CHAPTER I. Of the Wars, Valour, Military Glory, &c. of the Ancient Grecians.

THE ancient Grecians were an innocent and unpolish'd sort of Mortals, wholly unacquainted with the mo­dern, and more refin'd Arts of War and Peace. Persons of the highest Birth and Quality, and whom they phan­sy'd to be descended from the Race of the Immortal Gods, had little other business to employ their Hours, beside tilling the Earth, or feeding their Flocks and Herds; and the rapine of these, or some other petty Concerns, which was look'd on as a ge­nerous and heroical Exploit, occasion'd most of the Wars: so famous in their Story. Achilles in Homer tells Agamemnon, that 'twas purely to oblige him, he had engag'd himself in so long and dangerous a War against the Trojans, from whom he had never receiv'd any just cause of Quarrel, having never been [Page 2] despoil'd of his Oxen, or Horses, or had the Fruits of his Ground destroy'd by them ^(a):

And the simplicity of their Conduct may be sufficiently evin­c'd, as from several other Instances, so by those especially, where an Achilles, an Hector, or an Ajax are introduc'd opposing them­selves to vast Numbers, and by the force of their own Valour put­ting to flight whole Squadrons of their Enemies. Nor is the Poet to be thought blame-worthy, or to have transgress'd the rules of probability in such Relations; which, tho' perhaps strange and incredible in our Days, were no doubt accommodated to the manners of the Times, of which he wrote. For even in the Sacred Story we find it recorded, that a single Goliath defy'd all the Armies of Israel ^(b), and with a big look, and a few ar­rogant Words, put so great terrour into them, that they fled be­fore him.

Notwithstanding this, in the revolution of a few Ages, Greece became the celebrated Mother of the bravest, and most experienc'd Souldiers in the World: For being canton'd into a great num­ber of little independent States, all which, tho' bordering upon one another, were govern'd by different Laws, and prosecuted con­trary Interests, it became the Seat of continual Wars; every Hamlet being ambitious of enlarging it's Territory, by encroaching upon [Page 3] it's neighbour-village, and contending for the addition of a few Lands with no less heat and fury, than if whole Kingdoms had been the Prize: The consequence whereof was, that the Grecians, being from their childhood inur'd to Martial Affairs, and having to their native Bravery added long and constant Experience, were ren­der'd as well in good Order and Discipline, as true Courage and Valour, superiour to most other Nations. They became a ter­rour to all the Countries round about them, and with small Num­bers often put to flight vast multitudes of the Barbarians: The Persians frequently experienc'd the sad effects of it in the loss of numerous Armies, and at length of the greatest Empire in the World. And (to enumerate no more Instances in a thing so well known) the Carthaginians, tho' Men of great Courage, and excellently skill'd in the Art of War, being worsted in Sicily by Timoleon the Corinthian in several Encounters, and by unequal numbers of Men, were driven into an admiration of the Grecian Valour; and forc'd to confess, that they were the most pugnacious and insupportable of Mankind; and forthwith made it their business to entertain as many of them as they could procure, in their Service ^(a).

But tho' almost all the Grecians had their share in Military Glory, yet were the rest far inferiour to the Lacedemonians, who by the Laws of their Country were under an obligation to make War their Profession; they never apply'd themselves to any Art, or Em­ployment, or the exercise of Trade, which they accounted un­worthy of Generous and Free-born Souls; but, committing all such cares to the Helots, who were a gentiler sort of Slaves, spent their Time in manly Exercises, to render their Bodies strong and active. They were also accustom'd by hard Diet, by Stripes, and other severities, patiently to undergo any hardships, to endure Wounds, to encounter any Dangers, and, if the Honour of their Country so requir'd, to throw themselves into the Arms of Death without Fear, or Regret. Yet were they not so imprudent or fool­hardy, as to court Dangers, or Death; but were taught from their childhood to be always prepar'd either to live, or die, and equally willing to do either; as appears from those Verses, cited by Plu­tarch ^(b) to this purpose;

[Page 4] Nor was this Indifferency to Life or Death only discours'd of amongst them, as a point of meer Speculation; but carefully and seriously instill'd into their tender Years, and always embrac'd as one of the first Principles of their Actions; which begot in them such an undaunted Courage, and so firm and unmoveable a Resolution, that scarce any thing compos'd of Flesh and Blood was able to stand before them. This extraordinary and unparal­lell'd Bravery, being adorn'd and strengthen'd with the wisest Con­duct, and the most perfect Skill in all the Stratagems of War those Times were capable of, has render'd them famous in Story, and examples of Military Vertue to all succeeding Ages: ‘For (these are Plutarch's ^(a) words) the Lacedemonians were most expert and cunning in the Art of War, being train'd up and accustom'd to nothing more than to keep themselves, from Confusion, when their Order should be broken; to follow any Leader or Right­handman, so rallying themselves into Order; and to sight on what part soever Dangers press.’

It is therefore by no mean▪ to be wonder'd, that foreign and vastly remote Nations should be desirous to entertain the Laceac­monians into their Service; that Cyrus the Younger should think That the readiest and most effectual Method to advance himself to the Empire of Persia: That Crasus, the wealthy King of Lydia, and several of the Aegyptian Monarchs, tho' surrounded with nu­merous Forces of their own, should never esteem themselves se­cure without assistance from Sparta; or that the Sicilians, Thracians, Carthaginians, with the Cyrenaeans, and many others, were be­holding to it for Protection, and Deliverance from powerful Ene­mies. And for the Grecians themselves, whenever any of their little States were in danger of being swallow'd up by their more powerful Neighbours, we find them having Recourse for Aid to the Spartans, who were a common Refuge to the oppress'd, and restrain'd the Ambitious Invaders of other Men's Rights.

Hence likewise it came to pass, that in all Confederacies they were look'd on as the principal Associates; and in all Wars carry'd on by publick Contributions, they challeng'd the chief Command as their right and peculiar. Nor could any Exigency prevail with them to depart from that Claim, or resign it to the greatest of Princes: Gelon, King of Sicily, tho' promising to furnish them with large Sup­plies against the Barbarians, on condition he might be declar'd Captain-general of the Grecian Forces, was rejected ^(b). Yet we find, that after the Victory over Mardonius at Plataeae, Pausanias the Lacedaemonian General, having by his excessive Severity, and Tyrannical Behaviour to the rest of the Souldiers render'd the Spartans very odious, in the end they revolted to the Athenians, [Page 5] the gentle and courteous Carriage of whose Commanders, Ari­stides and Cimon, had endear'd them to all the rest of the Grecians: And here the Magnanimity of the Lacedemonians was wonderful; For when they perceiv'd that their Generals were corrupted, and their Minds too much elevated and puffed up by the greatness of their Authority, they left off sending any more of them to the Wars, choosing rather to have Citizens of Moderation, and that persever'd in their ancient Manners and Customs, than to be ho­nour'd with the Superiority of all Greece ^(a). But this Misfor­tune did not put an end to the Lacedomonian Greatness; for we find them in a little time re-assuming their ancient Spirits, and disdaining even Alexander himself (tho' submitted to by the rest of the Grecians, and declar'd their General against (Persia) for their Superiour: Which is the reason, that in the Monuments erected after the Persian Victories, and bearing the Names of Alexander and the Grecians, the Lacedemonians were excepted by Name, as having no share in that Honour ^(b).

The Athenians alone were able to dispute with the Lacedemo­nians this Prerogative; some few times excepted, when some un­usual Success rais'd any of the other States beyond their ordinary Grandeur; as it happen'd to the Thebans, who, from a mean and despicable People, were by the Conduct of Epaminondas and Pelo­pidas advanc'd to an Equality, is not a Superiority over the most flourishing Cities of Greece.

Notwithstanding these, and some other Obstacles, the La­cedemonians for the most part made good their Pretensions, and, in most Wars carry'd on by a Confederacy, were Generals of all the Land-forces; but were at length constrain'd to leave the Do­minion of the Seas to the Athenians; who having laid out their whole Strength in sitting out a Navy against Xer [...]es, for a long Time reign'd sole Lords of the liquid Element: During which Season we find a Decree put so [...]th by their Senate, wherein it was order'd, That the Command of all the Naval Forces of Greece should belong to Athens; but the Land armies should obey a General from Sparta ^(c). But the Rival Cities could not be long content with this equal distribution of Power, each being jealous of the other's Greatness, and thinking her self best able to govern the whole ju­risdiction; till at length the Athenians, having their whole Fleet, except twelve Trireme-Gallies, destroy'd at once by Lysander the Spartan Admiral, in the famous Battle at Aegos-potamus, were con­strain'd to own the Lacedemonians for Sovereigns both at Sea and Land ^(d).

[Page 6]But the Lacedemonians were not long able to maintain this Command; for the Athenians, having recruited their Naval Forces, and engag'd Evagoras the King of Cyprus, and Pharnabazus the Persian Emperour's Lieutenant to their Interest; by their Assistance, and the singular Conduct of their own Admiral Conon, gave them so great an overthrow at Cnidus ^(a), that they never after pre­tended to contest the Sovereignty of the Seas; contenting them­selves with the chief Command at Land, which the Athenians suffer'd them to enjoy without farther molestation; both Cities being weary of the Contention, and convinc'd at length of the Truth of what had been commonly observ'd, That Fortune was most favourable to the Lacedemonians by Land, but in Sea-engage­ments sided with the Athenians ^(b). This seems not to have been without reason, the Athenians by the commodiousness of their Situation being dispos'd, and, as it were, invited by Nature to apply themselves to Naval Affairs; whereas the Lacedemonians were plac'd at a greater distance from the Sea, and more inclin'd to Land-service, (to which they were inur'd from their tender Years) than to venture themselves on the Ocean, to which they had never been accustom'd; for Lycurgus their Law-giver ex­pressly forbad them ^(c) to visit foreign Countries, out of a well­grounded fear, lest his Citizens should be corrupted by the con­versation of Strangers, and forsake that excellent platform of Go­vernment, he contriv'd for them: And it happen'd to them as he had wisely foreseen; for no sooner had Lysander render'd them Sovereigns of the Seas, when they began by degrees to leave off their ancient Customs, and sensibly to degenerate from the Ver­tue and Glory of their Ancestours ^(d).

CHAPTER II. Of their Levies, Pay, &c. of Souldiers.

THE Grecian Armies consisted for the most part of free Deni­zons, whom the Laws of their Country oblig'd, when ar­riv'd at a prefix'd Age, to appear in Arms, upon the sum­mons of the Magistrate, or Commission'd Officer. In some pla­ces they were more early admitted to the Wars, in others later; the Athenians were sent at twenty, the Spartans seldom till thirty: [Page 7] The younger Men in both Cities, with those, who by reason of their Age were discharg'd from Military Service, were left at home to defend their Habitations.

Some Persons were excus'd by reason of their Age; for having spent their Youth and Strength in serving their Country, it was but reasonable to discharge them from farther Service, that they might end their Days in Peace. After threescore Years it seems to have been usual in most places to allow them Liberty of re­tiring. Others were exempt on account of their Function; such were at Athens [...], the Farmers of the publick Customs ^(a); and several of the holy Orders, with those that were appointed to dance at Bacchus's Festival ^(b).

Others were excluded from-serving in the Wars; such were the Slaves, and such others as liv'd amongst them, but were not honour'd with the Freedom of their Cities. These were never admitted, ex­cept in cases of extreme Danger, when there remain'd no other means of preserving the Common-wealth. Of this Custom I have already given a large Account in one of the fore-going Books ^(c).

All that serv'd, were enter'd into a publick List, or Register; whence the Levy was call'd [...]; and to make a Levy, [...], or [...]. Amongst the Primitive Grecians, it seems to have been frequently made by Lots, every Family being oblig'd to furnish out a certain number, and filling up their proportion by the Chance of Lots: Whence Mercury in Homer ^(d), pretending to be one of the seven Sons of Polyctor the Myrmidon, adds, that he was appointed by Lots to follow Achilles to the Trojaen War,

For the appointment of all Persons of a certain Age to be ready to serve in the Wars, seems only to be an Institution of later Ages; whereas all such like things were formerly manag'd at the pleasure of the Supreme Magistrate.

The Souldiers were all maintain'd at their own expences; no Name was more opprobrious than that of a Mercenary, it being look'd upon as a Disgrace for any Person of ingenuous Birth and Education to serve for Wages. For all this, it was not permitted any Person to absent himself, except upon reasons allow'd by the Law; and whoever was found thus to have transgress'd, was at [Page 8] Athens depriv'd of his Voice in all publick Business, and in a manner of all other Rights of Citizens, and was forbidden to enter into any of the publick Temples ^(a). And lest any of the Persons appointed to serve should make their escape, we find they were branded in the Hand with certain Marks, call'd [...], to which Custom Saint Paul is thought to allude in his Epistle to the Galatians ^(b), where speaking of the wounds he had receiv'd in his Christian Warfare, he tells us, that he bore in his body the [...], or Marks, of the Lord JESUS.

The Carians were the first that serv'd in Greece for Pay ^(c), and have thereby render'd their Name infamous to Posterity; being represented by all the Writers of those Times, as a base and ser­vile Nation; insomuch that [...] and [...], are Prover­bial Epithets for Persons of abject and pusillanimous Tempers, or servile Condition ^(d); and [...], is a synonymous term for Slaves; as in that Proclamation at the end of the Athenian Festival An­thesteria, whereby the Slaves were commanded to be gone out of Doors;

Thus they despis'd the poor Carians for introducing a Custom, which in a few Ages after was so far from being look'd upon as unworthy their Birth, or Education, that we find it practis'd by the whole Nation of the Greeks, who not only receiv'd Pay for serving their own Common-wealths, but listed themselves un­der foreign Kings, and fought their Battles for Hire; their chief Magistrates not disdaining to accompany them in such Expedi­tions. Several Instances of this sort might be produc'd, were not that famous one of the Great Agesilaus's condescending to serve Ptolemee, King of Aegypt, instead of numbers of others.

The first that introduc'd the Custom of paying Souldiers at Athens was Pericles, who, to ingratiate himself with the Com­monalty, represented how unreasonable it was, that Men of small Estates; and scarce able to provide for their Families, should be oblig'd to neglect their Business, and spend what their Industry had laid up, in the publick Service, and thereupon preferr'd a Decree that all of them should have Subsistence money out of the Exchequer ^(e); which seems to have been receiv'd with general Applause. What Sum they daily receiv'd cannot easily be deter­min'd, it being encreas'd, or diminish'd as occasion requir'd. At [Page 9] first we find the Foot-Souldiers had two Oboli a Day, which in a Month amounted to ten Drachms ^(a). What we read in Thu­cydides ^(b) of the Souldiers that garrison'd Potidaea, to every one of which was allotted a Drachm a Day, with another to a Ser­vant for attending upon him, must not be understood, as if their ordinary Pay was of that value, that being only to the com­mon Sea-men of Athens three Oboli, to those that mann'd the Sa­cred Vessel call'd [...], and the Foot-Souldiers, four; whence [...] is a Proverbial Expression for a Souldier's life ^(c); and [...] for serving in the War. The Horsemen's Pay was for the most part thirty Drachms a Month, that is a Drachm a Day; this we find to have been term'd [...] ^(d).

The ordinary Method of raising this Money, was by imposing a Tax on the whole Common-wealth, whereby all Persons were oblig'd to contribute according to the value of their Estates. But this was done only, when the publick Treasury was exhausted, and the constant Revenues from Tributary Cities, publick Lands, Woods, Mines, or from Fines and Amercements were not suf­ficient to desray the charges of the War. In cases of greater Ne­cessity, the Richer Citizens at Athens were oblig'd to extraordi­nary Contributions, and there appears to have been a generous and laudable Emulation amongst the Men of Quality in that City, who voluntarily offer'd more than was requir'd of them, and contended which of them should most largely contribute to­wards the Honour and Preservation of their Native Country.

Confederate Wars were maintain'd at the common Charge of all the Allies, every one of whom was oblig'd to send forth a proportion of Men; as we find practis'd in the Trojan War, which was the first, wherein the whole Country of Greece united against a foreign Enemy. Sometimes they were carry'd on by publick Contributions of Money, levy'd by Persons delegated by the com­mon consent of the Confederates, which was only the Practise of later Ages; the primitive Wars, wherein the Souldiers serv'd at their own Expence, and supply'd their Necessities out of the Spoils of their Enemies, being manag'd with less charge to the Publick. The first Tax, or Tribute of this Nature that we find paid by the Grecians, was after the Expulsion of Xerxes out of Greece, when they agree'd to make an Invasion upon their com­mon Enemy, under the conduct of the Athenians: For then Ari­stides the Athenian, at the general desire of the Greeks, survey'd the whole Country and Revenue, and assess'd all particular Persons Town by Town, according to every Man's ability: Thus he tax'd them four hundred Talents, to which Pericles added about a third part more; for we find in Thucydides, that in the begin­ning [Page 10] of the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians had coming in from their Confederates six hundred Talents. After Pericles's Death, being encreas'd by little and little, it was at length rais'd to the sum of thirteen hundred Talents ^(a); all which was manag'd at the Discretion of the Athenians.

CHAPTER III. Of the different sorts of Souldiers.

THE Armies were compos'd of various sorts of Souldiers, their Gross, or Main Body usually consisted of Foot-men, the rest rode some in Chario [...]s, some on Horseback, others upon Elephants.

The Foot-Souldiers we find distinguish'd into three sorts; the first and Principal of which were term'd [...] ^(b), being such as bore heavy Armour, engaging with broad Shields, and long Spears.

2. [...], were Light-arm'd Men, who fought with Arrows, and Darts, or Stones and Slings, annoying their Enemies at a distance, but were unfit for close Fight. They were in Honour and Dignity inferior to the Heavy-arm'd Souldiers; and therefore when Teucer in Sophocles quarrels with Menelaus, he is scoffingly reprov'd by him in this manner,

It seems to have been frequent for them, having shot their Ar­rows, to retire behind the Shields of the Heavy-arm'd for Pro­tection; for so we find the same Teucer doing in Homer ^(d),

3. [...] ^(a), tho' frequently comprehended under the [...] as oppos'd to the [...], where a middle sort between both, be­ing arm'd with Shields and Spears, but far inferiour in bigness to those of the Heavy-arm'd Men. From their narrow Shields call'd [...], they receiv'd their Name.

The Horsemen amongst the Ancient Grecians were not very nume­rous, being only such as were possess'd of Estates, and able to furnish out Horses a [...] their own Charge. Hence both at Athens and Sp [...]ta we find [...], or Horsemen, to have compos'd the second Order in the Common-wealth, being plac'd above the Commonalty, and next to those of the highest Quality and Fortune; The same is recorded of the Roman Equites, and (to mention no more) we are told by Herodotus ^(b), that among the Chalcidians none but Rich Men were admitted into that Order. Afterwards, when Men of Estates began to court Ease and Pleasure, and thought it more ad­visable to furnish out a Horseman, and maintain him at their pro­per Expences, than to venture their own Persons; they retain'd in­deed their former Name, but the Honour of Serving on Horse-back was lost ^(c).

Who it was, that first instructed Mankind in the Art of Horse­manship, is not agree'd on by the ancient Writers of Fables; some attributing it to the Amazons ^(d), others to the Centaurs ^(e), others to Bellerophon ^(f); others, lastly (to trouble you with no more) ascribe the Honour of it to Neptune ^(g), the first Creatour of this Animal; for which reason we find the various Epithets [...] ^(h), I [...] ⁽ⁱ⁾, [...] ^(k), [...], &c. conferr'd upon him by the Poets, and Mythologists.

Whoever oblig'd Mankind with the first Invention of this Art, seems to have left it very imperfect; for in those early Ages 'tis [Page 12] probable they understood not the Method of governing Horses with Reins, and Bits, but manag'd them only with a Rope, or Switch, and the Accent of their Voice; this we find to have been the Practise of several other Nations, as the Numidians ^(a), Ge­tulians ^(b) Lybians ^(c), and Mas [...]ylians of whom Lucan speaks thus ^(d),

Afterwards Bridles came into Fashion, of which the most remar­kable were those call'd Lupata, having Bits of Iron, not unlike Wolves Teeth, and therefore call'd in Greek [...], in Latin Lupi: whence Horace ^(e)

The first Invention of them is by Statius attributed to Neptune,

By others to the Lapithae, or Centaurs, who inhabited a Town in Thessaly, call'd Pelethronium: Thus Virgil ^(f),

Tho' some are of opinion that the Poet speaks of Bridles, as in­vented not by the Lapithae, but a Man of that Nation, whose Name was Pelethronius, to whom we find P [...]iny also attributing the Invention of Bridles, and Harness ^(g): The last of these the [Page 13] Greeks term [...], and [...], which were made of divers sorts of Stuffs, as Leather, Cloth, or the Skins of wild Beasts. Parthenopaeus's Horse is cover'd with the Skin of a Lynx in Sta­ius; Aeneas's in Virgil with a Lyon's ^(a),

Sometimes we find them adorn'd with rich and costly Cloathing; as in the same Poet ^(b),

Of the Saddles in use amongst us we find no mention in any ancient Writer; as neither of the Stapia, or more properly Subex pedaneus, or Stirrop, which do's not appear to have been us'd till these later Ages; there being no notice taken of any such thing in any Author, that I know of, before Eustathius, who flourish'd about five hundred Years ago, and in his Commentaries upon Homer hath mention'd an Instrument of this sort. In former Ages they supply'd the want of such helps by their Art, or Agility of Body [...]punc; being able to leap on Horseback, as the Heroes in Virgil ^(c),

Or for their greater convenience, the Horses were taught submis­sively to bow their Bodies to the Ground, and receive their Ri­ders upon their Backs ^(d), as we find practis'd as well in Greece, as by the ancient Spaniards ^(e), and other Nations. Hence Silius speaks of the Horse of Claelius, a Roman Knight in this manner ^(f),

Sometimes we find them leaping up by the help of their Spears, or other things. Several other Methods were us'd by Men of weak, and unactive Bodies: Some getting up on the Backs of their Slaves ^(a); others by the help of short Ladders; both which Sup­port were term'd [...]. Lastly, we find the High-ways fill'd with Stones erected for this purpose; which is said to have been done in Italy by Gracchus ^(b); and in Greece was always one part of the business of the Overseers of the Roads ^(c).

Let us now return to their Military Affairs, where we shall find it disputed, whether the Warriours of primitive Ages were carry'd to the Field in Chariots, or on Horse-back: Lucretius indeed tells us, that the first Heroes were mounted upon Horses, whereas Cha­riots were only a later Invention ^(d),

But we are inform'd by Palaephatus, that Chariots were first in use; the Lapithae, who flourish'd about Hercules's Time, being the first that attempted to ride upon Horses, a thing strange and unheard of by the Grecians in those Days, who view'd them not without amazement, imagining them to have been Monsters compounded of the different shapes of Men and Horses, or Bulls, which they frequently back'd instead of Horses; whence we have the Fables of the Centaurs, and Hippocentaurs. And 'tis more than probable, that at the time of the Trojan War, the custom of Riding and Fighting upon Horses was not commonly receiv'd by the Grecian [...]; since the Heroes of Homer, whose Authority must in such cases ever be held Sacred, are always introduc'd into the Battel in Cha­riots, never on Horse-back.

The Chariots of Princes, and Heroes were not only contriv'd for Service, but Ornament; being richly emboss'd with Gold, and other Metals, as we read of Orsines the Persians's in Curtius ^(e), and several of Homer's, as that of Rhesus ^(f),

And another of Diomedes ^(a),

They were likewise adorn'd with curious Hangings; whence we read of Lycaon's Chariot ^(b),

And Achilles's the Poet calls [...] ^(c).

The Chariots in Homer are drawn for the most part by two Horses coupled together; that of Achilles had no more, the Names of his Horses being only Xanthus and Balius. So Lycaon's ^(d),

And Aeneas's in Virgil ^(e),

To these two they sometimes added a third, which was not coupled with the other two, but govern'd with Reins, and therefore call'd [...], &c. but in Homer usually [...], and the Rein wherewith he was held in [...]. The same Cu­stom was practis'd by the Romans, till the time of Dionysius the Halicarnassian ^(f), tho' left off in Greece long before. In the [Page 16] eighth Iliad, Hector's Chariot seems to be drawn by four Horses for there the Hero thus bespeaks 'em,

And however some ancient Criticks will have the two former to be no more than Epithets of the later, because Hector afterwards speaks them in the Dual Number,

Yet it is evident from other places, that even in Homer's time it was customary to have Chariots drawn by four Horses; as when he tells us, the Phaeacian Ship shap [...] her course,

Every Chariot carry'd two Men, whence it was term'd [...], ^(b); tho' that word do's not in it's strict and pro­per acceptation denote the whole Chariot, but only that part, wherein the Men were plac'd. One of these was call'd [...], because he govern'd the Reins, which in those days was not a Ser­vile, or ignoble Office, but frequently undertaken by Men of Qua­lity; for we find Nestor ^(c), Hector ^(d), and several others of Note employ'd in it; and that not on extraordinary occasions, but fre­quently, some of them making it their Profession. Yet the Cha­rioteer was inferiour, if not always in Dignity, at least in Strength and Valour to the Warriour, who was call'd [...], and had command of the other, and directed him which way to drive, as Eustathius observes ^(e). When he came to encounter in close Fight, he alighted out of the Chariot, as we find every where in Homer, and the rest of the Poets. So Hercules and Cyenus about to engage,

And Turnus in Virgil ^(g),

[Page 17] When they were weary, which often happen'd by reason of their Armour, being heavyer than any other, they retir'd into their Chariots, and thence annoy'd their Enemies with Darts, and missive Weapons.

Beside these, we find frequent mention in Historians of Cha­riots call'd Currus salcati, and [...], because arm'd with Hooks, or Scyths, with which whole Ranks of Souldiers were cut off together. But afterwards it being consider'd, they were never of any use but in plain and open Ground, and w [...]re frequently turn'd back by affrighted and ungovernable Horses upon their own par­ty, to it's confusion and ruin, several Methods also being con­triv'd to defeat or elude their Force, these and all other Chariots were wholly laid aside. Ac [...]rdingly, when Military Discipline was carry'd to it's height, th [...] sometimes they were brought into Battles by Barbarians, as may be observ'd of the Persians in Curtius, yet we never find the Grecians make any use of them, or much damag'd by them; but contemning that old and unskilful Me­thod of Fighting, they chose rather to ride on Horse-back, which Custom seems to have been receiv'd in a short time after thē He­roick Wars.

Of all the Grecians the Thes [...]alians have the greatest Name for Horsemanship, and in all Wars we find their Cavalry most esteem'd. The Colophonians had once by many remarkable Actions arriv'd to such a pitch of Glory, as to be look'd on as Invincible; In all long and tedious Wars their Assistance was courted, and the Party that obtain'd Supplies from them, was certain of Suc­cess and Victory: Insomuch that [...], and in Latin Colophonem imponere was us'd Proverbially for putting a Conclu­sion to any Affair ^(a). The Lacedaemonians were but meanly fur­nish'd with Cavalry, and till the Messenian Wa [...]s it does not ap­pear that either they, or the rest of the Peloponnesians employ'd themselves in Horsemanship, but repos'd their chief Confidence in Foot ^(b); Peloponnesus being a Mountainous and Craggy Coun­trey, and therefore unfit for Horsemen ^(c), who in such places become almost useless in Fight. But the Messenians being sub­du'd, the Spartans carrying their Arms into other Countries, soon found the great occasion they had of Horse to support and cover their Foot; and in a short time supply'd that Defect, by instruct­ing their Youth in Horsemanship; to which end we find they had Masters in that Art, call'd [...] ^(d). But the greatest part of their Cavalry was furnish'd from Seiros ^(e), a Town not far distant from Sparta, the Inhabitans of which claim'd as their proper Post, the left Wing in the Lacedaemonian Armies ^(f). Attica [Page 18] was likewise an hilly Country, and therefore not design'd by Na­ture for breeding Horses: we find accordingly the Athenian Ca­valry to have been exceeding few in Number, consisting only of ninety-six Horsemen: For the whole Athenian Nation being an­ciently divided into forty-eight Naucrariae, we are told by Pollux, that the Number of Horses, each of these were oblig'd to furnish to the War, was no more than two. And therefore 'tis no great wonder if the M [...]des thought them depriv'd of reason, when at the [...] of Morathan they had courage to encounter a strong and numerous Army with so small, and appearingly contempti­ble a [...] ⁸⁰. Having afterwards expell'd the [...]edes and Per­sians [...] of [...], and rais'd themselves to a flourishing Condi­tion, they encreas'd the Number of their Cavalry to three hun­dred; and not long after, having once more restor'd Peace to their City, and establish'd it in great▪ Power and Splendour than before, they augmented them to twelve hundred, and arm'd at the same time an equal Number of Men with Bows and Arrows ^(b), of which they had before no greater plenty than of Horses; For both then, and afterwards, the strength of most of the Grecian Ar­mies consisted in their heavy-arm'd Foot.

The [...] admitted none to serve on Horse-back, till he had undergon a strict probation; and if any Person was found to have fraudulently insinuated himself into the List, upon Con­viction he was declar'd [...], and disfranchis'd ^(c). This con­sisted, with respect to the Men, in a Search after their Estates, and observation of their Strength and Vigour of Body: For no Persons were enter'd into the List, but such as had plentifull Pos­sessions, and were in good Plight of Body ^(d). Those that were found to be infirm, and worn out with Age, or Service, were branded with a mark call'd [...], which was a token of their Discharge ^(e). In Horses, they observ'd their obedience to their Riders, and such as they found ungovernable, or fearfull, were re­jected: This was examin'd [...], by the found of a Bell, or some other instrument of that nature: Whence [...] is expounded [...], to try, or prove; and [...] is the same with [...], unprov'd. Such Horses likewise as were bea­ten out with long service, they branded upon the Jaw with a mark, frequently term'd [...] ^(f), being the figure of a Wheel, or Circle, and sometimes [...], whereby the Beast was re­leas'd from farther service.

We meet with several Titles and Appellations of Horsemen, most [Page 19] of which were deriv'd from the variety of their Armour, or different manner of fighting, as that of [...], who annoy'd their Enemies with missive Weapons at some distance, [...], with oth [...], the distinction of all which is sufficiently intimated in their Names.

[...], sometimes by mistake, or corruption, call'd [...] ^(a), were such as for conveniency had two Horses, on which they rode by turns. They were sometimes term'd [...], because they lead one of their Horses; which was not a late con­trivance, but practis'd soon after the Heroical Times, as appears from Homer's ^(b) mentioning it,

[...], first instituted by Alexander the Great, were a sort of Dragoons, and accommodated with Armour something heavyer than that of ordinary Horse-men, but not quite so weighty as that of the Foot-souldiers; to the end they might be ready to serve either on Horse-back, or on Foot; for which rea­son they had servants attending to take their Horses, whenever the General commanded them to alight ^(c).

They were also distinguish'd into [...], and [...], heavy, and light arm'd, after the same manner with the Foot­men. The [...], or Curassiers, were not only fortify'd with Armour themselves, but had their Horses guarded with solid Plates of Brass, or other metals, which from the Members defended by them receiv'd different names, being call'd [...], &c. ^(d), sometimes they were compos'd of Skins fortif [...] with plates of me­tal, curiously wrought into Plumes, o [...] other Forms. Thus we find one of Virgil's Hero's arm'd his Steed; ^(e)

[Page 20]They were likewise bedeck'd with various Ornaments, viz. with Bells, as we find Rhesus's Horses in Euripides; with Cloathing of Tapestry, Embroidery, and other curious Work; with rich Collars, and Trappings, or what the Latins call phalcrae, the Gre [...] [...] which some will have to be an Ornament for the [...]o [...]e-head, others for the Jaws [...] nor are there wanting, who think [...] to signify all the Ornaments belonging to Horses.

Of Camels and Elephants, which are so much talk'd of in the Wars of some Countries, we have no Mention in the Grecian Story before the Times of Alexander, when we find a great num­ber of Elephants transported from the Eastern parts of the World. These were wont to carry into the Battle large Towers, in which ten, fifteen, and as some affirm, thirty Souldiers were contain'd, who annoy'd their Enemies with mi [...]ive Weapons, themselves being secure, and out of danger ^(a). Nor were the Beasts idle, or use­less in Engagements; Fo [...] beside that, with their Smell, their vast and amazing Bulk, and their strange and terrible Noise, both Horses and Souldiers were struck with Terrour and Astonishment, they acted their parts couragiously, trampling under Feet all Op­posers, or catching them in their Trunks, and tossing into the Air, or delivering them to their Riders ^(b). Nor was it unus [...] for them to engage with one another with great Fury, which t [...]ey al­ways doubled after they had receiv'd Wounds, tearing their Ad­versaries in pieces with their Teeth ^(c). But in a short Time they were wholly laid aside, their service not being able to compensate the great Mischiefs frequently done by them: For tho' they were endu'd with a great measure of Sagaciousness, and approach'd nearer to Human Reason than any other Animal, whereby they became more tractable to their Governours, and capable to pay obedience to their Instructions; yet being sore wounded and press'd upon by their Enemies, they became ungov [...]rnable, and frequently turn'd all their Rage upon their own Party, put them into confusion, committed terrible Slaughters, [...]d deliver'd the Victory to their Enemies; of which several remarkable Instances are recorded in the Historians of both Languages.

CHAPTER IV. Of the Grecian Arms and Weapons, with their Military Apparel.

THE Authors of Fables tell us, the first Person, that put on Ar­mour, was Mar [...] who perhaps for no other reason was ho­nour'd [Page 21] with the Title of God of War; it being very frequent with [...]he ancient Heathens gratefully to acknowledge their obligations [...]o the first Contrivers of any profitable Invention, by ascribing them [...]nto the number of their Deities, and decreeing to them the per­petual Care and Sovereignty of those usefull and ingenious Arts, or Contrivances, whereof they were the first Authors. The Work­ [...]an employ'd by Mars, was Vulcan, at that time a Master-finith [...]n the Isle of Lemnos, and so eminent in his Profession, that Posteri­ [...]y advanc'd him among the Gods, and honour'd him with the Super­ [...]ntendency and Protection of his own Trade: but his Country-men the Lemnians were not so fortunate; for they stand represented to [...]ll Ages as common Enemies of Mankind, and branded with all [...]he marks and characters of Infamy, for so execrable and perni­ [...]ious a Device. Whence t [...] Poets have fix'd upon them the Name of [...], to continue the memory of the Harm they did [...]o Mankind. Thus Homer ^(a);

Their Country likewise was call'd [...], as we find in A­ [...]ollonius ^(b);

From the same original are deriv'd those common Proverbs, [...], great and intolerable Evils: [...], a fatal, or mischie­ [...]ous Hand: And [...], to have a cruel and bloody Look ^(c). Tho' some will by no means allow this Character to have been given to the Lemnians for their Invention of Arms, but [...]ather for the frequent Piracies, and Outrages committed by them upon Foreigners, or for other Reasons: Whereas they tell us that Liber, or Bacchus was the first that introduc'd into the World the use of Weapons ^(d).

The Arms of all the primitive Hero's were compos'd of Brass, as appears from Homer, who is herein follow'd as well by the ancient Poets, both Greek and Latin, as all other Writers that give account of those Times. Pansanias hath endeavour'd to prove [Page 22] this by a great number of Instances ^(a); 'tis reported in Plutarch ^(b); that when Cimon the son of Mil [...]iades convey'd the Bones of The­seus from the Isle of Scyros to Athens, he found interr'd with him [...] sword of Brass, and a spear with an Head of the same Metal. More Examples would be superfluous, since we are expresly told by Hesiod, that there was no such thing as Iron in those Ages, but their Arms, all sorts of Instruments, and their very Houses were made of Brass ^(c);

Whence it came to pass, that after the World was acquainted with the use of Iron, the Artificers, and their occupation still re­tain'd their old Names. Thus we are told by Aristotle ^(d), that [...] denotes an Iron-smith: And (to trouble you with no more Instances in a thing so commonly known) Plutarch ^(e) ap­plies the word [...] to the making of Iron Helmets.

Some of their Arms were compos'd of Tin, especially their Boots; as we read of A [...]hillers's in the eighteenth Iliad. This Metal was likewise frequently us'd in other parts of their Armour, as ap­pears from Agamemnon's Breast-plate ^(f), and Aeneas's Shield ^(g).

Several other Metals were made use of; Gold and Silver were in great esteem among them, yet the most illustrious Hero's us'd them only as gracefull Ornaments; Those that had their whole Armour compos'd of them, are usually represented as more addicted to effeminate and delicate Arts, than manly Courage, and Bra­very. Glaucus's Arms were indeed made of Gold, but the great Diomedes was content with Brass. Amphimachus, who enter'd into the War with Golden Weapons, is compar'd by Homer to a trim Virgin ^(h),

[...]n like manner the Persians, having given themselves over to soft­ [...]ess and Pleasure, engag'd with the rough and sturdy Grecians, [...]ichly adorn'd with Gold and Jewels, and became an easy Prey [...]nto them. The Grecian Hero's, tho' not so unpolish'd, as to debarr [...]hemselves the use of these Ornaments, yet were not so excessively pro­ [...]use of them, nor apply'd them to the [...]ame Ends and Purposes: Achilles's Shield so curiously engrav'd by Vulcan is a Lecture of Philosophy, and contains a description of almost all the works of Nature. The Arms of other valiant Princes are frequently adorn'd [...]ith representations of their noble Exploits, the History of the Actions of their Ancestors, or Blessings receiv'd from the Gods; [...]r fill'd with terrible Images of Lyons, or Dragons, and render'd [...]right and shining to strike terrour and amazement into their Ene­ [...]ies, according to that of Homer ^(a);

So 'tis reported of our British Ancestors, that they painted them­ [...]elves with divers forms of Animals, thinking thereby to appear more terrible to their Enemies.

The ancient Grecians were always arm'd, thinking it unsafe to [...]dventure themselves abroad without a sufficient defence against Aggressours. Hence Aristotle hath rationally inferr'd, That they were a barbarous and unciviliz'd Nation: For being educated in [...]he deepest Ignorance, and having very little sence of that Justice and Honesty, to which all Men are oblig'd by Nature's eternal and immutable Sanctions, being also in a great measure with­out the restraint of Human Laws, all Persons thought they had a just Title to whatever they could by any means take into pos­session, which they had no other method to secure, but that whereby [...]hey obtain'd it; and resign'd their claim, whenever a more po­ [...]ent Adversary exhibited his Pretensions. The Seas were fill'd with Pirates, the Land with Robbers, who made a prey of what­ever [Page 24] came to their hands, and frequently made incursions into Countries, which they spoil'd and depopulated, and, if their Force was great enough, drove out the Inhabitants, and compell'd them to seek new Seats. By Men of this Prosession Io, Europa, Gam­mede, and many others were stol'n; which put Tyndarus into such a fear for his Daughter Helen, that he caus'd all the young Princes, that made their Addresses to her, to bind themselves by a solemn Oath to recover her, if ever she should be convey'd away. The Sea, we are inform'd by Thucydides ^(a), was free'd from Piracies by Min̄os King of Crete, who with a powerful Navy maintain'd for many years the sovereignty of it. But the Land was still infested, and therefore when Theseus design'd to make his first journey from Trazen to Athens, Plutarch tells us, That his Relations would have perswaded him to go by Sea; ‘For (says he) it was at that time very dangerous to travel by Land to Athens, no place of the Country being free from Thieves and Murtherers: For that Age produc'd a sort of Men, for strength of Arms, swiftness [...] Feet, and vigour of Body excelling the ordinary rate of Men, and in Labours and Exercises indefatigable; yet making use of these Gifts of Nature to nothing good, or profitable to Mankind; but rejoycing, and taking pride in Insolence, and pleasing them­selves in the Commission of barbarous and inhuman Cruelties, in seizing by force, whatever fell into their Hands, and practising upon strangers all manner of Outrages; who imagin'd that Ci­vility, and Justice, and Equity, and Humanity, (which they thought were commended by many, either for want of Courage to commit Injuries, or Fear of receiving them) nothing at all to concern those, who were most daring, and strong ^(b).’ Of these indeed Hercules and Theseus, and other generous and pu­blick-spirited Princes in a great measure free'd the Country: But before that, 'twas not to be wonder'd, if the Grecians always wore Arms, standing upon their guard, especially since in those Days few of them were united into large Towns, but liv'd retiredly in Country-seats, or at the best in small and defenceless Hamlets. This Custom was first laid aside at Athens, the occasion and ne­cessity thereof being first remov'd in that City ^(c): For Historians generally agree, that the Athenians entertain'd the decent Rules of Civility and Humanity, were modell'd into a regular Form of Government, and enjoy'd the happiness of wholesom and usefull Laws before the rest of the Grecians.

Let us now return to the description of the Grecian Arms, which are distinguish'd into two sorts, some of them being contriv'd for their own Defence, others to annoy their Enemies. The primi­tive Grecians, we are told ^(d); were better furnish'd with the for­mer, [Page]

[Page 25] whereas the Barbarians were more industrious in providing the latter: The Generals of these being most concern'd how to de­stroy their Enemies, whilst the Grecians thought it more agreeable to the Dictates of Human Nature to study how to preserve their Friends▪ For which reason Homer always takes care to introduce his brave and valiant Hero's well arm'd into the Battle, and the Grecian Law­givers decree'd punishments for those that threw away their Shields, but excus'd those that lost their Swords, or pears, intimating here­by, that their Souldiers ought to be more carefull to defend them­selves, than to offend their Enemies ^(a).

First let us take account of their Defensive Arms, as fit­ted to the several members of the Body, beginning at the Head, which wa [...] guarded with an Helmet, call'd in Greek [...], &c. This was sometimes compos'd of Brass, or other Metals; as Menelaus's in Homer,

And very frequently of the Skins of Beasts, which gave occa­sion to those different appellations, deriv'd from the names of Animals, whereby it signify'd in Homer, as [...], and others, of which none is more common than [...], which wa [...] compos'd of a [...]'s Skin; [...] tells us 'twas [...], a Water-dog, and was so frequently us'd by the Ancients, that we find it sometimes taken for the Name of an Helmet, tho' consisting of another sort of Mat­ [...]er: Thus Homer ^(b),

These Skins were always worn with their Hair on; and to render them more terrible and frightfull, the Teeth were frequently plac'd grinning on their Enemies. Thus the Souldier in Virgil ^(c),

Homer likewise arms Ulysses in the same manner ^(a),

The fore-part of the Helmet was open, for the Hero's all enter'd into the Battle with Faces uncover'd; To the side was fix'd a String, whereby it was ty'd to the Warriour's Neck: This was term'd [...], whence Homer speaks of Paris thus ^(b);

Some of its parts receive their names from the members guarded by them, as [...], that part which cover'd the Eye-brows, and the rest in like manner. The little Lappet erected over the Brow was by a Metaphorical term call'd [...], the pent-house. But the most remarkable of all the parts in the Helmet was it's Crest, term'd [...], and [...] ^(c), which was first us'd by the Carians ^(d), and thence call'd by Alcaeus [...],

For the Carians were once famous for Military exploits, and ob­lig'd the World with this, and several other Inventions; hence

[Page] [Page 27] we are told by Thucydides ^(a), that it was customary for them to reposite a little Shield and an Helmet in the Graves of their Dead. Some will have [...] to be distinguish'd from [...], that signifying the Com [...]s, this the Plume six'd to it ^(b), but others allow no difference between them. The former of these was com­pos'd of various materials, most of which were rich and chargeable, being design'd as an ornament to the Helmet. The other likewise was adorn'd with divers sorts of Paint, whence Pollux gives it the Epithets of [...] ^(c). Homer has enrich'd it with Gold ^(d),

Virgil's Hero has his whole Helmet of Gold, and his Crest painted with red ^(e),

The Crest was for the most part of Feathers, or the Hair of horses Tails, or Mains; whence we read of [...]. Thus Homer ^(f);

The common Souldiers had only small Crests; the great Officers, and all persons of Quality were distinguish'd by Plumes of a lar­ger size; and frequently took a pride in wearing two, three, or [Page 28] four together. Suidas will have Geryon to have been famous in Poetry for three Heads, on no other account, but because his Hel­met was adorn'd with three Crests. Virgil describes Turnus's Head­piece after the same manner ^(a), adding also to it the figure of a Chimaera,

This Helmet was call'd [...]; when it was surrounded with Plumes, [...]; and when adorn'd with four, [...]; Thus Apollonius ^(b),

The design of these was to strike terrour into the Enemies; whence that of Homer ^(c),

For the same reason Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, beside a lofty Crest, wore Goat's horns upon his Helmet ^(d). We are told indeed by Suidas, that the [...], or Crest it self was sometimes term'd [...]. Nevertheless some of the ancient Helmets had no Crest, or Cone at all. This sort was call'd [...], as we learn from Homer ^(e),

Other sorts of ornaments were us'd in Helmets, as in that call'd [...], which name signifies the ridge of a Mountain, and on that account is apply'd to Helmets having several [...], emi­nencies, [Page 29] or parts jutting out ^(a). Homer has taken notice of this sort also ^(b),

Of all the Grecian Helmets the Ba [...]otian is said to have been the best ^(c). The Macedonians had a peculiar one term'd [...], which was compos'd of Hides, and serv'd instead of a Cap to defend them from the cold; according to the Epigram in Suidas,

Pliny attributes the first Invention of Helmets to the Lacedemo­nians ^(d), as likewise of the Sword, and Spear: But this must be understood only of the peculiar Sorts of those Weapons us'd at Sparta; other kinds of them being known before the first Founda­tion of the Spartan Government, or Nation.

The Heroes took great pride in wearing for their defence the Skins of wild Beasts, which they esteem'd as Badges of their Prowess. Instances of this kind are every where to be met with in the Poets. Hence Theocritus ^(e),

Hercules's Lyon's Skin is very famous in story, and Homer's great Princes are frequently introduc'd in the same Habit; in imitation of whom the other Greek, and Latin Poets have arm'd their He­roes. Thus Acestes in Virgil ^(f),

But we find they were not asham'd of using better and stronger Armour for their defence; the ordinary sorts of which were these that follow:

[...], made of Brass, but lin'd with Wool, and worn next to the Skin, underneath the Coat of Mail. This we learn from Homer speaking of a Dart that pierc'd thro' the rest of the Hero's Ar­mour, but was so blunted by the [...] ^(a), that it only ras'd his Skin,

[...], or [...], reach'd from the Knees to the Belly, where it was joyn'd to the Brigandine ^(b). But the latter of these names is more frequently taken fo [...] the Belt surrounding the rest of the Ar­mour. Thus Homer ^(c);

[Page 31] This was so essential to a Warriour, that [...] came to be a general name for putting on Armour ^(a): Whence Homer intro­duces Ag [...]me [...]on commanding the Grecians to arm themselves thus ^(b),

The same Poet, when he makes that Hero resemble the God of War in his [...], is suppos'd (as Pausanias ^(c) tells us) to mean his whole Armour. The Romans had the same custom, as appears from Plutarch ^(d); And it prevail'd also amongst the Persians; whence Herodotus relates, ho [...] Xerxes having reach'd Abdera, when he fled from Athens, and thinking himself out of danger, did [...], or disarm himself ^(e). But [...] is a more ge­neral name than [...], and signifies the [...].

[...] consisted of two parts, one of which was a defence to the Back, the other to the Belly; the extreme parts of it were term'd [...], the middle [...] ^(f). The sides were coupled together with a sort of Buttons ^(g). The same may be observ'd in Silius ^(h) of the Roman lorica, which differ'd not much from the Grecian Thorax, whence [...] is by Hesychius expounded [...]. The Poet's words are these,

[...] was an half-thorax, or Breast-plate; which Pollu [...] tells us was first invented by Iason: and we find it very much esteem'd by Alexander, who, as Polyaenus ⁽ⁱ⁾ reports, considering that the entire [...] might be a temptation to his Souldiers to turn their backs upon their Enemies, those being equally guarded by it with their Breasts, commanded them to lay aside their Back­pieces, and arm themselves with [...], Breast-plates; that so whenever they were put to flight, their Backs might be expos'd naked to their Enemies. The Thoraces were not always compos'd of the same stuff; some were made of Line, or Hemp twisted into small Cords, and close set together, whence we read of [...]horaces bilices, and trilices, from th [...] number of Cords six'd one [Page 32] upon another. These were frequently us'd in Hunting, because the Teeth of Lyons, and other wild Beasts were unable to pierce thro' them, sticking in the Cords; but not so often carry'd into Battels, as Pausanias observes ^(a); Yet there are not wanting Instances of this sort, for Ajax the son of Oileus has the Epithet of [...] in Homer ^(b),

Alexander likewise is reported by Plutarch to have worn [...], or a double-twisted [...]horax: And Iphicrates caus'd his Souldiers to lay aside their heavy and unwieldy Brigandines of Iron, and go to the Field in Hempen Armour, as Cornelius Nepu hath inform'd us in his Life of that Captain. The ordinary mat­ter the Thoraces were made of, was Brass, Iron, or other Metals, which were sometimes so exquisitely harden'd, as to be proof against the greatest force: Plutarch ^(c) reports that Zoilus an Artificer having made a present of two Iron Brigandines to Demetrius Poliorcetes, for an experiment of their Hardness, caus'd an Arrow to be shot out of an Engine call'd Catapulta plac'd about twenty-six paces off, which was so far from piercing the Iron, that it scarcely ras'd, or made the least impression on it. This Ar­mour was of two sorts; one of which, because it consisted of one, or two continu'd pieces of Metal, and was inflexible, and able to stand upright, was term'd [...], or [...] ^(d). Another was compos'd of a Beast's Hide, according to the Poet,

Whence the Latin word lorica is thought to be deriv'd from lorum. This was set with plates of Metal cast into various forms; some­times into hooks, or Rings, not unlike a Chain; sometimes re­sembling Feathers, or the Scales of Serpents, or Fishes; to which Plates or Studs of Gold were often added: Whence we read of [...], &c. And the Greek and Latin Poets frequently mention them. Thus Silius ^(e), speaking of the Consul Flaminius;

[Page 33] Virgil arms his Heroes after the same manner ^(a);

The single Plates being sometimes pierc'd thro' by Spears, and missive Weapons, it was customary to strengthen them by setting two, three, or more, upon one another; Thus Statius ^(b),

And in another place ^(c),

Whence in the same manner as from the number of Cords, they were term'd bilices, and trilices; in Greek, [...] & [...]. Vir­gil ^(d),

[...], Ocreae, were Greaves of Brass, Copper, or other Me­tal, which they wore upon their Legs. Whence Hesiod ^(e),

Homer frequently composeth them of Tin ^(f);

The Sides were generally clos'd about the Ancles with Buttons, which were sometimes of solid Gold, or Silver, as we have it in the same Poet ^(a);

It is probable, that this piece of Armour, was at first either peculiar to the Grecians, or at least more generally us'd by them than other Nations; because we find them so perpetually call'd by the Poet,

[...] were Guards for their Hands, which we find also to have been us'd by some of them, with other Defences for their Arms.

Aa [...]xis was a Buckler compos'd sometimes of Wickers woven to­gether, according to Virgil ^(b);

Whence it is term'd [...] ^(c). It was likewise of Wood; and because it was expedient that the Warriours should be able with the greatest ease to wield it, they usually chose the lightest sort of Wood for this use, such are the Figg, Willow, Beech, Poplar, Elder-trees, &c. as we are inform'd by Pliny ^(d) But it was commonly made of Hides; whence we find so frequent mention of [...]. These were doubled into several Folds, and fortify'd with Plates of Metal. Ajax's Buckler was compos'd of seven Folds of Hide, and cover'd with a single Plate of Brass, as we read in Homer ^(e);

Achilles's was guarded with three Folds more, as the Poet tells us,

But the same Hero's in Homer was more strongly fortify'd by two Plates of Brass, two of Tin, and a fifth of Gold ^(a);

The principal parts of the Buckler were these:

[...] or [...], the outmost Round, or Cir­cumference.

[...], and [...], in Latin umbo, a Boss jutting out in the middle of the Buckler, upon which was fix'd another pro­tuberant part term'd [...]. It was of great service to them, not only in glancing off, and repelling missive Weapons, but in bearing down their Enemies themselves: Whence Martial has this allusion,

[...] was a Thong of Leather, and sometimes a Rod of Metal, reaching cross the Buckler, whereby they hung it upon their Shoulders, according to the primitive Fashion ^(b): Whence Ho­mer ^(c),

It was sometimes call'd [...], except this may be understood of the Rod, to which the [...] was fasten'd, as Hesychius ex­pounds it, which seems most probable, and that [...] were Rods, whereby the Bucklers were held, (as Homer's Scholiast reports) but [...], the Thongs affix'd to them, and hung upon the War­riour's Shoulders, tho' Eustathius will have them to have been put to the former use, and to be the [...]me with [...] ^(a). Some­times the Bucklers were held by little Rings call'd [...]; But at length most of the Grecians us'd an Handle call'd [...], or [...], which tho' sometimes spoken of with the former names, and explain'd by them, was really different from both, being in­vented by the Carians ^(b), and, as 'tis commonly thought, compos'd for the most part of small Iron Barrs, plac'd cross each other, and resembling the letter [...] ^(c). When the Wars were concluded, and the Bucklers, (as was customary) hung up in the Temples of the Gods, they took off the Handles, thereby to render them unfit to serve in any sudden Insurrection: Whence the Poet introduces a Person affrighted, when he saw them hanging up with Handles,

Which another had also found fault with a little before;

Aeschylus speaks of little Bells hung upon Bucklers to strike Ter­rour into the Enemy,

Most of the Bucklers were curiously adorn'd, having engraven in them all sorts of Figures of Birds, and Beasts, especially such as were of generous Natures, as Eagles, Lyons, &c. Nor of these [Page 37] only, but of the Gods, of the Celestial Bodies, and all the Works of Nature: which Custom was deriv'd from the Heroick Ages, and continu'd in later Times, being (as Herodotus) ^(a) re­ [...]orts) first introduc'd by the Carians, and from them communicated [...]o the Grecians, Romans, and Barbarians.

The Grecians had several sorts of Bucklers, the most remarkable of which seem to have been those of Argos, which are thought [...]o be bigger than the rest, whence Virgil compares to them Po­ [...]pheme's monstrous Eye, which he tells us was ^(b),

[...]ost indeed of the ancient B [...]cklers seem to have cover'd the [...]hole Body, whence Virgil ^(c),

[...]yrtaeus enumerates the Members protected thereby,

[...]his farther appears from the Custom of carrying dead Souldiers [...]ut of the Field upon their Bucklers ▪ whence we read of the fa­ [...]ous Command of the Spartan Mothers to their Sons, H [...], i.e. Either bring this, (meaning the Buckler,) or be [...]ought upon it; meaning they should either secure their Bucklers, [...]r loose their Lives in defending them ^(d). And Homer, for the same [...]ason calls them [...], and [...], which Eu­ [...]thius interprets [...], i.e. of the same size with a Man ^(e).

Their Form was usually round, whence Virgil's clypei orbis, and [...]e frequent Mention of [...], &c. Hence [...] it's outmost Circumference was call'd [...], as hath been al­ [...]ady observ'd.

There were likewise Shields of lesser Sizes, and other Forms, [...]e use of several of which came into Fashion after the Heroick Ages.

[Page 38] [...], or [...], was squar'd, like the Figure rhombus, and [...] us'd by the Persians ^(a).

[...] was oblong, and usually bending inward: It seems [...] have been the same, which is call'd in Pollux ^(b) [...].

[...] seems to have been shap'd like the former, and com­pos'd of Hides with the Hair, whence Grammarians derive it from [...], i.e. hairy. It was very light, whence (as Eustathius ^(c) observes) Homer gives it the Epithet [...],

[...] was a small and light Buckler in the Form of an Ha [...] ­moon ^(d), or, according to Xenophon, resembling an Ivy-leaf, an [...] first us'd by the Amazons. But Suidas will have it to be a kin [...] of four-square Buckler, wanting the [...], or exteriour Ring.

This was the chief of all their Arms: The Regard they had o [...] it appears both from what has been already observ'd concerning their Care in adorning, and preserving it; and from the com­mon Story of Epaminondas, who having receiv'd a morta [...] Wound, and lying under the Agonies of Death, with great Con­cern enquir'd whether his Buckler was safe ^(e). Chabrias the famous Athenian, when his Ship was sunk, rather chose honoura­bly to resign his Life with his Buckler, than leaving it, to escape to another Vessel ^(f). Military Glory indeed being esteem'd the greatest that Human Nature was capable of, they had a profound Re­gard for all sorts of Arms, which were the Instruments, whereby they attain'd it; whence to leave them to their Enemies, to give them for a Pledge, or dispose of them any dishonourable Way, was an eternal Disgrace both in Greece ^(g), and at Rome, and scarce eve [...] to be wip'd off, or aton'd for.

Thus have I endeavour'd to give you a Description of the prin­cipal of the Grecian Defensive Arms, which are in general term'd [...], and [...].

The only Offensive Arms us'd by the Ancients, were Stones, or Clubs, and such as rude Nature furnish'd them with. They were wholly ignorant of all those Arts, and Contrivances to destroy their Enemies, which Necessity, and Thirst of Glory afterwards

[Page] [Page 39] introduc'd into the World: Thus Horace describes the Fights of those wild and uncultivated Ages,

Lucretius hath an elegant Passage to the sam [...] purpose ^(a);

Their Clubs were call'd [...] and [...], whence Gramma­rians conjecture that Squadrons of Souldiers were term'd [...], and by the Latins phalanges, from the primitive Way of Fighting ^(b).

The principal of their Offensive Weapons in later Ages was [...] and [...], Spear, or Pike, the Body of which was compos'd of Wood, in the Heroick Times most commonly of Ash, whence we have so frequent mention in Homer of [...], as when he speaks of Achilles's Spear ^(c);

The Trojans were likewise arm'd from the same Tree ^(d);

The Head, [...], was of Metal. So was also the [...], which is so call'd either q. [...], from [...], a Cross; or from [...], a Lizard, which it is said to have resembled, being hollow at one End, where it was fix'd into the Bottom of the Spear; and sharp at the other, ^(a), which being thrust into the Ground upheld the Spear erect, when the Souldiers rested from the Toil of War. Whence Homer, speaking of Diomedes's Followers ^(b);

Aristotle observes that the same Custom was practis'd amongst the Illyrians in his Days ^(c). And it seems to have been common in other Nations, as may appear from the first Book of Samuel ^(d), where Saul is said to have slept with his Spear fix'd in the Earth close by his Head. In Times of Peace they rear'd their Spears against Pillars, in a long wooden Case call'd [...], as we have it in Homer ^(e);

Virgil speaks something to the same purpose ^(f),

[Page 41] Of these there were two Sorts, as Strabo hath well observ'd ^(a); The former was us'd in close Fight, and call'd [...], for the U [...]e, and excellent Management of which the Abantes are ce­lebrated in Homer ^(b);

Where you may observe the Signification of the Word [...], which (as the S. [...]iaśt hath observ'd) is apply'd to Arms us'd in in close [...]ight; whereas [...] belongs rather to missive Weapons, which are call'd by the general Names of [...], and [...], of which Kind was the other sort of Spears; Whence we find one making this Boast,

This was frequently us'd in the Heroick [...]uels, where the Comba­tants first threw their Spears, and then sel [...] to their Swords. Thus Hector and Achilles ^(c), Mene [...]aus and Paris ^(d), and the rest of the Heroes attack one another. Theocritus hath describ'd the Com­bat of Castor and Lyn [...]eus after the same Manner ^(e);

The [...] had a peculiar sort of Spear call'd [...], which was fourteen or sixteen Cubits in Length.

[...], a [...], which, according to ancient Custom, was hung in a B [...]lt put round the Shoulders. Whence Homer ^(a);

Hesiod, and the rest of the Poets mention the same Custom ^(b);

The Belt reach'd down to their Thighs. Whence Homer's He­ro ^(c);

And Virgil's AEneas[?] ^(d);

It may be enquir'd whether the Sword was hung upon the right Side, or the left; to which some will reply, That Foot-soul­diers were it on the l [...]ft, Horse-men on the right; and Iose­phus ^(e) expresly mentions Horse-men with their Swords on their right Sides: But whether this was constantly observ'd, or fre­qu [...]ntly vary'd, as Lipsius ^(f) has observ'd of the Roman Sword, [...] easily be determin'd. The Scabbard was call'd [...], close to it was hung a Dagger, or Ponyard, call'd [...], [Page 43] or [...], according to Eusta­thius ^(a), [...], or [...] and in Homer [...]. It was seldom us'd in Fight, but on all Occasions supply'd the want of a Knife, as appears from the Poet, out of whom I will give you this one Instance ^(b);

Possidonius in Athenaeus tells us, the same Custom was practis'd by the ancient Gauls ^(c). Close by this, or rather instead thereof, the Souldiers of lower Ages us'd a Dagger call'd [...], which was borrow'd from the Persians ^(d). They had sometimes ano­ther Sword call'd [...], which was the same with the Roman ensis falcatus, and our Fauchion, or Scimeter; and was chiefly us'd by the Inhabitants of Argos. Not much unlike this were the La­cedemonian Swords, call'd, according to Pollux, [...], but, as Xe­nophon, [...], and, by the Athenians, [...] ^(e): They were bent Fauchion-like, and in Length far less than those commonly us'd in other Parts of Greece; The Reason of which Custom being demanded of Antalcidas; 'Tis (said he) because we encounter our Ene­mies hand to hand ^(f): And when another Person told Agesilaus in Derision, That a Jugler on a Stage would make nothing of swallowing their Swords: Well (reply'd the King) yee with these lit­tle Weapons we are able to reach our Enemies ^(g). The only thing farther remarkable in the old Grecian Sword is the Hilt, which they took a great Pride in adorning, not so much with Silver, and Gold, and precious Stones, as with Figures of Lyons Heads, &c. to make them appear more terrible to their Enemies.

[...], a sort of Polax: With this Weapon Agamemnon was encounter'd by Pisander in Homer ^(b)

[...], was not much different from the former, and is joyn'd with it in Homer ^(a);

Several other Weapons of le [...] Note may occurr in Authors, whereof I shall mention only one more, and then proceed to th [...] missive Weapons: i [...] i [...] [...], a Battoon of Wood, or Iron; from th [...] Use of which the famous Robber Periphetes, slain by The­seus, was nam'd [...] ^(b); which Title was likewise conferr'd upon [...], who, as [...]omer tells the Story, made nothing of breaking thro' whole Squadrons of Enemies with his Iron Club ^(c);

[...], the Bow, the first Invention of which some ascribe to Apollo, who from the Art of managing this Weapon hath obtain'd divers Appellations, as [...],&c. All which, tho' moral [Page 45] Interpreters force to other Applications, yet the ancient Au­thors of Fables referr to this Original. This new Contri­vance the God communicated to the primitive Inhabitants of Crete ^(a), who are reported to have been the first of Mortals, who understood the Use of Bows and Arrows ^(b): And even in later Ages the Cretan Bows were famous, and pref [...]rr'd to all others in Greece ^(c). Some rather choose to honour Perses the Son of Perseus with this Invention; and others father it upon Scythes the Son of Iupiter ^(d), and Progenitor of the Scythians, who were ex­cellent at this Art, and by some reputed the fi [...]st Masters thereof: Thence we find it deriv'd to the Grecians, some of whose an­cient Nobility were instructed by the Scythians, which, as those Times went, might justly pass for a grand Piece of Education. Thus Hercules (to trouble you with no more Instance [...]) was taught by Teutarus a Scythian Swain, from whom he receiv'd a Bow and Arrows of Scythian Make: Whence Lycophron, speaking of Hercu­les's Arrows,

And tho' Theocritus hath chang'd his Tutour's Name into Eurytus, yet he also was of Scythian Original: and we find the Heroe in that Poet arm'd with a Mae [...]tian, i.e. Scythian, Bow ^(f),

Lycophron also arms Minerva with [...], ā Maeotian Bow, and in the same Place tell's us of Hercules's Scythian Dragon, whereby he means a Bow, which he bequeath'd to Philocletes for his Care in kindling the Pile wherein he was burn'd alive ^(g),

Both the Poets seem particularly to remark the Incurvation of the S [...]ythian Bow, which distinguish'd it from the Bows of Greece, and other Nations; and was so great as to form an Half-moon, or Semicircle ^(a). Whence the Shepherd in Athenaeus ^(b), being to describe the Letters in Theseus's Name, and expressing each of them by some appo [...]ite Resemblance, compares the third to the S [...]ythian Bow,

Meaning not the more modern Character [...], but the ancient C, which is semicircular, and bears the third Place in [...]. The Grecian Bows were frequently beautify'd with Gold, or Silver, whence we have mention of aures arcus, and Apollo is called [...], but the Matter of which they were compos'd, seems for the most Patt to have been Wood; tho' they were anciently, S [...]ythian like, made of Horn, as we read of Pandarus's in Homer ^(c),

Whence Lycophron, who takes a Pride in antiquated and forgotten Customs and Expressions, speaks thus of Apollo encountering Idas with his Bow ^(a);

But some ancient Glossographers by [...] would rather understand [...], or the Bow-string, which was compos'd of Horses Hair, and therefore call'd also [...] ^(b): To which Custom Accius alludes,

Homer's Bow-strings are frequently made of Hides cut into small Thongs: Whence we read of [...];

As Eustathius observes-upon that Place ^(c). One Thing more is remarkable in their Bows: It is that Part, to which the String was fix'd; 'twas upon the uppermost Part of the Bow, and call'd [...], commonly made of Gold, and the last Thing towards finishing a Bow; whence Homer, when he has describ'd the Manner of mak­ing a Bow, adds after all,

Hence, Eustathius tell's us, [...] signifies to bring any Affair to an happy Conclusion.

The Arrows usually consisted of light Wood, and an Iron head, which was commonly hook'd: Whence Ovid ^(d);

Sometimes they were arm'd with two, three, or four Hooks: Hence Sta [...]ius ^(a);

In this Sence likewise Hippocrates's [...] are to be un­derstood. The Heads of Arrows were sometimes besmear'd with Poyson; for which Piece of n [...]uman Skill Virgil's Amycus was famous ^(b);

This Practice was more frequent in barbarous Nations, but seldom us'd, or understood in Greece: Wherefore Minerva in Homer having assum'd the Form and Titles of Mentes King of the Ta­phians, and Son to Anchialus, pretends that her Father, out of an extraordinary Love to Ulysles, oblig'd him with a Quantity of this deadly Ointment, after he had been at the Pains of a tedious Journey to Ephyra, to furnish himself, but had been deny'd it by Ilus the Son of Mermerus, who (as the Poet tells us) rejected Ulysses's Request out of a Scruple of Conscience, being afraid that Di­vine Vengeance would prosecute so criminal an Action ^(c);

They were usually wing'd with Feathers, to encrease their Speed and Force, whence Homer's [...] ^(a), [...] ^(b), Op­pian's [...] ^(c), and [...] ^(d), Sophoc [...]es's [...] ^(e), with divers other Epithets, [...] Names to the same Purpose ^(f). These they carry'd to the Battle in a Quiver, which was usually clos'd on all Sides, and therefore (as Fustathius ^(g) observes) joyn'd with the Epithet [...]. This with the Bow the Heroes car­ry'd upon their Backs: Thus Apollo in Homer ^(h);

Hercules is represented by Hes [...]od in the same Manner ⁽ⁱ⁾;

Likewise the famous Heroïn in Virgil ^(k);

[Page 50] In drawing Bows the primitive Grecians did not pull back their Hand towards their right Ear, according to the Fashion of mo­dern Ages, and of the ancient Persians ^(a); but, placing their Bows [...] before them, return'd their Hand upon their right Breast ^(b); which was the Custom of the Amazonian Women, who are reported to have cut off their Right Breasts, lest they should be an Impediment to them in Shooting; on which Ac­count their Name is commonly thought to have been deriv'd from the privative Particle [...] and [...], i.e. from their Want of a Breast. Thus Homer of Pandarus ^(c),

There were several sorts of Darts, or Javelins, as [...], call'd in Homer [...] ^(d); [...], and many others; some of which were projected by the Help of a Strap girt round their Middle, and call'd in Greek [...], in Latin amentum, the Action is express'd by the Word [...], which is likewise sometimes us'd in a more general Sence for any sort of Darting, tho' without Straps. The Javelin thus cast was term'd [...]; the Custom is men­tion'd in the Roman, as well as Greek Writers: Whence Seneca in his Hipp [...]lytus,

The ancient Grecians were wont to annoy their Enemies with great Stones. Thus Agamemnon in Homer ^(e);

[Page 51] These were not Stones of an ordinary Size, but such as the joynt Strength of several Men in our Days would be unable to much as to lift. With a Stone of this Bigness Diom [...]des knocks down Aeneas in Homer ^(a);

Ajax likewise, and Hector encounter'd one another with the same Weapons; and the latter (as the Poet tells us) had his Buckler broken with a Stone scarce inferiour in Bigness to a Mill-stone ^(b);

Nor did the Gods themselves disdain to make use of them; as appears from Homer's Minerva, who attack'd the God of War with a Stone of a prodigious Size, which had been in former Ages plac'd for a Land-mark ^(c);

[Page 52] Virgil has elegantly imitated some of these Passages in his twelfth Aencid ^(a), where he speaks of Turnus in this manner;

On all which Relations several modern, especially French Cri­ticks insult with Triumph, imagining them grosly absurd and ri­diculous; whilst forming wh [...]t they call Rules of Probability from the Manner, of their own Times, they can scarce meet with one Passage in all the Volums of ancient Poetry, that do's not on some Score or other soully disgust their curious and distinguishing Palates.

But however the Heroick Fights might be carry'd on in this Manner, as most of the ancient Poets wi [...]ness, yet in nearer Ages, when they tell us M [...]n's Strength, and Courage were lessen'd, but their Policy, and Conduct improv'd, we seldom find any Men­tion of Stones, except in Sieges, where the Defenders frequently roll'd down vast Rocks upon their Enemies Heads. They were likewis [...] cast out of several Engines, of which the most common in Field-engagements was

[...] a Sling; which, we are told by some, was inven­ted by the Natives of the Balearian Islands, where it was ma­nag'd with so great Art and Dexterity, that young Children were not allow'd any Food by their Mothers, 'till they could sling it down from th [...] Beam, where it was plac'd aloft ^(b); and when they arriv'd to be of Age to serve in the Wars, this was the prin­cipal [Page 53] of their offensive Arms; it being customary for all of them to be furnish'd with three Slings, which either hung about their Necks, according to Eustathius ^(a); or were carry'd, one on their Necks, one in their Hands, a third about their Loyns ^(b). Hence the Balearian Slings are famous in all ancient Writers; Take on­ly one Instance out of Ovid ^(c);

It was likewise common in Greece, especially amongst the Acar­nanians ^(d), who were well skill'd in managing it, and are by some thought to have invented it; Others give that Honour to the Aetolians ^(e), But none of the Grecians manag'd it with so great Art and Dexterity as the Achaians, that inhabited Aegyum, Dy­ma and Patrae; who were brought up to this Exercise from their Infancy ^(f), and are thought by some to have excell'd the Ba­learians: Whence it became a Custom to call any Thing directly levell'd at the Mark, [...] ^(g). This Weapon was us'd for the most part by the common, and light-arm'd Souldiers: Cyrus is said to have thought it very unbecoming any Offi­cer ^(h); and Alexander endeavouring to render his Enemies as contemptible to his own Souldiers as he could, tells them, ‘They were a confus'd and disorderly Rabble, some of them having no Weapon, but a Javelin, others were design'd for no greater Ser­vice, than to cast Stones out of a Sling, and very few were re­gularly arm'd ⁽ⁱ⁾.’ The Form of a Sling we may learn from Dionysius, by whom the Earth is said to resemble it, being not exactly Spherical, but extended out in Length, and broad in the Middle: for Slings resembled a platted Rope, somewhat broad in the Middle, with an Oval Compass, and so by little and little decreasing into two Thongs, or Reins. The Geographer's Words are these ^(k);

It's Matter seems not to have been always the same; in Homer we find it compos'd of a Sheep's Fleece; and therefore one of the Heroes being wounded in the Hand, Agenor binds it with his Sling ^(a);

Out of it were cast Arrows, Stones, and Plummets of Lead call'd [...], or [...], some of which weigh'd no less than an Attick Pound, i.e. an hundred Drachins. It was distin­guish'd into several sorts; some were manag'd by one, others by two, some by three Cords.

The Manner of Slinging was by whirling it twice or thrice about their Head, and so casting out the Bullet. Thus Mezen­tius in Virgil ^(b),

But Vegetius commends those as the greatest Artists▪ that cast out the Bullet with one Turn about the Head. How far this Wea­pon carry'd it's Load is express'd in this Verse,

It's Force was so great, that neither Head-piece, Buckler, or any other Armour was a sufficient Defence against it; and so vehement It's Motions, that (as Seneca reports) the Plummets were frequently melted.

Lastly, we find mention of Fire-balls, or Hand-granado's call'd [...] &c. One sort of them are call'd [...], or [...], which were compos'd of Wood, and some of them a Foot, others a Cubit in Length: Their Heads were arm'd with [Page 55] Spikes of Iron, beneath which were plac'd Torches, Hemp, Pitch, or such like combustible Matter, which being set on Fire, they were thrown with great Force toward the Enemy's first Ranks Head foremost, whereby the Iron-spikes being fasten'd to whatever came in their Way, they burn'd down all before them ^(a(: Where­fore they seem to have been of the greatest Use in Leaguers, to demolish the Enemy's Works; tho' my Author mentioneth no such Thing.

Concerning Military Apparel nothing certain, or constant can be related; only it may be observ'd, that Lycurgus order'd the Lacedemonians to cloath their Souldiers in Scarlet; The Rea­son of which Institution seems either to have been, because that Colour is both soonest imbib'd by Cloath, and most lasting and durable ^(b); Or on the Account of it's Brightness and Splendour, which that Law-giver thought conducive to raise Men's Spirits, and most suitable to Minds animated with true Valour ^(c); Or, lastly, because 'twas most proper to conceal the Stains of Blood, a Sight of which might either daunt and despirit the raw and un­experienc'd Souldiers of their own Party, or inspire their Enemies with fresh Life, and Vigour ^(d): Which Eustathius observes to have been well and wisely consider'd, when he comments on that Pas­sage of Homer, where the cowardly Trojans upon seeing Ulysses's Blood flow from his Wound, receive new Courage, and animating one another, rush with united Force upon the Hero ^(e);

'Tis farther remarkable of the Lacedemonians, that they never en­gag'd their Enemies, but with Crowns, and Garlands upon their Heads ^(f), tho' at other Times they were unaccustom'd to such Ornaments: Hereby ascertaining themselves of Success, and, as it were, anticipating their Victory, Crowns being the ordinary Re­wards presented to Conquerours in all the Parts of Greece. So won­derfull, indeed, were the old Lacedemonian Courage and Fortune, that they encounter'd their Enemies fearless and unconcern'd, joyning Battle with certain Hopes, or rather Assurance of Victo­ry; [Page 56] which was a Thing so common to them, that for their greatest Successes, they seldom sacrifie'd to the Gods any more than a Cock: Not were they much elevated when the happy News ar­riv'd, nor made Presents of any Value to the Messengers thereof, as was usual in other Cities: For after the famous Battle of Man­tinea, we find the Person, that carry'd the Express of Victory, re­warded with nothing but a good Piece of powder'd Beef ^(a).

The Souldiers usually carry'd their own Provisions, which con­sisted for the most part, of Salt-meat, Cheese, Olives, Onyons, &c. To which End every one had a Vessel of Wickers ^(b), with a long, narrow Neck, call'd [...], whence Men with long Necks are by the Comedian term'd in Derision [...] ^(c).

CHAPTER V. Of the Officers in the Athenian and Lacedemo­nian Armies.

THE Grecian Cities being govern'd by different Laws, the Nature, and Titles of their Offices, whether in Military, or Civil Affairs, [...]nust of consequence be distinguish'd. Where­fore, it being an endless Undertaking to recount the various Com­mands throughout the whole Grecian Nation, I shall only pre­sent you in this Place with a short View of the chief Offices in the Athenian and Lacedemonian Armies.

In the primitive Times, when most States were govern'd by Kings, the supreme Command belong'd to them of Course; and it was one principal Part of their Duty towards their Subjects to lead them forth in Person against their Enemies, and in single Combat to encounter the bravest of them at the Head of their Ar­mies. And it may be observ'd, that when any Prince thro' Cowar­dice, or other Weakness was judg'd unable to protect his People, it was customary for them, withdrawing their Allegiance, to substi­tute a Person better qualify'd in his Place: A memorable Instance whereof we have in Thymates an Athenian King, who, declining a Challenge sent by Xanthus King of Baeotia, was depos'd without farther ado, and succeeded by a Foreigner, one Melanthius a Messe­nian, who undertook to revenge the Quatrel of Athens on the Baeo­tians ^(d).

[Page 57]Yet on some Occasions it was not impracticable for the King to nominate a Person of eminent Worth and Valour to be his [...], or General, who either commanded under the King, or, when the Emergency of other Affairs requir'd his Absence, sup­ply'd his Place: Which honourable Post was conferr'd by King Erectheus upon Ion the Son of Xuthus in the Eleusinian War ^(a).

But the Government being at length devolv'd upon the Peo­ple, Affairs were manag'd after a new Method; For all the Tribes being invested with an equal Share of Power, 'twas appointed that each of them should nominate a Commander out of their own Body; This Nomination was made in publick, and fre­quently lighted upon the same Persons, if they behav'd themselves with Courage and Prudence, and executed their Office for the Safety and Honour of their Country; Insomuch that 'tis reported of Phocion, that he was a Com [...]ander five and forty Times, tho' he never su'd, or canvas'd for that Honour, but was always promo­ted by the free and voluntary Choice of the People ^(b). Before their Admission to Office they took an Oath of Fidelity to the Common-wealth, wherein one Thing is more peculiarly remark­able, viz. That they oblig'd themselves to inrade the Megarians twice every Year: Which Clause was first inserted in the Oath by a Decree preferr'd by Charinus, on the Account of Anthemocritus an Athenian Herald, whom the Megarians had barbarously murder'd about the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War: This done, the Command of all the Forces, and warlike Preparations was en­trusted in their Hands, to be employ'd and manag'd as they judg'd convenient; Yet was not their Power absolute, or unlimited, it being wisely order'd, that upon the Expiration of their Com­mand, they should be liable to render an Account of their Ad­ministration: Only, on some extraordinary Occasions, it seem'd fit to exempt them from this Restraint, and send them with full and uncontrolable Authority, and then they were styl'd [...] ^(c): Which Title was conferr'd on Aristides, when he was General at the famous Battle of Plataeae; upon Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus in the Sicilian Expedition, and several others ^(d). These Commanders were Ten, according to the Number of the Athenian Tribes, and all call'd [...], being invested with equal Power, and about the first Times of their Creation frequently dispatch'd all together in Expeditions of Concern and Moment, where every one enjoy'd the supreme Command by Days: But lest in controverted Matters an Equality of Voices should retard their Proceedings we find an eleventh Person joyn'd in Commission with them, and call'd [...], whose Vote, [Page 58] added to either of the contesting Parties, weigh'd down the Bal­lance, as may appear from Herodotus's Account of the Athenian Affairs in the Median War.

But in some Time it was look'd on as unnecessary, and per­hap [...] not very expedient, for so many Generals to be sent with equal Power to manage military Affairs: Wherefore, tho' the an­cient Number was elected every Year, they were not all oblig'd to attend the Wars; but one, two, or more, as Occasion re­quir'd, were dispatch'd to that Service: The Polemarchus was di­verted to civil Business, and became Judge of a Court, where he had Cognizance of Law-suits between the Natives, or Free-men of Athens and Foreigners: The rest of the Generals had every Man his proper Employment, yet none were wholly free from military Concerns, but determin'd all Controversies that happen'd amongst Men of that Profession and order'd all the Affairs of War that lay in the City ^(a). Hence they came to be distin­guish'd into two sorts, one they term'd [...], because they administer'd the City-business; the other [...], from their Concern about Arms. The latter of these listed and disbanded Souldiers as there was Occasion ^(b), and, in short, had the whole Management of War devolv'd upon them during their Continuance in that Post, which seems not to have been long, it being customary for the Generals, who remain'd in the City, to take their Turns of serving in the War ^(c).

[...] were likewise ten, (every Tribe having the Privilege of electing one) and commanded next under the [...]. They had the Care of Marshalling the Army, gave Orders for their Marches, and what Provisions every Souldier should furnish him­self with, which were convey'd to the Army by publick Cryers. They had also Power to cashire any of the common Souldiers, if convicted of Misdemeanours. Their Jurisdiction was only over the Foot ^(d).

[...] were only two in Number ^(e), and had the chief Command of the Cavalry next under the [...] ^(f).

[...] were ten; one being nominated by every Tribe. They were subordinate Officers to the [...], and invested with Authori­ty to discharge Horse-men, and to fill up the Vacancies, as Oc­casion requir'd ^(g).

Thus much of the General Officers, the Inferiours usually de­riv'd their Titles from the Squadron, or Number of Men under [Page 59] their Command: as [...], &c. Proceed we in the next Place to the Com­manders of the Spartan Army.

The supreme Command was lodg'd in one Person, for the La­cedemonians, however fond of Aristocracy in civil Affairs, found by Experience that in War a Monarchical Government was on seve­ral Accounts preferable to any other ^(a): For it happening that once upon a Difference in Opinion between their two Kings, Demaratus and Cleomenes, the former withdrew his Part of the Army and left his Colleague expos'd to the Enemy, a Law was hereupon enacted, that for the future they should never command the Army together, as had been usual before that Misfortune ^(b). Yet upon great and emergent Occasions, when the Safety and Ho­nour of the State was in Dispute, they had so much Prudence, as rather by transgressing the [...] Letter of the Law to secure their Country, than by insisting on Niceties to bring it into Danger: For we find that, when Agis was engag'd in a dubious War with the Argians & Mantineans, Plistonax his fellow-King, having rais'd an Army out of such Citizens, as by their Age were at other Times excus'd from Military Service, went in Person to his As­sistance ^(c).

The General's Title (as some say) was [...] ^(d), which others will have common to all other Military Officers. He was ordinarily one of the Kings of Sparta; it being appointed by one of Lycur­gus's Laws, that this Honour should belong to the Kings: But in Cases of Necessity, as in their King's Minority, a Protectour, or Viceroy, call'd [...], was substituted for the Management of Military, as well as Civil Affairs ^(e). 'Twas under this Character, that Lycurgus reform'd, and new modell'd the Lacedemonian Polity, and commanded their Armies, during the Infancy of King Chari­laus ^(f). Pausanias also was Tutour to Plistarchus, when he lead the Lacedemonians, and the rest of the Grecians against Mardonius, Xerxes's Lieutenant, at Pluaeae ^(g).

This only concern'd their Land-armies, for the Laws made no Provision for their Fleets, their Law-giver having positively for­bidden them to meddle with marine Affairs. Wherefore when they became Masters of a Navy, they con [...]in'd not their Elections of Admirals to the Royal House, but rather chose to commit so great a Trust to their most able and experienc'd Sea-men; as may appear from the Instances of Lysander, and several others, who commanded the Spartan Fleets, tho' never invested with Royal Power. Nor was it ordinarily permitted their Kings, when [Page 60] entrusted with Land-armies, to undertake the Office of Admiral: The only Person honour'd with those two Commands at the same Time, was the Great Agesilaus ^(a).

The King, however limited and restrain'd when at Home, was supreme and absolute in the Army, it being provided by a par­ticular precept of the Law, that all others should be subordinate to him, and ready to obey his Commands ^(b). Notwithstanding this, he was not always left wholly to himself, and the Prosecution of his own Measures, it being customary for some of the Magistrates call'd Ephori to accompany him, and assist him with their Advice ^(c). To these, on some Occasions, others were joyn'd; When Agis had unadvisedly enter'd into a League with the Argians, at a Time, when it lay in his Power to have forc'd them to accept of Terms far more honourable to his Country, the Spartans highly resented his Imprudence, and enacted a D [...]ree, that he should never again command an Army, without ten Counsellours to go along with him. Whether the succeeding Kings were hereby oblig'd, do's not fully appear; but it seems probable, they were not sent to the Wars without a Council consisting, if not of the same, how­ever of a considerable Number of the wisest Heads in Sparta: Age­sipolis was attended with no less than thirty ^(d); And tho' the Tenderness of his Age might occasion that extraordinary Provi­sion, yet in Wars of great Concern, or Danger, and such as were carry'd on in remote Countries, Kings of greatest Experience, and most eminent for Conduct, were not trusted without a great Num­ber of Counsellours; For we are told, that Agesilaus himself, when he made his Expedition into Asia, was oblig'd by a Decree of the People to take thirty along with him ^(e).

Beside these, the General was guarded by three hundred valiant Spartans call'd [...], or Horse-men, who fought about his Per­son ^(f), and were much of the same Nature with Romulus's Life­guards call'd Celeres, or Light horse, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus reports. Before him fought all those that had obtain'd Prizes in the Sacred Games, which was look'd upon as one of the most ho­nourable Posts in the Army, and esteem'd equivalent to all the glorious Rewards conferr'd on those Victors in other Ci­ties ^(g).

The chief of the subordinate Officers was call'd [...]. The Titles of the rest will easily be' understood from the Names of the Parties under their Command, being all deriv'd from them: Such as [...], &c.

CHAPTER VI. Of the several Divisions, and Forms of the Grecian Army, with other Military Terms.

THE whole Army, as compounded of Horse and Foot, was call'd [...] The Front, [...], or [...]; The right-hand Man of which, as in other Places, was [...]; The Wings, [...], [...] which some make Pan, Bacchus's General in his Indian Expedition, to have been the first Inventor; The Souldiers herein, and their Leader, [...]; Those in the middle Ranks, [...]; The Rear, [...], and the Per­son that brought up the Rear, [...], or [...] ^(a); which seem to have been common Names for any others that obtain'd the like Places in smaller Bodies.

[...] was a Party of five Souldiers; it's Leader, [...].

[...] of ten; it's Leader, [...]: And so of the rest.

[...] consisted of eight, as others, of twelve, or, as some, of six­teen, which was a complete [...], tho' some make that to con­tain no less than twenty-five. It is sometimes term'd [...], or [...], and it's Leader [...].

[...], or [...] was an half [...]; It's Leader, [...], or [...].

[...] was a Conjunction of several [...]: Sometimes 'tis term'd [...], which consisted of four half, or two complete [...], containing thirty-two Men.

[...], however the Name imports only fifty, was usually a double [...], consisting of four [...], or sixty-four Men: Whence it's Leader was not only term'd [...], but [...], and for [...] we sometimes find [...].

[...], sometimes call'd [...], consisted of two of the former, containing an hundred-twenty-eight Men. It's Com­mander [Page 62] was anciently call'd [...], but afterwards the Name of [...] generally prevail'd. To every [...] were assign'd five necessary Attendants, call'd [...], as not being rec­kon'd in the Ranks with the Souldiers. These were

• 1. [...], the Cryer, who convey'd by Voice the Words of Command. He was usually a Man of strong Lungs: The most remarkable of any in Story was Homer's Stentor, who, he tells us, was able to shout as loud as any fifty ^(a);
  [...]

  [...]

  [...]

  Iuno there clamours with i [...]perious Sway,

  Like bawling Stentor, when his Lungs gaye way,

  Whose Voice would open in a mighty Shout,

  As loud as fifty Men's.—
• 2. [...], the Ensign, remitted by Signs the Officer's Com­mands to the Souldiers; and was of use in conveying Things not to be pronounc'd openly, or discover'd; and when the Noise of War drown'd the Cryer's Voice.
• 3. [...], or Trumpeter, was necessary, as well to signify to the Souldiers the Will of their Commanders, when Dust render'd the two former useless, as to animate and encou­rage them, so on several other Accounts.
• 4. [...], was a Servant, that waited on the Souldiers to sup­ply them with Necessaries. These four were plac'd next to the fore-most Rank.
• 5. [...], the Lieutenant, brought up the Rear, and took care that none of the Souldiers were left behind, or deserted.

[...], and, according to some, [...], was compounded of two [...], being made up of two hun­dred-fifty-six Men. The Commander, [...].

[...], or [...] contain'd two [...], i.e. five-hundred and twelve Men. The Commander's Name was [...], or [...].

[...], and (as some think) [...], was the for­mer doubled, and consisted of a thousand and twenty-four. The Commander, [...], or [...].

[Page 63]

[Page 63] [...], which by some is call'd [...], by others [...], contain'd two of the former, i.e. two-thousand-forty-eight. The Commander, [...], or [...].

[...], sometimes call'd [...], and, by the Ancients, [...], was compounded of two [...]; and contain'd four-thousand-fourscore and sixteen, or four-thou­sand-thirty-six, according to others. The Officer, [...], &c. [...].

[...], and (as some think) [...], was almost a Duplicate of the former, for it consisted of eight-thousand, one hundred and thirty two. The Commander's Title was [...].

[...] contain'd about two [...], or sixteen-thousand, three-hundred, fours [...]ore and four. The Commander, [...].

[...] is sometimes taken for a Party of twenty-eight Men, sometimes of eight-thousand; but a complete [...] is said to be the same with [...]. Several other Numbers are signi­fy'd by this Name, it being frequently taken for the whole Body of Foot, and as often in general for any Company of Souldiers. Indeed the Grecian Battles were usually rang'd into an Order pe­culiarly term'd Phalanx; which was of such Strength, that it was able to bear any Shock with what Violence soever charg'd upon them. The Macedonians were the most famous for this Way of Imbatteling; Their Phalanx is describ'd by Polybius to be a square Battail of Pike-men, consisting of sixteen in Flank, and five-hun­dred in Front; the Souldiers standing so close together, that the Pikes of the fifth Rank were extended three Foot beyond the Front of the Battail: The rest, whose Pikes were not serviceable by rea­son of their Distance from the Front, couch'd them upon the Shoul­ders of those, that stood before them, and so, locking them to­gether in File, press'd forward to suppo [...]t and push on the former Ranks, whereby the Assault was render'd more violent and irre­sistible. The Commander was call'd [...].

[...] was the Length, or first Rank of the Phalanx, reaching from the farthest Extremity of one Wing to that of ano­ther. 'Tis the same with [...], &c. The Ranks behind were call'd, according to their Order, [...], &c.

[...], or [...], sometimes call'd [...], was the Depth, consisting in the Number of Ranks from Front to Rear.

[...], were the Ranks taken according to the Length of the Phalanx.

[Page 64] [...], or [...], were the Files measur'd according to the Depth.

[...], the Distribution of the Phalanx into two equal Portions, which were term'd [...], &c. or Wings: The left of these was [...], and [...]; The right, [...], &c.

[...], the Body, or middle Part between the Wings.

[...], the lessening the Depth of the Phalanx by cutting off some of it's Files.

[...], or [...], acies recta, or the Herse, wherein the Depth exceeded the Length.

[...] differ'd from the former, by being broad in Front, and narrow in Flank; whereas the other was narrow in Front, and broad in Flank ^(a).

[...], or obliqua acies, when one Wing was advanc'd near the Enemies, to begin the Battle, the other holding off at a convenient Distance.

[...], when the Souldiers were plac'd back to back, that they might every way face their Enemies: which Form of Battalia was us'd, when they were in Danger of being surrounded.

[...] differ'd herein from the former, that it was form'd lengthways, and engag'd at both Flanks; whereas the for­mer engag'd at Front and Rear.

[...], when the Leaders were plac'd in both Fronts, but the [...], who follow'd▪ the Rear, transplanted into the Middle, so that their Enemies were confronted on all Sides.

[...] was contrary to the former, having the [...] and their Rear on the two Sides, and the rest of the Com­manders, who were plac'd at other Times in the Front, in the Midst facing one another; In which Form the Front, opening in two Parts, so clos'd again, that the Wings succeeded in it's Place, and the last Ranks were transplanted into the former Place of the Wings.

[...] was when both the Phalanx's had their Officers on the same Side, one marching behind the other in the same Form.

[...], when the Commanders of one Phalanx were plac'd on the right Flank, in the other on the left.

[...], when it's Form was chang'd, as the Ways requir'd, thro' which it march'd.

[Page]

[Page]

[Page]

[Page]

[Page 65] [...], represented an half-Moon, the Wings turn'd backwards, and the main Body advanc'd toward the Enemy; or on the contrary.

The same was call'd [...] and [...], being Convex, and there­fore hollow.

[...], when the Parts of the Battalia stood at an unequal Distance from the Enemy, some jutting out before others.

[...], when both Wings were extended beyond the adverse Army's Front; When only one, [...].

[...], call'd likewise [...], a Battalia with four equal, but not rectangular, Sides, representing the Figure of a Diamond. This Fig [...]re was us'd by the Thessalians, being first contriv'd by their Country-man Iason. Indeed the common Forms of Battalia in Greece, in Sicily also, and Persia, seem to have been devis'd after this, or some other Square ^(a).

[...], rostrum, or cuneus, was a Rhombus divided in the Middle, having three Sides, and representing the Figure of a Wedge, or the Letter [...]. The Design of this Form was to pierce, and en­ter forcibly into the Enemy's Body.

[...], or Forsex, was the Cuneus transvers'd, and wanting the Basis: It represented a Pair of Sheers, or the Letter V; and seems to have been design'd to receive the Cuneus.

[...], laterculu [...], an Army drawn up in the Figure of a Brick, or Tyle, with four unequal Sides; it's Length was ex­tended towards the Enemy, and exceeded the Depth.

[...], Turris, was the Brick inverted, being an oblong Square, after the Fashion of a Tower, with the small End towards the Enemy. This Form is mention'd by Homer ^(b);

[...] had an oblong Figure, but approaching nearer a Cir­cle than Quadrangle.

[...], was an Army extended at length with a very few Men in a Rank, when the Ways they march'd thro' could not be pass'd in broader Ranks: The Name is taken from a Worth that insinuates it self into little Holes in Wood. On the same Ac­count we find mention of [...], so rang'd, as it were, to pierce thro' the Passages.

[Page 66] [...] was the ranging Souldiers close together, so that, whereas in other Battalias every Man was allow'd four Cu­bits Space on each Side, in this he took up only two.

[...] was closer than the former, one Cubit's Room being allow'd to every Souldier: 'Tis so call'd from Bucklers, which were all joyn'd close to one another.

Several other Forms of Battalia may occurr in Authors, as those drawn in all the sorts of Spherical Figures. One of these was call'd [...], first invented by Ilion of Thessaly, representing the Fi­gure of an Egg, into which the Thessalians commonly rang'd their Horse ^(a). 'Tis commonly taken for any Party of Horse of what Number soever, but sometimes in a more limited Sence for a Troop of sixty-four.

[...] contain'd two [...], i.e. one hundred and twenty-eight.

[...] was a Duplicate of the former, consisting of two-hundred-fifty-six: For they commonly us'd a sort of Horse­men call'd [...], or [...], who annoy'd their Ene­mies with Missive Weapons, being unable to sustain a close Fight by reason of their light Armour. There was likewise another sort of Tarentine Horse-men, who, having discharg'd their missive Weapons, engag'd their Enemies in close Fight. Their Name was deriv'd from Tarentum in Italy, which us'd to furnish out Horse-men of these sorts: But whether the Name of this Troop was taken from the sort of Horse-men, or the Number's being the same with that us'd by the Tarentines, is not certain.

[...] contain'd two of the former, i.e. five-hundred and twelve.

[...] was a double [...], being made up of one thou­sand and twenty-four.

[...] was the former doubled, containing two-thousand-forty-eight.

[...] was equal to two [...], being compos'd of four-thou­sand-ninety-six.

The Lacedemonian Divisions of their Army had peculiar Names.

The whole Army was divided into [...], or Regiments. What Numbers of Souldiers were rang'd in each is uncertain; Some making them five-hundred, others seven, and some nine ^(b); But at the first Reformation of the Common-wealth, they seem not to have exceeded four-hundred, who were all Foot-men. The Com­mander was call'd [...] ^(c); to whom was added a subor­dinate [Page 67] Officer call'd [...] ^(a): The former was Colonel, the latter his Lieutenant.

[...] was the fourth Part of a [...]: And tho' some affirm there were five [...] in every [...] ^(b), yet the former Account seems more agreeable to the ancient State of the Spartan Army: For we are assur'd by Xenophon, that in every [...] there were four [...].

[...] was the fourth Part, or, as others, half of a [...], and contain'd fifty Men, as appears from the Name. The Com­mander hereof was styl'd [...], or [...]: Of these there were▪ eight in every [...], as the fore-men­tion'd Author reports.

[...] was the fourth Part, or, as others, the half of [...] contain'd twenty-five Men, and so call'd, because all the Souldiers therein were [...] ^(c), or bound by a solemn Oath upon a Sacrifice to be faithfull and loyal to their Country: The Commander was term'd [...], or [...]. Of these Xenophon tells us there were sixteen in every [...]; which, together with his Account of the [...], and [...], makes it evident that the primitive [...] consisted only of four-hundred: The Disagreement of Authors herein seems to have been occasion'd by the Encrease of the Lacedemonian Army; For in succeeding Ages the Spartans, having augmented their Forces, still retain'd their ancient Names, so that the eighth Part of a [...], tho' perhaps containing several Fifties, was still term'd [...]. The Roman Battalions, in like Manner, however encreas'd by new Additions, were still call'd Legiones; which, tho' at first they contain'd no more than three-thousand, were afterwards vary'd as Necessity requir'd, and consisted of four, five, or six-thousand: The same may be observ'd of their Cohortes, Manipuli, Ordines, &c.

There are several other Military Terms, an Explication of some of which may be expected in this Place.

[...] is the placing of any Company of Souldiers before the Front of the Army; as [...], when the light-arm'd Men are drawn before the rest of the Army, to begin the Fight at a Distance with missive Weapons.

[...] is contrary to the former, and signifies the ranging of Souldiers in the Rear.

[...], when to one, or both Flanks of the Battail, Part of [Page 68] the Rear is added, the Front of those, that are added, being plac'd in the same Line with the Front of the Battail.

[...], when the Wings are doubled, by bestowing the light-arm'd Men under them in an embow'd Form, so that the whole Figure resembles a three-fold Door.

[...], or [...], the placing together of different sorts of Souldiers; as when light-arm'd Man are or­der'd to fill up void Spaces between the heavy-arm'd Companies.

[...] is distinguish'd from the former, as denoting the Com­pletion of vacant Spaces in the Files by Souldiers of the same sort.

[...] is a continu'd Series of Battalions in March, drawn up after the same Form behind one another, so that the Front of the latter is extended to the Rear of the former: Whence this Term is sometimes taken for the Rhetorical Figure Inductio, where cer­tain Consequences are inferr'd, in a plain and evident Method, from the Concession of some Antecedents ^(a).

[...] differs herein from [...], that the Phalanx pro­ceedeth in a Wing not by File, but by Rank, the Leaders marching not directly in the Front, but on one Side; when toward the left, 'twas call'd [...]: When toward the right, [...].

[...] and [...] are distinguish'd into four sorts; For when they expected the Enemy, and march'd on prepar'd for him only on one Side, they were call'd [...], or [...]: When on two Sides, [...]: When on three, [...]: When every Side was ready for an Assault, [...].

The Motions of the Souldiers at their Officers Command were term'd [...].

[...], to the right: Because they manag'd their Spears with their right Hands.

[...], the retrograde Motion, i. e. to the left.

[...], to the left: For their Bucklers were held in their left Hands.

[...] is a double Turn to the same Hand, whereby their Backs were turn'd on what before lay to their Faces. There were two sorts of it:

• 1. [...], whereby they turn'd from Front to Rear, which is term'd [...], so that their Backs were toward their Ene­mies;

  [Page 68]

  [Page 68]

  [Page 69] whence 'tis call'd [...]. It was al­ways effected by turning to the right.
• 2. [...], or [...], from Rear to Front, whereby they turn'd their Faces to their Enemies, by moving twice to the left.

[...], when the whole Battalion, close joyn'd Man to Man, made one Turn either to the right, or left.

[...] is oppos'd to [...], being the Return of such a Battalion to it's former Station.

[...], a double [...], whereby their Backs were turn'd to the Place of their Faces, the Front being transferr'd to the Place of the Rear.

[...], a treble [...], or three Wheelings.

[...], or [...], to turn about to the Places they were in at first.

[...], or [...], Countermarch, whereby eve­ry Souldier, one marching after another, chang'd Front for the Rear, or one Flank for another: Whence there are two sorts of Coun­termarches, [...], and [...], one by Files, the other by Ranks; both are farther divided into three sorts.

• 1. [...], invented by the Macedonians, was thus: First the Leaders of the Files turn'd to the right, or left about, then the next Rank pass'd thro' by them on the same Hand, and, being come into the distant Spaces, plac'd themselves behind the Leaders of their Files, then turn'd about their Faces the same Way: In like manner the third Rank after them, with the fourth, and all the rest, 'till the Bringers up were last, and had turn'd about their Faces, and again taken the Rear of the Battle. Hereby the Army was remov'd into the Ground before the Front, and the Faces of the Souldiers turn'd backward. This appear'd like a Retreat, and was for that reason laid aside by Philip of Ma­cedon, who us'd the following Motion in it's stead.
• 2. [...], invented by the Lacedemonians, was contrary to the former; That took up the Ground before the Pha­lanx, this the Ground behind it, and the Souldiers Faces turn'd the contrary Way; In that the Motion was from Rear to Front, in this from Front to Rear. Aelian ^(a) describes it two ways; One was, when the Bringers up first turn'd about their Faces, the next Rank likewise turning their Faces, began the Countermarch, every Man placing himself directly before his Bringer up; the third did the like, and so the rest, 'till the Rank of File-leaders were [Page 70] first. The other Method was, when the Leaders of Files began the Countermarch, every one in their Files following them or­derly: Hereby they were brought nearer to their Enemies, and re­presented a Charge.
• 3. [...], or [...], was us'd by the Persians and Cretans; it was sometimes term'd [...], because ma­nag'd like the Grecian chori, which, being order'd into Files and Ranks, like Souldi [...]r, in Battle-aray, and moving forward toward the Brink of the Stage, when they could pass no farther, retir'd one thro' the Ranks of another; the whole chorus all the Time maintaining the same Space of Ground, they were before possess'd of; wherein this Countermarch differ'd from the two former, in both which the Phalanx chang'd it's Place.

[...], Countermarch by Rank, was contrary to the Countermarch by File: In the Countermarch by File the Mo­tion was in the Depth of the Battalia, the Front moving toward the Rear, or the Rear toward the Front, and succeeding into each other's Place; In this the Motion was in length of the Battalia flank-wise, the Wing either marching into the midst, or quite thro' to the opposit Wing: In doing this, the Souldiers, that stood last in the Flank of the Wing, mov'd first to the contrary Wing, the rest of every Rank following in their Order. It was likewise perform'd three ways:

• 1. The Macedonian Countermarch began it's Motion at the Cor­ner of the Wing nearest the Enemies upon their appearing at either Flank, and remov'd to the Ground on the Side of the contrary Wing, so resembling a Flight.
• 2. The Lacedemonian Countermarch, beginning it's Motion in the Wing farthest distant from the Enemy, seiz'd the Ground nearest to them, whereby an Onset was represented.
• 3. The Chor [...]an Countermarch maintain'd it's own Ground, only removing one Wing into the other's Place.

[...] is to double, or increase a Battalia, which was ef­fected two ways; For sometimes the Number of their Men was augmented, remaining still upon the same Space of Ground; some­times the Souldiers, continuing in the same Number, were so drawn out by thinning their Ranks, or Files, that they took up a much larger Space than before. Both these Augmentations of Men, or Ground, being made either in Length, or Depth, occasion'd four sorts of [...], which were made by Countermarches.

• 1. [...], or [...], when fresh Men were inserted into Ranks, the Length of the Battalion being still the same, but the Souldiers drawn up closer and thicker than before.
• 2. [...], or [...], was

  [Page]

  [Page 70] [...] [Page 71] when the Files were doubled, their Ground being of no larger Extent than before, by ranging them close to one another.
• 3. [...], or [...], when the Length of the Battalia was increas'd, without the Accession of new Forces, by placing the Souldiers at greater Distances from one another.
• 4. [...], or [...], when the Depth of Ground taken up by an Army was render'd greater, not by adding new Files, but separating the old to a greater Di­stance.

To conclude this Chapter, it may be observ'd, that the Grecians were excellently skill'd in the Method of imbattelling Armies, and maintain'd publick Profe [...]sours call'd [...] from [...], who exercis'd the Youth in this Art, and render'd them expert in all the Forms of Battle, before they adventur'd into the Field.

CHAPTER VII. Of their manner of making Peace, and declaring War, their Embassadors, &c.

BEFORE the Grecians engag'd themselves in War, it was usual to publish a Declaration of the Injuries they had re­ceiv'd, and to demand Satisfaction by Embassadors; For however prepar'd, or excellently skill'd they were in the Af­fairs of War, yet Peace, if to be procur'd upon honourable Terms, was thought more eligible: Which Custom was observ'd even in the most early Ages, as appears from the Story of Tydeus, whom Polynices sent to compose the Differences with his Brother Eteocles King of Thebes, before he proceeded to invest that City, as we are inform'd by Statius ^(a), and several others,

[Page 72] Nor was the Trojan War prosecuted with so great Hazard and Loss to both Parties, 'till these Means prov'd ineffectual; For we find that Ulysses and Menelaus were dispatch'd on an Embassy for Troy to demand Restitution; Whence Antenor thus bespeaks Helen ^(a),

The same Poet in another Place lets us understand, that their Pro­posal was rejected by the Trojans as over-rul'd by Antimachus, a Per­son of great Repute amongst them, whom Paris had engag'd to his Party by a large Summ of Money ^(b);

Invasions, indeed, without Notice were look'd on rather as Rob­beries than lawfull Wars, as design'd rather to spoil and make a Prey of Persons innocent and unprovided, than to repair any Losses, or Dammages sustain'd, which, for ought the Invaders knew, might have been satisfy'd for an easier Way. 'Tis therefore no Wonder, what Polybius ^(c) relates of the Aetolians, that they were held for the common Out-laws and Robbers of Greece, it being their Manner to strike without Warning, and make War without any previous and publick Declaration, whenever they had Opportunity of enriching themselves with the Spoil and Boo­ty of their Neighbours. Yet there wants not Instances of Wars begun without previous Notice, even by Nations of better Repute for Justice and Humanity; But this was not ordinary, being only done upon Provocations so great and exasperating, that no Recompence was thought sufficient to atone for them: Whence it came to pass, that these Wars were of all others the most bloody and pernicious, and fought with Excess of Rage and Fury; the contesting Parties being resolv'd to extirpate each other, if possible, out of the World.

Embassadors were usually Persons of great Worth, or eminent Station, that by their Quality and Deportment they might com­mand [Page 73] Respect and Attention from their very Enemies; And by what Injuries, or Affronts soever they were enrag'd, yet Embassa­dor [...] were held sacred by all Sides, and receiv'd no Harm without violating the Laws of Gods and Men, for they thought themselves oblig'd to prosecute with utmost Vengeance so great an Impiety: Whence (to omit several other Instances) we read that the Lace­demonians having inhumanly murder'd Xerxes's Embassadors, the Gods would accept none of their Oblations and Sacrifices, which were all found polluted with direfull Omens, 'till two Noblemen of Sparta were sent as an expiatory Sacrifice to Xerxes to atone for the Death of his Embassadors by their own: That Emperour in­deed gave them Leave to return in safety without any other Igno­miny, than what they suffer'd by a severe Reflection on the Spartan Nation, whose barbarous Cruelty he profess'd he would not imi­tate, however provok'd by them; Yet Divine Vengeance suffer'd them not to go unpunish'd, but inflicted what th [...] Men had as­sum'd to themselves, upon their Sons, for being sent on an Em­bassy into Asia, they were betray'd into the Hands of the Athenians, and by them put to Death, which my Authour concludes to have been a just Revenge from Heaven for the Lacedemonian Cruelty ^(a).

Whence this Holiness was deriv'd upon Embassadors, has been matter of Dispute: Fabulous Authours deduce it from the Honour paid by the Ancients to the [...], or Heralds, who were either themselves Embassadors, or, when others were deputed to that Service, accompany'd them, being held sacred on the account of their Original, because descended from Ceryx, the Son of Mercury, who was honour'd with the same Employment in Heaven, these obtain'd upon Earth: 'Tis true that these Men were ever had in great Esteem, and their Persons held sacred and inviolable; whence, as Eustathius observes, Ulysses in Homer, when cast upon foreign and unknown Coasts, usually sends an Herald to protect the Men deputed to make Discovery of the Country and it's In­habitants, Persons of that Character being reverenc'd even in bar­barous Nations, except some few, such as the Laestrygones, or Cy­clopes, in whom all Sence of Humanity was extinguish'd ^(b); They were likewise under the Care and Protection of Mercury the Presi­dent God of their Occupation, and Iupiter ^(c); whence Achilles calls them the Messengers not of Men only, but of Iupiter ^(d);

But these Honours seem not to have been conserr'd upon them so much, because they were descended from Mercury, (several other [Page 74] Families, to whom no such Respect was due, bearing themselves much higher on their Original) as upon account of their Office, which, being common to them with other Embassadors, seems to have challeng'd an equal Reverence to both: Licence, indeed, being once granted to treat Persons of that Character injuriously, all Hopes of Peace and Reconciliation amongst Enemies must be ba­nish'd for ever out of the World; and therefore in the most rude and unpolish'd Ages all sorts of Embassadors were civilly enter­tain'd, and dismiss'd with Safety: Whence Tydeus's Lady in Sta­tius ^(a) is prevail'd with to let her Husband go Embassador to Thebes, because that Title would afford him Protection in the Midst of his Enemies;

The Athenian Heralds were all of one Family, being descended from Ceryx the Son of Mercury, and Pandrosus Daughter to Cecrops King of Athens

The Lacedemonian Heralds were all descended from Talthybius, Agamemnon's Herald, who was honour'd with a Temple, and Di­vine Worship at Sparta ^(b).

They carry'd in their Hands a Staff of Lawrel, or Olive, call'd [...], round which two Serpents, without their Crests erected, were folded, as an Emblem of Peace and Concord ^(c). Instead of this the Athenian Heralds frequently made use of the [...], which was a Token of Peace and Plenty, being an Olive-branch cover'd with Wool, and adorn'd with all Sorts of Fruits of the Earth.

[...], or Heralds, are by some thought to differ from [...], or Embassadors, in this; That Embassadors were employ'd in Treaties of Peace, whereas Heralds were sent to declare War ^(d): But this Distinction is not constant, or perpetual, the [...] being frequently taken for Persons commission'd to treat about accommodating Differences, which may appear, as from some of the

[Page] [Page 75] fore-cited Places of Eustathius, so from several Passages in Homer, and other Authors.

Embassadors were of two sorts, being either sent with a li­mited Commission, which they were not to exceed, or invested with full Power of determining Matters according to their own Discretion. The former were liable to be call'd in Question for their Proceedings; The latter were subject to no after-reckoning, but wholly their own Masters, and for that reason styl'd [...], Plenipotentiaries ^(a).

It may be observ'd, that the Lacedemonians, as in most other Things their Customs were different from the rest of their Coun­try-men, so likewise in their Choice of Embassadors had this pe­culiar, that for the most part they deputed Men, between whom there was no very good Correspondence; supposing it most im­probable, that such Persons should so far trust one another, as to con [...]pire together against the Common-wealth: for the same rea­son, it was thought a piece of Policy in that State to raise Dis­sentions between their Kings ^(b).

Their Leagues were of three sorts: 1. A bare [...], or Peace, whereby both Parties were oblig'd to cease from all Acts of Hostility, and neither to molest one another, nor the Confederates of either.

2. [...], whereby they oblig'd themselves to assist one ano­ther in case they should be invaded.

3. [...], whereby they covenanted to assist one another as well when they made Invasions upon others', as when them­selves were invaded, and to have the same Friends and Enemies ^(c).

All these Covenants were solemnly confirm'd by mutual Oaths, the manner of which I have already describ'd in a former Book ^(d): To the end, they might lye under a greater Obligation to preserve them inviolate, we find it customary to engrave them upon Tables, which they fix'd up at Places of general Concourse, that all the World might be Witnesses of their Justice and Fideli­ty: Thus we find the Articles of Treaty between Athens and Sparta not only publish'd in those Cities, but at the Places where the Olympian, Pythian, and Isthmian Games were celebrated ^(e). Far­ther, to continue the Remembrance of mutual Agreements fresh in their Minds, it was not uncommon for States thus united, in­terchangeably to send Embassadors, who, on some appointed Day, when the People assembled in great Numbers, should openly re­peat, and by mutual Consent confirm their former Treaty: This we find practis'd by the Athenians and Spartans after their fore-mention'd [Page 76] League, the Spartan Embassadors presenting themselves at Athens upon the Festival of Bacchus, and the Athenians at Sparta on the Festival of Hyacinthus.

Their manner of declaring War was to send an Herald, who bid the Persons that had injur'd them to prepare for an Invasion, and sometimes in token of Defiance cast a Spear towards them. The Athenians frequently let loose a Lamb into their Enemies Ter­ritories; signifying thereby, that what was then an Habitation for Men, should be laid wast and desolate, and become a Pasture for Sheep ^(a).

This was rarely done without the Advice and Encouragement of the Gods; the Soothsayers, and all sorts of Diviners were con­sulted, the Oracles enrich'd with Presents, and no Charge, or Labour spar'd to engage▪ Heaven (so they imagin'd) to their Party: Instances of this kind are almost as common as the De­clarations of War, which was never undertaken before the Gods had been consulted about the Issue: Nor was the Verdict of a single Deity thought sufficient, for in Wars of great Moment and Consequence, whereon the Safety of their Country and Liberties depended, they had Recourse to the whole Train of prophetical Divinities, soliciting all with earnest Prayers lifted up to Heaven on the Wings of costly Offerings and magnificent Presents, to favour them with wholesom Counsell. A remarkable Example whereof we have in Craesus before he declar'd War against the Per­sians, when not content with the Answers of his own Gods, and all the celebrated Oracles in Greece, in consulting which he had lavishly profus'd vast Quantities of Treasure, he dispatch'd Em­bassadors as far as Libya loaden with Wealth, to ask Advice of Iupiter Hammon ^(b).

When they were resolv'd to begin the War, it was customary to offer Sacrifices and make large Vows to be paid upon the Suc­cess of their Enterprize. Thus when Darius invaded Attica, Cal­limachus made a Vow to Minerva, that, if she would vouchafe the Athenians Victory, he would sacrifice upon her Altars as many He-goats, as should equal the Number of the slain among their Enemies: Nor was this Custom peculiar to Greece, but frequently practis'd in most other Countries: Many Instances occurr in the Histories of Rome, Persia, &c. The Iews likewise were acquainted there­with, as may appear from Iephthah's Vow, when he undertook to be Captain over Israel against the Ammonites ^(c).

After all these Preparations, tho' the Posture of Affairs appear'd never so inviting, it was held no less impious than dangerous to march against their Enemies, 'till the Season favour'd their Enter­prize: For being extremely superstitious in the Observation of [Page 77] Omens, and Days, 'till those became fortunate, they durst not make any Attempts upon their Enemies: An Eclipse of the Moon, or any other of those they esteem'd unlucky Accidents, was enough to deterr them from Marching: And if all other Things promis'd Success, yet they deferr'd their Expedition 'till one of the Days, they look'd on as fortunate, invited them to it. The Athenians could not be perswaded to march [...] before the seventh ^(a); which gave Occasion to the Proverb, whereby Persons, that under­took any Business unseasonably and before the proper Time, were said to do it [...] ^(b). But the Lacedemonians were of all others the most nice and scrupulous in these Observations; their Law­giver having commanded them to pay a critical and inviolate Obedience to the Celestial Predictions, and to regulate all their Proceedings as well in Civil, as Military Affairs by the Consti­tution of the Heavenly Bodies: Amongst the rest they were ob­lig'd by a particular Precept never to march before the full Moon ^(c); For that Planet was believ'd to have a supernatural and extraor­dinary Influence upon their Affairs, to bless them with Success, when it self was in the Height of it's Splendour, but, 'till it was arriv'd there, to neglect, or suffer them to be blasted for want of Power to send Assistance: So constant a Belief of this had they entertain'd, that the greatest Necessity could not prevail upon them to alter their Measures; For when the Athenians were like to fall into the Hands of Darius, and sent to implore their Assistance, they agree'd indeed to send them a Supply of Men, but, rather then march before full Moon, forc'd them to run the hazard of a de­cisive Battle, and with a small and appearingly inconsiderable Hand­full of Souldiers to encounter an hundred-thousand Medians ^(d).

CHAPTER VIII. Of their Camps, Guards, Watches, and Military course of Life.

OF the Form of the Grecian Camps nothing exact and con­stant can be deliver'd, that being not always the same, but vary'd, as the Custom, or Humour of different States, or the Conveniencies of Place and Time requir'd. The Lacedemonians, indeed, are said to have been prescrib'd a constant Method of building Towns, and encamping by their Law-giver, [Page 78] who thought a Spherical Figure the best fitted for Defence ^(a); which was contrary to the Custom of the Romans, whose Camps were Quadrangular; but all Forms of that sort were rejected by Lycurgus, the Angles being neither fit for Service, nor defensible, unless guarded by a River, Mountain, Wall, or some such Forti­fication. It is farther observable of the Lacedemonians, that they frequently mov'd their Camps, being accustom'd vigorously to pro­secute all their Enterprizes, impatient of Delays and tedious Procra­stinations, and utterly averse from passing their Time without Action: Wherefore the reason of this being demanded of Lycur­gus, he reply'd that ‘Twas that they might do greater Dammage to their Enemies ^(b): To which Xenophon adds a second, That they might give more early Relief to their Friends ^(c).’

Of the rest of the Grecian Camps it may be observ'd, that the valiantest of the Souldiers were plac'd at the Extremities, the rest in the Middle; that the stronger might be a Guard to the weaker, and sustain the first Onsets, if the Enemy should endeavour to force their Entrenchments. Thus we find Achilles and Ajax posted at the Ends of the Grecian Camp before Troy, as Bulwarks on each Side the rest of the Princes, who had their Tents in the Mid­dle, as we learn from Homer ^(d);

When they design'd to continue long in their Encampments, they contriv'd a Place, where Altars were erected to the Gods, and all Parts of Divine Service solemnly perform'd; In the same Place publick Assemblies were call'd together, when the General had any Thing to communicate to his Souldiers; and Courts of Justice were held, wherein all Controversies among the Souldiers were decided, and Criminals sentenc'd to Punishment: Which Custom was as ancient as the Trojan War, and is mention'd by Homer ^(e);

When they were in Danger of having their Camp attack'd, it was usual to fortify it with a Trench and Rampire, or Wall, on the Sides whereof they erected Turrets not unlike those upon the Walls of Cities, out of which they annoy'd their Enemies with missive Weapons. Thus the Grecians in Homer were forc'd to defend them­selves in the ninth Year of the Trojan War, when Achilles refus'd to assist them, whereas 'till that Time they had wanted no Forti­fications, but immur'd the Trojans within their own Walls: The Poet has thus describ'd their Works ^(a);

The manner of living in Camps depended upon the Disposition of their Generals, some of which allow'd their Souldiers in all sorts of Excess and Debauchery; others oblig'd them to the strictest Rules of Temperance and Sobriety; a remarkable Instance whereof we have in Philip of Macedon, who (as Polyaenus reports) con­demn'd two of his Souldiers to Banishment for no other Offence, than because he had found them with a Singing-woman in his Camp. But the Grecian Discipline was not always so severe and rigid, as may appear from Plutarch ^(b), who tells us, that the Lacedemonians alone of all the Grecians had no Stage-players, no [Page 80] Juglers, no dancing or Singing-women attending them, but were free from all sorts of Debauchery and Loosness, of gaudy Pomp and Foppery; The young Men, when commanded nothing by their General, were always employ'd in some Exercise, or manly Study, the old were busy'd in giving Instructions, or receiving them from Persons more skillfull than themselves, and their looser Hours were diverted with their usual Drollery, and rallying one another facetiously after the Lacomck Fashion: Yet [...]heir Law-giver allow'd them greater Liberty in the Camp, than at other Times, to invite them to serve with Delight in the Wars; For, whilst they were in the Field, their Exercises were more moderate than at Home, their Fare not so hard, nor so strict a Hand kept over them by their Governours; so that they were the only People in the World, to whom War gave Repose. They were likewise allow'd to have costly Arms, and fine Cloaths, and frequently persum'd themselves, and curl'd their Hair; Whence we read that Xerxes was struck with Admiration, when his Scouts brought him Word, the Lacedemonian Guards were at Gymnical Sports, and curling their Hair ^(a).

Their Guards may be distinguish'd into [...] and [...]: the first were upon Duty by Day, the other by Night. At several Hours in the Night certain Officers call'd [...] did [...], or walk round the Camp, and visit the Watch; to try whether any of them were asleep, they had a little Bell, term'd [...], at the Sound of which the Souldiers were to answer ^(b): Whence to go this Circuit was call'd [...], and [...],

Hence also [...] is us'd for [...], to try, or prove ^(c); and [...] for [...], untry'd, or unprov'd ^(d). This Custom furnish'd Brasidas with an Advantage against Potidaea in the Peloponnesian War; For, having observ'd the Sounding of the Bell to be over, he took his Opportunity before the Bell's Re­turn to set up Ladders in an unguarded Place of the Wall, and so enter'd the City ^(e).

The Lacedemonian Watch were not permitted to have their Buck­lers, that, being unable to defend themselves, they might be more cautious how they fell asleep. To which Custom Tzetzes alludes in one of his Historical Chiliads ^(f);

The rest of the Spartan Souldiers were oblig'd to take their Rest arm'd, that they might be prepar'd for Battle upon any Alarm ^(a).

It may be farther observ'd of the Spartans, that they kept a dou­ble Watch; One within their Camp, to observe their Allies, lest they should make a sudden Defection; The other upon some Emi­nence, or other Place, whence there was a good Prospect, to watch the Motions of their Enemies ^(b).

How often the Guards were reliev'd doth not appear; as nei­ther whether it was done at set and constant Times, or according to the Commander's Pleasure. [...] indeed, which signifies a Watch, is frequently taken for the fourth Part of the Night, an­swering to the Roman Vigiliae; as appears from several Places of the New Testament, as well as other Authors; But it seems to have this Signification rather from the Roman, than Grecian Watches, those being chang'd four Times every Night, that is, every third Hour, (computing the Night from six to six, or rather from Sun to Sun) for the Time between the two Suns was divided into twelve equal Parts, which were not always the same, like our Hours, but greater, or less, according to the Season of the Year; and are therefore by Astronomers term'd unequal and planetary Hours.

CHAPTER IX. Of their Battles, the General's Harangues, the Sacri­fices, Musick, Signals, Ensigns, the Word, and Way of ending Wars by single Combat, &c.

BEFORE they joyn'd Battle, the Souldiers always refresh'd themselves with Victuals, eating and drinking plentifully: Which Custom with it's Reasons we have largely accounted [Page 82] for in Ulysses's elegant Oration to Achilles ^(a), where he advises the young General by no means to lead out the Army fasting:

We are told also by Livy, that the Romans thought this a Prepara­tive absolutely necessary, and never omitted it before Engagements ^(b).

[Page 83]This done, the Commanders marshall'd the Army in order to an Engagement: In which Art the Grecians were far inferiour to the Romans; for drawing up their whole Army, as it were, into one Front, they trusted the Success of the Day to a single Force; whereas the Romans, ranging their Hastati, Principes, and Triarii in distinct Bodie▪ behind one another, were able after the Defeat of their first Body twice to renew the Battle, and could not be entirely routed, 'till they had lost three several Victories. Yet something not unlike this we find practis'd as long since as the Trojan War, where old Nest [...]r is said to have plac'd a Body of Horse in the Front, behind these the most infirm of the Foot, and, last of all, such of them as surpass'd the rest in Strength and Va­lour ^(a);

Where tho' some interpret [...], and [...] of the right and left Wings, and others several other Ways, yet the most natural and genuine Sence of the Poet seems to be, that they were drawn up behind one another ^(b).

At this Time the General made an Oration to his Souldiers, wherein with all the Motives suitable on such Occasions he ex­horted them to exert their utmost Force and Vigour against the Enemy: And so wonderfull was the Success, that attended these Performances, that many times, when Affairs were in a declining, and almost desperate Condition, the Souldiers, animated with fresh Life and Courage, have instantly retriev'd them, and repuls'd those very Enemies, by whom themselves had before been defeated: Se­veral of these Instances may be found in the Grecian and Roman Histories, few of which are more remarkable than that of Tyrtaeus the lame Athenian Poet, to whom the Command of the Spartan Army, was given by the Advice of an Oracle in one of the Messe­nian [Page 84] Wars; The Spartans had at that Time suffer'd great Losses in ma­ny Encounters, and all their Strategems prov'd ineffectual, so that they began to despair almost of Success, when the Poet by his Le­ctures of Honour and Courage, deliver'd in moving Verse to the Army, ravish'd them to such a Degree with the Thoughts of dying for their Country, that, ru [...]hing on with a furious Transport to meet their Enemies, they gave them an entire Overthrow, and by one decisive Battle put an happy Conclusion to the War ^(a).

Before they adventur'd to joyn their Enemies, they endea­vour'd by Prayers, S [...]crifices, and Vows to engage Heaven to their Assistance, and sung an Hymn to Mars, call'd [...], as that sung to Ap [...]llo after a prosperous Battle, was term'd [...] ^(b). The Lacedemonians had a peculiar Custom of sa­crificing to the Muses, which was either design'd to soften and mollify their passionate Transports, it being their Custom to enter the Battle calm and sedate ^(c); or to animate them to perform noble and H [...]r [...]ical Exploits, d [...]s [...]rving to be transmit­ted by those Goddesses to Posterity ^(d). The Soothsayers in­spected all the Sacrifices to presage th [...] Success of the Battle; And 'till the Omens prov'd favourable, they rather chose t [...]me­ly to resign their Lives to the Enemy, than to defend them­selves. The Spartans especially were above Measure addicted to this Superstition; For in the famous Battle at Pla [...], when Mardonius the Persian General had fall'n upon th [...] Grecians, Pau­sanias the Spartan, who at that Time commanded the Grecian Ar­my, offering Sacrifice, found it not acceptable to the Gods, and thereupon commanded his Lacedemonians, laying down their Buck­lers at their Feet, patiently to abide his Commands; The Priests offer'd one Sacrifice after another, but all without Success, the Barbarians all the Time charging upon them, and wounding and slaying them in their Ranks, 'till at length Pausanias turning him­self towards the Temple, with Hands lifted up to Heaven, and Tears in his Eyes, besought Iuno of Cithaeron, and the rest of the Tutelar Deities of the Plataeans, that if the Fates would not favour the Grecians with Victory, they would grant at least, that by some remarkable Exploit they might demonstrate to their Enemies, that they wag'd War with Men of true Courage and Bravery: These Prayers were no sooner finish'd, when the Sacrifices appearing pro­pition, the Signal was given, and they fell with Resolution upon the [...]ersians, and in a short Time entirely defeated their whole Army ^(e).

Their Signals are commonly divided into [...], and [...], [Page 85] which Words sometimes indeed are us'd promiscuously, but in Propriety of Speech are distinguish'd.

[...] were of two kinds, either [...], or [...], i.e. pronounc'd by the Mouth, or visible to the Eye: The first are term'd [...], the later [...].

[...], in Latin Tes [...]era, or the Word, communicated by the General to the subordinate Officers, by them to the whole Army, as a Mark of Distinction to know Friends from Enemies ^(a). It commonly contain'd some good Omen, or the Nam [...] of some Dei­ty worship'd by their Country, or General, and from whom they expected Success in their Enterprizes. Cyrus, for example, us'd [...], or [...] ^(b); Caesar, Venus geri [...] ^(c); Au­gustus, Apollo ^(d): But this Custom often prov'd of fatal and perni­cious Consequence; for by frequently questioning one another they bred Confusion among themselves, and (which was no less dangerous) discover'd their Word to the Enemies; As we find happening in the Fight between the Athenians and Syracusians, spoken of by Thu­ [...]dides ^(e): It became likewise the Occasion of several mischievous S [...]rategems, one of which we find practis' [...] by an Ar [...]adi [...]n Captain in a War with Laedem [...]n; when engaging in the Night, all the T [...]ssera he gave his Souldiers was, that they should forthwith lull whoever demanded the Word; whereby th [...]y easily distinguish'd, and slew the Spartans, themselves being undiscover'd, and therefore secure ^(f).

[...] was a visible Character of Distinction, as nod­ding their Heads, waving their Hands, clashing their Weapons, or such like ^(g).

[...] were Ensigns, or Flags, the Elevation whereof was a Signal to joyn Battle, the Depression to desist ^(h). Of these there were different sorts, several of which were adorn'd with Images of Animals, or other Things bearing peculiar Relations to the Cities they belong'd to; The Athenians, for instance, bore an Owl in their Ensigus ⁽ⁱ⁾, as being sacred to Minerva, the Protectress of their City: The Thebans a Sphinx ^(k), in memory of the famous Mon­ster overcome by Oedipus: The Persians paid Divine Honours to the Sun, and therefore represented him in their Ensigns ^(l).

The [...] was frequently a Purple Coat upon the Top of a Spear, as appears of Conon's in Polyaenus, and [...]'s in Plu­tarch: Nor was it uncommon to use other Colours; Polybius speak­ing [Page 86] of the Fight between Antigonus and Cleomenes ^(a) tells us; ‘That the Illyrians, having Orders to begin the Battle, were to re­ceive a Signal by a white Flag, that should be spread from th [...] nearest Post to Olympus; But the Signal to be given to the Me­gelopolitans and th [...] Cavalry, was a Purple Coat, which was to be advanc'd in the Air, where Antigonus himself was posted.’

The ancient Grecian Signals were lighted Torches thrown from both Armies by Men call'd [...], or [...], who were Pri [...]sts of Mars, and therefore held inviolable; and, having cast their Torches, had safe Regress ^(b): Whence of Battles sought with Trans­port of Fury, wherein no Quarter was given, it was usual to say, [...], i.c. Not so much as a Torch-bearer escap'd. To this Custom there are frequent Allusions in Greek and Lat [...]n Poets: Lycophron, speaking of the Ph [...]ni [...]ians, who by stealing [...] b [...]gan the Quarrel between Europe and Asia, saith,

Hence also Sta [...]ius ^(d);

[...] likewise, with others, whom I shall forbear to mention, [...] notice of this Custom ^(e),

Th [...]se being laid aside, Shells of Fishes succeeded, which they found [...]d in the manner of Trumpets, which in those Days were not invented ^(f). Hence Theognis's Riddle may easily be inter­preted,

T [...]ton's Shell-trumpet is famous in Poetical Story; Whence Ovid speaking of Neptune ^(a),

And most of the Poets mention this Cust [...]m in their Description of the primitive Wars: Whence Theocritus in his Poem about the Exploits of Castor and Pollux ^(b),

Lycophron also, speaking of the Trojan War ^(c),

[Page 88] Where tho' the Scholiast falls soul upon the Poet for introducing Shells at a Time when Trumpets were in use, which he tells us may be made appear from Homer, yet herein he seems to be too audacious, it being observable ^(a), that, tho' Homer mentions Trumpets, yet they never make any Part of the Description of his Heroical Battles, but only furnish him with a Simile, or Allu­sion; As happens in the Place cited by Tzetzes[?] ^(b),

Whence it may be presum'd, that Trumpets were indeed us'd in Homer's Time, being then only a late Invention, and not so an­cient as the Trojan War, as the old Scholiast hath also observ'd ^(c). Virgil indeed appears to give some Countenance to Tzetzes's Opi­nion, when he speakes of Mis [...]nus, whom he makes to have serv'd Hector in the Trojan War, & afterward Aeneas, in the Office of a Trumpeter ^(d);

But here the Brazen Trumpet and lit [...]s are taken from the Practice of the Poet's own Age by a Figure familiar to Men of his Pro­ [...]ession; for Misenus was never acquainted with so rare a Contri­vance, and tho' we find him so proud of his Art, as to chal­lenge the Gods of the Sea, yet 'twas not to a Contention on the Trumpet, but on a Shell, the Instrument us'd by these Deities: Whence the same Poet, who may be suppos'd to be the best Inter­preter of his own Words, adds in the Verses immediately following,

There were six several sorts of Trumpets ^(a), which have occa­sion'd the Disagreement in ancient Writers concerning the first Author of the Invention; it being common for them to ascribe to the Inventor of any one sort the Honour of the first Con­trivance.

• 1. The first Trumpet was contriv'd by Minerva, the common Mother and Patroness of almost all Arts and usefull Inventions; Whence she was honour'd with' the Title of [...], mention'd in Lycophron ^(b),
  [...]

  [...].—
  Under this Name she was worship'd in a Temple dedicated to her at Argos ^(c): But Pausanias is rather of opinion, that this Trum­pet was the Invention of one of Hercules's Sons call'd Tyrrhenus, [Page 90] whose Son Hegelaus (having communicated it to a Party of Do­riant, the Subjects of Temenus) in Memory of the Invention, and out of Gratitude to the Goddess for Assistance therein, gave her this Sirname ^(a).
• 2. The second was the Aegyptian Trumpet, call'd [...], Osirit's Contrivance: It was round, and us'd at Sacrifices to call the Congregation together ^(b)
• 3. The third was invented in Gallia Celtica, where it was term'd [...]: It gave a very shrill Sound, but was not very large: It was cast in a Mould, and had it's Mouth adorn'd with the Fi­gure of some Animal. They had a Pi [...]e of Lead, thro' which they blew into the Trumpet, when they sounded.
• 4. The fourth was first us'd in Paphlagonia, and call'd [...], from [...], or the Figure of an Ox upon it's upper Orisice; It had a deep base Sound.
• 5. The fifth was invented in Media, had also a deep Note, and was sounded by the Help of a Pipe compos'd of Reeds.
• 6. The sixth was call'd [...], because invented by Tyrrhenians, from whom it was communicated to the Grecians by one Archondas, who came to assist the Heraclidae, or Posterity of Hercules ^(c). Others attribute the first Contrivance of it to Tyr­rhenus, Hercules's Son ^(d). It's Orisice was cleft, and sent forth an ex­ceeding loud and shrill Sound, not unlike the Phrygian Flute; Whence it became of all the rest the most proper for Engagements: Ulysses in Sophocles compares to it the Goddess Minerva's Voice ^(e),
  [...]

  [...]

  [...]

  [...]

  How clear, Minerva, and distinct thy Voice,

  Thou, whom I reverence above the rest

  Of Deities, who crowd th' Aetherial Court,

  Thy Voice I know, and perfectly retain,

  Altho' thou art unseen, as if I'd heard

  The Tyrrhene Trumpet, whose continuing Sound

  Leaves an Impression of it's echoing Notes.

  Mr. Abell.
  Where the Scholiast observes, that Minerva's Voice is resembled to [Page 91] the Tyrrhenian Trumpet, because it was easily known by reason of it's Loudness, as that Trumpet excell'd all others, and was at the first hearing easy to be distinguish'd from them.

These were the most common and remarkable sorts of Trumpets; others may perhaps now and then occurr in Authors, such as the Libyan mention'd by Suidas, and one of Sophocles's Scholiasts ^(a), but seem to be of less Note, and not so frequently us'd.

Several other Instruments were us'd in sounding Alarms; the [...], or Pipe, in Arcadia; the [...], sometimes term'd [...], in Sicily ^(b). The Cretans were call'd to Battle by the Sound of [...], or Flutes ^(c); as others, of Citharae, Lutes, or Viols ^(d); but, as most of the ancient Writers affirm, of Lyrae, or Harps ^(e), which, Plutarch tells us, were not laid aside for many Ages ^(f): The Person that sounded the Alarm the Cretans call'd [...], and others term'd him [...] ^(g) from a sort of Trumpet call'd [...].

The Lacedemonians are particularly remarkable for beginning their Engagements with a Concent of Flutes ^(h); The reason of which Practice being demanded of Agesilaus, he reply'd, ‘That it was to distinguish Cowards’; such being unable by reason of their Consternation to keep Time with their Feet to the Musick, as was their Custom. This Answer is indeed facetious, and not wholly without Truth, yet seems not fully to comprehend the De­sign of this Custom. Valerius Maximus is yet farther from the Truth, and stands in direct Opposition to it, when he supposes it intended to raise the Courage of the Souldiers, that they might begin the Onset with greater Violence and Fury; for Thucydides, with whom the rest of ancient Historians agree, assures us, that the Design of it was rather to render them cool and sedate, Trumpets and other Instruments being more proper to inspire with Heat and Rage; but these Passions they thought rather apt to beget Disorder and Confusion, than to produce any noble and memorable Actions, Valour being not the Effect of any sudden and vanishing Trans­port, but proceeding from a settled and habitual Firmness and Con­stancy of Mind: Wherefore they endeavour'd not with Noise and Hast, but with compos'd Minds, and settled Countenances▪ to ad­vance in a majestick and deliberate Pace towards their Enemies. The manner of it is describ'd by Plutarch ⁽ⁱ⁾, who tells us, ‘That the Army being drawn up in Battle-aray, and the Enemy near, the King sacrific'd a She-goat, and at the same Time commanded the [Page 92] Souldiers to adorn their Heads with Garlands, and the Fluters to play [...], the Tune of Castor's Hymn; and him­self, advancing forwards, begun the [...], or Alarm: So that it was at once a delightfull and terrible Sight to see them march on keeping Pace to the Tune of their Flutes, with­out ever troubling their Order, or confounding their Ranks, their Musick leading them into Danger cheerfull and unconcern'd: For (proceeds my Author) Men thus dispos'd were not likely to be possess'd with Fear, or transported with Fury; but they proceeded with a deliberate Valour full of Hope and good Assurance, as if some D [...]vinity had sensibly assisted them.’ Maximus the Ty­rlan attributes to this Method those great Successes, and nume­rous Victories, that have render'd the Spartan Name famous in all succeeding Ages; but it seems peculiarly calculated and adapted to the Discipline and Temper of that State; and scarce to be imi­tated, 'till the old Lacedemonian Resolution, and unparallel'd Firm­ness of Mind can be recall'd.

The rest of the Grecians advanc'd with eager Hast and Fury, and in the Beginning of their Onset gave a general Shout to encou­rage and animate themselves, and strike Terrour into their Ene­mies: This was call'd [...], from the Souldiers repeating [...], Suidas makes them to have cry'd also [...]: The first Au­thor of it was Pan, Bacchus's Lieutenant-General in his Indian Ex­pedition; where, being encompass'd in a Valley with an Army of Enemies far superiour to them in Number, he advis'd the God to order his Men in the Night to give a general Shout, which so surpriz'd the opposit Army, that they immediately fled from their Camp: Whence it came to pass, that all sudden Fears, im­press'd upon Men's Spirits without any just Reason, were call'd, by the Greeks and Romans, Panick Terrours ^(a).

This Custom seems to have been us'd by almost all Nations, Barbarous as well as Civil; and is mention'd by all Writers, that treat of Martial Affairs: Homer hath oblig'd us with several ele­gant Descriptions of it, too numerous to be inserted in this Place: I shall however give you one out of the fourth Iliad ^(b), where he resembles the Military Noise to Torrents rowling with impetuous Force from Mountains into the subjacent Vallies;

Some may inferr from the Beginning of Homer's third Iliad, that this Noise was only a Barbarous Custom, practis'd indeed by the Trojans, but laugh'd at by the more civiliz'd Grecians ^(a):

But this is o [...]ly to be understood of their March, as appears likewise from another Passage in the fourth Iliad, where the Poet has admirably represented the Order and regular March of the Gre­cians, with the Confusion and disorderly Motion of the Barbarians ^(b):

Where 'tis manifest he only speaks of their March, because a few Ver [...]es after, where he comes to describe the Engagement of the two Armies, he does it in the Words before cited; and in all other Places he mentions the great Noise and Clamour of both Par­ties in their Encounters. Thus in the sixteenth Iliad he speaks of Achilles's Myrmidons ^(a),

And a little before ^(b);

[Page 95] Nay so necessary, and almost essential was this Shout to a Battle, that [...], and [...] are us'd by the Poet as equivalent Terms for [...]: And, when he commends his Hero's for being [...], he often means no more than [...], excellent War­riours. 'Twas also one Part of a good Souldier's and Commander's Character to have a strong Voice, not only because it was the Custom to signify their Orders by Word of Mouth before Trumpets were invented, but for the Terrour wherewith it surpriz'd and astonish'd their Enemies ^(a): Instances of this Nature are very frequent in Homer, where Hector, Achilles, and several others strike a Cons [...]er­nation into the adverse Party with a Shout: And later Authors give this good Quality it's peculiar Commendation; Plutarch in particular, in his Character of Marcius Coriolanus the Roman Gene­ral, observes that he was not only dreadfull to meet in the Field by reason of his Hand and Stroke, but (what he tells us Cato re­quir'd in an accomplish'd Warriour) insupportable to an Enemy for the very Tone and Accent of his Voice, and the sole Terrour of his Aspect.

In the Heroical Wars the Generals sought at the Head of their Armies, as appears in all Homer's Battles: Whence they are fre­quently term'd [...], and [...], because they did [...], fight before their Armies: Thus when he lead up the Trojans ^(b),

And when Achilles sends out his Souldiers to defend the Grecian Ships, having allotted to the rest of his Officers their several Posts, he places Patroclus and Automedon, as chief Commanders, before the Front ^(c),

To heap up more Instances in a Thing so well known would be to no purpose. In wiser Ages this Practice was laid aside, and [Page 96] Generals, considering how much the Event of the Battle depended upon the Preservation of their Persons, usually chose safer Posts, and were more cautious how they adventur'd themselves into Danger.

The Retreat, and other Commands seem usually to have been soun­ded upon the same Instrument, wherewith the Alarm was given: Yet in those Places, where the Alarm was sounded by soft and gentle Musick, the Retreat and other Orders we find sometimes signify'd upon louder Instruments: Which may be observ'd of the Lacede­monians, who seem to have us'd Trumpets in signifying the General's Orders, as appears from Polybius ^(a), who reports that Cleomenes commanded a Party of his Army to change their Posts by Sound of Trumpet.

The Lacedemonians, when their Enemies fled out of the Field, were not allow'd to prosecute their Victory, or make long and ea­ger Pursuits after them ^(b): While they made Opposition, and were able to fight for Mastery, they contended with invinci­ble Courage and Resolution to bear, them down; but, when they ceas'd to make Resistance, and yielded the Day, they gave them Liberty to provide for their Safety by Flight, pursuing them on­ly a very short Space, and that by flow and easy Paces: The rea­son of which Custom Pausanias ^(c) accounts for from their strict and inviolate Observance of Order and Discipline, which made them rather choose to let their Enemies escape, than by breaking their Ranks to overtake them: Plutarch's Relation seems also rational, and well suited to the old Spartan Temper; ‘That the Spartans, having routed an Enemy, pursu'd him 'till they had com­pleted their Victory, and then sounded a Retreat; thinking it base, and unworthy of true Grecians, to cut Men in Pieces, that had ceas'd from resisting them, and left them the Field: Which manner of Dealing with those they had conquer'd, did not on­ly shew their Magnanimity and Greatness of Soul, but had a po­litick End in it too; For their Enemies, knowing that they kill'd only those who made Resistance, and gave Quarter to the rest, generally thought it their best Way to consult their Safety by an early Flight ^(d).’

One Thing farther remains before the Conclusion of this Chapter, viz. That it was frequent amongst the ancient Grecians to put their Cause upon the Issue of a single Combat, and to decide their Quarrels by two, or more Champions on each Side: And their Kings and great Commanders were so eager in their Pursuit after Glory, so tender of the Lives of their Subjects, that they frequently sent Challenges to their Rival Princes, to end their Quarrel by a single Encounter, that by the Death of one of them they might prevent the [Page 97] Effusion of more Blood: Remarkable Instances hereof we have in Xanthus King of B [...]eotia, who, challenging the King of Att [...]ca, was slain by him, and so ended a dangerous War between those States ^(a); and in Pittacus the famous Mitylenian, who slew Phryno the Athenian General in single Combat: Ancient Histories are full of such Examples, as likewise of Wars happily concluded by a small Number commission'd by mutual Agreement to decide the Controversy: The Lacedemonians furnish us with one memo­rable Instance in their Wars with Argos about the Title to Thy­rea, which was determin'd by three-hundred on each Side: Nor was the Conclusion of the War between the Tegeans and Pheneans, two petty States in Arcadia, less remarkable, being effected by a Combat of three Brothers on each Side ^(b), all the Circumstances of whose Story run exactly parallel to that of the Horatii and Curiatii so famous in Roman Histories: The Eastern Countries were acquainted with the same Custom, as may appear from Go­liath's challenging the Israelitish Host to give him a Man to fight with him, and the Flight of the Philistines upon David's Victory over their Champion.

CHAPTER X. Of their Sieges, with the most remarkable of their Inventions, and Engines us'd therein.

THERE are no Footsteps of any Siege amongst the primi­tive Grecians; their Cities were not fortify'd with Walls, but lay open to all Invaders, and, their Inhabitants once vanquish'd in open Field, became an easy Prey to the Conque­rors▪ Wherefore 'tis not to be wonder'd, that the People of those Times enjoy'd no fix'd and settled Habitations, but frequently re­mov'd from one Part of the Country to another, being forc'd to quit their Seats, whenever they were coveted by a Power superiour to their own ^(c).

This moving and unsettled Condition, wh [...]rein they continu'd for some Ages, caus'd them to attempt several Methods to secure themselves: Some built their Cities upon the Tops of unaccessible Rocks, and Mountains, whence they could easily r [...]pell a greater Force of Enemies: Others, whose Situation was not so d [...]fensi­ble, were driven to seek other Ways for their Safety, 'till at length some Heads of no vulgar Understanding brought forth an ama­zing [Page 98] Contrivance to enclose their Houses and Possessions within Walls; this at first was look'd on as a Work so wonderfull, so far above Human Capacity, that the Gods were frequently call'd from their blessed Mansions to undertake it: The Walls of Troy (to mention no more) were of Divine Workmanship, and rais'd by no meaner Persons than Neptune and Apollo: But if Mortals had the Happiness to project, and finish so great a Design; they seldom sail'd of being translated to Heaven, and having their Names enroll'd among those exalted Beings, to whom they were thought to make neat Approaches, whilst on Earth.

And, since it was their Custom to immortalize the first Authors of every little Contrivance, 'tis no Wonder if they conferr'd the same Honours on those great Benefactours, to whom they were ob­lig'd for the Security and quiet Possession of whatever the rest of their Deities had gratify'd them with. Once, indeed, enclos'd within Walls, they look'd upon themselves safe from all Assaults; and, had not a weak Opposition within been sufficient to repell much greater Forces of Invaders, such a Town as Troy could ne­ver have held out ten Years against an hundred-thousand Besiegers.

Nor were the Grecians of later Ages, however renown'd for Know­ledge in Military Affairs, very willing to undertake, or expert in managing Sieges; But rather chose to end thei [...] Quarrels, if possi­ble, by one decisive Battle, than to undergo the Fatigue, and other Incommodities of so tedious, so d [...]ngerous, and expensive a Method.

Of all the Grecians the most averse from undertaking Leaguers, the most unskilfull in carrying them on to Advantage, were the Lacedemonians; insomuch that after Mardonius's Defeat at Plataeae, when a Body of Persians had taken Refuge in some Wooden For­tifications, they could find no Means to drive them thence, but must have been forc'd to retire, had not the Athenians, and some other Grecians advanc'd to their Assistance ^(a). For we are told by Plutarch, That their Law-giver oblig'd them by a special Injun­ction not easily to engage in Besieging Towns; and to loose their Lives in such Undertakings was accounted inglorious, and un­worthy a Spartan, as we learn from the same Authour ^(b), who, speaking of Lysander's being slain before the Gates of a little Baeo­tian Town call'd Halia [...]tu [...], tells us, ‘That like some common Souldier, or one of the forlorn Hope, he cast away his Life in­gloriously, giving Testimony to the ancient Spartans, that they did well to avoid Storming of Walls, where the stoutest Man may chance to fall by the Hand not only of an abject Fellow, but of a Boy, or Woman; as they say Achilles was slain by Paris at the Scaean Gates of Troy ^(c); Pyrrhus also the great King of Epirus fell by the Hand of a Woman at Argos ^(d).’

[Page 99]When they endeavour'd to possess themselves of a Town, or Castle, it was usual first to attempt it by Storm, surrounding it with their whole Army, and attacking it in all Quarters at once, which the Greeks call'd [...], the Romans corona cingere. When this Method prov'd ineffectual, they frequently desisted from their Enterprize: But if resolv'd to prosecute it, they prepar'd for a longer Siege; in carrying on which they seem not to have pro­ceeded in any constant and settled Method, but to have vary'd it according to the Direction of their Generals, as well as the Diffe­rence of Time, Place, and other Circumstances.

When they design'd to lay close Siege to a Place, the first Thing they went about was [...], or [...], the Works of Circumvallation, which we find sometimes to have consisted of a double Wall, or Rampire, rais'd up of Turss call'd in Greek [...], and [...], in Latin cespites. The interiour Fortification was design'd to prevent sudden and unexspected Sallies from the Town, and to deprive it of all possibility of Succour from with­out; the exteriour to secure them from foreign Enemies, that might come to the Relief of the Besieg'd: Thus, when the Pelo­ [...]ncsians invested Plataeae, Thucydides reports, they rais'd a double Wall, one towards the City, the other towards Athens, to pre­vent all Danger on that Side; the middle Space, which was six­teen Feet, was taken up with Lodges for Guards and Sentinels, built at due Distances from one another, yet so close, that at a distant View the whole Pile appear'd to be one broad Wall, with Turrets on both Sides, after every tenth of which was a larger Tower extended from Wall to Wall.

Engines were call'd by the ancient Grecians [...], and after­wards [...] ▪ The first Invention of them the Grecians claim to themselves, b [...]ing not easily induc'd to allow the Contrivance of any Art to other Nations; for it was their Custom to travel into Egypt, India, and other Eastern Countries, to furnish themselves with Sciences, and Inventions, which afterwards they made pu­blick in Europe, and vented as Productions of their own: Hence was deriv'd most of the Grecian Philosophy; and as for Engines us'd in Sieges, it appears they were invented in the E [...]tern Nations many Ages before Greece had the least Knowlege of, or Occasion for them: Moses's Times seem not to have been unacquainted with them ^(a), several of the Iewish Kings likewise app [...]ar to have known the Use of them; whereas the Grecians 'till Homer's Time are not found to have had the least Hint of any such Thing: Statius in­deed carries them as high as the Trojan War, and, speaking of the various Presents sent to Achilles by the Grecians in order to carry [Page 100] on the War, reports that Pylos and Messene furnish'd him with En­gines to batter the Walls;

But the Poet seems to have forgotten the rude and unskilfull Age of this Hero, and to have form'd his Description from the Pra­ctices of his own Times; [...]ince Authors of better Credit have no mention of any such Thing: Homer indeed speaks of [...], which some ancient Interpreters take for [...], scaling Lad­ders^(a),

But it may with no less Propriety be taken for the Pinnacles of Towers, as we find it us'd in the following Verse^(b);

Others again will have them to have been as ancient as the The­ban War, and to have been the Contrivance of Capaneus, one of the seven Champions; the Story of whose being knock'd down with Thunderbolts was grounded on no better a Foundation, than that, attempting to scale the Walls of Thebes with Ladders, he was beaten down and slain with Stones: And since the Contrivance is so easy and obvious, it may not be wholly improbable, that even those Ages were acquainted with it, however the different sorts of Ladders were invented afterwards, when some of them were [...] ^(c), p [...]catiles, folded, others [...], [...], to b [...] taken in Pieces^(d), for the Convenience of Car [...]iage. Th [...] Matter they were compos'd of, was likewise very different, being not only Wood, but Ropes, Leather,&c.

The rest of their Engines seem however to have been later: The Ram indeed is said by Pliny to have been invented in the Tro­jan War, and to have given occasion to the Fable of the Wooden [Page 101] Horse built by Epeus, it being the constant Practice of those Times to wrap up the Original of every Invention in Fables: But this is only Conjecture, and may with the same Ease be deny'd, as asserted; Athenaeus indeed speaks of this Engine as very ancient^(a), but doth not fix it's Invention to any determinate Time, only ob­serves that the Romans were oblig'd for it to the Grecians; and since Vitruvius gives the Honour of it's Contrivance to the Car­thaginians in their Si [...]ge of Gades, and neither Homer, nor any Greek Writer for many Ages after has the least mention thereof, there seems little reason to credit Pliny's Report. 'Tis probable however, that those Ages might have some small Helps in taking Towns, contriv'd, as by several others, so particularly by E [...]cus, who is famous in Poetical Story for b [...]ing an Artificer, and (as Lycophron reports) was very serviceable on that Account to the Gre­cian Army,

But these Devices seem to have been exceeding contemptible, and unartificial; and therefore were wholly laid [...] wiser Ages, and, it may be, never practis'd but at their first Invention. The only constant Instruments us'd by the ancient Grecians in demo­lishing Walls, were (for ought appears to the contrary) those they call'd [...], in Latin terebrae, which were long Irons with sharp Ends: Wherefore 'tis reasonable to conclude that most of their famous Engines were invented about the Time of the Pe­loponnesian War, wherein 'tis plain from Thucydides they were us'd; Diodorus ^(c) and Plutarch ^(d) will have Peri [...]es to have contriv'd seve­ral of them by the Assistance of Artemon an Artificer of Ciazome­nae, as Rams, Tortoises, &c. yet Cornelius Nevo [...] r [...]ports, that some of them were us'd in the Age before by Mil [...]iades, when he be­sieg'd Paros; Plutarch also himself, when he reports out of Epho­rus, that battering Engines were first employ'd in th [...] Samian War by Pericles, and compos'd at that Time by Artemon, being then a strange and surprizing Sight, presently after add [...], that Heracli­des of Portus will have that Engineer to have flouri [...]h'd several Ages before the Samian War; so that nothing of certainty can be expected in this Matter. The Principal of the Grecian Inventions were these which follow:

[Page 102] [...], testudo, a Tortoise, a defensive Invention, so call'd from it's Strength, because it cover'd and shelter'd the Souldiers under it, as a Tortoise is cover'd by it's Shell: Several sorts we find of them, as,

• 1. [...], testudo militaris, term'd sometimes [...], when the Souldiers, drawn up close to one another, and the hin­dermost Ranks bowing themselves, plac'd their Targets above their Heads; as if we suppose the first Rank to stand erect, the rest to stoop lower and lower by Degrees, 'till the last Rank kneel'd upon the Ground; the Men in the Front and on the Sides holding their Targets before their Bodies, the rest covering the Heads of those that were plac'd before them; so that the whole Body re­sembled a Pent-house, or Roof cover'd with Tiles, down which the Enemy's missive Weapons easily glided without Prejudice to the Souldiers underneath: This Invention was us'd in Field-battles, but more frequently in surprizing Cities before the Besieg'd were prepar'd for Defence; and serv'd to protect the Besiegers in their Approach to the Walls.
• 2. [...] was four-square; the chief Design thereof was (as the Name imports) to guard the Souldiers in filling Ditches, and casting up Mounts.
• 3. [...], was triangular with it's Front shelving down­wards for the Protection of Pioneers, who undermin'd Walls.
• 4. To these may be added Testudo arietaria, wherewith those that batter'd the Walls were protected; of which afterwards.

[...], Wicker Hurdles, resembling the Roman vineae, which the Souldiers held over their Heads. The Word came at length to signify Trifles, from the Siege of Syracuse, where the Athenians calling continually for Hurdles to shelter them, the Besiegers in Derision us'd to cry [...].

Another Engine compos'd of Boards, and, like the Roman plu­teus, was us'd by Alexander's Souldiers, as we read in Curtius.

[...], agger, a Mount, which was rais'd so high as to equal, if not exceed the Top of the besieg'd Walls: The Sides were wall'd in with Bricks or Stones, or secur'd with strong Rafters to hinder it from falling; the Fore-part only, being by Degrees to be advanc'd nearer the Walls, remain'd bare. The Pile it self consisted of all sorts of Materials, as Earth, Timber, Boughs, Stones, &c. as Thucydides reports in the Siege of Plataeae: Into the Middle were cast also Wickers, and Twigs of Trees to fasten, and, as it were, cement the other Parts. The whole Fabrick is thus describ'd by Lucan ^(a);

[...], turres, mov [...] [...] Tow [...] of Wood, usually plac'd upon the Mount: They were driven upon Wheels, which were fix'd within the Bottom-planks to s [...]cu [...]e them from the Enemies. Their Size was not always the same, but proportion'd to the Towers of the City they besieg'd; the Front was usually cover'd with Tiles, and in later Times the Sides were likewise guarded with the same Materials; their Tops were cover'd with raw Hides, and other Shrowds, to preserve them from Fire-balls and missive Weapons: They were form'd into several Stories, which were able to carry not Souldiers only, but all sorts of portable Engines; whence Silius ^(a);

The first Contrivance is attributed to some Artificers of Sicily about the Time of Dionysius the Tyrant; by some to Polyidus a Thessa­lian, Philip of Macedon's Engineer^(b); by others to Diades and Chaereas ^(c), who were Polyidus's Scholars, and entertain'd by Alexan­der in his Eastern Expedition: The last of these seem rather to have been Improvers of the former Invention, for we find men­tion of Wooden Towers in the elder Dionysius's Reign^(d): It may be the Device of making [...], portable Turrets to be taken in Pieces and carry'd along with the Army, may be owing to them.

[...], aries, the Ram, was an Engine with an Iron Head call'd in Greek [...], or [...], resembling a Ram's Head, where­with they batter'd the Enemies Walls: Of these there were three kinds:

• [Page 104]1. The first was plain and unartificial, being nothing but a long Beam with an Iron Head, which the Souldiers drove with main Force against the Wall.
• 2. The second was hung with Ropes to another Beam, by the Help of which they thrust it forwards with much greater Force.
• 3. The third differ'd only from the former, as being cover'd with a [...], or Shrowd to guard the Souldiers, whence 'tis call'd testudo arietaria.

The Beam was sometimes no less than an hundred and twenty Feet in length, and cover'd with Iron Plates, left those who de­fended the Walls should set it on Fire; the Head was arm'd with as many Horns as they pleas'd; Iosephus reports that one of Ve [...]pasian's Rams, the Length whereof was only fifty Cubits, which came not up to to the Size of several of the Grecian Rams, had an Head as thick as ten Men, and twenty-five Horns, each of which was as thick as one Man, and plac'd a Cubit's Distance from the rest; the Weight hung (as was customary) upon the Hinder-part, weighed no less than one thousand and five hundred Talents; when it was remov'd from one Place to another, if it was not taken in Pieces, an hundred and fifty Yoke of Oxen, or three hundred Pair of Horses and Mules labour'd in drawing it; And no less than fifteen-hundred Men employ'd their utmost Strength in forcing it against the Walls; at other Times we find these Rams driven upon Wheels.

[...] was first invented by Demetrius, Son to Antigonus, who, having taken Rhodos, with several other Towns by the Help of this Engine, was honour'd with the Sirname of [...]. We have several Descriptions of it left us by Vitruvius ^(a), Plu­tarch ^(b), and Diodorus ^(c), who, tho' differing in other Points, are thus far agree'd, That it was a Machine of prodigious Bulk, not un­like the Ram cover'd with a Shrowd, but vastly bigger, and of far greater Force; that it was driven both with Ropes and Wheels, and contain'd several other smaller Engines, out of which Stones, and other missive Weapons were cast.

[...] are us'd in different Sences, sometimes for Arrows, sometimes for Engines, out of which Arrows were cast; in the later of which Significations they are term'd [...], and [...]. They are likewise, tho' not very properly, taken for En­gines to cast Stones; and we find them sometimes us'd to throw great Pieces of Timber: The Invention of them is ascrib'd to the Syrians by Pliny; but Diodorus ^(d), and Plutarch report, they were first contriv'd in Sicily, about the Time that the elder Dio­nysius engag'd in the War with Carthage.

[Page 105]Engines to cast Stones were of several sorts; some only for smaller Stones, such as [...], Slings; others for those also of a a larger Size, call'd sometimes only by the general Names of [...], and [...], or [...], the former of which seem to signify all sorts of Engines, the later all those design'd to cast missive Weapons; sometimes by more peculiar Ti­tles, as [...], which Names are yet so general, as to comprehend all Engines that cast Stones: Nor is there any proper Term, that I know of, for that famous En­gine, out of which Stones of a Size not less than Mill-stones were thrown with so great Violence, as to dash whole Houses in Pieces at a Blow: 'Twas call'd indeed by the Romans Ballista, but this Name, tho' of Grecian Original, appears not to have been us'd in Greece; this Engine however was known there, and was the same with that us'd by the Romans, the Force of which is thus express'd by Lucan ^(a);

These were the most remarkable Engines the Grecians us'd in taking Towns. It will be expected in the next Place, that some Account be given of the Methods, by which the Besieg'd defend them­selves.

Upon the Enemy's Approach they gave notice to their Con­federates (if they had any) to hasten their Assistance: In the Day this was done by raising a great Smoak; in the Night by Fires, or lighted Torches call'd [...], and [...], whence to signify the coming of Enemies was call'd [...] ^(b): These were term'd [...], to distinguish them from those they call'd [...], which were lighted upon the Approach of [Page 106] Friends: They differ'd in this, that the later were held firm and unmov'd, the former toss'd and wav'd to and fro in the Air.

They seem not to have had any constant Method of defending themselves; but thus much may be observ'd in general, that the Walls were guarded with Souldiers, who, with Stones, and all sorts of missive Weapons assaulted the Invaders; and the [...] with other Engines of that Nature were planted within the Town, and play'd upon them. Several other Methods were practis'd against them, as, when the Tyrians heating brass Bucklers red hot, and filling them with Sand and Lime, pour'd it upon Alexan­der's Souldiers, which getting between their Armour and Flesh, burn'd vehemently, and caus'd them to fling off their Armour, so that the Besiegers wounded them at pleasure, without receiving any Hurt. Several Ways they had to elude the Force of their Engines, and defeat their Strategems: Their Mines they render'd ineffectual by Countermines; their Mounts they let fall to the Ground by Un­dermining their Foundations: Their Towers and all their Engines they burn'd with Fire-balls; themselves they defended with Skins, Wooll-packs, and other Things proper to ward off Stones, and other missive Weapons: The Heads of Battering Rams they broke off with Stones of a prodigious Size from the Walls; or (as we read of the T [...]rians) [...]ender'd them useless by cutting the Ropes, whereby they were govern'd, with long Seythes: And if there remain'd no Hope of defending their Walls, they some­times rais'd new ones with Forts within. Many other Contri­vances were us'd, as the Posture of Affairs requir'd, and as the Be­sieg'd were ingenious in finding out Methods for their own Pre­servation.

Their manner of treating Cities they had taken, was not always the same, depending upon the Temper of the General, who some­times put all, at least all that were in Arms, to the Sword, demolish'd the Walls and Buildings, and made the rest Slaves; sometimes graciously receiv'd them into Favour, requiring only some Tributary Acknowlegement. The Athenians had a Custom of sending Colonies to inhabit the Places they had depopulated, which they divided by Lots among some of the Commonalty, when met together in a publick Assembly ^(a).

When they demolish'd a City, it was frequent to pronounce direfull Curses upon whoever should endeavour to rebuild it; which some imagine was the reason that Troy could never be rais'd out of it's Ashes, tho' there wanted not who attempted it, being devoted to eternal and irreparable Ruin by Agamemnon ^(b): This seems to have been a very ancient Custom, and deriv'd from the Eastern Nations; for (to omit other Instances) we find [Page 107] Ioshua at the Destruction of Iericho to have six'd an Imprecation upon the Person that should rebuild it ^(a), which was accomplish'd in Hiel the Bethelite many Ages after in the Reign of Ahab ^(b).

CHAPTER XI. Of the Slain, and their Funerals.

THE ancient Grecians seem to have treated the Bodies of their dead Enemies in a very undecent and inhuman manner, basely revenging the Injuries they had receiv'd from them whilst living, by disfiguring, and stabbing their Carcases, and ex­posing them to Scorn and Ignominy: Which cruel and barba­rous Practice was not throughly reform'd in the Trojan War, as appears from divers Instances in the Iliads, where dead Enemies are dismember'd by insulting Conquerours; none of which is more remarkable than that of Hector, who lay unbury'd many Days, was dragg'd round Troy's Walls, and Patroclus's Sepulcher, and suffer'd all sorts of Indignities: This indeed might be imputed to Achilles's extravagant Rage for the loss of Patroclus, or (as the Scholiast ^(c) affirms) to a peculiar Custom of Thessaly his native Country, where it was their constant Practice to drag at their Chariots the Mur­derers of their near Friends, did it not appear that the rest of the Gre ians us'd him in a manner no less brutish and barbarous, by cowardly insulting over him, and stabbing his dead Body ^(d):

Tydeus has no better Treatment in Statius ^(a);

Whence it appears to have been their constant Practice, and look'd on as very consistent with Virtue, and Honour; as Servius hath [Page 109] likewise observ'd, when Virgil's Mezentius was us'd in the same manner; the Poet indeed do's not expresly affirm any such Thing, which notwithstanding plainly appears; for whereas he only re­ceiv'd two Wounds from Aeneas ^(a), we find his Breast-plate af­terwards pierc'd thro' in twelve, i.e. a great many Places, a deter­minate Number being put for one indefinite ^(b);

The barbarous Nations rarely fail'd of committing this Crime; Leonidas King of Sparta, having valiantly lost his Life in fighting against Xerxes, had his Head six'd upon a Pole, and his Body gibbeted ^(c): But the Grecians were long before convinc'd of the Villany, and Baseness of such Actions; and therefore, when Pausa­nias the Spartan was urg'd to retaliate Leonidas's Injury upon Mar­donius, Xerxes's General overcome at Plataeae, he refus'd to be con­cern'd in, or permit a Revenge so barbarous, and unworthy a Gre­cian: Even in the Times of the Trojan War the Grecians were much reform'd from the Inhumanity as well of their own Ancestours, as other Nations; it had formerly been customary for the Con­querours to hinder their Enemies from interring their Dead, 'till they had paid large Sums for their Ransom; and some Foot-steps of this Practice are found in Homer; Hector's Body was redeem'd from Achilles ^(d), Achilles's was again redeem'd from the Trojan [...] for the same Price he had receiv'd for Hector ^(e);

[Page 110] Nisus is introduc'd by Virgil, disswading his Friend Euryalus from accompanying him into Danger, left, if he were slain, there should be no Person that would recover by Fight, or redeem his Body ^(a),

Whence it appears, that Redemption of the Dead was practis'd in those Days, and, if neglected, they were frequently suffer'd to lye unbury'd; which Misfortune happen'd to many of Homer's Heroes, as we learn from the very Entrance of the first Iliad, where he thus speaks of Achilles's Anger,

But this was not so common as in more early Ages, for we find Achilles himself celebrating the Funeral of Eetion King of Thebes in Cilicia, and Father of Andromache, whom the Poet introdu­ces speaking thus ^(b);

And Agame [...]on granted the Trojans free Leave to perform the Funeral Rites of all their Slain, promising upon Oath to give them no Disturbance ^(a);

Not long before, the Grecians were perfect Strangers to this Piece of Humanity, for we are told that Hercules was the first that ever gave leave to his Enemies to carry off their Dead ^(b); and others report, that the first Treaty made for the recovering and burying the Bodies of the Slain, was that of Theseus with the Thebans to interr the Heroes that lost their Lives in the Theban War ^(c). In all succeeding Ages, it was look'd on as the greatest Impiety to deny what they thought a Debt to Nature, and was rarely, or never done to lawfull Enemies, except upon extraordinary and un­usuall Provocations; for it was thought below a generous Tem­per, and unworthy Grecians to vent their Malice, when their Ene­mies were depriv'd of all Power to defend themselves.

The Grecians seem to have been carefull to Excess and Su­perstition in procuring an honourable Interment for the Bodies of their own Souldiers, that had valiantly lost their Lives; insomuch that the ten Admirals, that gain'd that famous Victory over the Lacedemonians in the Sea fight at Arginusae, were put to death on no other Pretence, but that they were said not to have taken due Care in gathering the Bodies that floated on the Waves; when yet they alleg'd, that they were hinder'd by a Tempest that might have been dangerous to the whole Fleet, had they not provided for their Safety by a timely Retreat ^(d): This, no doubt, was one Cause why, after a battle upon the Corinthian Territory, Nicias the Athenian General, finding that two of his Men were left by an Oversight, when they carry'd off the Dead, made an Halt, and [Page 112] sent an Herald to the Enemy for Leave to carry them off, here­by renouncing all Title to the Victory, which belong'd to him before, and loosing the Honour of erecting a Trophy; for it was presum'd that he, who ask'd Leave to carry off his Dead, could not be Master of the Field ^(a). After that, Chabrias, having put to flight the Lacedemonians at Naxus, rather than leave any of his Soul­diers, or their Bodies to the Mercy of the Waves, chose to de­sist from prosecuting his Victory, when he was in a fair Way to have destroy'd the Enemy's whole Fleet ^(b).

When they carry'd their Arms into distant Countries, they re­duc'd the Bodies of their Dead to Ashes, that those at least might be convey'd to their Relations, and reposited in the Tombs of their Ancestours: The first Author of which Custom (they say) was Hercules, who having sworn to Licymnius to bring back his Son Argius, if he would give him Leave to accompany him in his Expedition against Troy, the young Man dying, he had no other Expedient to make good his Oath, but by delivering his Ashes to his Father ^(c): However we find it practis'd in the Tro­jan War, where Nestor advis'd the Grecians to burn all their Dead, and preserve them there 'till their Return into Greece ^(d);

The Lacedemonians thought this an unprofitable Labour, and therefore bury'd their Dead in the Countrey, where they dy'd; on­ly their Kings they embalm'd with Honey, and convey'd them Home, as we learn from Plutarch ^(e), who reports that when Agesilaus resign'd his Life at the Haven of Menelaus, a desart Shore in Africa, the Spartans, having no Honey to embalm his Body, wrapp'd it in Wax, and so carry'd it to Lacedemon.

The Souldiers all attended at the Funeral Solemnities with their Arms turn'd upside down, it being customary for Mourners in most of their Actions to behave themselves in a manner contra­ry to what was usual at other Times; in those Places where it was the Fashion to wear long Hair, Mourners were shav'd; and where others shav'd, Mourners wore long Hair: Their Conjecture [Page 113] therefore is frivolous, that imagine, the Souldiers turn'd the Heads of their Shields downwards, lest the Gods, whose Images were engraven upon them, should be polluted with the Sight of a Corpse ^(a); since not the Gods only, but any other Figures were frequently repre­sented there; nor some few only, but the whole Company held them in the same Posture: Besides, not the Shields alone, but their other Arms were pointed downwards: Thus Evander's Ar­cadians, with the rest of Aeneas's Souldiers in Virgil ^(b) follow Pallas's Herse,

The Grecian Princes in Statius ^(c) observe the same Custom;

Their Tombs were adorn'd with Inscriptions shewing their Names, and sometimes their Parentage, and Exploits, which Ho­nour the Spartan Lawgiver granted to none beside Women who dy'd in Child-bed, and Souldiers ^(d) that lost their Lives in Battle: These were bury'd with green Boughs, and honour'd with an Oration in their Praise: Such of them as had excell'd the rest, and were judg'd complete and perfect Warriours, had a farther Ho­nour of being interr'd in their Red Coats, which were the Soul­dier's Habit at Sparta ^(e): Their Arms were likewise fix'd upon their Tombs; whence Leonidas the Spartan King is introduc'd in the Epigrám refusing Xerxes's purple Robe, and desiring no other Ornament to beautify his Tomb, than his Buckler;

This Custom was not peculiar to Sparta, but practis'd all over Greece; where, beside their Arms, it was usual to add the Badge of whatever other Profession they had born. Espenor, appearing in the Shades below to Ulviles, intreats him to fix the Oar he us'd to row with, upon his Tomb, and to cast his Arms into the Funeral Pile ^(a);

Alisenus, Aeneas's Trumpeter, has both his Arms, Oar, and Trumpet fix'd upon his Grave ^(b);

[Page 115]It was customary for the Spartan Matrons, when there had been a Fight near Home, to examine the Bodies of their dead Sons, and such, as had receiv'd more Wounds behind than before, they convey'd away privately, or left them in the common Heap; but those, who had a greater Number of Wounds in their Breasts, they carry'd away with Joy and Triumph, to be reposited amongst their Ancestors ^(a): They were carry'd Home upon their Buck­lers; whence that famous Command of the Mother to her Son related in Plutarch ^(b), [...], i. e. either bring this (meaning his Buckler) home with you, or be brought upon it. To which Custom Ausonius alludes ^(c);

The Athenians us'd to place the Bodies of their Dead in Tents three Days before the Funeral, that all Persons might have Op­portunity to find out their Relations, and pay their last Respects to them: Upon the fourth Day a Coffin of Cypress was sent from every Tribe, to convey the Bones of their own Relations, after which went a cover'd Herse in memory of those, whose Bodies could not be found: All these, accompany'd with the whole Bo­dy of the People, were carry'd to the publick Burying place call'd Ceramicus, and there interr'd: One Harangue was spoken in Com­mendation of them all, and their Monuments adorn'd with Pil­lars, Inscriptions, and all other Ornaments usuall about Tombs of the most honourable Persons. This was their ordinary Practice at Athens ^(d), but those valiant Souls, that were slain in the Bat­tle at Marathon, had their Bodies interr'd in the Place where they fell, to perpetuate the Memory of that wonderfull Victory:

It may be observ'd farther, that in their Lists the Names of the Souldiers deceas'd were mark'd with the Letter [...], being the Initial of [...], i. e. Dead; those of the living with [...], because it is the first in [...], i. e. Preserv'd: Which Custom was afterwards taken up by the Romans ^(e).

CHAPTER XII. Of their Booty taken in War, their Gratitude to the Gods after Victory, their Trophies, &c.

THEIR Booty consisted of Prisoners, and Spoils. The Prisoners, that could not ransom themselves, were made Slaves, and employ'd in the Service of their Conquerours, or sold.

The Spoils were distinguish'd by two Names, being either taken from the Dead, and term'd [...], or from the Living, which they call'd [...]: They consisted of whatever Moveables belong'd to the Conquer'd, whose whole Right and Title by the Law of Arms pass'd to the Conquerours ^(a).

Homer's Heroes have no sooner gain'd a Victory over any of their Rivals, but without farther Delay they seize their Armour; Instances of this are as numerous as their Combats. But howe­ver this Practice might be usual among the great Commanders, who rode in Chariots to the Battle, fought by themselves, and encounter'd Men of their own Quality in i [...]gle Combat; yet in­feriour Souldiers were not ordinarily permitted such Liberty, but gather'd the Spoils of the Dead, after the Fight was ended: If they attempted it before, they were even then look'd upon to want Discipline; Nestor gives the Grecians a particular Caution in this Matter ^(b);

This Method was taken in succeeding Ages; for no sooner were their Battles ended, but they fell to stripping and risling the dead Carcases of their Enemies: Only the Lacedemoni [...]n were forbidden to meddle with the Spoils of those they had conquer'd ^(a); the reason of which Prohibition being demanded of Cleomenes, he reply'd, ‘That it was improper to offer the Spoils of Cowards to the Gods, and unworthy a Lacedemonian to be enrich'd by them ^(b)’: But this seems only a Pretence, since there are seve­ral Instances of their dedicating Part of their Booty to the Gods; The true Reason perhaps may be collected from the Constitution of their State, whereby an Equality was maintain'd amongst them, and nothing more severely prohibited, or more repugnant to the very Foundation of their Government than to acquire, or possess large Estates: Wherefore, to prevent their Souldiers from seizing upon the Spoils, they had always three hundred Men appointed to observe their Actions, and put the Law in execution against Delinquents ^(c).

The whole Booty was brought to the General, who had the first Choice, divided the Remainder amongst such as had signaliz'd them­selves according to their Quality and Merits, and allotted the rest equal Portions: Thus in the Trojan War, when the captive Ladies were to be chosen, Agamemnon in the first Place took Astynome Ch [...]yses's Daughter, next Achilles had Hippodamia Daughter to Bri [...]es, then Ajax those Teemessa, and so on ^(d); whence Achilles complains of Agamemnon, that he had always the best Part of the Booty, himself, who sustain'd the Burden of the War, being content with a small Pittance ^(e);

And whenever any Booty of extraordinary Value was taken, we find the Souldiers reserving it for a Present to their General, or the Commander of their Party: Instances of this sort are frequent, as in other Writers, so especially in Homer; Ulysses's Company al­ways honour'd him with the best and choicest Part of what they took. Hered [...]s ^(a) reports that after the Victory over Mardonius Xerxes's Lieutenant, Pausanias the Spartan, being at that Time Ge­neral of all the Grecian Forces, was presented with a great Booty of Women, Money, Horses, Camels, &c. over and above what was given to any other: This Practice indeed was so universal, that to be a Commander, and to have the first Share of the Booty are us'd by the Poets as equivalent Expressions: Whence Lycophron ^(b),

But before the Spoils were distributed, they look'd on them­selves oblig'd to make an Offering out of them to the Gods, to whose Assistance they were indebted for them all; those sepa­rated to this Use, were term'd [...], either q. [...], [...], because the War, wherein they were col­lected, had destroy'd many ^(c); or, [...], because after Sea-engagements they were expos'd upon the Shoar ^(d); or rather, from their being taken [...], from the Top of the Heap; because all the Spoils being collected into one Heap, the First-fruits were offer'd to the Gods ^(e): In allusion to which Custom, Megara in Euripides, telling what Choice of Wives [Page 119] she had made for her Sons out of Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, thus expresseth it,

The Gods, to whom this Honour was paid, were not only those, whom they look'd on as having a peculiar Concern in all Affairs of War, such as Mars, Minerva, &c. but several others, as Iupiter Iuno, and any to whom they thought themselves ob­lig'd for Success, those especially that were Protectours of their Ci­ty, or Countrey, &c.

They had several Methods of consecrating Spoils: Some­times they collected them into an Heap, and consum'd them with Fire; sometimes they made Presents, which were dedica­ted and hung up in Temples: So Pausanias the Spartan is re­ported to have consecrated out of the Persian Spoils a Tripod to Delphian Apollo, and a Statue of Brass seven Cubits long to Olym­pian Iupiter ^(a).

It was very frequent to dedicate their Enemy's Armour, and hang it in Temples; but the Lacedemonians were forbidden this Custom; which perhaps may be the meaning of Cieomenes's fore-men­tion'd Reply; for that they were allow'd to offer their other Spoils appears as from that of Pausanias, so from several other Instances. This Custom was very ancient ^(b), and universally receiv'd not in Greece alone, but most other Countries: Hence Hector promises to dedicate his Enemy's Armour in Apollo's Temple, if he would vouchsafe him Victory ^(c);

Virgil alludes to this Custom in his Description of the Temple, where Latinus gave Audience to Aeneas's Embassadours ^(d);

Many other Instances to the same purpose occurr in Authors. This Custom seems to have been deriv'd into Greece from the Eastern Nations, where no doubt it was practis'd; what else can be the meaning of Goliath's Sword being reposi [...]ed in the Iewish Place of Worship ^(a)?

Nor was it customary only to dedicate to the Gods Weapons taken from Enemies, but their own likewise, when they retir'd from the Noise of War to a private Life; which seems to have been done, as a gratefull Acknowlegement to the Gods, by whose Protection they had been deliver'd from Dangers. Horace alludes to this Custom ^(b);

Ovid also speaks to the same purpose ^(c);

But lest these Arms should furnish Male-contents in sudden Tu­mult [...] and Insurrections, they seem to have been usually some Way or other render'd unfit for present Service: The Bucklers, for in­stance, were hung up without Handles; whence a Person in on [...] of the Poets seeing them otherwise, cryes out in a Fright,

The reason may be collected from the fore-going Verses, where another saith,

As a farther Expression of their Gratitude to the Gods, it was customary to offer solemn Sacrifices, and return publick Thanks to them: Here it may be observ'd, that the Laced [...]monians for their greatest Successes by Force of Arms offer'd no more than a Cock to the God of War, but, when they obtain'd a Victory by Stra­tegem, and without Blood, they sacrific'd an Ox ^(a); whereby they gave their Generals to understand, that Policy as well as Valour was requir'd in a complete Warriour, and that those Vi­ctories were to be preferr'd, whereby they suffer'd the least Dam­mage, surpassing herein the Roman Constitution, which rewarded with greater Honours the Victors in open Field, than those who gain'd a Conquest by Policy, as esteeming the former Method more noble and becoming Romans; wheresore those were permitted to enter the City in Triumph, but the later were only honour'd with an Ovation ^(b). It may not be improper in this Place to add, that the Grecians had a Cust [...]m something resembling the Roman Triumph, for the Conquerours us'd to ma [...] a Procession thro' the Middle of their City, crown'd with Garlands, repeating Hymns and Songs, and brandishing their Spears; the Captives were also l [...]d by them, and all their Spoils expos'd to publick View, to do which they call'd [...] ^(c).

Trophies were call'd by the ancient Athenians [...], by succeeding Ages [...] ^(d): They were dedicated to some of the Gods, especially Iupiter sirnam'd [...], and [...] ^(e), and Iuno, who shar'd in her Husband's Title, being call'd [...] ^(f); whence Lycophron ^(g),

The manner of adorning Trophies was hanging up all sorts of Arms taken from the Enemy, according to Euripides ^(h);

Hence also Iuvenal ^(a) speaking of the Roman Triumphal Arches,

To these they usually added the Names of the God they were dedicated to, of the Conquerours also, and of those overcome by them, with an Account of all the Spoils, and other remarkable Occurrences in the War; this Inscription was call'd [...], or [...], and was frequently engrav'd, whence Lucian saith [...]; sometimes written with Ink, whence O­ [...]hryades the Lacedemonian, just surviving his Victory over the Ar­gians, caus'd a Trophy to be erected, upon which, being supported by his Spear, he inscrib'd with his own Blood, instead of Ink, [...] ^(b).

The Spoils were hung upon the Trunk of a Tree; the Olive was frequently put to this Use, being the Emblem of Peace, which is one of the Consequents of Victory: Several other Trees also had the same Honour, especially the Oak, as being consecrated to Iupiter, who had a peculiar Right to these Respects; there is fre­quent mention of this in the Poets: Sidonius ^(c),

Statins describes the same Custom ^(d);

Virgil also concurrs herein with them in several Places, and adds farther, that Aeneas's Trophy was upon an Hill; whence it may seem probable, that it was customary to set them upon eminent Places, to render them more conspicuous: His Words are these ^(a);

In the same manner Pompey, having subdu'd the Spaniards, erected a Trophy upon the Top of the Pyrenean Mountains.

Instead of Trees, succeeding Ages erected Pillars of Stone, or Brass, to continue the Memory of their Victories; to raise these they [...]erm'd [...], which Expression was likewise ap­ply'd to the Erection of Trees; for if the Place they pitch'd on was void of Trees fit for their purpose, it was usual to supply that Defect by fixing one there, as appears from the fore-mention'd Passage of Virgil.

[Page 124]To demolish a Trophy was look'd on as unlawfull, and a kind of Sacrilege, because they were all consecrated to some Deity: Nor was it less a Crime to pay Divine Adoration before them, or to repair them, when decay'd, as may be likewise observ'd of the Roman Triumphal Arches; This being a means to revive the Memory of forgotten Quarrels, and engage Posterity to revenge the Disgrace of their Ancestours: For the same reason, the Gre­cians, that first introduc'd the Custom of erecting Pillars for Tro­phies, incurr'd a severe Censure from the Ages they liv'd in ^(a).

The Macedonians never erected Trophies, oblig'd hereto by a Prescription, observ'd from the Reign of Caranus, one of whose Trophies was demolish'd by Wolves ^(b); which was the reason, that Alexander the Great, however vain-glorious in other Instances, never rais'd a Trophy: As for those erected by the Ma­cedonians of succeeding Ages in their Wars with the Romans, they were inconsistent with the ancient Custom of their Country. In some Ages after this, they seem to have been wholly laid aside.

Yet, they were not wanting to raise Monuments to preserve the Memory of their Victories, and to testify their Gratitude to the Gods; some of which are likewise mention'd in Authors before the Disuse of Trophies. Sometimes Statues were erected to the Gods, especially to Iupiter, as appears from that which Pausanias dedicated out of the Persian Spoils ^(c), and several others; There is frequent mention of this Custom in Euripides ^(d),

Again,

Several other Instances may be produc'd: Sometimes the same God was honour'd with a Temple on such accounts, as appears from the Story of the Dorians, who, having overcome the Achaeans, rais'd a Temple to Iupiter [...] ^(e).

Sometimes they erected Towers, which they adorn'd with the Spoils of their Enemies; which was likewise a Roman Custom, and pra­ctis'd by Fabius Maximus, and Domitius Aenobarbus after the Victo­ry over the Allobroges ^(f).

It was also customary to raise Altars to the Gods; an Instance whereof we have in Alexander, who, returning from his Indian Ex­pedition, erected Altars in Height [...]carce inferiour to the most lofty Towers, and in Breadth exceeding them ^(g).

CHAPTER XIII. Of their Military Punishments, and Rewards, with their manner of conveying Intelligence.

THE Grecians had no constant method of correcting their Souldiers, but left that to the Discretion of their Com­manders; only in some few Cases the Laws made provision. [...], Runagates, suffer'd Death.

[...], such as refus'd to serve in the Wars, and such as quitted their Ranks, by one of Charondas's Laws were oblig'd to [...]it three Days in the publick Forum in Woman's Apparell ^(a). The Athenians deliver'd such, with the [...], i. e. those who lost their Bucklers, to certain Judges call'd Heliastae, who punish'd them at Discretion; nor were they permitted to enter the Tem­ples, 'till they had satisfi'd Justice ^(b). But of all others the La­cedemonians inflicted the heaviest Punishments on all such Offen­ders; for their Laws oblig'd them either to conquer, or to dy upon the Place; and such as quitted their Bucklers, laid under as great Disgrace, as if they had forsaken their Ranks: Runagates were not only depriv'd of all Honours, but it was likewise a Disgrace to intermarry with them; whoever met them in the Streets, had Liberty to beat them, nor was it permitted them to resist in their own Defence; and to make them more remarkable, whenever they went abroad, they were oblig'd to wear a nasty Habit, their Gowns were patch'd with divers Colours, and their Beards half shav'd, half unshav'd ^(c); the Scandal was likewise extended to their whole Family, and therefore their Mothers frequently at [...]n'd for their Crime, by stabbing them at their first meeting; which was a common Practice, and frequently alluded to in the Greek Epi­grams, in one of which [...]a Spartan Matron, having run her Son thro', thus insults over him,

Several others may be produc'd to the same purpose; and where the same Fate be [...]ll those that lost their Bucklers: Now the rea­son being demanded of Dem [...]ratus, why they punish'd so severely those who quitted their Bucklers, when the Loss of their Helmet, or Coat of Mail, was not look'd on to be so scandalous, he re­ply'd, That these were only design'd for the Defence of single Persons, whereas Bucklers were serviceable to the whole Battalia.

Beside the Rewards of Valour already mention'd in the fore­going Chapters, there were several others: The private Souldiers were put into Office, and the subordinate Officers were honour'd with greater Commands. It was likewise customary for the Ge­neral to reward those that signaliz'd themselves, with large Pre­sents; Whence Telamon, being the first that gain'd the Top of Troy's Walls, when it was besieg'd by Hercules, had the Honour to have Hesione the King's Daughter for his Captive: Theseus was presented by the same Hero with Antiope the Amazonian Queen, for his Service in the Expedition against the Amazons. The Poets frequently introduce Commanders encouraging their Soul­diers with Promises of this nature: Thus Agamemnon animates Teucer to behave himself couragiously, by assuring him of a con­siderable Reward, when the City should be taken ^(a);

Ascanius in Virgil makes no less Promises to Nisus ^(b);

Several other Promises they encourag'd them with, according to every Man's Temper, or Condition: Wherefore Ascanius thus pro­ceeds to Euryalus Nisus's Companion in Danger;

[Page 128]Sometimes Crowns were presented, and inscrib'd with the Per­son's Name, and Actions, that had merited them, as appears from the Inscription upon the Crown presented by the Athenians to Conon, [...].

Others were honour'd with Leave to raise Pillars, or erect Sta­tues to the Gods, with Inscriptions declaring their Victories; which Plutarch supposeth to have been a Grant rarely yielded to the greatest Commanders: Cimon indeed was favour'd therewith, but Miltiades, and Themisto [...]es could never obtain the like; nay, when Miltiades only desir'd a Crown of Olive, one Sochares stood up in the Midst of the Assembly, and reply'd, when thou shalt con­quer alone, Miltiades, thou shalt triumph so too; which Words were so agreeable to the Populace, that his Suit was rejected: The reason why Cimon was more respected than the rest, our Author ^(a) thinks, was because under other Commanders they stood upon the Defensive; but by his Conduct they not only repuls'd their Enemies, but invaded them in their own Country: But perhaps a more true and real Account may be taken from the Change of Times, for the primitive Ages seem not to have been so libe­ral in the distribution of Rewards, as those that succeeded; for when later Generations degenerated from their Ancestours, and produc'd fewer Instances of Magnanimity and true Valour, the Way to Honour became easier, and Men of common Performances without Difficulty obtain'd Rewards, which before were only paid to Persons of the first Rank for Virtue, and Courage ^(b).

Another Honour conferr'd at Athens upon the Valiant, was to have their Arms plac'd in the Cittadel, and to be call'd Ce­cropidae, Citizens of the true old Blood; to which Custom the Poet alludes,

Some were presented with a [...], or compleat Suit of Ar­mour; as we find of Alcibiades, when he was very young, and went in the Expedition against Potidaea ^(c).

Others were complemented with Songs of Triumph, the first of which were compos'd in Honour of Lysander the Spartan Ge­neral ^(d).

Many other Honours were pay'd to such as deserv'd well of their Country; but I shall only mention one more, which consisted in the Care of the Children of such as valiantly sacrific'd their Lives for the Glory, and Preservation of the Athenian Common-wealth ^(e): They were carefully educated at the publick Charge, 'till they [Page 129] came to Maturity, and then presented with a complete Suit of Armour, and brought forth before the People, one of the publick Ministers proclaiming before them; ‘That hitherto in Remembrance of their Fathers Merits the Common-wealth had educated these young Men, but now difiniss'd them so arm'd, to go forth, and thank their Country by imitating their Fathers Examples.’ For their farther Encouragement, they had the Honour of [...], or having the first Seats at Shews, and all publick Meetings.

It may not be improper to add something concerning their way of sending Intelligence: This was done several ways, and by several sorts of Messengers, one remarkable were their [...], who were lightly arm'd with Darts, Hand-granadoes, or Bows and Arrows ^(a); one of these was Phidippides famous in the Story of Miltiades for his Vision of Pan ^(b).

But the Contrivance of all others the most celebrated for close Conveyance of Intelligence, was the Lacedemonian [...], which was a white Roll of Parchment, wrapp'd about a black Stick; it was about four Cubits in length ^(c), and so call'd from [...], i. e. Skin: The Manner and Use of it was thus; when the Ma­gistrates gave Commission to any General, or Admiral, they took round Pieces of Wood exactly equal to one another; one of these they kept, the other was deliver'd to the Commander, to whom when they had any Thing of Moment to communicate, they cut a long narrow Scrowl of Parchment, and rolling it about their own Staff, one Fold close upon another, they wrote their Busi­ness upon it; then, taking it off, dispatch'd it away to the Com­mander, who applying it to his own Staff, the Folds exactly fell in one with another, as at the Writing, and the Characters, which, before 'twas wrapp'd up, were confusedly disjoyn'd, and unintel­ligible, appear'd very plain ^(d).

CHAPTER XIV. Of the Invention, and different sorts of Ships.

MOST of those usefull Arts, and admirable Inventions, which are the very Support of Mankind, and supply them with all the Necessaries, and Conveniences of Life, have at first been the Productions of some lucky Chance, or from slight [Page 130] and contemptible Beginnings have been by long Experience, cu­rious Observations, and various Improvements matur'd, and brought to perfection: Instances of this kind are every where frequent, and obvious, but none can be produc'd more remarkable than in the Art of Navigation, which, tho' now arriv'd to a Pitch of Perfe­ction beyond most other Arts by those successfull Additions it has receiv'd from almost every Age of the World, was in the Begin­ning so mean and imperfect, that the Pleasure, or Advantage of those, who first apply'd themselves to it, was very small and in­considerable.

Those, who adventur'd to commit themselves to the liquid Ele­ment, made their first Essays in shallow Waters, and trusted not themselves too far from the Shore; but, being embolden'd by fre­quent Tryals, proceeded farther by degrees, 'till at length they took Courage, and launch'd forth into the main Ocean: To this purpose Claudian ^(a);

To whom the World is oblig'd for the Invention of Ships, is, like all Things of such Antiquity, uncertain; there are divers Per­sons, who seem to make equal Pretensions to this Honour; such are Prometheus, Neptune, Ianus, Atlas, Hercules, Iason, Danaus, Ery­thraeus, [Page 131] &c. but by common Fame it is given to Minerva, the hap­py Mother of all Arts, and Sciences: Some, who, leaving these anti­quated Fables of the Poets, pretend to something more of cer­tainty in what they deliver, ascribe it to the Inhabitants of some of those Places, that lye upon the Sea-coasts, and are by Nature design'd, as it were, for harbouring Ships, such as the Aeginensians, Phoenicians ^(a) &c. The reason of this Disagreement seems to have proceeded partly from the different Places, where Navigation was first practis'd, (for it was never peculiar to any one People, and from them communicated to the rest of the World, but found out in Countries far distant from one another) and in part from the various sorts of Ships, some of which, being first built by the Per­sons above-mention'd, have intitled them to the whole Invention.