly Woods even fit for building of Houses and Ships so commodious­ly, as that if some Prince in the World had them, they would soon [Page 94] hope to be Lords of all the Seas, and ere long, of all the World; Also full of very good Forts and Havens open­ing upon England, as inviting us to come unto them to see what excel­lent Commodities that Country can afford; besides the Soil it self most fertile, fit to yeild all kind of Fruit that shall be committed there­unto, And lastly, the Heavens most mild and temperate, though some­what more moist in the parts to­wards the West.

How far Ireland differs from Eng­land in Aire and Commodi­ties. Ireland differs not much from England for all manner of Commodi­ties, either for Feeding or Cloathing, or for Pleasure or Profit, but only in this; that the Aire thereof, (though very wholsome and delectable) is neither so clear nor subtil as ours of England, by reason of the Sun be­ing frequently overshadowed with clouds, even almost as well in Sum­mer as in Winter, which is therefore nothing favourable for the ripening of Corn and Fruits; but so grateful to the ground, that it causeth grass to grow abundantly, not only fresh and long, but withal [Page 95] very sweet for all kind of Cattle; and in Winter is more subject to Wind than Snow or Frost: the Wool of this Country is said to be not of so fine a grain as that of England, but the Sheep of as large a body (and so all other kind of Cattle) if bred there after the way of England. Coal they have none but what is neer Kil­kenny, and that in no great quantity, however, plentifully supplied with Fuel by reason of their neighbouring Boggs, though otherwise over-plen­tifully dispersed through all parts of the Kingdom. Iron Ore they have none (as I take it) but what is brought out of England, which oc­casions (as I suppose) so few Iron Mills in Ireland, there being of late years but two that I have heard off, viz. one at Mountrath in the Kings County, and another at Corfew in the County of Wexford, neer the Town of Wexford, the fewness whereof, I presume, is no great loss to that Country, the Woods there, (the o­ver-plenty whereof was formerly complained of) being now of late too much destroyed even to admi­ration. [Page 96] Some Mines of Lead have been found there of late (by the industry of the English) the chief whereof, was that called the Silver Mines, in the County of Typperary, not far from Limrick; out of which was extracted some proportion of Silver which gave it the Denomina­tion. England and Ireland may be esteemed (without doubt) to be two of the most plentiful Kingdoms for Provisions (for the extent of them) of any in the whole World; but that which causes the vast diffe­rence between the value of the Stock and Lands of the one and the other (though both conveniently situated for Trade) is that of Traffick and Commerce, and (till of late) the sloathfulness of the people of Ireland, in not disposing themselves to Ma­nufactury, a great rectification whereof may be well hoped will fall out even in this our Age, whereunto there is already given a very fair beginning by the British Planters.

Money.The Irish (till of late times) did for the most part mannage their [Page 97] Trade and Commerce amongst them­selves by exchange of Wares,Trade driven for­merly in Ireland hy Commuta­tion of Commodi­ties. and commutation of Commodities, ha­ving little or no coyn stirring even amongst their greatest Lords and Noblemen; And no great marvel it should be so in Ireland, since that of old, the most usual material of money amongst the Roman Provin­ces was seldome Gold or Silver, but Brass, sometimes Leather, Corium forma publica percussum, as Seneca hath it. This last kind of Money was by Frederick the Second made cur­rent, when he besieged Millaine; The like is said to have been used here in England in the time of the Barons Wars: and why not? since no longer ago, than in the year 1574 the Hollanders then being in their Extremities, made money of Past-board; But this happened on­ly in case of necessity: The Metals of Gold and Silver having for many hundred years (though not in such abundance) been the principal in­strument of Exchange and Barter, and so questionless will continue to the end of the World.

English Moneys prohibited to be trans­ported out of Eng­land into Ireland.In the three and fortieth year of Queen Elizabeths Reign, being An­no 1601. It was commanded by Proclamation (as also King Henry the Seventh had provided by Act of Parliament) that no man should carry over English money into Ire­land, for as much as the Rebels drew unto themselves a great part thereof, to buy Ammunition and Provision for the Wars, and from thence the Merchants carried it into forraign Countries, to the great de­triment of England. There was therefore a serious deliberation then had about changing the Irish Coy [...] by mingling some Brass with it, fo [...] that the Irish War drew yearly o [...] of England 160000 l. Sterling. Here upon some were of opinion, that th [...] Charges of the War might be ab [...] ted; that all the good Money mig [...] by Exchange be drawn out of Ire­land into England; that so the R [...] bels, when the good Money faile [...] would be excluded from all Co [...] ­merce with Forreigners, and of ne­cessity weakned. Others argued [...] the contrary, that this change woul [...] [Page 99] redound to the dishonor of the Queen, and the dammage of the Subject; that the good Money of Ireland could not be drawn thence without a great charge to the Queen; that the gain gotten thereby, if new Money were Coyned in England, would not, when the Accounts were cast up, countervail the Charges of carrying over;A Mint not profita­ble to be set vp in Ire­land. and much less if it were Coyned in Ireland, where a Mint must needs be set up at great Charges, and Minters must be hired for great wages: Neither could the Commerce of the Rebels with For­reigners be impeached, whilst there was Silver in the new Coyn, which the Merchant knew well enough how to seperate; unto whom it is all one whether he receive one piece of Money, or three of the same va­lue; and that it was to be feared least the Souldiers would mutiny, for thereby their pay would be dimi­nished. But Buckhurst, Lord Treasu­surer, a man very skilful in Money matters, with much ado extorted from the Queen, out of necessity (for that is the Law of Time) which [Page 100] he urged, that the Money should be changed for a time, to be called back again afterwards to the highest value; for she many times said, that this would depress her Fame, and be grievous to the Army. Yet did the Army continue without tumult, and commotion, through the Queens rare happiness, which retained her Authority with her People, joyned with love. To the Army certainly it proved a great loss, whether it turned to the benefit of the Queen or no, is not known; But to the Treasurers and Paymasters, without doubt it brought in good gain, whose avarice (which is a diligent searcher of hidden gains) may seem to have devised it.

The Money now generally used in Ireland (there being little of English, because prohibited to be transported thither beyond the summe of five pounds, as I take it; for the better encouragement of Trade between both Kingdoms) is most of all Spanish Coyn; to wit, pieces of Eight, at 4 s. 6 d. the piece, consisting of Plate pieces, Mexico [Page 101] and old Peru, with half and quarter pieces: The new Perues (whereof there was a good quantity) being not long since called in, and (by reason they were thought to be abu­sed and falsified) converted into Plate, to the great benefit of some in Dublin, and the no small loss (at that time) of a great many peo­ple in Ireland.

A piece of old English Gold is hardly to be seen in Ireland, (ex­cept what is closely kept in private hands) though there was a great proportion thereof before the late Wars, which commonly passed from hand to hand in ordinary Pay­ments. There is a small quantity of Brass Coyn that is used there for the conveniency of change.

I have already hinted,Buildings. how that the Irish (by reason of their Barba­rous Laws and Customs) did never build any Houses of Brick or Stone, (some few poor Religious Houses excepted) before the Reign of King Henry the Second, which seems as manifest (as strange) by the entertainment of the said King [Page 102] received at their chief City of Dub­lin, Anno 1172. who was unavoidab­ly necessitated for meer accommoda­tion (finding there no fit place for his reception) to set up a long house made of smoothed Wattles, after the manner of the Country, where­in he pompously entertained the gre [...]t Irish Lords and Princes at Christmas. All their Forts, Castles, Stately Buildings, and other Edifi­ces, were afterwards Erected by the English, except (as I said) some of the Maritine Towns, which were built by the Ostmanni, or Easter­lings, who antiently came and In­habited Ireland.

The Buil­dings of Ireland much im­proved by the last for­ty years Peace.During the last forty years peace in Ireland, there were many lovely Houses built through most part of that Kingdom, by the English No­bility and Gentry, with delicate im­provements in Orchards, Gardens, and Inclosures correspondent there­unto. There was also at the same time (by way of imitation) the like good indeavours of making handsome Improvements and Buil­dings, by the better sort of Irish [Page 103] both in Towns and Country; But the fair Dwellings of the English were so badly handled by the Irish in the heat of the War, that scarce any part of them (except the main Walls) escaped from fireing; upon which, being generally made of Massy Stone, the English have rebuilt and are building, besides a great number upon new foundations, ma­ny fair Structures.

But that which has been hitherto,The Nasty Irish Cab­bins a great blemish to Ireland. and, I doubt, will ever hereafter be a blemish to the flourishing state of Ireland in point of Building, is the great number of Nasty-Smoaky-Cab­bins every where, made up of Wat­tles without any Chimnies, wherein the poorer sort of Irish do well, which cannot be altogether ascribed to their meer poverty, and antient custom, but rather much more to the uncer­tainty of the tenure whereby they hold the same, being Tenants only but from May to May, that so they may more easily quit their Station, and try their fortunes else where for an other year, though many times to as little effect, in case they find [Page 104] themselves over-much opprest by their Landlords.

Their Parish Churches were gene­rally as meanly built in Ireland, as their practice was in Religion; but now that the Country comes to be inhabited by a more civil and better Principled people, it may be justly hoped, and likewise expected, that there will be, by degrees, a Re­formation in this particular, as well as in other matters of less moment, since the handsome building and a­dorning of Churches do conduce much to draw the rude people to the the reverencing and frequenting thereof.

CHAP. II. Of the Inhabitants, their Laws, Re­ligion and Manners; Of their Number, Language, Stature, Dy­et, Attire, Recreations, Names and Sir-names.

I have already declared how it is most probable that the first In­habitants of this Island came hi­ther out of Britain, Inhabi­tants and Laws. now called Eng­land and Wales; And therefore shall proceed to give some farther Ac­count, touching the Laws of this Realm, both Ancient and Modern. The Brehon Law, by which the Irish governed themselves, was a Rule of Right unwritten, but delivered by Tradition from one to another, in which often times there appeared great shew of Equity, in determi­ning the Right between party and party; but in many things repug­ning quite both to Gods Law and Mans:The parti­ality and impiety of the Brehon Irish Law. As for example in the case of Murder, the Brehon, that is their Judge, would compound between [Page 106] the Murderer, and the Friends of the party Murdered which Prosecuted the Action, that the Malefactor should give unto them, or to the Child or Wife of him that is slain, a recompence, which they called an Eriach: By which vile Law of theirs, many Murders amongst them were made up and smothered. And this Judge being as he was call­ed the Lords Brehon, adjudged for the most part, a better share unto this Lord, that is the Lord of the Soil, or the head of that Sept, and also unto himself for his judgment a grea­ter portion, then unto the Plaintiffs or parties grieved.

Sir Ed­ward Poy­nings the best Refor­mer of the Laws of Ireland.He that gave the fairest beginning to the Reformation of the Laws of Ireland, of any till his time, was Sir Edward Poynings, Lord Deputy of Ireland in the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, who finding in that Realm nothing but a common mise­ry, took the best course he possibly could to establish there a well go­verned Common-wealth: and to that end he held a Parliament no less fa­mous, than that of Kilkenny; and [Page 107] more available for the Reformation of the whole Kingdom. For where­as all wise men did ever concur in opinion, that the readiest way to Reform Ireland, was to settle a form of Civil Government there, confor­mable to that of England: To bring this to pass, Sir Edward Poynings did pass an Act, whereby all the Statutes made in England before that time, were enacted, established, and made of force in Ireland. Nei­ther did he only respect the time past, but provided also for the time to come. For he caused an other Law to be made, that no Act should be propounded in any Parliament of Ireland, but such as should be first Transmitted into England, and ap­proved by the King and Council there, as good and expedient for that Land, and so returned back again, under the Great Seal of England. This Act, though it seem Prima facie to restrain the Liberty of the Subjects of Ireland; yet was it made at the Prayer of the Commons, upon just and important cause.

For the Governors of that Realm, especially such as were of that Coun­try Birth,Poynings Act made at the re­quest of the Commons of Ireland had laid many opprssions upon the Commons: And amongst the rest they had imposed Laws up­on them, not tending to the general good, but to serve private turns, and to strengthen their particular fa­ctions. This moved them to refer all Laws, that were to be past in Ireland, to be considered, corrected, and al­lowed, first by the State of England which had alwaies been tender and careful of the good of this people, and had long since made them a Civil, Rich, and Happy Nation, if their own Lords and Governors there, had not sent bad intelligence into England. Besides this, he took special Order, that the Summons of Parliament should go into all the Shires of Ireland, and not to the four Shires onely within the English Pale; (for out of that little Precinct there were no Lords, Knights or Burgesses, Summoned to the Parlia­ment; neither did the Kings Writ run in any other part of the King­dom) and for that cause specially, [Page 109] he caused all the Acts of Parliament, lately before holden by the Viscount of Gormanston to be repealed and made void. On these foundations they have raised many superstru­ctures both of Law and Govern­ment, enacted in their own Parlia­ments, summoned by the Lord De­puty at the Kings appointment. A­mongst many inconveniences which have been observed in the Laws of England in relation to the Govern­ment of Ireland (whereof a reforma­tion was wisht) this was a main one; That when any of the Irish intended to go into Rebellion,Entailing of Lands supported the Rebel­lions in Ireland. they would convey away all their Lands, and Lordships to Feoffees in trust, whereby they reserved to them­selves, but a State for term of life; which being determined by the sword, or by the halter, their Lands straight came to their heirs, and the Crown of England defrauded of the intent of the Law, which laid that grievous punishment upon Traytors, to forfeit all their Lands to the Prince, to the end that men might the rather be terrified from commit­ting [Page 110] treasons, for many which would little esteem of their own lives, yet for remorse of their Wives and Children would be with-held from that heinous crime. This ap­peared plainly in the late Earl of Desmond. For before his breaking forth into open Rebellion, he had conveyed secretly all his Lands to Feoffees of trust, in hope to have cut off her Majesty from the Escheat of his Lands; which inconvenience, though well enough avoided at that time by an Act of Parliament (ob­tained with much difficulty) which (by cutting off, and frustrating all such conveyances as had at any time by the space of twelve years before his Rebellion, been made, within the compass whereof, the fraudu­lent Feoffment, and many the like of others his accomplices and fellow traytors were contained) gave all his Lands to the Queen; yet were it not an endless trouble (supposing such Acts were easily brought to pass) that no Traitor or Fellon should be attainted, but a Parlia­ment [Page 111] must be called for bringing of his Lands to the Crown which the Law giveth it.

Although since the time of St. Pa­trick (Anno 430) Christianity was never extinct in Ireland, Religion. yet the Go­vernment being hailed into contrary factions, the Nobility lawless, the multitude wilful, it came to pass that Religion waxed with the temporal common sort cold and fee­ble, untill the Conquest by King Henry the Second did settle it. The Honourable state of Marriage they much abused, either in contracts, unlawful meetings, the Levitical and Canonical degrees of prohibiti­on, or in divorcements at pleasure, or in omitting Sacramental solemni­ties, or in retaining either Concu­bines or Harlots for Wives: yea, where the Clergy were faint, they could be content to Marry for a year and a day of probation, and at the years end, to return her home upon any light quarrels, if the Gen­tlewomans friends were weak and unable to avenge the injury. Never was there heard of so many dispen­sations [Page 112] for Marriage, as those men show, I pray God grant they were all authentick, and builded upon sufficient warrant.

The Dis­orders of the Church of Ireland, about the latter end of Q. Eli­zabeths Reign, and the causes of it.About the latter end of Queen Elizabeths Reign, the Church of Ireland was infested, not onely with gross Symony, greedy covetousness, fleshly incontinency, careless sloath, and generally a disordered life in the common Clergy-men: But besides all these had their particular enormi­ties; for all the Irish Priests, which then enjoyed the Church-livings, were in a manner meer Lay-men, saving that they had taken holy Or­ders, but otherwise they did go, and live like Lay-men, follow all kind of Husbandry, and other world­ly affairs, as other Irish men did. They neither read Scriptures, nor preach to the People, nor administer Communion, but Baptism they did: for they Christened then after the Popish fashion, onely they took the Tithes and Offerings, and gathered what fruit else they might of their Livings, the which they converted as badly, and some of them (they [Page 113] said) paid as due Tributes and Shares of their Livings to their Bi­shops (I mean those which were Irish) as they received them duly.

Which shameful abuses the Eng­lish Governours could not redress, because they knew not the parties so offending; for the Irish Bishops had their Clergy in such aw and subjecti­on under them, that they durst not complain of them, so as they might do to them what they pleased, for they knowing their own unworthi­ness, and incapacity, and that they were still removeable at their Bi­shops will, yielded to what pleased him, and he took what he listed: yea, and some of them whose Diocesses were in remote parts, somewhat out of the Worlds eye, did not at all bestow the Benefices, which were in their own donation, upon any, but kept them in their own hands, and did set their own Servants and horse­boys to take up the Tithes and Fruits of them; with the which, some of them purchased great Lands, and built fair Castles upon the same. Of which abuse, if any question [Page 114] were moved, they had a very seem­ly colour and excuse, that they had no worthy Ministers to bestow them upon, but kept them so unbestowed for any such sufficient person, as should be offered unto them.

To meet with this mischief, there was a Statute enacted in Ireland which seems to have been grounded upon a good meaning; That what­soever English-man of good conver­sation and sufficiency, should be brought to any of the Bishops, and nominated unto any Living, within their Diocess that were presently void, that he should (without any contradiction) be admitted there­unto, before any Irish: which good Law, though it had been well obser­ved, and that none of the Bishops had transgressed the same, yet it wrought no Reformation thereof for many defects.

First, there were no such suffici­ent English Ministers sent over as might be presented to any Bishop for any Living; but the most part of such English as came over thither of themselves, were either unlearned, [Page 115] or men of some bad note, for which they had forsaken England. So as the Bishop to whom they should have been presented, might justly reject them as incapable and insuf­ficient. Secondly, the Bishop himself being perhaps an Irish man who being made Judge by that Law, of the sufficiency of the Mini­sters, might at his own Will, dis­like of the English man, as unwor­thy in his Opinion, and admit of a­ny Irish, whom he should think more for his turn. And if he should at the Instance of any English man of coun­tenance there, whom he would not displease, accept of any such Eng­lish Minister as should be tendered unto him, yet he would under-hand, carry such a hard hand over him, or by his Officers wring him so sore, that he would soon make him wea­ry of his poor Living. Lastly, the Benefices themselves were so mean, and of so small profit in those Irish Countreys, through the ill husban­dry of the Irish people which did inhabit them, that they would not yeild any competent maintenance [Page 116] for any honest Minister to live upon, scarcely to buy him a Gown. And had all this been redressed, yet what good should any English Minister have done amongst them, by teach­ing or preaching unto them, which either could not understand him, or would not hear him? Or what com­fort of life could he have, where his Parishoners were so insatiable, so intractable, so ill affected to him, as they usually are to all the English? Or finally, how durst almost any ho­nest Ministers, that were peaceable civil men, commit their safety to the hands of such Neighbours, as the boldest Captains durst scarce dwell by?

The Church of Ireland much Re­formed of late.But these Obstructions (by the special Providence of God appear­ing in the late Revolutions of Ire­land) seems upon the matter to be wholly taken away; for first, there are now in Ireland (together with other Divines that commonly repair thither out of England and Scotland) a sufficient number of able Ministers bred up in Trinity Colledge at Dub­lin to supply the above mentioned [Page 117] first Defect. Secondly, all the Bi­shops of Ireland are now worthy learned Protestants, who with all the endeavours they can, do incourage Protestant Ministers to settle them­selves in such convenient places, as they may do God and that Countrey good service, and themselves have thereby a comfortable subsistance. Besides, the English Magistracy and Gentry being now so generally dis­persed through all parts of Ireland, do give great countenance to the Protestant Ministry to proceed cheerfully and industriously in their Vocations. Lastly, the Benefices themselves are now (by the indu­stry and good husbandry of the Bri­tish Planters, together with the uni­ting of two or three Parishes into one to supply the imperfect Plantation thereof) become so considerable (and will much more hereafter when fully Planted) as to be able to yeild a competent maintenance for honest learned Ministers to live upon; and which is a farther encouragement to them, have already very considera­ble Congregations of Protestant-Plantres [Page 118] through most parts of the Kingdom to attend upon Divine Service every Sabbath-day.

The Revenues of the Church o [...] Ireland have much encreased of late in this manner.

The Reve­nues of the Church of Ireland much in­creased of late, and the manner how.First, it was observed, that the Clergy of this Countrey were for­merly little beholding to their Lay-Patrons; some of their Bishops being so poor, that they had no other Reve­nues than the Pasture of two Milch Beasts. And so far had the Monaste­ries, and Religious Houses invade [...] by Appropriations, the Churche [...] Rites; that of late times, in the whol [...] Province of Connaght, the whole sti­pend of the Incumbent, was not a­bove forty shillings, in some place [...] not above sixteen. So that the poc [...] Irish must needs be better fed tha [...] taught: For ad tenuitatem Benefici orum, necessario sequitur ignorantia Sacerdotum: Poor Benefices will be fit­ted with ignorant Priests said Panor­mitan rightly. But this was reme­died in part by his Sacred Majesty King Charles, the Second Monarch of Great Britain, who liberally (a [...] [Page 119] the Suit of the late Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury) restored unto this Chuch all the Impropriations, and portions of Tithes, which had been vested in the Crown: An Action of most singular Piety, and Princely Bounty.

Secondly, King James, out of the forfeited Lands of the six Counties in Ʋlster, allowed fair proportions of Land, as Gleabable to those Pa­rishes within the said forfeited Coun­ties, which has caused them (for so much) to be counted better Livings for Ministers, than in any other part of that Kingdom.

Thirdly, That by the care the Earl of Strafford had, while he was Lord Deputy of Ireland, to increase the Revenues of that Church, he recovered by Law Suits great quan­tities of Land in many parts of Ire­land, which the Church enjoys to this very day.

Fourthly and lastly, That the whole Kingdom of Ireland may be justly thought to be so far improved during the last forty years peace (by the industry of the British Planters, [Page 120] and by the Irish also in imitation of the same) as that all the Lands thereof (and consequently the Tythes in proportion) came to be worth in yearly value, four or five times more than it ever amounted unto in any former Age: And there­fore we need not much marvel how that this last Rebellion, Anno 1641. became more bloudy and uni­versal than any of the former, the Popish Irish Clergy and Lawers well understanding that the Sovereign Command of Ireland was now worth the contending for.Bishop­ricks of Ireland. Reckoned in Ireland at, and since the Reformati­on, four Arch-bishops, nineteen Bi­shops, and one University, viz. Dub­lin.

Manners.The Irish have long since had the Character of being Religious, Frank, Amorous, Ireful, Sufferable, of pains infinite, very glorious, many Sorce­rers, excellent Horse-men, delighted with Wars, great Alms-givers, pas­sing in Hospitality: The lewder sort both Clerks and Lay-men, sensual and loose to Leachery above mea­sure. The same being virtuously [Page 121] bred up or Reformed, are such mirrours of Holiness and Austerity, that other Nations retain but a shew or shadow of Devotion in compari­son of them. As for Abstinence and Fasting, which these days make so dangerous, this is to them a familiar kind of Chastisement: In which virtue, and divers other, how far the best excel, so far, in Gluttony and other hateful Crimes, the Viti­ous, they are worse than too bad. They follow the dead Corps to the grave with hollowings and barbarous out-cryes, pittiful in appearance; whereof grew (as I suppose) the Proverb, To weep Irish.

These people, of late times,The good agreement bewixt the Irish and the Eng­lish in Ire­land du­ring the last forty years peace. were so much civilized by their Cohabita­tion with the English, as that the an­tient Animosities and Hatred which the Irish had been ever observed to bear unto the English Nation, seem­ed now to be quite deposited and bu­ried in a firm conglutination of their affection and National Obligations passed between them. The two Na­tions had now lived together forty years in peace, with great security [Page 122] and comfort, which had in a manner consolidated them into one Body, knit and compacted together with all those Bonds and Ligatures of Friendship, Alliance and Consangui­nity as might make up a constant and perpetual Union betwixt them. Their inter Marriages were frequent, Gossipred, Fostering (relations of much dearness among the Irish) to­gether with all others of tenancy, neighbourhood, and service inter­changably passed amongst them. Nay, they had made as it were a kind of mutual transmigration into each others manners, many English being strangely degenerated into Irish affections and customs, and many Irish, especially of the better sort, having taken up the English Language, Apparel, and decent man­ner of living in their private houses. And so great an advantage did they find by the English Commerce and Cohabitation in the profits and high improvements of their Lands and native commodities, so incompa­rably beyond what they ever formerly enjoyed, or could expect to [Page 123] raise by their own proper industry, as Sir Philemon O Neal, and many others of the prime Leaders in the last Rebellion, had not long before turned their Irish tenants off their Lands, while they took on English, who were able to give them much greater rents, and more certainly pay the same. A matter that was much taken notice of, and esteem­ed by many; as most highly condu­cing to the security of the English in­terests, and Plantation amongst them.

But behold a fatal day approach­ing (when least expected) wherein this great League of friendship was broken;This great League of friendship betwixt the English and the I­rish dissol­ved, by the breaking out of the Rebellion Octob. 23. 1641. when least suspe­cted. A fatal day (I must confess) to the English; but much more fa­tal to the Irish, in that they destroy­ed thereby not only themselves, but the greatest part of their posterity. I say when least expected; because that the Irish Army raised for the in­vasion of the Kingdom of Scotland, being peaceably disbanded, their Arms and Munition, by the singular care of the Lords Justices and Coun­cel brought into his Majestes stores [Page 124] within the City of Dublin; there was no manner of warlike prepara­tions, no relicks of any kind of dis­orders proceeding from the late Le­vies, nor indeed any noise of War remaining within those coasts. Now while in this great calm the Brittish continued in a most deep security, under the assurance of the blessed peace of that Land; while all things were carried on with great temper and moderation in the present Go­vernment, and all men sate pleasant­ly enjoying the comfortable fruits of their own labours, without the least thoughts or apprehension of either tumults or other troubles, the differences between his Majesty K. Charles the First, and his Subjects of Scotland being about that time fairly composed and setled: There brake out upon the 23d. of October 1641. a most desperate and formidable Rebellion, an universal de­fection and general Revolt, wherei [...] not onely all the meer Irish, but al­most all the old English that adhered to the Church of Rome, wer [...] totally involved.

Whereupon all bonds and ties of faith and friendship being broken,Whereupon unexpressa­ble cruelties were pra­ctised by the Irish against the English in Ireland. the Irish Landlords (by the instigati­on of their Popish Priests) made a prey of their English tenants; Irish tenants and servants a sacrifice of their English Landlords and Masters; one Neighbour cruelly murdered by another; Nay the Irish children in the very beginning fell to strip and kill English children: all other re­lations were quite cancelled and laid aside, and it was now esteemed a most meritorious work in any of them that could by any means or ways whatsoever, bring an English man to the Slaughter. A work not difficult to be compassed as things then stood.The inter­mixing of the Eng­lish among the Irish, a main cause of their sud­den destru­ction. For they living promis­cuously amongst the British, in all parts having from their Priests re­ceived the Watch-word both for time and place, rose up, as it were actuated by one and the same spirit, in all places in those Countries where it first began in the Province of Ʋlster, at one and the same point of time; and so in a moment fell upon them, murdering some, strip­ping [Page 126] or expelling others out of their habitations. This bred such a general terrour and astonishment amongst the English, as they knew not what to think, much less what to do, or which way to turn themselves. Their servants were killed as they were plowing in the fields, Husbands cut in pieces in the presence of their Wives, their Childrens brains dash­ed out before their faces, others had all their Goods and Cattle seized and carried away, their Houses burnt, their habitations laid waste, and all as it were at an instant, before they could suspect the Irish for their enemies, or any ways imagine that they had it in their hearts, or in their power, to offer so great violence, or do such mischief unto them.

The rage of the Irish grew to that height of malice, as to hate the very English Language and their Cattle.Nay, they grew at last to that height of Malice, that some of the Irish would not endure the very sound of the English Language, but would have penalties inflicted upon them that spake English, and all the English names of places changed in­to the old Irish denominations; O­thers professed that they would not [Page 127] leave an English man or woman a­live in the Kingdom, but that all should be gone, no not so much as an English Beast, or any of the breed of them: in many places killing English Cows and Sheep, meerly because they were English; and in some places cutting off their legs, or taking out a piece out of their but­tocks, and so let them remain still a­live in torture.

We shall find in the Roman story,All bands of friend­ship and humanity violated in this great contest be­twixt the Irish and the English during the several cruel contestati­ons betwixt Marius and Scilla, when their factious followers filled the whole City of Rome with streams of blood, strange and most incom­parable passages of friendships; one exposing himself to all manner of dangers for the preservation of his friend of a contrary faction; ser­vants willingly sacrificing themselves to save the lives of their beloved Masters. But here on the contrary, what open violation of all bands of humanity and friendship; no con­tracts, no promises observed; quar­ter given in the most solemn manner with the greatest Oathes and seve­rest [Page 128] execrations under hand and Seal, suddenly broken. The Irish Landlords making a prey of their English Tenants; the Irish Servants betraying their English Masters, and every one esteeming any Act where­in they could declare their hatred and malice most against any of the Brittsh Nation, as gallant and truly meritorious.The Irish unani­mously a­greed to root the English out of Ire­land. It is not to be denyed, but that the first and most bloudy ex­ecutions were made in the Prevince of Ʋlster, and there they continued longest to execute their rage and cruelty; yet must it be acknowledg­ed, that all the other three Provin­ces, did concur with them, as it were, with one common consent, to destroy and pluck up by the roots, all the British planted throughout the Kingdom. And for this purpose they went on, not only murdering, stripping and driving out all of them, Men, Women and Children: but they laid wast their Habitations, burnt their evidences, defaced in many places all the Monuments of Civility, and Devotion; the Courts and places of the English Govern­ment; [Page 129] Nay, as some of themselves exprest it, they resolved not to leave them either Name or Posterity in Ireland.

Having thus far briefly rendered an account touching matter of fact,That the Irish can pretend no grievances, as motives to the last Rebellion An. 164 [...]. transacted in this most bloudy Re­bellion; I shall in the next place take an occasion to enquire, whether this desperate resolution of the Irish proceeded from the sense of some grievous oppressions imposed upon by their English Governours, or ra­ther meerly from an impetuous de­sire they had to draw the whole Government of the Kingdom of Ireland into their own hands: Upon due consideration whereof, I cannot find they had the least cause to com­plain of oppression; for his late Ma­jesties Indulgence was so great to­wards his Subjects of Ireland, as that in the year 1640. upon their complaints, and a general Remon­strance sent over unto him from both Houses of Parliament then sitting at Dublin, by a Committee of four Temporal Lords of the Upper House, and twelve Members of the [Page 130] House of Commons, with instructi­ons to represent the heavy pressures they had for some time suffered un­der the Government of the Earl of Strafford; He took these Grievan­ces into his Royal Consideration, descended so far to their satisfacti­on, as that he heard them himself, and made present Provisions for their redress. And upon the decease of Mr. Wandsford, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, and then Lord De­puty there, under the said Earl of Strafford, who still continued Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom (though then accused of High Treason, and imprisoned in the Tower of London, by the Parliament of England) His Majesty sent a Commission of Go­vernment to the Lord Dillon of Kil­kenny West, and Sir William Parsons, Knight and Baronet, Master of the Wards in Ireland; yet soon after, finding the choice of the Lord Dillon to be much disgusted by the Com­mittee, he did at their Motion, cause the said Commission to be Cancell'd, and with their consent and approba­tion, placed the Government upon [Page 131] Sir William Parsons, and Sir John Borlace Knight, Master of the Or­dinance, both esteemed persons of great Integrity; and the Master of Wards, by reason of his very long continued imployment in the State, his particular knowledge of the Kingdom, much valued and well beloved amongst the People. They took the Sword upon the ninth of February 1640. And in the first place they aplyed themselves with all gen­tle lenitives to mollifie the sharp hu­mours raised by the rigid passages in the former Government. They de­clared themselves against all such proceedings lately used, as they found any ways varying from the Common Law: They gave all due encouragement to the Parliament then sitting, to endeavour the reaso­nable ease and contentment of the people, freely ascenting to all such Acts as really tended to a Legal Re­formation: They betook themselves wholly to the advice of the Councel, and caused all matters, as well of the Crown as Popular Interest, to be handled in his Majesties Courts of [Page 132] Justice: no way admitting the late exorbitancies (so bitterly decryed in Parliament) of Paper-Petitions or Bills, in Civil Causes, to be brought before them at the Councel-board, or before any other by their Authority: They, by his Majesties gracious directions, gave way to the Parliament to abate the Subsidies (there given, in the Earl of Straffords time, and then in Collection) from forty thousand pounds each Subsidy, to twelve thousand pounds a piece, so low did they think fit to reduce them: And they were farther con­tent (because they saw his Maje­sty most absolutely resolved to give the Irish Agents full satisfaction) to draw up two Acts to be passed in the Parliament, most impetuously desi­red by the Natives; The one was the Act of Limitations, which un­questionably settled all Estates of Land in the Kingdom, quietly en­joyed without claim or interruption for the space of sixty years immedi­ately preceding; The other was for the relinquishment of the right and title which his Majesty had to the [Page 133] four Counties in Connaght, legally found for him by several Inquisitions taken in them, and ready to be di­sposed upon a due Survey, to Bri­tish undertakers; as also to some Territories of good extant in Moun­ster, and the County of Clare upon the same title.

Thus was the present Govern­ment most sweetly tempered, and carryed on with great lenity and moderation; the Lords Justices and Councel wholly departing from the rigour of former courses, did gently unbend themselves into a happy and just compliance with the seasonable desires of the people. And his Majesty, that he might farther testify his own settled resolution for the continuation thereof, with the same tender hand over them, having first given full satisfaction in all things to the said Committee of Par­liament still attending their dispatch, did about the latter end of May 1641. declare Kobert Earl of Lei­cester, Lord Lieutenant General of the Kingdom of Ireland. He was Heir to Sir Philip Sidney, his Unckle, [Page 134] as well as to Sir Henry Sidney, his Grandfather, who with great Ho­nour and much Integrity long con­tinued Chief Governour of Ireland during the Reign of Queen Eliza­beth; and being a person of excellent Abilities by Nature, great Acquisi­tions from his own private Industry, and publick Imployment abroad, of exceeding great Temper and Mode­ration, was never engaged in any publick pressures of the Common­wealth, and therefore most likely to prove a just and gentle Governour, most pleasing and acceptable to the people.

The Ro­mish Catho­licks pri­vately en­joyed the exercise of their Reli­gion through all Ireland.Moreover, the Romish Catholicks privately enjoyed the free exercise of their Religion throughout the whole Kingdom, according to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome. They had, by the over great indul­gence of the late Governours, their Titular Arch-bishops, Bishops, Vi­cars general, Provincial Consistories, Deans, Abbots, Priors, Nuns, who all lived freely, though somewhat covertly among them, and without controul exercised a voluntary juris­diction [Page 135] over them, they had their Priests, Jesuits and Fryars, who were of late years exceedingly mul­tiplyed, and in great numbers re­turned out of Spain, Italy and other forreign parts, where the Children of the Natives of Ireland that way devoted, were sent usually to receive their Education. And these without any manner of Restraint, had quiet­ly settled themselves in all the chief Towns, Villages, Noblemen and private Gentlemens houses through­out the Kingdom. So as the private exercise of all their Religious Rites, and Ceremonies were freely enjoy­ed by them without any manner of disturbance, and not any of the Laws put in execution, whereby heavy penalties were to be inflict­ed upon transgressors in that kind.

Now seeing we have manifestly found by woful experience that all those Princely favours and tender proceedings of his late Majesty to­wards the Irish, That no Princely favors can oblige the Popish-I­rish part to be Loyal to the Crown of Eng­land. proved altogether ineffectual to contain them within the due bounds of Loyalty and Obe­dience; The world may easily be­lieve, [Page 136] that their designs (by their last Rebellion) tended to no other end than the utter subversion of the English Government in Ireland, The utter subversion of the En­lish Go­vernment designed by the last Re­bellion in Ireland An. 1641. and the establishing of the same in the hands of their own Natives; for confirmation whereof, we have the Testimony of a Franciscan Fryar, who was one of their Councel, who tells us that the last Session of Par­liament held at Dublin being proro­ged in August 1641. and the time drawing nigh for putting their de­sign in execution of surprising Dub­lin Castle, and all other places of Strength in the possession of the Eng­lish in Ireland, there was a great meeting appointed of the heads of the Romish Clergy and other Lay­men of their faction to be at the Ab­by of Mullifarvan, A Councel held at Mullifar­van Abby in Meath, whether to Kill, or Ba­nish all the English out of Ire­land An. 1641. in the County of West-Meath, where amongst other matters there debated; the question was what course should be taken with the English, and all others that were found in the whole Kingdom to be Protestants. The Councel was therein divided.

[Page 137]1.The Coun­cil divided; some for Banishing. Some were for their Banish­ment, without attempting on their Lives; for this was given the In­stance, of the King of Spains expel­ling out of Granado, and other parts of his Dominions, the Moors to the number of many hundred of thou­sands: all of them being dismissed with their Lives, Wives and Chil­dren, with some part of their Goods (if not the most part) that this his way of proceeding redounded much to the honor of Spain, whereas the Slaughter of many Innocents would have laid an everlasting blemish of cruelty on that State, that the like u­sage of the English their Neighbours, & to whom many there present ow­ed, (if no more) yet their Education; would gain much to the Cause, both in England and other parts: That their Goods and Estates seized up­on, would be sufficient without medling with their Persons; that if the contrary course were taken, and their bloud spilt, besides the Curse it might draw from Heaven upon their Cause, it might withal increase and provoke the Neighbour King­dome [Page 138] of England, and that justly taking a more severe revenge on the [...] and theirs, even to extirpation if [...] had the upper hand.

Others for cutting off all the English.2. On the other side, was urge [...] a contrary preceeding to the utte [...] cutting off all the English Protestants where, to the instance of the dismiss­ed Moors, it was answered, th [...] that was the sole Act of the King an [...] Queen of Spain, contrary to the a [...] vise of their Councel, which howso­ever it might gain that Prince a nam [...] of mercy, yet therein the event shewed him to be most unmerciful, no [...] onely to his own, but to all Christendome beside. That this was eviden [...] in the great and excessive charge tha [...] Spain hath been since that time pu [...] unto by those Moors, and their posterity to this day. All Christendom also hath and doth still groan unde [...] the miseries it doth suffer by the Py­racies of Algiers, Sally, and the like Dens of Thieves. That all this migh [...] have been prevented in one hour by a general Massacre, applying tha [...] it was no less dangerous to expel th [...] English: That these Robbers an [...] [Page 139] banished men might again return with swords in their hands, who by their hard usage in spoiling, might be exasperated, and by the hope of re­covering their former Estates, would be incensed far more than strangers that were sent against them. Being neither in their persons injured, nor grieved in their estate, that there­fore a general Massacre were the safest and readiest way for freeing the Kingdom of any such fears.

3. In which diversity of opinions, howsoever the first prevailed with some, for which the Franciscans (saith this Frier) did stand, yet o­thers inclined to the second: some again leading to a middle way, nei­ther to dismiss nor kill.

And according to this do we find the event and course of their pro­ceedings.But both was pra­ctised, with that of im­prisonment In some places they were generally put to the sword, or to o­ther miserable ends: some restrain their persons in durance, knowing it to be in their hands to dispatch them at their pleasures; in the mean time they being reserved either for profit by their ransome, or for exchange of [Page 140] Prisoners, or gaining their own pa [...] ­dons by the lives of their Prisoners, if time would serve, or by their death, (if the worst did happen) to satisfie their fury. The third sort at the first altogether dismissed the [...] prisoners, but first having spoile [...] them of their goods, and after of their raiment, exposing the misera­ble wretches to cold and famine, whereby many have perished by deaths, worse then sword or halter.

Hitherto of their Counsels, and the effect of them. Now for their intentions, all being reduced, (whic [...] God forbid) into their power; an [...] thereof did they as by some Law, give such peremptory conclusions, that it may well be wondered th [...] thoughts of men professing them­selves wise, should be so vain: and herein I do still follow mine Infor­mer.

What the Irish would have done if they had prevailed.First, Their Loyalty to his Majesty should be still reserved. Th [...] said they of the modest sort: Bu [...] both his Revenues and Governme [...] must be reduced to certain bounds His Rents none other then the a [...] cient [Page 141] reservations before the Planta­tion, and Customs so ordered, as to them should be thought fitting.

Secondly, for the Government, such as would be esteemed loyal, would have it committed to the hands of two Lords Justices, one of the ancient Irish Race, the other of the ancient Brittish Inhabitants in the Kingdom; Provided that they be of the Romish Profession.

Thirdly, That a Parliament should be forthwith called, consisting of whom they should think fit to be ad­mitted, wherein their own religious men should be assistants.

Fourthly, Poynings Act should be repealed, and Ireland declared to be a Kingdom independant on England, and without any reference unto it in any case whatsoever.

Fifthly, All Acts prejudicial to the Romish Religion, should be abolish­ed; and it to be enacted, That there should be none ohter profession in [Page 142] the Kingdom but the Romish.

Sixthly, That onely the ancient Nobility of the Kingdome should stand, and of them, such as should refuse to conform to the Romish Re­ligion, to be removed, and others put in their room; howsoever the then present Earl of Kildare was to be excluded, and another establish­ed in his place.

Seventhly, All Plantation Lands to be recalled, and the antient pro­prietors to be reinvested in their for­mer estates, with the limitations in their Covenant expressed; That they had not formerly sold their in­terests on valuable considerations.

Eighthly, That the respective Countries of the Kingdom, should be sub-divided, and certain Bounds or Barronies assigned to the chief Septs, and others of the Nobility, who were to be answerable for the Government thereof: And that a standing Army might be still in be­ing, the respective Governors being [Page 143] to keep a certain number of men to be ready at all risings out (as they term'd it:) They also being to build and maintain certain Fortresses, in places most convenient within their Precincts: And that these Governours should be of absolute power, only responsible to the Parliament.

Lastly, for maintaining a corre­spondency with other Nations, and for securing the Coasts, that also they might be rendered considera­ble unto others, a Navy of a cer­tain number of Ships was to be maintained. That to this end five Houses were to be appointed, one in each Province, accounting Meath for one of them; That to those hou­ses should be allotted an annual pen­sion of certain thousands of pounds to be made up of part of the Lands appropriate to Abbeys: And a far­ther Contribution to be raised in the respective Provinces to that end: That these Houses were to be assign­ed to a certain Order of Knights, answerable to that of Malta, who were to be Sea-men: And to Main­tain [Page 144] this Fleet: that all Prizes were to be apportioned; some part for a Common Bank, the rest to be divi­ded; to which purpose the felling of Woods serviceable for this use was to be forbidden: The house for this purpose to be assigned to the Pro­vince of Leinster, was Kilmainham, or rather Houth, the Lord of Ho­with being otherwise to be accommo­dated, provided he joyn with them; that place being esteemed most con­venient, in respect of scituation, which they had small grounds to hope for.

The Trans­plantation justified, by reason of the late barba­rous carri­age of the Irish to­wards the English.The serious consideration of this strange behaviour of the Irish, to­wards the English, hath given them just cause to place a wall of seperati­on between them and such dange­rous Neighbours, by whose barba­rous carriage and inhumanity, there were (since the Rebellion first brake out unto the time of the cessa­tion made Sept. 15. 1643. which was not full two years after) three hundred thousand British and Prote­stants cruelly murthered in cold [Page 145] bloud, destroyed some other way, or expelled out of their habitations, according to the strictest conjecture, and computation of those who seem­ed best to understand the numbers of English planted in Ireland, besides those few which perished in the heat of fight, during the War:The losses sustained by the Bri­tish Plan­ters in the space of 2. years from Oct. 23. 1641. a­mounted to 635375 l. And upon an enquiry made in Ireland An. 1641. of their losses sustained in their Estates, Fortunes and Livelyhoods, by Spoil and Robbery, from the 23. of October 1641. till the 8. of March following, by estimation they a­mounted to six hundred thirty five thousand, three hundred seventy five pounds. And if a right informa­tion could have been taken, as I sup­posed, would have amounted to neer five hundred times as much.

It hath been said (of late) by some,Number of Inhabi­tants. that the people of England are quadrubled, within four hundred years, as doubling every two hun­dred years: How true this may be in relation to England I know not; but I am perswaded that this obser­vation may be more properly ap­plyed to Ireland, which has been [Page 146] (within these four hundred years) mightily improved by clearing of grounds from a Wilderness, and thereby consequently giving way for the enlargment of peoples Habitati­ons, Ireland being reported to be generally overgrown with Woods in Giraldus Cambrensis his time. Though Ireland was very populous before the last War, and is compu­ted to be half as big as England, yet I dare not say that it contained half as many people as England did, be­cause above one fourth part of Ire­land is taken up with unprofitable Boggs, Lakes and barren Moun­tains; and for that the Towns Cities of England are far greater and more numerous in proportion, than those of Ireland; in so much, as that the City of London it self may be thought to contain more people, than one half of the Kingdom of Ireland in the best of times; But whether Ireland did (in its prime) contain two millions of people, or what more, I will not take upon me to determin, but do submit the de­cision of so doubtful a matter to [Page 147] more knowing persons, together with the enquiry, whither in time to come (when Ireland shall be ful­ly inhabited) it may be thought (though mixedly) the English may inhabit the proportion of about one Province and an half of it, though most numerous in the Provinces of Mounster and Leinster: The Irish the like proportion of one Province and an half more, though most numerous in the Province of Connnaght; And the Scots inhabiting the proportion of a fourth part of Ireland, but more numerous in the Province of Ʋlster, than in any other.

The Irish tongue is sharp and sen­tentious,Their Language. offereth great occasion to quick Apothegms and proper allusi­ons, wherefore their common Je­sters, Bards, and Rymers, are said to delight passingly those that con­ceive the grace and propriety of the tongue. But the true Irish indeed differeth so much from that they they commonly speak, that scarce one amongst five score, can either write, read, or understand it. There­fore it is prescribed among certain [Page 148] their Poetes, and other Students of Antiquity.

The Italian, Spanish, and French Tongues are compounded of the La­tine. The German (high and low Country) Saxon, Scotland, and Eng­lish have great affinity. North-Wales, South-Wales, Cornwall, and Little Britain in France, as Cam­brensis and Sir John Price have learn­edly discoursed; but the Irish (ex­cept the Redshanks, and the Scottish of the High-lands) have affinity with no Tongue (as I can learn) more then with the British Language.

Many reasons there are to induce one to be of this opinion; first of all according to the first command, the Celtick Tongue was of force in all these Northern parts. Bodinus writeth, that the British and Celtick Language was all one. Pausanius the Greecian maketh mention how the Celts in their Language called a Horse Marc, and three Horses, Trimarc; the which, the Welchman useth to this day with a guttural alteration, Margh, and Treemargh. Also Cam­den, the learned Antiquary of this [Page 149] our Age, is of this opinion (remem­bring the Story of Gurguntius, and the infinite number of British Words in use among the Irish, the which he termeth infinitam vim Britannicarum dictionum) that the Britains first peopled this Land. And although of a long time (by reason of troubles, and alterations) the speech grew wholly out of use; yet afterwards in success of time it was revived. Secondly, the British and Irish oft Matched together, so that there grew among them great alliance and af­finity, to the fartherance of the Lan­guage. Thirdly, the first Conquer­ors in Henry the Seconds time, that brake the Ice into this Land, were Welch-men, whose Names and Seats to this day are fresh in memory. As for instance, in the Dioces of Leigh­lin, there is a Town called Villa Wallicorum, the Town of Welch men. Careg and Craig in the British or Welch Tongue is a Stone or Rock, and of the Britains, Carreggferggus, Carreggmont-Griffiin, Carregg in Shurie, Carrigguaspin, and Craigwa­ding, have their Names. Likewise, [Page 150] Llis in British is a Court or Palace, of that in Ireland you have Lismore, Lisfenyn, Lislofty, Lismakery. Glan and Glyn are British words, of them have you Glangibbon, Glandoboy, Glanreynold, Glynburry, Glyndelory, Glynmoloura, &c. Inis an Island, is British and Irish, of which kind are Inissirocan, Inishoven, Inisdiok, Inis­uag, Iniscorthie, and the like. Rath, a Moat or round Trench (whereof there are many in Ireland made by the Danes) if Beda had not said that it was a Saxon word, I would have said it had been British, and how ma­ny names of places are compound­ed with it in Ireland, were too long to reherse. I will here give Stainhurst leave to conclude, Omnes Insulae locos & lucos Wallici nominis gloria imple­vit; the renown of the Welch name (saith he) hath filled all the ways and woods of the Island. The Irish are now generally bred both to read and speak the English Tongue.

The Irish are commonly of a large and handsome proportion of body, clear of Skin and Hue. Their Wo­men are well Favoured, clear Co­loured, [Page 151] fair handed, big and large, suffered from their infancy to grow at Will, nothing curious of their feature and proportion of body.

The Common sort of People in Ireland do feed generally upon Milk,Dyet. Butter, Curds and Whey, New bread made of Oat meal, Beans, Bar­ly and Pease, and sometimes of Wheat upon Festivals, their bread be­ing baked every day against the fire. Most of their Drink is Butter-milk and Whey; They feed much also upon Parsnips, Potatoes, and Water­cresses, and in those Countreys bor­dering on the Sea, upon Sea weeds, as Dullusck, Slugane, but seldome eat Flesh. The middle sott of the Irish Gentry differ not much from the same kind of Dyet, save only that they oftner feed upon Flesh, eat better Bread, and drink Beer more frequently. They are all of them (when opportunity offers it self) too much inclined to drink Beer and Ʋsquebagh to an excess; And both Men and Women of all sorts, extreamly addicted to take Tobacco in a most abundant manner. [Page 152] The best sort of Irish do imitate the English both in Dyet and Apparel, but not without a palpable difference (most commonly) in the mode of their Entertainment.

At [...]e.Trouses and Mantles were (till King James and King Charles his Reign) the general habit of the Irish; their Mantles serving many times as a fit house for an Out-Law, a meet bed for a Rebel, and an apt cloak for a Thief; But now the Men wear their cloaths altogether after the English fashion, having converted their Mantles into Cloaks, with which kind of wear they are much affected. Formerly they used no Hats, but Caps made of Irish Frize, called Cappeenes, and even now the middle sort of Gentry sel­dome wear Bands, unless they go abroad amongst Strangers. The Common sort of People both Men and Women wear no English Shoos, but things called Irish Brogues, thin soled, somewhat like our Poumps, and sowed altogether with Leather. The ordinary sort ef Irish Women wear a kind of loose Gowns with­out [Page 153] stiffening, with Petticoats, and Wascoats without any Bodys; ha­ving linnen Kerchers about their heads, instead of head-cloaths, and never using hats, but covering their heads with their Mantles to save themselves from rain, or the heat of the Sun.

The Irish Gentry are musically disposed,Recreati­ons. & therefore many of them play singular well upon the Irish-Harp; they affect also to play at Tables; The Common sort meet oftentimes in great numbers (in plain Meadows or Ground) to re­create themselves at a play called Bandy, with Balls and crooked Sticks, much after the manner of our play at Stoe-ball; they are much given to Dancing after their Coun­trey way, and the men to play up­on the Jews-Harp, and at Cards, but for no great value.

The Irish NamesIrish Names. of Baptism are generally, Teig, Patrick, Turlough, Murrogh, Mortoch, Donoch, Lough­lin, Dermot, &c. with many other Names made use of there as well as here in England; as namely, John, [Page 154] Edmund, Edward, Thomas, William, James, &c.

SirnamesFor the better breaking of the Heads, and Septs of the Irish, which was one of their greatest strength, and motive to lead them to Rebellion, there was a law made in Ireland, in the Reign of King Edward the Fourth, by which it was command­ed, that whereas all men then used to be called by the name of their Septs, according to the several Na­tions, and had no Sirnames at all, that from thenceforth each one should take upon himself a several Sirname, either of his trade and fa­culty, or of some quality of his body or mind, or the place where he dwelt, so as every one should be distinguish­ed from the other, or from the most part, whereby they should not only; not depend upon the head of their Sept, as then they did, but also in time, learn quite to forget the Irish Nation. And herewithall would I also wish all the O's and Mac's, which the Heads of Septs have taken to their names, to be utterly for­bidden and extinguished. For that [Page 155] the same being an Ordinance (as some say) first made by O Brien for for the strengthning of the Irish, the abrogating thereof will as much in­feeble them. The custome of prefix­ing the vowel O, to many of the chief Irish Sirnames began in the Reign of Brien Boria the son of Ken­nethy King of Ireland. As for Mac in Sirnames, it beareth no other sig­nification, then Fitz doth amongst the French, and (from them) the English, and Ap with the Welch. And although it were more anciently used then the other, yet it varied according to the Fathers Name, and became not so soon fully settled in families.

CHAP. III. Of the Government.

THe GovernmentGovern­ment of Ireland by Vice-Roys or Deputies, were from the first entrance of the English under Henry the Second, till King Edward the Third's days, called Ju­sticers of Ireland, and Justicers and Keepers of the Land of Ireland; then Lieutenants, and their Vicegerent Deputies.The Vice-Roys or Deputies of Ireland di­versly na­med at sundry times. Afterward, they were at the Prince his pleasure tearmed, som­times Deputies, somtimes Justicers, and sometimes Lieutenants, (which is a little more honour) but for the most part with one and the same au­thority. And without doubt those first Justicers of Ireland (as the Ju­sticer of England, who in that age was also for brevity called Justice,) were ordained for keeping of the Peace, and Ministring of Justice to all and every person; as were the [Page 157] Proprietors, and Proconsuls in old time among the Romans, which were sent into a Province with highest command.

Before we pass further, Let us take a view of the Catalogue here before us, comprehending this fol­lowing Table.

Notwithstanding what before is said,The great Power and Train of the Vice-Roys or Deputies of Ire­land. no Vice-Roy in all Europe hath greater Power, or comes neerer the Majesty of a King in his Train and State, yet it was thought (that in the times of trouble) this should have been one principal in the ap­pointing of the Lord Deputies Au­thority, that it should be more ample and absolute than it is, and that he should have uncontrouled Power, to do any thing, that he with the ad­visement of the Councel should think meet to be done: for that it was impossible for the Councel here to direct a Governour there, who should be forced oftentimes to fol­low the necessity of present occasi­ons, and to take the suddain advan­tage of time, which being once lost could not be recovered, whilst,The want of more ab­solute pow­er in the Deputies of of Ireland, was for­merly pre­judicial to the Affairs of that Kingdome. ex­pecting direction from hence, the delays whereof were oftentimes through other greater affairs most irksome, the oportunities there in the mean time past away, and great­er danger did often grow, which by such timely prevention might easily have been stopped: And this is [Page 166] worthily observed by Machiavel in his discourses upon Livie, where he commendeth the manner of the Ro­mans Government, in giving abso­lute Power to all their Councellors and Governors, which if they abused they afterwards should dearly answer And the contrary thereof he repre­hendeth in the States of Venice, of Florence, and many other Principa­lities of Italy: who use to limit their chief Officers so strictly, as that thereby they have oftentimes lost such happy occasions, as they could never come unto again: The like whereof, who so hath been conver­sant in the Government of Ireland (especially during Queen Elizabeths Reign) hath too often seen to their great hindrance and hurt.

That be­sides the want of Power, there were eminent defects ob­served in the man­agemet of the publick Affairs of Ireland.Besides this want of Power which did hinder the good Reformation of Ireland, there were eminent defects noted in the mangement of the pub­lick Affairs of that Kingdom, by some of the chief Governors there­of, who seeing the end of their Go­vernment to draw nigh, and some mischiefs and practices growing up, [Page 167] which afterwards might work trou­ble to the next succeeding Governor, would not attempt the redress, or cut­ting off thereof, either for fear they should leave the Realm unquiet at the end of their Government, or that the next that came, should receive the same too quiet, and so happily win more praise thereof, than they before. And therefore they would not seek at all to repress that evil, but would either by granting pro­tection for a time, or holding some emparlance with the Rebel, or by treaty of Comissioners, or by other like devices, only smother and keep down the flame of the mischief, so it might not break out in their time of Government, what came af­terwards they cared not, or rather wish'd the worst

To this may be added,The savor­ing of the Irish, and depressing of the En­glish, an ill practice by some of the Lord Deputies of Ireland. that when the Irish have been broken by the Sword of one Governour, and there­by consequently made fit and capa­ble for subjection, another succeed­ing (as it were) into his harvest, and finding an open way made for what course he pleased, bent not to that [Page 168] point which the former intended, but rather quite contrary, and as it were in scorn of the former, and in vain vaunt of his own Councels, would tread down and disgrace all the English, and set up and counte­nance the Irish all that he he could, thereby to make them more tracta­ble and buxome to his Government, (wherein he thought much amiss) for surely his Government could not be sound and wholsome for that Realm, it being so contrary to the former. For it was even as two Phy­sicians should take one sick body in hand, at two sundry times: of which, the former would minister al things meet to purge and keep un­der the body; the other, to pamper and strengthen it suddenly again; whereof, what is to be looked for, but a most dangerous relapse? Therefore, by all means it ought to be fore-seen, and assured, that after once entering into this course of Re­formation, there be afterwards no remorse nor drawing back for the sight of any such rueful objects, as must thereupon follow, nor for com­passion [Page 169] of their Calamities, seeing that by no other means it is possible to cure them, and that these are not of will, but of very urgent ne­cess [...]ty.

The Lord Lieutenant,The Lord Deputies of Ireland ass [...]sted by a Privy Councel. or Lord Deputy of Ireland, hath for his assi­stance a Privy Councel attending on him, though resident for the most part at Dublin: and in emergencies, or cases of more difficult nature pro­ceedeth many times in an arbi­trary way, without formalities of Law.

Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy of Ireland in Queen Elizabeths time,The Lords Presidents of Con­naght and Mounster instituted in Queen Elizabeths time. to enure and acquaint the People of Mounster and Connaght, with the English Government again (which had not been in use among them for the space of two hundred years be­fore) he instituted two Presidency Courts in those two Provinces, pla­cing Sir Edward Fitton in Connaght, and John Perrot in Mounster. The Lord President of Mounster, hath one Assistant, twelve learned Law­yers, and a Secretary.

CHAP. IV. Of the Title changed from Lord to King of Ireland in the time of Hen­ry the Eighth. Of the Titles of the Crown to every part of Ireland, and to the whole diverse ways; And se­veral claims to the Land of Ireland. Of the Revenue and Strength.

Title al­tered from Lord to King.SIR Anthony Saint-Leger Lord Deputy of Ireland, in a Parlia­ment which he held the 33. of Hen­ry 8. caused an Act to pass, which gave unto King Henry the Eighth, his Heirs and Successors, the Name, Stile and Title of King of Ireland; Whereas, before that time, the Kings of England were stiled but Lords of Ireland: Although indeed, they were absolute Monarchs there­of, and had in right all Royal and Imperial Jurisdiction and Power there, as they had in the Realm of England. And yet because in the vulgar conceit the name of King is higher than the name of Lord; assu­redly the assuming of this Title, hath [Page 171] not a little raised the Sovereignity of the Kings of England in the minds of this people. And because it hath been doubted by some whether we might Lawfully fight against the Irish, I shall (for farther satisfacti­on) here insert the Right and Ti­tle the Crown of England hath to the Kingdom of Ireland, as to every part of it, and to the whole divers ways.

I will begin with the Pedigree of William Earl Marshal, Title to Leinster. for thereup­on depend many Records in Ireland, and the King of Englands Right to Leinster. Walter Fitz Richard, who came from Normandy with William the Conqueror, died Lord Strongbow of Strigule, alias Chepstow without Issue, to whom succeeded his Sisters Son, who was created the first Earl of Pembroke, and had Issue, Richard the inheritor of Leinster, by a Cove­nant and Marriage of Eva, the Sole Daughter of Mac Murrough King of Leinster. This Richard conveyed to Henry the Second all his Title, and held of him the Lordship of Leinster in four Counties, Wexford, [Page 172] Catherlagh, Ossory and Kildare. Richard left Issue, a Daughter Issabel, married to William Earl Marshal of England, now Earl of Pembroke, Lord Strongbow, and Lord of Leinster. William had Issue, five Sons, who died without Issue, when every of them, except the youngest, had suc­cessively possessed their Fathers Lands; and five Daughters, Maud, Jone, Issabel, Sibil and Eve, among whom the Patrimony was parted Anno 31. H. 3. Of these Daughters bestowed in Marriage, are descend­ed many Noble Houses, as the Mor­timers, Bruises, Clares, &c. born Subjects to the Crown of England, paying ever to the King his Duties reserved.

Title to Meth. Hugh de Lacy Conquerour of Meth, had Issue, Walter de Lacy, who held the same of King John, paying a Fine of four thousand Marks Sterling, and hence began all the several Claims there, with A­legiance sworn and done by their Ancestors.

Title to Mounster.At the very first arrival of Henry the Second, the Princes of Mounster [Page 173] came universally, and did homage voluntarily, and acknowledged to him and his Heirs, Duties and pays for ever.

John de Courcy Conquerour and Earl of Ʋlster, dyed without Issue,Title to Ulster & Connaght King John, Lord of Ireland, gave the Earldome to Hugh de Lacy, who who had Issue, Walter and Hugh, who died without Issue, and one Daughter married to Reymond Burke, Conquerour and Lord of Connaght.

Connaght descended to divers Heirs, owing service to the Prince, but Ʋlster returned by devolution to the special Inheritance and the Re­venues of the Crown of England, in this manner; The said de Burgo, had Issue, Richard, who had Issue, John, who had Issue William, who was slain without Issue, and a Daughter Elizabeth, entitled to thirty thousand Marks yearly, by the Earldome of Ʋlster, whom Ed­ward the Third gave in marriage to Lionel his second Son, Duke of Cla­rence, who had Issue a Daughter Philippe, married to Edward Mor­timer, [Page 174] who had Issue Edmund, Anne, Elianor; Edmund and Elianor died without Issue, Anne was married to Richard, Earl of Cambridge, Son to Edmund of Langley Duke of York, fift Son to Edward the Third; which said Richard had Issue, Richard Plan­taginet, Father to Edward the Fourth, Father to Elizabeth, Wife to Henry the Seventh, and Mother to Henry the Eighth, Father to Mary, Edward the Sixth, and Elizabeth.