RIbier, Du Chastelet, The Author of the French Politician, and other Libellers in France, have had the Confidence of late to pour out such a torrent of Injuries, shallow Pretensions, and Titles to England, that a Subject long acquainted with their Ways, thought himself bound in Duty and Faithfulness to his King and Countrey, humbly to lay some of his Observations before them; whereby it may possibly appear, that France is not so much our Friend as she of late pretended: That these Pretensions of hers are not the meer Academick Notions of some private Speculatist, but the sense of their Rulers; that they do but watch their Opportunity to put these and other Claims into Execution against us. And therefore if this be in some manner made manifest, that we can never have a fitter opportunity than now to be before-hand with them, in entring into a Confederacy and Arms, if need be, with our Neighbours, against these Common Enemies, least when they have too much weakened the rest, they become too strong for us alone, especially at Sea.

Let's then observe, That it hath been of late a Practice of France, to make use of such Title-Broachers, as her Trumpets and Heraulds, a little before she's resolved to invade any Countrey, to publish some Right, forsooth, to those Nations whom next she intends to set upon against Right and Reason, thereby to raise the Valour of her own Men with the speciousness of Justice in their Vndertaking; to divide the Minds and Resolutions of some on the future Enemies side: to suspend also the hands of her Neighbours, from intermeddling in a Quarrel which seems so plausible, or at least so doubtful; and that surely France (think they) cannot be unjust or rash in Actions, whereof she is ready to give such a fair Accompt to the World before-hand: And it is Prudence first to see what her Adversaries will answer her; so say they. And thus France leaving the Matter dormant, for a while, as if she thought no more of it; before, or as soon as her Adverse Party makes an Answer to her Manifesto, she suddenly and unexpectedly comes and makes her Reply with her Sword; there's that she would be at, from the very beginning; let your Defence to her claim be never so strong and just. Tush! that was but an Amusement, and her Inter Arma silent Leges, scorns to be bawked with such Ponctilio's.

All observing Persons might be furnished with Proofs enough of this Maxime, in the late Conduct of France toward her Neighbours; but here are some whereof I had a nearer occasion than many to know the particulars.

Cardinal Richelieu, who as it is known first laid the Design of making his Master the Supream Monarch of all Christendom, before he attackt Spain, in order thereunto encourages Cassan to write his Book of the Pretensions of France, upon all or most of the Kingdoms and Principalities of Europe; which he goes about to prove of each one in particular, either by former Conquest, by Alliances and Successions, by Clauses in Treaties, and such other obsolete Titles. However this Pretension Writer so tickled the French Ambition, and gave such seeming Colours to those Designs they would be upon otherwise, had they no ground at all; that the Cardinal ordered a present of Sixteen thousand Livers to be given to that Author; and so sent his Generals to go and pursue with the Sword these goodly Claims and forgotten Inheritance of the French Kings.

Arroy, Du Puy, D' Aubery, and others, had no worse recompence, and were set on before these late Wars against Germany and Flanders; for to forge Titles to these Countries their Master had with himself determined to invade. They have done it however, but were smartly answered by Lisola and Ramos; and though Monsieur D' Ambrun bragg'd then at Madrid, that Ramos was the only Man Spain had to maintain its Interest upon the point of the Devolution; but that the King of France could make out his Right at the Head of Sixty thousand Lawyers▪ yet his Master scorning to stand to make good this French Gasconade, rather chose to speak at the Head of more than Sixty thousand Armed Men: While his Ambassadors were thus drolling and cajolling with their unwary Neighbours; and Amusing them with fair Pretences and Promises of Proving their Right by Lawyers and Mediators. But alas! with France it is too scrupulous a Nicety, so to depend on the Decisions at the Bar, or on those at Munster, Breda, or Nimeguen either; her King will plead his Rights but with the Mouths of his Cannons bravely, Alexander like; and he's told he hath more Right to all Europe than this Young Grecian had to Asia.

For Patru in his New Law Book left this on Record as a perpetual Maxime to be followed by France, which he oft before maintained in open Parliament, That the Word Kingdom, with them, doth comprehend generally all the Lands, Principalities, and Dominions, which Fortune, Success and the Valour of the French Monarchs, can add to the Sacred Subjection of the Flower de Luce. And as Rivers and Rivolets, by entring into the Sea, lose themselves presently, with all their particular qualities, as soon as they are incorporated to the Noble Ocean, so all conquered Provinces and Nations, do lose their peculiar Names, Priviledges, and Prerogatives, to be made Members of the First Monarchy of the VVorld, and of its Laws and Privileges.

Pray tell me where this Maxime will not reach, or be made to stretch rather. For as the Habit in any unjust Course will mortifie the remorse, and check the Sense of all other Law, that may dictate the contrary; so France, by a long practice of following these boundless Maximes, is become as it were accustomed to think that her Conquests must be as large as her Ambition; and that those Nations do really belong to her, she and her Mercenary Pens had but a Fancy of Right unto in the beginning.

But what of all this, you'll say; these are but general Presumptions and Jealousies, when France puts in no Claim against England; I never heard of any, I can't fancy which way. Then hear further:

The fore-mentioned Ribier (among the rest) sets out this Title of France to the English Crown, as you may more fully see in his French Book, and in the following Discourse; And one is in right of the Dolphin Lewis, Son to Philip Augustus, who by the Popes means, and of some of the Rebelling Lords, entred and was Crowned here in England, and ravaged here a good while; designing by a general Massacre of all the English Princes and Peers to shorten his Conquest: till one of his French Cabinet Councellors could not die quietly till he revealed this horrible Project to some of the English Nobility. Such a Right as this, with such other, the French Kings are put in Remembrance of in their Coronation Oath.

Such another Claim they lay to Scotland in Right of Francis the Second, who married Mary Steward Queen of Scotland; and though she had no issue by him, yet 'tis a Maxime with them, That the Crown can lose none of the Rights it once had, and that no Alienation can be made from it, but it still Reinters.

By a Sequel of the same Maxime, they go on and say, That Ecclesia est si • u • Minor. That no Alienation can be made from the Church no more than from Minors. But Ireland belong'd to the Church of Rome, to which the Natives gave themselves up long ago; now the French King is Eldest Son of the Church, and her Heir: Nay it's said, that his good Old Mother either sold or gave him that Kingdom, when she could make nothing of it her self; and may he not then claim it upon as good and better Grounds than Spain took and kept Navarr from its Lawful King, being an Heretick; of which that Wise Granam deprived him by no other Right then by that by which she pretends to disposess Heretick Kings.

It was by that Right she sent her Nuncio to display the Banner of Rebellion in Ireland in 41, and another Nuncio in or about 78, to raise the same Tragedy. Was it not by this Transport or making over of Ireland to her most Christian Son, that the Titular Bishop Talbot, undertook with others in Seventy three to prepare a Sea-Port Town in Ireland by Bribe or Stratagem to Receive a French Army, and to have Irish enough secretly enlisted in a readiness to meet them; when they Attempted first to Kill the English Agent, who came to disclose their Designs, and prevailed with Secretary Perridge and others to Post after him; Swearing, That if they met Everard, he would never come to England to tell Tales; as even Sir Edward Hungerford, who chanc'd to meet them remembers. When upon another sham Accusation they thought they had procured his Mouth to be for ever stopt in the Tower, then I say they went on still with their Design in Favour of France; and some others, unknown to the former, who since deserted their Camps, disclosed that the said Talbot and others, were in 78, carrying on the same Treachery as securely as before: And some, even in this very Month, came from Ireland, and Accused, as is said, before the Council, those very Persons, with other Titular French Agents, as Plunkett, Molony, &c. of which some were, as it is known, in great Favour and Correspondency with the French Court.

But supposed the French, had with the Papists conceived such a Design on England or Ireland, yet you say the Possibility of putting it into Execution, will still hinder it and make it Abortive. That the Landing of any Forreigner would be the Uniting of all our Divided Parties together against them; that they would be met with as Vnaminous a Resolution as when they were thought to have Landed at Purbeck Island last Year. And besides that, we would Clap up all Papists in such a Juncture that they are disarmed: And even the French themselves are sensible of this▪; therefore their Fleet and Back is Turned from us toward Italy and Germany.

Though it is not my Design to dispute much about the possibility of an Attempt, which I wish might be for ever impossible; yet for conscience sake, and to remove our Countreymens too much security, I say that neither you, nor any man, can know all the Papists, French, and other disaffected, prae-ingaged, Innovators, and Pensioners in England, who Protheus like, can shape themselves to all Figures: therefore how can you secure them all; how can you disarm them totally: And can you Answer for the Sentiments and Interest of all the different Parties in England, and specially in Ireland, which side they would incline? In Ireland, where to one Protestant there are three Papists, can you vouch they'll sooner joyn with an English Heretick than with a French Catholick? So many Ignorant Blind Zealots, so many Priest-ridden Furies, so many outed of their Estates on former Delinquencies, so many Thousands of Frenchified Officers and Cashiered Soldiers and Tories straggling there, shall they, think you, sooner joyn with English, against whom they have a blind Antipathy, than with those whom they look upon as damned Miscreants, Tyrants, Vsurpers of their Countrey and Religion, than with the French Romanists, whom they would welcome as Saviours and Restorers of their All: Nay as they think they lost all by the English, they'd venture all they have, viz. their Lives, for the French or other Foreigner. Neither can we be aware of all the Arms they may have hid, they may have Conveyed to them secretly; of all the Arms their fury could make use of in an uproar? What Store of Arms needed they for the Massacre of the Danes, or for the Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland? And can't their Holy Father enjoyn again, on such an Occasion, a Third Massacre to be prepetrated to the full Honour of the Holy Trinity in Three Persons?

In a word, what need we so much Dispute Touching the Impossibility of an Invasion, to render our selves more secure, when our own Histories do convince us how often, to our Cost, such a thing hath been done, which we could not prevent, when for our sins God would suffer it to be, by some Art we could not foresee till done. And not to mention our General Conquests, can we forget that same in King Iohn's Time, those other Landings of Spaniards and Italians in Ireland in Queen Elizabeth's Time, at the Invitation of the Pope and Papists? But you'll say we were then less Powerful, we were then more divided, we have stopped those Gapps; and it may be too they have refined their Pollicies and Ways of Attacking to the height of your Preparedness: and what ever our Power is now, I am sure the French were never more formidable and more fit to struggle with us. And our secret Divisions are near as great as our open ones were then; a little Spark from abroad, would perhaps, make it break out into a Flame; and our secret Enemies are no less dangerous than open ones: These can be known and met withal, but those cannot; and would be ready at a Watch-word to follow on the back of us; arising, as it were, out of an Ambuscado.

Yet all this, dear Countreymen, is said to caution and not to dishearten us, and to Unite and prepare us; as Fencers do shew the several Passes that can be made upon us, for to be ready to parry 'em, if need require.

My Design is not to dishearten, but to awaken and unite, to shew that this is the Greatest Plot of all, viz. to work our Disunion, which makes all others successful.

For I do not presume to say, That the French are just now ready for us, or preparing against us, but that the French do presume to set up Claims to our Countrey is apparent to the World in their Books and late Manifesto's; and give out mean, contemptible Characters of us, to seek to raise the Spirits of their Natives to triumph over us; that whether such things be done in Joke or Earnest, it is by such Artifices they began the Conquest of our Neighbours; its plain that they never let any of their Pretensions die, but watch fit opportunities for the execution of them; that the extraordinary number of their present Ships, is not answerable to any Design they might have on any Inland Towns or Places in Italy or Germany. What use is there of Ships to sail on the Land, that if there were no other Attempt against us, their Fleet is such, that it ought to breed Jealousie and Fears of Encroachments upon the Right of our Soveraignty on these Seas, on our Plantations, Sea-port Towns, and our Inward and Outward Trade and Comerce; on the Rights and Priviledges of our Neighbours, who for these many Ages stood as our Bulwarks and Banks against the swellings of this ambitious and active Nation, never so powerful as now. That his strengthening and manning his Sea-port-Towns ought to be taken notice of, his turning out of all Protestant Officers from off his Ships. The Sums of Money he returns to Rome, the Prayers they make for his Designs there, the unconcernedness that Rome and other Popish Neighbours are in touching his vast Preparations. The strong Leagues he makes with Swedeland and Denmark, and with other Princes; wherein he strives to prevent us. All these Considerations, I say, should make us quickly to Re-unite among our selves, Prince and People, Dissenters and Protestants; and I dare say, if a War were thought fit to be made with France, in Vnion with our Neighbours, there would be no better means to Re-unite us all; for this is the grand Plot of all other Plots; to keep us still disunited, to open a gap and inlet in our Body for a Foreigner.

Yet after all, knowing that the main difficulty will still lie herein, to perswade us that the French are not so much our Friends as we believe them to be; and fearing we should be thought to wrong that Nation rashly or groundless, I will more particularly quote some of the Authors of the French Politick's Policies, which he proposes to his King, and will confirm by many Secret and Publick Transactions and Matters Fact, that in their continual Practice they do follow these Maximes I will not insist on the means he offers of enslaving his own Country, let them look to that, of raising more the Nobilities power over the People; of devesting of the Parliaments Prerogatives to invest the King therewith; of bringing down the Clergy, that he make the Leeches of the Publick Revenue disgorge: Let him, I say, suggest means of Arming at Sea, without charge to the Crown, of improving of Trade, and the Colonies and filling of the Kings Coffers: But what hath he to do to be a Pedagogue to his Ambitious Prince, for to inslave other free Nations that have nothing to do with him.

This Politician then tells his King, That Spain is slow and stupid, and are not sensible of any smooth trick he may put upon 'em, but only of Affronts upon the Punctilio of Honour, yield 'em in that a little. He incites his Master to fill Portugal with Soldiers, to act in due time; and that the French Queen her self ought to second this by her Friends in Spain. He advises him to sow Divisions 'twixt the Prince of Orange and the Hollanders and the English, on the other side. To bridle Spain, and set these Nations to weaken and undermine each other. Let the King endeavour (saith he) to break their Leagues and Allies the one from the other, by feeding them with promises of imaginary supplies on that condition, and of joyning the French Fleet to theirs; but they must have Orders to Act but for a shew and not in earnest.

Now he comes to propose the ways of undermining England. And first he calls her Perfidious, and without Faith or Trust. That France ought to make no Treaty or Peace with her, but on advantagious and ambiguous terms; yet he wishes his Master to dissemble with England for to devour her the last. He then begins to declare by what Artificers this King must be brought to conceive Jealousies of his English Subjects and Parliament, and the Parliament likewise of the King; and to bring about that they may not abide the one the other, nor close one with the other.

In keeping the English thus in Feudes among themselves (saith he) the French will have time to push the Wheel of their Interest forward, and promote their own Designs abroad and against us without controul or suspicion, and then it will be easie enough to find a pretence to break openly with us, either on the account of the Title of France we take, and that the King of England must be put to it to renounce the same; as Queen Elizabeth forced Francis the Second of France and Queen Mary of Scotland to quit the Title of England, they put in the Stile, &c. or else to pick a Quarrel on the Point of the Precedency of our Ambassadors.

Then he comes to shew after what manner France must seize on Scotland, seeing that thence first sprung the Fire (as he says) that set England on a Flame. Then he doubts not but that Ireland will carry things very far of it self. Afterwards that Sects must be set at variance, one English with another; by which means Germany, and the Seventeen Provinces were put to Confusion.

That the King of England must be made a Favourer of the Catholicks, and Letters to be framed which must be interpreted for the proving of it. Then that the Hollander must be flattered that the French will make the Trade fall from England into their hands. That Belle Isle, or the Island of Rhe may be given to the Knights of Maltha, who must demand of England to restore the Commanderies and Benefices they formerly had here.

But this Author finding that his Master would be too much fettered, by seeking out Pretences of Right to Countreys, tells him plainly that he needs such and such places more; and that's reason enough (for their Conscience.) He needs (saith he) to get Strasburg, the French Comty, the State of Milan, and of Gene, Portolongone and Piombin; for to reduce Suisserland, Savoy, Tuscany, Madera, Parma and Rome it self; that Sardinia, Naples, and Sicily would follow of themselves. But that in fine, Fontaraby, Navarr, Majorca, and Minorca, would fit him mighty well toward his Universal Monarchy Undertaking; but he's a Fool, could not he have put him on the Conquering of Spain at his first step, and so all these same subordinate States would fall to him by course.

Being then in Employ at the French Court, we were told that his Majesty of Great Britain, as soon as he read these pernicious Maximes, lookt upon one of the Colberts, then here Ambassador, angrily saying, He well perceived that France did not coaks him but to destroy him. But that they bragg'd that Colbert put it handsomely off, by saying, That this Book was composed by Lisola the German, and to defame France; which incited the Curious to Examine whether that were true or not, but they found that the stile and manner was quite different, and that these Maximes were but for the advantage of France alone.

This Manuscript of the French Politician, had lain long in the French Kings Cabinet, whence an Officer was found to have stollen a Copy of it; then it was printed clandestinely, and care was taken for the suppressing it.

But to evince it more closely and undeniably, that that Book, with the other, which I quoted above, came out of the French Mint, that's out of their Cabinets; I'll manifest it by their late Practice in every one of those Maximes, that are set down in the French Politician. It's true, that Mareschal Villeroy, a great Statesman, was wont to reduce the main Stratagems, by which they wheadled their Neighbours, to these two, Par Finance & Finesse, that is by Money and Cunning and Conney too, which is one of their chief Nets to catch their Neighbours in. But to come to particulars, Their chief Artifices for dividing and undermining their Friends, may be reduced to these following: 1. By Sinons or pretended Fugitives. 2. By Pentioners in our Councils. 3. By Alliances and French Ladies. 4. By breaking open and diciphering our Secretess Letters. 5. By sending Auxiliaries that favour our Enemies. 6. By Ambiguous Treaties, to gain time and advantage of breaking them. 7. By spreading Slaunders and fomenting Jealousies betwixt the Kings and their People. 8. By entertaining a secret League with the Turk.

Now to begin with those more general and remote means, which France takes to divide her Neighbours in their Leagues and Amity. She usually calls in the Turk upon the back of 'em; and this most Christian King will not stick to enter into secret Covenants with that Antichristian Tyrant against the rest of Christendom. I need not mount up so high as Francis the I. Henry the II. and other their Successors, who openly brought in the Turk against Charles the V. and other Emperors; publick Histories can bear me Witness in it. Rincon and Fregose were taken by the way, seized with Instructions from Francis the I to Soliman, to excite this Infidel to War against the Christian Princes; and when any of Francis his Neighbours would upbraid him with such Antichristian Treacheries, he could put it off but with a Drollery: What, says he, May not I, when beset with Wolves, call in for Dogs to help me. But to come to our times, What made the French to be the occasion of the loss of Candia, and to yield the advantage at Gigerys and Hongary; but for to manage the Turkish Amity to oppose him to the Emperor, if he proffers to stir or to enter into Tripple League. They sent some Supplies, 'tis true, to dazzle the World, but when La Feuillade (who knew not the Secret) brought his. Men to an Engagement, he was opposed by Coligny; who had Orders to do things but for a shew. Besides, the King sent Counter Orders with some of the major Officers, which they were to read, but when they came to Candia; Monsieur De Louvas hindred many of the most valiant and considerable Officers, Gentry and Soldiers, to go thither, even as Voluntiers. In fine, The Divisions, Counter-seasons, and wilful Misunderstandings of the French with their Allies, in that occasion, did more to the loss of the City, than the Batteries of the Turks, who had spent some score years in vain toward the Conquest of that place, but could never get it out of the Venetians single hands, till these double-dealing French Friends came into help more toward the losing of it than the maintaining it; so that the Venetians might have had more reason to send back these French Supplies than they had in returning home Prince Almerick of Modena's Succours upon some such suspicion.

And the Turkish Embassador (a thing very unusual to be sent from the Ottoman Grandeur) who afterwards was dispatch'd to the French Court, unriddles the Matter, and though the King made the difficile and scornful with him, yet he sent Orders to caress him and make much of him in secret; as looking upon the Mahumetans to be one of the chief Supporters of his Crown and State.

And as the French will be Friends with the Turks to use 'em against their Enemies, so with those they pretend openly to help, as their Friends, they deal as with Turks in effect, by underhand Conspiracies; I mean in their Auxiliary Supplies to their Allies: Their Succours tend but to leave 'em in the lurch, to be desroyed by their Concurrents; that when he hath ingaged the Frog and silly Mouse to a Fight, to weaken the one the other, he, the French Kite, might the more easily snatch 'em both away in his greedy Talons. Besides what we alledged above of his treacherous Auxiliaries to Hongary and Candia, we may intimate those he sent some years ago to help Holland against the Bishop of Munster; and a little afterwards on the same Claims sets Munster again Holland; and when it came to the push, leaves him to the mercy of the Hollander, all he sought for, being but to seek to destroy these two (Supporters of Flanders ) the one by the Hands of the other. His Design was the same touching England, when of late he sent his Fleet to assist us against Holland, with secret Orders to d'Estree ▪ to leave the English and Hollander to destroy each other.

While France, both at the Treaty of the Pirenees, and afterwards, had sworn a firm Offensive and Defensive League with Spain; they underhand sought to weaken their Allies, by sending men and money with Colbert, Schomberg, and under Turenne's Name, as Voluntiers to the Portuguezes, till a Ship that was taken by the Spaniards, happily discovered that the Portuguezes were stirred up and incouraged by the French in their Attempts against the Catholick King. France, by reason of a French Princess, seemed to be the greatest Friend in the World to Poland, but to shew what Friendship that was, they manage with Swedeland that Treaty of Stumdorff seemingly in favour to the Polanders, but in effect very prejudicial to them, and in the mean time Avagour, Lombres, and Bezieres, are imployed to set these Crowns together by the Ears, and to perswade King Cazimer of Poland to lay down his Crown, to make way for Conde, Newburg, or for some other Votary of France. Moreover, while this coaksing Nation did hugg the Emperour, he finds such Papers in the taking of Muran, a Fortress in the Vpper Hungaria, which manifestly shewed that the French had in the mean time incouraged the Hungarians in this Rebellion.

3. Another Artifice of theirs is to send out Sinons, or pretended Fugitives, which are forsooth banished from their Court, yet these are in a secret Intelligence with them to send to 'em all Foreign Intelligences, by seeming to betray France to that Nation whereunto they fly. Thus have we known and seen Monsieur Gourville to be banisht, as it were upon the account of Foucquet to Brussells, Madrid, and the Hague. There to screw himself into favour, he communicated to 'em some empty Secrets, to hide from them the true State of Affairs of France. His Couriers did seemingly go from Paris to Flanders and Holland, and backward again; and in this Hurry, Course and Intercourse, he fed the Spaniards but with Chymera's, and sent an Accompt of their real Designs into France: But after all, when this Impostor was found out by the Spaniard, he was as heartily wellcommed at Paris, as if no grudge had ever been; and from Intendant of the Prince of Conde's, he was received into an inner favour. I could mention the Guizes in former times, who were banisht, to gull the Protestants, and some of late sent into England, and perhaps the Earl of S. (who in their Language makes sixteen) is this last month fled hither into England, upon no other occasion.

4. What should I run over the particulars I above promised to demonstrate, when all observing persons may prove them to themselves. When his late breaches of the Treaties of the Pyrenees, of Breda, of Westphalia, and of Nimeguen, do shew that France values no otherwise such Ties, than Lisander did the solemnest Oaths, that is to deceive men thereby, and to get a fit opportunity of breaking them to his advantage. But we intend to set forth shortly an Abstract of the Treaties of France with the House of Austria in this last Century, and the Reasons of the Alternative Growth and Decline of each of these, and therein it will from the words of the Treaties and Impartial Historians appear, how far the French are to be trusted to in this point of Transactions and Covenants.

5. Now as to the use they may make of Emissaries and Pensioners abroad, to make Factions in the Neighbouring Courts; the clear-sighted know that Monsieur Vaubrun was sent into Germany but for to stir Serin and Ragotzi, against the House of Austria. Each one may perceive that the Prince Furstemburg, who is in Bavaria, does act in consort with the other Furstemberg, that resides in France: And that Monsieur Gremonville was the occasion of the Revolt in Hungary; for which and several other Divisions he wrought in Vienna, he was expell'd more civilly than he deserved.

The Archbishop of Gnesne and the Mareschal Sobieski, were the Pensioners that France bragg'd of in the Court of Poland; and of some also in ours, which could be named, but that a respectful tenderness for my Countrymen makes me more reserved, and shall shut them up in my own Breast, hoping they have since repented of such base and unnatural Treacheries, toward their generous and gracious King, and dear Countrey; especially knowing some of 'em to be dead, and others almost dying: which were mentioned in Parliament.

6. Now touching French Princesses they match out, to have occasion thereby to divide their Neighbours, God forbid that I should think that all the Ladies of that Rank were Fredegonde, Brunehaut, or Helena like, but that as this later was the occasion of the subtle Grecians getting foot into the Trojan Territories, and of imbroyling and ravaging it by long Wars; so I observed that most commonly those French Princesses are Engines of State, to carry along with 'em abroad Corresponding Colonies of that restless, ambitious, and intriguing Nation, to make the interest of that Court where they go to bend to that of their Native Countrey, which they ever love best. I'll but glance at Examples. The very memory of Mary of Nevers is odious in Poland, by whose occasion that Country was brought into such inward Disturbances and Factions, that not long ago King Cazimir himself at last was fain to quit the Crown for a quiet Coole in the Abbey of St. Germain at Paris But the observant in Publick Affairs may find fresh Presidents hereof in Tuscany, Portugal, and perhaps England not long since; and I am affraid that Lady they of late sent to Spain, will be the pretence in time to come, of making more Demands than that of Mastrick, which they would now go about.

7. Hitherto we have toucht of the Causes or Instruments the French do make use of, now of the Effect, which is Divisions in Foreign Courts, either to cut out work for such at home, that they may be no Obstacle to the Carier of the French Conquests; or to make a Breach among us, at which they may creep in more easily. For the proof hereof, for brevities sake I'll refer you to what I hinted above, touching the Divisions the French Emissaries wrought in Poland in and before the year 71, and likewise about and before that time in Germany, when their Agents swarmed there to sow those Seeds of War which we have since seen sprung up to such a height as cannot be yet cut down nor extirpated possibly by all the hands in Europe. Colbert the Junior (as I mention'd before) not long since carried away Corn and Coin, viz. Thirty thousand Crowns into Portugal, by way of Loan as it were, to raise the Countrey against the Spaniard, and so make a Diversion from Flanders. But the Instructions and Covenants whereby the French required some Sea-port Towns on the Coast of Spain to be given to themselves (as I warrant you they'll serve no Friend for nothing) these I say were seized in another Ship that straggled into the Spaniards Nett, where all the Mine was discovered. Such was the Disturbances they wrought in Lorrain, that the late Duke (somewhat guilty thereof himself) dolefully cried out, That the Neighbourhood of France was a smoke that would drive him out of his own Countrey and Estate.

What should I mention the Jealousies, Dissentions and Divisions, which we with tears behold here to be wrought by them in our England and its Dependants, when any unbyass'd considering person may perceive that they strive to repeat the Scenes of the late Intestine Tragedy, wherein that Wicked French Embassadour Monsieur de Thou, by his Agents confessed and repented too late, to have acted here the Prologue, by traducing, blasting, and heightning in that moderate Royal Martyr a propensity to Popery, forsooth, by mis-representing the King to the People, the People and Parliament to the King, by unsuspected Instruments; by contriving means to divide the unwary Protestants about Formalities and petit Differences, about Indifferent Things, wherein it is impossible to unite 'em in, no otherwise than by Charity, Meekness, and Patience; for Persecution is observed to increase Proselites, and make 'em more zealous and vertuous; which otherwise without opposition would languish and decay: but if the work be of God, as Gamaliel said, that cannot be destroyed by Men by all art or power. When by such Artifices the French and Jesuit had blinded some Dissenting Zealots with specious Pretences of removing evil Councellors and of some Incroachments, then things being ripe, the greedy Lawless Souldier is brought on the Stage, to make our King and People bleed together, without seeing the Hook, but too late; when at first moderate and impartial Counsels might have healed things, if they might be suffered to come to an understanding; and to touch the Root of the Disease; Sed quid haec ingrata revolvo.

But remember in a word, That whether Times tend to a further Dis-union of Spirits, or to a thorow Union, yet in either Juncture the Judgment of God and Man will soon find out those base Sinons, those Incendiaries, those French Pensioners and Lawless Statesmen, that seek to divide the good Father and his poor Children, and to rent miserably their own Mothers Bowels for private ends by unworthy Policies. And those Persons or Party (whatever it be) which recede most from French Devices and Popish Forms, and shall in their plain meaning and counsels, tend but to close to the honest Fundamental Laws of their Countrey and of the Gospel, after a simple, loyal, and charitable Interpretation; they and only they shall prevail and be in request with their King and Countrey at the long Run, for that God will be above Man. In fine, I refer to the Reader to judge, and to our Superiors to determine, Whether the mean proposed in the following Discourse (which lay by me) be so seasonable or practicable, which however I meant to be of this use, to make a Diversion of all Englishmens inward bitterness and choller, against a more fit Object and Enemy; that they may cease to look upon one another with a sharp Eye, but look off rather towards abroad, whence the Spring of our Divisions come; viz. from France and Rome.