THE LIFE OF MARCUS ANTONIUS. From the Greek, By CHARLES FRASER, M. D. VOLUME V.

THE Grandfather of Antony was the His Paren­tage. famous Pleader, whom Marius put to death for having taken part with Sylla: His Father was Antony surna­med the Cretan, not the same with him [Page 130] that was so celebrated and esteemed for his skill in publick affairs, but a worthy good man, and particularly remarkable for his Liberality, which may appear from this sing [...]e Action of his. He was not very rich, and withal diverted from the exercise of his good Nature by his Wife, a Friend of his that stood in need of money came to borrow of him; money he had none, and therefore commands his Servant to bring water in a silver Bason with which he la­ther'd himself, as though he had design'd to shave, and sending away the Servant upon another Errand, gave his Friend the Bason, desiring him to make what use he pleas'd on't, but this making a great stir among the Servants, and putting his Wife into very ill humour, to save her the trou­ble of any further enquiry he acknowledg­ed what he had done, and begg'd her par­don. His Wife was Julia of the Family of the Caesars, who for her discretion and fair behaviour was not inferiour to the most ce­lebrated Ladies of that time. 'Twas under her that Antony received his Education, she being after the death of his Father remar­ryed to Cornelius Lentulus, who was put to death by Cicero for having been of Cati­line's Conspiracy: This probably was the first ground and occasion of that mortal grudge that Antony bore Cicero, who also [Page 131] did pretend that the body of Lentulus was denied Burial, till by great application made to Cicero's Wife it was granted to Ju­lia. But this seems to be a manifest Error, for none of those that suffer'd in the Con­sulate of Cicero had the right of Burial de­ny'd them: As soon as Antony was grown Is de­baucht by Curio. up, he prov'd a very beautiful youth, but by the worst of misfortunes he fell into the acquaintance and made a strict Friendship with Curio, a Man abandon'd to his plea­sures; who, to make Antony's dependance of greater necessity, plung'd him into all the inconveniencies of Whoring and Drink­ing, and made his Expences so Extravagant, that he contracted a debt that was very shameful in one of his age, even two hun­dred and fifty Talents. Curio was his Sure­ty, which coming to the knowledge of Cu­rio's Father, he took an occasion to dismiss Antony from his house. Soon after this he engaged himself with Clodius the most in­solent and turbulent disturber of the Go­vernment, that that age had produced, but not being able long to endure his madness, and withal apprehensive of the powerful Cabal against Clodius, he left Italy, and travell'd into Greece, where he spent his time in warlike Exercises, and in the Study of Eloquence; he affected much the Asia­tick way of speaking, which was most in [Page 132] fashion then, and had most resemblance to his temper, which was very Rhodomantade and brave, very Ambitious, and unequal. After some stay in Greece, he was invited by Gabinius the Proconsul to make a Compagne in Syria, which at first he refu­sed, not being willing to serve in a private Character, but receiving a Commission to Command the Horse, he went along with him. His first service was against Aristo­bulus, who had prevail'd with the Jews to Rebel. He himself was the first that scal'd the Walls, and on the strongest side of the Town, beat him from all his Forts, and in a pitcht Battel overcame him, though much inferior in number, put most of them to the Sword, and took Aristobulus and his Son Prisoners. This War ended Gabinius was sollicited by Ptolomy, to restore him to his Kingdom of Aegypt, and a promise made of ten thousand Talents reward, most of the Officers were against this enterprize, and Gabinius himself did not much approve it, though shrewdly tempted by the ten thousand Talents, which had a powerful influence over him. But Antony desirous of engaging in brave Actions, and willing to gratifie a Petitioning King, was resolv'd to use all his Interest to bring about Gabi­nius to undertake this Expedition, all were of opinion that the March to Peleusium was [Page 133] of more dangerous consequence than any thing else that could probably happen in the way; for they were to pass over a deep Sand, where no fresh water was to be hop'd for, all along the Marishes of Serbonis, which the Aegyptians give out to be the hollow Canal through which Typhon takes his breath, and is in truth an Eruption caused by the over-flowing of the Red-Sea, which is separate from the Mediterranean but by a small Neck of Land. But Antony being Or­der'd thither with a party of Horse, did not only make himself Master of the passes, but won Peleusium a strong City, took in the Citadel, and by this means rendred the March secure to the Army, and the way to Victory not uneasie to the General. The Enemy was sensible of Antony's generous disposition, for when Ptolomy had entred Peleusium in great rage and malice, against the Aegyptians, designing to put them every one to the Sword: Antony positively with­stood him, and hindred the Execution. In great and frequent skirmishes and battels many were the proofs he gave of his perso­nal Valor and Military Conduct, but never did it more plainly appear than in that A­ction of his, when wheeling about he at­tack'd the Rear of the Enemy, and gave opportunity to them that charg'd the Front to obtain an intire Victory, for which he [Page 134] received both rewards and honors. Nor was his humanity less taken notice of towards the deceased Archelaus, he had been former­ly his Guest and Acquaintance, as he was in duty bound he fought him bravely while alive, but finding his dead body, he buried him with all the Ornaments and Decency which were due to the quality of a King. Upon these and many other considerations, the Alexandrians spoke of him with infinite respect, and the Roman Soldiers lookt upon him as one of most worthy qualifications; to compleat all, he was a Man of Excellent Shape and Mein, his Beard was of a comely growth, his Fore-head large, his Nose was of the Roman Shape, and something he had in his Countenance of Greatness, that made him seem to resemble the Statues and Medals we have of Hercules, and it was an ancient Tradition that the Antonies were descended of Hercules by a Son of his called Anteon, and this Opinion he endeavored to confirm by affecting the likeness of him both in his Mein and Dress, for whensoever he appear'd in publick he wore his Vest girt low about the hips, a broad Sword on his side, and over all a large course Plad, or Mantle. What might seem to some very insupportable, as vain glory, raillery, drinking in publick, fre­quenting the Common Soldiers Tables and eating places, made him the delight and [Page 135] pleasure of the whole Army. He was very agreeable in his Loves, and gain'd many Friends by the assistance he gave them in theirs, being very pleasant in his Raillery upon his own intrigues. The generous tem­per which he was of, in disposing of his gra­tuities with an open and liberal hand to the Soldiers, and his Friends, gave him a fair opportunity of making his fortune, and was very advantageous to him in establishing him in his new honours and employments, from which it is improbable he ever could have fallen, but by a thousand follies which he was Master of. One instance of his Li­berality I must relate, he had order'd to one of his Friends twenty five thousand Crowns, and his Steward wondring at the extrava­gance of the sum, laid all the Silver in a heap as he should pass by. Antony seeing the heap ask'd what it meant? His Steward reply'd, the mony you have order'd to be dispos'd of to your Friend, well perceiving the ma­lice of the Action, says he, I thought I had order'd much more, 'tis too little, pray let the sum be doubled; but enough of this. The Citizens of Rome were divided into two parties, they that seemed to favor the Senate follow'd Pompey, who was then present, the others that consider'd the interest of the People sheltred themselves under the Autho­rity of Caesar, who was then making War [Page 136] in Gaul. Curio the Friend of Antony having changed his party, had devoted himself to Caesar, and brought over Antony to his ser­vice, the Authority which he had gain'd by his Eloquence and great expences which were constantly supply'd by Caesar, gave him opportunity of making his Friend An­tony first Tribune of the People and then Augur, whose coming into the heat of bu­siness made him capable of rendring no small services to Caesar. In the first place he op­pos'd the Consul Marcellus, who had design­ed some old Legions for Pompey with Com­mission to raise new ones, making an order that they should be sent into Syria to rein­force Bibulus his Army, who was then ma­king War with the Parthians, and that no one, as they should answer it at their peril, should give in their Names to serve under Pompey. Next finding that Pompey's Faction would not suffer Caesar's Letters to be receiv­ed or read in the Senate, by vertue of his Office he read them publickly, and succeeded so well, that many were brought to change their mind, and to declare that Caesar's de­mands were but just and reasonable; at length two questions being started, the one whether Pompey should dismiss his Army, the other if Caesar his: some were for the former, for the latter all, except some few; when Antony stood up and put the question, [Page 137] if it would be agreeable to them that both Pompey and Caesar should dismiss their Ar­mies, which proposal was approv'd of with great acclamations, and Antony desir'd, after much honor receiv'd, to put it to the Vote, but this was oppos'd by the Consuls, and Caesar's Friends making some new proposals, which did not carry the least appearance of unreasonableness were brow beaten by Cato, and Antony himself commanded to leave the Senate by Consul Lentulus. He gave them many a bitter [...]rse at his going out, and dis­guising Turn'd out of the Senate goes to Caesar. himself in a Servants habit, accom­panied only with Quintus Cassius in a hired Chariot, he went straight away to Caesar, they no sooner arrived, but great were the Complaints they made that affairs at Rome were transacted without any order or ju­stice, that the privilege of speaking in the Senate was deny'd the Tribunes, and that he, that asserted the Common right of the Peo­ple, was in imminent danger of his life, Caesar took hold of this pretence to march his Ar­my into Italy; and upon this hint it was that Cicero writes in his Philippicks, that Antony was as much the Cause of the Civil War, as ever Helena was of the Trojan. But this is but a surmise, for Caesar was not of so weak a temper as to suffer himself to be car­ry'd away by a passion into a Civil War with his Country, upon the sight of Antony and [Page 138] Cassius seeking refuge in his Camp, in mean habit and a Hackney Chariot, without ever having thought or taken his measures in an affair of so great consequence; this was to him, that wanted a pretence of declaring War, a fair and equitable occasion, but the true motive was the same that formerly set Alexander and Cyrus at odds with all Man­kind, the unquenchable thirst of Empire, and the distracted Ambition of being the greatest Man in the World, which was impracticable for him, unless Pompey were reduc'd. So soon then as he had surprized Rome, and driven Pompey out of Italy, he purpos'd first to go against the Legions that Pompey had in Spain, and then to have a Fleet in readiness to at­tend his Motions, leaving the mean while the Government of Rome to Lepidus the Praetor, and the Command of the Army to He is left General in Italy. Antony Tribune of the People, who was not long in getting the hearts of his Soldiers, eating and drinking himself with them, and making them presents to the utmost of his abilities. But on the other side he want­ed not his Enemies, he was too lazy to in­form himself in the Complaints of the injur'd, and was impatient in any thing of business, and his Familiarity with other peoples Wives, gave him an ill reputation. In short the Government of Caesar (which in it self was little better than Tyrannical) [Page 139] was by the indiscretion and insolence of his Friends render'd insupportable: And Antony, as he had the greatest power in the Army, so he committed the most notori­ous Insolencies, and had much to answer for. But Caesar at his return from Spain, wink'd at his faults, not thinking fit to dis­oblige a Souldier that could suffer all Fatigue, was very brave of his person, and an expe­rienced Commander. Caesar going aboard at Brundusium, sailed over the Ionian Sea with a few Troops, and sent back the Fleet with Orders to Antony and Gabinius, to embark the Army, and Land as soon as might be in Macedonia. Gabinius having no mind to put to Sea, and being apprehensive of the Winter-Season, was forc'd to March his Army round about by Land; but An­tony, being more afraid lest Caesar might suffer some great inconvenience from the number of his Enemies, who press'd him hard, beat back Libo, who was at Anchor o [...]ercomes Libo. with a Fleet in the Mouth of the Haven of Brundusium, having Mann'd out several small Pinnaces and other Boats, with which he encompassed each Galley, and made them retire, gaining thus an occasion of putting aboard twenty thousand Foot, and eight hundred Horse, and so set out to Sea. The Enemy having espied him, made up [Page 140] to him; but this Danger he escaped, by reason that the South-Wind was so high that the Enemies Fleet was not able to live in so rough a Water; but. withal he had like to have fallen upon a Ridge of Rocks, where the Sea wrought so high, that there was no hope of escaping Ship-wrack, when all on a sudden the Wind turn'd about to South-west, and blew from land to the main Sea, where Antony sailing in security, saw the Coast all covered with the Wreck of the Enemies Fleet; for the Gallies of Pom­pey had been miserably toss'd up and down, and many of them sunk; he took many Prisoners, and much Booty; he took also the Town of Lyssus, and by the seasonable arrival of so great Recruit, gave heart to the Affairs of Caesar. There was no En­gagement in which he did not signalize himself; twice he stopt the Army in its flight, led them back to a Charge, and gain­ed the Victory, that not without reason, his Reputation, next to Caesar's, was great­est in the Army; and what opinion Caesar himself had of him, did well appear, when Pharsalia was to determine who should be Emperour of the World; he himself chose to lead the right Wing, committing the charge of the left to Antony, as to the most experienc'd Officer of all that serv'd under him. After the Battel, Caesar being crea­ted [Page 141] Dictator, went in pursuit of Pompey, and sent Antony to Rome, with the Chara­cter of Tribune of the People, who is in Office and Power next to the Dictator, when present, and in his absence rules in Chief. For upon the Election of a Dicta­tor, all other Magistrates cease to exercise any Authority in Rome. The young Dola­bella, who was also Tribune of the People at that time, and a great promoter of new Projects, was for enacting a Law, to re­scind the register'd Debts, and would needs perswade Antony to joyn with him; who was his Friend, and forward enough to promote any thing that was agreeable to the generality of the People. Asinius and Trebellius were of the contrary Opinion, and at the same time a grievous Fit of Jea­lousie possessing Antony, that Dolabella was kinder than he desired to his Wife; and taking it to heart, he parted with her (she was his Cousin-German, and Daughter to Caius Antonius, the Colleague of Cicero,) and taking part with Asinius, declared War with Dolabella, who had seiz'd on the Mar­ket-place, in order to give Authority by force to his new Law. Antony, by a special Command of the Senate, who had autho­riz'd him to oppose Dolabella's breaking in­to the Market-place, gave him Battel; in the Fight many were lost on both sides, and by [Page 142] this action he did incurr the displeasure of the common People, and, by reason of his Course of Life, was not only not agreeable, but (as Cicero says) had in detestation by the better sort of People, abominating his Midnight-Revelling, his wild Expences, and his rowling from one little Whore to another, his Naps in the Day, and his Walks to digest his Debauches, and then at Night again his Entertainments and Balls, for the solemnizing the Nuptials of some Comoe­dian or Buffoon. It is reported, that drink­ing all night at the Wedding of Hippias the Comoedian, and on the Morning, being to harangue the People, he ventur'd out, over-charg'd as he was, and vomited before them all, one of his Friends receiving it in his Gown. Sergius, the Comoedian, was he who had the greatest Power with him, und Cytheries, of the same Vocation, the Woman that had his Heart; She, when he went his Progress, accompanied him in a Litter, and had her Equipage, not in any thing inferiour to his Mother's; the world was scandaliz'd at the great Pomp of his Travelling Plate, which was more proper for the Ornaments of a Triumph, than the Convenience of a Journey, at his causing Tents to be set up every where in the way by Rivers sides, and in Groves, for his di­ning with all the Luxury imaginable, and [Page 143] that he made his Chariot to be drawn by Lions, and lodg'd his little Whores, and singing Wenches, wheresover he past, in the Houses of serious Men, and Women famous for their Matron-like Behaviour. And it seemed very unreasonable that Caesar out of Italy should fare hard, and with great fatigue and danger pursue the remain­der of a dangerous War, whilst others, in pretending his Authority, left no insolence unpractis'd upon their Fellow-Citizens, and this undoubtedly was occasion of great Trouble in Rome, and gave the Souldier encouragement to injure and plunder the People; upon this, it is probable that Cae­sar at his return, acquitted Dolabella, and being created the third time Consul, took not Antony, but Lepidus for Colleague. Pompey's House being to be sold, Antony would buy it, but was much troubled at the paying for it. This, and that he thought his former Services had not been recom­penced as they deserved, made him not follow Caesar with his Army into Libya; and it is apparent, that Caesar's not coun­tenancing his Follies, was a great Means of his amendment; being weary therefore of this Course of Life, he marries Fulvia the Widow of Clodius, the great Ring-leader of the People, a Woman not born for Spin­ning or Houswifry, nor one that could be [Page 144] content with the power of ruling a private Husband, but a Lady capable of advising a Magistrate, and of ruling the General of an Army, so that Cleopatra had great Ob­ligations to her for having taught Antony to be so good a Servant, he coming into her hands tame and broken in all obedience to the Commands of a Mistress. Antony had many Devices by which he used to enter­tain and divert her from her more serious way of Carriage. As when Caesar after his Victory in Spain, was on his return, Antony, among the rest, went out to meet him, and a Rumour being spread that Cae­sar was kill'd, and the Enemy marching in­to Italy, he return'd to Rome, and disgui­sing himself, came to her by night, as a Servant that brought Letters from Antony; but she, with great impatience, before she receiv'd the Letter, asks if Antony were well? instead of an Answer, he gives her the Letter, and as she was opening it, took her about the Neck and kiss'd her. This little Story, of many of the same nature, we thought fit to give you, by which you might guess of his humour. There was no body of Quality in Rome, that did not go some days journey to meet Caesar in his re­turn from Spain; but Antony was the best received of any, admitted to ride the whole Journey with him in his Coach; behind [Page 145] came Brutus, Albinus, and Octavian, his Sister's Son, well known afterward by the name of Augustus Caesar. Caesar being cre­ated the fifth time Consul, without any de­mur chose Antony for his Colleague, but designing himself to quit the Consulat to Dolabella, he acquainted the Senate with his resolution; but Antony opposed it with all his might, and saying all the bitter things of Dolabella, and receiving as injurious Language in return, Caesar could bear with the indecency no longer, but referr'd the Consideration of this Matter to another time; and the next time it was propos'd, Antony proclaim'd, that all Omens that were taken from the flight of Birds, were against his promotion; so that Caesar was constrain'd to leave Dolabella very much discompos'd; and 'tis credible, that Caesar had no great opinion of either of them; for when one accus'd them to have design'd against him; 'tis not the Men so well fed, and so wall dress'd I fear; but the pale and lean (said he) I dread; mean­ing Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspir'd his Death, and murther'd him. To whom, Antony, without designing any harm, gave the most plausible pretence that could be wish'd for. The Romans were celebrating their Festival called the Lupercalia, when Caesar in his Trium­phal [Page 146] Habit, and seated on a kind of Throne in the Market-place, was a Spectator of the Sports; the Custom is, that many young Noblemen, and of the Magistracy anointed with Oyl, and having Straps of white Leather in their hand, run about and strike every one they meet. Antony was sporting with the rest; who, as soon as the ancient Ceremonies were perform'd, took a Lawrel Garland, and having wreath­ed the Diadem about it, made towards the Throne, and being lifted up by his Com­panions, would have put it upon the Head of Caesar, as if by that Ceremony he were declared King; but Caesar seemingly refu­sed the Offer, and was applauded by the People with great Shouts; the Dispute be­twixt Antony's offering, and Caesar's refu­sing the Crown, lasted some while. An­tony receiving but little encouragement from the Shouts of a few Friends, and Cae­sar's Refusal being accompanied with the general Applause of the People; and this is very remarkable, that the People should endure patiently all that a Kingly Govern­ment could impose, and at the same time dread the Name of King, as the utter de­struction of their Liberty. Caesar very much discompos'd at what had past, stept down in haste from the Throne, and laying bare his Neck, said, he offer'd himself a willing [Page 147] Sacrifice to the People, if so it were their Pleasure. The Crown at last was put upon one of his Statues; but the Tribunes took it off, to the great satisfaction of the Peo­ple, who followed them home with conti­nual Shouts and Applauses: Caesar resen [...]ed this, and afterwards turn'd them out of their Office. These Passages gave great encouragement to Brutus and Cassius, who in making choice of trusty Friends for such an Enterprize, were thinking to engage Antony; every one approved the Man, but Trebonius, who did inform them that An­tony and he had been very intimate in the late Journey they took to meet Caesar, and that he had let fall several Words concern­ing the Matter now in hand, on purpose to sound him; that Antony very well un­derstood him, but did not at all approve of the Discourse; howsoever the Matter was never reveal'd to Caesar, but still kept as a great Secret. The Conspirators then proposed that Antony should die with him, which Brutus would in no wise consent to, not thinking fit that an Action under­taken in defence of Justice and the Laws, should be liable to so foul an Imputati­on. Antony therefore, who was to be con­sidered as a Man of Bodily Strength, and one that bore great Office in the State, was at Caesar's Entry to the Senate, to [Page 148] be amused without, in a Discouse of pre­tended Business. Just as it was ordered, Caesar was slain, and Antony surpriz'd at the Action, took the Disguise of a Servant's Habit, and retir'd; but understanding that the Conspirators had assembled in the Ca­pitol, and had no further Design upon any one, he gave them his Honour they might come down in safety, and sent his Son for an Hostage. That night Cassius supp'd at Antony's House, and Brutus with Lepi­dus, where they resolved the Senate should be call'd; and having pass'd an Act of Oblivion for the settlement of Affairs, Governments were assign'd to Cassius and Brutus, and whatsoever Acts had passed during the Reign of Caesar, were ratified with the consent of the whole Senate. Thus Antony went out of the Senate with that Reputation and Esteem that never Man had gain'd before him; for it was apparent to the World that he had taken away all the Grounds of a Civil War, and had shewn himself an able Minister of State, that knew how to unravel and com­pose Matters of so great Danger and Dif­ficulty. But these temperate Counsels were soon infected with the Pride of be­ing Favourite of the Multitude, and the Ambition of ruling in Chief, by the sup­planting of Brutus. In order to this, Cae­sar's [Page 149] Body being exposed in the Market-place, as the Custom is, while Antony made his Funeral-Oration, perceiving the People to be infinitely affected with what he had said from his Praises, he rais'd their Pity, and enlarged upon every Point, that could move Compassion; to compleat all, he took the Robe from off the dead Corps, and held it up, exposing it all bloody, and pierced through with many Stabs, calling the Conspirators Villains, and bloody Mur­therers, his Harangue had so great an ef­fect upon the Multitude, that they would not deferr the Solemnities of the Funeral; but making a Pile of Tables and Forms in the very Market-place, set Fire to it; and every one taking a Brand, ran in great fu­ry to the Conspirators Houses, with a re­solution to burn them alive. Upon this Tumult. Brutus, and his whole Party left the City, and Caesar's Friends joyned them­selves to Antony. Calphurnia Caesar's Wife, trusted her self to his Conduct, and the best part of her Estate, four thousand Ta­lents; he got also into his Hands all Cae­sar's Papers, wherein were contained Journals of all he had done, and Draughts of what he designed to do; which Anto­ny made good use of; for by this means, he made what Officers he pleas'd, brought whom he would into the Senate, recall'd [Page 150] some from Exile, freed others out of Pri­son, and all this as ordered so by Caesar. The Romans, by way of Raillery, call'd all that receiv'd any benefit by this Arti­fice Charonites, who, if put to prove their Patents, must have recourse to the Regi­sters of the Dead. In short, Antony's be­haviour in Rome, was very absolute, he himself being Consul, and his two Bro­ [...]hers in great place, Caius the one, Prae­tor, and Lucius, the youngest, Tribune of the People.

While Matters went thus in Rome, the young Caesar, Julius Caesar's Sister's Son, and by Testament left his Heir, arrived at Rome from Apollonia, where he was when his Uncle was kill'd. The first thing he did was to visit Anthony, as one his Uncle had greatest Obligation to; he spoke to him concerning the Money that was in his hands, and reminded him of the Legacy Caesar had made of seventy five Drachms to every Roman Citizen: Antony at first laughing at such Discourse from so young a man, told him, he wish'd he were in his Health, and that he want­ed good Counsel, and good Friends; to tell him the Burden of being Executor to Cae­sar, would sit very uneasie upon his young Shoulders. This was no Answer to him, but still he insists to have the Money and [Page 151] other goods which were his Inheritance, insomuch that Antony us'd him injuriously, thwarted his Interest upon all Occasions, oppos'd him in his Election of Tribune, and when he urged the dedication of his Father's Golden Chair (as had been Ena­cted) he threatned to send him to Prison if he desisted not from soliciting the Peo­ple. This made the young Caesar apply him­self to Cicero, and all those that hated An­tony, by them he was recommended to the Senate, while he himself courted the People, and from their respective quarters took the old Soldiers, and form'd them into a Body: this made Antony so apprehensive, that he gave him a meeting in the Capitol, and af­ter some words they came to an accommo­dation.

That night Antony had a very unlucky Dream, fancying that his right hand was Thunder struck, and some few days after he was inform'd that Caesar design'd up­on his life. Caesar would have justify'd himself, but was not believ'd, so that the breach was now made as wide as ever, each of them posted day and night all about Italy to engage the old Troops that lay scatter'd in their Quarters, and great were the promises that were made to the Legions that were yet standing. Cicero was of great reputation in Rome [Page 152] and made use of all his Art to exasperate the People against Antony, and at length perswaded the Senate to declare him a publick Enemy, and to send to Caesar the Rods and Axes, and all other Marks of Honour, that are usually given to the Pre­tor, and withal an Order was given to Hirtius and Pansa, who were their Con­suls to drive Antony out of Italy. The Armies engag'd nigh to Modena, and Cae­sar himself was present. Antony was de­feated, though both the Consuls were slain. Antony in his Flight was pursued by all the misfortune imaginable, and the worst shape it appear'd in was famine, but it was in these extremities that he natural­ly fell into a behaviour, that made him appear a Man much above himself; and Antony in misfortune was not easily di­stinguish'd from a vertuous Man. It is no extraordinary matter for Men that fall into great difficulties, to reason right, and understand what by their duty and ho­nour they are bound to do and suffer: Yet there are but a very few, who in great extremities have courage enough to trust to their own Judgment, either to imi­tate what they admire, or avoid what they Condemn, but abandon themselves to their beloved Ease, and for very want of industry become irresolute. Antony was [Page 153] a most illustrious Example of patience to the Army, who accustomed to so much Luxury and delicacy, could be contented to drink stinking water, and feed upon wild Fruits, and Roots, nay 'tis reported they de­voured the very Barks of Trees, and in pas­sing over the Alpes they lived upon the Flesh of Beasts, that man had never before tasted of, his design was to joyn Lepidus, who commanded the Army on t'other side the Alpes, who he imagined would stand his sure Friend, he having done him many kind Offices to Julius Caesar; he encamped near Lepidus his Army, but receiving from him no sort of encouragement, was resolv'd to push his Fortune and venture all. His hair was very long and disorder'd, nor had he shaved his beard since his last defeat, in this guise, and a mourning Mantle flung over, he came into the Trenches of Lepidus, and began to Harangue the Army, some were moved at his habit, others at his words, that Lepidus liking it not, ordered the Trum­pets to sound, that he might be heard no longer. This rais'd in the Soldiers a greater sense of pity, so that they resolv'd to send and conferr with him, and drest Laelius and Clodius in Womens Cloaths, and sent them to Antony, they advis'd him presently to attack Lepidus his Trenches, assuring him that a strong party should receive him, and [Page 154] if so he thought fit kill Lepidus. But Antony would not suffer that any injury should be done him, and next morning he marched his Army to pass over the little River that parted the two Camps, he was the first that gain'd the other side of the River, where he espy'd Lepidus his Soldiers in great num­bers reaching out their hands to help him; and beating down the works to make him way: Being entred the Camp, and finding himself absolute Master, he treated Lepidus with great civility, and gave him the title of Father, when he spoke to him, and though he had every thing at his own Command, he left him the honour of being called the General. This fair usage brought over to him Munatius Plancus, who was not far off with a considerable Force. Thus being ve­ry strong he repass'd the Alpes, and led with him into Italy, seventeen Legions, and ten thousand Horse, besides six Legions he left in Garrison under the Command of Va­rius one of his familiar Friends, that used to debauch with him, and was therefore sur­named Cotylon (which signifies a bottle,) Caesar perceiving that Cicero's intention was to re-establish the State in its former liberty, did soon quit that party, and by the Media­tion of his Friends came once more to a good understanding with Antony. They both met together with Lepidus in a small Island, [Page 155] where the Conference lasted three days. The Empire of the World was soon deter­min'd of, it being divided amongst them, as if it had been their paternal Inheritance: That which gave them all the trouble was to agree who should be put to death, every one intending to destroy his Enemies and to save his Friends. The thirst of being re­venged of their Enemies did in the end take off all manner of desire to preserve their Friends, and Caesar sacrific'd Cicero to An­tony, Antony his Uncle Lucius to Caesar, and both of them did easily grant to Lepidus the Liberty to murther his own Brother Paulus, though there are those that say it was requi­red of him. I do not believe any thing was ever heard of so barbarous as this Composi­tion, for in this exchange of blood for blood, they did not only murder those that were of­fer'd up unto their Fury, but them also that they abandon'd to the range of others. This Agreement being made the Army desir'd it might be confirm'd by some Alliance of Marriage, so that Caesar married Claudia the Daughter of Fulvia Wife to Antony. This affair being dispatch'd, three hundred more were adjudg'd to dye (by proscription) Antony had given order to those that were to kill Cicero, to cut off his head and right hand with which he had writ his invectives against him, when they were brought be­fore [Page 156] him, he beheld them with an inward satisfaction, not being able to contain him­self from often smiling at so horrid a specta­cle, when he had satiated himself with the sight of them, he ordered them to be hung up in the Court where the usual pleadings were, not considering that the affront he design'd to the memory of the dead redoun­ded to his own disgrace, who by this barba­rous Action rendred himself unworthy of that power he exercis'd. His Uncle Lucius being closely pursued had taken refuge in his Sisters Chamber, who when the murderers had broke into her house, and were pres­sing into her Chamber, she met them at the door, and holding them by the hands cry'd out several times, Ye shall never kill Lucius, Caesar, till you first dispatch me, me that gave your General his life and being; and she order'd the matter so well that she sav'd her Brother.

This Triumvirate was very hateful to the Romans, and Antony was most of all to blame, for he was Elder than Caesar, and had greater Authority than Lepidus, and withal was no sooner settled in his affairs, but he return'd to his debauch and dissolute way of living: Beside the ill reputation he had gained by his intemperance, it was ve­ry disadvantageous to him his living in the house of Pompey the Great, a Man as much [Page 157] celebrated for his temperance and honesty, as ever he was admir'd for having Tri­umphed three times. They could not with­out regret see the doors of that house shut against the Magistrates and Foreign Mini­sters, who were shamefully refus'd admit­tance, while it was open to Players, Juglers, and devouring Flatterers, upon whom he spent the greatest part of his ill acquired Riches, for they did not only take the For­feiture of the Estates of such as were pro­scribed, defrauding the poor Widows and Orphans, and lay impositions upon all man­ner of Goods, but hearing that several summs of money were, by as well Strangers as Citizens of Rome, deposited in the hands of the Vestal Virgins, they went and took the money away by force. Caesar perceiv­ing how extravagant Antony was in his Ex­pences, demanded a division to be made of the Revenues: The Army was also divided upon their march into Macedonia to make War with Brutus and Cassius, they leaving the Command of the City to Lepidus, ha­ving pass'd the Sea they encamped nigh the Enemy; Antony nigh Cassius, and Caesar nigh Brutus: Caesar did nothing worth re­lating, but success and Victory did still wait on Antony. In the first Battel Caesar was routed by Brutus, all his Baggage taken, and he himself very narrowly escaping by [Page 158] Flight, but as he himself writes in his Me­moirs, he retir'd before the Charge by rea­son of a dream of one of his Friends. An­tony overcame Cassius, but as some write he himself was not present at the Engage­ment, but that he joyn'd them afterwards in the pursuit. Cassius with earnest entrea­ty had perswaded his faithful Friend Pinda­rus, not knowing any thing of Brutus his good Fortune, to kill him. Shortly after they fought another Battel, in which Brutus lost the day and slew himself. Caesar being sick, Antony had the honour of the Action, who finding Brutus his Body among the slain, he gently reproach'd him with the death of his Brother Caius, who was put to death by Brutus his order in Macedonia in revenge of Cicero, but he said Hortensius was most to blame, who was therefore order'd to be slain upon his Brother's Tomb. He cast his rich purple Mantle upon the dead Body of Brutus, and gave in charge to one of his Servants to take care of his Funeral, who not burning the Mantle with the Corps, as Antony came to understand, and detain­ing part of the money which was to be ex­pended in the Funeral, was order'd to be slain. Caesar was carryed to Rome, no one expecting that he should recover from his sickness. Whilst Antony visited the Eastern Provinces to lay them under Contribution, [Page 159] he entred Greece at the head of a formida­ble Army. And the Impositions of necessity were to be very great since they had enga­ged that every common Soldier should re­ceive for his pay five hundred Crowns.

Antony's behavior towards the Grecians was very obliging, he was pleas'd to enter­tain himself in hearing the learned men dis­pute, in seeing their sports, frequenting their Religious Ceremonies, and shew'd a great deal of equity in deciding of Controversies: He was fond of being stil'd the Lover of Greece, but above all in being call'd the Lo­ver of Athens, to which City he had made very considerable presents.

The Megareans in imitation of the Athe­nians must needs invite Antony to come and see their Senate House, which whilst he sur­vey'd, they ask'd him how he lik'd it? he told them 'twas very narrow and ruinous, he caused an exact survey to be made of the Temple of Apollo Pythius as if he had de­sign'd to repair it, and indeed he had enga­ged himself to the Senate so to do, but pas­sing into Asia, he forgot all these glorious Projects, and leaving Lucius Censorinus in Greece, his whole application was to inrich himself with the Spoils of Asia. There Kings every morning waited his Leasure at his Chamber door, and Queens were rival­ling one another, who should make him the [Page 160] greatest presents, or appear most charming in his Eyes. Thus whilst Caesar was enga­ged in War, and strugling with Seditions in Rome, Antony at his Ease, fell naturally in­his old course of life: The Anaxenores a set of Harpers, the Xuthi, a company of Play­ers upon the Flute, and Metrodorus a dan­cing Master, with some other bands of A­sian Musick, did so much surpass his Italian Masters, that they had got great credit at Court: Nothing ran in the usual Channels, all business passing through their hands, so that all Asia was like the City that Sophocles speaks of, Where▪

When he made his Entry into Ephesus, the Women met him in the same habit they so­lemnize the Feasts of Bacchus, the Men and Boys were drest like Satyrs and Faunes, and quite throughout the Town nothing was to be seen but spears wreath'd about with Ivy, Harps, Flutes and Hautbois, they saluted Antony in their Songs by the Name of Bac­chus the gracious and the gentle, and so in­deed he was to some, but for the most part he was barbarous and inhuman, for he would deprive persons of worth and quality of their Fortunes to gratifie Villains and Flat­terers, [Page 161] who would sometimes beg the E­states of Men yet living, pretending they were dead, and obtaining a Grant, take pos­session: He gave his Cook the House of a Magnetian Citizen for dressing his Supper well. But when he burthened Asia with doubling the Imposts, Hybreas the Agent for those Cities made his remonstrance in very pleasant language, and not ungrateful to Antony, shewing him that since he thought fit to double their Taxes he would take some care that they might have their Summer and Autumn doubled too, that they might be in a condition to satisfie his demands: Then he added with some sharpness and as­surance; In Asia has been raised for your service two hundred thousand Talents, which if you have not received, take an account of them that Levy'd it, but if it be receiv'd and yet you are in want, we are for ever ruin'd. These last words did touch Antony to the quick, who, very ignorant of many things that were done in his name, not that in his nature he was easily to be impos'd upon, but by reason he had too great confidence in the integrity of those he employ'd. He was na­turally very sincere, but somewhat slow of apprehension, but so soon as he was made sensible of his faults, he was much troubled, and very ready to ask pardon of them he had offended, he was very prodigal in his re­wards, [Page 162] and very severe in his punishments, but his Generosity was much more extra­vagant than his Severity; his Raillery was very sharp, but the edge of it was taken off, and rendred inoffensive by his suffering any thing of Repartee; for he was as well con­tented to be handsomely rallyed, as he was pleas'd to rally others; this freedom had its inconvenience, for he imagined that those Friends, who used so much freedom in their mirth, would never flatter or deceive him in any business of consequence, not perceiv­ing that these subtil Parasites drest their ful­some flattery with a little pointed sauce to make it go down the better, which must have given him a surfeit had it not been dis­guised, and great use was made of the Liber­ty in business of importance, for upon exa­mining any difficulty they order'd their af­fair so that they might seem not to yield to him out of complaisance, but that he had a reach much Superior to their capacity.

Antony being of this disposition, the great­est He falls in Love with Cleopatra. mischief that could befal him was the Love of Cleopatra, which awaken'd and in­flam'd many a hidden dormant Vice, and if there were any spark of Virtue yet remain­ing, it stifled it intirely. And thus it was his Love began; making preparation for the Parthian War, he sent to Command her to make her personal appearance in Cilicia [Page 163] to answer an accusation that she had given great assistance in the late Wars to Cassius. Delleus who was sent on this Message had no sooner seen her admirable beauty, and with what a quickness and grace she receiv­ed him, but he began to consider how im­possible it was that so beautiful a Creature should receive any ill treatment at the hands of Antony, and therefore he behaved himself with all respect to her, courted her with all humility to pass into Cilicia in splendid Equipage, and intreated her not to be apprehensive of Antony, a brave and courteous Soldier. She had great Faith in the words of Dellius, but more in her own Beauty, which having formerly recommen­ded her to Julius Caesar and the young Pompey, she did not doubt but it might prove successful with Antony: Their Ac­quaintance was with her when a Girl, young and ignorant in the Arts of Love, but she was now to meet Antony in the flower of her age with all the Charms of Beauty, and all the artifice of riper years: she makes great preparation for her Journey, of Money, Gifts and other Ornaments of great value, which so wealthy a Kingdom did easily af­ford, but in her own irresistible Charms lay her great assurance: many were the Let­ters she received from Antony to hasten her coming, but she did not seem to make any [Page 164] great account of his Orders. At length she embarks upon a small Galley in the River Cydnus; the head of the Barge did shine with inlaid Gold, the Sails were of Purple Silk, the Oars of Silver, which beat time to the Flutes and Hautbois; she herself lay all along under a Canopy of Cloth of Gold curiously embroider'd, drest as Venus is or­dinarily represented, and beautiful young Boys like Cupids stood on each side to fan her, her Maids were drest like Sea Nymphs and Graces, some steering the Rudder, some working at the Ropes; the perfumes diffus'd themselves from the Vessel to the Shore, which was all cover'd with multitudes meeting and following the Galley, all the People running out of the City to see this strange sight, left Antony alone upon the Tribunal, and a rumor was spread abroad that Venus was come to Feast with Bacchus for the common good of Asia: Assoon as she was arriv'd Antony sent to invite her to Supper, but she thought it more decent that Antony should come to her, who to shew his civility to a Stranger made no difficulty to wait on her; he found the preparations very magnificent, but nothing was so ad­mirable as the great number of Lights, for on a sudden there was let down altogether so great a number of branches with Lights in them so ingeniously disposed, some in [Page 165] squares, and some in circles, that Fame can­not speak of a greater piece of curiosity. The next day Antony invited her to Supper, and was very desirous to out-do her as well in Magnificence as contrivance, but he came short of both, and was so much con­vinc'd of it that he began to despise and laugh at his own way of service. She per­ceiving that Antony's raillery was very gross, and savour'd more of the Soldier than the Courtier, she gave herself the liberty to use him in the same manner without any sort of reserve. Cleopatra was not, as is repor­ted, of so surprizing a Beauty, that no one could be compared with her, or that no one could behold her without astonishment, but her Conversation had those Charms that were not to be resisted, and that natural grace and sweetness which appear'd in every thing she said or did, stung her beholders to the Soul. Her tongue was hung so harmo­niously, that no Instrument was capable of more variety of sounds. She spoke most Languages, there were but few of the bar­barous Nations that she answer'd by an In­terpreter, to most of them she gave Au­dience herself, as to the Aethiopians, Troglo­dites, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes, Parthians, and many others, which is the more admirable in consideration that the most of the Kings her Predecessors could [Page 166] scarce attain to the Aegyptian tongue, and that several of them had quite forgot the Macedonian, which was their original Lan­guage.

Antony was so strangely taken with this Woman, that notwithstanding Fulvia his Wife maintain'd his quarrels in Rome against Caesar with great difficulty, and that the Parthian Troops commanded by Labienus (that King having made him General) were assembled in Mesopotamia, and ready to enter Syria, could yet suffer himself to be carried away by her into Alexandria, there to lead an easie Childish life in diver­tisements too youthful for his age, squan­dring away as Antipho calls it his most pre­cious and not to be retrieved time. They gave their way of living a particular name, calling it, the inimitable life. They treat­ed one another by turns, and their Expen­ces were without reason or measure. I re­member I have heard my Grandfather Lam­prias relate that Philotas a Physician of Am­physsa, who was at that time a Student in Alexandria, had told him, that he having an acquaintance with one of Antony's Cooks was invited by him to see what sumptuous preparations they were making for Supper, coming into the Kitchin, he admir'd the prodigious variety of all things, but parti­cularly seeing eight wild Boars roasted [Page 167] whole, says he, surely you have a great number of Guests; the Cook laugh'd at his simplicity, and told him there was not a­bove twelve to sup, but that every Dish was to be served up just roasted to a turn, and if any thing was but one minute ill timed 'twas spoil'd, for, said he, may be Antony will sup just now, may be not this hour, may be not these two hours, for that he has a mind to spend some time in drinking or dis­coursing, so that it is not one but many suppers must be had in readiness, for it was not easie to guess at his hour. This was Philotas his Story, who related besides how coming afterwards into the service of An­tony's eldest Son by Fulvia, and being ad­mitted with others of the better rank of Ser­vants to sit at Table with him, when he did not eat with his Father, it happen'd that another Physician, full of argument and noise had given great disturbance to the Company, whose mouth Philotas stopt with this Sophistical Syllogism: It is proper to give cold water to one that has a Fever in some degree; every one that has a Fe­ver hath it in some degree; it is good there­fore to give cold water in a Fever. The Man was quite struck dumb, and Antony's Son very much pleas'd, said, Philotas all that is yours, pointing to a side-board co­ver'd with rich plate. Philotas thank'd [Page 168] him for his good will, but could not con­ceive that the young Man had power to dispose of things of that value, but soon af­ter the Plate was all brought to him, and he desired to set his mark upon it, who fear­ing to accept the present, what ails the Man (said he that brought it) do you know that he that gives you this is Antony's Son, who could very well spare it if it were all gold, but if you will be advis'd by me, I would counsel you to accept of the value in money, for there may be amongst the rest some piece of antiquity, or the Work of some famous Master that Antony may have a particular esteem for. These relations I had from my Grandfather concerning Philotas.

To return to Cleopatra: Plato admits Cleopa­tra's hu­moring him. but of four sorts of Flattery, but this Wo­man would have learn'd him a thousand different kinds, that he ne'er dream'd off: Were Antony serious or dispos'd to mirth, she had every minute new graces and new arts to season all, with pleasure and delight, she had the absolute power over his Spirit, and never left him day nor night, she play'd at Dice with him, drank with him, hunted with him, and when exercising in Arms she was always by him, she would go a ram­bling with him a nights, to disturb and tor­ment People under their Windows, drest like an ordinary Woman, for Antony went [Page 169] in Servants disguise, and from those expe­ditions he often came home very scurvily treated and sometimes beaten severely. Though this sort of behaviour was very un­pleasing to some, yet the Alexandrians were well satisfy'd in his frolicks and jovial hu­mour, saying pleasantly, that they had great obligations for Antony, who diverted them with a Comical Countenance, and reserv'd the Tragical for the Romans. It would be very tedious to be more particular in his follies, but his fishing must not be forgot. He went out one day to angle with Cleopa­tra, and being so unfortunate as to catch nothing in the presence of his Mistress, he fell into a great passion, and gave secret or­ders to the Fishermen to dive under water, and put Fishes that had been fresh taken upon his hooks, he drew so fast that the subtil Aegyptian perceiv'd it, but feigning great admiration, she told every body how dexterous Antony was, and invited them next day to come and see him again; so soon as he had let down his hook, one of her Servants was too nimble for his Divers, and fixed upon his hook a salted Fish taken in the Pontick Sea, who when he felt his Line give, drew up the prey, which, as one may easily imagine, gave great occasion of Laughter, which she turning very agree­ably, said, Allow us, brave Sir, poor inhabi­tants [Page 170] of Charos and Canopus the reputation to be skilful in this Art, your Game is Ci­ties, Provinces, and Kingdoms.

Whilst Antony was thus amused in his Leaves A­lexandria. Childish recreations, two Messengers arrive, the one from Rome, who informs him that his Brother Lucius and his Wife Fulvia, af­ter many quarrels among themselves had joyn'd to resist Caesar, but having lost all were forc'd to fly out of Italy: The other brought little better news, how that Labi­enus at the head of the Carthians had over­ran Asia from Euphrates and Syria all along to Lydia and Ionia, scarce could he be row­sed from this sleep, but at length as it were recovering from a drunken Fit, he sets on­ward for Parthia, and having got as far as Phaenicia, upon the receipt of most lamen­table Letters from Fulvia, he turn'd his Course with two hundred Ships to Italy, and in his way, receiving such of his Friends as fled from Italy, he was given to under­stand that Fulvia was the sole cause of the War, a Woman of a restless Spirit, and very bold, and withal, her hopes were that the commotions in Italy would force Antony from Cleopatra. But it happen'd that Ful­via as she was coming to meet her husband, fell sick by the way, and dy'd at Sicyon, by which reason an accommodation with Cae­sar was easily made, for those that were [Page 171] Friends to them both, seeing Antony arriv'd in Italy, and nothing laid to his charge, but what he disown'd, and shifted off upon Fulvia, they would not suffer that the time should be spent in justifying and accusing, Is recon­cil'd to Caesar. they made them both Friends, and so pro­ceeded to the division of the Empire, the Eastern Provinces were given to Antony, to Caesar the Western, and Affrick left to Lepidus; and an agreement was made that every one in their turn, as they thought fit, should make their Friends Consuls, when they took it not themselves: this Agree­ment was well approv'd of, but yet 'twas thought a Stronger tye would be very ne­cessary, and here Fortune was propitious, for Caesar had an elder Sister not of the whole blood, for Accia was his Mothers name, hers Ancharia; this Sister he lov'd intirely, and a Lady she was of a Noble Character, the Relict of Caius Marcellus, and Antony was now a Widower by the death of Fulvia; for though he did not dis­avow the passion he had for Cleopatra, yet he disown'd any thing of Marriage, Love and Reason still debating in his Breast what was to become of the fair Aegyptian Queen. Every body was for promoting this Mar­riage, it being the general expectation, that a Lady of so much Honour, Beauty and [Page 172] Prudence, being perpetually with Antony, and having great credit with him, as might reasonably be expected, affairs would easily be so order'd, that no difference should arise betwixt him and Caesar: Both parties being agreed, they went to Rome to celebrate the Marries Octavia. Nuptials, the Senate dispensing with the Law by which a Widow was not permitted to marry till ten Months after the death of her Husband.

Sextus Compeius was in possession of Sicily, who with his Ships under the command of Menas and Menecrates two famous Pirates, infested the Italian Coast, that no Vessels durst venture into those Seas. Sextus had behaved himself with much humanity to­wards Antony, having kindly receiv'd his Wise and Mother in their Flight, and it was judg'd fit that he should be receiv'd into the peace: they met nigh to the Promontory of Misenum upon a point of Land that runs into the Sea, Pompey's Fleet being at anchor in the Road, and Antony and Caesar's Army drawn up all along the Side over against them. There it was concluded that Sextus should quietly enjoy the Government of Si­cily and Sardinia, he conditioning to scowre the Seas of all Pirates, and to send so much Corn every year to Rome.

This agreed on, they invited one another to supper, and by lot it fell to Pompey's [Page 173] turn to make the first entertainment, and Antony asking where it was to be, there said he, pointing to the Admiral, for that is the only House that Pompey is Heir to of his Fathers: And this he said reflecting upon Antony who then was in possession of his Fathers House. Having cast Anchor and made a Bridge from the promontory into the Galley he received them very gallant­ly, when they began to grow warm, which occasion'd many pleasant passages upon the subject of Antony's and Cleopatra's loves, Menas the Pirate whispers Pompey in the ear, Sir, said he, will you be pleas'd that I cut the Cable, which will not only make you Master of Sicily and Sardinia but of the whole Roman Empire. Pompey having for a while considered what was propos'd, re­turn'd him this answer, Menas this might have been done without acquainting me in't, now let us make the best of our pre­sent condition, for I cannot break my word. And so having been treated by the other two in their turns he set fail for Sicily.

As soon as matters were concerted An­tony dispatch'd Ventidius into Asia to put a stop to the inroads of the Carthians, and he to make a complement to Octavius ac­cepted of the Office of being Priest to the deceased Caesar, and in all occasions of com­mon [Page 174] civility, as also in matters of the high­est concernment, they both behaved them­selves with a great deal of easiness and friendship: But Antony could not suffer with patience, that Caesar, in all little plays which they frequently diverted themselves with, should be constantly victorious: He had usually with him an Aegyptian, skilful in the calculation of Nativities, who either to make his Court to Cleopatra, or that by the rules of his Art he found it so to be, did declare to him, that though the Fortune that did attend him was bright and glori­ous, yet it was overshadowed by Caesar's; and advised him to keep himself far distant from that young Man, for your Genius, said he, dreads his. When absent from him yours is proud and brave, but in his pre­sence unmanly and dejected; and the event did shew that the Aegyptian spoke truth, for whensoever they play'd by drawing lots or at dice Antony was still the loser; and as they often fought game Cocks or Quails, Caesar's always had the Victory. This gave Antony a sensible displeasure, and made him put great confidence in the skill of his Aegy­ptian Astrologer, so that having quitted the management of the home affairs to Caesar, he left Italy and took Octavia along with him into Greece, who had been lately brought to bed of a Daughter.

[Page 175] Whilst he winter'd in Athens he receiv'd the joyful news of Ventidius his Victory o­ver the Carthians, of Labienus, and Charna­pates, the General of King Herod's Army, being both slain; for the celebrating of which he order'd a publick feast through Greece, and at the prizes which were fought at Athens he himself chose to be Moderator, and leaving at home the Ensigns that are carried before the General, he made his pro­cession in a long Gown and Slippers with the wands marching before, which are usual in those solemnities, and he performed his duty in parting the combatants, when they had fought enough. When he was upon marching his Army he made him a garland of the Olive Tree consecrated to Minerva, and in obedience to some Oracle he fill'd a Vessel with the water of the The Clep­sidra was an hour glass with water in­stead of sand: That here men­tioned is probably the public measure of time when causes were heard; of which six parts was allotted to the Accu­ser, nine to the Crimi­nal, and one to the Judge. Clepsidra to carry along with him. Pacorus the Parthian Kings Son at this time made an inrode into Syria, and was met by Ventidius, who gave him Battel in the Country of Cyrrestica, slew most of his Men and Pacorus among the rest. This Victory gave great reputation to the Romans and redeem'd their honour, which had suffer'd much ever since the de­feat of Crassus, the Parthians being oblig'd after the loss of three Battels successively, to keep themselves within the bounds of Me­dia and Mesopotamia: Ventidius not being [Page 174] [...] [Page 175] [...] [Page 176] willing to push his good Fortune any fur­ther, for fear of raising some jealousie in An­tony, but turning his Arms against them that had quitted the Roman interest, he re­duc'd them to their former obedience: A­mong the rest he besieged Antiochus King of Commogena, who made an offer of a thousand talents for his pardon, and a promise to continue in a strict compliance to all Anto­ny's commands; but Ventidius told him that Antony was upon his march, and that he must send his proposals to him; for that he had no power to treat with him to the end that this small affair might be transacted in Antony's name, that People might not think, that he did nothing but by his Lieutenants. The Siege grew very tedious, for when they perceived that they could not make any reasonable composition, they resolved to hold it out to the utmost extremity, so that Antony was in great confusion to see how little he had done, and repented him­self that he had not accepted the first offer; in the conclusion he was easily induc'd to make an accommodation with Antiochus for three hundred Talents, and having given some orders for the affairs of Syria he re­turn'd to Athens: And having done Venti­dius the honours he well deserved, he dis­miss'd him to receive his Triumph; he was the only Man that ever triumphed for Vi­ctories [Page 177] obtained o'er the Parthians: A Man of obscure Birth, but by the means of An­tony's friendship obtain'd an opportunity of shewing himself, and doing great things; and his making so good use of it gave great credit to an observation made by Caesar, that Antony was much more successful in his Arms, by his Lieutenants, than in his own Person; for Sossius, Antony's Lieutenant in Syria, had done miracles: And Ventidius, whom he left in Armenia, had quieted all that Country, and defeating the Kings of Albania and Ibe [...]ia, had march'd victorious to the Mountains of Caucasus, by which means the same of Antony's arms was grown very terrible to the barbarous Nations.

Antony was much incens'd against Caesar, by reason of several reports, that were made him of his unkindness, so that he set sail with three hundred Ships for Italy, and being refused harbour in the Port of Brun­dusium, he made for Tarentum; there his Wife Octavia, that came from Greece with him, obtain'd leave to visit her Brother, she was then big of her third Child; as she was on her way to Rome, she met Octavius by the way, his two great Friends, Mecae­nas and Agrippa, in his company, she took them aside, and with great impressment, told them, that of the most fortunate Wo­man upon Earth she was in evident danger [Page 178] of becoming the most miserable Creature breathing; that every ones eyes were fix'd upon her, as the Wife and Sister of the two Men, that did divide the whole World be­tween them, but that, if rash counsels should prevail, and war ensue, I shall be miserable (said she) without redress, for on what side soever Victory falls, I shall be sure to be a loser. Caesar was softened by the entreaties of his Sister, so that he march'd in a peace­ful manner to Tarentum. They that were present at this Enterview were strangely de­lighted to see so great an Army drawn up by the Shore, and so great a Fleet in the Harbour without doing any act of hostili­ty; nothing but kind Salutations, and o­ther expressions of joy and friendship pas­sing from one Army to th' other. Antony invited Caesar first to supper, which he ac­cepted of in consideration of Octavia: At length an agreement was made between them, that Caesar should give Antony two of his Legions to serve him in the Parthian War, and that Antony should in return leave with him an hundred arm'd Galleys: And Octavia did obtain of her Husband be­sides this, twenty light Ships for her Bro­ther: And of her Brother a thousand Foot for her Husband: So having parted very good friends, Caesar went immediately to make War with Pompey to conquer Sicily: [Page 179] And Antony leaving with him his Wife and Children, and his Children by his former Wife Fulvia, set sail for Asia. Then it was that the worst of infectious diseases, Love, and the Love of Cleopatra, which had lain quiet in his breast so long, and seem'd to have given place to the temperate duties of Life, upon his approach to Syria, gathered strength again, and broke out into a flame; and unbridled Lust, which Plato calls the horse of the Soul, that has flung his Rider, broke loose in defiance of all wholesom and serious Counsel: He sends Fonteius Capito to conduct Cleopatra into Syria, to whom at her arrival, he made no small present; for be­sides what he had given her, he added the Provinces of Phoenicia, the Lower Syria, Cyprus, great part of Cilicia, and that side of Judea, which produces the true Balm, that part of Arabia, where the Nabathaeans are, by the Sea-side; these profuse gifts did much displease the Romans; for although he had invested several private persons in great Governments and Kingdoms, and bereaved many Kings of theirs, as Antigonus of Ju­dea, whose head he caused to be struck off, the first crown'd head, that ever suffer'd that opprobrious death. Yet nothing was so grievous to the Romans, as the vile pro­fusions he made upon that Woman, and their dissatisfaction was much augmented [Page 180] by giving the Sirnames of the Sun & Moon to Alexander and Cleopatra, Twins born to him by her. But he, who knew how to varnish over the most dishonest Action with specious colours, would say, that the great­ness of the Roman Empire consisted more in giving, than in taking Kingdoms, and that the Noble Blood of Kings was communica­ted to all the World, when they left their Off-spring in every place they came, and that by this means he had the honour to descend from Hercules, who never recom­mended the hopes of his Posterity to the guard of any one Woman, nor feared to transgress the Laws of Solon, in order to observe the great Dictates of Nature, which gives such lively instruction towards the continuance of our Race.

After Phraortes had killed his Father Herod, and taken possession of his King­dom, many of the Parthian Nobility left their Country; among the rest, Moneses, a Nobleman of great Authority, who ma­king his application to Antony, was recei­ved with great kindness; for he look'd up­on him as one in the Circumstances of Themistocles, and his own Fortune, consi­dering his great Wealth, was comparable to the Persian Kings; for he gave him three Cities, Larissa, Arethusa, and Hierapolis, which was formerly called Bombyce. But [Page 181] the King of Parthia did soon recall him, giving him his Word and Honour for his Safety; and Antony was not unwilling to give him leave to return, hoping thereby to surprize Phráortes; for he sent him word he would remain his Friend, upon condi­tion he would send back the Roman Stan­dards and Ensigns which were taken hy the Parthians, when Crassus was slain, and with­all the Prisoners that remained yet alive of that Battel. This done, he sent Cleopatra into Egypt, and gathering his Forces toge­ther, and joyning the associate Kings (for there were many of them; the most consi­derable was Artuasdes, King of Armenia, who came at the head of six thousand Horse, and seven thousand Foot) he made a ge­neral Muster; there appeared sixty thou­sand Roman Foot, ten thousand Horse, con­sisting of Spann [...]rds and Gauls, who were esteem'd of as Romans; of other Nations horse and Foot, thirty thousand; and these great Preparations, that made India tremble, and put all Asia into a consternation, were of no use to him, because of Cleopatra, for in order to pass the Winter with her, every thing was done in haste, he was so charm'd and bewitch'd with the Thoughts of his Mistress, that his Soul was employ'd in overcoming the Difficulties that kept him from her, more than in any design of [Page 182] vanquishing the Enemy; for whereas he should have taken up his Winter-Quarters in Armenia, to refresh his Men, who were tired with long Marches, having come at least five hundred Leagues, and then to have taken the advantage in the beginning of the Spring to invade Media, before the Parthians were drawn out of Garrison, he had not patience to expect his time, but march'd into the Province of Atropatene, leaving Armenia on the right hand, and lay­ing waste all that Country, his haste was so great, that he left behind all the Engines of Battery, which follow'd the Camp in three hundred Chariots; among the other Engines, there was a Ram of fourscore foot long, which was of great use in his De­signs; and it was impossible, if they were either lost or endamaged, to repair them, or make the like; for the Pro [...]inces of the up­per Asia produce not Trees long or strait enough for such Uses; nevertheless he left them all behind, as a great impediment to the Designs he had then projected; so that he had left a Party commanded by Tatianus, to guard them, and he himself laid Siege to Phraata, the principal City of the King of Media, wherein were that King's Wife and Children: Here it was that he was soon made sensible of the Errour he committed in leaving the battering Rams behind him; [Page 183] for not having wherewithal to make a Breach, he was constrained with infinite pains to cast up a Mount of Earth against the Wall; during the Siege, Phraortes arrives with a great Army; who understanding that the Chariots were left behind, with the battering Engines, he sent thither a strong Party of Horse, by which Tatianus, with ten thousand Horse are flain, the En­gines all broke in pieces, many taken Pri­soners, and among the rest, King Polemon. This great Miscarriage in the opening the Campagne, did much discourage Antony's Army, and Artuasdes King of Armenia, de­spairing of any better Success, withdrew himself with all his Forces from the Roman Camp, although he had been the chief Promoter of the War. The Parthians en­couraged by this Success, came up to the Romans at the Siege of their Royal City, and gave them many Affronts; upon which, Antony fearing that the Souldiers might lose Courage, or have a less esteem of him, if he lay idle, he, with all the Horse, three Pretorian Cohorts, and ten Legions, was resolved to go out and forrage, designing by this means to draw the Enemy with more advantage to a Battel; and to effect this, he marched a Day's Journey from hi [...] Camp, which did bring the Parthians to a Battel, who were drawn up in readiness to [Page 184] charge him so soon as he should march; he orders therefore the Tents and Baggage to be pack'd up, as if his intention were to de­cline the giving Battel, and only to lead his Men back to the Camp. The Enemy was drawn up in a Half-Moon, and Antony had given order to the Horse to charge them briskly so soon as the Legions were come up nigh enough to second them. The Parthians standing still while the Romans march'd by them, were in great admiration of their man-like Behaviour, and exact Discipline, nothing could be more just than the distance which was kept between the Ranks, and the shaking their Pikes as they pass'd by, in a profound silence, was very graceful; but when the Signal was given, the Horse turn'd short upon the Parthians, and with loud Cries charg'd them home; they were bravely receiv'd at first; but the Legions coming up with loud shouts and ratling of their Arms, did so frighten the Horses, and soon the Parthians themselves, that they could keep their ground no lon­ger. Antony press'd them hard, in great hopes that this Victory should give an end to the War; the Foot had them in pursuit three Leagues, and the Horse nine, and the Advantage summ'd up, they had but thirty Prisoners, and there was but fourscore slain: This was a great discouragement to them, [Page 185] to consider, that when they were victori­ous, their Advantage was so small, and that when they were beaten, they lost so great a number of Men; as it happened when the Carriages were taken.

The next day, having put the Baggage in order, they marched back to the Camp before Phraata: in the way, meeting with some scattering Troops of the Enemy, and as they marched further, with greater Par­ties, at length with the Body of the Ene­mies Army, fresh and in good order, who charg'd them, and broke their Ranks, that it was not without great difficulty that they reach'd the Camp. There Antony find­ing that his men had in a great consterna­tion deserted the defence of the Mount, up­on a Sally of the Medes, resolved to pro­ceed against them by decimation, which is done by dividing the Legions by Tens, and out of every Ten, to put one to death, as it happens by Lot, and for them that escape, they have, instead of Wheat, their propor­tion of Corn in Barley. The War was now become grievous to both Parties; but was more dreadful to Antony, in respect that he was threatned with Famine, for he could no longer forrage without great hazard and slaughter of his Men. And Phraortes on the other side, who was not ignorant of the humour of his men, did more than su­spect, [Page 186] that if the Romans did obstinately per­sist in their resolution of carrying on the Siege, the Autumnal Equinox being past, and the Rains threatning him he should be deserted by his Souldiers, who would suffer any thing rather than wintering in open Field; to prevent which, he gave order to his chief Officers, not to pursue the Ro­mans too close, when they met them forra­ging, but to suffer them to carry off some Provision; that they should praise their Valour, and declare, that it was not with­out just reason, that their King look'd up­on the Romans as the bravest men in the world, and that they should upon oppor­tunity of more familiar Discourse blame Antony for his obstinacy, that whereas Phraortes desiring nothing more than Peace, and an occasion to shew how ready he was to save the lives of so many brave Souldi­ers, he on the contrary, should defeat all his generous Designs, and trust himself ra­ther to Winter and Famine, two Enemies, that must of necessity destroy them, though the Parthians should use all friendly endea­vours to preserve them. Antony having these Reports from many hands, began to be in some hopes; but he would not send any Ambassadors to the Parthian, till he was informed by these kind Enemies, whe­ther what they said was of their own head, [Page 187] or by order of their King, receiving answer that this was the sence of their Master, and new encouragement to believe them, Anto­ny sent some of his Friends to demand the Standards and Prisoners that were yet re­maining in his hands since the defeat of Crassus, lest if he should ask nothing, he might be supposed to be too much overjoy'd with leave to make his retreat in quiet. The Parthian King made answer, That as for the Prisoners, he need not trouble himself; but if he thought fit to retreat, he might do it when he pleas'd, in peace and safety. Some few days therefore being spent in ordering the Baggage, he resolv'd upon his March; and here it was that Antony, the man in the world the fittest to harangue the Army, find­ing himself oppress'd with shame and grief, could not find in his heart to speak him­self, but employed Domitius Aenobarbus; many of the Souldiers resented it, as an un­dervaluing of them; but the better sort saw the true cause, and thought this rather an argument, why they on their side should treat their General with more respect than ordinary. Antony having resolved to return by the same way he came, which was thro' a plain flat Country, a certain Mardian came to him (one that was very conversant with the Manners of the Parthians, and whose fi­delity to the Romans, had been tried at the [Page 188] Battel where the Machines were lost) and advis'd him to leave the Mountains on his right hand, and not to expose his Men hea­vy armed in an open Country to the As­saults of a numerous Army of light Horse and Archers, that Phraortes with fair pro­mises had perswaded him from the Siege, that he might with more ease cut him off in his Retreat; but if so he pleased, he would conduct him a nigher way, where he should find the Necessaries for his Army in greater abundance. Antony upon this, began to con­sider what was best to be done; he was unwilling to seem to have any Mistrust of the Parthians after their Treaty; but being more desirous to march his Army the nigh­est and most convenient way, he demanded of the Mardian some assurance of his Faith, who offered himself to be bound until the Army came safe into Armenia. Two days he conducted the Army bound, and on the third, when Antony little expected the E­nemy, but marched in no very good order, the Mardian perceiving the Banks of a Ri­ver broken down, and the Water over-flowing the way by which they were to pass, did imagine that this might be done by the Parthians, to hinder their March, and did therefore advise Antony to be upon his Guard, for that the Enemy was nigh; and no sooner had he put his men in order, [Page 189] disposing of the Slingers in the Front, to make the on-set; but the Parthians came pouring upon them, thinking to encompass the Army; they were receiv'd by the light Horse, which were sore gall'd by their Jave­lins, but they themselves being warmly entertain'd, and many wounded, made their retreat, but soon after rallying up afresh, they were beat back by a Battalion of Gallick Horse, and appear'd no more that day. By their manner of Attack, Antony being instru­cted what to do, did not only place the slings and javelins in the Front, but lin'd both the wings with the same, and so march'd in a square Battel, giving order to the Horse to charge and beat off the Enemy, but not to follow them too far as they retir'd. So that the Parthians not doing much more Mis­chief for the four ensuing days than they re­ceiv'd, began to abate in their heat, and com­plaining that the Winter-Season was much advanc'd, press'd for returning home.

On the fifth Day Flavius Gallus, a brave Officer, who had a considerable Command in the Army, came to Antony, desiring of him some Troops of light Horse out of the Rear, and some other Horse out of the front, with the which he would undertake to do some considerable service. Which when he had obtain'd, he beat the Enemy back, not retiring, as was usual, to the Gross of [Page 190] the Army, but making his ground good, and pressing on with great obstinacy, the Offi­cers who commanded in the Rear of this Detachment, perceiving how far he had got from the Body of the Army, sent to warn him back, but he took no notice of them. 'Tis said, that Titius the Questor snatch'd the Colours, and retreated, telling Gallus that he did very ill to lead so many brave men on to certain destruction, he on the other side, reviling him again, and commanding the men that were about him to stand firm, Titius made his retreat, but Gallus charging the enemies in the Front, was encompass'd by a Party that fell upon his Rear; which at length perceiving, he sent a Messenger to demand succour; but they that commanded the Legions, among which was Canidius, a particular Favourite of Antony's, seem'd to have committed a great oversight; for in­stead of marching up with the whole Army, they sent small Parties, and when they were defeated, they still sent out small Parties; so that by their ill management, the whole Army was in danger of being routed, which had certainly happen'd if Antony himself had not march'd from the front of the main Bat­tel at the head of the third Legion; which pas­sing through them that fled, fac'd the Ene­mies, & hindred them from any farther pur­suit. In this Engagement, were killed three [Page 191] thousand, five thousand were carried back to the Camp, the wounded, amongst the rest, Gallus shot through the Body with four Ar­rows, of which wounds he died. Antony went from Tent to Tent, to visit and comfort the wounded, and was not able to see his men without weeping, but they would take him by the hand chearfully, and intreat him to go and get his own Wounds dress'd, and not concern himself for them; calling him their Emperour and their General, and that if he did well, they were safe. For in short, never since that time can Fame make mention of a General at the Head of so gallant a Body of Men; whether you consider Strength and Youth, or Pa­tience and Sufferance in all Labours and Fatigues; but as for the exact Obedience, and particular Respect they bore their Ge­neral, that good will and perfect Friendship, that was so universal in the Army amongst Small and Great, Nobles and Peasants, Officers and common Souldiers, so affe­ctionate, and so devoted to him, as to pre­ferr his good Opinion of them to their ve­ry Lives and Being; that in this part of Military Discipline I may boldly say they equall'd the Glory and Reputation of an­cient Rome. Of which Love, as I have said before, many were the Reasons, as the Nobility and Antiquity of his Family, his [Page 192] Eloquence, his Behaviour, his Liberality, and Magnificence, his Familiarity in en­tertaining every Body, and particularly, his Kindness in assisting, visiting and be­wailing the sick, furnishing them with all things necessary, that the poor Wretches that were sick and wounded, were as hear­tily disposed to serve, as those that enjoy'd their Health and Vigour. But this last Victory had so encouraged the Enemy, that they began to despise the Romans, staying all night on horseback, nigh the Camp, in expectation of Plundering their Tents and Baggage, which they concluded they must desert, as a great impediment in their flight; and in the morning new Forces arrived, that their number was grown to be at least 40000 Horse. The King having sent Guards that attended upon his own Person, as to a sure and unquestion'd Victory; for he him­self was never present in fight. Antony design­ing to harangue the Souldiers, call'd for his mourning-habit, that he might move them the more; but he was persuaded by his Friends to put on the habit of General. In his Speech he gave great commendations to them that had gain'd the victory; as for those that fled, he blam'd them much; the former gave him great Encouragement in their brave Promises; and the latter excusing themselves as well as they could, told [Page 193] him they were ready to undergo decima­tion, or if there were any other punishment he would please to inflict upon them they did submit chearfully, only intreating that he would forget and not discompose himself with their faults, at which he lifted up his hands to Heaven, and prayed the Gods, that if to balance the great favours he had re­ceived of them, any judgment lay in store, that they would pour it upon his head a­lone, and grant that Army victory. The next day they took better order for their march, and the Parthians, who thought they were marching rather to plunder than to fight were surpriz'd to find the enemy not dis­heartened, but fresh and resolute, so that they themselves began to lose courage; but for all this, at the descent of a little Hill, where the Romans were oblig'd to pass, the Parthians got together, and let fly their arrows in great showers upon them, and by reason of the difficulty of the way, their march was very slow. Here the Legions that were arm'd at all points were order'd to defend on each side the light arm'd, by kneeling down on their knees, a [...]d holding their shields stooping over them, the next rank holding theirs over the first, and so on­wards, that the army in this figure did much resemble the order that is observable in the tiling of a House, or the degrees in a Theatre, [Page 194] and is a sure defence against Arrows, which glance upon them without doing any harm. The Parthians seeing the Romans down up­on their knees could not imagine but that it must proceed from weariness; so that they laid down their Bows, and taking their Spears made a fierce onset: when the Ro­mans with a great cry leaped upon their Legs, and with their Lances slew the fore­most and put the rest to flight. After this rate it was every day, and the trouble they gave Antony was so vexatious that his mar­ches were short, by reason of which the fa­mine was very great in the Camp, for they could get but little Corn, and that which they got they were forc'd to fight for, and besides this they were in great want of In­struments to grind their Corn, and make their Bread, they had left them behind, the baggage horses being dead, or otherwise em­ployed in carrying the sick and wounded: Provision was so scarce in the Army, that half a Peck of Wheat was sold for five Crowns, and Oats for the weight in Silver; they were brought to feed upon Herbs and Roots, such as are commonly eaten were very scarce, so that they were constrain'd to venture upon any they found, among o­thers they happen'd upon an Herb that was mortal, which did first take away all sense and understanding. He that had eaten of it [Page 195] remembred nothing in the World; and em­ployed himself wholly in removing of stones from one place to another, which he did with as much earnestness and industry, as if it had been a business of the greatest conse­quence, and required dispatch; through all the Camp there was nothing to be seen but Men grubling upon the ground for stones, which they carried from one place to ano­ther, but in the end after having vomited much Choler they fell down dead, and chiefly this when their Wine began to fail, which was a sovereign remedy against this distemper. When Antony saw them die so fast, and the Parthian still in pursuit, he was heard to cry out, O the ten Thousand, the ten Thousand! In remembrance of the famous retreat of Xenophon, who when he had a longer journey to make from Babylon, and a more powerful enemy to deal with, brought his Men home safe. The Parthians finding that they could not defeat the Roman Army, nor in no wise break the order of their Battel, and that withal they had been so often worsted, began to treat the forra­gers with a great deal of humanity; they came up to them in all appearance of friend­ship with their Bows unbended telling them that they were going home to their houses, that they had quite given o'er the pursuit, and that only some Median troops would [Page 196] follow them for two or three days, not with any design to annoy them, but only for the defence of some scattering Villages, and say­ing this, they saluted them and embraced them with a great shew of friendship. An­tony, who had all along a great desire to march through the flat Country, hearing these discourses was almost resolv'd to march the open way, and so much the more in re­gard that no water was to be hoped for in those Mountains. But while he was delibe­rating, Mithridates arriv'd in the Camp, he was first cousin to Moneses, of whom we re­lated that he came for refuge into the Roman Army, and receiv'd in gift from Antony three Cities. Upon his arrival he desired some bo­dy might be brought to him that could speak Syriack or the Parthian Tongue. One Alexander of Antioch a friend of Antony's was brought to him, to whom the stranger declar'd, that he was sent to Antony from Moneses in acknowledgment of the favours and honours he had received from him, and to make him a return if it were possible; he asked Alexander if he saw those high Hills, pointing at some distance: He told him yes. 'Tis there said he the whole Parthian Army attend your passage, the great Plains behind those Hills will be very advantageous to you in your march, and therefore there they do expect you in ambush, being perswaded you [Page 197] will confide in their promises, and leave the way of the Mountains; 'tis true that in pas­sing o'er the Mountains you will suffer the usual inconveniences for want of water, and the fatigue will be somewhat the greater; but if you pass through the plains, Antony must in all appearance run the fortune of Crassus. This said, he departed. Antony cal­ling his friends in Council, sent for the Mar­dian guide, who was of the same opinion. He told them that the way through the plain was a great way about, and very dif­ficult to find, that the other indeed was rough, but then it was but for a day. Changing therefore his mind, he march'd away that night, and commanded that e­very one should carry water sufficient for his own use, but most of them being unprovi­ded of vessels; they made shift with their helmets, those that had bottles fill'd them for their own use. The Parthians were no sooner acquainted that the Romans were on their march, but they followed them, con­trary to their custom, the same night, and by break of day they fell in with the rear, which was quite tired with marching, and want of sleep, that they were not in condi­tion of making any considerable defence, for they had march'd fifteen leagues that night, and at the end of their journey found the enemy at their heels, which put them out [Page 198] of all patience; besides being to fight for e­very step of the way they made in their re­treat their thirst was increased beyond all sufferance. Those that were in the front of the Army were come up to a River, the water of which was extremely cool and clear, but brackish and medicinal, and be­ing drank caused an unquenchionable thirst, and acute pains in the Bowels; of this the Mardian had forewarn'd them, but their thirst was so great, that beating back them that oppos'd them, they drank largely of it. Antony ran from one place to another, beg­ging they would have a little patience, that not far off there was a River of wholesom water, and that the rest of the way was so difficult for the Horse that the Enemy could pursue them no further; and saying this, he order'd to sound a retreat to call them back that were engaged, and commanded the Tents should be set up, that the Soldiers might refresh themselves in the shade; but the Tents were scarce well put up, and the Parthians retired according to their custom, when Mithridates came again to them, and inform'd the Interpreter, with whom he had before spoken, that he should do well to ad­vise Antony to stay where he was no longer than needs he must, that after having re­fresh'd his Troops, he would endeavour with all diligence to gain the next River, that [Page 199] the Parthians would pursue them no fur­ther, but so far they were resolv'd to follow them. Alexander who was the Interpreter made his report to Antony, who order'd a good quantity of Gold Plate to be presented to Mithridates, who taking as much as he could well hide under his Gown went his way. Upon this advice Antony decamp'd while it was yet day, and the whole Army march'd without receiving any molestation from the Parthians; but they themselves were the cause that that night was the most terrible of any they had yet past; for some of the Army had robb'd and kill'd such as they suspected to have any Money, ransack'd the Baggage and seiz'd on the Money which was to pay the Army, in the end they laid hands on Antony's own equipage, broke all his inlaid Tables, and Cups of precious Stones, dividing the fragments amongst them. An­tony hearing so great a confusion could not imagine any thing less than that the Enemy, falling upon his Troops, had utterly routed them, upon which he sent for one of his [...]ards called Rhamnus, to whom he had for­merly given his liberty, and made him swear, that whensoever he should give him orders, he should run his Sword through his body, and cut off his head, that he might not fall alive into the hands of the Parthi­ans; nor dead be known to be their General. [Page 200] While he was in this consternation and all his friends about him in tears, the Mardian came into the Tent and gave them all new Life, he did convince them, that by the coolness of the Air, and the fresh gales that blew so temperately, the River which he spoke of could not be far off, and conse­quently the difficulties of their retreat, and the danger of the Enemies pursuit, were now at an end, the which he was the more assured of, because they had marched a great while and the night almost spent; he was inform'd at the same time that the great confusion, which was in the Camp, did pro­ceed from the avarice of some few Soldiers that were pillaging one another. In order to compose this unruly tumult, he made a halt, and commanded the Signal to be given for incamping, the day began to break before the tumult was well appeas'd, and the Par­thians bore hard upon the Rear with their Arrows; the light arm'd Troops were or­der'd to make head against them, and being seconded by the Legions, who covered one another with their Shields; they bravely receiv'd the onset of the Enemy, who did not think convenient to advance any fur­ther; the Army marching very leisurely, they at last came in sight of the River, where Antony upon the Banks drew up the Horse in a posture to receive and oppose [Page 201] the Enemy, and to favour the passage of his Army o'er the River, he first past over the sick and wounded, and then all the rest; those that were left drawn up on th' other side had leisure to drink at their ease, for the Parthians, being now come to the Ri­ver which was to be the bounds of their pursuit, unbent their bows, and told the Ro­mans they might pass over freely, and made them great complements in praise of their valour and conduct. At length the Horse pass over too, without being in the least mo­lested by the enemy, and when they were on the other side the river, they drank their fill, as the others had done before, and joyn'd the rest of the Army, not giving any credit to the fair words of their deceitful enemies. It was six days after the last skirmish that they arrived at the River Araxes, which divides Media and Armenia, and seemed, both by its deepness and the violence of the current, to be very dangerous in passing, and a report had crept in amongst them, that the Enemy was in ambush ready to set upon them as soon as they should be amus'd in their passage. But when they were got over on the other side, and found themselves in Armenia, just as if they were come into harbour after a tempest, they worship'd the Land, and shedding tears for joy, every one embraced his friend; but taking their jour­ney [Page 202] through a Land that abounded in all sorts of plenty, and having suffer'd great want, they eat with that excess of every thing they met, that they fell into Dropsies, and Dysenteries. Here Antony making a review of his Army, found that he had lost twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, of which the better half perished, not by the Enemy but by Diseases; their march was of twenty seven days from Phra­ata, in which the Parthians were worsted in eighteen Battels, by which it is manifest that Artuasdes was the cause why Antony could not bring this War to a happy end, for had the sixteen thousand Median Horse, skilful in the Discipline of the Parthians, and accustomed to their manner of fight, been present, the Romans having put them once to flight, and the pursuit left to the Me­dians, it is impossible they could have rallied after their defeat, and appear again as they did in a posture to receive the Enemy; for which reason the whole Army was very ear­nest with Antony to march into Armenia, but he taking advice of his necessities, did not upbraid him with his dissertion, nor in the least abate of the usual civility, with which he was wont to treat him; for he found the Army wearied out, and in want of all manner of necessaries, but upon another occasion coming into Armenia with invita­tions [Page 203] and fair promises, he prevail'd with Ar­tuasdes to meet him, where he seized him, bound him and carried him to Alexandria, there to be led in triumph; by which he very much offended the Romans, in that he carried into Egypt the triumphal Ornaments due unto his Country, only to ingratiate himself with Cleopatra: But these matters happen'd afterwards. For the present mar­ching his Army in great haste in the depth of Winter through continual storms of Snow, he lost eight thousand of his Men, and came very ill accompany'd to a place called Leucocome, situated betwixt Sydon and Beryte nigh the Sea side, where he sate down in expectation of Cleopatra, and being impatient of the delay she made, he be­thought himself of short'ning the time in drink and debauchery, and not being able to endure the tediousness of a Meal, he would start from Table and run to see if she were coming, and this lasted till she came into Port. She brought with her Cloaths and Money for the Soldiers. Some say that Antony having received the Cloaths of her, distributed his own Money in her name.

About this time a difference happen'd 'twixt the King of Media and Phraortes King of Parthia about division of the booty that was taken from the Romans, which caused great apprehension in the Median least he [Page 204] should lose his Kingdom, he sent therefore Ambassadors to Antony with offers of en­tring into a confederat War against Phraortes, which gave Antony great hopes of obtaining his desire, seeing that by this means he should have such horse as was necessary to reduce the Parthians, and upon this consideration he re­turn'd into Armenia, and joyning the King of Media nigh Araxes they began the War.

Octavia having a desire to see Antony ea­sily obtained leave of Caesar, not so much to gratifie her humour, as to find a good pretence to begin the War upon her ill re­ception: She no sooner arrived at Athens, but in Letters from Antony she understood his new expedition, and his will that she should attend him there, though she were much displeas'd, not being ignorant of the ground of this usage, yet she writ to him to know to what place he would be pleas'd she should send the things she had brought with her for his use, for she brought cloaths for his Soldiers, many horses, money and presents for his Friends and Officers, and two thousand chosen Soldiers well arm'd to re­cruit the Praetorian Cohorts. This Message brought Niger from Octavia to Antony; in the relation speaking much of her praise, in­sisting much upon her merit. Cleopatra be­ing inform'd that Octavia was coming, and fearing least that her easiness of behaviour [Page 205] and observance of Antony's humour joyn'd with her discretion, and powerful alliance, should render her charms irresistible, she betook her self to die for love of Antony, bringing her body down with a slender opening Diet; when he entred the room she fix'd her eyes upon him in a rapture, and when he took his leave, she never fail'd to swound; when she design'd to cry, she would turn about and wipe her eyes as be­ing unwilling to let him know the greatness of her concern, all this was acting while he prepar'd for Media, and Cleopatra's Crea­tures that were to help forward the design, upbraided Antony with his insensibility, who could basely see a Lady perish, whose soul depended upon him, and him alone; they added, that it was true Octavia was his Wife, and did enjoy that honourable Title, because it was found convenient for the Af­fairs of her Brother that it should be so, but Cleopatra the soveraign Queen of many Na­tions, must be contented with the name of his Mistress, nor did she shun or despise the character, whilst she might see him, whilst she might live with him and enjoy him, if she were bereav'd of this, she would not survive the loss. Antony was so well per­swaded that Cleopatra must die if he forsook her, that he put off all thoughts of the War, and return'd to Alexandria, deferring his [Page 206] Median expedition till next Summer, though he were inform'd of great seditions among the Parthians. Some while after he went into that Country, and made an alliance with the King of Media by Marriage of a Son of his by Cleopatra to the King's Daughter, who was yet very young; and so return'd with his thoughts taken up a­bout the Civil War. When Octavia return'd from Athens, Caesar who thought she had been treated very injuriously, commanded her unto his own house, but she refused to leave the house of her Husband, and intreat­ed him, that unless he had other motives to make War with Antony, that he would desist, thinking it very scandalous to be re­ported of the two greatest Commanders in the World, that they had involved the Ro­man People in a Civil War, the one to ju­stifie his Mistress, the other the resentment of his Sister's usage. Her behaviour did con­firm her words to be her resolution, for she retired to his house and took that worthy care, not only of his Children by her, but of those by Fulvia also, as if he had been present. She received very kindly all the friends of Antony that had any pretension to preferment; or came to Rome upon any business, and was ready to prefer their Pe­titions to Caesar; but this honourable de­portment of hers was injurious to the repu­tation [Page 207] of Antony, who could be capable of treating ill, a Woman of that merit; nor was the dividend he made unto his Sons at Alexandria look'd upon but as insolent, and derogating from the honour of the Romans; for assembling the People in the publick place, and causing two Golden Thrones to be placed in a State of Silver, the one for him, and another for Cleopatra, and at their feet lower Seats for his Children, he pro­claimed Cleopatra Queen of Aegypt; Cy­prus, Africa and Caelosyria, and with her to be joyn'd Caesario the supposed Son of Caesar the Dictator, who left Cleopatra with Child; as for his Sons by him and Cleopa­tra, they were to be treated in the stile of King of Kings: To Alexander he gave Ar­menia and Media with Parthia, so soon as it should be overcome, to Ptolomy, Phaeni­cia, Syria, Cilicia. Alexander was brought out before the People in the Median habit, in a Gown and narrow Hat, and Ptolomy in Slippers and a Mantle, with a Cap done about with the Diadem; for this was the habit of the successors of Alexander; this the Median and Armenian dress: and as soon as they had saluted their parents, the one was received by a Guard of Macedo­nians, the other by one of Armenians. Cleo­patra was then, as at other times, when she appear'd in publick, drest in the habit of the [Page 208] Goddess Isis, and did give audience unto the People under the name of the new Isis. Caesar relating these things in the Senate, and often accusing him to the People, had created in them an ill will towards him: Nor was Antony backward in his part to re­criminate. The principal of his Articles were these; First, that he had not made any division with him of Sicily, which was lately taken from Pompey. Secondly, that he had not made restitution of the Ships he had lent him. Thirdly, that the power of Lepidus, his Collegue being abrogated he had retained his Army, his Governments, and the Revenues to him appropriated: And Lastly, that he had parcell'd out al­most all Italy amongst his own Soldiers, and devised nothing to his. Caesar's answer was as follows: ‘That since Lepidus was not fit to Rule he had dismist him, the Go­vernment, that what he had got in War he would divide with Antony, so soon as he would give him his share of Armenia: That his Soldiers had not their share in Italy, because they were in possession of Media and Parthia, which having fought bravely under their Emperour they had joyned to the Roman Empire.’ Antony was in Armenia when this news came to him, he presently therefore sent Canidius, with sixteen Legions towards the Sea, but [Page 209] he in the company of Cleopatra went for Ephesus, where the Rendezvous of the Fleet was order'd, which consisted, reckoning in the tenders, of eight hundred Vessels, of which Cleopatra furnish'd two hundred, and * twenty thousand Talents, with Provision Nigh one million of our Mony. for the whole Army during the War. An­tony was advised by Domitius and some o­thers to send Cleopatra into Egypt, there to expect the event of the War; but she dreading a Peace might be contriv'd by the mediation of Octavia, had prevail'd with Canidius by a considerable summ of Money to plead her Cause with Antony, and to let him know that it was not just, that one that bore so great a part in the charge of the Wars, should be robb'd of her share of Glory in the carrying it on; nor wou'd it be politick to disoblige the Egyptians, who were so considerable a part of his Naval Forces: Nor did he see how she was inferior to any of his Companions in Prudence, considering how well she had govern'd a great Kingdom by her self a­lone, and by the constant management of affairs, had arrived to a great Capacity. These arguments gain'd upon his Spirit, for it was destin'd by Fate, that Caesar should have all: So that joyning their For­ces, they made Sail for Samos, where they made very good Chear; for as it was or­der'd [Page 210] that all Kings, Princes, and Gover­nours, all Common-wealths, and Cities within the Circuit and Dependances of Sy­ria, the Maeotide Lake, Armenia, and Illyria, do bring, or cause to be brought all Prepa­rations and Munition necessary for War; so was it also proclaim'd, that all such as made any profession of divertisement, should make their appearance at Samos; so that (while the whole World was in Tears and Lamen­tation) this Island alone for some days was fill'd with all sorts of Harmony, and the Theatre crowded with Dancers and Co­medians, each City sent Oxen for Sacrifice, and the Kings that accompanied Antony, were in a perpetual dispute, who should make the most magnificent Feasts, and the greatest Presents; every particular man astonish'd at what he saw, saying, What will they do to be glad enough when they have got the Victory, since they are at such an ex­pence of Merriment at the opening of the War? This over, he gave Priene to his Players for a Habitation, and set Sail for Athens; where a-fresh, Sports and Thea­tres were his Joy. Cleopatra being jealous of the Honour Octavia had receiv'd at A­thens (for Octavia was much beloved by the Athenians) she insinuated her self into the favour of the People with all the Civi­lities imaginable: The Athenians, in re­quital, [Page 211] having decreed her Publick Ho­nours, deputed several of the Citizens to wait upon her at her House; amongst the which, Antony was one, as being free of the City; and he it was that made the Speech: He sent order to Rome to have Octavia removed out of his House, accom­panied by all Antony's Children, except the Eldest by Fulvia, who was then with his Father; weeping and grieving that she must be look'd upon as one of the Causes of the Civil War, she was pitied by the Romans, but more was Antony pitied by them that had seen Cleopatra, who was not preferable to Octavia, neither for Youth nor Beauty. Caesar having an account what great Pre­parations Antony had made, was afraid lest the War should be begun that Summer; for he wanted many Necessaries, and the People grudged very much to pay the Subsidies, for they that were obliged to pay the Fourth of what their yearly Revenue was; and the Libertines, who paid an Eighth, did do it with such reluctancy, that great Troubles had like to have ensued throughout all Italy; and this is looked upon as one of the greatest of Antony's O­versights, that he did not then press the War; for he gave Caesar leisure to provide himself, and satisfie the People; for while that Money is squeezing out of the People, [Page 212] they are very mutinous, but when they have parted with it, they are well enough satis­fied to be quiet. Titus and Plancus, Men of Consular Dignity, and Friends to Antony, having been ill us'd by Cleopatra, whom they opposed in her Design of being pre­sent in the War; came over to Caesar, and being acquainted with the Contents of An­tony's Testament, did inform him, it was deposited in the hands of the Vestal-Vir­gins, who did deny to deliver it up, but sent him word, if he pleased, he might come and seize it himself; which he did; and reading it over to himself, he noted those Places that were most for his purpose, and having summoned the Senate, did read them publickly: Many were scandalized at the Proceeding, thinking it very hard that they should think of punishing a man for what was not to be, till after his Death. He did more urgently press what Antony had left in his Will concerning his Burial; for he had order'd, that though he died in the City of Rome, his Body should be so­lemnly carried through the Market-Place, and sent to Cleopatra at Alexandria. Cal­visius a Dependant of Caesar's urg'd other Crimes against Antony, committed in the favour of Cleopatra, that he had given her the Library of Perg [...]um, wherein were two thousand distinct Volumes: That at a [Page 213] solemn Feast, he had risen from the Table, and treading upon her Foot, had given her a manifest Assignation; that he had suf­fered the Ephesians to salute her by the name of their Queen: That he had fre­quently at the publick Audience of Kings, and Princes receiv'd amorous Messages writ­ten in Tablets made of Onyx and Chrystal, and read them openly, that when Turnius, a man of great Authority and Eloquence a­mong the Romans, was pleading, Cleopatra happening to pass by in her Chair, that An­tony should leave them in the middle of their Cause, and wait upon her home: But Calvisius was look'd upon as the Inventer of most of these Accusations. Antony's Friends went up and down the City to gain him Credit, and sent Geminius to him, to let him know his Affairs did require he should be more circumspect; that he was in danger to have all his Governments ta­ken from him, and be proclaim'd publick Enemy to the City of Rome; but Geminius no sooner arriv'd in Greece, but he was look'd upon as one of Octavia's Spies; he was scurvily rallied, and set at the lower end of the Table; but this he bore very well, seeking only an occasion of conferring with Antony; but once at Supper, being deman­ded what his Business was he came about? He answered, that his Business might very [Page 214] well deserve a serious Conference; but one thing he had to deliver, which might be spoke either full or fasting; which was, that Matters would bear much a better Face, if Cleopatra would return into Egypt: Antony being very angry, Gleopatra told him, Ge­minius, you have done very well to tell us this important Secret without a Rack: Ge­minius took an occasion to make his escape, and got to Rome: Many more of Antony's Friends were driven from him, by the in­solent usage they could not bear from Cleo­patra's Flatterers; amongst the which were Marcus, Syllanus, and Dellius the Historian. The last declared, he was asraid of his Life, and that Glaucus the Physician had inform'd him of Cleopatra's Design against him. She was angry with him, for having said that Antony's Friends were serv'd with sour Wine; and that at Rome, Sarmentus, Caesar's Mi­nion's little Serving-Boy, drank Falernum. Caesar was no sooner in readiness, but he declared War against Cleopatra, and Antony's Government was taken from him for being ruled by a Woman; Caesar added, that he had drank Potions that had bereav'd him of his Senses; that the War [...] would be ma­nag'd against them by Mardion the Eu­nuch, Photinus, and Iras, Cleopatra's wait­ing Woman, and Charmion, who were be­come Antony's chief Counsellors.

[Page 215] These Prodigies were said to forebode the War. Pisaurum, where Antony had settled a Colony near the Adriatick Sea, was swal­lowed up in an Earthquake; a Marble Sta­tue of Antony, that was at Alba, did sweat for many days together; and though it were often wip'd, it continued to sweat: When he himself was in the City of Patras the Temple of Hercules was burnt by light­ning: At Athens Bacchus was by a great Wind blown out of the Battel of the Giants and the Gods, and laid flat upon the The­atre; for Antony did derive himself from Hercules as we said before: And in imita­ting Bacchus in his way of living, was called young Bacchus; the same Whirlwind at A­thens did bring down from amongst many others, the great Statues of Eumenes and Attalus, which were called the Antonine Statues. And in Cleopatra's Admiral, which was called Antonias, a dismal prodigy did happen, some Swallows had built in the Stern of the Admiral; but other Swallows came, beat the first away, and destroy'd their Nests. Preparations being made on both sides, An­tony had no less than five hundred Gallies well appointed, most of them had eight and ten Banks of Oars, so very rich, that they seem'd designed for Triumph. He had a hun­dred thousand foot, and twelve thousand Horse; he had of Vassal Kings attending, [Page 216] Bacchus of Lybia, Tarcondemus of the Up­per Cilicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Phi­ladelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of Commagena, and Adallas King of Thracia; all these attended him in the War: Out of Pontus Polemon sent him considerable For­ces, as did also Manchus from Arabia, He­rod out of Jury, and Amyntas King of Ly­caonia and Galatia, and the Median King sent their Troops to joyn him. Caesar had two hundred and fifty stout Gallies, four­score thousand Foot, and the number of Horse equal to the Enemy. Antony had under his Command, all that tract of Land, that lies betwixt Euphrates, and the Ionian Sea, and great part of Illyria. Caesar's Go­vernment extended from Illyria to the West­ward Ocean, and from the Ocean all along the Tuscan and Sicilian Sea; as for the di­vision of Africk, Caesar had all the Coast that was opposite to Italy, Gaul, and Spain, and Antony the Provinces from Cyrene, reaching up into Aethiopia: He was so be­sotted with the Love of Cleopatra, that al­though he was much Superior to the Ene­my in Land Forces, yet out of complaisance to his Mistress, he rather chose to engage him by Sea, and that when he could not but see how ill his Navy was supply'd; his Captains for want of Mariners pressing eve­ry one they met, Carriers, Ostlers, Labo­rers, [Page 217] and Boys; and for all this, the Vessels had not their complement, but remained in a very ill plight for Sailing. Caesar on the other side had his Navy contriv'd, not for shew but for service, no pompous Gal­leries but built light, and well mann'd with experienc'd Sailers from Tarentum and Brundusium; from thence he sent to Antony, not to draw out the time in delays, but that he would bring up his Forces, that he would give him secure Ports for his Fleet, and that for his Land Forces, he would give him as much ground to encamp in, as a horse could run over from the Sea-side up the Continent. Antony on the other side brave­ly challeng'd him to a single Combat, though he were much the older, and that being refused propos'd to meet him in the Pharsalian Fields, where Julius Caesar and Pompey had fought before. Whilst Antony was at Anchor before Actium, where now stands Nicopolis, Caesar crost the Ionian Sea, and gain'd Toryne a place in Epirus, upon which Antony's Soldiers were ready to mu­tiny in consideration that their Land Forces were a great way off, but Cleopatra turning it into a jest; indeed, said she, we ought This jest will not come into our Lan­guage, Toryne is a Ladle, and the meaning is, that they had no more reason to fear his preparation for War, than his preparation for his Dinner. to tremble now Caesar is sate down before Toryne: On the morrow at break of day [Page 218] Caesar appears, his Fleet drawn up in a Line ready to engage, which Antony perceiving, and not being assured that his Gallies, so ill provided, would be able to stand the shock, he armed all the Rowers, and made a shew upon the Decks of being in readiness to en­gage; the Oars were mounted on each side of the Vessels, and so he Sailed up into the mouth of the Port of Actium, as though he were in all points provided for an engage­ment. And Caesar deceiv'd by this stratagem retir'd. He also cut off the Water, from the Enemy, by making of Trenches and Forts, the water not being plentiful in those parts, nor very good: His carriage to Domitius was very generous, and much against the will of Cleopatra, for when he had made his escape in a little Boat to Caesar, having then an Ague upon him, altho Antony could not but resent it highly, yet he sent after him his whole Equipage, with his Friends and Servants, and Domitius, as if he would have given a Testimony to the World how a­sham'd he was of his base desertion, dy'd soon after. Among the Kings, also Amyntas and Deiotarus went over to Caesar, his Fleet was so unfortunate in every thing that was undertaken, and so unready upon every de­sign, that Antony was constrain'd to lay his stress upon the Land Forces: Canidius, too, who commanded the Legions, when he saw [Page 219] how things stood, chang'd his opinion, and now was of advise that Cleopatra should be sent back, and that retiring into Thracia or Macedonia, the quarrel might be decided in a Land fight, and that Ditomes the King of the Getes was in a readiness to attend him with a great Army, and that it was not in the least any disparagement to him to quit the Sea to Caesar, who in the Sicilian Wars had gain'd so great experience in Sea affairs, but that it would seem very ridiculous for Antony, the greatest Captain of the World, to make no use of his well disciplin'd and stout Troops, but to scatter them, and ren­der them useless in the defence of a Navy; but for all this, Cleopatra prevail'd that a Sea-fight should determine of all, having then an eye to flight, and ordering all her affairs, not as if she had the least thought of victo­ry, but how she might, when all was lost, make her escape with greatest safety. There was a long neck of Land, which from the Camp ran into the Sea, where the Fleet rid at anchor; here Antony used to walk without suspecting any danger, but Caesar upon infor­mation from a Servant that it was not diffi­cult to surprize him, laid an ambush, which rising up somewhat too hastily, seized the Man that came just before him, he himself escaping narrowly by flight; when it was resolved to stand to a Fight at Sea, they set [Page 220] fire of all, but sixty of the best Egyptian Vessels, and these he mann'd with twenty thousand armed Men, and two thousand Ar­chers: Here it is reported of a foot Captain, well experienc'd in War, and one that had fought often under Antony, and had his Bo­dy all mangled with wounds, that he should cry out, O most noble General, why do you mi­strust these Wounds and Swords you see, to put your confidence in rotten Wood, let Egy­ptians and Phoenicians contend at Sea, give us the Land where we will die upon the spot or gain the victory: To which he answer'd nothing, but by his look, and motion of his hand, seeming to bid him be of good cou­rage, he passed forwards having no opinion of the posture of affairs; and when the Ma­sters propos'd the leaving of Sails behind them, he commanded they should be put a­board, for we must not, said he, let one Ene­my escape. That day, and the three follow­ing, the Sea was so rough they could not engage, but on the fifth there was a calm, and then they fought. Antony, command­ing with Publicola the right, and Celius the left Squadron. Marcus Octavius and Marcus Justius the middle Squadron. Octavius had given the charge of the left Squadron to Agrippa commanding in person the right: As for the Land Forces, Canidius was Gene­ral for Antony; Taurus for Caesar, both Ar­mies [Page 221] being drawn up in great order all a­long the Shoar. Antony in a small Vessel went from one Ship to another encouraging his Soldiers, and advising them to stand firm, and that the largeness of the Ships would render the fight, as fix'd as if they were at Land: To the Masters he order'd that they should receive the Enemy lying still as at Anchor, and maintain the entrance of the Port, which was a dangerous Pass. They relate of Caesar, that going out of his Tent before day in order to visit his Fleet, that he met a Man driving an Ass, and asking his name, he told him it was Eutychus (which signifies fortunate) and my Ass, says he, is called Nicon (which is Conquerour;) and afterwards when he disposed the Beaks of the Ships in that place in token of his Vi­ctory, the Statue of this Man and his Ass in Brass were placed amongst them, having viewed his whole Fleet, and from the right Squadron discovering the Enemies posture, he much admired the quiet order they were in, for in all appearance they seemed as if they had been at Anchor; and therefore he slack'ned his course, for they were not above half a League from one another; about noon a gentle Southern Wind did blow, and then Antony's Men being weary of expecting the Enemy so long, and trusting to their large tall Vessels, as if they had been invincible, [Page 222] began to advance the left Squadron. Caesar was overjoyed to see them move, and or­der'd the right Squadron to retire, that he might get out to Sea as far as he could, his design being to encompass him round with his light Gallies that were full mann'd; the Enemy being scarce able to move by reason of their great bulk, and in proportion to their bigness being very ill furnish'd with Seamen and Soldiers. When they engaged there was no striking of one Ship against a­nother, because Antony's Ships, by reason of their great burthen, were uncapable of being in a quick motion, by which the stroke is made effectual; on the other side, Caesar's Ships durst not strike upon the head of An­tony's, which were all arm'd with Spikes of Iron, nor durst they give upon the Sides, by reason they were made of strong square pie­ces of Timber fasten'd together with Massy Pins of Iron. So that this engagement resem­bled a Land Fight, or that I may speak more properly the attack of some strong place, for there were always three or four Vessels about one of Antony's, pressing them with Pikes, Javelins, Darts, and several inventions of Fire, which they flung among them: An­tony's Men pouring upon them with their Machines from off their Wooden Towers. Agrippa drawing out the Squadron under his command, to hem in the Enemy, Pub­licola [Page 223] was oblig'd to observe his motions and desert the middle Squadron, which was sore presled by Arruntius, Fortune not ha­ving yet determined on the day; when on a sudden Cleopatra with her sixty Sail was seen to make out to Sea, and to take her way quite through the Ships that were engaged, for they were placed behind the great Ships, which in breaking through they put to great disorder, the Enemy was astonished to see them with a fair wind to make for Pelopon­nesus: Here it was that Antony betray'd him­self; here his behaviour was so below the Character of a Captain, nay, indeed of any thing that was Man, and much more below himself, that he confirm'd what has former­ly been observ'd, that a Lover's Soul lives in another body, for as if he had been born part of her, and so to be carried wheresoever she went, as soon as he saw her Ship under Sail, he abandoned all that were to spend their lives for him, and put himself aboard a Gal­ly of five Ranks of Oars, taking with him only Alexander of Syria, and Scellius, to fol­low her that had so well began his ruine, and would be sure to accomplish it. She perceiving him to follow, gave the signal to come aboard; so soon as he came up with them, he was helped into the Ship, but without seeing her, he sets himself down very melancholy in the Stern, with both his [Page 224] hands supporting his head; in the mean while, Caesar's light Ships that were in pur­suit of Antony, came into sight, but Antony commanding to tack about they all gave back, but one Eurycles the Laconian a stout fellow, who from off the Deck shaked his Lance in a very threatning posture. Antony standing at the Stern, demanded of him, who he was that pursued him so hard: I am, says he, Eurycles the Son of Lachares arm'd with Caesar's Fortune to revenge my Father's death. This Lachaesr had been condemned to death by Antony for a robbery; but he did not venture to attack Antony, but ran with his full force upon the other Admiral, for there were two Ships so distinguished, and with the blow turn'd her round and took her and another Ship, wherein was all his rich Plate and Furniture: So soon as Eurycles was gone, Antony returned to his posture and sate si­lent; thus he behaved himself for three days, either angry or asham'd, and then arriv'd at Tenarus. There the Ladies that were intru­sted with their most important Affairs, first brought them to speak together, then to eat, and at last perswaded them to lie together; several Ships, and many of his friends fol­lowed him, and brought him the news of his Fleets being quite destroy'd, but that the Land Forces did yet stand firm, so that he sent Messengers to Canidius to march his [Page 225] Army through Macedonia into Asia, and designing to go from Tenarus to Africk, he gave one of the larger Ships laden with vast Summs of Money, and Vessels of Silver and Gold of an inestimable price, to his friends, desiring them to share it amongst them, and provide for their own safety; they refusing his kindness with tears in their eyes, he com­forted them with all the goodness and hu­manity imaginable, intreating them to retire, and writ Letters in their behalf to Theophi­lus his Steward at Corinth; that he would provide for their security, and keep them conceal'd till such time, as they could make their Peace with Caesar. Theophilus was the Father of that Hipparchus, who had so great interest in Antony, and was the first of all his Servants that went over to Caesar; he settled afterward at Corinth. In this po­sture were Antony's affairs.

This Fleet of Antony's that engaged be­fore Actium, suffer'd much by a stiff Gale that blew fresh in their Stern, was scarce routed till four o' th' Clock in the after­noon, with the loss of but five thousand Men, and three hundred Ships, as Caesar himself writes in his Commentaries, those that saw with their own Eyes the flight of Antony could not make others believe so incredible a thing, that a General, that had ten intire Legions, and twelve thou­sand [Page 226] Horse upon the Sea-shore, could so basely desert them, and he above all the world, who had so often seen Fortune in all her shapes, and been so accustomed to changes: His Soldiers who did passionately desire his arrival, still fancying he would appear from some part or other, gave great Testimony of their generous fidelity to his service, who when they were throughly perswaded that he was fled in earnest, kept themselves in a body seven days, making no account of the Embassadors that Caesar sent to them, but at last, seeing that Cani­dius himself, who commanded them, was fled from the Camp by Night, and that the chief Officers had abandon'd them, They put themselves into the hands of him that was strongest. After this Caesar set sail for Athens, where he made a peace with Greece, making a distribution of the provision of Corn which Antony had made for his Army, a­mong the Grecian Cities which were redu­ced to extreme poverty; having been rob­bed of their Money, their Slaves, their Hor­ses, and all their Beasts of Service. My great Grandfather Nicearchus us'd to relate that the Inhabitants of the Cities of Greece ha­ving no Horses, were compell'd with stripes to carry a certain measure of Corn upon their shoulders to the Sea-side, nigh Anticy­ra; but this hardship did not last, for when [Page 227] they were upon the second expedition, news came of Antony's defeat, this saved Cheronea, for the persons concern'd in the General's affairs, and all the Soldiers fled upon this news, and left the Inhabitants to divide the Corn amongst them.

When Antony came into Libya, from the Town of Paretonium, he sent Cleopatra into Egypt, and staid himself in a very solitary condition, having no Company but two of his familiar friends, the one Aristocraces a Grecian, the other Lucilius a Roman. We have already spoken of the last in the life of Brutus, and how that to give him leisure to escape at the Battel of Philippi, he suffer'd himself to be taken, pretending to be Brutus. Antony, g [...]ve him his Life, and he remain­ed firm to him to his last day.

To add to the afflictions of Antony, he understood, that he who commanded for him in Libya, to whose care he had com­mitted all the Troops of that Country, was gone over to Caesar; there he had a great mind to kill himself, but was hindred by his friends, and coming to Alexandria, he found Cleopatra busied in a most prodigious enter­prise. There is but a small space of Land which divides the Red Sea from the Medi­terranean, which also separates Asia from Africk, and in the narrowest place is not much above thirty six miles over, Cleopatra [Page 228] had formed a project of dragging her Gal­lies over this Neck of Land, and of setting them on Float in the Red-Sea, with all her riches aboard to seek some remote Country, where she might live in peace, secure from War and Slavery: But the first Gallies which were carried over, being burnt by the Ara­bians of Petra, and Antony not knowing, but that the Army before Actium stood yet firm; she desisted from her enterprise, and gave orders for the fortifying all the avenues of her Kingdom, but Antony leaving the City and the conversation of his friends, built him a house nigh Pharos upon a little Mount, which he had cast up in the Sea, and there secluding himself from the com­pany of mankind, he resolved to imitate the life of Timon, because he had received the same hard usage; and that for the in­gratitude and injuries, which he suffer'd from those he had obliged and esteemed his friends, he would hate and mistrust all Man­kind.

This Timon was a Citizen of Athens, and The Histo­ry of Ti­mon. lived in the time of the Peloponnesian War, as may be seen by the Comedies of Aristo­phanes and Plato, in which he is lashed as the hater and enemy of mankind. This Man having a long time avoided, and despised the converse of every Body; and meeting Alcibiades a bold young Gentleman, he ci­villy [Page 229] saluted him and embraced him. Ape­mantus was astonish'd and demanding the reason; Oh, says Timon, you cannot imagine what mischief this young Man will one day do the Athenians: He never admitted any one into his Company, but this Apemantus, who was much of the same humour, and a zealous imitator of his way of Life. At the cele­bration of the Feasts for the Dead, these two were eating together, and Apemantus, saying to him, Oh Timon this is a pleasant Feast: It would be so, he answer'd, if thou wert away. One day he got up in a full Assembly into the Pulpit, and a great silence being made by reason of so unusual a sight, he began his Speech which was thus: Ye Men of Athens, I have a little Court-yard, and in it grows a Fig-Tree, on which many of your Citizens have been pleas'd to hang themselves, and now ha­ving resolved to build in that place, I could not omit the making publick Declaration of my design, least I should prejudice any one by cutting down my Tree that has a mind to hang himself. He died and was buried at Hales nigh the Sea, which swells in that place, and flow­ing round his Monument makes it inacces­sible, the Monument had this inscription.

[Page 230] And this Epitaph was made by himself while yet alive; that which is usually repor­ted to be his was made by Callimachus.

Thus much of Timon, of whom much more might be said. Canidius brought An­tony word of the loss of his Army which was before Actium; then he received news that Herod of Judea was gone over to Caesar with very considerable Troops, that several great Commanders had deserted him, and that his interest was quite ruin'd every where: All this did not in the least move him, but quit­ting all hope that he might be rid of all care, and leaving his habitation by the Sea, which he call'd the Timonium, he was received by Cleopatra in the Palace, and the whole City was diverted by him with feasting, drink­ing, and presents. The Son of Caesar and Cleopatra was registred among the youths and Antyllas his own Son by Fulvia recei­ved the Gown without the purple border, This Gown was given at sixteen. which was given to them that are come of age; so that the Citizens of Alexandria did nothing but feast and revel for many days, they broke up the order of the inimitable Livers, and constituted another in its place nothing inferior to the former in splendor [Page 231] and luxury, and called it the Diers together; for all those that would die with Antony and Cleopatra gave in their Names, passing their time in all manner of pleasures, and treating one another by turns. But Cleopatra was busied in making a collection of all man­ner of poysonous drugs, and desirous to know which of them were the least painful in the Operation, she sent them to be tried upon such as were condemn'd to die, but finding that those poisons that had a quick effect caused sharp pains and great convulsions, and that the milder were so very long a working, she set her self to the examination of venomous Creatures, applying one sort to one Body, and another to others; and this was her daily practice, still finding that nothing was comparable to the bite of the Asp, which, without the least convulsion or groaning, caused a great heaviness in the head and desire of sleep with a gentle sweat all o'er the Face, the senses being stupify'd by degrees; the patient in appea­rance, being sensible of no pain, but rather troubled to be disturb'd or awaken'd, like those that are in a profound natural sleep. They both sent Ambassadors to Caesar into Asia, Cleopatra petition'd for the Kingdom of Egypt for her Children; and Antony that he might have leave to live a private Man in Egypt, and if that were thought too [Page 232] much, that he might retire to Athens, for want of friends, so many having deserted, and the remainder not deserving to be tru­sted, Euphronius his Son's Tutor was sent of this Embassie. For Alexas of Laodicea, who by the recommendation of Timagenes came acquainted with Antony at Rome, and had the greatest power over him of any of the Grecians, and was of all the insinuating Spirits, which Cleopatra made use of to per­swade Antony, the most successful, and the only Man that could oppose Octavia's Coun­sels, was sent to Herod to keep that King from desertion, but he betraying his Master staid with him, and confiding in Herod's in­terest, had the impudence to come into Caesar's presence, but Herod was not able to protect him, for he was presently bound in Fetters and sent into his own Country, where by Caesar's order he was put to death; this reward of his Treason did Alexas re­ceive while Antony was yet alive. Caesar de­nying Antony's request made answer to Cleo­patra, that there was no manner of favour which she might not reasonably expect, if she put Antony to death, or banish'd him. He sent back with the Ambassadors his own Servant Thyreus a Man of no ordinary parts, and not unlikely to succeed, coming from an Emperour in his youth to a vain Woman easily pust up with her own prai­ses, [Page 233] and putting so great trust in her Charms. This Man making his audience much longer than ordinary, and receiving great honours from her, made Antony very jealous; so that he order'd him to be first whipp'd, and then sent back to Caesar, wri­ting him word, he had been provok'd by his proud insolent Carriage, and that a Man in his Circumstances was no great Master of his passions, but that if he took it ill, he had his Servant Hipparchus by him, whom he might use after the same manner, that they might be upon even Terms. But Cleopatra, that she might make atonement for her own indiscretion, and lay his jea­lousie, made all the submission imaginable: When her Birth-day came, she kept it as was suitable to their deplorable Fortune; but his was observ'd with great splendor and magnificence, so that many of the Guests sate down in great want, and went home wealthy Men. After the defeat of Antony, Agrippa writ many Letters to Caesar, to let him know, how necessary his presence was at Rome; for which reason the War was deferr'd for a season, but the Winter being over, he began his march; he himself by the way of Syria, and his Captains through Africk. Peleusium being taken, there went a report as if that Town had been delivered to Caesar by Seleucus not without the con­sent [Page 234] of Cleopatra, but she to justifie her self gave up into Antony's hands, the Wife and Children of Seleucus. She had caused to be built joyning to the Temple of Isis, several Tombs and Monuments of a stupendious height, and very considerable for the work­manship, thither she removed her Treasure, her Gold, Silver, Emeralds, Pearls, Ebo­ny, Ivory, Cinnamon, and after all, of Torches and Flax a great quantity, upon which Caesar began to fear least she should in a desperate fit set all these riches on fire, therefore while he was marching towards the City with his Arms he omitted no occasion of giving her assurance of his respect. Caesar having incamped in the Court where they used to manage their Horses, Antony made a fierce Sally, rout­ed the Horse, and beat them back into their Trenches, and so return'd with great satisfaction to the Palace where meeting Cleopatra, arm'd as he was, he kist her, and recommended to her favour a brave Fellow that had signaliz'd himself in this engagement, to whom she made a pre­sent of a Coat of Armour, and Helmet made of Gold, which he having receiv­ed, went that very Night and rendred himself to Caesar. After this Antony sent a Challenge to Caesar to fight him hand to hand, who made him answer that he [Page 235] might find several other ways to end his Life; and he considering with himself, that he could not die more honourably than in Battel, resolved to fight Caesar both by Land and Sea. As 'tis reported, he com­manded his Servants to treat him chearful­ly, and fill him his Wine plentifully, that to morrow they should not do the same; but become Servants to a new Master, when he should lie extended on the ground, a poor dead Corps, a very Nothing: His Friends that were about him, wept to hear him talk on this manner; which he percei­ving, he told them, he should not le [...]d them out to fight with greater expectation of an honourable Death, than of a glorious Vi­ctory. At the dead of Night, when the whole City was in a deep silence and consternation it expecting the event of the next day, on a sudden was heard the sound of all manner of Instruments, and a horrible noise, like to that which is made at the Feasts of Bacchus; this tumultuous Procession seem'd to have broke in at one Gate of the Ci­ty, to have quite travers'd it, and have gone out at the Gate which the Enemy lay before; and this did signifie to them that understand Prodigies, that Bacchus, the God whom he had always a particular in­clination for, and whom he did study to imitate, had now forsaken him: Assoon as [Page 236] it was light, he march'd his Foot out of the City, and posted them upon a rising ground, from whence he saw his Fleet make up to the Enemy. There he stood in expectation of the Event; but as soon as ever the Fleets came nigh to one another, his first saluted Caesar's; which having returned the Com­plement, they presently joyn'd, and with all their force row'd up to the City: An­tony had no sooner seen this, but the Horse Antony forsaken of all his Troops. deserted him, and rendred themselves to Caesar; and his Foot being defeated, he re­tired into the City, roaring out, that Cleo­patra had betrayed him, when he had fought only for her sake. She being afraid lest in his fury and despair he might do her a mischief, sled to her Monument, and making it as fast as she could with Bars and Bolts; she sent to make Antony believe she was dead, He belie­ving it, cries out, Now Antony, what hast thou to do in this World? Fate now has snatch'd away the only cause for which thou could'st endure to live. Going into his Chamber, and opening his Coat of Armour, I am not (says he) troubled, Cleopatra, to be at pre­sent bereaved of you; for I shall soon be with you; but this does much afflict me, that so famous a General should be inferiour in greatness of Mind to a Woman. He had a faithful Servant, whose Name was Eros; he had engaged him formerly to kill him when [Page 237] he should think it necessary; and now he put him to his Promise, Eros drew his Sword, as designing to kill him; but when his back was turn'd, he slew himself, and falling dead at his Feet; Well hast thou done, my Eros, who since thou hadst not the heart to dispatch thy Master, hast taught him what he ought to do; and so he ran himself into the Belly, and laid him­self Antony kills him­self. upon the Couch. He died not pre­sently of the Wound, and by reposing him­self, the Blood being a little stopp'd he came to himself, and intreated those that were about him, to put him out of his pain; but they all fled out of the Chamber, and left him bewailing and tormenting himself, whilst Diomedes, Secretary to Cleopatra, came to him, having been commanded to bring him to her in the Monument; when he understood she liv'd, with a great deal of Vigour he gave order to his Servants to take him up, and in their Arms was carri­ed to the door of the Monument: Cleopa­tra would not open the door, but looking from a Window, she let down Cords, to which Antony was fastned, and she and her two Women, which were all that was sus­fered to enter the Monument, drew him up. 'Tis reported that nothing was more sad than this Spectacle, to see Antony co­ver'd all over with Blood, just expiring, [Page 238] still holding up his hands to her, and lift­ing up his body with that little force was left; nor was the Women's an easier task, Cleopatra taking great pains, and straining hard with her head to the ground, tugging at the Rope, they that stood below encou­raging her, and pitying her Condition: When she had got him up, she laid him on the Bed, tearing all her Cloaths, which she spread upon him, beating her Breasts with her hands, and wiping the Blood from off his Face, she call'd him her Lord, her Husband, her Emperour, and seemed to have forgot her own miserable conditi­on, she was so intent upon his Misfortunes. Antony comforted her as well as he could, and called for Wine to drink, either that he was thirsty, or that he imagined that it might put him the sooner out of pain; when he had drank, he advised her to take her own Affairs into consideration, and as far as it would consist with her Reputation, to compose them; and that among all the Friends of Caesar, she should apply her self to Proculeius; that she should not pity him in this late turn of Fate; but rather rejoyce in remembrance of his past happiness, who had been of all men that ever liv'd, the most illustrious and powerful, and in the end had bravely fought like a Roman, and been by a Roman overcome: Just as he [Page 239] breath'd his last, Proculeius arrived from Caesar; For when Antony gave himself his Death's Wound, and was carried in to Cleopatra, Dercetaeus, one of his Guards, took up Antony's Sword, and hid it; and when he saw his opportunity, stole away to Cae­sar, and brought him the first News of An­tony's death, and withall shewed him the bloody Sword. Caesar upon this news retir'd into his Closet, and paying some tears to the memory of one that had been his Kinsman, Partner, and faithful Companion in so ma­ny Wars and Dangers, he came out to his Friends, and bringing with him many Let­ters, he read to them with how much rea­son and moderation he had always treated Antony, and in return, what fierce and ar­rogant Answers he receiv'd. From thence it was he sent Proculeius to use his utmost endeavours to get Cleopatra alive into his Power; for he was afraid of losing a great Treasure; and besides, she would be no small Addition to the Ornaments of his Triumph; but she refused to conferr with him, but from within her Monument, he standing on the outside of the Door, which was strongly barr'd; but so that they might well enough hear one another's voice; her demand was, that her Kingdom might be di­spos'd to her Children, he still insisting, that she would be of good Courage, and [Page 240] leave intirely to Caesar the consideration of her Affairs, he having taken particular no­tice of the place, return'd to Caesar, who sent Gallus to parly with her the second time, who being come to the Door, did on purpose prolong the conference while Pro­culeius had fix'd his scaling Ladders in the Window; through which the Women had pull'd up Antony, and being follow'd by two Servants he went streight down to the Door where Cleopatra was discoursing with Gallus, one of the Women who was shut up in the Monument with her, was heard to cry out, Oh wretched Cleopatra! thou art taken a­live, she turn'd quick and spying Proculeius, drew out her Dagger to stab her self, but Proculeius running up to her, and seizing her with both his hands, for shame (said he) Cleopatra, you wrong your self and Caesar much, who would rob him of so fair an oc­casion of shewing his clemency to the whole World, and in this unjust action of yours would seem to accuse the most courteous and worthiest of Men, of being implacable and not fit to be confided in, and disarming her, he examined her Robe for fear of any poyson, that might be hid therein. After this, Caesar sent Epaphroditus one of his Servants, with order to treat her with all the gentleness and civility imaginable, but [Page 241] withal to be very intent, that he left her no opportunity of making her self away.

In the mean while Caesar makes his entry Caesar en­ters Alex­andria. into Alexandria with Areius the Philosopher by his side, holding him by the hand and talking with him, that he receiving so great honours from him, might be the more consi­dered by his fellow Citizens, then entring the open place where they usually per­form'd their Exercises, he mounts the Throne (which was there on purpose ere­cted) from whence he commanded the Ci­tizens, who in great fear and consternation lay prostrate at his Feet, to stand up, and told them, That he forgave the People of A­lexandria all their Crimes they had commit­ted: First, for the sake of Alexander, who built their City, then for the City's sake it self, the largest and most beautiful in the World; and Thirdly, to gratifie his friend Areius. These honours did Caesar confer upon Artius, by whose intercession many others lives were sav'd, amongst the which was Philostratus, a Man of all the Professors of Eloquence the most ready and fam'd, for his extemporary Speeches, but he having in­sinuated himself without any merit into the Academy, and his morals being detested by Caesar had his Petition rejected: He with a long white Beard, and a black Cloak was al­ways at A [...]eius his Heels repeating this Verse,

Which Caesar hearing gave him his par­don to prevent rather the ill report might be rais'd of Areius than in any consideration of Philostratus. Of Antony's Children, An­tyllus by Fulvia, betray'd by his Tutor Theo­dorus, was put to death; while the Soldiers were murd'ring him, his Tutor contriv'd to steal a precious Jewel which he wore about his Neck, and put it into his Pocket, which he denying, was convicted of Theft and hang'd. Cleopatra's Children with their Governours had a Guard set on them, and were treated very honourably. Caesario who is reported to have been the Son of Caesar the Dictator, was sent by his Mother with a great Sum of Money through Ethio­pia to pass into India, but his Tutor being as honest as Theodorus, had perswaded him to turn back to Rhodes, for that Caesar design'd to make him a King. Caesar consulting what was best to be done with him, 'tis reported of Areius that he should say * plurarity of Cae­sars [...] in allusion to Homer's [...]. is not safe, and afterwards he was put to death so soon as Cleopatra was dead. Many Kings and great Commanders made peti­tion to Caesar for the body of Antony, to give him his Funeral rights, but he would not dispose of his Corps from Cleopatra, who [Page 243] buried him with her own hands with all splendor and magnificence, it being grant­ed to her to employ what she pleas'd in his Funeral. In this extremity of grief and sorrow, and having inflamed and ulcerated her Breasts with beating them, she fell into a high Fever, and was very glad of this oc­casion, as pretending to abstain from Meat in consideration of her Disease, and so to die in quiet without being importun'd to live. Her Physician whom she confided in was O­lympus, to whom she communicated this design, and made use of his advice to rid her self of this miserable life: As Olympus himself says, having Writ the History of these matters. But Caesar suspecting her design threatned to use her Children ill, which was the only battery capable of for­cing her high spirit, so that she suffer'd any one to give her what Meat or what Medi­cine they pleas'd. Some few days after Cae­sar himself came to make her a visit and comfort her: She lay then upon her Pallet Bed in great disorder, but he being entred she rose from off her Bed, having nothing on but a thin Garment, she flung her self at his feet being strangely disfigured, her Hair and Face torn, with a trembling voice, and her eyes sunk in her head, on her body were ma­ny marks of blows, and it was in a decent condition to attend her grieved Soul, but [Page 244] for all this her good air and mien was not impair'd, some sparks of beauty still remain­ing, and in spight of grief shining from within, and appearing in every graceful motion. Caesar desiring her to repose her self, sat down by her, and this opportunity she took to justifie her proceedings, alledg­ing that what she had done was more out of fear of displeasing Antony than from her own inclinations, which when Caesar con­futed in every Article, that she insisted up­on, she presently turn'd her discourse to move his compassion, as if she desired no­thing more than to prolong her life, and ha­ving by her a list of all her treasure, she gave it into his hands, but Seleucus being present, who was one of the Treasury, told her that she had laid aside and suppressed many things of Value, upon which she fell into such a fury, that flying from her Bed, she caught him by the Hair, and strook him several blows on the Face, Caesar smi­ling and withholding her, is not it very hard Caesar (said she) when you do me the honour of a visit in this wretched condi­tion I am in, that I should be affronted by one of my Menial Servants, if I have laid by any Women's toys, they never were de­sign'd Ornaments, for one of my miserable Fortune, but that I might have some little Present by me, to make your Octavia, and [Page 245] your Livia, that by their intreaties I might hope to find you in some measure dispos'd to mercy. Caesar was pleas'd to hear her talk thus; being now assur'd that she was desirous to live; and he did therefore let her know, that those things she had laid by she might dispose of as she pleas'd, and his usage of her should be honourable above her expectation, and so he went away well satisfied that he had over-reach'd her, but he was himself deceiv'd; there was a young Nobleman named Cornelius Dolabella one of Caesar's favourites, one that had a great kindness for Cleopatra, he sent her word privately, as she had engaged him to do, that Caesar was about to return into Syria, and that she and her Children were to be sent before within three days; when she un­derstood this news, she made her request to Caesar, that he would be pleased to permit her, to make her last Oblations to the de­parted Antony; which being granted, she or­der'd her self to be carried to the place where he was buried, and there upon her knees, accompany'd by her Women, she embrac'd his Tomb with tears in her eyes, and spake in this manner: My dearest An­tony Cleopa­tra's La­mentation over An­tony's Tomb. (said she) it is not long since, that with these hands I buried thee, then they were free, now am I a miserable captive, and pay these last Duties to thee, with a guard [Page 246] upon me, for fear that my just griefs and sor­rows should impair my servile Body, and make me less fit to appear in their Triumphs over thee. No further offerings and sacrifice ex­pect from me, these are the last honours that Cleopatra e'er can pay thy memory, for she is to be hurried away, far from thee. Nothing could part us whilst we liv'd; but death doth seem to threaten for ever to divide us. That thou a Roman born should'st lie buried here in Egypt, and I an Egyptian should be car­ried into Italy, there to expect that favour only; but if the Gods of thy Country, with whom thou now art, either can or will do any thing (for our Gods have betray'd us) suffer them not to leave me whilst I yet have life, let me not be lead in Triumph to thy shame; but have a little room in thy Grave, for a­mongst all my bitter misfortunes nothing has prest my Soul so hard as to have liv'd thus long without thee.

Having made these lamentations, crown­ing the Tomb with Garlands of Flowers, and kissing it, she gave orders to prepare her a Bath, and coming out of the Bath, she eat very sumptuously: After Supper a Country fellow brought her a little Basket, which the Guards intercepting, and asking what it was, the fellow put the leaves, which lay uppermost, aside, and shew'd them it was full of Figs, and they, admiring the [Page 247] largeness and beauty of the Figs, were invi­ted to take of them, which they refused, and suspecting nothing bid him carry them in: Then Cleopatra sent to Caesar a Letter and sealed it, and putting every body out of the Monument, but her two Women, she shut the doors: Caesar opening her Let­ter, and finding therein such earnest requests that she might be buried in the same Tomb with Antony, he soon guest what was doing, once he was going himself in all haste, but changing his Mind, he sent one to see how affairs stood. Her Death was so sudden, Cleopa­tra's Death that those that were sent by Caesar, sur­priz'd the Guards with their apprehensions, who breaking open the doors found her stone dead, lying upon her Bed of Gold, set out in all her Royal Ornaments: Iras one of her Women lay dead at her feet, and Charmion just ready to tumble, scarce able to hold up her own head, was adjusting her Mistresses Diadem, which was out of or­der; and when one that came in said, was this well done of your Lady, Charmion? extremely well, she answer'd, and becom­ing so great a Queen; as she said this, she fell down dead by the Bed-side. Some re­late, that an Asp was brought in amongst those Figs, and covered with leaves, and that Cleopatra had order'd it so, that she might be bit without seeing it; and that, [Page 248] in taking up the leaves, she should say, hol­ding out her Arm to it, Art thou there? Others say, that it was kept in a Glass, and that she vex'd and prick'd it with a golden Spindle; but no one knew the certainty; for they reported also, that she carried Poi­son in a golden Bodkin, about which she wound her Hair; but there was not so much as a spot found or any suspicion of Poison in her Body, nor was any living Creature found within the Monument, but a certain track of a creeping Creature ima­gin'd to be seen on the Window side upon the Sand nigh the Sea: Others say that Cleopatra had two marks in her Arm, im­printed very small by the Sting of the Asp, to which Caesar seem'd to have given credit, for that Cleopatra's Statue was carried in Triumph with an Asp fix'd to her Arm; with these uncertainties are these things re­lated: Although Caesar were very much disappointed by her death, yet he could not but admire the greatness of her Mind, and did grant that her Body should be buried by Antony with all the Ceremony and Magni­ficence which was due unto her Quality, her Women also were buried in great splen­dor. Cleopatra died in the Nine and Thir­tieth Year of her Age, of which she had Reigned Twenty Two; the Fourteen last years joyntly with Antony: Antony died at [Page 249] the Age of Fifty three, some say Fifty Six, the Statues of Antony were all demolish'd, but those of Cleopatra remain'd untouch'd; for Archibius her Friend had given Caesar a Hundred and fifty thousand Pound that they should not run the same fate with Antony's. Antony left by his Three Wives, seven Chil­dren, Antony's Children. of which Antyllus the eldest only was put to death: Octavia took the rest and bred them with her own. Cleopatra, his daugh­ter by Cleopatra, was Married to Juba a comely Prince: Antony his Son by Fulvia was in that esteem; that whereas Agrippa was the chief Favourite of Caesar, and the Sons of Livia held the second Rank, the third Place without any dispute was rec­kon'd to be possest by Antony: Octavia also having had by her first Husband Marcellus, two Daughters, and one Son named Mar­cellus, Caesar gave unto him his Daughter in Marriage, and by that means adopted him; and Octavia gave one of her Daugh­ters in Marriage to Agrippa; but Marcellus dying soon after his Marriage, and she per­ceiving that her Brother was not easie to determine whom to chose for his Son-in-Law, was the first that did persuade him to give his Daughter Julia to Agrippa, though in so doing he was to quit her Daughter: Caesar agreed to this Proposal and married Julia to Agrippa, and she receiving her Daugh­ter [Page 250] back married her to Antony; of the two Daughters which they had by this Mar­riage, the one was married to Domitius Aenobarbus, and the other Antonia famous for her Beauty and Discretion was married to Drusus the Son of Livia, and Son-in-Law to Caesar; of this Line came Germanicus and Clodius: Clodius was Emperor, and Caius also the Son of Germanicus, who having reigned very wickedly was slain, He, his Wife, and his Daughter. Agrippina, who had Lucius Domitius by Aenobarbus, was afterward married to Claudius Caesar, he adopted Domitius, whom he named Nero Germanicus; he was Emperor in our time, and put his Mother to death, and with his madness and folly, did well nigh ruin the Roman Empire; he was in the Fifth Degree from Antony.

THE LIFE OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO: Translated from the Greek. By THO. FULLER, D. D. VOLUME V.

IT is generally said, that Helvia the Mo­ther of Cicero, was both well Born, and lived in good Fashion, but of his Father nothing is reported, but in extremes. For whilst some would have him the Son of a Fuller, and educated in that Trade, others reduce the original of his Family to In Graeco [...]. sed legendum: [...]. Regem Volscorum ad quem exul Coriolanus confugit. Vid. Li. lib. 2. vit. Coriol. in Aut. nost. Tullius Attius an illustrious King of the Volsci: [Page 302] Howsoever he, who first of that House was sirnamed Cicero, seems to have been a Per­son worthy to be remembred; because those who succeeded him did not only not reject, but were fond of that name, though vulgar­ly made a matter of reproach. For the La­tins call a Vetch Cicer, and a flat excrescence in the resemblance of a Vetch on the tip of his Nose, gave him the sirname of Cicero.

But this Cicero, whose story I am wri­ting, is said to have briskly reply'd to some of his Friends, judging it fit to lay aside or change that Name when he first stood for publick Office, and engaged in Affairs of State, that he would make it his utmost endeavor to render the Name of Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauri and Catulli; and therefore, when being Questor of Sicily, he had made an Oblation of Silver Plate to the Gods, and had inscribed thereon the Ini­tial Letters of his two names Marcus and Tullius, instead of the Third, he merrily com­manded the Artificer to engrave the Figure of a Vetch by them: These things are rela­ted of his Name.

Of Cicero's Birth it is reported, that his Mother was delivered without pain or la­bour on Ter. Non. Jan. Cice­ronis nata­lis, sed Pridie. Non. Jan. votum pro salute principis, vid. Cal. Rom. the Third of the Nones of Janu­ary, [Page 303] that Day on which now the Magi­strates of Rome, Pray and Sacrifice for the Emperor; it is said also that a Spectre ap­pear'd to his Nurse, and foretold the Child she then suckled, should afterwards become a great Benefit to the Roman State, which things would otherwise have appear'd dreams and trifles, had not himself soon de­monstrated the truth of the Prediction, for when he came to the age of going to School, he was of such eminent Pregnancy, and had such Fame and Glory amongst the Boys, that their Fathers would often visit the School, that they themselves might behold that Cicero, and as Eye Witnesses, report his quickness and aptness in Learn­ing so much celebrated; but the ruder sort of them were angry with their Children, to see them as they walked together, re­ceiving Cicero with respect into the middle place.

Now he being, as Plato would have the Scholar-like and Philosophical Temper to be disposed to all manner of Learning, and neglectful of no Art or Science, had a more peculiar propensity to Poetry, and there is a Poem now extant, made by him when a Boy, in Tetrameter Verse, call'd Fortè Potnius Vid. Virg. Geor. 3. Ver. 267.—Quo Tempore Glauci Po [...]niades malis membra absumpsere quadrigis. Pontius Glaucus.

[Page 304] In progress of time, applying himself more generally to those Studies, he became not only an excellent Orator, but also one of the most eminent amongst the Roman Poets; and the Glory of his Rhetorick still remains, notwithstanding the many new Modes in Speaking since his time, but his Poetry is become wholly obsolete, and with­out Fame, by reason of those many witty Poets which have since succeeded and sur­passed him.

Leaving his Juvenile studies, he became an Auditor of Philo the Academick, whom the Romans, above all the other Scholars of Clitomachus, admired for his Eloquence and lov'd for his pleasant Conversation: He also apply'd himself to Mutius Scaevola an emi­nent Statesman, and as they term'd it, [...], Princ. Se­nat. Prin­ceps Sena­tus dictus fuit is qui in lectione Senatus quae per Censores peracto censu fie­bat primo loco reci­tabatur, A. Gell. l. 3. c 3. Prince of the Senate, of whom he acquir'd knowledge of the Laws.

For some time he served in Arms under Sylla in the Marsian War, but perceiving the Commonwealth running into Factions, and from Faction all things tending to an absolute Monarchy, he again betook him­self to his retired and contemplative Life, and conversing with the Learned Greeks wholly apply'd to his Study, till Sylla had obtain'd the Government, and the Com­monwealth [Page 305] was in some kind of settle­ment.

About this time, Chrysogonus, Scylla's e­mancipated Slave, being informed by some body, of an Estate belonging to one who was said to be put to death by proscription; had bought it himself for two thousand Drachma's, of which when Roscius the Son and Heir of the dead complained, and de­monstrated the Estate to be worth It is ve­ry difficult to defend our Author in all pla­ces where he expres­ses the va­lue of the Roman by the Attick Money, but in this place Rualdus has defended him against Scaliger, although he finds fault with some mistakes of that kind in other parts of this Life, and therefore we will take it for granted, that Cicero's Duobus millibus nummum exactly answers Plutarch's [...] and his sexagies [...], and to under­stand the great disproportion, betwixt Chrysogonus's price and Ros­cius's value of his Fathers goods, we suppose that Nummus signifies Denarius, and not Sestertius; That the Roman Denarius, and the At­tick Drachma were of the same value, and they are generally compu­ted to 7 ob. q. of our money, though some pretenders to greater ex­actness make the Attick Drachma 8 d. q. That the Attick Mina was of the same value with the Roman Libra; That every Mina contain'd one hundred Drachma's Every Attick Talent, Sixty Mina's, and six thou­sand Drachma's: Which makes a great disproportion, and [...] a just Cause for Roscius's complaint; and yet the disproportion [...] be still greater if Nummus signified, as Scaliger conten [...]s, Sestertius which was but the fourth part of a Denarius or Drachma. Vide Ma [...]ucium in Tull. Orat. pro Roscio Amar. & Ruald. notas praefixas, & Xylandri affixas Plutarch. in Ed. Paris. two hundred and fifty Talents, Sylla took it so heinously to have his Actions question'd, that he preferr'd a Process against Roscius for the murther of his Father, Chrysogonus managing the evidence: None of the Ad­vocates durst assist him, but fearing the cru­elty of Sylla, avoided the Cause.

[Page 306] The young Man being thus deserted, fled for refuge to Cicero: His Friends encouraged him, as never being like again to have a fairer and more honourable introduction to Glory; he therefore undertakes the de­fence, carries the Cause and was admired for it.

But fearing Sylla, he travelled into Greece, and gives it out, that he did it in order to his health; And indeed he was so lean and meagre, and had such a weakness in his sto­mach, that he could take down nothing but a spare and thin Diet, and that not till late in the Evening: His voice was loud and good, but so harsh and unmana­ged, that in vehemence and heat of speak­ing, he always raised it to so high a tone, that there was reason to fear the endanger­ing of his Body by it.

When he came to Athens, he was an Auditor of Antiochus the Ascalonite, being taken with the volubility and elegance of his Speech, altho he did not approve the Novelty of his opinions: For Antiochus had now fallen off from the new Academy, as they call it, and forsaken the Sect of Car­neades, either moved by clear conviction and the evidence of sense, or, as some say, through ambition and opposition to the followers of Clitomachus and Philo, and had changed his opinion, in most things, em­bracing [Page 307] the Doctrine of the Stoicks. But Cicero rather affected and adhered to these Doctrines of the new Academy; resolving with himself if he could get no publick employment in the Common-wealth, to re­tire thither from pleading and political af­fairs, and to pass his life with quiet in the study of Philosophy.

But after he had receiv'd the news of Sylla's death, and his body again strength­ned by exercise, was come to a vigorous habit, his voice managed and render'd sweet and full to the Ear, and pretty well fitted to the disposition of his Body, his Friends at Rome, earnestly solliciting him by Let­ters, and Antiochus as much perswading him to return to publick Affairs, he again furbish'd up his Rhetorick, as the proper instrument of a Statesman; and re-excited his political faculty, both diligently exer­cising himself in declamations, and apply­ing to the celebrated Orators of that time.

From Athens. hence he took shipping for Asia and Rhodes; amongst the Asian Rhetoricians he conversed with Xenocles of Adramyttus, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes for an Orator with The tran­slator ren­ders accor­ding to the import of the Greek, though it is evident Plutarch was mistaken both in this and Caesar's Life, making two men of one, a Father and a Son: For the famous Rhetorician, Master both to Caesar and Cicero, was called Apollonius Molon. vid. Rualdi notas praefix. Pl. Ed. Par. Apollonius [Page 308] the Son of Molon, and for a Philosopher with Possidonius.

It is reported, that Apollonius not under­standing the Roman Language, desired Ci­cero to declaim in Greek, and that he readi­ly obey'd him, as knowing it the best way to have his defects amended: After he had ended his declamation, others were astonish­ed, and mutually contended in praise of the Orator, but Apollonius as he had discovered no great transport whilst he heard him, so when he had done, he sate musing with himself for some considerable time, at which Cicero being disturbed, he said unto him; Thee, O Cicero, I praise and admire, but I pity the Fortune of Greece to see Arts and Eloquence the only Ornaments that were left her, by thee transported to the Romans.

And now when Cicero full of expectation, was again bent upon political affairs, a cer­tain Oracle blunted the edge of his inclina­tion, for consulting the God of Delphos how he should arrive at the top of Glory, Pythia answer'd, By making his own genius, and not the opinion of the People the guide of his life; and therefore at first he passed his time in Rome cautiously, and was very backward in pretending to publick Offices, so that he was at that time in little esteem, and had got the names of Greek and Schol­lar, [Page 309] the usual and ordinary Cant of the meanest Mechanicks of Rome.

But being by Nature very desirous of Fame, and by his Father and Relations also incited thereto, he apply'd himself to plead­ing, in which he arrived at eminence, not by gentle and slow degrees, but on a sudden his glory shone forth, and he far surpass'd all the Advocates of the Bar.

At first it is said, he was, as well as De­mosthenes, very defective in Action, and there­fore he diligently apply'd himself some­times to Roscius the Comedian, and some­times to Aesop the Tragedian.

They report of this Aesop, that whilst he was representing on the Theatre Atraeus de­liberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so transported beyond himself in the heat of Action, that with his Truncheon he smote one of the Servants hastily crossing the Stage, and laid him dead upon the place.

And such afterwards was Cicero's Action, that it did not a little contribute to render his Eloquence persuasive, deriding the Rhe­toricians of his time, for delivering their O­rations with great noise, he said it was want of Ability to speak that made them bawl, as lame Men who cannot walk get on horse-back.

And indeed his facetious humour in jea­ring and jesting seemed very proper and de­lightful [Page 310] at the Bar, but his using it to excess offended many, and gave him the repute of ill manners.

He was appointed Questor in a great scar­city of Corn, and had Sicily for his Province, where tho at first he displeased many by compelling them to send in their Provisions to Rome; yet after they had had experience of his Care, Justice, and Clemency, they ho­noured him more than ever they did any of their Governours before.

Not long after some young Men of good and noble Families charged with disorder and dissoluteness against Martial Discipline, were sent back from Rome to the Pretor of Sicily. But Cicero so excellently managed their defence, that he got them all dis­charged.

Returning to Rome with a great Opinion of himself for these things, a pleasant acci­dent befell him, for lighting upon an emi­nent Citizen of Rome in Campania, whom he accounted his Friend, and asking him what the Romans said and thought of his Actions, as if the whole City had been fil­led with the noise and glory of what he had done, he answered, Why Cicero where hast thou been all this time: It struck him dead at Heart to perceive, that the report of his Actions was fallen into the City of Rome as an immense Ocean, without any return of [Page 311] publick Glory. And therefore afterwards considering with himself, that the glory he contended for was an infinite thing, and that there was neither end nor measure in such pursuits, he abated much of his Ambi­tious thoughts: Yet, nevertheless he was excessively pleased with his own praise, and continued to the very last most passionately desirous of Glory; which often interrupted the prosecution of his wisest Resolutions.

Applying himself more resolutely to pub­lick Business, he accounted it an absurd thing that Artificers using Vessels and In­struments inanimate, should know the Name, Place, and Use of every one of them; and yet the Statesman, who mana­geth publick Affairs by Men, should be neg­ligent and careless in the knowledge of Per­sons, and things relating to the Common-wealth; and therefore he not only acquain­ted himself with the Names, but also knew the particular Place where every one of the more eminent Citizens dwelt, what Lands he possessed, the Friends he made use of, and those that were of his Neighbourhood, and when he travelled the road of Italy, he could readily name and shew the Estates and Seats of his Friends.

Having so small an Estate, tho a suffi­cient competency for his own expences, it was much wondred that he took neither [Page 312] Fees nor Gifts from his Clients, more espe­cially, that he did it not when he under­took the prosecution of Verres: This Ver­res, who had been Pretor of Sicily, and stood charged by the Sicilians, of many evil pra­ctices during his Government there, Cicero caused to be condemned not by speaking, but in a manner by holding his Tongue. For the Judges favouring Verres, had de­ferr'd the Tryal by several Adjournments to the last day, in which it was evident there could not be sufficient time for the Advo­cates to be heard, nor to bring the Cause to an Issue; Cicero steps up, and said there was no need of Speeches, and therefore produ­cing and examining Witnesses he required the Judges to proceed to Sentence.

And yet there are many pleasant things said to be spoken by Cicero in this Cause. As when an emancipated Slave, by Name Q Ceci­lius Niger ad [...]e accu­sa [...]di mu­nus perti­nere con­tendit quia erat Verris Questor. Cecilius, suspected of the Jewish Religion, would have put by the Sicilians, and un­dertaken the prosecution of Verres himself; Cicero said, but what has a Jew to do with Swines Flesh. For the Romans call a Here the Translator errs with his Author, for Verres, according to M. Terentius Varro, a­mongst the Latins, signifies a Bore-pig, Magalis a gelt Pig, and it should have been in the Greek [...], to have justified another rendring. gelt Pig, Verres. Verres reproaching Cicero for Effeminacy, he reply'd, you should have given this reproach within your own doors, [Page 313] to your Children; for Verres had a Son, a pretty grown Boy, who was supposed base­ly to prostitute his Beauty: Hortensius the Orator not daring directly to undertake the defence of Verres, was yet perswaded to ap­pear for him at the laying on of the Fine, and received an Ivory Sphynx for his re­ward: Cicero in some passage of his Speech obliquely reflecting on him, Hortensius told him, he was not skillful in solving Riddles, no says Cicero, and yet you have a Sphynx at home.

Verres being thus condemned, and Cicero setting the Fine but at Myriades simpliciter positae in re num­marianun­quam ali­ud signifi­cant quam Decem Millia Drachmarum, ut decies apud Latinos nunquam aliud quam decies se­stertium. Gronovius de pecunia veteri, p. 541. Ed. Elsev. So that the 75 Myriades in Cicero's Taxation must be accounted Myriades of De­narii, which as Rualdus computes them, amounts to Tricies sestertium, a Summ far short of the Legal penalty in such Cases; and therefore there must be an Error in Plutarch, or his Transcriber: But if an ac­count be taken of this Matter from Cicero's own Relation, it will be very evident that he gave no occasion to render his Justice suspected of being corrupted by Bribery, as Plutarch intimates: For he did not only require of Verres the double value of his unjust Extortions in Si­cily, which was the least Summ that could be by Law imposed, but with a more severe Justice also one other half. For Verres's Exactions being valued at Quadraginties, the double forfeiture amounts but to Octin­genties sestertium, but he demands Mille sestertium, quo nomine à te Millies Sestertium, ex lege repete, ut ex divinatione & oratione re in Verrem patet. Seventy five My­riads, he lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by Bribery to lessen the Summ. But yet the Sicilians in Testimony of their Gratitude, sent and brought him many pre­sents from that Isle when he was Aedilis, of [Page 314] which he made no private Gain for him­self, but rather made use of their Generosity to bring down the Price of Victual.

He had a very pleasant Seat at Non Ar­pi urbs Apuliae, sed Arpi­num in Campania ut sunt Neapolis & Pompeii Test. Plin. Lib. 3. Cap. 3. Arpinum, he had also a Farm near Neapolis, and ano­ther about Pompeii, but neither of any great value. The Portion of his Wife Terentia, amounted to Twelve Myriads, and his own Inheritance was computed to Nine Myriads of Denarii, of this he lived freely and tem­perately, with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his Familiars. He rarely if at any time sat down to Meat till Sun-set, and that not so much for Business, as for his Health, and the Weakness of his Stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his Body nice and delicate, as by using himself to a set number of Walks and Rubbings; and after this manner managing▪ the habit of his Body, he brought it in time to be healthful, and able to endure great fatigue and labour.

He made over his paternal Seat to his Brother, but he himself dwelt near Mount Palatine, that he might not give the trou­ble of long Journeys to those that made suit to him; and indeed there were not fewer daily appearing at his Door, to do their Court to him, than did to Crassus for his Riches, or to Pompey for his power amongst the Soldiers, the most admired and greatest Men of Rome of that time. Yea Pompey him­self [Page 315] paid observance to Cicero, and Cicero's Power in the Common-wealth conferr'd much to the encrease of the Authority and Glory of Pompey. When many and great Competitors stood with him for the Pretor's Office, he was chosen before them all, and managed the Decision of Causes with Ju­stice and Integrity: It is reported that Li­cinius Macer, a Man of himself of great power in the City, and supported also by the as­sistance of Crassus, was accused before him of extortion, and that in confidence of his own Interest, and the diligence of Friends, whilst the Judges were debating about the Sentence, he went to his own House, where hastily trimming himself, and putting on a White Gown as already acquitted, he re­turned again towards the Court; but Cras­sus meeting him in the Porch, and telling him, that he was condemned by general Suffrage, he went home, threw himself up­on his Bed, and died immediately: This Sentence gave Reputation to Cicero for his dexterity in over-ruling the Bench. When Vatinius one of a rough Nature, insolent at the Bar to the Judges, having his Neck swoln with scrophulous humours, stood be­fore the Tribunal of Cicero [...]d asking something, which he denied, and desired longer time to consider of; had said he would not have disputed this, had he been [Page 316] Pretor; Cicero turning towards him, re­plied, but I have not so large and stiff a In Omni pene lin­gua usita­tum, im­pudentes, praesertim in dicendo temerarios valido & duro collo praeditos dicere. Neck as you have.

When there were but two or three Days remaining in his Office, Manilius was brought before him, and charged with Ex­tortion. Now this Manilius had the good opinion and favour of the Common People, and was thought to be prosecuted only for Pompey's sake, whose particular Friend he was; and therefore, when he had asked a set time for his Tryal, and Cicero had al­lowed him but one Day, and that the next only; the common People grew highly of­fended, because it had been the custom of the Pretors to allow Ten Days at least to the Accused; when the Tribunes of the People having called him to the Bar, and accusing him (of an unusual Practice) he desiring to be heard, said, that as he had al­ways used the Accused with Equity and Hu­manity, as far as the Law allowed, so he thought it hard to deny the same to Mani­lius, and that he had studiously appointed that day of which only, as Pretor, he was Master, and that it was not the part of those that were desirous to help him, to cast the judgment of his Cause upon another Pre­tor. These things being said, made a won­derful change in the People, and commen­ding him much for it, they desired that he [Page 317] himself would undertake the defence of Ma­nilius, which he willingly consented to, and that principally for the sake of Pompey, who was absent, and therefore stepping up again, he made an Oration of the whole Matter, from the beginning, briskly reflecting upon the Factious, and the Enemies of Pompey.

Yet he was preferr'd to the Consulship no less by the Nobless, than the common People for the good of the City; and both parties joyntly assisted his promotion upon this account. The change of Government made by Sylla, which at first seem'd intole­rable, by time and usage did now appear to the People, no ill way of settlement; there were indeed some that endeavoured to alter and subvert the present State of Affairs, but more for their own private gain than pub­lick good.

Pompey being at this time employ'd in Wars with the Kings of Pontus and Armenia, there wanted sufficient force at Rome, to suppress those that affected change in the Commonwealth: These had for their Head a Man of a bold, daring and restless Humor, Lucius Catiline, who was accused besides o­ther great Offences of deflouring his Virgin Daughter, and killing his own Brother, of which latter fearing to be prosecuted at Law, he perswaded Sylla to set him down as though he were yet alive, amongst [Page 318] those that were to be put to death by pro­scription.

This Man the profligate Citizens choo­sing for their Captain, gave faith to one a­nother, by Sacrificing a Man and eating of his flesh; and a great part of the young Men of the City were corrupted by him, he providing for every one, Pleasures, Drink, and Women, profusely supplying the ex­pence of those debauches.

All Etruria was in a disposition to revolt, and a great part of Gallia Cisalpina, but Rome it self was in the most dangerous in­clination to change, by reason of the une­qual distribution of the Wealth of that place, for Persons of the greatest Honour and Spi­rit, had made themselves poor by shews, en­tertainments, ambition of Offices, and sum­ptuous Buildings, and by this the Riches of the City were fallen into the hands of mean and despicable Persons, so that there wan­ted but little Weight to remove the Seat of Affairs, it being in the power of every da­ring Man to overturn a sickly Common-wealth.

But Catiline being desirous of procuring a strong Fort in order to his future Designs, pretended to the Consulship, and was in great hopes of having Caius Antonius for his Collegue, a Man of himself, neither a fit Leader for the best nor worst designs, but [Page 319] such a one as might make a good accession to the others Power: These things the greatest part of the good and honest Citi­zens apprehending, put Cicero upon stand­ing for the Consulship, whom the People readily receiving, Catiline was put by, so Cicero and C. Antonius were chosen, altho amongst the Competitors Cicero was the only Man descended from a Father of the Equestrian, and not of the Patrician Order.

Tho the Designs of Catiline were not yet publickly known; yet great previous Com­motions immediately followed upon Cicero's entrance upon the Consulship; for on the one side, those which were forbidden, by the Laws of Sylla, publick Offices, being neither inconsiderable in power nor num­ber, stood and caressed the People for them, speaking many things truly and justly a­gainst the Tyranny of Sylla, had they not disturbed the Government in an improper and unseasonable time; on the other side, the Tribunes of the People proposed Laws upon the same Hypothesis, constituting a Decemvirate with unaccountable power; with whom, as Lords, should be the Right of selling the publick Lands of all Italy and Syria, and whatsoever Pompey had newly Conquered, of judging and banishing whom they pleased, and of planting Colonies, of taking Monies out of the Treasury, and of [Page 320] levying and paying what Soldiers should be thought needful, and therefore several of the Nobility favoured this Law, but especially C. Antonius, Cicero's Collegue, in hopes of being one of the Ten; but that that gave the greatest fear to the Nobless was, that he was thought privy to the Conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it, because of his great Debts.

Cicero endeavouring in the first place to provide a Remedy against this danger, got a Decree of the Province of Macedonia for Antonius, and Gallia which was given to himself, he relinquished. By this kindness he so wrought Antonius to his beck, that like a hired Player, he was always ready to Se­cond him for the good of his Country, and when he had made him thus tame and tra­ctable, Cicero with greater courage attacked the affectors of Innovation, and therefore in the Senate, making an Oration against the Law of the Decemvirates, he so con­founded those which proposed it, that they had nothing to reply: But if when they again endeavoured, and having prepared things beforehand, had call'd the Consuls before the Common Hall; Cicero fearing nothing went first out, and commanded the Senate to follow him, so that he not only threw out the Law, but vanquished the Tri­bunes with his Eloquence, that he made them lay aside all their other pretences.

[Page 321] For Cicero was the Man who principally demonstrated to the Romans, how great a relish Eloquence gives to that that is good, and how invincible a just proposal is, if it be well spoken, and that it is necessary for him, who would dextrously govern a Com­monwealth, in action always to preferr that which is honest before that which is po­pular, and in speaking to separate that which is offensive, from that that is conve­nient.

And there was an accident in the Theatre in the time of his Consulship, which was a demonstration of the prevalence of his Elo­quence.

For whereas formerly the Knights of Rome, were mingled in the Theatre with the common People, and took their places amongst them as it happen'd, Vel po­tius L. Ros­cius Otho Tribune of the People, for so were his Names and Office, and the Law insti­tuted a­bout that Matter, is stiled Lex Roscia. Marcus Otho the Praetor was the first, who in Honour distinguished them from the other Citizens, and appointed them a proper Seat, which they still enjoy as their more eminent place in the Theatre: This the common People took as an indignity done to them; and therefore when Otho appear'd in the The­atre, they in reproach hissed him; the Knights on the contrary received him with loud clapping, the People repeated and en­creased their hissing; the Knights continu­ed their clapping, upon this turning upon [Page 322] one another, they fell to reproaches, so that the Theatre was in great disorder: Cicero being informed of it, came himself to the Theatre, and summoning the People into the Temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid and chastiz'd them for it, that they again re­turning into the Theatre, received Otho with a loud applause, contending with the Knights who should give the greatest de­monstrations of honour and respect to the Praetor.

The Conspiracy of Catiline at first time­rous and disheartned, began again to take courage, and therefore assembling them­selves together, they exhorted one another more boldly to undertake the Design before Pompey's return, who, as it was said, was now on his March with his Forces for Rome. But the Veterane Soldiers of Sylla were Ca­tiline's chiefest confidence; these had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest number and the valiantest of them lay scat­tered about the Cities of Etruria, dreaming of new Plunder and Rapine amongst the hoarded Riches of Italy: These having for their Leader Manilius, who had eminently served in the Wars under Sylla, joyn'd themselves to Catiline, and came to Rome to assist him with their Suffrages at the Ele­ction: For he again pretended to the Con­sulship, having resolv'd to kill Cicero in the Tumult of the Assembly.

[Page 323] Besides, the Gods seem'd by Earthquakes, Thunders, and Spectres to foretell the De­sign, and there were also intimations from Men concerning it, true enough in them­selves, tho not sufficient for the conviction of the Noble and very powerful Catiline: Wherefore Cicero deferring the Day of Ele­ction, conven'd Catiline into the Senate, and there examin'd him of those things that were reported; Catiline believing there were many in the Senate desirous of Change, and to give a Specimen of himself to the Con­spirators present, answered with a gentle Hypocrisie: What ill do I, says he, there being two Bodies, the one Lean and Consum­ptive with a Head, the other great and strong without one, if I put a Head to that Body which wants one: These things being enig­matically spoken of the Senate and People, Cicero was the more afraid.

Him, armed with Coat of Mail, the most eminent Citizens, and many of the Young Gentlemen conducted from his House to the Campus Martius, where designedly throwing his upper Garment off from his Shoulders, he shewed his Armour under­neath, and discovered his danger to the Spe­ctators, who being very much moved at it, gather'd round about him for his defence. But at length, Catiline was by a general Suf­frage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen Consuls.

[Page 324] Not long after this Catiline's Soldiers were got together in a Body in Etruria, the Day appointed for the Design being near at hand: About midnight some of the principal and most powerful Citizens of Rome, as Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's House, where knocking at the Gate, and calling up the Porter, they commanded him to awake Cicero, and tell him they were there. The Business was this; Crassus his Porter after Supper, had delivered him Letters brought by an unknown Person: Some of them were directed to others, but one to Crassus without a Name; this only Crassus read, which inform'd him, that there was a great slaughter intended by Catiline, and advi­sed him to leave the City: The others he did not open, but went with them im­mediately to Cicero, being affrighted at the danger, and to free himself of the suspicion he lay under, for his familiarity with Catiline. Cicero therefore consider­ing of the Matter, summon'd the Senate at break of day. The Letters he brought with him, and deliver'd them to those to whom they were directed, commanding them to read them publickly; they all alike contain'd an account of the Con­spiracy.

[Page 325] But after Quintus Marrius a Man of Pre­torian dignity, had declared that there was In the Greek [...] but here the Translator follows Salust. a listing of Men in Etruria; and that Mar­cius was said to be by with a great force ho­vering about those Cities, in expectation of some alteration in Rome. The Senate made a decree to put over all affairs to the Con­suls, and that they taking them into their care, should according to their discretion, order and preserve the Common-wealth. This the Senate did not use to do often, but only in case of imminent danger: After Ci­cero had receiv'd this power, he committed all Affairs abroad to Q. Metellus, but the manage of the City he kept in his own hands. Such a numerous attendance guard­ed him every day he went abroad, that the greatest part of the Market-place was fill'd with his train when he entred it. Catiline impatient of further delay, resolved him­self to fly to Manlius his Camp; but com­manded Marcius and Cethegus to take their swords, and go early in the morning to Ci­cero's gates, as if only intending to salute him, and then to fall upon him and slay him. This a Noble Lady Fulvia coming by Night, discover'd to Cicero, bidding him beware of Cethegus and Marcius. They came by break of day, and being denied entrance, stormed and roared at the Gates, which render'd them more suspicious. But Cicero [Page 326] going forth, summon'd the Senate into the Temple of Jupiter Stator seated on the top of the holy Street, which goeth up to the Capitol; where Catiline with others of his party also coming, as intending to make his defence, none of the Senators would sit by him; but all of them left that Bench where he had placed himself, and when he began to speak interrupted him with noise.

At length Cicero standing up command­ed him to leave the City, for since one govern'd the Common-wealth with words, the other with arms, it was necessary there should be a Wall betwixt them: Catiline therefore immediately left the Town, with three hundred armed Men, and taking to himself as a Magistrate, the rods, axes and other ensigns of Authority, he went to Mar­cius, and having got together a Body of near twenty thousand Men, with these he marched to the several Cities, endeavour­ing to perswade or force them to revolt. So it being now come to open War, Anto­nius was sent forth to fight him, the re­mainder of those in the City which Cati­line had corrupted Cornelius Lentulus got together and encouraged.

He had the Sirname Sura, a Man of a Noble Family, but a dissolute liver, who for his debauchery was formerly thrown [Page 327] out of the Senate, he was then the second time Pretor, as the custom was, when eje­cted Persons were restored to the Senatorian Honour: It is said that he got the Sirname Sura upon this occasion; being Questor in the time of Sylla, he had lavished away and consumed a great quantity of the pub­lick moneys, at which Sylla being provok'd, call'd him to give an account in the Se­nate, he appear'd with great insolence and contempt, and telling him that he would make no account, held up the Calf of his leg, as boys use to do when they make a default at Ball, upon which he was Sir­named Sura, for the Romans call the Calf of the leg Sura.

Being at another time prosecuted at Law, and corrupting some of the Judges, he es­caped only by two suffrages, but he com­plain'd what he had given to one of them was a needless charge, because one suffrage would have been sufficient to have absolved him.

This Man, such a one in his own nature, and incensed by Catiline, the false Prophets and Magicians had also corrupted with vain hopes, inchanting him with fictitious Verses and Oracles, and demonstrating from the Sybilline Prophecies, that there were three Cornelius's design'd by Fate to be Monarchs of Rome; two of which, Cinna and Sylla [Page 328] had already fulfill'd the fatal decree, and that the Gods were now coming to offer the Monarchy to the third Cornelius re­maining, and that therefore he ought by all means to accept it, and not lose his opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done.

Lentulus therefore designed no mean or trivial matters, for he had resolved to kill the whole Senate, and as many other Citi­zens as he could, to fire the City, and spare no body but only Pompey's Children, inten­ding to seize and keep them as pledges of his reconciliation with Pompey: For there was then a common and strong report, that Pompey was returning from a great expedi­tion. The Night appointed for the design was the first of the Saturnalia's: Swords, Flax, and Sulphur, they carried and hid in Cethegus his house, and providing one hun­dred Men, and dividing the City into as many parts, they had allotted to every one singly his proper place, so that in a mo­ment many kindling the fire, the City might be in a flame all together, others were appointed to stop up the Aqueducts and to kill those who should endeavour to carry water to quench it.

Whilst these things were preparing, it hapned there were two Embassadors from the Allobroges then resident at Rome, a Na­tion [Page 329] at that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasie under the Roman Govern­ment: These Lentulus and his party adjudg­ing useful instruments to move and seduce Gallia to revolt, admitted into the Conspi­racy, and they gave them Letters to their own Magistrates, and Letters to Catiline, in those they promised liberty, in these they exhorted Catiline to set all Slaves free, and to bring them along with him to Rome, they sent with them to Catiline, one Titus, a Native of Croton who was to carry those Letters to him.

These being the Counsels of inconsider­ing Men, and such as conversed together with Wine and Women, Cicero pursued with industry, consideration, sobriety, and great prudence, having besides several Emissaries abroad, who observed and traced with him all they did, he also conferr'd privately with, and confided in many, who were thought engaged in the Conspiracy, he knew all the discourses which passed be­twixt them and the strangers; and lying in wait for them by Night, he took the Crotonian with his Letters, the Allobroges Embassadors being in private Consult with him: By break of day he summoned the Senate into the Temple of Concord, where he read the Letters and examined the dis­coverers.

[Page 330] Junius Syllanus added that several had heard Cethegus say, that three Consuls and four Pretors were to be slain; Piso also a Person of Consular dignity, testified other matters of the like nature, and Caius Sul­picius, one of the Pretors being sent to Ce­thegus his house, found there a great quan­tity of Arrows, Arms, Swords and Daggers all newly furbished: At length the Senate, decreeing indemnity to the Crotonian upon discovery of the whole matter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his Office (for he was then Pretor) and put off his Robe edged with purple in the Senate, changing it for another garment more agreeable to his pre­sent circumstance: He thereupon with the rest of his confederates present, was com­mitted to the Pretor, in free Custody.

It being evening and the common Peo­ple in crowds, expecting without; Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done, and then, attended with them, went to the house of a Friend, and near Neighbor, for his own was taken up by the Women, who were celebrating with secret rites the Feast of the Goddess, whom the Romans call Bona, or the good, the Greeks [...]; for a Sacrifice was annually per­formed to her in the Consuls house, either by his Wife or Mother in the presence of the Vestal Virgins.

[Page 331] Cicero being got to his Friends house pri­vately, a few only being present, fell to deli­berate with himself, how he should treat these Men; the severest punishment, and such indeed as was fit for so great crimes he was afraid, and shie of executing, as well from the Clemency of his Nature as also least he should be thought to exercise his authority too insolently, and to treat too rudely Men of the Noblest Birth, and most powerful friendships in the City, and yet if he should use them more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from them, for there was no likelyhood, if they suffered less than death, they would be reconciled to him, but rather adding new rage to their former wickedness, break forth into all man­ner of insolence, whilst he himself should gain thereby the repute of a cowardly and timorous Person, upon other accounts not thought over valiant by the Vulgar: Whilst Cicero was doubting what course to take in these matters, a portentous accident hap­pened amongst the Womens sacrificing; for on the Altar where the fire seem'd wholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth from the Ashes of the burnt Wood, at which others were affrighted; but the holy Virgins, call'd to Terentia, Cicero's Wife, and bid her hast to her Husband, and command him to execute what he had resolved for the [Page 332] good of his Country; for the Goddess had given great light to his Safety and Glory. Terentia therefore, as she was otherwise in her own Nature neither pitiful nor timo­rous, but an ambitious Woman, (who, as Cicero himself saith, would rather thrust her self into his publick Affairs, than com­municate her domestick to him) told him these things, and incensed him against the Conspirators; the same did also Quintus his Brother, and Publius Nigridius, one of his Companions in Philosophy, whom he often made use of in his greatest and most weighty Affairs of State.

The next day, a debate arising in the Se­nate about the punishment of these Men, Julius Syllanus primus sententiam rogatus, quia co­dem tem­pore Con­sul desig­natus erat. vid. Salust. Syllanus being the first who was asked his Opinion, said, It was fit they should be all sent to Prison, and there suffer the utmost Penalty; to him all consented in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who was after­wards Dictator; he was then but a young Man, and had only gain'd the Beginnings of his future Rise, having directed his Hopes and Policy that way, by which he afterwards changed the Roman affairs into a Monarchy; his guilt was unknown to others, yet to Cicero he had given many suspicions, though no sufficient proof to convict him; and there were some indeed that said, tho' he was very near being discovered, yet [Page 333] he had escaped him; but others were of opi­nion that Cicero voluntarily overlookt and neglected the evidence against him for fear of his friends and power; for it was very e­vident to every body, that these would be rather a means of Caesar's escape, than Cae­sar's guilt an occasion of their punishment: When therefore it came to Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he stood up Senator stando sententiam dixit., and declared that the Conspirators should not be put to death, but their Estates confiscated, and their Persons Alia erat sententia Caesaris, viz. Con­juratos Ca­talinae in perpetu­am custo­diam dam­nandos, non pro tempore, sic testatur Crisp. Salustius, qui judicio interfuit, vel interesse potuit. vid. Bell. Ca­tilin. p. 36. Ed. Elsev. sent to such Cities in Italy, as Ci­cero should approve, there to be kept Priso­ners till Catiline was conquered: To this Sentence, being the most moderate, and he that deliver'd it, a most powerful Speaker, Cicero himself gave no small weight; for he stood up, and turning the scale on either side, he spake sometimes in favour of the former, sometimes of Caesar's Sentence.

But all Cicero's Friends judging Caesar's Sentence most expedient for Cicero (because he would incur the less blame, if the Con­spirators were not put to death) chose ra­ther the latter; so that Syllanus also chan­ging his Mind, retracted his Opinion, and said he had not declared for capital, but on­ly the utmost punishment, which to a Roman Senator is Imprisonment. Caesar having gi­ven [Page 334] his Sentence, Catulus Luctatius was the first who contradicted it; him Cato seconded, and in his Oration cast such a vehement suspicion upon Caesar, and so fill'd the Se­nate with anger and resolution, that a De­cree was pass'd for the execution of the Conspirators; but Caesar opposed the confi­scation of their Goods, not thinking it fit that those who had rejected the mildest part of his Sentence, should make use of the se­verest: Many insisting for it, he appeals to the Penes Tribunos plebis erat morem in­terponere Senatus consulto. Tribunes; but they would not be ruled by him, till Cicero himself yielding, remitted that part of the Sentence about confiscation.

After this, Cicero went out with the Senate to the Conspirators; they were not all to­gether in one place; but the several Prae­tors had them, some one, some another in custody: And first he took Lentulus out of the Palace, and brought him by Via Sacra, through the middle of the Market-place, a Circle of the most eminent Citizens en­compassing and guarding Cicero. The People affrighted at what was doing, pas­sed by in silence; especially the young Men seem'd with fear and trembling, as if they were initiating in some sacred Mysteries of Aristocratick Tyranny.

Afterwards passing from the Market-place, and coming to the Gaol, he delivered Len­tulus to the Officer, and commanded him [Page 335] to execute him, and after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in order he brought, and deli­vered up to Execution.

And when he saw many of the Conspi­rators in the Market-place, standing toge­ther in companies, ignorant of what was done, but expecting Night, as if the Men were still alive, and in a possibility of being rescued, he call'd to them in a loud voice, and said, They did live; for so the Romans to avoid harsh Language, express those that are dead: It was now Evening when he return'd from the Market-place to his own House, the Citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor in order, but recei­ving him as he passed, with acclamations and applauses, saluted him, Saviour and Founder of his Country.

A bright Light shone through the Streets from the Lamps and Torches set up at the Doors, and the Women appear'd from the Tops of their Houses, to honour and be­hold Cicero returning home with a splen­did Train of the most principal Citizens; amongst whom were several who had ma­naged great Wars, obtain'd Triumphs, and added to the Possessions of the Roman Em­pire, both at Sea and Land; these, as they passed along with him, acknowledged to one another, that though the Roman Peo­ple were indebted to several Officers and [Page 336] Commanders of that Age, for Riches, Spoils, and Power; yet to Cicero alone they ow'd the safety and security of all these, for de­livering them from so great and eminent a danger; for though it might seem no wonderful thing to prevent the Design, and punish the Conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all Conspiracies with so little damage, trouble and commotion, was ve­ry extraordinary; for many of those who had run in to Catiline, as soon as they heard the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, left and forsook him, and he himself with his re­maining Forces joyning Battel with Anto­nius, was destroy'd with his Army.

And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak and do ill to Cicero for these things, and they had for their Lead­ers some of the Magistrates of the ensuing Year, as Caesar one of the Praetors, and Metullus and Bestia the Tribunes, these en­tring upon their Office some few days be­fore Cicero's Consulate expired, would not permit him to make his Oration to the People; but throwing the Forms before the Rostra, hinder'd his speaking, commanding him, if he pleased, only to abjure his Office, and descend: Cicero upon this, moving, as going to abjure, and silence being made, he made his Oath not in the usual, but a new and peculiar Form, viz. That he had [Page 337] saved his Country and preserved the Go­vernment; the truth of which Oath all the People by Oath confirmed.

Caesar and the Tribunes being the more exasperated by these things, endeavour'd to create him further trouble, and therefore a Law was proposed for the calling Pompey home with his Army, to suppress the inso­lence of Cicero; but it was a very lucky thing to Cicero, and the whole Common-wealth, that Cato was at that time one of the Tribunes, for he being of equal power with the rest, and of greater esteem, opposing their Designs, both easily defeated all other projects, and in an Oration to the People, so highly extolled Cicero's Consulate, that the greatest Honours were decreed him, and he publickly declar'd the Father of his Country, which Title he seems Viz. The first time he had the honour of that Name given him before an Assembly of the Peo­ple, for it was before given him in a full Senate by Q Catu­lus, as Ci­cero himself testifies, Orat. cont. Piso. & pro P. Sextio. first to have obtain'd, when Cato so stiled him in his Oration to the People.

At this time therefore his Authority was very great in the City; but he created him­self much envy, and offended very many, not by any evil Action, but because he was always praising and magnifying himself: for neither Senate, nor Assembly of the People, nor Court of Judicature could meet, in which he was not heard to boast of Catiline and Lentulus; besides, he so filled his Books [Page 338] and Writings with his own Encomiums, that he rendred a stile in it self most pleasant and delightful, nauseous, and irksome to his hear­ers; this ungrateful humour, like a disease, always cleaving to him: Nevertheless, tho he was intemperately fond of his own praise, yet he was very free from envying others, and most liberally profuse in commending both the Ancients and his contemporaries, as is to be understood by his Writings, and many of those Sayings are still recorded, as that concerning Aristotle, that he was a Ri­ver of flowing Gold, of Plato's dialogue, that if Jupiter were to speak, he would discourse as he did; Theophrastus he was wont to call his peculiar delight, and being asked which of Demosthenes his Orations he liked best, he answered the longest.

And yet some affected imitators of Demo­sthenes, have complained of a saying, writ­ten by Cicero in an Epistle to some of his Friends, that Demosthenes in some of his O­rations nodded; but they are forgetful of the many and singular Encomiums he fre­quently gives him, and the Honour he did him, when he named the most elaborate of all his Orations, those he wrote against An­thony, Philippicks.

And as for the eminent Men of his own time, either for Eloquence or Philosophy, there was not one of them which he did not [Page 339] by Writing or Speaking favourably of, ren­der more illustrious, he obtain'd of Caesar when in power, the Roman freedom for Cra­tippus the Peripatetick, and got the Court of Areopagus by publick Decree to request his stay at Athens for the Instruction of their Youth, and the Ornament of their City. There are Epistles extant from Cicero to Herodes, and others to his Son, in which he requires them to follow the Philosophy of Cratippus.

In another he blames Gorgias the Rheto­rician for seducing his Son to Luxury and Drinking, and therefore forbids him his Company, which latter with another to Pelops the Byzantine are the only two of his Greek Epistles, which seem to be written in Anger; in the first he justly reflects on Gor­gias, if he were what he was thought to be, a dissolute and incorrigible Person; but in the other, he meanly expostulates and com­plains with Pelops, for neglecting to pro­cure him a Decree of certain Honours from the Byzantines; but these things are to be charged upon his Ambition, and the warmth and vehemency of his Speaking, which of­ten made him neglect Decorum.

When Numatius, who had escaped judg­ment by Cicero's defence, prosecuted his Friend Sabinus, it is said that Cicero fell so foul upon him in his Anger, that he told [Page 340] him: Numatius, thou wert not acquit for thy own sake, but because I so overshadowed the light, that the Court could not perceive thy guilt: When from the Rostra he had made Encomiums of Crassus with good ap­plause, and within fews days after had again as publickly reproached him, Crassus call'd to him and said, Didst not thou thy self in this place lately commend me; no says Cicero, I only exercised my Eloquence in declaim­ing upon a bad Subject. At another time Crassus saying, that none of the Crassi in Rome liv'd above Threescore years, and after­wards recalling himself, and saying what was in my Head to say so? Cicero reply'd, Thou knowest the Romans were glad to hear it, and therefore thou saidst it to wheadle the People; when Crassus said, that he was pleased with the Stoicks, because they assert, the good Man is always Rich; nay rather says he, because they affirm all things be­long to the Wise; for Crassus his covetous­ness was very notorious. When one of Cras­sus his Sons, who was generally thought ve­ry like Axius, and for which cause his Mo­ther lay under an ill publick Fame, made an Oration with good applause in the Senate, Cicero being asked what he thought of him, answered in a Greek Clinch, [...]. Crassus being to go into Syria resolved to leave Cicero, rather his Friend than his Ene­my, [Page 341] and therefore one day kindly saluting him, told him he would come and Sup with him, which the other as courteously receiv­ed. Within few days after, some of Cicero's acquaintance, interceding for Vatinius, as desirous of reconciliation and Friendship (for he was then his Enemy) reply'd, and will indeed Vatinius also come and Sup with me: And thus he used Crassus.

Vatinius pleading with Scrophulous Tu­mours in his Neck, he call'd him the Either reflecting on the im­pudence of the speak­er or the roughness of his Stile. Utrumque sortium Horat. notat. 1. Serm. 7. Satyr. vers. 7. con­fidens, tumidus 2. Ser. Sat. 5.—Tumidis infla sermonibus utrem. Swoln Orator; having heard that he was dead, and presently after that he was alive again, may that rascal perish, says he, who told so ill a lye.

Caesar attempting a Law for the division of the Lands in Campania amongst the Sol­diers, many in the Senate opposed it, a­mongst the rest Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest Men in the House, said, it should ne­ver pass whilst he lived: Let us defer it till then, says Cicero, for Gellius does not require a very long day. To one Octavius, suppo­sed an African born, saying to Cicero plead­ing, that he did not hear him, Cicero re­ply'd, as yet your ear is not bored: When Metellus Nepos told him, that he had de­stroy'd more as a Witness than he had saved as Advocate, I confess it, says Cicero, for I [Page 342] have much more Truth than Eloquence: To a young Man accused of giving a poi­soned Cake to his Father, and confidently threatning, that he would bespatter Cicero with reproaches, he said, I had much ra­ther have those, than your Cake: Publius Sestus, having amongst others retain'd Ci­cero as his Advocate in a certain cause, and yet desirous to talk all for himself, and al­low no body to speak for him, when he was ready to be acquitted by the Judges, and the Ballets were passing, Cicero call'd to him, Sestus use thy time to day, for to morrow thou wilt be but a private person: He cited Publius Colla to bear testimony in a certain Cause, one who affected to be thought a Lawyer, tho ignorant and unlearned, to whom, when he had said, I know nothing of the matter, he answer'd, Thou thinkest perhaps we ask thee about a point of Law: To Metellus Nepos in a dispute betwixt them, often repeating who is thy Father, O Cicero: he reply'd, Thy Mother has made the answer of that question to thee more difficult, for Nepos his Mother was accoun­ted a lewd Woman. This Nepos was one of a very uncertain humour, for on a sud­den he left the Tribuneship, and fled into Syria to Pompey, and immediately after re­turn'd again with less confidence than he went; now he burying his Tutor Philager [Page 343] with more than ordinary curiosity, had set up over his monument a Marble Crow, which Cicero observing told him, Thou hast done wisely in this, for thy Tutor has ra­ther taught thee to fly than speak.

When Marcus Appius in his preamble to a Plea, had said, that his Friend had desired him to employ all his Industry, Eloquence, and Fidelity in that Cause. Cicero answer'd, then thou hast been very hard to thy Friend in not performing one of those things he had desired of thee. To use this bitter rail­lery against Opposites and Antagonists in pleading seems allowable Rhetorick at a Bar, but to fall upon every body, only to move laughter, this created him great hatred: A few of which passages I shall relate. Marcus Aquilius, who had two Sons in Law in Exile, he call'd It is a known sto­ry that A­drastus King of Argos married his two Daughters to two Fu­gitives Tydeus and Poly­nices. Adrastus; Lucius Colla, an intem­perate Lover of Wine, was Censor when Cicero pretended to the Consulship, Cicero being dry at the Election, his Friends stood round about him whilst he was drinking, You have reason to be affraid, says Cicero, least the Censor should be angry that I drink water. Meeting one day Voconius with his three very ugly Daughters, he cry'd out.

[Page 344] When Marcus Gellius, who was reputed the Son of a Slave, had read several Letters in the Senate; with a very shrill and loud voice, Wonder not, says Cicero, for this fellow is one of the Cryers: When Faustus Sylla the Son of Sylla the Dictator, who had during his Dictatorship by publick bills proscribed and condemned several Citizens, had so far wasted his Estate, and got into debt, that he was forced to publish his bills of sale, Ci­cero told him, That he liked these bills much better than those of his Father: By these things he became very odious to many.

But Clodius's Faction conspired against him upon this occasion: Clodius was one of a Noble Family in the flower of his youth, and of a bold and resolute humour; he being in Love with Pompeia Caesar's Wife, got privately into his House in the habit and dress of a Minstrel, (for the Wo­men were then offering that Sacrifice in Caesar's house, which is neither to be heard nor seen by Men) and there was no Man present; but Clodius, being a Youth and beardless, hoped to get to Pompeia among the Women, without being taken notice of, but entring that great house by Night he was lost in the passages, where Aurelia one of Caesar's Mothers Women spying him, wandring up and down, inquir'd his name, thus being necessitated to speak, he told her, [Page 345] he was seeking for one of Pompeia's Maids, by name Aura, she perceiving it not to be a Womans Voice shrieked out, and call'd in the Women, who presently shutting up the Gates, and searching every place, at length found Clodius fled into the Chamber of that Maid with whom he came in: This matter being noised abroad, Caesar put away his Wife Pompeia, and Clodius was Not by Caesar as the Latin Translator by rendring it actively seems to imply, for he did not so much as testifie against him, but by the Tribune of the People, as our Author affirms in the life of Caesar. prosecu­ted for prophaning the holy Rites.

Cicero was at this time his Friend, for he had been useful to him in the conspiracy of Catiline, as one of his forwardest assistants and guard of his Body.

Clodius putting the stress of his defence, upon this point, that he was not then at Rome, but a far off in the Country, Cicero testify'd that he came to his house that day, and discoursed with him of several matters, which thing was indeed true, al­though Cicero was thought to testifie it, not so much for the truths sake, as to preserve his quiet with Terentia his Wife, for she had a spite at Clodius upon the account of his Sister Clodia, who had a mind to marry Cicero, and manag'd the design by one Tul­lus, a Friend and intimate of Cicero's in his greatest affairs: And Cicero himself by fre­quently [Page 346] visiting and paying his Court to Clodia as a Neighbour, had given Terentia ground to suspect him. And she being a Woman of a sowre humour, and having the ascendant of Cicero, had provoked him to conspire and testifie against Clodius.

Afterwards many good and honest Citi­zens did give evidence against him for per­juries, forgeries, bribing the People, and deflowering of Women. Lucullus proved by his Maid-servants, that he had lain with his youngest Sister, when she was his Wife; and there was a publick Fame, that he did also converse with his two other Sisters in the same way; Terentia, whom Martius Rex, and Clodia, whom Metellus Celer, had married; the latter of them was called Quadrantula, because one of her Lovers had deceived her with a purse of small brass mo­ney instead of Silver, the smallest brass coyn being called a Quadrant. Upon this Sisters account, Clodius was principally defamed. Notwithstanding all this, when the com­mon People appear'd in Tumults against the accusers, and prosecutors of Clodius, the Judges were so affrighted, that a guard was placed about them for their defence; tho the names were confusedly written up­on the Tables, yet it was evident that the greatest number did absolve him; and it was said there was bribery in the Case, and [Page 347] therefore Catulus meeting the Judges, told them, You did well in requiring a guard for your safety, for fear your money should have been taken from you; and when Clo­dius upbraided Cicero, that the Judges did not believe his Testimony, Yes, said he, five and twenty of them believ'd me, for so many of them have condemned you, but the other thirty did not believe you, for they did not absolve you till they had re­ceiv'd your Money.

But Caesar, tho cited did not give his Te­stimony against Clodius, nor pretended to be convinced of his Wife's Adultery, but that he had put her away, because it was fit that Caesar's Bed should not be only free of the evil fact, but of the Fame too.

Clodius having escaped this danger, and got to be chosen one of the Tribunes of the People, immediately attack'd Cicero, heap­ing up all matters, and inciting all Persons against him, the common People he wheed­led with popular laws; to each of the Con­suls, he decreed large Provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Galinius, Syria: He mu­ster'd together a rabble of indigent Persons to serve his design, and had always armed Slaves about him; of the three Men then in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open Enemy, Pompey indifferently caressed both, Caesar was going with an Army into Gallia.

[Page 348] Cicero applies himself to him, th none of his firm Friends, having had a suspicion of him ever since the conspiracy of Catiline; of him he desires the Honour of being his Lieutenant General in that Province. Caesar accepting him, Clodius perceived that Ci­cero fled his tribunitian Authority, and therefore pretends to be inclinable to a re­concilement, lays the greatest fault upon Terentia, makes always a favourable men­tion of him, and treats him with kind ex­pressions, as one who had neither hatred nor ill will towards him, and thus expostu­lating the matter moderately and friendly, he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that he re­signed his Lieutenancy to Caesar, and betook himself again to political affairs. At which Caesar being exasperated, he confirmed Clo­dius against him, and wholly alienated Pom­pey from him, he also himself declared in a publick assembly of the People, that he did not think Lentulus and Cethegus with their accomplices were well and legally put to death, without being brought to Tryal.

And this indeed was the crime charged upon him, of which Cicero standing accused and prosecuted, he changed his habit, and in a sordid and untrimmed dress went about and supplicated the People, but Clodius al­ways met him in every corner, having a pack of abusive and daring fellows about [Page 349] him, who with insolence publickly derided his dress, and change of habit, and would often by throwing dirt and stones at him interrupt his supplications to the People. Al­tho at first, almost the whole Equestrian or­der changed their habits with him, and no less than twenty thousand young Gentle­men followed him untrimm'd, and supplica­ting with him to the People on his behalf: Afterwards the Senate met, to pass a decree, that the People should change their habit as in time of publick sorrow: But the Con­suls opposing it, and Clodius with armed Men besetting the Senate-house, many of the Senators ran out, shrieking and tearing their Cloaths but this sight moved neither shame nor pity in them, for Cicero must ei­ther fly or determine it by the Sword with Clodius. He intreated Pompey to aid him, who was on purpose gone out of the way, and resided at his Country-house near Alba­nia, and first he sent his Son-in-Law Piso, to intercede with him, but afterwards went himself, of which Pompey being informed, he durst not stay to see him, for he had a great reverence for that Man, who had con­tended in so many quarrels for him, and had directed so much of his policy for his advantage, but being Caesar's Son-in-Law, at his instance he set aside all former kind­ness received from Cicero, and slipping out at [Page 350] another door avoided his intercession: Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left alone to himself, he fled to the Consuls. Gabinius was always surly to him, but Piso treated him more civilly, desiring him to yield and give place for a while to the fury of Clodius, and to expect the change of times, and to be once more a Saviour to his Country from those commotions and dangers which were raised upon his account.

Cicero receiving this answer, consulted with his Friends: Lacullus advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last, others to fly, because the People would soon desire him again, when they should have enough of the rage and madness of Clodius. This last Cicero approv'd. But first he took the Sta­tue of Minerva, which had been long set up in his house, and worship'd with singu­lar devotion, and carrying it to the Capitol, there dedicated it with this inscription: MINERVAE ƲRBIS ROMAE PRAESIDI. To Minerva the Patroness of Rome. And receiving a safe convoy from his Friends, a­bout the middle of the night he left the Ci­ty, and went on foot through Lucania in­tending to reach Sicily. But as soon as it was publickly known that he was fled, Clo­dius procured of the People a decree of Exile, and by bill interdicted him Fire and Water, prohibiting any within five hundred Miles [Page 351] in Italy, to receive him into their Houses. But all others, who reverenced Cicero, lit­tle regarded the Decree, for shewing him all kind offices they attended him in his passage.

But at Hipponium a City of Lucania, now call'd Vibo, one Vibius a Sicilian by birth, who amongst many other effects of Cicero's friendship, had been made Surveyor of the works when he was Consul, would not in­deed receive him into his house, yet sent him word, he would appoint a place in the Country for his reception. C. Virginius the Pretor of Sicily, who had made use of Cicero in his greatest necessities, wrote to him to forbear coming into Sicily. At these things Cicero being disheartned went to Brundu­sium, whence putting forth with a prospe­rous wind, a contrary gale blowing from the Sea carried him back to Italy the next day; he put again to Sea, and having fini­shed his Sail to Dyrrachium, and putting on shore there, it is reported, that an Earth­quake and storm at Sea happened at the same time, from whence the Southsayers conjectured his Exile would not be long; for those things were Prognosticks of Change. Although many visited him with respect, and the Cities of Greece contended which should honour him most, yet he continued disheartned and disconsolate, like an unfor­tunate [Page 352] Lover, often casting a look back up­on Italy, and indeed he was become so mean spirited, contracted, and dejected by his mis­fortunes, as none could have expected in a Man so thoroughly conversant in all sorts of Learning as he was.

And yet he often desired his Friends not to call him Orator, but Philosopher, be­cause he had made Philosophy his business, but had only used Rhetorick as an instru­ment of Governing the Common-wealth, when there was necessity for it.

But the desire of Glory has great power in blotting the Tinctures of Philosophy out of the Souls of Men, and of imprinting the passions of the Vulgar, by custom and con­versation in the minds of those that govern them; unless the politician be very careful so to ingage in publick affairs, as to interest himself in the affairs themselves, but not in the passions that are consequent to them.

Clodius having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his Villa's, and afterwards his City house, and built in the place of it a Temple to Liberty, the rest of his goods he exposed to Sale by daily proclamation, but no body came to buy them.

By these things he became formidable to the chiefest Citizens, and having got toge­ther a Body of the Commonalty let loose to all manner of insolence and licentiousness, [Page 353] he fell foul upon Pompey, inveighing against several things done by him in the Wars; for these matters Pompey falling under an ill Opinion with the People, began to be dis­pleased with himself for deserting Cicero, and changing his mind, wholly set himself with his Friends to contrive his return, and when Clodius opposed it, the Senate made a Vote, that no publick Matter should be decreed or acted, till Cicero was recalled: But when Lentulus was Consul, the com­motions grew so high upon this Matter, that the Tribunes were wounded in the Common Hall, and Quintus, Cicero's Bro­ther was left as dead, and hid amongst the slain; upon this the People began to change their Opinion, and Annius Milo one of their Tribunes, was the first who took confidence to hale Clodius by force unto Judgment. Many of the Common People, and of the Neighbouring Cities joyning with Pompey, he went with them, and drove Clodius out of the Common Hall, and Summon'd in the People to pass their Vote; and it is said the People never passed any Suffrage more una­nimously than this; the Senate also joyning with the People, sent Letters of Thanks to those Cities, which had received Cicero with respect in his Exile, and decreed, that his House & Villa's which Clodius had destroy'd should be rebuilt at the publick charges.

[Page 354] Thus Cicero returned Sixteen Months af­ter his Exile, and the Cities were so glad, and the Men so zealous to meet him, that what Cicero boasted of afterwards, viz. That Italy had brought him on her Shoulders home to Rome, was rather less than the Truth: And Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before his Exile, went then voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled; to please his Son Publius, as he said, who was Cicero's most affectionate Friend.

Cicero had not been long at Rome, but taking the opportunity of Clodius his ab­sence, he goes with a great company to the Capitol, and there tears and defaces the Tri­bunitian Tables, in which was recorded the Acts that were done in the time of Clodius: Clodius, calling him in question for this, Ci­cero answered that he being of the Patrician Order, had got the Office of Tribune a­gainst Law, and therefore nothing was va­lid that was done by him: Cato was dis­pleased and opposed Cicero, not that he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved his whole Administration of Affairs; yet he contended it was an irregular and vio­lent course for the Senate to Vote the abo­lishing of so many Decrees and Acts, in which also were the Memoirs of his Govern­ment at Cyprus and Byzantium.

[Page 355] This occasion'd a breach betwixt Cato and Cicero, which tho it came not to open enmi­ty, yet it made a more reserv'd Friendship betwixt them: After this Milo kill'd Clodius, and being arraign'd for the Murther, he chose Cicero for his Advocate. The Senate fearing least the questioning of so eminent and high Spirited a Citizen as Milo, might disturb the Peace of the City, committed the regulating of this, and such other tryals to Pompey, to preside for the security of the City, and of the Courts of Justice: Pompey therefore went in the Night, and encom­passed the outward part of the Forum with Soldiers. Milo fearing least Cicero being di­sturb'd by such an unusual sight should ma­nage his Cause ill; perswaded him to come in his Chair into the Forum, and there to repose himself till the Judges were set, and the Court fill'd: For Cicero, as it seems was not only timorous in Arms, but began his pleadings also with fear, and scarce left trembling and shaking in some causes in the height and forms of his Oration: Being to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecu­tion of Cato, and endeavouring to out-do Hortensius, who had made his plea with great applause, he took so little rest that Night, and was so disorder'd with much Thought and overwatching, that he fell far short of his An­tagonist. Coming forth of his Chair to un­dertake [Page 356] the Cause of Milo, and seeing Pompey placed above as in a Camp, and Arms shi­ning round about the Forum, he was so con­founded, that he could hardly begin his Speech for the trembling of his Body, and he­sitance of his Tongue: But Milo appear'd at the tryal brisk and confident, disdaining ei­ther to let his hair grow, or to put on the mourning habit, which seems to be the prin­cipal cause of his condemnation.

And yet Cicero in these things was rather thought to be concern'd for his Friend than timorous. He was afterwards made one of those Priests whom the Romans call Augurs, in the room of Crassus the younger dead in Parthia, and having by lot obtain'd the Pro­vince of Cilicia, he set sail thither with twelve thousand Foot, and two thousand six hun­dred Horse; he had orders also to reduce Cap­padocia to the love and obedience of Arto­bazanes their King, which settlement he effe­cted with great acceptance without Arms; and perceiving the Cilicians, by the great loss the Romans had suffer'd in Parthia, and the Commotions in Syria, grown insolent; he reduced them into good Temper, by a gen­tle Government. He receiv'd no Presents, tho sent him by Kings: He remitted the Province the charge of Publick Suppers; but entertained daily at his own House the [...], ingenious and accomplished Men of the [Page 357] better Quality, not Sumptuously, but Libe­rally. His House had no Porter, nor was he seen in Bed by any Man; but early in the Morning standing or walking before his Door, he courteously received those that visited him.

He never commanded any to be beaten with Rods, nor to have their Garments rent: He never gave contumelious Language in his Anger, nor inflicted Punishment with Reproach. When he found any of the Pub­lick Monies purloin'd, he enriched the Cities with it; and those who voluntarily made Restitution, without any further Punish­ment, he preserved entire in their Reputa­tion. He made a little effort of War, and drave out the Thieves which infested the Mount Amanus, for which he was saluted by his Army Imperator. To Caetius the Orator, desiring him to send him some Panthers from Cilicia, to be exposed on the Theatre at Rome, with boasting reflecting on his own Actions he wrote, that there were no Pan­thers in Cilicia, for they were all fled to Caria in Anger, that in so general a Peace they were left the only Subjects of his Arms.

Leaving his Province for a time, he touch­ed at Rhodes, but more willingly tarried at Athens, with a desire of renewing his old Studies; where he visited the most eminent Men of Learning, and saluted his Friends [Page 358] and Familiars; and being deservedly Ho­nour'd in Greece, he return'd to his own Ci­ty, where Affairs were just as it were in a flame, breaking out into a Civil War. When the Senate would have decreed him a Tri­umph, he told them, he had rather, so Diffe­rences were accommodated, follow the Tri­umphant Chariot of Caesar. In private, he gave Advice to both; writing many things to Caesar, and entreating several of Pompey; mollisying, perswading, and exhorting each of them: But when matters became incu­rable, and Caesar was approaching Rome, Pompey durst not abide it, but with many honest Citizens left the City: Cicero avoid­ed the flight, and seem'd to adhere to Cae­sar, tho it is very evident he was in his Thoughts much divided, and wavered be­twixt both; for thus he writes in his Epi­stles: To which side should I turn? Pompey has an honest and specious Pretence for War, but Caesar has managed his Affairs better, and is more able to secure himself and his Friends; so that I know whom I should flee, not whom I should fly to. But when Treba­tius, one of Caesar's Friends, by Letter signi­fied to him, that Caesar thought it was his Interest to secure himself on his side, and to be partaker of his Hopes; but if his Age would not permit that, that he should re­tire into Greece, and there abide and enjoy [Page 359] his Quiet, remote from either Party. Cicero, wondring that Caesar did not write himself, answer'd in Anger, that he would do nothing unworthy of those things he had already done in Publick Affairs.

After this manner therefore he writes in his Epistles. But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately takes Shipping to go to Pompey; and he was very acceptable to all the rest but Cato, who taking him privately, chid him for joyning himself to Pompey: As for himself, he said, it had been very undecent, to have forsaken that part of the Commonwealth which he had cho­sen from the beginning; but he might have been more useful to his Country and Friends, if remaining Neuter, he had attended and governed the Event, and not without Reason or Necessity have made himself an Enemy to Caesar, and partner of so great Dangers.

By these sayings, Cicero's mind was part­ly changed, but principally because Pom­pey made no great use of him; although indeed he was himself the cause of it, by professing he repented his coming, by de­riding Pompey's Preparations, by despising his Counsels, and not forbearing Jeers and pleasant Reflections upon his Fellow-Sol­diers: For whilest he walked sowre and me­lancholy in the Camp, he was always en­deavouring to move Laughter to others, [Page 360] who had as little reason to be merry, as him­self. And here it may not be amiss to relate some few of those Jests. To Demetrius, preferring one to a Command, who was no Soldier, and saying in his defence, that he was a Modest and Prudent Person; he re­ply'd, Why did not you keep him then for a Tutor for your Children? Some commen­ding Theophanes the Lesbian, who was Ma­ster of the Works in the Camp, for that he had excellently comforted the Rhodians af­ter the loss of their Fleet: What an extra­ordinary thing, said he, it is to have a Greek Officer? When Caesar had done many things successfully, and in a manner besieged Pom­pey, Lentulus was saying, it was reported, that Caesar's Friends were melancholy: You mean, says Cicero, they are wishing ill to Caesar. To one Marcius, newly come from Italy, and telling them, that there was a strong report at Rome, that Pompey was block'd up; he said, And therefore you sail'd hither, that you might see it with your own Eyes, and believe it. To Nonius, encou­raging them after a Defeat to be of good hope, because there were seven Eagles still left in Pompey's Camp: You encourage well, said Cicero, if we were to fight with Jack-daws. Labienus demonstrating from Divination, that Pompey was to be Con­queror: Yes, said Cicero, and by trusting [Page 361] to this Stratagem, we have already lost our Camp.

After the Battel of Pharsalia was over (at which he was not present, for want of Health) and Pompey was fled, Cato having considerable Forces, and a great Fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had Cicero Com­mander in Chief, according to Law, and the Precedence of his Consular Dignity. But Cicero refusing the Command, and wholly avoiding to joyn with their Arms, was ve­ry near being slain; young Pompey and his Friends calling him Traytor, and drawing their Swords upon him, had slain him, had not Cato interposed, and hardly rescued and brought him out of the Camp.

Afterwards arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there some time, in expectation of Caesar, who linger'd because of his Affairs in Asia and Egypt; and when it was told him, that he was arrived at Tarentum, and was coming thence by Land to Brundusium; he hastened towards him, not altogether without Hope, and yet in some Fear of ma­king experiment of the temper of an Ene­my, and Conquerour in a publick Presence. But there was no necessity for him, either to speak or do any thing unworthy of him­self. For Caesar, as soon as he saw him com­ing a good way before the rest of the Com­pany [Page 362] to meet him, made his descent towards him, and saluted him; and lead­ing the way, discoursed with him alone for many furlongs; and from that time for­ward continued to treat him with Honour and Respect: So that when Cicero wrote an Oration in praise of Cato, Caesar wri­ting against it, took occasion of commend­ing the Eloquence and Life of Cicero, as most exactly resembling that of Pericles and Theramenes. Cicero's Oration was cal­led Cato, Caesar's, Anti-Cato.

It is reported, that when Quintus Liga­rius was prosecuted for having been one in Arms against Caesar, and Cicero had under­taken his Defence, Caesar said to his F [...]iends, What hinders, but [...], for a while. that after so long a time we should hear Cicero speak? It being long since concluded, that Ligarius is an ill Man, and our Enemy. But when Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded in his Speech with that variety of Pathos, and that admirable Grace, that the colour of Caesar's Counte­nance often changed; and it was very evi­dent, that all the Passions of his Soul were in commorion. At length, the Orator touch­ing upon the Pharsalian Battel, he was so transported, that his Body trembled, and some of the Papers he held, dropt out of his hands; and thus being over-power'd, he acquitted Ligarius.

[Page 363] After this, the Common-wealth being changed into a Monarchy, Cicero with­drew himself from publick Affairs, and em­ploy'd his leisure in instructing those young Men that would, in Philosophy; and by their Conversation and Acquaintance, being of the noblest and best Quality, he again got very great Power in the City. But his chief Business was to Compose and Tran­slate Philosophical Dialogues; and to ren­der Logical and Physical Terms into the Roman Idiom: For he it was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names to [...], and many such other Greek Terms of Art, continuing by Metaphors, and other Pro­prieties, to render them intelligible and ex­pressible by the Romans. For his Recreation, he exercised his Dexterity in Poetry; and when he was set to it, would make five hundred Verses in one Night: He spent the greatest part of his time at his Country-House near Tusculum. He wrote to his Friends, that he led the Life of Laertes, ei­ther jestingly, as his Custom was, or rather through Ambition for publick Employ­ment, and Dislike of the present State of Affairs. He rarely went to the City, unless to pay his Court to Caesar. He was com­monly the first amongst those who Voted him Honours, and always forward in speak­ing [Page 364] some new thing in praise of the Man and his Actions: As that which he said of the Statues of Pompey; for these being de­faced and thrown down, Caesar had com­manded to be restored, and they were so; and therefore Cicero said, That Caesar, by this Act of Humanity, had indeed set up Pompey's Statues, but he had fixed and esta­blished his own.

He had a Design, as it is reported, of writing the History of his Country, and of intermingling with it the Affairs of Greece, with the whole Body both of their true and fabulous Stories: But he was diverted by many publick and private Affairs, and o­ther cross Accidents; most of which seem to have befallen him by his own fault. For first of all, he put away his Wife Terentia, because he had been neglected by her in the time of the War, and sent away desti­tute of Necessaries for his Journey; neither did he find her kind when he return'd into Italy; for she went not to Brundusium, where he staid a long time; nor would allow her young Daughter, who undertook so long a Journey, decent Attendance, or viatick Expences; besides, she left him a naked and empty House, and yet had involv'd him in many and great Debts. These were alledg­ed for the most specious Pretences of the Divorce. But for Terentia, who denied all [Page 365] these things, Cicero himself made an evi­dent Apology, by marrying a young Virgin not long after, for the love of her Beauty, as Terentia upbraided him; or as Tyro, his emancipated Slave hath written, for her Riches, to discharge his Debts; for the young Woman was very rich, and Cicero had the Custody of her Estate, being left Guardian in Trust; and being indebted many Myri­ads, he was perswaded by his Friends and Relations to marry this young Woman, notwithstanding her Age, for the present sa­tisfaction of his Creditors with her Money.

Antonius, mentioning this Marriage in his Answer to the Philippicks, reproaches him for putting away a Wise, with whom he had lived to old Age; withal wittily upbraiding Cicero's sitting at home as un­active, and un-souldier-like. Not long af­ter this Marriage; his Daughter died in Child-bed at Lentulus's House; for she was married to him after the Death of Piso, her former Husband. The Philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for he took this Accident so grievously, that he put away his new-married Wife for seem­ing to rejoyce at the death of Tullia. And thus stood Cicero's domestick Affairs at this time.

He had no Concern in the Conspiracy against Caesar, although Brutus's most prin­cipal [Page 366] Confident; and one who was as ag­grieved at the present, and as desirous of the former state of Publick Affairs, as any other whatsoever: But the Conspirators fear'd his Temper, as wanting Courage; and his old Age, in which the most daring Dispositions are apt to be timorous.

As soon therefore as the Fact was com­mitted by Brutus and Cassius, and the Friends of Caesar were got together, so that there was fear the City would again be involved in a cruel War, Antonius being Consul, con­vened the Senate, and discoursed some things briefly tending to Accommodation. Cicero interposing with many things agree­able to the Occasion, perswaded the Se­nate to imitate the Athenians, and decree Oblivion for all things that were done un­der Caesar's Authority, and to bestow Pro­vinces on Brutus and Cassius; but neither of these things took effect.

For as soon as the Common People, of themselves inclined to Pity, saw the dead Body of Caesar born through the Market-place, and Antonius shewing his Garments fill'd with Blood, and pierced through on every side with Swords, enraged with Fu­ry, they made a Search for the Murderers, and with Fire-brands in their hands ran to their Houses, to burn them. But being fore-warned, they avoided this Danger, and [Page 367] expecting many more, and greater attend­ing them, they left the City: Upon this Antonius was on a sudden puffed up, and looking as if he would assume the Govern­ment, he became formidable to all; but most formidable to Cicero; for perceiving his Power again increasing in the Common-wealth, and knowing him studious of the Friendship of Brutus, his presence was ve­ry uneasie to him: Besides, there had been some former Jealousie betwixt them, occa­sioned by the unlikeness and difference of their Manners. Cicero fearing the event of these things, was inclined to go as Lieu­tenant with Dolabella into Syria. But Hir­cius and Pansa being designed Consuls after Antonius, good Men, and Lovers of Cicero, intreated him not to leave them; underta­king to suppress Antonius, if he were pre­sent: But he neither wholly distrusting, nor trusting them, left Dolabella to go without him, promising Hircius that he would go and spend his Summer at Athens, and re­turn again when he entred upon his Of­fice. So he took his Voyage by himself; but lingring in his Passage, such News came to him from Rome, as is usual in such cases, that Antonius repented, and was strangely changed; doing all things, and managing Publick Affairs at the Will of the Senate; and that there wanted nothing but his Pre­sence [Page 368] to reduce things to a happy Settle­ment; and therefore blaming himself for his great Cowardice, he return'd again to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes at the beginning: For such multitudes flock'd out to meet him, that the Complements and Civilities which were paid him at the Gates, and at his entrance into the City, took up almost one whole day's time.

On the Morrow Antonius convened the Senate, and summoned Cicero thither; he came not, but kept his Bed, pretending to be ill of his Journey; but the true reason seem'd the fear of some Design against him, upon a suspicion and intimation given him on his way to Rome. But Antonius took this Affront very hainously, and sent Soul­diers, commanding them to bring him, or burn his House; but many interceding, and supplicating for him, he was contented Senatori absenti mulcta in­dicebatur, & donec solveretur pignus ab eo capiebatur. Rosin. Antiq. pag. 1100. only to accept Sureties for the payment of his Mulct for absence.

Ever after, when they met, they pass'd one another with silence, and continued reser­ved; till Caesar the younger coming from Apollonia, entred upon the Inheritance of Julius Caesar, and had a Controversie with Antonius for two thousand five hundred My­riads, which he detained of that Estate. [Page 369] Upon this, Philip, who married the Mo­ther, In the ac­count of Antony's Debt to Caesar, our Autho [...] [...] bo [...] himself and other W [...]s. In Anto­ny's Life, the Sum [...]i [...] [...]d with him is 4000 Talents, here, but 2500 Myriads. According to Pa [...]er [...]ulus, and Cicero's Philip, the Sum is septies millies Sestertium, which a­mounts to above 17000 Myriads; Sums vastly different from the Ac­count given in this Life, and more likely to be the Matter of Controver­sie betwixt two such Great Men. and Marcellus the Sister of this Cae­sar, came with the young Man to Cicero, and agreed with him, That Cicero should as­sist with his utmost Power in Eloquence and Politicks, with the Senate and People, and Caesar give Cicero the defence of his Riches and Arms; for at this time the young man had a great Party of the Veterane Soul­diers of Caesar about him; and Cicero [...]em'd very willing to embrace the Friendship of Caesar.

For it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero in a Dream seem'd to summon some Sons of the Senators into the Capitol, as if Jupiter design'd to declare one of them for a Governour of Rome; the Citi­zens with curiosity running, stood about the Temple, and the Youths sitting in their Purple Robes, kept silence: On a sudden the Doors opened, and the Youths arising one by one in order, passed round the God, who review'd them all, and dismist them displeas­ed, but this Youth passing by, the God stretched forth his right hand, and said, O ye Romans, this young Man, when he shall be Lord of Rome, shall put an end to all your [Page 370] cruel Wars. It is said, that Cicero, by this Vision in his Dream, had framed the perfect Idea of the Youth, and preserved it in his Mind, though he did not then know him. The next day going down into Campus Mar­tius, he met the Boys returning from their Exercise; and the first that Cicero saw was he, just so as he appear'd to him in his Dream: Being astonished at it, he ask'd him, who were his Parents? And it prov'd to be this young Caesar, who had for his Father Octavius, one of the most eminent Citizens; for his Mother, Actia, the Sister of Caesar; and therefore Caesar wanting Children of his own, made him by Testament Heir of his Estate and Family.

From that time it is said that Cicero very studiously saluted the Youth whensoever he met him, and he as kindly received the Ci­vility; and by Fortune he happened to be born when Cicero was Consul. These were the pretended Reasons; but it was princi­pally Cicero's Hatred of Antonius, and a Temper unable to resist Honour, which fastned him to Caesar, with an opinion of uniting Caesar's Power to his publick De­signs; for he had so insinuated himself into the young Man, that he call'd him Father; at which thing Brutus was so highly dis­pleased, that in his Epistles to Atticus, he reflected on Cicero, saying, That it was ma­nifest, [Page 371] by his courting Caesar, for fear of Antonius, he did not intend Liberty to his Country, but design'd a bountiful Master to himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Ci­cero's Son, then studying Philosophy at A­thens, gave him a Command, and by his Advice directed much of his Affairs. At this time Cicero's Power was at the greatest height in the City, and he did whatsoever he pleased; for he had suppressed and driven out Antonius, and sent the two Consuls, Hircius and Pansa, to follow him with an Army; but perswaded the Senate to decree to Caesar the Lictors and Praetorian En­signs, as fighting for his Country. But af­ter Antonius was defeated, and both the Consuls slain, the Forces which came from the Battel, joyn'd themselves with Caesar. The Senate fearing the young Man, and his extraordinary Fortune, endeavoured by Ho­nours and Gifts, to call off the Souldiers from him, and to lessen his Power; pre­tending there was no further need of Arms, now Antonius was put to flight.

This giving Caesar an Affright, he pri­vately sends some Friends to intreat and per­swade Cicero to procure the Consular Digni­ty for them both together; and that he should manage the Affairs as he pleased, have the Supreme Power, and govern the young Man, who was only desirous of Name [Page 372] and Glory. And Caesar himself confessed, That in fear of Ruine, and in danger of be­ing deserted, he had seasonably made use of Cicero's Ambition; perswading him to stand with him, assist, and joyn his Votes for the Consul-ship. And thus was old Cicero wheed­led and gull'd by the young Man, to bring over his Suffrages, and engage the Senate on his [...]ide. His Friends soon blamed him for it; and within a little time after, he himself perceived, he was ruin'd by it, and had betray'd the Liberty of the People; for the young Man was so exalted, by ob­taining the Consular Authority, that he bid Cicero Farewell; and reconciling him­self to Antonius and Lepidus, united his Power with theirs, and divided the Govern­ment with them, as if it had been part of a common Estate. Thus united, they made a Schedule of above two hundred Persons, who were designed to be put to Death: But the Proscription of Cicero made the greatest Contention in all their Debates: For Anto­nius was inclinable to no Agreement, till he was first killed: To Antonius, Lepidus consented; but Caesar opposed them both. Their Meetings were held alone by them­selves, remote from Company, for three days, near the City of Bononia: The Place where they met, was over against the Camp, encompassed with a River; Caesar, as it is [Page 373] said, very earnestly contended for Cicero the first days; but on the third day he yielded, and gave him up. The Terms of their mu­tual Concessions were these; That Caesar should desert Cicero, Lepidus his Bro­ther Paulus, and Antonius, Lucius Caesar, his Uncle by his Mothers side: Thus did they fall by Anger and Fury from the sence of Humanity, and demonstrated, that no Beast is more savage than Man, when possessed with Power, answerable to his Rage. But whilst these things were contri­ving, Cicero was with his Brother at his Country-House near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the Proscriptions, they deter­mined to pass to Astura, a Villa of Cicero's, near the Sea, and to take shipping from thence for Macedonia, to Brutus; for there was a Report, that he was strong in those Parts. They travelled together in their se­veral Litters, oppressed with Sorrow, and often stopping on the way, till their Litters came together, miserably condoled one a­nother. But Quintus was the most disheart­ned, when he reflected on his want of Ne­cessaries for his Journey; for, as he said, he had brought nothing with him from home. And even Cicero himself had but a slender Viatick Provision: It was adjudged therefore most expedient, that Cicero should make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus re­turn [Page 372] [...] [Page 373] [...] [Page 372] [...] [Page 373] [...] [Page 374] home to provide Necessaries, and thus resolved, they mutually embraced, and parted, making great Lamentation.

But Quintus within a few days after, be­tray'd by his Servants to those who came to search for him, was slain, together with his young Son: But Cicero was carried to Astura; where, finding a Vessel, he imme­diately went on board her, and sailed as far as Circium with a prosperous Gale; but when the Pilots resolv'd immediately to hoise Sail from thence, whether fearing the Sea, or not wholly distrusting the Faith of Caesar, he went on shoar, and passed by Land a hundred Furlongs, as if he were going for Rome; but wanting Resolution, and chan­ging his Mind, he again returned to Sea, and there spent his Night in Melancholy, and perplex'd Thoughts: sometimes he resolved to go into Caesar's House privately, and there kill himself upon the Altar of his Houshold-Gods, to bring Divine Vengeance upon his Family; but the fear of Torture put him off this Course. And again, re­volving in his Mind other troublesom and uncertain Resolutions, at last he yielded himself to his Servants to be carried by Sea to Capua, where he had a Coun­try House, and a pleasant Retirement in the Spring, when the Easterly Winds blow sweetest.

[Page 375] There was in that place a Chappel of A­pollo's not far from the Sea-side, from which a great flight of Crows arising with great noise, made towards Cicero's Ship as it rowed to Land, and lighting on both sides of the Cross-Yard, some croaked, others peck'd the ends of the Sails. This was look­ed upon by all as an ill Omen; and there­fore Cicero went again on shoar, and entring his House lay down upon his Bed, to com­pose himself to Rest: Many of the Crows sate about the Windows, making a horrid noise; but one of them light upon the Bed where Cicero lay covered up, and with its Bill by little and little peck'd off the cloaths from his Face. His Servants seeing this, bla­med themselves, that they should stay to be Spectators of their Master's Murder, and do nothing in his Defence, whilst the brute Creatures did assist and take care of him in his undeserved Affliction; and therefore, partly by entreaty, partly by Force, they took him up, and carried him in his Li [...]ter towards the Sea-side.

But in the mean time the Assassinators were come with a Band of Souldiers, Heren­nius the Centurion, and Popilius the Tri­bune (whom Cicero had formerly defended, when prosecuted for the Murder of his Fa­ther) finding the Doors shut, they brake them open, where Cicero not appearing, and [Page 376] those within saying, they knew not where he was; it is reported, that a Youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the Liberal Arts and Sciences, an emancipated Slave of his Brother Quintus, Philologus by name, discover'd to the Tribune, that the Litter was carrying to the Sea through the close and shady Walks: The Tribune, taking a few with him, ran to the place where he was to come out. As soon as Cicero per­ceived Herennius running in the Walks af­ter him, he commanded his Servants there to set down the Litter; and stroaking his Chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he looked stedfastly upon his Murderers. His Face was over-grown with Dust and Hair, and worn away with Cares; so that the greatest part of those that stood by, co­vered their Faces whilst Herennius slew him; and thus was he murder'd, stretch­ing forth his Neck out of the Litter, and being that very Year threescore and four years old. Herennius cut off his Head, and by Antonius's Command, his Hands also, by which his Philippicks were written; for so Cicero stiled those Orations he wrote against Antonius, and so they are called to this day. When these Members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antonius was holding an Assembly for the choice of publick Officers; and when he heard it, and saw them, he cry'd out, Now let there be an end of all our Proscriptions.

[Page 377] He commanded his Head and Hands to be fastned up over the Rostra of the Ora­tors; a horrid [...]ight to the Roman People, who believed they saw there not the Face of Cicero, but the Image of Antonius his Soul. And yet amidst these Actions he did Justice in one thing, by delivering up Phi­lologus to Pomponia, the Wife of Quintus; who having got his Body into her Power, besides other grievous punishments she used, made him cut off his own flesh by pieces, and boyl and eat it; for so some Writers have reported: But Tyro, Cicero's emancipated Slave, has not so much as mentioned the Treachery of Philologus.

Some while after, as I have heard, Caesar visiting his Daughters Son, found him with a Book of Cicero's in his Hand; the Boy for fear, endeavour'd to hide it under his Gown; which Caesar perceiving, took it from him, and turning over a great part of the Book standing, gave it him again, and said, My Child, this was a learned Man, and a lover of his Country.

But as soon as he had vanquished Anto­nius, being then Consul, he made Cicero's Son his Collegue in that Office, in whose Con­sul-ship the Senate took down all the Statues of Antonius, and defaced all the other Monu­ments of his Honour; and decreed that none of that Family should hereafter bear the [Page 378] Name of Marcus. Thus did the Divine Powers devolve the finishing their Revenge of Antonius upon the House of Cicero.