DEMADES the Orator, a pow­erful Man at that time in Athens, managing Matters in favour of Antipater and the Macedonians, being ne­cessitated to write and speak many things below the Dignity and contrary to the Usage of the City, was wont to excuse [Page 488] himself, by saying, He steer'd ouly the Ship­wrecks of the Commonwealth. This hardy Say­ing of his might have some appearance of truth, if apply'd to Phocion's Government; for Demades indeed himself was the ruine of his Countrey, living and ruling so disso­lutely, which gave Antipater occasion to say of him, (being now grown old) That he was like a sacrificed Beast, all consumed save his Tongue and his Paunch. But Pho­cion's was a steady Virtue, depress'd only by too great a Counterpoise, the Fate of Greece conspiring with that juncture of Time to render it more obscure and inglo­rious; yet Sophocles too much weakens the force of Virtue, by saying,

Thus much indeed must be granted to happen in the Contests between good Men and ill Fortune, that instead of due Returns to their good Manage­ment, the People, by unjust Surmi­ses and Obloquies, often sully the Lustre, and endeavour to blast the Reputation of their Virtue. And although it be

ARchidamus, the Son of Zeuxidamus, having reigned gloriously over the Lacedaemonians, left behind him two Sons: Agis the elder was begotten of Lamprido, a very Noble and Illustrious Lady. Agesilaus, much theAgesilaus his Paren­tage. His Educa­tion. younger, was born of Eupolia, the Daugh­ter of Melisippidas. Agis being Heir appa­rent of the Crown, was bred suitably to his Birth. Agesilaus, the younger Brother, was educated according to the usual Discipline of the Country, which was very hard and severe, but such as taught young Men how [Page 2] to obey their Superiors. Whence it was that (Men say) Simonides called Sparta the Tamer of Men, because by a customary strictness of Education, they inured the Ci­tizens to Obedience, and patient Subjecti­on, as Horses are broke to the Saddle: The Law did not hold so strict a Rein on the Heirs apparent of the Crown. But Agesi­laus, whose good Fortune it was to be born a younger Brother, was consequently bred to all the Laconick Arts of Obedience, and thereby fitted for the Management of the Government, when it fell to his share: Hence it was that he became the most po­pular of the Spartan Kings, having learned how to temper the Grandeur of a Royal Condition, with the Sweetness and Debou­nairness of familiar Condescensions.

Whilst he was yet a Boy, bred up in one of the Schools or Colledges of Youth, he contracted an Intimacy with Lysander, (aHis Friend­ship with Lysander. great Man afterwards in Lacedaemon) who much admired a generous Modesty and in­genious Shame he found in him: For thoAnd his Chara­cter. he was one of the highest Spirits, and full­est of Bravery of any of his Companions, always ambitious of Preheminence above them, towards which the impetuous Vigour and invincible Fervour of his Mind irresi­stibly carried him, maugre all Opposition or Difficulty he could meet with; yet on [Page 3] the other side he was so easie and gentle in his Nature, and so apt to hearken to all ra­tional and friendly Proposals, that a good Word wrought more upon him than the greatest Dint of Force; he being ready to do any thing upon ingenuous Motives, but nothing upon Compulsion.

He had one Leg shorter than another; which Deformity he easily hid by a good meen and briskness in his Behaviour, he be­ing the first alway to pass a Jest upon him­self. And indeed it was a great Argument of his Love to Glory and great Actions, that his Lameness was no Discouragement to him in the pursuit of them. Neither his Statue nor Picture are extant, he never al­lowing them in his Life, and utterly for­bidding them to be made after his Death: He is said to have been a little Man, of a contemptible Presence; but the goodness of his Humour, and his constant Chearfulness, and agreeable Conversation, alway free from any thing of Moroseness or Haughtiness, made him more amiable (even to his old Age) than the most beautiful Men of the Nation.

Theophrastus writes, That the Ephori laid a Fine upon Archidamus, for marrying a little Wife, For (said they) you will beget us a Race of Roitelets instead of Kings.

[Page 4]Whilst Agis, the elder Brother, reigned,Alcibiades deba [...]cheth the Wife of Agis, and begets Leo­tychides. Alcibiades (being then an Exile from Athens) came from Sicily to Sparta; nor had he staid long there, before his Familiarity with Ti­maea the Queen grew suspected, insomuch that Agis refused to own a Child of hers, which (he said) was Alcibiades's, not his. Nor (if we may believe Duris the Histori­an) was Timaea much concerned at it, be­ing herself forward enough to whisper a­mong her Servants, that the Infant's true Name was Alcibiades, not Leotychides. Mean while it was believed, that the Amour he had with her, was not the effect of his Love but his Ambition, that he might have Spartan Kings of his Posterity. This Af­fair being grown publick, it was time for Alcibiades to withdraw himself: But the Child was forced to abide there, and to en­dure the Severity of Agis, who never own­ed him for his Son, till upon his Death-bed he was overcome with the Prayers and Tears of Leotychides, to declare him for such, in a publick Audience. But this could not fix him in the Throne of Agis; after whose Death, Lysander, the great Lacedaemonian Ca­ptain, who had lately conquered the Athe­nians in a Sea-sight, and was of great Pow­er in Sparta, did promote Agesilaus to theLeotychi­des put by the Throne as a Ba­star [...] Kingdom, urging Leotychides▪s Bastardy, as a Bar to his Pretensions. Many of the Ci­tizens [Page 5] soon betook themselves to Agesilaus his Party, being thereto induced by the O­pinion they had of his Gallantry, of which they themselves had been Spectators, in the time that he had been bred up among them. Yet was not his way so smooth as to be free from Rubs: one he met with very con­siderable from a Fortune-teller named Dio­pithes, who was of great Esteem among them for his Skill in Divination; he alledg­ed, That it was unlawful to make a lame Man King of Lacedaemon, citing to that pur­pose the following Oracle:

But Lysander was not wanting of an Evasion, alledging, That if the Spartans made any con­science of the Oracle, they must have a care of Leotychides; for it was not the limping Foot of a King that the Gods were offend­ed at, but the bastardizing of the Herculean Family, into whose Rights if a spurious Is­sue were admitted, it would make the King­dom to Halt indeed. Agesilaus made Ne­ptune also a Witness of the Bastardy of Leo­tychides, proving that Agis was thrown out of Bed from his Wife by a violent Earth­quake, [Page 6] after which time he did not Coha­bit with her, yet Leotychides was born above ten Months after it. Agesilaus was uponAgesilaus declared King. these Allegations declared King, and soon possessed himself of the private Estate of A­gis as well as his Throne, Leotychides being wholly rejected as a Bastard. Which beingIs kind to th [...] Relati­ons of Agis. done, he cast his Eye on the Kinred of A­gis by the Mother's side, whom he consider­ed as Persons of good Worth and Vertue, but very poor: he gave them half his Bro­ther's Estate, and by this popular Act gain­ed the good will, not of them only, but of the Spartans in general, and stifled that En­vy that was growing against him upon the account of his Success. But whereas Xeno­phon saith of him, That by complying with,His Policy. and as it were being ruled by his Country, he grew into so great Power with them, that he could do what he pleased. This was by the Power he got with the Ephori and Se­nate: these were of great Authority in the State; the former were Officers annually chosen; the Senators held their Places du­ring Life, both instituted as Bridles to re­strain the Licentiousness of the Kings, as it is already more fully discoursed in the Life of Lycurgus. Hence it was that there was alway a Feud and Contention between them and the Kings. But Agesilaus took a­nother course; instead of contending with [Page 7] them, he courted them: he alway acted by their Advice, was alway ready to go, nay almost to run, when they called him: If he were upon his Throne hearing of Causes, and the Ephori came in, he arose to them; whenever any Man was elected into the Se­nate, he did alway present him with a Gown and an Ox. Thus whilst he craftily made shew of Reverence to them, and a Defe­rence to their Power, he secretly advanced his own Wealth, and enlarged the Preroga­tives of the Crown, by several Liberties which their Friendship to his Person did grant him, or at least did wink at. To o­ther Citizens he so behaved himself, as to be less blameable in his Enmities than in his Friendships: for towards his Enemy he behaved himself generously, scorning to take any unjust Advantage against him; but to his Friends he was partial, even in things manifestly unjust. If an Enemy had done any thing praise-worthy, he scorned to re­tract any thing from his due Praises; but his Friends he knew not how to reprove when they did ill; nay, he glory'd in bring­ing them off when they were obnoxious: He thought all Offices of Friendship com­mendable, let the Matter wherein they were employ'd be what it will. Again, when a­ny of his Adversaries was overtaken in a Fault, he would pity them, and be soon en­treated [Page 8] to Pardon them, and shew them Kindness, by which means he allured the hearts of all Men: insomuch that his Popu­larity grew at last suspected by the Ephori, who fined him as a Monopolizer of the Ci­tizens, who ought to be the common Goods of the Republick. For as it is the Opini­on of Philosophers, that if you take away Strife and Opposition out of the Universe, all the Bodies of it will stand still, Genera­tion and Motion will cease, by reason of the mutual Consent and Agreement of all things. So the Spartan Legislator did seem to have mingled Ambition and Emulation, among the Ingredients of his Commonwealth, as the Incentives of Vertue, as thinking that mutual Compliance, in winking at one a­nother, in Cases that deserved Rebuke, was but a false sort of Concord, no way useful to the Publick, but rather a Corruption of it. This some Men think Homer to have had an eye to, when he introduceth Aga­memnon well pleased with the Jars of Ulys­ses and Achilles, and with the hard Words that passed between them; which he would never have done, unless he had thought that Dissentions and Factions of great Men had been of use to the State. Yet this Maxim is not simply to be granted him without re­striction, for if the Heats grow too big, they are very dangerous to Cities, and of most pernicious consequence.

[Page 9]When Agesilaus was newly entred uponHe is cho­sen General for Asia. the Government, there came News from Asia, that the Persian King was making great Naval Preparations, resolving with an high Hand to dispossess the Spartans of their Maritime Greatness. Lysander was glad of this Occasion of Succouring his Friends in Asia, whom he had there left Governours and Lords of Cities, who for their Male-ad­ministration and Tyrannical Behaviour, had been deposed, and many of them put to death: He therefore perswaded Agesilaus to undertake the Expedition, and by transla­ting the War from Greece to the Barbarous Country, to prevent all the Designs of the Persian. He also wrote to his Friends in Asia, that by a Solemn Embassy they should demand Agesilaus for their Captain. Agesi­laus thereupon coming into the Publick As­sembly, offered his Service, upon condition that he might have thirty eminent Captains adjoyned to him as Counsellors; that he might also have 2000 of the newly Enfran­chized Helots, and of other Allies to the number of 6000. Lysander's Authority and Assistance soon obtained his Request, so that he was sent away with thirty Spartan Ca­ptains, of which Lysander was the Chief, not only in Power and Reputation, but also in Friendship with Agesilaus, who esteemed his procuring him this Charge a greater Obli­gation, [Page 10] than that of preferring him to the Kingdom.

Whilst the Army was drawing to the Rendezvous at Gerastus, Agesilaus went with some of his Friends to Aulis, where in a Dream he saw a Man approach him, and speak to him after this manner: O King of His Dream. the Lacedaemonians, you cannot but know that (before yourself) there hath been but one General Captain of the Greeks, viz. Agamemnon; now that you succeed him in the same Office and Command of the same Men, leading them out of the same Country to the War, you ought also to of­fer such a Sacrifice, as he made before he weighed Anchor.

Agesilaus soon remembred that the Sacri­fice which Agamemnon offered was a Vir­gin, he being so directed by the Oracle: Yet was he not at all disturbed at it, but as soon as he arose, he telleth his Dream to his Friends, adding withal, That he would worship the Goddess with such Sa­crifices as would be acceptable to her, and not imitate the rude Barbarity of that Ge­neral. He therefore ordered an Hind to be crowned with Chaplets; and delivered to his own Southsayer, not to him whom the Baeotians did of course delegate to that Of­fice. When the Baeotian Governours under­stoodThe Baeoti­ans quar­rel about the Sacri­fice. it, they were very much moved, and sent Officers to Agesilaus, to forbid his sa­crificing [Page 11] contrary to the Laws of the Coun­trey. These having deliver'd their Message to him, immediately went to the Altar, and threw down the Quarters of the Hind that lay upon it. Agesilaus took this very ill, and without further Sacrifice, immediately hoised Sail, being ever after a great Enemy to the Boeotians, and much discouraged in his Mind at the bad Omen, boading to him­self an unsuccessful Voyage, and a bad issue of the whole Expedition.

When he came to Ephesus, he found the Power of Lysander grow very great and in­vidious, all Applications made to him, great Crowds of Suitors alway attending at his Door, all Men following and worship­ping of him at so high a rate, as if nothing but the Name of Empire was left to Agesi­laus, the whole Power of it being devolvedThe Ambi­tion of Ly­sander. upon Lysander. None of all the Comman­ders that were sent this Voyage into Asia, was either so powerful or so formidable; no one rewarded his Friends better, or was more severe against his Enemies. Which things made the greater Impression in Mens Minds, because they observed the debon­nair and popular Behaviour of Agesilaus, whereas that of Lysander was high and rigid. He took Men up short, and by that fierce­ness of Carriage so subdued the Spirits of Men, that they wholly submitted to him, [Page 12] giving little Regard to Agesilaus. This was first stomached by the other Captains, who with Indignation resented it, that they should be rather the Followers of Lysander, than the Counsellors of Agesilaus.

At length Agesilaus himself, though no envious Man in his Nature, nor apt to be troubled at the Honours redounding upon other Men, yet being highly jealous of his own Glory, began to apprehend that Ly­sander's Greatness would soon eclipse his,It resented by Agesi­laus. and carry away from him the Reputation of whatever great Action should happen. He therefore went this way to work: He first opposed him in all his Counsels; what­everAnd sup­pressed. Lysander advised, was rejected, and o­ther Proposals followed. Then whoever made any Address to him, if he found him a Retainer to Lysander, certainly lost his Suit. Whoever was prosecuted by him in Judici­ary Matters, was sure to get off with Vi­ctory, and whoever was visibly favoured by him, was used with all Severity and Rigor. These things being not done by Chance, but constantly and on set purpose, Lysander was soon sensible of them, and stuck not to tell his Friends, that they suffered for his sake, bidding them apply themselves to the King, and such as were more powerful with him than he was. Which Sayings of his, when they seemed to be designed purpose­ly [Page 13] to procure Envy to Agesilaus, he stuck not to affront Lysander at a higher rate, impo­sing upon him the Office of dividing the Flesh among the Souldiers, and would in publick Companies speak scornfully of him, bidding them go and pay their Observan­ces to the Suttler of the Camp. Lysander no longer able to brook these things, com­plained at last to Agesilaus himself, telling him, That he knew very well how to Op­press his Friends. To which Agesilaus an­swer'd, I know who they be that pretend to more Power than myself. That, replied Lysander, is rather said by you, than done by me; I desire one­ly this Favour of you, that you will assign me some Office and Place, in which I may serve you without incurring Envy.

Upon this Agesilaus sent him to the Hel­lespont on an Embassy, whence he procured Mithridates, a Persian of the Province of Phar­nabazus, to come to the Assistance of the Greeks with 200 Horse, and a great Supply of Money. Yet did not his Stomach so come down, but he fell to forming a Design of wresting the Kingdom out of the Hands of the two Families which then enjoy'd it, and make it wholly Elective: and it is thought that he would have made a great Commotion in Sparta, if he had not died in the Baeotian War. Thus ambitious Spirits are apt to grow troublesom in a Common­wealth, [Page 14] and when they transgress their Bounds, do more harm than good. Of this,Plutarch's Reflection upon both. this Quarrel between two such great Men is an Example: for though Lysander's Pride was unsufferable, and his ambitious Projects very inconvenient to Agesilaus's Affairs, yet might the King have found out many ways of taming him, less reproachful to a Man of his Quality, and ambitious Designs. In­deed in my opinion they were both equally Guilty, both blinded with the same Passi­on, so as one not to know the Power of his Prince, the other not to bear with the Im­perfections of his Friend.

Tisaphernes being at first afraid of Agesi­laus, soon treated with him about setting the Grecian Cities at Liberty, which was agreed on. But soon after finding a suffici­entTisaphernes his Falshood. Force drawn together, he resolved upon War, for which Agesilaus was not sorry. For the Expectation of this Expedition was great, and he did not think it for his Ho­nour, that Xenophon, with 10000 Men, should march through the heart of Asia to the Sea, beating the King's Forces when and how he pleased, and that Agesilaus, in the Head of a Spartan Army, (so terrible both by Sea and Land,) should make so great a Voyage, and raise no Monument of his Fame by any great Action: Therefore to be even with Tisaphernes, he revengeth hisRevenged. [Page 15] Perjury by a Stratagem: he pretends to go to Caria, whither when he had drawn Tisa­phernes and his Army, he suddenly turneth back, and falleth upon Phrygia, taking ma­ny of their Cities, and carrying away great Booty. He took this occasion of shewing, that for Friends to break their Solemn Leagues, and betray their Faith, was a downright Contempt of the Gods; but the Circumvention of an Enemy in War, is not only Just but Honourable, and of great Ad­vantage to the Author of it.

Being weak in Horse, and withal terrifi­ed by some ill Omen in the Sacrifices, (viz. a Calf's Liver wanted that little Lobe which the Southsayers call the Head) he retired to Ephesus, and there raised them: He obli­gedAgesilaus his Expe­dient for raising Horse at Ephesus. the rich Men, that were not minded to serve in Person, to find Horse-men armed and mounted; which being performed, A­gesilaus his Army was soon changed, from shabby Foot into many gallant Regiments of Horse: For those that were not good at Fighting themselves, hired such as were more Martial in their Inclinations, and such as loved not Horse-service, substituted in their rooms such as did. He professed in this to imitate the laudable Example of Agamem­non, who took the Present of an excellent Mare, to dismiss a rich Coward from the Army.

[Page 16]When by Agesilaus his Order, the Priso­nersHis Refle­ction on the Sardian Slaves. he had taken in Phrygia were exposed to Sale, they were first stripped of their Gar­ments, and then sold naked. The Cloaths found many Customers to buy them, but the Bodies being by the Ease they had alway lived in, rendred white, and tender-skinned, were derided and scorned as unserviceable: Agesilaus who stood by at the Auction, told his Grecians, These are the Men against whom ye fight, and these are the things for which ye [...]ight.

The Season of the Year being come, he boldly gave out, that he would Invade Ly­dia; which plain Dealing of his was mista­ken for a Stratagem by Tisaphernes, who by not believing Agesilaus, over-reached him­self:He enters Sardis. He expected that he should have made choice of Caria, as a rough Country, not fit for Horse, in which he deemed Agesilaus to be weak, and directed his own Marches ac­cordingly. But when he found him to be as good as his Word, and to have entred in­to the Country of Sardis, he made great haste after him, and by great Marches of his Horse, overtaking the loose Stragglers who were pillaging the Country, he cut them off. Agesilaus mean while considering that the Horse had out-rid the Foot, but that he himself had the whole Body of his own Army entire, made haste to Engage [Page 17] them: He mingled his light arm'd Foot, thatAnd over­cometh Ti­saphernes. wore Leather Shields, with the Horse, com­manding them to begin the Battel, whilst he brought up the heavier-armed Men in the Rear: The Success was answerable to the Design; the Barbarians were put to the Rout, the Grecians pursued hard, took their Camp, and put many of them to the Sword: The Consequence of this Victory was very great, for they had not only their liberty of For­aging the Persian Country, and Plundering at pleasure, but also saw Tisaphernes pay dear­ly for all the Cruelty he had shewed the Greeks, to whom he was a professed Enemy: For the King of Persia soon sent Tithraustes, Tithraustes sent to be­head Tisa­phernes, and to treat of Peace. who took off his Head, and presently dealt with Agesilaus, about his Return into Greece, sending to him Ambassadors to that purpose, with Commission to offer him great Sums of Money. Agesilaus's Answer was, That the making of Peace belonged to the Lace­daemonians, not to him: As for Wealth, he had rather see it in his Soldiers hands than his own; that the Grecians thought it not Honourable to Enrich themselves with the Bribes of their Enemies, but with their Spoils only. Yet, that he might gratifie Tithraustes for the Justice he had done upon Tisaphernes, the avowed Enemy of the Greeks, he removed his Quarters into Phrygia, ac­cepting of thirty Talents towards the Charge [Page 18] of it. Whilst he was upon his March, heAgesilaus made Ad­miral of Sparta. received a Patent from the Council of Spar­ta, which did constitute him Admiral as well as General. This Honour was never done to any but Agesilaus, who being undoubted­ly the far greatest Man of his Time, (as Theopompus witnesseth) gloried more in his Vertue, than in his Authority and Power: Yet he committed a great Oversight in pre­ferring Pisander to the Command of the Navy, when there were many at hand both older and wiser, and more experienced Ca­ptains; in this not so much consulting the Publick Good, as the Gratification of his Kindred, and especially his Wife, whose Bro­ther Pisander was.

Having removed his Camp into Pharna­bazus's Province, he not only met with great plenty of Provisions, but also raised great Sums of Money, and marching on to the Bounds of Paphlagonia, he soon drewMakes League with Cotys, King of Paphlago­nia. Cotys, the King of it, into a League, to which he of his own accord inclined, out of the Esteem he had of Agesilaus his Ho­nour and Vertue. Spithridates as soon as he fell off from Pharnabazus, did constantly attend Agesilaus in the Camp whithersoever he went: This Spithridates had a handsom Boy to his Son, of whom Agesilaus was en­amoured, also a very beautiful Daughter, that was marriageable; her Agesilaus match­ed [Page 19] to Cotys, and taking of him 1000 Horse, with 2000 light-armed Foot, he returned into Phrygia, and there pillaged the Coun­try of Pharnabazus, who durst not stand himHe conquers Pharnaba­zus. in the Field, nor yet trust to his Garisons, but getting his Jewels and rich Commodi­ties together, flitted up and down with a flying Army, till Spithridates being joyned with Erippidas the Spartan, beat him out of all his Holds, and they possessed themselves of all the Spoil. Here Erippidas being tooSpithridates with the Paphlago­nians re­volts upon discontent from Agesi­laus. severe an Enquirer into the Plunder where­with the Barbarian Soldiers had enriched themselves, and forcing them to deliver it up with too much Strictness, so disobliged Spi­thridates, that he changed sides again, and went off with the Paphlagonians to the Sar­dians. This was no small Displeasure to A­gesilaus, not only that he had lost the Friend­ship of a valiant Commander, and with him a considerable Part of his Army, but chiefly that he did it with the Disrepute of a sor­did Covetousness, of which he alway took care to clear both himself and his Country: Besides these publick Causes, he had a pri­vate one, viz. the excessive Love of hisAgesilaus's Love to Me­gabates. Son, which touched him to the quick, yet did he so much endeavour to master, and especially in presence of the Boy, to sup­press all appearance of it, that when Mega­bates (for that was his Name) did address [Page 20] himself to him to Salute and Kiss, he de­clined it. At which, when the young Man blushed and drew back, saluting him at a more reserved distance, Agesilaus soon re­penting his Coyness, and changing his Mind, pretended to wonder why he did not salute him with the like Familiarity as formerly. His Friends about him answer­ed, you are in the fault, who durst not stand the Kiss of a pretty Boy, but outrun it; he will soon offer you the like Kindness again, if he may but find it welcome to you. Upon this Agesi­laus paused a while, and at length answered, You need not encourage him to a repetition of that Kindness; I had rather be Master of myself in the refusal of that Kiss, than see all things that are now before mine eye turned into Gold. Thus he demeaned himself to Megabates when pre­sent, but he had so great a Passion for him in his absence, that I question whether if the Boy had returned again, all the Ver­tue he had, would have obliged him to such another Refusal.

After that, Pharnabazus sought an oppor­tunityA Confe­rence be­tween Phar­nabazus and Agesi­laus. of conferring with Agesilaus, which Apollophanes of Cyzicum, the common Host of them both, procured for him: Agesilaus coming first to the appointed Place, lay down upon the Grass under a Tree, lying there in expectation of Pharnabazus, who bringing with him soft Skins and wrought [Page 21] Carpets to lye down upon, when he saw Agesilaus's Posture, grew ashamed of his own Provisions, made no use of them, but laid himself down upon the Grass also, though he had a fine delicate richly-died Coat on, which was like to lose much of its beauty by the action: Pharnabazus had matter e­nough of Complaint against Agesilaus, and therefore after the mutual Civilities were o­ver, he put him in mind of the great Ser­vices he had done the Lacedaemonians in the Attick War, of which he thought it an ill Recompence, to have his Country thus har­rassed and spoiled, by those Men who had been so obliged to him. The Spartans that were about Agesilaus, hung down their Heads, as ashamed of the Wrong they had done to their good Ally. But the King briskly answer'd, We, O Pharnabazus, when we were in Amity with your Master the Persian, did behave our selves like Friends, now when he hath given us occasion of War, we behave our selves as Enemies. As for you, whose kind Offices we are ready to acknowledge, we look upon you as his Servant; we are fain to do these Outrages upon you, not intending the Harm to you, but to him whom we wound through your sides. But when­ever you will choose rather to be a Friend to the Grecians, than a Slave of the King of P [...]sia, you may then reckon this Army and Navy to be all at your Command, to defend both you and your [Page 22] Country, together with your Liberties, without which there is nothing honourable, or indeed de­sirable among Men. Upon this Pharnabazus discovered his mind, and answered, If the King sendeth another Governour in my room, I will certainly come over to you, but as long as he trusteth me with the Government, I shall be just to him, and not fail to do my utmost Endea­vours in opposing you. Agesilaus was taken with the Answer, and shook Hands with him, and (rising) said, How much rather had I have so gallant a Man my Friend than mine E­nemy.

Pharnabazus being gone off, his Son, stay­ingParnabazus his Son pre­sents Age­silaus, and maketh him his Friend. behind, ran up to Agesilaus, and smiling­ly said, Agesilaus, I make you my Guest; and thereupon presented him with a Javelin which he had in his hand. Agesilaus recei­ved it, and being much taken with the good Meen and Gallantry of the Youth, looked about to see if there were any thing in his Train fit to offer him in Return; and observing the Horse of Adaeus, his Secre­tary, to have very fine Trappings on, he took them off, and bestowed them upon the young Gentleman; nor did his Kindness rest there, but he was ever after mindful of him, insomuch that when he was driven out of his Country by the Injury of his Bre­thren, and lived an Exile in Peloponnesus, he took great care of his Maintenance; and [Page 23] not only so, but also condescended to assist him in his Amours; for he being in Love with a Youth of Athenian Birth, which was bred up to his Exercises, in order to playing of the Prize in the Olympick Games, and this Youth being, by reason of his great Bulk, and sour Looks, in some danger of not be­ing admitted into the List, the Persian be­took himself to Agesilaus, and made use of his Friendship: Agesilaus readily assisted him, and took great pains in effecting his De­sires. He was in all other things a ManAgesilaus' s Behaviour in point of Friendship. of great and exact Justice, but when the Case concerned a Friend, to be strait-laced in point of Justice, (he said) was only a co­lourable Pretence of denying him. There is an Epistle written to Idrieus, Prince of Caria, that is ascribed to Agesilaus; it is this: If Nicias be innocent, absolve him; if he be nocent, absolve him upon my account, how­ever be sure to absolve him. And indeed this is the true Character of Agesilaus, as to his Deportment towards his Friends: Yet was not his Rule without Exception; for some­times he considered the Necessity of his Af­fairs more than his Friend, of which he once gave a great Example, when upon a sudden and disorderly Remove of his Camp, he was forced to leave a sick Friend behind him; who when he called loud after him, and implored his Help, Agesilaus turned his [Page 24] Back, and said, What an hard thing is it to be merciful and wise too? This Story is deliver'd by Hieronymus.

Another Year of the War being spent, Agesilaus his Fame still increased, insomuchHis Repute in Persia and A [...]ia. that the Persian King received daily Infor­mations concerning his many Vertues, and the great Esteem the World had of his Continency, his Candor and Moderation. When he made any Journey with his pri­vate Train, he would usually take up his Lodging in a Temple, and there make the Gods Witnesses of his most private Actions, which others would scarce permit Men to be acquainted with. In so great an Army, you should scarce find a common Soldier lye on a coarser Mattress, or fare more hardly; he was so inured to the varieties of Heat and Cold, that both seemed natural to him. The Greeks that inhabited Asia, were much pleased to see the great Dons of Persia, with all the Pride, Cruelty and Lux­ury, in which they lived, to vail Bonnet to a Man in a poor thread-bare Cloak, and to be governed by a Word or Nod, or a La­conick Sentence out of his Mouth: It put them in mind of that Verse in Timotheus;

[Page 25] Asia being now grown afraid of the Lacedae­monian Arms, was every-where ready to yield to them. Agesilaus in the mean time took order with several of the Cities, and composed the Differences of divers of the Republicks without Bloudshed, or Banish­ment of any of their Members: By these means having rendred himself every-where popular, he resolved to quit the Sea-side, to march further up into the Country, and to attack the King of Persia himself in Susa and Ecbatane, not willing to let that Mon­arch sit idle in his Chair, whilst he made Wars by his Lieutenants, and by his Money corrupted the Demagogues of Greece. But these great Thoughts were interrupted by unhappy News from Sparta; Epicydidas isRemanded Home. from thence sent to remand him Home, to assist his own Country, which was then in­volved in a great War.

What better can we say of those Civil Wars, and Intestine Broyls, which did de­stroy the Fortune of Greece, and call her back from her full Career of Victory over the Barbarians, only to sheath her Sword into her own Bowels? For I do by no means as­sent [Page 26] to Demaratus of Corinth, who said, That those Grecians were deprived of a great Satisfa­ction, that did not live to see Alexander sit in the Throne of Darius. That Sight should ra­ther have drawn Tears from them, when they considered, that they had left that Glo­ry to Alexander and the Macedonians, whilst they spent all their own great Command­ers, in playing them upon each other in the Fields of Leuctra, Coronea, Corinth, and Ar­cadia.

Nothing was greater or braver than the Behaviour of Agesilaus on this occasion, nor can a nobler Instance be found in Story, of a ready Obedience and just Deference toHis ready Obedience. the Orders of the Senate. Annibal, though in a bad condition himself, and almost dri­ven out of Italy, yet stormed and raged when he was called Home to serve his Country. Alexander made a Jest of the Battel between Agis and Antipater, the Suc­cess of which required his looking back in­to his own Country, laughing and saying, That whilst we are fighting Darius in Asia, it seems there is a Battel of Mice in Arcadia. Happy Sparta mean while, in the great Ju­stice and Modesty of Agesilaus, and in the Honour he paid to the Laws of his Coun­try; who immediately upon receipt of his Orders, (though in the midst of his good Fortune, and in full hope of so great and [Page 27] glorious Success) left his Work unfinished, instantly departed, leaving his Friends in Asia very sorrowful for the loss of him: Which great Kindness and Fidelity of his, that had obliged so many to him in Asia, did sufficiently confute the Saying of De­maratus, the Son of Phaeux, That the Lace­daemonians excelled in their Publick Transacti­ons, and just maintaining of Leagues, but the A­thenians were better Observers of private Friend­ships.

The Coin of Persia was stamped with the Picture of an Archer; Agesilaus said, That a thousand Persian Archers had driven him out of Asia; meaning the Money that was laid out in bribing the Demagogues, and the O­rators in Thebes and Athens, whereby those two Republicks were incited to a War with Sparta.

Having passed the Hellespont, he went byPasseth home thr [...]' Thrace. Land through Thrace, not begging or en­treating a Passage any where, only he sent his Envoys to them, to demand whether they would have him pass as a Friend or as an Enemy. All the rest received him as a Friend, and used him with all Civility: butThe Tralli­ans. the Trallians (of whom Xerxes is said to have bought his Passage) demanded a Price of him, viz. A hundred Talents of Silver, and a hundred Women. Agesilaus in scorn asked, Why they were not ready to receive them? [Page 28] He marched on, and meeting with Opposi­tion from the Trallians, fought them, and slew great numbers of them. He sent theMacedonia. like Embassy to the King of Macedonia, who took time to deliberate: Why then let him de­liberate, said Agesilaus, we will go forward in the mean time. The Macedonian being sur­prized and daunted at the Resolution of the Spartan King, fairly sent him a Complement, and let him pass. When he came into Thes­saly, he wasted the Country, because they [...] Thessaly. were in League with the Enemy. To La­rissa, the chief City of Thessaly, he sent Xeno­cles and Scythes to Treat of a Peace, whom when the Larissaeans had laid hold of, and put into Custody, the Army was enraged, and advised the Siege of the Town; but the King answered, That he valued either of those Men at more than the whole Country of Thessaly. He therefore made Terms with them, and received his Men again upon Composition. Nor need we wonder at that Saying of Agesilaus, at a time when he had News brought him from Sparta, of several great Captains slain in a Battel near Co­rinth, in which though the Slaughter fell upon other Grecians, the Lacedaemonians ob­taining a great Victory with small loss, yet Agesilaus did not appear at all satisfi'd in it;He laments the Civil War [...] of Greece. contrarily with a great Sigh he cried out, O▪ Greece, how many gallant Men hast thou de­stroyed, [Page 29] which if they had been preserved to so good an use, might have conquered all Persia! Yet when the Pharsalians grew troublesomHe routs the Pharsalians. to him, by pressing upon his Army, and in­commoding his Passage, he drew out five hundred Horse, and in Person fought and routed them, setting up a Trophy at Nar­thacium: he valued himself much upon that Victory, that with so small a Number of his own choosing, he had vanquished an Ar­my of Men, that thought themselves the best Horse-men of Greece.

Here Diphridas, the Ephore, met him, and delivered his Message from Sparta, which order'd him immediately to make an In­road into Baeotia; which though he thoughtInva [...]es▪ Baeotia, by Command of the C [...] ­cil of Spar­ta. fitter to have been done at another time, and with greater Force, yet he obeyed the Magistrates. He thereupon told his Sol­diers, that the day was come, in which they were to enter upon that Employment, for the performance of which they were brought out of Asia. He sent for two Co­horts of the Army near Corinth to his As­sistance. The Lacedaemonians at home, in Honour to him, made Proclamation for Vo­luntiers that would serve under the King, to come in and be listed. Finding all the young Men in the City ready to ofter them­selves, they chose fifty of the ablest, and sent them.

[Page 30] Agesilaus having gain'd the Thermopylae, and passed quietly through Phocis, as soon as he had entred Baeotia, and pitched his Tents near Chaeronea, at once met with an Eclipse of the Sun, and with ill News from the Navy, Pisander, the Spartan Admiral, be­ing beaten at Guidos, by Pharnabazus and Conon. He was much moved at it, both upon his own and the Publick account: Yet lest his Army, being now near enga­ging, should meet with any Discourage­ment, he ordered the Messengers to give out, that the Spartans were the Conquerors, and he himself putting on his Crown, did solemnly sacrifice, out of a pretended Joy for the News, and sent Portions of the Sa­crifices to his Friends.

When he came near to Coronea, and wasThe Battel of Coro­nea. within view of the Enemy, he drew up his Army, and giving the left Wing to the Or­chomenians, he himself led the right. The Thebans did make the right Wing of their Army, leaving the left to the Argives. Xe­nophon, who was present, and fought on A­gesilaus's side, reports it to be the hardest fought Battel that he had seen. The be­ginning of it was not so, for the Thebans soon put the Orchomenians to rout, as also did Agesilaus the Argives. But both Parties having News of the Misfortune of their left Wings, they betook themselves to their Relief. [Page 31] Here Agesilaus might have been sure of his Victory, had he contented himself not to charge them in the Front, but in the Flank or Rear; but being too high in Mettle, and heated in the Fight, he would not stay the Opportunity, but fell on downright, thinking to bear them down before him. The Thebans were not behind him in Cou­rage, so that the Battel was fiercely carry'd on on both sides, especially near Agesilaus's Person, whose new Guard of fifty Volun­tiers stood him in great stead that day, and saved his Life: They fought with great Va­lour, and interposed their Bodies frequently between him and Danger, yet could they not so preserve him, but that he received many Wounds through his Armour with Lances and Swords, and was with much ado gotten off. They making a Ring a­bout him, did guard him from the Enemy, with the Slaughter of many, and lost many of their own number. At length finding it too hard a Task to break the Front of the Theban Army, they opened their own Files, and let the Enemy march through them, (an Artifice which in the beginning they scorned) observing in the mean time the Posture of the Enemy, who having passed through, grew careless, as esteeming them­selves past Danger: whereupon they were immediately set upon by the Spartans, yet [Page 32] were they not then put to Rout, but march­ed on to Helicon, vapouring, That they themselves, as to their part of the Army, were not worsted. Agesilaus, sore wound­ed as he was, would not be born to his Tent, till he had been first carried about the Field, and had seen the dead Men of his Party carried off in their Armour. As ma­ny of his Enemies as had taken Sanctuary in the Temple, he dismissed: for there stood hard by the Temple of Minerva the Itonian, and before it a Trophy erected by the Baeo­tians, for a Victory, which under the Con­duct of one Sparton their General, they ob­tained over the Athenians, who were led that day by Tolmides, and Tolmides himself slain.

Next morning early Agesilaus, to make trial of the Theban Courage, whether they had any mind to a second Encounter, did command his Soldiers to put on Garlands on their Heads, and play with their Flutes, and raise a Trophy before their Faces; but when they instead of Fighting, sent for leave to bury their Dead, he gave it them, and so confirmed to himself the Victory. After this he went to Delphos, to the Pythian He goeth to the Pythian Games. Games which were then celebrating, at which Feast he assisted, and there solemnly offered the tenth part of the Spoils he had brought from Asia, which amounted to an hundred Talents.

[Page 33]Being now returned to his own Country, the Eyes of the Spartans were upon him, to observe his Diet, and manner of Living: But he (not according to the Custom of o­therReturneth to Sparta unchanged, as to his Manners. Generals) came home the same Man that he went out, having not so learned the Fashions of other Countries, as to forget his own, much less to nauseate or despise them, but he follow'd all the Spartan Cu­stoms, without changing either the manner of his Supping, or Bathing, or his Wifes Apparel, as if he had never travelled over the River Eurotas. The like he did by his Houshold-stuff, his Armour, nay, the very Gates of his House were so old, that they might well be thought of Aristodemus's set­ting up. His Daughters Chariot (called the Canathrum) was no richer than that of other People. Now this Canathrum, whe­ther Chariot or Chair, was made of Wood, in the shape of a Griffon, or of the Goat­deer. Tra­gelaphus, some antick shape or other, on which the Children and young Virgins were carried in Processions. Xenophon hath not left us the Name of this Daughter of Agesilaus; at which Dicaearchus is angry, viz. that he can know the Names neither of Agesilaus's Daughter, nor Epaminondas's Mother. But in the Records of Laconia we find his Wifes Name to be Cl [...]ora, and his two Daughers to have been Apolia and [Page 34] Prolyta; and you may even to this day see Agesilaus's Spear kept in Sparta, nothing dif­fering from that of other Men.

There was a Vanity he observed among the Spartans, about keeping running Horses for the Olympick Games, upon which heHe despiseth the Olym­pick Games. found they much valued themselves. Age­silaus much despised it, as an Ostentation more of Wealth than Vertue, deeming the Victory to be the Horse's, not the Man's: He therefore to convince the Grecians of it, did put his Sister Cynisca upon keeping a running Horse for that Publick Solemni­ty.

To the wise Xenophon, his Friend, whom he much valued, he did propose the bring­ing of his Children to Sparta, to be there bred up in the strictest way of Discipline, and in the noble Art of Obeying and Go­verning.

Lysander being dead, and his Faction yet great and prevalent, which he upon his coming out of Asia had raised against Age­silaus, the King thought it advisable to ex­poseHe designs to expose Lysander and his Party. both him and it, by shewing what manner of a Citizen he had been whilst he lived. To that end, finding an Oration a­mong his Writings, that was (composed by Cleon the Halicarnassean, but) intended to be spoken by Lysander in a Publick Assembly, to excite the People to Innovations and [Page 35] Changes in the Government, he resolved to publish it, as an Evidence of Lysander's ill Practices. But one of the Senators, having the perusal of it, and finding it strongly written, advised him to have a care of dig­gingBut is dis­swaded. up Lysander again, and rather bury that Oration in the Grave with him. This Ad­vise he wisely hearkened to, and ever after forbore publickly to affront any of his Ad­versaries, but took occasions of picking out the Ring-leaders, and sending them away upon Foreign Services. He also found out ways of discovering the Avarice and the Injustice of many of them in their Employ­ments; yet, when they were by others brought into Question, he made it his bu­siness to bring them off, obliging them by that means, of Enemies to become his Friends, and so by degrees wore out the Faction.

Agesipolis, his Fellow-King, was underHe maketh his Interest in Agesipo­lis. the Disadvantage of being Born of an Ex­il'd Father, and himself Young, Modest, and Unactive, and meddled not much in Affairs. Agesilaus took a course of grow­ing upon him, and making him yet more tractable. According to the Custom of Sparta, the Kings, if they were in Town, al­way Dined together. This was Agesilaus's opportunity of dealing with Agesipolis, whom he found apt to Amorous Intrigues as [Page 36] well as himself. He therefore alway dis­coursed him about handsome Boys, egging him forward that way, and himself assist­ing in it, so far as to become the Confi­dent of the Amour. Yet were these A­mours innocent, according to the Custom of the Spartan Loves, which were alway accompani'd with Vertue and Honour, and a noble Emulation; of which you may see more in Lycurgus's Life.

Having thus established his Power in the City, he easily obtained that his half Brother Teleutias might be chosen Admi­ral;His Expe­dition a­gainst Co­rinth. and thereupon making an Expedition against the Corinthians, he made himself Master of the long Walls by Land, through the Assistance of his Brother at Sea. Com­ing thus upon the Argives (who then held Corinth) in the midst of their Isthmian Games, he made them out-run their Sa­crifices, and leave all their Festival Provi­sions behind them. The exil'd Corinthians that were in the Spartan Army, desired him to keep up the Feast, and to appear Chief in the Celebration of it. This he refused, but gave them leave to carry on the So­lemnity, if they pleased, and he in the mean time staid and guarded them. When Agesilaus marched off, the Argives return­ed to their Sports again, with this variety of Fortune, that some who were Victors [Page 37] before, became Victors a second time, o­thers lost the Prizes which before they had gained. But Agesilaus reproached them se­verely of Cowardise, who having so great an Esteem of the Isthmian Games, and so much valuing themselves upon the Victo­ries there gotten, yet durst not adventure to Fight in defence of them. He himselfHis Opinion of publick Sports and Games. was of Opinion, that to keep a Mean in such things was best; he allowed of the Sports usually permitted in his Country, and would not refuse to be present at the Exercises either of the young Men, or of the Girls, being alway ready to take his share in them; but what many Men seem­ed▪ to be highly taken with in these Games, he seemed not at all concerned in. Callipides the Stage-player, being eminent in that Faculty through all Greece, meeting this King, did make his Obeisance; of which, when he found no notice taken, he confi­dently thrust himself into his Train, ex­pecting that Agesilaus would take some no­tice, and at least pass a Jest upon him. When all that failed, he boldly accosted him, and asked him, Whether he knew him not? What (said the King) art thou Calli­pides the Scaramonchio? and so turn'd from him. Being invited once to hear a Man sing, who did admirably imitate the Nigh­tingale, he refused, and answered, That he [Page 38] had heard the Nightingale her self. There was one Menecrates, a Physician in Laconia, who, having been famed for great Success in great and deplored Diseases, was, by way of Flattery, called Jupiter: He was so vain as to take it, and having occasion to write a Letter to Agesilaus, thus endorsed it: Menecrates Jupiter, to King Agesilaus, Greeting. The King returned Answer, Agesilaus to Menecrates, Health [...] and a sound Mind.

Whilst Agesilaus was in the Corinthian Territories, beholding his Soldiers Pilla­ging the Temple of Juno, the Theban Am­bassadors came to him to treat of Peace. He having a great Aversion for that City,He slight­eth the Theban Ambassa­dors, of which he soon repent­eth. and thinking it then advantageous to his Affairs publickly to slight them, did it suf­ficiently, for he would not seem either to see them, or hear them speak. But as if the express Vengeance of God had appear­ed against this Insolence, before they par­ted from him, he received News of the Overthrow of one of his Cohorts, by Iphicrates, with a greater Slaughter than he had received a long time; and that the more grievous, because it was a choice Regiment of Lacedaemonians well Armed, but overthrown by a parcel of light-armed Mercenaries. Agesilaus made all the haste he could to their Rescue, but found it too [Page 39] late, the Business being over. He there­fore retired to Juno's Temple, and sent for the Theban Ambassadors to give them Au­dience. They now resolved to be even with him for the Affront he gave them, and, without speaking one word of the Peace, only desired leave to go into Corinth. Agesilaus, being nettled with this Overture, told them in scorn, That if they were minded to go and see how proud their Friends were of their Success, they should do it to Morrow with safety. Next Morning, taking the Ambas­sadors with him, he spoiled the Corinthian Territories, up to the very Gates of the City; where having made a Stand, and let the Ambassadors see, that the Corinthi­ans durst not come out to defend them­selves, he dismissed them; then gathering up the small remainders of the shattered Cohort, he marched homewards, alway re­moving his Camp before day, and alway pitching his Tents after Night, that he might prevent the Acardians from taking any opportunity of insulting over their loss.

After this, at the Request of the Achaians, he marched with them into Acarnania, from whence he brought great Spoils, and over­cameHis Polic [...] concerning the Acarna­nians. the Acarnanians in Battel. The Achaians would have persuaded him to keep his Win­ter-Quarters there, to hinder the Acarnani­ans [Page 40] from sowing their Corn; but he was of the contrary Opinion, alledging, that they would be more afraid of a War next Summer, when their Fields were Sown, than they would be if they lay Fallow. The Event did justifie his Opinion; for next Summer, when the Achaians began their Expedition again, the Acarnanians im­mediately made Peace with them.

When Conon and Pharnabazus were grown Masters of the Sea, and had not only in­fested the Coast of Laconia, but also rebuilt the Walls of Athens, at the Cost of Pharna­bazus, The Spar­tans make a dishonour­able Peace with Persia. the Lacedaemonians thought fit to Treat of Peace with the King of Persia. To that end, they sent Antalcidas to Teri­bazus about it, basely betraying the poor Asiatick Greeks, on whose behalf Agesilaus had made the War. But no part of this Dishonour fell upon Agesilaus, the whole being transacted by Antalcidas, who was a bitter Enemy of Agesilaus, and did there­fore urge on the Peace, because Agesilaus was so earnest for continuing the War, it being his Talent, in which he alway gain'd Reputation and Authority. Yet as ill as he liked the Peace, when once it was on foot, he promoted it, and being told, by way of Reproach, that the Lacedaemonians did now apply themselves to the Median Interest, he replied, No, but the Medes ap­plied [Page 41] themselves to the Interest of the La­cedaemonians. And when the Grecians were backward to the Agreement, he threatned them with War, unless they came up to the King of Persia's Terms. Agesilaus had a particular End in this, viz. to weaken the Thebans; for it was made one of the Articles of Peace, that the Country of Baeotia should be set at liberty, which was then under the Dominion of Thebes.

This Pique of his to Thebes appeared fur­ther afterwards, when Phaebidas in full PeacePhaebidas breaks the Peace with Thebes. did very dishonourably seize upon Cadmea, a Castle belonging to Thebes. The thing was much stomached by all Greece, and not well liked of by the Laconians them­selves; those especially who were Enemies to Agesilaus, did require an account of the Action, and by whose Authority it was done, laying the Suspicion of it at his door. Agesilaus doubted not to answer on the behalf of Phaebidas, that the profita­bleness of an Action was chiefly to be con­sidered; if it were for the Advantage of the Commonwealth, it was no matter by whose Authority it was done. This was the more remarkable in him, because he was alway observed to be a great Lover of Ju­stice, and would, in his private Discourses, commend it as the chief of Vertues, say­ing, That Valour without Justice was useless, [Page 42] and if all the World were Just, there would be no need of Valour. When any would say to him, The Great King (meaning the Per­sian) will have it so; he would smartly re­ply, How is he greater than I, unless he be Juster? He took the truly Royal Measure of Greatness, which is to be computed by Justice, not by Force.

The Peace being concluded, the King of Persia wrote to Agesilaus, desiring a pri­vateHe refuseth the King of Persia [...]is Friendship. Friendship and Correspondence; but he refused it, saying, That the publick Friend­ship was enough; whilst that lasted, there was no need of private. Yet was he not alway of that mind, it plainly appearing, That sometimes out of Ambition, and sometimes out of private Pique, he brake that Rule. Particularly in this case of the Thebans, he not only saved Phaebidas, but perswadedHe def [...]nds Phaebidas. the Lacedaemonians to take the Fault upon themselves, and to retain Cadmea, putting a Garison into it, and to make Archias and Leontidas chief Governors of Thebes, who had been Betrayers of the main Castle to them. This gave strong Suspicion, that what Phaebidas did, was by Agesilaus's Or­der, which was afterward made evident by the Consequences: For when the The­bans And war­reth with the The­bans. had slain the Garison, and asserted their Liberty, he accusing them of the Murther of Archias and Leontidas, (who [Page 43] indeed were Tyrants, though in Title Po­lemarchi, or Generals) made War upon them. He sent Cleombrotus on that Errand,But not in Person. who was now the other King, in room of Agesipolis that was dead, excusing himself by reason of his Age: For it was 40 years since he had first born Arms, and was con­sequently excused by the Law. Mean while the true Reason why he withdrew himself from the War, was, that he was ashamed, having so lately fought against the Tyranny of the Phliasians, to fight now in defence of a Tyranny against the Thebans.

One Sphodrias of Lacedaemon, being ofSphodrias his Exploit. a contrary Faction to Agesilaus, was Go­vernor of Thespiae, a brisk daring Man, one that had more of Courage than Wis­dom. This Action of Phaebidas fired him, and incited his Ambition to attempt some great Enterprize, which might render him as Famous, as he perceived the taking of Cadmea had made Phaebidas. He thought the taking of the Piraeum, and the cutting off thereby the Athenians from the Sea, a Mat­ter of far more Glory: 'Tis said, That Pe­lopidas and Gelon, the Governors of Baeotia, put him upon it; they privily sent Men to him, that pretended to be of the Spar­tan Faction, who highly commending Spho­drias, blew him up into a great Opinion [Page 44] of himself, protesting him to be the only Man in the World that was fit for so great an Enterprize. Being thus pricked for­ward, he could hold no longer, but soon engaged himself in a Business, every whit as dishonourable and treacherous as that of Ca [...]mea, but attempted with less Valour and less Success; for the day broke whilst he was yet in the Plains of Thriasium, where­as he designed the whole Exploit to have been done in the Night. As soon as the Soldiers perceived the Rays of Light reflect­ing from the Temples of Eleusine, upon the first rising of the Sun, it is said, that their Hearts failed them; nay, he himself, when he saw that he could not have the benefit of the Night, had not Courage enough to go on with his Enterprize, but, having pil­laged the Country, he returned with Shame to Thespiae. An Embassy was upon this sent from Athens to Sparta, to complain of the breach of Peace; but the Ambassadors found their Journey needless, Sphodrias be­ing then under Process by the Magistrates of Sparta. Sphodrias durst not stay to ex­pect Judgment, which he found would be Capital, the City being highly incensed a­gainst him, out of the Shame they had of the Business, and the Resolution they had to give the Athenians no cause of suspecting them, to be any way consenting to so base an Action.

[Page 45]This Sphodrias had a handsome Youth to his Son named Cleonymus, with whom Ar­chidamus, the Son of Agesilaus, was deeply in Love. With him did Cleonymus labour much for the preservation of his Father; but Archidamus durst not appear publickly in his Assistance, he being one of the pro­fessed Enemies of Agesilaus. But Cleonymus having solicited him with Tears about it, (as knowing Agesilaus to be of all his Fa­ther's Enemies the most formidable) the young Man did for two or three days, fol­low his Father with such Shame and Con­fusion within himself, that he durst not speak to him. At last, the day of Sen­tence being at hand, he adventur'd to tell him, that Cleonymus had entreated him to intercede for his Father. Agesilaus, though well aware of the Love between the Two young Men, yet did not prohibit it, be­cause he looked upon Cleonymus as an ex­traordinary Youth, and of great Hopes: Yet he gave not his Son any kind Answer in the Case, but coldly told him, That he would consider what he could honestly and ho­nourably do in it, and so dismissed him. Archidamus being ashamed of his want of Success, did forbear the Company of Cleo­nymus for some days, a thing not usual with him. This made the Friends of Sphodrias to think his Case desperate, till Etymocles, [Page 46] one of Agesilaus's Friends, did discover to them the King's Mind, viz. That he abhor­red the Fact, but yet he thought Sphodrias a gallant Man, such as the Commonwealth much wanted at that time. These were the fre­quent Sayings of Agesilaus, which gave Cleonymus sufficiently to understand, that Archidamus had been just to him, in using all his Interest with his Father; and Spho­drias his Friends grew brisk in his Defence. The truth is, that Agesilaus was a very [...]o [...]d Man of his Children, insomuch that it is reported, That when they were little ones, he would make a Hobby-Horse of a Reed, and ride with them. Being catched at this Sport by a Friend, he desired him to say nothing of it, till he himself were the Father of Children.

Mean while Sphodrias being absolved of his Crime, the Athenians betook themselvesWar with Athens and Thebes. to Arms, insomuch that Agesilaus fell into great Disgrace with the People; that to gratifie the Amours of a Boy, would per­vert Justice, and make the City accessory to the Crimes of Two private Men, who, by dishonourable Actions had broke the Peace of Greece. He also found his Col­legue Cleombrotus little inclined to the The­ban War; so that it became necessary for him to quit the Privilege of his Age, which he before had claimed, and to lead [Page 47] the Army himself; which he did with va­riety of Success, sometimes Conquering, and sometimes Conquered, insomuch that receiving a Wound in a Battel, he was re­proached by Antalcidas, That the Thebans had made him a good Requital, for teach­ing them to Fight. And indeed, they were now grown far better Soldiers than ever they had been, being so much harassed, and so much beaten into War, by the fre­quency of the L [...]ced [...]monian Expeditions against them. Out of the foresight of which it was, that anciently Lycurgus in three several Laws, forbid them to make Wars often in one Place, which would be to instruct their Enemies in the Art of it.

Mean while the Allies of Sparta were notThe Allies murmur at the War. a little discontented at Agesilaus, that this War was commenced not from any just Of­fence taken, but merely out of his Hatred to the Thebans, and with Indignation grum­bled, that they being the Majority of the Army, should from Year to Year be thus exposed to Danger and Hardship here and there, at the Will of a few Persons.

Agesilaus being put to his Shifts, to ob­viate the Objection, devised this Expedient, to try the numbers of both the Spartans and the Allies. He gave Orders that all the Allies, of what-ever Country, should sit down promiscuously on one side, and [Page 48] all the Lacedaemonians on the other; which being done, he Commanded an Herald to proclaim, that all the Potters of both Squa­drons should stand out; then all the Black­smiths; then all the Masons; next the Car­penters; and so he went through all the Handicrafts. By this time almost all the Allies were risen, but of the Lacedaemonians very few, they being by Law forbidden to learn any Handicraft-Trade: whereup­on Agesilaus fell on Laughing, and told them, [...]e see, Gentlemen, how that our number of Soldiers is greater than yours.

When he brought back his Army from Baeotia through Megara, as he was going up to the Town-Hall, in the Castle of that Town, he was suddenly taken with Pain,Falleth lame of his better Leg. and convulsive Motions on his better Leg, upon which a great Tumour and Inflam­mation soon arose. He was treated by a Syracusian Physician, who let him Blood be­low the Ancle: this soon eased his Pain; but then the Blood could not be stopped, till it brought him to Fainting and Swoon­ing; at length, with much ado, he stop­ped it. Agesilaus was carri'd home to Spar­ta in a very weak condition, insomuch that he recover'd not Strength enough to ap­pear in the Field a long time after.

Mean while the Spartan Fortune was but ill, they having received many Losses both [Page 49] by Sea and Land; but the greatest was that at Leuctra, which was the first time that they were overthrown by the Thebans in a set Battel. The occasion was this:

The Grecians were all disposed to a ge­neral Peace, and to that end sent Ambassa­dors to Sparta. Among these was Epami­nondas, A general Treaty of Peace. the Theban, famous at that time for his Wisdom and Learning, but he had not yet given proof of his Martial Vertues. He, seeing all the others crouch to Agesilaus, and curry Favour with him, did himself, notwithstanding, keep up the Port of an Ambassador, and with that Freedom that became his Character, make a Speech in behalf, not of Thebes only, from whence he came, but of all Greece, remonstrating thatEpaminon­das his [...]ol [...] Demand. Sparta had grown great by War, to the great Grievance of all her Neighbours. He urged, that Peace might be made upon e­qual terms, such a one as might be a lasting one, which could not otherwise be done, than by reducing all to a Parity. Agesilaus perceiving all the other Greeks to hearken much to this Discourse, and to be pleased with it, presently asked him, Whether he thought it fit that Baeotia should be set free, and be permitted to live by her own Laws? Epami­nondas briskly returned the Question, Whe­ther it were sit that Sparta should live by hers? Agesilaus being moved at this Reply, Bid [Page 50] him set forth what ground he had for pleading such Immunity for Baeotia. Epaminondas a­gain asked him, What grounds he had for demanding liberty for Sparta? Agesilaus was so enraged at this, that he immediately struck the Thebans out of the League, and declared War against them. With the rest of the Greeks he made a Peace, and dismis­sed them with this Saying, That what could be peaceably adjusted, should; what was other­wise incurable, must be committed to the Success of War, it being a thing of too great difficulty to provide for all things by Treaty.

The Ephori did hereupon dispatch their Orders to Cleombrotus, who was at that time in Phocis, to march directly into Baeo­tia, and at the same time sent to their Al­lies for Help. The Confederates wereA War with The­bes. very resty in the Business, and unwilling to Engage, but as yet they feared the Spar­tans, and durst not refuse. And although many Portents and Prodigies of ill Presage, had appeared; and though Prothous the Laconian had laboured all he could to hin­der it, yet Agesilaus would needs go for­ward, and prevailed so, that the War was decreed. He thought the present Juncture of Affairs very advantageous to it, the rest of Greece being wholly free, and in League with them, the Thebans only exempted. But that this War was undertaken more [Page 51] upon Passion than Judgment, the Event did prove: for the Treaty was finished but the 14th of May, and the Lacedaemonians receiv'd their great Overthrow at Leuctrae Battel of Leuctrae. the 5th of June within 20 days. There fell at that time 1000 Spartans, and Cleom­brotus their King, in the Company of many others of the most gallant Men of that Nation; particularly Cleonymus, the Son of Sphodrias, that beautiful Youth, was thrice knock'd down at the Feet of the King, and as often recover'd it, but was slain at the last.

This unexpected Blow, which fell so heavy upon the Lacedaemonians, brought greater Glory to Thebes, than ever was ac­quired by any other of the Grecian-Repub­licks, in their Civil Wars against each o­ther. The Behaviour notwithstanding of the Spartans, though beaten, was much greater, and more to be admired, thanThe Spar­tan's Beha­viour un­der their Misfortune. that of the Thebans. And indeed, if as Xenophon saith▪ In Conversation good Men, even among their Sports, and in their Wine, do let fall many remarkable Sayings and Jests, that are worth the preserving; how much more worthy to be recorded, is an exemplary constancy of Mind, appearing both in the Countenances and Behaviours of brave Men, when they are pressed by adverse Fortune. It happen'd that the [Page 52] Spartans were Celebrating a solemn Feast, at which many Strangers were▪ present from other Countries, and the Town full of them, when this News of the Over­throw came. The Ephori, though they were sufficiently aware, that this Blow had quite ruined the Spartan Grandeur, and its Primacy over the rest of Greece, yet gave Orders that the Dancing should not break off, nor any of the Ceremonies of the Fe­stival abate. The next Morning, when they had full Intelligence concerning it, and every body knew who were slain, and who survived, the Fathers of the slain came out rejoycing in the Market-place, saluting each other with a kind of Exul­tation; on the contrary, the Fathers of the Survivors hid themselves at home among the Women, as wholly ashamed of their Children. If Necessity drove any of them abroad, they went very dejectedly, with down▪ Looks, and sorrowful Countenances. The Women out-did the Men in it: Such whose Sons were Slain, openly rejoycing, and meeting triumphantly in the Temples; they who expected their Children home, being very silent, and much troubled.

But the common People being awaken'd by this Calamity, and withal terrified with the News of Epaminondas his Design of In­vading Peloponnesus, began to think of the [Page 53] Oracle, which had predicted Woes to them, when they had a Lame Man to their King, and grew mightily afflicted for the Rejecti­on of Leotychidas, who was both the right Heir, and strait in all his Limbs. Yet the regard they had to the Wealth and Repu­tation of Agesilaus, so far stifled this Mur­muring of the People, that notwithstand­ing it, they threw themselves upon him inAgesilaus invested with abso­lute Power, to remedy the present Difficulties of State. this Distress, as the only Man that was fit to heal the publick Malady, by being made sole Arbiter of all their Difficulties, whether relating to the Affairs of War or Peace. One great one was then before them, concerning the Runaways that had fled out of the Battel, who being many and powerful, it was feared that they might make some Commotion in the Republick, to prevent the execution of the Law upon them for their Cowardice. The Law inThe Spartan. Law a­gainst Cow­ar [...]ice. that Case was very severe; for they were not only to be degraded from all Honors, but also it was a Disgrace to inter-marry with them: Who-ever met any of them in the Streets, might beat him if he listed, nor was it lawful for him to resist: They in the mean while were obliged to go a­broad in a nasty Habit, with their Gowns patched of divers Colours, and to wear their Beards half shaved, half unshaven. To execute so rigid a Law as this, in a Case [Page 54] where the Offenders were so many, and of those many Men of great Families and In­terest, and that in a time when the Com­mon-wealth wanted Soldiers so much as then it did, was of dangerous Consequence. Therefore they chose Agesilaus a Dictator, or new Law-giver, with full power of a­brogating old Laws, or making new ones, as he pleased. But he, without adding to, or diminishing from, or any way changing the Law, came out into the publick As­sembly, and said, That the Law should lye dormant at present, but be vigorously executed for the future. By this means he at once preserved the Law from Abrogation, and the Citizens from Infamy: And that he might take off the Consternation that was upon the young Men, he made an InroadHe maketh [...] Inroad into [...]rcadia into Arcadia, where avoiding Fight as much as he could, he contented himself to spoil the Territory, and to take a small Town belonging to the Mantineans, thereby revi­ving the Hearts of Populace, letting them see that they were not every where unsuc­cessful.

Upon this Epaminondas made an InroadEpaminon­das [...]nva­ded Sparta. into Laconia, with an Army of 40000. be­sides light-armed Men, and others that fol­low'd the Camp only for Plunder, so thatSparta 600 Years with­out an In­vasion. in all they were at least 70000. It was now 600 Years since the Dorians had pos­sessed [Page 55] Laconia, and in all that time the Face of an Enemy had not been seen with­in their Territories, no Man daring to In­vade them: But now they made their In­cursions without Resistance, as far as Eu­rotas, and the very Suburbs of Sparta; for Agesilaus would not permit them to engage against so impetuous a Torrent, as Theo­pompus called it. He contented himself to fortifie the chief Parts of the City, and to place Guards conveniently, enduring mean while the Taunts of the Thebans, who re­proached him as the Firebrand of the War, and the Author of all that Mischief to his Country, and bidding him defend himself if he could. But this was not all: He was greatly disturbed at home with the Tumults of the City, the Outcries and running about of the Old Men, who were highly enraged at their present condition, and the Women much worse, being terrifi'd by the Clamours, and the Fires of the E­nemy in the Field. But that which cut him to the Heart, was the sense of his lost Glory; who having come to the Crown of Sparta, when it was in its most flourish­ing Condition, and highest Grandeur, now lived to see it laid low in Esteem, and all its great Vaunts derided, even those which he himself had been accustom'd to use, viz. That the Women of Sparta had never seen the [Page 56] Smoak of the Enemies Fire. It is said, that Antalcidas being in Dispute with an Athe­nian, about the Valour of the Two Nati­ons, the Athenian bragged, That they had o [...]ten driven the Spartans from the River C [...]phisus: Yes, said Antalcidas, but we never had occasion to drive you from Eurotas. A common Spartan of less Quality, being in Company with an Argive, who was va­pouring how many Spartans lay buried in the Fields of Argus, reply'd, But you have [...]e buried in the Country of Laconia. Yet now the Case was so altered, that Antal­cidas being one of the Ephori, out of Fear, sent away his Children privately to the Island of Cythera.

When the Enemy essay'd to get over the River, and thence to Attack the Town, Agesilaus betook himself to the high PlacesAgesilaus defends the Town. and strong Holds of it. But it happen'd, that Eurotas at that time swelled to a great height, by reason of the Snow that had fallen, and made the Passage very difficult to the Thebans, not only by its depth, but much more by the Ice that was upon it. Whilst this was doing, Epaminondas every where appeared the foremost Man in the Army, insomuch that Agesilaus viewing the whole Action, fell into admiration of his Gallantry. But when he came to the City, and would fain have attempted something [Page 57] either upon it, or within the Limits of it, that might raise him a Trophy there, he could not tempt Agesilaus out of his Hold, but was fain to march off again, wasting the Country as he went.

Mean while there did a dangerous Con­spiracyA dange­rous Con­spiracy in Sparta▪ happen in Sparta, where 200 Men having gotten into a strong part of the Town called Issorion, did seize upon the Temple of Diana and Garison it. The Spartans were enraged at it, and would have fallen upon them presently; but Agesilaus not knowing how far the Sedition might reach, did command them to forbear, and going himself in his Cloak, with but one Servant, when he came near the Rebels, called out, and told them, That they mi­stook their Orders; that by his Order they were to go, one part of them thither, shewing them another Place in the City, and part to another, which he also shewed. The Conspirators gladly heard this Discourse, thinking them­selves no way suspected of Treason, and readily went off to the Places which he shewed them. Whereupon Agesilaus placed in their room a Garison of his own: Of the Conspirators he apprehended 15. and put them to death in the night.

After this, a much more dangerous Con­spiracyAnother. was discovered of Spartan Citizens, who had privately met in each others [Page 58] Houses, to cause a Disturbance. It was equally dangerous, by reason of the Great­ness of the Party to prosecute them pub­lickly according to Law, and to connive at them. Agesilaus took another course, and by consent of the Ephori, put them to death privately without Process; a thing never before known in Sparta.

At this time also▪ many of the Helots, andThe Helots run from their Co­lours. other Hirelings, that were listed in the Ar­my, ran away to the Enemy, which was matter of great Consternation to the City. He therefore, caused some Officers of his, every Morning before day, to search the Quarters of the Soldiers, and, where any Man was gone, to hide his Arms, that so the greatness of the number might not ap­pear.

Historians differ about the time of theThe time of the The­bans conti­nuance be­fore Sparta. Thebans Departure from Sparta. Some say, the Winter forced them; as also that the Arcadian Soldiers Disbanding, made it ne­cessary for the rest to retire. Others say, that they stay'd there Three Months, till they had laid the whole Country waste. Theopompus is the only Author who gives out, That when the Baeotarchae, or Council of War of the Theban Army, had resolved upon the Retreat, Phrixus the Spartan came to them, and offer'd them, from Agesilaus, Ten Talents to be gone; so hiring them [Page 59] to do, what they were already doing of their own accord. How he alone should come to be aware of this, I know not; on­ly in this all Authors agree, That theSparta pre­served by the Wisdom of Agesilaus. saving of Sparta from Ruine, was wholly due to the Wisdom of Agesilaus, who in this Extremity of Affairs quitted all his Ambi­tion and his Haughtiness, and resolved to play a saving Game. But all his Wisdom and Prowess was not sufficient to recover the Glory of it, and to raise it to its an­cient Greatness. For as we see in Bodies, long used to strict, and too exquisitely re­gular Diet, if they commit any great Dis­order, it is usually fatal; so in this City, which by the strictness of her Laws, and the severe Virtue, and great Conduct of her Leaders, had flourished so long, one great mistake in Policy undid all. Nor was this Fall wholly undeserved, since they so much swerved from the Institutions of Lycurgus, to which their Ancestors were sworn, who had formed a Republick, whol­ly fitted to the Ease, and Peace, and ver­tuous Life of the Inhabitants, so that they might have lived happily within themselves, without molesting their Neighbours, or seeking Dominion over them.

Agesilaus being now very Aged, gave o­ver all Military Employments; but his Son Archidamus, having received help from [Page 60] Dionysius of Sicily, did give a great Over­throwThe Arcadi­ans beaten by Archida­mus, Son to Agesilaus. to the Arcadians, in a Fight remark­ably known by the Name of The tearless Battel, wherein there was a great Slaugh­ter of the Enemy, without the loss of one Spartan. This Victory did but too much discover the present Weakness of Sparta; for heretofore Victory was esteemed so u­sual a thing with them, that for their great­est Successes they seldom sacrificed any more than a Cock to the Gods. Neither were the Soldiers much elated at the News when it came: yea, when the great Victory was obtained at Mantinea, which is at large described by Thucidides, the Messenger that brought the News, had no other Reward, than a good piece of Powdered Beef sent him to his Lodgings▪ But at the News of this Arcadian Victory, they were not able to contain themselves; but the old King went out in Procession with Tears of Joy in his Eyes, to meet and embrace his Son, and all the Council attended him. The Old Men and Women all marched out as far as the River Eurota, lifting up their Hands, and thanking the Gods, that they had washed off the Stain that had lately stuck upon Sparta, saying, That now they could boldly appear in the Face of the Sun, who before, out of Shame and Confusion, could not appear even to their own Wives.

[Page 61]When Epaminondas rebuilt Messene, andMessene re­built by E­paminon­das. recalled the ancient Citizens to it, they were not able to obstruct the Design, being not in condition of appearing in the Field against them. But the Spartans were very much offended with Agesilaus, when they found so large a Territory, equal to their own in Compass, and for Fertility the rich­est of all Greece, taken from them in his Reign. Therefore it was that the King broke off Treaty with the Thebans, when they offered him Peace, rather than set his Hand to the passing away of that Country, though it was already taken from him. Which Punctilio of Honour had like to have cost him dear; for in the progress ofEpaminon­das his Stratagem against Sparta. the War he was over-reached by a Strata­gem, which had almost amounted to the loss of Sparta. For when the Mantineans again revolted from Thebes to Sparta, and Epaminondas understood that Agesilaus was come to their Assistance with a powerful Army, he privately, in the night, quit his Quarters at Tegea, and unknown to the Mantineans, marched towards Sparta, inso­much that he failed very little of taking it empty and unarmed. Of this Agesilaus having Intelligence, sent him by Euthymus the Thespian, saith Callisthenes, but by some Cretan, saith Xenophon, immediately dis­patched a Post to Lacedaemon, to advertise [Page 62] them of it, and withal to let them know, that he was hastening to them. He did it with that Expedition, that he prevented the Thebans, who came over Eurotas af­ter he was in the Town. They notwith­standingHe is beaten back by A­gesilaus. made an Assault upon the Town, and were received by Agesilaus with great Courage, he bestirring himself much be­yond what was to be expected in his years. For he did not now Fight with that Cau­tion and Cunning which he formerly made use of, but put all upon a desperate push; which (though not his usual method) suc­ceeded so well, that he rescued the City out of the Jaws of Epaminondas, and forced him to retire. This Action deserved a Trophy, and had one; at the erection of which, Agesilaus encouraged the Citizens, by shewing them how well they had paid their Debt to their Country in this Action, and particularly took notice of the greatThe great [...]o [...]ts of Archidamus Performances of his Son Archidamus, who had that day made himself Illustrious, both by his Courage and Agility of Body, spee­dily shifting Places to all the dangerous Passes, where the Enemy pressed hardest into the Town, every where charging the Enemy, though with but few in his Com­pany. But the grand Example of an He­roick Valour was given by Isadas, the SonGreater of Isadas. of Phaebidas, to the Admiration of the E­nemy, [Page 63] as well as of his Friends. He was a very comely, handsom, well-grown, pro­per Youth, just beginning to write Man. He had no Arms upon him, scarce Cloaths; he had just anointed himself at home, when upon the Alarm, without further Ceremo­ny, in that Undress, he snatched a Spear in one hand, and a Sword in the other, and brake into the thickest of his Enemies, bearing down all before him. He received no Wound, whether that he were the par­ticular Care of GOD, who rewarded his Valour with an extraordinary Protection, or whether his Shape being so large and beautiful, and his Dress so unusual, they thought him more than a Man. The gal­lantry of the Action was so esteemed among the Spartans, that the Ephori gave him aHe is both rewarded and amer­ced. Garland; but as soon as they had done, they fined him 1000 Drachms, for going out to Battel unarmed.

A few days after this, there was ano­ther Battel fought near Mantinea, wherein Epaminondas having routed the Van of the Lacedaemonians, was eager in the pursuit of them, when Anticrates, the Laconian, woun­dedEpaminon­das slain. him with a Spear, saith Dioscorides; but the Spartans to this day call the Poste­rity of this Anticrates, Macheri­ones. Sword-men, because that he wounded Epaminondas with a Sword. They so dreaded Epaminondas, when living, [Page 64] that the Slayer of him was embraced and admired by all; nay, they decreed Honors to him and his Posterity, to which latter they gave Immunity from all manner of Taxes: This Priviledge, Callicrates, one of his Descendants, now enjoyeth.

Epaminondas being Slain, there was a general Peace again concluded, from which Agesilaus's Party excluded the Messenians, as Men that had no City, and therefore would not let them Swear to the League; to which, when the rest of the Greeks ad­mitted them, the Lacedaemonians went off, and continued the War alone, in hopes of subduing the Messenians. For this ReasonAgesilaus too much given to War. was Agesilaus esteemed a stubborn, refracto­ry Man, and insatiable of War, who took such pains to hinder the League, and to protract the War, at a time when he had not Money wherewith to carry it on, but was forced to borrow of the Citizens, and to oppress them with heavy Taxes, and all this to retrieve the poor City of Messenia, after he had lost so great an Empire both by Sea and Land, as the Spartans were pos­sessed of, when he came to the Crown.

But it did more move the Indignation of all Men, when he put himself into the Ser­viceHe taketh Pay of Ta­chos in Ae­gypt. of Tachos the Aegyptian. They thought it too too much unworthy of a Man of his Quality, who was then looked upon as [Page 65] the prime Commander in all Greece, who had filled all Countries with his Renown, to let himself out to Hire to a Barbarian, an Aegyptian Rebel, (for Tachos was no bet­ter) and to fight for Pay, as Captain only of a Band of Mercenaries. If at those Years of Eighty and odd, after his Body had been worn out with Age, and enfee­bled with Wounds, he had engaged in some very Honourable Cause, as the Li­berty of Greece, or the like, it had been however worthy of some Reproof. To make an Action honourable, it ought to be agreeable to the Age, and other Cir­cumstances of the Person; for it is Cir­cumstance that doth difference the Action, and make it either good or bad. But A­gesilaus valued not other Mens Discourses; he thought no publick Employment disho­nourable; the ignoblest thing in his esteem was for a Man to sit idle and resty at home, till Death should come and take him nap­ping. The Money therefore that he re­ceived from Tachos, he laid out in raising of Men, wherewith having filled his Ships, he took also 30 Spartan Captains with him, as formerly he had done in his Asiatick Ex­pedition, and set Sail for Aegypt.

As soon as he arrived at Aegypt, all the great Officers of the Kingdom came to pay their Compliments to him at his Landing. [Page 66] His Reputation being so great, had rais'd the Expectation of the whole Country, which did flock in to see him; but when they found, instead of the great PrinceThe Aegyp­tians disap­pointed in Agesilau [...], as to the appearance of his out­ward Person whom they looked for, a little Old Man, of contemptible presence, without all Ce­remony lying down upon the Grass, his Hair uncombed, his Cloaths thread-bare, they fell into Laughter and Scorn of him, crying out, that the old Proverb was now made good, The Mountain had brought forth a Mouse. They were much more scanda­lized at his Stupidity, (as they thought it) who, when Presents were made of all man­ner of Provisions, took only the Meal, the Calves, and the Geese, but rejected the Sweet-Meats, the Confections and Per­fumes: When they did urge him to the ac­ceptance of them, he took them and gave them to the Helots that were in his Army; yet he was taken with the Garlands they made of the An Ae­gyptian [...]t, of which Pa­p [...] was made. Papyrus, because of their na­tive Simplicity, and when he returned homewards, he demanded one of the King, which he carried with him.

When he joyned with Tachos, he found his Expectation of being Generalissimo fru­strated: Tachos reserved that place for him­self, making Agesilaus only Captain of the Band of Mercenaries, and Chabrias the Athe­nian Admiral. This was the first occasion [Page 67] of his Discontent; but there followed o­thers:Agesilaus discontented in Aegypt. he (being daily tired with the In­solency and Vanity of this Aegyptian) was at length forced to attend on him into Phaenicia, in a condition much below his Spirit and Dignity, which, notwithstand­ing, he was forced to digest for a while, till he had opportunity of shewing his Re­sentment. It was soon afforded him by Nectanabis, the Uncle of Tachos, and a greatHe revolts to Necta­nabis from Tachos. Captain under him, who took an occasion to fall off from his Nephew, and was soon Proclaimed King by the Aegyptians. This Man invited Agesilaus to his Party, and the like he did to Chabrias offering great Re­wards to both. Tachos having smelt it, did immediately apply himself both to Agesilaus and Chabrias, with great Humility to them both, beseeching their continuance in his Friendship. Chabrias consented to it, and did what he could to sweeten Agesilaus in the matter: but he gave this short Reply, You, O Chabrias, came hither a Voluntier, and may go and stay as you see cause; but I am the Servant of Sparta, sent hither on their Errand, and must take my Measures from them. This being said, he soon dispatched Messengers to Sparta, who were sufficiently instructed both in the Accusations of Tachos, and the Commendations of Nectanabis. The Two Aegyptians did also send their Ambassadors [Page 68] to Lacedaemon, the one to claim Continu­ance of the old League already made; the other to make great Offers for the break­ing of it, and making a new One. The Spartans having heard both sides, gave in their publick Answer, That they referred the whole Matter to Agesilaus; but priyately wrote to him, to act as he should find it best for the Profit of the Commonwealth. Upon receipt of his Orders, he soon chan­ged sides, carrying all the Mercenaries with him to Nectanabis, prefacing so foul an Acti­on, with the plausible pretence of acting for the Benefit of his Country, whereas the fine Veil being taken off, the Fact was no better than downright Treachery. But the Lacedaemonians, who make it the first Principle of their Actions to serve their Country, know not any thing to be just or unjust by any Measures but that.

Tachos being thus deserted by the Merce­naries, fled for it. Upon which, one Men­desius Tachos fly­eth. being designed his Successor, arose and came against Nectanabis, with an ArmyNectanabis [...]s oppos [...]d by Mendesius. of an 100000 Men. Nectanabis in his Dis­course with Agesilaus, despised them as new raised Men, who, though many in number, were of no Skill in War, being most of them Handicrafts-men and Trades-men, never bred to War. To whom Agesilaus answer­ed, That he despised their numbers, but was [Page 69] afraid of their Ignorance, which gave no room for treating them by Finen [...]ss and Stratagem; for those are to be used only with cunning and crafly Men, who, being themselves full of Design, and suspicious alway of yours, do give opportunity of putting Tricks upon them; but a Fool-hardy Man, that neither s [...]eth nor feareth any thing, giveth no more opportunity to the Enemy, than he that stands stock-still without putting out his Leg, giveth to a Wrestler. This Mendesius was not wanting in the Solicitations of A­gesilaus, Agesilau [...]' [...] A [...]vic [...] maketh him suspe­ctca by Nectanabis. insomuch that Nectanabis grew jea­lous. But when Agesilaus advised to Fight the Enemy, presently before either their Skill or their Numbers increased; it being imprudent to protract a War with such Men, who (rude and inexpert as they were) would so increase in numbers, as wholly to incompass them, and prevent their Designs. This confirmed him in his Jealousie, and made him take the quite con­trary course, retreating into a strong Ga­rison, well Fortifi'd with Walls and Bul­warks. Agesilaus finding himself mistrusted, took it very ill, and was full of Indigna­tion, yet was ashamed to change Sides a­gain, the other having been so lately done; so that he was forced to follow Nectanabis into the Town.

When Mendesius came up, and began to draw a Line about the Town, and to in­trench, [Page 70] the Aegyptian was resolving upon aNectanabis being B [...] ­sieged, re­solveth to Fight, but is opposed by Agesilaus. Battel, thinking it much safer, than to be begirt round with a Ditch, and so starved out in a long Siege. The Greeks were also of that mind, the Provisions growing alrea­dy scarce in the Town. When Agesilaus opposed it, the Aegyptians then suspected him much more, publickly calling him, The Betrayer of the King. But Agesilaus (being now satisfi'd within himself) did bear all these Reproaches patiently, and follow'd the Design close which he had laid, of over­reaching the Enemy, which was this:

The Enemy had intrenched with a deep Ditch and high Wall, resolving to shut up the King and starve him. When the Ditch was brought almost quite round, he took the Advantage of the Night, and Armed all his Greeks. Then, going to the King, This, Agesilaus's Stratagem against Mendesius. Young-Man, is your opportunity, said he, of saving your self, which I durst not all this while discover, lest the discovery should prevent it; but now the Enemy hath, at his own Cost, and the pains and labour of his own Men, provided for our Security. As much of this Wall as is built, will prevent them from surrounding us with their Multitude, the Gap yet left will be sufficient for us to Sally out by: Now play the Man, and fol­low the Example the Greeks will give you, and by Fighting valiantly, save your self and your Army; their Front will not be able to stand a­gainst [Page 71] us, and their Rear we are sufficiently se­cured from, by a Wall of their own making. Nectanabis admiring the Wisdom of Agesi­laus, immediately placed himself in the Grecian Army, and Fought with them; which, upon the first Charge soon routed the Enemy. Agesilaus having now gotten Credit with the King, began to use what Stratagems he thought good, without be­ing interrupted by him: He sometimes pre­tended a Retreat, otherwhile charged furi­ously; by this means disordering the Ene­my, and at last trolling him into a Place enclosed between Two Ditches, that wereThe Mende­sian▪ Con­quered. very deep, and full of Water. When he had them at this Advantage, he soon char­ged them, drawing up the Front of his Bat­tel equal to the space between the Two Ditches, so that they had no way of sur­rounding him, being enclosed themselves on both sides. They made but little Resistance; many fell, others fled and were dispersed.

Nectanabis being thus settled and fixed in his Kingdom, did with much Kindness and Earnestness invite Agesilaus to spend his Winter in Aegypt: But he made haste homeAgesilaus departs homeward. to assist in the Wars of his own Country, whose Treasury he knew to be empty, yet were they forced to hire Mercenaries, whilst their own Men were fighting abroad. The King dismissed him very honourably, and [Page 72] among other Presents, he presented the State of Sparta, with 230 Talents of Silver, to­wards the Charge of their Wars: but the Winter-season being tempestuous, he was driven upon a desart Shore of Africa, called The Haven of Menelaus, where, when his Ships were just upon Landing, he expired,And dieth by the way. being then Eighty Eight Years Old, and having Reigned in Lacedaemon Forty One, Thirty of which Years he passed in great Splendor, being esteemed the greatest and most powerful Prince of all Greece, and be­ing looked on as in a manner General and King of it, till the Battel of Leuctra. It was the Custom of the Spartans, to Bury their common Dead in the Place where they died, whatsoever Country it was, but their Kings they Embalmed and carried home. Now the Followers of Agesilaus, having notThe manner of his Em­balming. wherewith to Embalm him, did, for want of Honey, which they used in their Em­balming, wrap his Body in Wax, and so conveyed him to Lacedaemon.

His Son Archidamus succeeded him in his Throne, so did his Posterity successively to Agis, who was the 5th from Agesilaus. He was murthered by Leonidas, for seeking to restore the ancient Discipline of Sparta.

THE People of Rome seem to have embraced Pompey from his Child­hood,§ 1. with the same Affection that Prometheus in the Tragedy of Eschylus, expressed for Hercules, speaking of him, as the Author of his Deliverance, in these words,

For on one hand, never did the Romans The Peoples Hat [...] to his Father. give such a demonstration of their Hatred (a Hatred so implacable and savage) against any of their Generals, as they did against [Page 78] Strabo, the Father of Pompey. All his Life­time, 'tis true, they stood in awe of his Martial Prowess and Power, (for indeed he was a mighty Warriour) but immediately upon his Death, (which happened by a Stroke of Thunder) they Treated him Bar­barously, dragging his very Corps from the Hearse, as it was carried in Pomp at his Funeral, with Villany and Disgrace. OnTheir Love to him. the other side, in Favour of Pompey, never had any Roman the Peoples Good-will and Devotion more zealous throughout all the Changes of Fortune, either springing up earlier, and aspiring together with him in Prosperity, or so constantly Loyal in Ad­versity, as Pompey had. In Strabo, there was one great cause of Hatred, his unsati­able. Covetousness; but in Pompey there were many, whereby he became the Ob­ject of their Love; his Temperance of Life,His Vertues Skill, and Exercise in Martial Discipline, Eloquence of Speech, Integrity of Mind, and Affability in Conversation and Address; insomuch as no Man ever made his Ad­dresses with lesser Trouble, or gratifi'd an Addressor with more Delight: For in Pre­sents, when he gave, 'twas without Dis­dain; when he receiv'd, 'twas with Reve­rence and Honour.

In his Youth, he had a Grace in hisHis Favour. Countenance extremely taking, seeming [Page 79] to anticipate his Eloquence, and win upon the Affections of the People before he spoke; for in his Air there was a Majestick Gravi­ty, temper'd with no less Candor and Hu­manity: And when as yet he was but in the Flower and Dawn of his Manhood, there appear'd in his Deportment a sage and princely Genius, even in its Meridian. His Hair sate somewhat hollow or rising a little: and the languishing motion of his Eyes, seem'd to form a resemblance in his Face, (though perhaps more through the speech of People, than real likeness) to the Statues of King Alexander: Now because many call'd him by that Name in his Youth, Pompey himself did not decline it, insomuch that some in derision call'd him so; yet e­ven Lucius Philippus, a Man of Consular Dignity, when he was pleading in favour of him, thought it not unfit to say, That there was nothing absurd or unexpected in this, that he himself being Philip, should be a Lover of Alexander.

'Tis reported of Flora the Curtezan, ThatHis Amours with Flora. in her latter time she took great delight in relating her Amours and Familiarity with Pompey, and was wont to say, That she could never part upon an Enjoyment, with­out a Bite or Satyrical Reflection. And [...] withal she would farther tell you, That one Geminius, a great Companion of Pom­pey's, [Page 76] fell in Love with her, and made his Court with all the Arts imaginable; but she refusing, and telling him, Howe're her Inclinations were, yet she could not grati­fie his Desires for Pompey's sake: He there­fore mov'd Pompey in it, and Pompey frank­ly gave his Consent, but never afterwards would touch her, or have any Converse with her, notwithstanding he seem'd to have a great Passion for her; which Flora resented, not with the Levity of a Strum­pet, for that she languish'd afterwards un­der a tedious Sickness, through Grief and Desire. Now, 'twas said, That this Flora became such a celebrated Beauty, that Cecilius Metellus, when he adorn'd the Tem­ples of Castor and Pollux with divers rare Pictures and Images; among the rest, he dedicated hers for her singular Beauty. But Pompey was quite besides his natural Tem­per, in his Deportment towards the Wife of Demetrius, his Franchis'd Servant (who had a great Influence upon him in his Life-time, and left an Estate of 4000 Talents) where he demean'd himself neither gentilely nor ingeniously, fearing lest he should fall un­der the common Censure of being ena­mour'd and charm'd with her Beauty, which was incomparable, and became famous every where. Thus though herein he seem'd to be providently circumspect and [Page 77] Cautious, yet even in Scandals of this Na­ture, he could not avoid the Calumnies of his Enemies, but that upon the score of Women, his Wives at least, they play'd the Sycophants with him, and accus'd him, as if he had Conniv'd at many Things, and Imbezil'd the publick Revenue to gratifie their Luxury.

Then for his Sobriety, and TemperanceHis Tempe­rance. in Diet, there was one remarkable passage in his Sickness; when his Stomach nau­seated common Meats, his Physician pre­scrib'd him a Thrush to Eat; but upon search there was none to be bought, (for they were not then in Season) and one telling him, They were to be had at Lucullus's, who kept them all the year round, Why then, said he, if it were not for Lucullus's Luxury, should not Pompey live? Thereupon wishing Health to his Physician, he dis­charg'd him, and accepted of what was in Season. But of that hereafter.

Now Pompey being as yet a very young Man, and upon an Expedition, (in which his Father was appointed General against Cinna) had in his Tent with him one Lu­cius Terentius, his Companion and Comrade, who, being corrupted by Cinna, enter'd in­to an Engagement to kill Pompey, as others had done to set the Generals Tent on Fire. This Conspiracy being discovered to Pompey [Page 82] at Supper, he seem'd no ways discompos'd at it, but drank more liberally than usual, and express'd an extraordinary Kindness to Terentius; then about Bed-Time (pretend­ing to go to his Repose) he stole away se­cretly out of his own Tent, and setting a Guard about his Father, went to his Rest: Terentius now thinking his Enterprize ripe for Execution, rose with his naked Sword, and coming to Pompey's Bed-side, stabb'd several Strokes through the Bed-Cloaths, as if he were lying there. Immediately upon this there was a great Uproar through­out all the Camp, arising from the Hatred they bore to the General, and an Universal Inclination of the Soldiers to Mutiny, all tearing down their Tents, and betaking themselves to their Arms; the General himself all this while durst not venture out because of the Tumult, but Pompey running into the midst of them, beseech'd them with Tears, and at last threw himself prostrate upon his Face before the door of the Trench, and lay there in the passage, as a Bar at their Feet, bewailing his Fate, and bidding those that were marching off, if they would go, to trample upon him; whereupon every Man began to retreat, and all, except 800, either through Shame or Compassion, repented of their Folly, and were Reconcil'd to the General.

[Page 83]Immediately upon the Death of Strabo, Actio pecu­latus. there was an Action commenc'd against Pompey as his Heir, for that his Father had imbezil'd the publick Treasure; But Pom­pey having well trac'd the Thief, charg'd it upon one Alexander, a franchis'd Bond­Slave of his Fathers, and made an un­doubted Evidence before the Judges, that he had purloin'd and converted it to his own Use. Afterwards he himself was Arraign'd, for that he had seiz'd upon the Toils, or Hunting Tackle, and Books, that were taken at Asculum. To this he Con­fess'd thus far, That he receiv'd them from his Father, when he took Asculum, but Pleaded farther, That he had lost them since, which happen'd upon Cinna's Return to Rome, when his House was broke open and plunder'd by those of his Guards. This Cause was notably managed with his Adversary in the Preparatories of Judgment, in which he appearing strangely subtile and industrious beyond his years, gain'd great Reputation and Favour; insomuch, that Antistius the Praetor, and Judge of that Cause, took a great Liking to Pompey, and offer'd him his Daughter in Marriage, having had some Treaties and Communications with his Friends about it. Pompey accepted of the Conditions, and they were privatelyHe Marrie [...] with Anti­stia▪ Contracted together in Marriage: However [Page 80] this Matter was not so closely convey'd, as to escape the Multitude, but it was discer­nible enough, from the Favours that were shewn to him by Antistius in his Cause. Whereupon at last, when Antistius pronounc'd the absolutory Sentence of the Judges, the People (as if it had been upon a Signal given) made the same Acclamati­on as was anciently us'd at Marriages, Talassio; the Original of which Custom is Reported to be this: Upon a time, when the Daughters of the Sabines came to Rome, to see the Shews and Sports there, and were violently seiz'd upon by the Nobles for Wives, it happen'd that some Goatswains and Herdsmen of the meaner Rank, were carrying off a beautiful and proper Damo­sel, and lest any of the Nobles should meet them, and take her away, therefore as they ran, they cry'd out with one Voice, Talas­sio: Now Talassius was an eminent and ac­ceptable Person among them, insomuch, as all that heard the Name, clapp'd their Hands for Joy, and joyn'd with them in the Shout, as applauding and congratulating the Choice; Now, say they, (because that prov'd a fortunate Match to Talassius) hence 'tis that this Acclamation is jocularly us'd as a Nuptial Song at all Weddings. And this is the most credible Story that I can meet with touching what is related of Talassio.

[Page 81]Some few days after this Judgment, Pompey Married Antistia, and after that went to Cinna's Camp, where finding some false Suggestions and Calumnies forg'd against him, he began to be afraid, and presently withdrew himself in disguise from the Camp; this sudden disappearance occasion'd great Jealousies, and there went a Rumour and Speech throughout all the Camp▪ as if Cinna had Murder'd the young Man; whereupon all that had been any ways disoblig'd, and bore any Malice to him, resolv'd to make an Assault upon him: But he endeavouring to make his Escape, was apprehended by a Centurian, that pursu'd him with his nakedCinna's De [...]th. Sword; wherefore Cinna in this Distress fell upon his Knees, and offer'd him a Seal of great value for his Ransom; but the Centurian checked him very insolently, say­ing, I come not here to Seal a Covenant, but to Chastise and be Reveng'd upon the Iniquity of a Lawless and Ungodly Tyrant; and so dispatch'd him immediately.

Thus Cinna being slain, Carbo, a TyrantSect. 2. Carbo and Sylla con­t [...]nd for the Govern­ment. more sensless than he, took the Administra­tion of the Government, and all Things upon him. But shortly after came Sylla, a Man by Reason of these imminent Evils de­sir'd of most, but especially of those who plac'd no small Ease and Satisfaction in the exchange of a Master: For the City was [Page 82] brought to that pass by those grievous Op­pressions and Calamities, that every Man now being utterly in despair of Liberty, was compounding for himself, and laying out for the mildest and most tolerable Bon­dage. About that time Pompey was at Now the March [...]s [...]f [...]a. Picenum in Italy, where he had spent some time in his Diversion, for that he had a Country Inheritance there, though the chiefest Mo­tive of his Abode in that Country, was the Delight he took in the Cities thereabouts, where his whole Family was nobly received, and treated with all the Offices of Huma­nity for his Fathers sake.

Now when Pompey perceived, that theHe sides with Sylla. noblest and best of the City began to for­sake their Fortunes, and fly from all Quar­ters to Sylla's Camp, as to their Haven, he design'd likewise thither among the rest, yet he disdain'd to go as a Fugitive without a Passport, or for Protection as one destitute of Aid, but like one rather that could make his own Welcom, and merit Favour glori­ously and with force. And to that end, he mov'd and sollicited the Peicentines for their Assistance, who as cordially embrac'd his Motion, and rejected those that were sent from Carbo; insomuch that one Vindius, a malepert Fellow of that Faction, taking upon him to say, That Pompey was come with a Speech out of School, to make himself a [Page 83] Captain of the People: They were so incens'd against him, that immediately they fell up­on this Vindius, and slew him. From hence­forward Pompey finding a Spirit of Govern­ment upon him, though as yet not above Twenty three years of Age, nor yet deri­ving an Authority by Commission from any Superiour Magistrate, took the priviledge to grant himself a full Power and Jurisdi­ction; and in order to that, he caus'd a Tribunal or Court of Judicature to be ere­cted in the Market-place of Auximum, a populous City; Now it hapned that two of the chiefest among them, (the Ventidians Brethren) of Carbo's Faction, were grand Opposers of his Designs, those he banish'd instantly commanding them by a publick Edict to depart the City. Then he fell to levying an Army, issuing out Commissions to Serjeants of Bands, Centurions, and o­ther Officers, according to the Form of Military Discipline: And in this manner he went round, and modell'd all the rest of the Cities in the same Circuit; so that of all those that were Favourers of Carbo's Faction, some vanishing away, and others chearfully sur­rendring themselves, in a little time he muster'd up three entire Legions, having supply'd himself beside with all manner of Provisions, Ammunition, Beasts, Carriages, and all other Implements of War. [Page 84] in this Equipage he set forwards on his March towards Sylla, not with Whip and Spur, as if he were in haste, nor yet in a Cloud, as if he coveted to be conceal'd, but by small Journeys, making several Halts upon the Road, to distress and annoy the Enemy, designing to insinuate himself in every part of Italy where e're he came, and to work them into a Revolt and De­fection from Carbo.

Now there arose together against himH [...] over [...] M [...]ian. Three great Commanders of the Enemy, Carinna, Caelius, and Brutus, and drew up their Forces, not all in the Front, nor yet together on any one part, but encamping three several Armies in a Circle about him, they resolv'd to encompass and devour him at once; Pompey was no ways amaz'd at this, but drawing up all his Forces into one Body, and placing his Horse in the Front of the Battel, where he himself was in Person, he singl'd out and bent all his Forces against Brutus; now the Enemies Horse, consisting chiefly of Gauls, made the first Charge, which Pompey receiv'd, and as readily return'd it; for he himself encountring Hand to Hand with one of the foremost and stoutest among them, made a home Pass at him with his Launce, and slew him: The rest seeing this, turn'd their Backs, and fled in great Disor­der, falling foul upon themselves, and [Page 85] breaking the Ranks of their own Foot, in­somuch that it presently caus'd a total Rout; whereupon the Commanders fell out among themselves, and every one march'd off, steering their course some one way, some another, as their Fortunes led them: The Towns likewise round about came in, and surrendred themselves to Pompey, concluding that the Enemy was dispers'd for fear. Next after these came Scipio the Consul to attack him, and with as little Success; for before the Armies could joyn, or be with­in the Throw of their Darts, Scipio's Soldi­ers saluted Pompey's, and came over to them, but Scipio made his Escape by Flight. Last of all, Carbo himself sent down divers Re­giments of Horse by the River Arsis, which Pompey assail'd with the same Courage and Success as those before; for having routed and put them to Flight, he forc'd them in the pursuit upon moorish and boggy Places, altogether unpassable for Horse, where see­ing no hopes of Escape, they cry'd out Quarter, yielding themselves, Horse and Armour, all to his Mercy.

Sylla was hitherto unacquainted with all this Action; but as soon as he had Intelli­gence of his Engagements, he seem'd ex­tremely concern'd, fearing lest Pompey should be circumvented and oppress'd by so many and such experienc'd Commanders of the [Page 86] Enemy, whereupon he march'd with all speed to his Aid. Now Pompey having advice of his Approach, sent out Orders to his Offi­cers for a Campagne, commanding them to marshal and draw up all his Forces in Bat­tel array, that they might appear in the greatest Order and Bravery before their Emperor, for that he expected indeed great Honours from him, but he met with great­er; for as soon as Sylla saw him thus ad­vancing, his Army so well appointed, and such goodly Men, adorn'd and elevated with all the Glories of Youth and Victory, he alighted from his Horse, and being first (as became him) saluted by the Title of Emperor, he return'd the Salutation upon [...] Im­perator. Pompey, in the same term and style of Em­peror, contrary to the Expectations of all that were present, who little dream'd that he would have imparted such an Honour­able Title to one of no greater Age, nor yet a Senator, especially considering how desperately he himself had contended for that very Title and Dignity, against the Factions of Scipio and Marius. And indeed, all the rest of his Deportment was agree­able to his first Compliments; for when [...]re Pompey came into his presence, he did some sort of Obeisance to him, either in [...]ing and being uncover'd, or the like, which he was rarely seen to have done to [Page 87] any of the rest of his Nobles, notwith­standing there were divers others about him of great Quality and Honour. Yet was not Pompey puff'd up at all, or exalted with these Favours: and therefore whenSent in Aid to Metellus. Sylla would have sent him with all expedi­tion into Gallia Celtica, a Province under the Government of Metellus, for that 'twas thought Metellus had done nothing memo­rable, at leastwise worthy of that great Army he commanded there. Pompey re­ply'd as modestly, That it could never be thought fair or honourable for him, to extort a Province out of the hands of an ancient Captain, and one of far greater Fame and Experience than himself; however, if Metellus were wil­ling, and would command his Service, he should be very ready to accompany and assist him in the War. Which, when Metellus came to un­derstand, he approv'd of the Motion, and accordingly invited him over by Letter. Whereupon Pompey fell immediately like Lightning into Gaul, where he did not on­ly do wonderful Exploits of himself, but also blew up and kindled anew that bold and warlike Spirit which old Age had in a manner extinguish'd in Metellus, having the same operation with molten o [...] boyling Copper, which being pour'd upon that that is cold and solid, seems to dissolve and melt it faster than Fire it self. But I must [Page 88] observe the same course here as is done with a famous Wrestler, who, though he has excelled all Men in those Games even from his Youth, and always born away the Prize with Glory, yet 'tis not usual to ac­count of his childish Victories, or enter them upon record among the rest: So, for the Exploits of Pompey in his Minority, though they were brave in themselves, yet because they were obscur'd and buri'd in the multitude and greatness of his latter Wars and Conquests, I dare not be parti­cular in them, lest by trifling away time in the lesser moments of his Youth, I should casually omit those grander Actions and Enterprises, which best discover the natural Disposition and singular Genius of the Man.

Now when Sylla had brought all Italy under his Dominion, and was proclaim'd Dictator, he began to reward the rest of his Followers, (enriching all his Captains and other Officers▪) whereof some he ad­vanc'd to Honour, others to Places of Dig­nity and Profit in the Common-wealth, largely and liberally gratifying every Man according to his Talent and Desire. But for Pompey, he was a great Admirer of his Valour and Conduct, and thinking that he might prove a great Stay and Support to him hereafter in all his Affairs, sought by all means to espouse and joyn him in [Page 89] Alliance to him, and having likewise theAntistia di­vorc'd. Approbation of his Wife Metella, they per­swaded him to put away Antistia, and Mar­ryHe marries Aemilia. Aemylia, (the Daughter-in-law of Sylla, by Metella and Scaurus her former Husband) she being at that very time the Wife of an­other Man, cohabiting with him, and with Child by him. These were the very Tyrannies of Marriage, and much more agreeable to the Times under Sylla, than to the Nature and Genius of Pompey. That Aemylia great with Child should be, as it were, ravish'd from the Embraces of another for him, and that Antistia should be divorc'd with dishonour and misery by him, for whose sake she had but just before been bereft of her Fa­ther; to be at once both a Widow and Fa­therless by his means; for her Father Antistius was Murder'd in the Senate, because he was suspected to be a Favourer of Sylla for Pompey's sake; and her Mother likewise, after she had seen all these Indignities, made away with her self. These were the Tragedies that attended that unhappy Marriage, and that there might be nothing wanting to compleat the last Act, by Heavens! even Aemylia her self not long after dy'd at Pompey's in Child-bed.

About this time an Express came to Sylla, § 3. That Perpenna had possessed himself of Sicily, whereby that Isle was now become a Re­fuge [Page 90] and Receptacle for the Reliques of the adverse Party: That Carbo was hover­ing about those Seas with a Navy; That Domitius was fallen in upon Africa; and that many other likewise of the Nobles and great Men in Exile, thinking to avoid his Proscriptions or Outlawries by Flight, were daily flocking into those Parts. Against these therefore was Pompey sent with a great Army; and no sooner was he arrived in Sicily, but Perpenna departed thence, leav­ing the whole Island to him. Wherefore Pompey received the distressed Cities into Favour, and treated all with great Huma­nity, except that of the Mamertines in Messene; for when they protested against his Court and Jurisdiction, alledging their Privilege and Exemption founded upon an ancient Charter or Grant of the Romans, he replied as sharply, What! will you ne'r leave prating of Laws to us that have Swords by our sides? 'Tis thought likewise, That he shewed but little Humanity to Carbo, seeming rather to insult over his Misfortunes, than to chastize his Crime; for if there had been a necessity, (as perhaps there was) that he should be taken off, that might have been done at first, as soon as he was taken Pri­soner, for then it would have been the Act of him that commanded it, and imputed to his Malice; but here Pompey commands a Man [Page 91] (that had been thrice Consul of Rome) to be be brought in Fetters to the Bar, he himself sitting upon the Bench in Judgment, examining the Cause throughout all the For­malities of Law, and pronouncing Sentence of Death, as upon a common Malefactor, to the Grief and Indignation of all that were present; and afterwards he ordered him to be taken away and put to Death. Now, 'tis reported of Carbo, That as soon as he was brought to the Scaffold, and saw the Sword drawn for Execution, it wrought so with him, that immediately he had a looseness or pain in his Belly, insomuch that he desired a little respite of the Executio­ner, and a convenient place to ease him­self. But yet farther, C. Oppius, a great Friend of Caesar's, tells us, That Pompey dealt as barbarously with Q. Valerius, a Man of singular Learning, especially in Philology and Mathematicks few like him; for when he was brought to him, he walk'd aside and discours'd with him, and after a long Conference and full Resolution of all his Questions, having learned what he could, he ordered his Officers to take him away, and put him to Death. But we must not be too credulous in all the Nar­ratives of Oppius, especially when he under­takes to relate any thing touching the Friends or Foes of Caesar: This is certain, [Page 92] That there lay a necessity upon Pompey to be severe upon many of Sylla's Enemies, those at leastwise that were eminent Persons in themselves, and notoriously known to be taken; but for the rest, he dealt with them after his own natural Temper, con­niving at the Concealment of some, and himself being the Instrument in the Escape of others. And the like Argument of his Clemency was shewn in the Himeraeans; for when Pompey had determined a sharp Revenge upon their City, for that they had been stubborn Abettors of the Enemy, there stept out one Sthenes, a great Leader of the People there, and craving audience of Pompey, told him, That what he was about to do, was not at all consistent with Justice; for that he would pass by the Guilty, and destroy the Innocent: Pompey demanding, Who that guilty Person was that would father the Offences of them all? Sthenes replied, 'Twas himself who had wrought upon and engaged his Friends by Perswasions, and his Enemies by Force: whereupon Pompey being much taken with the frank Speech and Boldness of the Man, first forgave him his Crime, and then par­doned all the rest of the Himeraeans. Pom­pey likewise hearing, That his Soldiers were very disorderly in their March, doing Vi­olence upon the Roads, he ordered their Swords to be sealed up in their Scabbards, [Page 93] and whosoever kept them not so, were se­verely punished.

Whilst Pompey was thus busie in the Af­fairsSent by Sylla into Afric [...] against Do­mitius. and Government of Sicilly, he received a Decree of the Senate, and a Commission from Sylla, commanding him forthwith to sail into Africa, and make War upon Domi­tius with all his Forces: For Domitius had rallied up a far greater Army than Marius had not long since, when he sailed out of Africa into Sicily, and extremely distressed the Affairs of the Romans, being himself, of a fugitive Outlaw, become a Tyrant. Pom­pey therefore having prepared all things of a sudden, and left Memmius, his Sisters Husband, Governor of Sicily, imbarked and set Sail with 120 Galleys, and 800 other Vessels, laden with Provisions, Money, Ammunition, Engines of Battery, and all other Necessaries. In this Equipage he ar­rived with his Fleet, part at the Port of Utica, part at Carthage; and no sooner was he landed there, but that 7000 of the E­nemy revolted and came over to him, which besides his own Forces that he brought with him (consisting of 6 entire Legions) made up an Army of 43000 Fighting-men. Here they tell us of a pleasant Passage that hap­pened to him at his first Arrival; for that some of his Soldiers having by accident stumbled upon a Treasure, whereby they [Page 94] got a good Mass of Money: The rest of the Army hearing this, began to fancy that the Field was full of Gold and Silver, which had been hid there of old by the Carthaginians in the time of their Calami­ties, and thereupon fell to work; so that the Army was useless to Pompey for many days, being totally engaged in the Silver­Mines, he himself all the while walking up and down only, and laughing to see so many Thousands together, digging and turning up the Earth in a fruitless Harvest: But at last growing weary and hopeless, they came to themselves, and returned to their General, begging him to lead them where he pleased, for that they had alrea­dy reaped the just Reward of their Folly. By this time Domitius had prepared himself, and drawn out his Army in Battel-array against Pompey; but there happened to be a rapid Torrent in the Valley betwixt them, craggy and difficult to pass over, which, together with the great Storm of Wind and Rain pouring down even from break of Day, seemed to shew but little possibility of their coming together: Insomuch that Domitius not expecting any Engagement that day, commanded his Forces to draw off and re­tire to the Camp. Now Pompey, who was watchful upon every Occasion, taking this time to be appointed by Fortune as his own, [Page 95] ordered a March forthwith, and having passed over the Torrent, they fell in imme­diately upon their Quarters. The Enemy was in a great Disorder and Tumult, and in that Confusion attempted a Resistance; but they neither were all there, nor yet to­gether; besides, the Wind having veered about, lay beating the Rain full in their Faces. Neither indeed was the Storm less troublesom to the Romans, for that they could not clearly discern one another, in­somuch that even Pompey himself being un­known, escaped but narrowly; for when one of his Soldiers demanded of him the Word of Battel, it happened that he was somewhat slow in his Answer, which might have cost him his Life.

The Enemy being thus routed with aHis Victory over Domi­tius. great Slaughter, (for 'tis said, that of 20000 there escaped but 3000) the Army saluted Pompey by the Name of Emperor; but he declined it, telling them, That he could not by any means accept of that Title, as long as he saw any of the Forts or Garisons of the Enemy standing, but if they designed to make him worthy of the Honour, they must first de­molish the Camp wherein they lay intrenched. The Soldiers hearing this, went presently and made an Assault upon the Works and Trenches, and there Pompey Fought with­out his Helmet, in memory of his former [Page 96] Danger, and to avoid it; the Camp being thus taken by Storm they were put to the Sword, and, among the rest, Domitius was slain upon the Place; After that Overthrow, the Cities of the Country thereabout were all taken in, some by Surrender, and others by Storm; King Jarbas likewise, a Confe­derate and Auxiliary of Domitius, was ta­ken Prisoner, and his Kingdom was given to Hiempsal▪

Pompey could not rest here, but beingHis Con­quest of A­frica. ambitious to follow the good Fortune and Valour of his Army, he fell into Numidia, and marching forward many days Journies up into the Country, he Conquered all where e'er he came, resolving, That by his Hand the Name and Power of the Roman Empire (which was now almost obliterated among the barbarous Nations) should be revived again, and appear as formidable as ever; he said likewise, That the wild Beasts of Africa ought not to be left without some experience of the Courage and Success of the Romans, and therefore he bestowed some few days in hunting of Lyons and Elephants: Now 'tis said, That 'twas not above the space of 40 days at the utmost, in which he gave a total Overthrow to the Enemy, reduced Africa, and established the Affairs of the Kings and Kingdoms of all that Country, being then but 24 years of Age. [Page 97] When Pompey returned back to the City§ 4. of Utica, there were presented to him Let­ters and Orders from Sylla, commanding him to disband the rest of his Army, and himself with one Legion only to wait there the coming of another General, that should succeed him in the Government of that Pro­vince; this grated inwardly, and was ex­tremely grievous to Pompey, though he made no shew of it; but the Army resent­ed it openly, and therefore when Pompey besought them to depart home before him, they began to revile Sylla, and gave out broad Speeches, That they were resolved not to forsake him, neither did they think it safe for him to trust the Tyrant: Notwithstanding this, Pompey endeavoured to appease and pacifie them by fair Speeches; but when he saw that all his Perswasions were vain, he left the Bench, and retired to his Tent with Tears in his Eyes; but the Soldiers followed him, and seizing upon him by force brought him again, and placed him in his Chair of State; where great part of that day was spent in Dispute, they, on their part, perswading him to stay and Com­mand them; he, on the other side, pressing upon them Obedience, and the danger of Mutinies; but at last, when they grew more importunate and clamorous, He swore that he would kill himself, if they attempted to [Page 98] force him; and yet even this would scarce appease them. However, this gave occa­sion and rise to some malicious Reports, whereby 'twas suggested to Sylla, That Pompey was up in Rebellion, whereupon Sylla said to some of his Friends, Well, then I see 'tis my destiny to contend with Children in my old Age: reflecting likewise upon Mari­us, for that he being but a meer Youth had found him Work enough, and brought his Affairs into extreme Danger. But Sylla being undeceived afterwards by a better Intelligence, and hearing that the whole City, in a manner, had designed to meet Pompey, and receive him with all Kindness and Honour, he himself endeavoured to ex­ceed them all in Civility; and therefore going out foremost to meet him, and em­bracing him with great joy, he gave him his welcome aloud in the Title of Pompey His Title of Magnus. the Great, and commanded all those that were present to call him by that Name: Others say, That he had this Title first given him by a general Acclamation of all the Army in Africa, but that it took its force and power from the ratification of Sylla; but this is true, That he himself was the last that owned the Title, for 'twas a long time after, when he was sent Pro­consul into Spain against Sertorius, that he began to subscribe himself in his Letters [Page 99] and Commissions by the Name of Pompey the Great, even then when the envy of the Title was worn off by being common and familiar. Hence may the Wisdom of the ancient Romans be justly reverenced and had in Admiration, That did not only re­ward the Successes of Action and Conduct in War with such honourable Titles, but a­dorned likewise the Vertues and Services of eminent Men in the Civil Government, with the same Distinctions and Characters of Honour; and therefore the People stiled two by the Names of Maximi, i. e. the Greatest, Valerius, for that he reconciled the Senate to the People when they were at Variance; and Fabius Rullus, for that he put out of the Senate certain Libertines that had been elected thither for their Riches.

Upon this Pompey desired the Honour ofSylla oppo­ses his Tri­umph. Triumph, which Sylla opposed stifly, al­ledging, That the Law allowed that Honour to none but Consuls and Praetors, and therefore Scipio the Elder, who subdued the Carthagi­nians in Spain in far greater and nobler Con­flicts, never so much as Petitioned for Tri­umph, because he had never attained to the Office of Consul or Praetor: And if Pompey, (who had scarce a Hair in his Face, nor yet of Age to be a Senator should enter the City in Tri­umph, what a load of Envy would it cast at [Page 100] once upon Sylla's Government and Pompey's Honour? These were the Arguments Sylla us'd against Pompey, shewing that he should not by any means yield to his Request; but if he would persist in his Ambition, that he was resolved to interpose his Pow­er, and lay a Prohibition upon him, as a Lover of Contention and Disobedience; Pompey was no ways daunted at this, but wished Sylla to recollect with himself, That more worshipped the Rising, than the Setting Sun: intimating thereby, That his Power was increasing, and Sylla's in the wain; Sylla did not perfectly hear the words, but observing a sort of Amazement and Won­der in the Looks and Gestures of those that did hear them, he asked, What it was that he said? When it was told him, he seemed to be very much surprized with the Boldness of Pompey, and cried out twice together, E'ne let him Triumph. But when others began to shew their Stomach and Disdain, Pompey, as ▪tis said, to gall and vex them the more, designed to have his triumphant Chariot drawn with four Ele­phants, (having brought over several from the Spoils of those African Kings) but the Gates of the City being too narrow, he was forced to desist from that Project, and make use of Horses; in the next place, some of his Soldiers (who failed of some [Page 101] Rewards, or been some way or other dis­appointed) began to clamour and interrupt the Triumph, but Pompey regarded these as little as the rest, and plainly told them, That he had rather lose the Honour of his Tri­umph, than flatter them. Whereupon Servi­lius (a Person of great Quality, and at first one of the chiefest Opposers of Pompey's Triumph) said openly, Now I perceive that Pompey is truly Great, and worthy of Triumph; 'tis clearly manifest, that he might easily have been a Senator if he would, yet he did not sue for that, esteeming Honour as a Paradox, and hunting after it, (as 'tis said) not in the com­mon Road, but even there where no Man else ever did: For what wonder had it been for Pompey in his nonage, to sit in the Senate be­fore his time? but to triumph before he was of the Senate, that was the excess of Glory to a Miracle.

This Contest of his with Sylla for Tri­umph did not a little ingratiate him in the good Will of the People; for it could not but be extremely grateful for them to see one of their own Order in Triumph and then to return to them again and take his Place among the Roman Knights; on the other side, 'twas no less ungrateful to Sylla to see how fast he came on, and to what a height of Glory and Power he was advan­ced, yet being ashamed to hinder him, he [Page 102] smothered his Grief and lay quiet; but when by plain force, and in spite of him, Pompey procured the Consulship for Lepi­dus, having by his own Interest reconciled him to the Favour of the People, Sylla could not contain himself any longer, but spying him after the Election, as he was crossing the Market-place with a great Train after him, cried out to him, Well, Young­Man! I see thou rejoycest in thy Conquest, and for what cause I pritthee? Is it not a generous and worthy Act think you, that the priority of Consulship should be given to Lepidus the vilest of Men, against Catulus, the best and most deserving Man in all the City? and all this, forsooth, by your Influence upon the People: Well, this I'll advise thee, and look to't, that thou dost not sleep, but keep a vigilant Eye up­on thy Affairs, for thou hast raised up a dan­gerous Enemy to greater Power than thy self. But that which gave the clearer demon­stration of Sylla's Ill-will to Pompey, (and whereby his former Kindness appeared to have been specious only) was his last Will and Testament; for whereas he had be­queathed several Lega [...]ies to all the rest of his Friends, and appointed some of them Guardians to his Son, he passed by Pompey, without the least remembrance; however Pompey bore this with great Moderation and Civility; insomuch that when Lepidus [Page 103] and others obstructed his Interment in the Campus Martius, denying indeed any pub­lick Solemnity of a Funeral, he himself at­tended the Herse; thereby giving both Honour and Security to it, and having his Obsequies performed with all the Pomp and Solemnity of a Roman-General.

Shortly after the Death of Sylla, that§ 5. Lepidus moves a Civil Wa [...] ▪ prophetick Speech of his to Pompey touch­ing Lepidus came to pass; for Lepidus usurp­ing the Government and Authority that Sylla had, did not go about by Fetches, nor yet colourably in specious Pretences, but immediately took up Arms, having stirred up again, and guarded himself with the corrupted Remains of that Faction that had escaped the Vengeance of Sylla: Now Ca­tulus his Colleague, who was followed by the sounder part of the Senate and People, was a Man of the greatest Esteem among the Romans, for his singular Wisdom and Justice, but his Talent lay in the Govern­ment of the City rather than the Camp, being no great Man of War, whereas the exigency▪ of Affairs in this Juncture, requi­red rather the Skill and Experience of Pompey: Pompey therefore was not long, in suspence which way to dispose of him­self, but joyning with the Nobility, was presently appointed General of the ArmyHe is sent against Le­pidus. against Lepidus: who had already over­run [Page 104] the greatest part of Italy, and likewise brought Gallia Cisalpina in Subjection with an Army under the Conduct of Brutus. As for the rest of his Garisons, Pompey subdu­ed them with ease, in his March, but Now Mo­ [...]ena. Mutina in Gaul engaged him in a formal Siege, where he lay a long time encamped against Brutus: In the mean time Lepidus marched in all haste against Rome, and sit­ting down before it with a mighty Rabble of People, demanded a second Consulship, whereby he struck no small Terrour into the Besieged; but that Fear quickly va­nished upon some Letters sent from Pompey, advertising, That he had ended the War without a Battel; for Brutus, either be­traying his Army, or being betrayed by them upon the Revolt, rendred himself to Pompey, and taking a Guard of Horse was conducted to a little Village in that part of Gaul that lies upon the River Padu or Po; where he was slain the next day by Geminius, in execution of Pompey's Com­mands: Upon this, Pompey was grosly cen­sured, for, having at the very beginning of the Revolt written to the Senate how that Brutus had voluntarily surrendred him­self; yet, immediately afterwards, he sent other Letters, containing matter of Charge or Accusation against the Man, after he was taken off, which was somewhat unac­countable: [Page 105] Now you must note, that that Brutus, who, together with Cassius, slew Caesar, was Son to this Brutus, a Man nei­ther in War, nor in his Death like his Fa­ther, as we have describ'd at large in his Life. Lepidus upon this being driven out of Italy, fled to Sardinia, where he fell sick and died, having his Heart broken with Sorrow, not for his Losses or Misfortunes, as they say, but upon the receipt of a Let­ter, wherein he was assured that his Wife had played the Harlot.

There was yet remaining Sertorius inSent in Aid of Metellus against Ser­torius in Spain. Spain, a Man of War far different from Lepidus, and much more formidable to the Romans, to whom there resorted all the Fu­gitives and Male-contents of the Nation, flowing thither as Humors to the last di­seased part of a Civil-War: This Man had already cut off divers inferior Commanders, and was now buckling with Metellus Pius, a Man of Honour and a Soldier, though perhaps he might now seem too slow, by reason of his Age, to second and improve the happier moments of War, and might be sometimes wanting to those Advantages, which Sertorius, by his Sharpness and Dex­terity would wrest out of his hands: For he was always hovering about, and com­ing upon him unawares, like a Captain of Thieves, rather than Soldiers, pestring him [Page 106] perpetually with Ambuscadoes and light Skirmishes, wherereas Metellus like a good old Wrestler was accustomed to nothing but regular Conduct, and fighting in Battel­array with his Legionary Soldiers▪ well arm'd. Pompey therefore having his Army in readiness, made it his whole Court and Practice to be sent in Aid to Metellus; nei­ther would he be brought to Disband his Forces, notwithstanding that Catulus had commanded it, but by some colourable De­vice or other he still kept them in Arms about the City, until the Senate at last thought fit, upon the Report of L. Philippus, to decree him that Government: At that time, they say, one of the Senators there wondring at this Report, demanded of Philip whether his meaning was, That Pom­pey [...]. should be sent into Spain Proconsul, i. e. instead of a Consul: No, replied Philip, but Pro-consulibus, i. e. instead of both Consuls; meaning that neither of the Consuls for that Year was of any Value. Now when Pom­pey was arrived in Spain, (as 'tis usual upon the Fame of a new Governor) Men began to be raised with new Hopes, and those Na­tions that had not entred into a very strict League and Alliance with Sertorius began to waver and revolt; whereupon Sertorius gave out very arrogant and scornful Speeches against Pompey, saying in Derision, That he [Page 107] should want no other Weapon but a Ferula and Rod to Chastise this Boy with, if he were not a­fraid of that old Woman, meaning Metellus. Yet for all his proud Words, in deed and reality he stood in Awe of Pompey, as ap­peared by all his Actions and Conduct throughout the whole Management of the War, wherein he was observed ever after to stand better upon his Guard, and engage more warily than before: for Metellus (which one would not have imagined) was grown very debauched in his Life, having given himself over excessively to Riot and Plea­sure; and yet of a sudden there was wrought in him a mighty Change, as well in respect of his Pride as his Luxury: so that this very thing gained a wonderful Reputation and Honour to Pompey, as an Example of Frugality, although that Vir­tue was habitual in him, and required no great Industry to exercise it, for that he was naturally inclined to Temperance, and no ways inordinate in his Affections. Here Fortune, as 'tis common in War, shewed variety of Changes, but nothing came so near to Pompey as the taking of the Ci­ty Lauron by Sertorius: for when Pompey thought he had him safe inclosed, and had boasted largely of raising the Siege, he himself appeared of a sudden to be incom­passed, insomuch that he durst not move out [Page 108] of his Camp, but was forced with sorrow to sit still whilst the City was taken, and in Flames before his Face. However, af­terwards in a Battel about Valentia he gaveHis Victory [...]ver Heren­nius and Perpenna. a great Defeat to Herennius and Perpenna, (two Commanders of those Fugitives who came to Sertorius, and were now Lieutenants to him) wherein he slew above 10000 Men. Pompey being exalted and puffed up with this Victory, made all the haste imaginable to engage Sertorius himself, and the rather lest Metellus should come in for a share in the Honour of the Victory; so that in the Evening towards Sun-set, they joyned Bat­tel near the River Sucron, both being in great fear lest Metellus should come, Pompey, that he might engage in the Combat alone, Sertorius, that he might engage but with one alone. The Issue of the Battel proved doubtful, for that a Wing of each side had the better; but of the Generals, Sertorius had the greater Honour, for that he main­tained his Post, having slain and put to flight all that Battalion that was appointed against him: whereas Pompey was worsted in his part of the Battel, and himself almost a Prisoner, for being set upon by a mighty Man of Arms that fought on foot, as they were closely engaged hand to hand, the strokes of their Swords chanced to light upon each others Hand▪ but with a different [Page 109] Success, for Pompey's was a slight Wound only, whereas he lopt off the others Hand: however it hapned so that many falling up­on Pompey together, and his own Forces there being put to the Rout, he made his Escape beyond expectation, by quitting his Horse and turning him up among the Ene­my; for the Horse being richly adorned with golden Trappings, and having a Ca­parison of great value, the Soldiers quar­relled among themselves for the Booty, so that while they were fighting with one a­nother, and dividing the Spoyl, Pompey made his Escape. By break of Day next morning, each drew out his Forces into the Field to confirm the Victory; but Metellus coming up to them, Sertorius vanished a­way, having broken up and dispersed his Army; for in such a manner did he use to raise and disband his Armies, so that some­times he would be wandring up and down all alone, and at other times again he would come powring into the Field at the head of a puissant Army, no less than 150000 fighting Men, swelling of a sud­den like a mighty Torrent or Winter­flood.

Now when Pompey was going after the Battel to meet and welcome Metellus, and when they were near one another, he com­manded his Serjeants to bow down their [Page 110] Rods in honour of Metellus as his Ancient and Superiour; but Metellus on the other side forbid it, and behaved himself very obliging to him in all things else, not claiming any Prerogative either in respect of his Consulship or Seniority; excepting only, that when they incamped together, the Watch-word was given to the whole Camp, by Metellus. But generally they had their Camps asunder, for that they were divided and distracted by the Enemy, that was in all shapes, and being always in motion, would by a wonderful Artifice appear in divers Places almost in the same instant, drawing them from one sort of Fight to another in perpetual Skirmishes: But at last Pompey intercepting all Forrage, plundring and spoyling the Country, and keeping the Do­minion of the Sea, rooted them out of that part of Spain that was under his Govern­ment, forcing them, out of meer Want, to retreat into other Provinces.

Pompey having made use of and expended the greatest part of his own Revenue upon the War, sent and demanded Monies of the Senate, adding, That in case they did not furnish him speedily, he should be forced to return into Italy with his Army. Lucullus being Consul at that time, (though indeed he was an Enemy to Pompey, yet) in con­templation that he himself was a Candidate [Page 111] for the War against Mithridates, he procured and hastned the Supplies, fearing lest there should be any Pretence or Occasion given to Pompey of returning Home, who of him­self was no less desirous of leaving Sertorius, than ambitious of undertaking the War a­gainst Mithridates, as an Enemy where the Enterprize in all appearance would prove much more Honourable and less Dangerous. In the mean time Sertorius died, being trea­cherouslySertorius slain. murdered by some of his own Party; insomuch that Perpenna was now become the Chief Commander among them, and he that would undertake to Personate the Actions of Sertorius, having indeed the same Forces, the same Ammunition, and Means, yet there was still wanting the same Wit, Skill, and Conduct, in the use and managery of them. Pompey therefore march­ed directly against Perpenna, and finding him ignorant and perplext in his Affairs, had a Decoy ready for him, and so sent out a Detachment of ten Companies with Or­ders to range up and down the Fields, and disperse themselves abroad, as if they were Foraging or in quest of some Booty; this Bait took accordingly, for no sooner had Perpenna quarried upon the Prey, and had them in Chase, but that Pompey appeared suddenly with all his Army, and joyningHis Con­quest of Perpenna. Battel, gave him a total Overthrow; so [Page 112] that most of his Commanders were slain in the Field, and he himself being brought Prisoner to Pompey, was by his Order put to Death: Neither ought Pompey to be ar­raigned of Ungratefulness or Oblivion, in that he had been unmindful of his Transacti­ons with Perpenna in Sicily, (as some would charge him) since 'tis clear that what he did in this Case, was prudently determined upon solid Reason and deliberate Councel for the Security of his Country: for Per­penna having in his custody all Sertorius his Papers, shewed several Letters from the greatest Men in Rome, who (affecting a Change and Subversion of the Govern­ment) had invited Sertorius into Italy; wherefore Pompey, fearing lest by these he should stir and blow up greater Flames of War than those that had been already ex­tinguished, thought it expedient, both to take off Perpenna, and likewise to burn the Letters without reading of them.

After this Pompey tarried and spent so§ 6. much time in Spain, as was necessary for the suppression of those greater Tumults in that Province; and as soon as he had qualified and allayed the violent Heats of Affairs there, he returned with his ArmyHis Aid to Crassus in the Servile War. into Italy, where he arrived very luckily in the height of the Servile War; wherefore upon his Arrival, Crassus the General in that [Page 113] War, made all the expedition imaginable to give them Battel, which he did with great Success, having slain upon the place 12300 of those Fugitive Slaves: Nor yet was he so quick, but that Fortune had reserved to Pompey some share of Honour in the Success of this War, for that 5000 of them, that had escaped out of the Battel, fell into his hands; wherefore when he had totally cut them off, he wrote to the Senate, That Crassus had overthrown the Fencers in Battel, but that he had plucked up the War itself by the Roots. And thus it was commonly report­ed in Rome among all those that had the least Kindness for Pompey; but for those A­ctions in Spain, together with the Conquest of Sertorius, no Man ever, so much as in jest, ascribed that Honour to any other than Pompey; and yet this great Honour and Veneration of the Man was always accom­panied with Fears and Jealousies, that he would not Disband his Army, but affect­ing Monarchy, designed clearly to follow the Policies of Sylla and govern by a stand­ing Army; wherefore in the Number of all those that ran out to meet him, and Congratulate his Return, as many went out of Fear as Affection; but after that Pompey had removed this Suggestion, by declaring before-hand, That he would dis­charge the Army after his Triumph, there was yet remaining one great Cause of Com­plaint [Page 114] more from the Envy and Malice of his Enemies, That he affected Popularity, courting the common People more than the Nobility; and whereas Sylla had taken a­wayHe restores the Office of Tribune. the Tribuneship of the People, he de­signed to gratifie the People in restoring that Office; which was very true, for there was not any one thing that the People of Rome did so wildly doat on, or more passi­onately desire than the Restauration of that Government, insomuch that Pompey thought himself extreamly fortunate in this oppor­tunity, despairing ever (if he were prevent­ed in this) of meeting with any other, wherein he might express his Gratitude in Compensation of all those Favours which he had received from the People. The De­creeHis second Triumph and first Consulship with Cras­sus. therefore passed for a second Triumph, and the Consulship: and yet for all this Power and Honour he did not seem to be admired or magnified for those things; but this was the Signal and Test of his Grandeur, that even Crassus himself, (the Wealthiest among all the Statesmen of his time, the most Eloquent and Greatest too, a Man of that Pride that he despised even Pompey himself, and all others as beneath him) durst not appear a Candidate for the Consulship before he had made his Address to Pompey; which was done accordingly, and as readily embraced by Pompey, who [Page 115] had often sought an occasion to oblige him in some friendly Office; so that he solicited for Crassus, and entreated the People hear­tily, declaring, That their Favour would be no less to him in his Colleague, than in his Con­sulship; yet for all this when they were created Consuls, they were always at vari­ance and opposing one another; now Cras­sus prevailed most in the Senate, and Pom­pey's Power was no less with the People, for that he restored to them the Office of Tri­bune,Submits to the Censors. and had suffered the Judicature again to be transferred upon the Knights by a Law. But he himself afforded them the most grateful Spectacle, when he appeared and craved his Discharge from the Wars: for it was an ancient Custom among the Romans, that the Knights, when they had served out their legal time in the Wars, should lead their Horse into the Market­place before two Censors, and having gi­ven an account of the Commanders and Generals under whom they served, as also of the Places and Actions in their Service, they were discharged, every Man with Ho­nour or Disgrace according to his Deserts: there were then sitting upon the Bench two reverend Censors, Gellius and Catulus, with great Gravity taking a View of the Roman Knights who were then in Muster, and un­der Examination before them; when Pom­pey [Page 116] was seen afar off to come into the Mar­ket-place, adorned in all things else with all the Marks and Ensigns of a Consul, but himself leading his Horse in his hand: as he drew near, he commanded the Vergers to make way, and so he led his Horse to the Bench; the People were all this while in a sort of Amaze, and all in Silence, and the Censors themselves shewed him great Re­verence, expressing a Modesty together with Joy in their Countenance: Then the Senior Censor examined him, Pompey the Great, I demand of thee, whether thou hast served out all that time in the Wars that is prescribed by the Law of Arms? Yes, replied Pompey with a loud Voice) I have served all, and all under myself as General. The People hearing this, gave a great Shout, and made such an Out­cry for Joy that there was no appeasing it; but the Censors rising from their Judgment­seat, accompanied him home to gratifie the Multitude, who followed after clapping their Hands, and shouting with great signs of Joy.

Pompey's Consulship was now expiring, and yet the Difference with Crassus increa­sing, whereupon on Gaius Aurelius a Knight, (but one that declined Business all his Life­time) stood up and addressed himself in an Oration to the Assembly, declaring, That Jupiter had appeared to him in a Dream, [Page 117] commanding him to tell the Consuls, That they should not leave their Charge of that Go­vernment until they were Friends. After this was said, Pompey stood silent, but Crassus took him by the hand, and spoke in this manner, I do not think, oh ye Romans, that I shall do any thing mean or dishonourable, in yield­ing first to Pompey; even that Pompey whom you were pleased to Ennoble with the Title of Great, when as yet he scarce had a Hair in his Face; and granted the Honour of two Tri­umphs, when as yet he had no Place in the Senate. Hereupon they were Reconciled, and laid down their Government. Now Crassus kept on in his former manner of Life as he began, pleading Causes; but Pompey declined his Practice in a great measure, taking the Pa­tronage of some few Causes, only so that by degrees he withdrew himself totally from the Courts, and all Matters of Judgment, coming but seldom in publick; and when­ever he did, 'twas with a great Train after him; neither was it easie to meet or visit him without great Attendance; but his de­light was to appear guarded with such a Retinue, designing thereby to advance the Reverence and Majesty of his Presence, and preserve his Dignity (as he ought to do) entire from the Approaches and Conversa­tion of the Multitude: For Men that have risen and grown great by Arms, are easily [Page 118] trayed into Contempt by a change of Life, when they shall betake themselves to the Long-Robe, and plead Causes, in that they cannot fashion themselves to that popular Equality or Familiarity that's common a­mong Citizens, expecting to be esteemed their Betters in the City, as they were in Field; whereas on the contrary, the Pride and Folly of these Citizens is such, That though they were Inferiours in the Camp, yet they'll contend for Precedence in the City, which is intolerable; and therefore 'tis that when a noble Warrier (crowned with Victories and Triumphs) shall turn Advocate and ply the Courts among them, they endeavour presently by a malicious Pedantry to obscure his Glory, and depress him; whereas if he quits a publick Patro­nage and retires, they shall preserve his Honour and Authority beyond the reach of Envy; as appeared not long after by the things themselves.

The Power of the Pirats first broke out of§ 7. The Pirates War. Cilicia, having in truth but a rash and blind beginning, but was animated and encoura­ged afterwards in the Wars of Mithridates, where they hired themselves out, and be­came Stipendiaires in the King's Service. Afterwards whilst the Romans were embroi­led in their Civil Wars, being engaged a­gainst one another, even before the very [Page 119] Gates of Rome; the Seas lay waste and un­guarded, which by degrees, enticed, and drew them on, not only to seize upon and spoil the Merchants and Ships upon the Seas, but also to lay waste the Islands, and Sea­Port Towns: So that now there embarked with these Pirats, Men of great Wealth, and Nobility, and of great Wisdom too, being incorporated into their Society or Fellowship as into a commendable Faculty: They had divers Arsenals, or Piratick Har­bours, as likewise Watch-Towers, and Beacons all along the Sea-Coast; They had a mighty Fleet, well Rigged and Fur­nished with Galliots of Oars, and as well Mann'd too, with all the Flower of Youth, with expert Pilots and Mariners; there were their Ships of swift Sail also, and Pinnaces for Cruising and Discovery; neither was it thus dreadful only, but as gloriously set out too, so that they were more to be envyed in their Pride, than feared in their Force; having the Poops and Decks of their Galli­ots all guilded, and the Oars plated with Silver, together with their Purple Sails, as if their delight were to glory in their Ini­quity: There was nothing but Musick and Dancing, Banquetting and Revels all along the Shore, together with the Prizes of Kings in Captivity, and Ransoms of sackt Cities, to the Reproach and Dishonour of [Page 120] the Roman Empire. There were of these Corsairs above 1000 Sail, and they had taken no less than 400 Cities; committing Sacriledge upon the Temples of the Gods, and enriching themselves with the Spoils of divers, undefiled before, such as were those of Claros, Didyme, and Samothrace; and the Temple of Tellus, or the Earth in Hermione, and that of Aeseulapius in Epi­daurium; Those of Neptune, in Isthmus, Tae­narus, and Calauria; Those of Apollo, in Actium, and the Isle of Leucades; and those of Juno, in Samos, Argos, and Leucania. They offered likewise strange Sacrifices up­on Mount Olympus, and performed certain secret Rites or Religious Mysteries, where­of that to the Sun (which they called by the Name of Mithres) was preserved down to our Age, having its Original and first Institution from them. But besides these Piracies and Insolencies by Sea, they were yet more injurious to the Romans by Land; for they would often go ashore and Rob up­on the High-ways; plundring and destroy­ing their Villages and Country-Houses near the Sea: And once they seized upon two Roman Praetors, Sextilius and Bellinus, in their Purple Robes, and carried them off, together with their Serjeants and Vergers: The Daughter also of Antonius, (a Man that had the Honour of Triumph) taking a Journey into the Country, was seized [Page 121] upon, and Redeemed afterwards with an excessive Ransom. But this was the most spiteful and abusive of all, That when any of the Captives declared himself to be a Roman, and told his Name, they seemed to be surprized, and straightway feigning a Fear, smote their Thighs, and fell down at his Feet, humbly beseeching him to be gra­cious and forgive them: The credulous Captive, seeing them so humble and suppli­cant, believed them to be in earnest; for some were so officious as to put on his Shooes, others helpt him on with his Gown, lest his Quality should be mistaken again: After all this Pageantry, when they had thus de­luded and mockt him long enough, at last casting out a Ships Ladder, when they were even in the midst of the Sea, they bid him march off and farewel; if he refused, they threw him over-board and drowned him. This Piratick Power having got the Domi­nion and Soveraignty of all the M [...]diterranean, and perpetually roving up and down, there was left no place for Navigation or Com­merce, insomuch that no Merchant durst venture out to Traffick. The Romans therefore, finding themselves to be extreamly straitned in their Markets, and considering that if this scarcity of Corn should continue▪ there would be a Dearth and Famine in the Land, determined to send out Pompey to recover their Seigniory of the Seas from [Page 122] the Pirates: Wherefore Gabinius (a great Creature of Pompey's) preferred a Law, whereby there was granted to him, not only the Government of the Seas as Admiral, but even the Monarchy of Rome as Soveraign, having an Arbitrary and Unlimited Power over all Men; The sum of that Decree gave him the absolute Power and Authority of all the Seas, even from the Streights-Mouth or Hercules-Pillars; together with the Con­tinent or Mainland, all along for the space of 400 Furlongs, or 50 Miles from the Sea: Now there were but few Regions in the World under the Roman Empire of a larger Extent, and in that compass too there were comprehended great Nations and mighty Kings. Moreover by this Decree he had a Power of electing fifteen Lieutenants out of the Senate, and of assigning to each his Province in Charge; Then he might take likewise out of the Treasury, and of the Publicans, what Monies he pleas'd, as also 200 Sail of Ships, with a Power to Press and Levy what Soldiers and Seamen he thought fit, together with Galliots of Oars and Mariners: When this Law was Read, the common People approved of it exceed­ingly, but the chiefest and most powerful of the Senate looked upon it as an exorbi­tant Power, even beyond the reach of En­vy, and was now become worthy of their [Page 123] Fears; therefore concluding with them­selves that such an infinite and boundless Authority was dangerous, they agreed una­nimously to oppose the Bill, and all were against it, except Caesar, who gave his Vote for the Law, not so much to gratifie Pompey, as the People, whose Favour he had cour­ted under-hand from the beginning, and hoped thereby to compass such a Power for himself: The rest inveighed bitterly against Pompey, insomuch as one of the Consuls, told him sharply, That if he followed the Footsteps of Romulus, he would scarce avoid his End, but he was in danger of being torn in pieces by the Multitude for his Speech: Yet when Catulus stood up to speak against the Law, the People in Reverence to him were very silent and attentive; He therefore, after he had, without the least shew of Envy, made large Harangues in Honour of Pompey, be­gan to advise the People in kindness to spare him, and not to expose a Man of his Value to such a Chain of Dangers and Wars; For said he, Where could you find out another Pompey, or whom would you have in case you should chance to lose him? They all cry'd out with one Voice, Your self; wherefore Catu­lus, finding all his Rhetorick ineffectual, desisted: Then Roscius attempted to speak, but could have no Audience, wherefore he made Signs with his Fingers, intimating, [Page 122] [...] [Page 123] [...] [Page 124] Not him alone, but that there might be a second Pompey or Colleague in Authority with him: Upon this, 'tis said, the Multitude being extreamly incens'd, made such an horrid Exclamation, that a Crow flying over the Market-Place at that instant was struck blind, and dropt down among the Rabble; whereby it appears, That the Cause of Birds falling down to the Ground, is not by any rupture or division of the Air when it has received any such Impression or Force; but purely by the very stroak of the Voice, which, being shot up by a Multitude with great Violence, raises a sort of Tempest and Billows in the Air. The Assembly therefore broke up for that day: And when the day was come, wherein the Bill was to pass by Suffrage into a Decree, Pompey went pri­vately into the Country; but hearing that it was passed and confirmed, he returned again into the City by Night, to avoid the Envy that might arise from that Concourse of People that would meet and congratulate him: The next Morning he came abroad, and sacrificed to the Gods, and having Au­dience at an open Assembly, he handled the Matter so, as that they enlarged his Power, giving him many Things besides what was already granted, and almost doubling the Preparation appointed in the former Decree: For there were compleately 500 Sail of [Page 125] Ships fitted out, and he had an Army of 120000 Foot, and 5000 Horse, assigned for his Muster: There were chosen likewise for his Lieutenants, or Vice-Admirals, 24 Senators that had been Consuls, Praetors, or Generals of Armies, and to these were added two of the general Treasurers. Now it happened within this time, that the Prizes of Provisions were much abated, which gave an occasion to the joyful People of saying, That the very Name of Pompey had e'en ended the War. However Pompey in pur­suance of his Charge divided all the Sea, with each distance between the Lands, into thirteen Parts, allotting a Squadron to each, under the Command of his Vice-Admirals; And having thus dispers'd his Power into all Quarters, and encompassed the Pirats every where, they began to fall into his Draggs by whole Shoals, which he seiz'd and brought into his Harbours; As for those that withdrew themselves betimes, or other­wise escap'd his general Chace, they all made to Cilicia, where they hid themselves as in their Hives; against whom Pompey design'd to go in Person with Sixty of his best Fri­gats: But first he resolv'd to scour and clear all the Seas thereabout, as that of Tuscany, together with the Coasts of Africa, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily; All which he perform'd in the space of Forty days by his [Page 126] own indefatigable Industry, and the Dili­gence of his Vice-Admirals. Now Pompey met with some Diversion in Rome, through the Malice and Envy of Piso the Consul, who had put some stop to his Affairs, by wasting his Stores, and discharging his Sea­men; whereupon he sent his Fleet round to Brundusium, himself going the next way by Land through Tuscany to Rome; which as soon as it came to be known by the People, they all flock'd out to meet him upon the way, as if they had not sent him out but a little before; But that which chiefly rais'd their Joy, was the sudden and unex­pected change in the Markets, abounding now with exceeding Plenty; So that Piso was in great danger to have been depriv'd of his Consulship, Gabinius having a Law ready Penn'd for that purpose; but Pompey forbid it, behaving himself as in that, so in all Things else, with great Moderation, whereby having brought to pass and ob­tain'd all that he wanted or desir'd, he de­parted for Brundusium, whence he set Sail in pursuit of the Pirats: Now though he was straitned in time, and his hasty Voy­age forc'd him to Sail by several famous Cities without touching, yet he would not pass by the City of Athens unsaluted, but landing there, after he had sacrificed to the Gods, and made an Oration to the People, [Page 127] as he was returning out of the City, he Read at the Gates two Monosticks or sin­gle Epigrams writ in his own Praise.

Now because that Pompey had shew'd him­self merciful to some of that Swarm of Thieves, that were yet roving in Bodies about the Seas, (having upon their Suppli­cation ordered a Seizure of their Ships and Persons only, without any farther Process or Severity;) therefore the rest of their Camrades in Hopes of Mercy too, made their Escape from his other Commanders, and surrender'd themselves with their Wives and Children into his Protection; So tha [...] Pompey pardon'd all that came in, and the rather because by them he might make a discovery of those who fled from his Justice, as conscious that their Crimes were beyond an Act of Indemnity: Whereof the greatest and chiefest part conveyed their Families and Treasures (with all besides that were unfit for War) into Castles and strong Forts [Page 128] about Mount Taurus; but they themselves having well Mann'd their Gallies, imbark'd for Coracesium in Cilicia, where they receiv'd Pompey, and gave him Battel; Here they had a fatal Overthrow, and thereupon they retir'd to their Cities, where they were Be­sieg'd; At last, having dispatch'd their Heralds to him with a Submission, they deliver'd up to his mercy themselves, their Towns, Islands, and strong Holds, all which they had fortified with Bulwarks and Ram­piers, whereby they became impregnable, and almost inaccessible.

Thus was this War ended, and the whole Power of the Pirats at Sea dissolved every where in the space of three Months: Wherein besides a great number of other Vessels, he took Ninety Men of War with brazen Beaks; and likewise Prisoners of War to the number of no less than 20000 Souls.

Touching the disposal of these Prisoners, he consider'd on one Hand, that it would be barbarous to destroy them all; and yet it might be no less dangerous on the other to disperse them, for that they might re­unite and make Head again. being nume­rous, poor, and warlike: Therefore well and wisely weighing with himself, That Man by Nature is not a wild or savage Creature, neither was he Born so, but be­comes [Page 129] a bruit Beast by Practice, having chang'd his Nature by a rude and vicious Habit: And again on the other side, That he is civiliz'd and grows gentle by a change of Place, Converse, and man­ner of Life, as Beasts themselves that are wild by Nature, become tame and tractable to their Feeders by Housing and a gentler Usage; Upon this Consideration he determin'd to translate these Pirates from Sea to Land, and give them a taste of the true and innocent course of Life by living in Cities, and manuring the Ground: Some therefore were entertain'd in the small and unpeopl'd Towns of the Cilici­ans, mixing and incorporating with those few Inhabitants there, whereby they ob­tained an Enlargement of their Territo­ries. Others he planted in the City of the Solians, that had been lately laid waste and drained by Tigranes King of Armenia: he seated likewise divers in Dyme, a City of Achaia, a Place extreamly depopulated, but of a large compass of Ground, and as rich a Soyl. However these Proceedings could not escape the Envy and Censure of his Enemies; but for his Practices against Metellus in Crete, those were disapprov'd of even by the chiefest of his Friends: For Metellus, (a Relation to him that was Colleague with Pompey in Spain) was [Page 130] sent Praetor into Crete, before this Province of the Seas was design'd for Pompey, Now Crete was the second Den and Receptacle of Pirats next to Cilicia the Fountain, there Metellus apprehended divers and put them to Death; Wherefore those that were yet remaining, and Besieg'd, sent their Supplications to Pompey, and invited him into the Island as a part of his Province, alledging it to fall within that distance of the Sea limited in his Commission, and so within the Precincts of his Charge; Pom­pey receiving the Submission, dispatch'd an Express to Metellus, commanding him to leave off the War; and another like­wise to the Cities, wherein he charged them not to yield any Obedience to the Commands of Metellus; And after these he sent Lucius Octavius one of his Lieu­tenants, who entring the Town together with the Besieged, and joyning in their Defence, render'd Pompey not only▪ grie­vous and hateful, but even ridiculous too, That he should lend his Name as a Guard to a Nest of Thieves, that knew neither God nor Law, and make his Authority serve as a Sanctuary to them, only out of pure Envy and Emulation to Metellus: For neither was Achilles thought to act the Part of a wise Man, but rather of a young giddy Fool, mad after Glory, when by [Page 131] Signs he forbid the rest of the Graecians to strike at Hector:

But Pompey contended beyond himself to save the common Enemies of the World, only that he might deprive a Roman Prae­tor, after all his Labours, of the Honour of Triumph. Yet for all this Metellus was no ways daunted, neither would he give over the War against the Pirates, but storm'd them in their strong Holds, and having totally subdu'd them, he took a just Re­venge of their Impieties: And for Octavius, he was publickly disgrac'd, and sent away, loaden with the Scoffs and Reproaches of all the Camp.

Now, when 'twas Reported in Rome, § 8. The War a­gainst Mi­thridates and Ti­granes. That the War with the Pirates was at an end, and that Pompey was in a dead Va­cation, diverting himself in Visits only to the Cities for want of Employment; one Manilius, a Tribune of the People, pre­ferred a Law, whereby 'twas Enacted, That Pompey should have all the Forces of Lucullus, and the Provinces under his Government, together with Bithynia, that was under the Command of Glabrio; And that he should forthwith make War [Page 132] upon those two Kings Mithridates and Ti­granes, retaining still the same Naval For­ces and the Soveraignty of the Seas as be­fore: But this was nothing less than to constitute one absolute Monarch of all the Roman Empire; For the Provinces which seem'd to be exempt from his Commission by the former Decree, such as were Phry­gia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the Over Colchis, and Armenia, these were all grafted in by this latter Law, together with all the Army and Forces wherewith Lucullus made War upon Mithridates and Tigranes. Now though this were a no­torious Injury to Lucullus, whereby he was robb'd of the Glory of his Atchieve­ments, (by having a Successor assigned him rather in the Honour of his Triumph, than the Danger of the War;) Yet this was of no great moment in the Eye of the Senate, because it was Personal only (though they could not but Censure the People of Inju­stice and Ingratitude to Lucullus); But the source of all their Grievance flow'd from hence, That the Power of Pompey should by Law be Establish'd in a manifest Tyran­ny; And therefore they exhorted and en­courag'd one another privately to bend all their Forces in opposition to this Law, and not to cast away their Liberties and Properties at so tame a rate; Yet for all [Page 133] their Resolutions, when the day came wherein it was to pass into a Decree, their Hearts fail'd them, for fear of the People, and all the rest were silent except Catulus, who boldly inveigh'd against the Law, and charg'd the People home, but all in vain; for when he found that he had not brought over one Man among the People, he turn'd and directed his Speech to the Senate in great Passion, often crying out, and bidding them to seek out some Mountain as their Forefathers had done, and fly to the Rocks where they might preserve their Liber­ty. But all his Rhetorick was inef­fectual, for the Law pass'd into a Decree, as 'tis said, by the Suffrages of all the Tribes; And now was Pompey even in his absence made Lord of almost all that Pow­er, that Sylla made himself Master of by Conquest, when by force of Arms and War he had brought even Rome it self under his Dominion: Now when Pompey had Advice by Letters of the Decree, 'tis said, That, in the presence of his Friends who came to rejoyce and give him Joy of his Honour, he seem'd extremely displeas'd, frowning and smiting his Thigh, and at last, as one overladen already, and weary of Govern­ment, he broke out in great passion, Good Gods! What an endless Train of War is here? How much better might my Lot have fall'n a­mong [Page 134] the inglorious Crowd, unknown or unre­garded? If there shall be no end of this Warfare but with that of my Life? If my Fate be such that I must always despair of those happier mo­ments, wherein I might stem this Tide of Envy, and live at peace in a Country Retirement, and the Enjoyments of a dearer Wife! But all this was look'd upon as Ironical, neither indeed could the best of his Friends endure such gross Hypocrisie, well knowing, that he, whose Ambition was set on Fire by his Malice, (having his Enmity with Lucullus, as a Firebrand to kindle that covetous De­sire of Glory and Empire that was implant­ed in his Nature) could not but embrace the Province with Joy and Triumph; as appear'd not long afterwards by his Actions, which did clearly unmask him: For in the first place he sent out his Edicts or Procla­mations into all Quarters, commanding all Soldiers to resort to his Colours; then he summon'd in all the tributary Kings and Princes that were Subjects within the Pre­cincts of his Charge; and, in short, as soon as he had enter'd upon his Province, he left nothing unalter'd that had been done and establish'd by Lucullus; to some he remit­ted their Amercements and Penalties, and depriv'd others of their Rewards; And af­ter this manner did he act in all things, with this Design chiefly, That the Admi­rers [Page 135] of Lucullus might know how that all his Power and Authority was now at an end, and he no longer Lord of this Province. But Lucullus began to arraign these Pro­ceedings, and expostulate the Case by Friends, whereupon 'twas thought fitting and agreed, that there would be a Meeting betwixt them, and accordingly they met in the Country of Galatia: Now in that they were great and prosperous Generals, both in Conduct and Action, they came in State attended with their Vergers and Of­ficers, bearing their Rods before them all wreath'd about with Branches of Laurel: Lucullus came through a Country full of green and shady Groves, but Pompey's March was through large barren Plains both chill and naked; Therefore the Ver­gers of Lucullus, perceiving that Pompey's Laurels were withered and dry, helped him to some of their own, whereby they adorn'd and crown'd his Rods with fresh Laurels: This was thought somewhat o­minous, and look'd as if Pompey came to take away the Reward and Honour of Lu­cullus's Victories: Lucullus indeed had the priority in the course of his Consulship, and of his Age too; but the Dignity of Pompey was the greater, in that he had the Honour of two Triumphs. Their first Ad­dressesHis Quar­rel with Lucullus. in this Interview were made with [Page 136] great Ceremony and Complaisance, magni­fying each others Actions, and congratu­lating their Success: but when they came to the Matter of their Conference or Treaty, there they observ'd neither Decency nor Moderation, but fell down-right a railing at each other; Pompey upbraiding Lucullus of Avarice, and Lucullus again retorting Ambition upon Pompey, so that their Friends could hardly part them. Now Lucullus had made a Distribution of all the Lands in Galatia within his Conquest, and gave other Largesses to whom he pleas'd; But Pompey encamping not far distant from him, sent out his Prohibitions, whereby he forbid that any Man should yield Obedi­ence to Lucullus; He likewise commanded away all his Soldiers, except only 1600, which he found were likely to be as unser­viceable to him, as they were ill-affected to Lucullus, being Proud and Mutinous. And to these Acts Pompey added some Sa­tyrical Speeches and Invectives against him, detracting openly from the Glory of his Actions, and giving out, That the Battels of Lucullus were but imaginary, such as are represented in Landskips, or at best upon the Stage, with Kings personated in Tra­gedies and Farces, where there was no more danger than in painted Fire, whereas the real part or brunt of the War against a [Page 137] true and well-instructed Army was reserv'd to him, for that Mithridates began now to be in earnest, and had betaken himself to his Shields, Swords, and Horses: Lucullus on the other side, to be even with him in spite, replied, That Pompey came to fight with the Image and Shadow of War, it be­ing his usual practice, like a lazy Bird of Prey, to quarry upon Carcasses already slain, and tear in pieces the reliques of a War; For thus did he entitle and attribute to himself the Conquest of Sertorius, Lepidus, and the Accomplices of Spartacus; whereas this was the Glory of Crassus, that of Catulus, and the first was to be ascrib'd to the Prow­ess of Metellus: And therefore 'tis no great wonder, if the Glory of the Pontick and Ar­menian War, prove supposititious too, and be usurp'd by a Man, who, by such subtil Ar­tifices could insinuate and work himself in­to the Honour of Triumph for a few run­agate Slaves.

After this Lucullus went away; and Pom­pey Sect. 9. having plac'd his whole Navy as a Guard upon all those Seas betwixt the Pro­vince of Phaenicia and the Bosphorus, himself march'd against Mithridates, who had a Ba­talion of 30000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, yet he durst not bid him Battel; but lay securely encamped upon a strong Moun­tain, fortifi'd with Trenches and Rampiers [Page 138] almost impregnable, which he forsook not long after as a Place destitute of Water; Now, no sooner was he decamp'd, but that Pompey in the first place made himself Master of that Mountain, and observing well the nature and thriving of the Plants there, together with the hollow Beds which he found in several places, conjectur'd that such a Plot could not be without Springs, and therefore he order'd them to sink Wells in every Corner; whereby there was great plenty of Water throughout all the Camp in a little time; Insomuch that he admir'd how it was possible for Mithridates to be ignorant of this, during all that time of his Encampment there. After this, Pompey pursued him to his next Camp, and there drawing a Line round about him, encamp'd himself, and work'd up his Trenches with Bastions and Ram­piers, whereby he wall'd up Mithridates within his own Camp. But he having endur'd a Siege of 45 days, made his Escape pri­vily, and fled away with all the Choice of his Army, having first dispatch'd all the sick and unserviceable Persons in his Camp. Not long after Pompey overtook him again near the Banks of the River Euphrates, where he sate down and Encamped close by him; but fearing lest he should pass over the River and give him the Slip there [Page 139] too, he drew up his Army in Battalia a­gainst him at Midnight: Now, 'tis said, that at that very time Mithridates saw a Vision in his Dream, that did prognosticate and foreshew what should come to pass; for he seem'd to be under Sail in the Pontick Sea with a prosperous Gale, and just in view of the Bosphorus, discoursing pleasant­ly with the Ships Company, as one over­joy'd for his past Danger and present Secu­rity; when lo! of a sudden he found him­self deserted of all, and floating upon a lit­tle broken Plank of the Ship in the mercy of Sea and Wind. Whilst he was thus la­bouring under these Passions and Phan­tasms, some of his Friends came into his Tent, and awak'd him with the dreadful News of Pompey's approach, telling him, that he was so near at hand, that now the Fight must be for the Camp it self: Where­upon the Commanders drew up all his For­ces in Battel-array; Pompey perceiving how ready they were, and prepar'd for Defence, began to doubt with himself, whether he should put it to the hazard of a Fight in the dark, judging it more consistent with Policy to encompass them only at present, (lest they should fly) and give them Battel the next day, because his Men were far the better Soldiers; But his ancient Command­ers were of another opinion, and by great [Page 140] Entreaties and Encouragements wrought upon him, and obtain'd that they might charge them immediately. Neither was the Night so very dark, but that (though the Moon was declining, yet) it gave light enough to discern a Body: But this rather deluded and put a Blind upon the Eye-sight of the King's Army, for the Romans coming upon them with the Moon on their Backs, the Moon (being very low and just upon setting) cast the Shadows a long way be­fore the Bodies, and reach'd e'ne almost to the Enemy: This dazl'd their Eyes so, that they (not exactly discerning the Di­stance, but imagining them to be near at hand) threw their Darts at the Shadows, without the least Execution upon any one body: The Romans therefore perceiving this, ran in upon them with a great Shout; but the barbarous People, all in Amaze, being unable to endure the Charge, were fearfully routed, and put to Flight with a great Slaughter, insomuch that above 10000 were slain there, and the Camp taken, As for Mithridates himself, he, at the beginningMithridates hgis Flight. of the Onset, with a Body of 800 Horse Charg'd through all the Roman Army, and made his Escape; but immediately all the rest of that Regiment were dispers'd and gone, some one way, some another, and he left only with three Persons in his Retinue; [Page 141] Among whom was his Concubine or Mi­stress, Hypsicratia, a Girl always of ManlyHypsicratia. and daring Spirit, (and therefore the King call'd her Hypsicrates:) She being attired and mounted like a Persian Chevalier, ac­compani'd the King in all his Flight, never weary even in the longest Journey, nor ever fail'd to attend the King in Person, and look after his Horse too; until they came to Inora, a Palace or Castle of the King's, well stor'd with Gold and Jewels, and the King's chiefest Treasure. From thence Mithridates took off his richest Ap­parel, and gave it among those that resort­ed to him in their Flight; and to every one of his chiefest Friends he gave a deadly Poyson, that they might not fall into the Hands of the Enemy against their Wills: From thence he design'd to have went to Tigranes in Armenia, but being prohibited there by Tigranes, (who had put out a Pro­clamation with a Reward of 100 Talents to any one that should apprehend him) he passed by the Head of the River Euphrates, and fled through the Country of Colchis.

Now had Pompey made an Invasion intoHe goes a­gainst Ti­granes. the Country of Armenia, upon the Invitati­on of young Tigranes, for that he was now in Rebellion against his Father, and had gi­ven Pompey a Metting about the River A­raxes: (which River rises near the Head ofAraxes Fl. [Page 142] Euphrates, but turning its course and bend­ing towards the East, falls into the Caspian Sea.) They two therefore march'd toge­ther through the Country, taking in all the Cities by the way, and obliging them to Homage and Fealty: But King Tigranes (having been harassed lately in a tedious War by Lucullus, and withal understanding that Pompey was generous in his Nature, and of a gentle Disposition) put Guards into his Royal Palaces, and taking along with him divers of his Friends and Relati­ons, went in Person to surrender himself into the Hands of Pompey; He came as far as the Trenches on Horseback, but there he was met by two of Pompey's Vergers, who commanded him to alight and walk on Foot, for that no Man was ever seen on Horseback within a Roman Camp: Tigranes submitted to this immediately, and not only so, but plucking off his Sword, deliver'd up that too; And last of all, as soon as he appear'd before Pompey, he pull'd off his Turbant or Royal Diadem, and attempted to have laid it at his Feet; Nay, what's worst of all, even he himself had fallen prostrate as an humble Supplicant at his Knees, to the Reproach of Majesty, had not Pompey himself prevented it, by taking and placing him next upon his right hand, and the Son upon his left; There Pompey [Page 143] took occasion to tell him, That as to the rest of his Losses, they were chargeable up­on Lucullus, for that by Lucullus he had been dispossess'd of Syria, Phaenicia, Cilicia, Galatia, and Sophene, but all that he had preserv'd to himself entire till that time, he should peaceably enjoy, paying the Sum of 6000 Talents as a Fine or Penalty for In­juries done to the Romans, and that his Son should have the Kingdom of Sophene. Ti­granes himself was well pleas'd with these Conditions of Peace, and therefore when the Romans, in a general Shout saluted him King, he seem'd to be overjoy'd, and pro­mis'd to every common Soldier half a Mina of Silver, every Centurion or Captain ten Mina's, and to every Collonel or Com­mander of a thousand a Talent; But the Son was highly displeas'd, insomuch that when he was invited to Supper, he reply'd, That he did not stand in need of Pompey for that sort of Honour, for he would find out some other Roman to Sup with: Whereupon he was clapp'd up close Prisoner and reserv'd for the Triumph.

Not long after this, Phraates King of Par­thia §. 10. Phraates King of Parthia. sent to Pompey, and demanded by his Ambassadors, That he should deliver up young Tigranes, as his Son-in-Law; and that the River Euphrates should be the Term and Bound of their Empires: To these Pom­pey [Page 144] reply'd, That for Tigranes, he belong'd more to his own natural Father, than his Father-in-Law; And for the Bounds, he would take care that they should be set out according to the Rules of Right and Justice.

So Pompey leaving Armenia in the Cu­stodyPompey's Wars with the Albani­ans and I­berians. of Afranius, went himself in Chace of Mithridates; whereby he was forc'd of necessity to march through several Nations inhabiting about Mount Caucasus; Of these Nations, the Albanians and Iberians were two of the chiefest: The Iberians stretch out as far as the Moschian Mountains, and to the Realm of Pontus; The Albanians lye more Eastwardly, and towards the Caspian ­Sea; These barbarous People, the Albani­ans, at first permitted Pompey upon his En­treaty to pass through their Country, but when they found that the Winter had stoll'n upon the Roman Army whilst they were quarter'd in their Country, and withal that they were busily exercis'd in celebrating the Festivals of Saturn, they muster'd up an Army of no less than 40000 Fighting-men, and set upon them, having passed over the River Cyrnus; (which River rising from theCyrnus Fl. Mountains of Iberia, and receiving the Ri­ver Araxes in its course from Armenia, dis­chargeth its self by 12 distinct Mouths or Channels into the Caspian Sea; although [Page 145] some others are of opinion, that Araxes does not fall into it, but that they flow very near one another, and so discharge themselves as Neighbours into the same Sea.) 'Tis true, 'twas in the power of Pompey to have obstructed the Enemies Pas­sage over the River, but he suffer'd them to pass over quietly; and then drawing up his Forces and giving Battel, he routed them and slew a great number of them in the Field: But the King sent Ambassadors with his Submission, wherefore Pompey, up­on his Supplication, pardon'd the Offence, and having enter'd into a League with him, he marched directly against the Iberians, an Army no less in number than the other, but much more Warlike, and withal under a solemn Resolution both of gratifying Mi­thridates, and driving out Pompey: These Iberians were in no wise subject to the Medes or Persians, and they hapned likewise to e­scape the Dominion of the Macedonians, in that Alexander was so quick in his March through Hyrcanid; but these also Pompey subdued in a great and bloody Battel, where­in there were slain 9000 upon the Spot, and more than 10000 taken Prisoners. From thence he went into the Country of Colchis, where Servilius met him by the River Phasis, having his Fleet (with which he guarded the Pontick Sea) riding at Anchor there; [Page 146] Now this pursuit of Mithridates seem'd to carry great Difficulties in it, for that he had conceal'd himself among the Nations that inhabit about the Bosphorus and the Lake of Maeotis; and besides, News was brought to Pompey that the Albanians had revolted again: This made him divert his Course, and bend his Forces against them with Re­solutions full of Wrath and Revenge, in­somuch that he passed back again over the Cyrnus with great Difficulty and Danger, for that the barbarous People had fortifi'd it a great way down the Banks with Ram­piers and Palisado's; After this having a tedious long March to make through a thirsty and rough Country, he order'd 10000 Bottles to be fill'd with Water, and so advanced towards the Enemy; whom he found drawn up in order of Battel near the River Abas, to the number of 60000 Horse and 12000 Foot, ill arm'd generally, and many of them cover'd only with the Skins of wild Beasts: Their General was Cosis the King's Brother, who as soon as the Battel was begun, singled out Pompey, and rush­ing in upon him, darted his Javelin into the Joynts of his Breast-plate; which Pom­pey receiv'd, and in return, struck him thro' the Body with his Launce, and slew him. 'Tis reported, That in this Fight there were several Amazons that came as Auxili­ariesAmazons. [Page 147] to these Barbarians, and that they came down from those Mountains that run along by the River Thermodon; for that af­ter the Battel when the Romans were taking the Spoil and Plunder of the Field, they met with several Targets and Buskins of the Amazons, but there was not the Body of a Woman to be seen among all the dead; They inhabit those Parts of Mount Caucasus that look towards the Hyrcanian Sea, (not bordering upon the Albanians, for that the Territories of the Gelae and the Leges lye be­twixt:) And with these People do they yearly, two Months only, accompany them­selves, and cohabit Bed and Board near the River Thermodon; after that they retire to their own Habitations, and live alone all the rest of the Year. After this Engage­ment Pompey was resolutely bent with his Forces upon the Country of Hyrcania and the Caspian Sea, but was forc'd to retreat after three days March, by reason of the Venemous Serpents that were infinitely nu­merous in those Countries: And so he fell into Armenia the Less; Whilst he was there, the Kings of the Elymaeans and Medes dis­patch'd Ambassadors to him, which he ac­cepted of, and made his Returns as amica­cablyHe conquers the King of Parthia. by Letter; But for the King of Par­thia who had made Incursions upon Gordyne, and despoil'd the Subjects of Tygranes, he [Page 148] an Army against him under the Com­mand of Afranius, who put him to the Rout, and follow'd him in Chace as far as Arbelitis.

Among all the Concubines of King Mi­thridates that were brought before Pompey, he had not the Carnal knowledge of any one, but sent them all away to their Pa­rents and Relations, for that most of them were either the Daughters or Wives of Princes and great Commanders; excepting only Stratonice, (who, of all the rest, hadStratonice. the greatest Power and Influence upon him, and to whom he had committed the Custo­dy of his best and richest Fortress:) She (it seems) was the Daughter of a certain Musician, an ancient Man, and of no great Fortune; but she happening to sing one night before Mithridates at a Banquet, struck his Fancy so, that immediately he took her to Bed with him, whereby he sent away the old Man much dissatisfy'd, in that he had taken his Daughter, without one kind word to himself: But when he arose in the Morning, and saw the Tables within richly cover'd with Plate of Gold and Silver, a great Retinue of Servants, Eunuchs and Pages attending him with rich Garments, and withal a Horse standing before the door richly caparison'd, in all things as 'twas usual with the King's Favourites, he look'd [Page 149] upon it all as a piece of Pageantry, and thinking himself mock'd and abus'd in it, attempted to have slip'd out of doors and run away; but the Servants laying hold upon him, and informing him really, that the King had bestow'd on him the House and Furniture of a rich Nobleman lately Deceased, and that these were but the first Fruits or small Earnests of greater Riches and Possessions that were to come, he was perswaded at last with much difficulty to believe them; Thereupon putting on his Purple Robes, and mounting his Horse, he rode through the City, crying out, All this is mine; And to those that laugh'd at him, he said, There was no such wonder in this, but rather that he did not throw Stones at all he met, he was so transported with Joy: Such was the Parentage and Blood of Stratonice. Now she deliver'd up this Castle into the hands of Pompey, and offer'd him many Presents of great Value, whereof he receiv'd only such as he thought might serve to adorn the Temples of the Gods, and add to the Splendor of his Triumph; the rest he left to Stratonice's Disposal, bidding her to please her self in the enjoyment of them. And in this manner did he deal with the Presents sent from the King of Iberia, who pre­sented him with a Bedstead, Table, and a Chair of State all beaten Gold, desiring him [Page 150] to accept of them, but he deliver'd them all into the Custody of the publick Trea­surers for the use of the Common-wealth.

In another Castle call'd Caenon, or New­Fort, Pompey seiz'd upon several secret Wri­ting of Mithridates, which he perus'd with no small delight, in that they discover'd in a great measure the King's Nature and Inclination; For there were Memoirs where­by it appear'd, That besides divers others, he had made away his Son Ariarathes by Poyson, as also Alcaeus the Sardian, for that he had gotten the better of him in a Horse­Race: There were likewise several Judg­ments upon the Interpretations of Dreams, some of his own Visions, and some of his Mistresses; and besides these, there was a pleasant Intercourse of wanton Love-Let­ters with his Concubine Monime: Now Theophanes tells us, That there was found likewise a sharp Oration of Rutilius, where­in he attempted to exasperate him even to the slaughter of all the Romans in Asia; Though most Men justly conjecture this to be a malicious Device of Theophanes, who hated Rutilius, for that he himself in com­parison was but a Counterfeit to him; or perhaps it might be to gratifie Pompey, whose Father is describ'd by Rutilius in his History to be the vilest Man alive.

[Page 151]From thence Pompey came to the City of Amisus, where his Ambition led him to such odious Acts, as he himself had con­demn'd in others before; For whereas he had often and sharply reproach'd Lucullus, in that, while the Enemy was yet in being, he had taken upon him to establish Laws, and distribute Rewards and Honours, as Conquerors use to do only when the War was brought to an end, yet now was he himself (while Mithridates was Paramount in the Realm of Bosphorus at the Head of a puissant Army) as if all were ended, just doing the same thing, regulating the Pro­vinces, and distributing Rewards; Many great Commanders and Princes having flock'd to him, together with no less than 12 barbarous Kings; Insomuch as to gra­tifie these other Kings, when he wrote to the King of Parthia, he would not conde­scend (as others us'd to do) in the Super­scription of his Letter, to give him his Ti­tle of King of Kings.

Moreover he had a great Desire and§ II. Design'd for Syria, to compleat his Con­quests. Emulation to take in Syria, and to march through Arabia to the Red-Sea, that he might extend his Conquest every way to the great Ocean, that does encompass the whole Earth; For in Africa he was the first Roman that advanced his Victories to the Ocean; and again in Spain, he enlarg'd the [Page 152] Roman Empire, extending its bounds to the Atlantick Sea; Then thirdly, in his late pursuit of the Albanians, he wanted but little of reaching the Hyrcanian Sea: Where­fore he rais'd his Camp, designing to bring the Red-Sea within the Circuit of his Expe­dition, especially for that he saw how dif­ficult it was to hunt after Mithridates with an Army, and that he would prove a worse Enemy flying than fighting; But yet he declar'd, That he would leave a sharper Ene­my behind him than himself, to wit, Famine, and therefore he appointed a Guard of Ships to lye in wait for the Merchants that sail'd to the Bosphorus, having prohibited all upon pain of Death that should attempt to carry Provisions or Merchandizes thither.

Then he set forward with the greatest part of his Army, and in his March he ca­sually happen'd upon several dead Bodies of the Romans uninterr'd, which were of those Soldiers that were unfortunately slain with Triarius in the Wars against Mithridates, these he buried all splendidly and honour­ably; The neglect whereof, 'tis thought, caus'd the first Hatred against Lucullus, and alienated the Affections of the Soldiers from him. Pompey having now by his ForcesH [...] subd [...]d the Arabi­ans, and re­duced Syria and Jud [...]a under the Command of Afranius, subdued the Arabians that inhabit about the Moun­tain Amanus, fell himself into Syria, and [Page 153] finding it destitute of any natural and law­ful Prince, reduced it into the form of a Province, as an Inheritance of the People of Rome. He conquer'd Judaea, and alter'd the form of Government there, having ta­ken King Aristobulus Captive; Some Cities he built anew, and others he set at liberty, chastizing those Tyrants that brought them into Bondage. The greatest time that he spent there was in the Administration of Justice, deciding the Controversies of Kings and States, and where he himself could not be present in Person, he gave Commission to his Friends and sent them: Thus when there arose a Difference betwixt the Arme­nians and Parthians, touching the Title of a Country, and the Judgment was referr'd to him, he gave a Power by Commission to three Judges and Arbiters to hear and de­termine the Question: For the Name of his Power indeed was great; Neither wereHis mild Temper. the Vertues of his Justice and Clemency in­feriour to that of his Power, whereby he cover'd a multitude of Crimes committed by his Friends and Familiars about him; for although it was not in his Nature to check or chastise an Offender, yet he would demean himself so to those that addressed with Complaints against them, that the Party griev'd went always away contented, forgetting the Injuries, and patiently bear­ing [Page 154] even with their Covetousness and Op­pression. Among these Friends of his, thereHis Favou­rite Deme­trius. was one Demetrius, that had the greatest Power and Influence upon him of any; he was a Bond-man infranchiz'd, one of a very good Understanding, however otherwise but a Youth, and somewhat too insolent in his good Fortune, of whom there goes this Story: Cato the Philosopher (being as yet a very young Man, but of great Judg­ment and a noble Mind) took a Journey of Pleasure to Antioch, having a great de­sire in Pompey's absence, to see the City: He therefore, as his Custom was, walked on Foot, and his Friends accompani'd him on Horseback; But seeing before the Gates of the City a Multitude all in white Gar­ments, (the young Men on one side of the Road, and the Boys on the other) he was somewhat offended at it, imagining that it was officiously done in Honour of him, which was more than he requir'd; How­ever he desired his Companions to alight and walk with him: But when they drew near, the Master of the Ceremonies in this Procession came out with a Garland and a Rod in his Hand, and met them, enquiring, Where they had left Demetrius? and when he would come? Whereupon Cato's Companions burst out into a Laughter, but Cato said only, Alas poor City! and passed by with­out [Page 155] any other Answer: Now, 'tis clear, that Pompey himself render'd Demetrius less odi­ous to others, by enduring his Sawciness and Insolence against himself: For, 'tis re­ported how that Pompey, when he had in­vited his Friends to an Entertainment, would be very Ceremonious in attending till they came and were all plac'd, whereas Demetrius would rudely seat himself at the Table with his Head cover'd even to his Ears, before any one else could sit down: Moreover before his return into Italy, he had purchased the pleasantest Villa or Coun­try-Seat about Rome, with the fairest Walks and Places for Exercise, and the most com­pleat Gardens, call'd by the Name of De­metrius, notwithstanding that Pompey his Master was contented with a mean and thrifty Habitation till his third Consulship. Afterwards, 'tis true, when he had erected that famous and stately Theater for the People of Rome he built (as an Appendix to it) an House for himself much more splendid than his former, and yet as much beneath the stroke of Envy; Insomuch as he that came to be Master of that House after Pompey, could not but admire at it, and seem very Inquisitive, Where Pompey the Great us'd to Sup? Thus are these things reported.

[Page 156]The King of Arabia Petraea, who had hi­therto despis'd the Power of the Romans, now began to think it dreadful; and there­fore dispatch'd Letters to him, wherein he promis'd to be at his Devotion, and do what he would Command; However Pom­pey having a desire to confirm and keep himHe marches for Arabia Petra. in the same Mind, marched forwards for Petra, an Expedition not altogether irre­prehensible, in the opinion of many; for by this 'twas generally thought he did clear­ly decline the Chace of Mithridates, where­as they thought themselves bound to turn their Arms against him as their inveterate Enemy, who now had blown up the Coal again, and reinforced his shattered Troops with fresh Preparations (as 'twas reported) to lead his Army through Scythia and Pan­nonia into Italy: Pompey on the other side, judging it easier to break his Forces in Bat­tel, than seize his Person in Flight, resolv'd not to tire himself out in a vain Pursuit, but rather to spend his time in diverting the War upon another Enemy, as a proper Di­gression in the mean while. But Fortune resolv'd the Doubt; for whilst he was yet not far from Petra, and had pitch'd his Tents and encamped for that day, as he was riding and managing his Horse with­out the Camp, there came an Express byMithridates his Death. the flying Post out of Pontus with good [Page 157] News, as was easily discernible a far off by the Heads of their Javelins that were crown'd with Branches of Laurel; The Soldiers, as soon as they saw them, flocked immediate­ly to Pompey, who notwithstanding was minded to make an end of his Exercise; but when they began to be clamorous and importunate, he alighted from his Horse, and taking the Letters, went before them into the Camp; Now there being no Tri­bunal erected there, nor yet any military Hillock, (such as they use to make by cut­ting up thick Turfes of Earth and piling them one upon another) they through ea­gerness and impatience heap'd up a pile of Pack-saddles, and Pompey standing upon that, told them the News of Mithridates his Death, how that he had laid violent hands upon himself, upon the Revolt of his Son Pharnaces, and that Pharnaces had taken all things there into his hands and possessi­on, which he did (as his Letters speak) in right of himself and the Romans: Upon this News the whole Army expressing their Joy (as was fit) fell to their Devotion in sacri­ficing to the Gods and Feasting, as if in the Person of Mithridates alone there had died many thousands of their Enemies.

Pompey by this occasion having brought this War to an end, with much more ease than was expected, departed forthwith out [Page 158] of Arabia, and passing cursorily through the intermediate Provinces, he came at length to the City Amisus; There he re­ceiv'd many Presents brought from Phar­naces, and several Bodies of the Royal Blood, together with the Corps of Mithri­dates himself, which was not easie to be known by the Face, (for the Chyrurgion that embalm'd him had not dry'd up his Brain) but those who were very curious to see him, knew him by the Scars there; Pompey himself would not endure to see him, but to expiate the Wrath of the Gods, he sent it away to the City of Sinope; He admir'd the Riches of his Robes, no less than the greatness and splendor of his Ar­mour; The Scabbard of his Sword (that cost 400 Talents) was stolen by Publius, and sold to Ariarathes; His Cidaris also or Crown, a piece of admirable Workmanship, being begg'd of Caius the Foster Brother of Mithridates, was given secretly to Faustus the Son of Sylla; All which Pompey was ig­norant of, but afterwards when Pharnaces came to understand it, he severely punish'd those that imbezell'd them.

Pompey now having order'd all things,§ 12. and established that Province, he took his Journey homewards in greater Pomp and State than ever; for when he came to Mi­tylene, he gave the City their freedom upon [Page 159] the Intercession of Theophanes, and was pre­sentHe's a Lo­ver of Arts and Scien­ces. at certain Anniversary Games or Ex­ercises, where the Poets in a vertuous Con­tention rehearse their Works, having at that time no other Theam or Subject than the Actions of Pompey; but he was exceedingly pleas'd with the Theater it self, and drew a Model or Platform of it, intending to e­rect one in Rome after the same form, but larger and with more Magnificence; When he came to Rhodes, he heard the Disputes of the Sophisters or Logicians there, and gave to every one of them a Talent; And Posidonius has written the Disputation which he held before him against Hermagoras the Rhetorician, wherein he was Opponent up­on the Question touching Universale. At [...] Athens also he did the like, and shew'd his Munificence among the Philosophers there, as he did likewise in bestowing 50 Talents towards the repairing and beautifying the City: So that now by all these Acts he well hoped to return into Italy in the greatest Splendor and Glory of any Mortal Man, having likewise a passionate desire to be seen of his Family, where he thought he was equally desired: But that God whose Province and Charge it is always to mix some Ingredient of Evil even with the great­est and most glorious Goods of Fortune, had privily provided a bitter Potion at home [Page 160] for him, whereby to make his Return more sorrowful; for Mutia, during his absence, had dishonour'd his Bed; Whilst he was a­broadMutia di­vorced. at a distance, he gave little heed to the Report, but when he drew nearer to Italy, where the Report grew warmer, and that his Thoughts were at leisure to muse upon the Crime and Reproach, then he sent he a Bill of Divorce; but neither then in Writing, nor afterwards in Discourse, did her ever give a Reason why he discharged her, but the Cause is mention'd in Cicero's Epistles.

Now there were various Rumours scat­teredDisbands his Army. abroad touching Pompey, and were carried to Rome before him; so that there was a great Tumult and Stir, as if he de­sign'd forthwith to march with his Army directly into the City, and establish him­self in a Monarchy; Thereupon Crassus withdrew himself, together with his Chil­dren and Fortunes, out of the City, either that he was really afraid, or that he coun­terfeited rather (as was most probable) to give credit to the Calumny, and exaspe­rate the malice of the People. Pompey there­fore, as soon as he enter'd into Italy, called a general Muster of the Army, and having made an Oration suitable to the Genius of the Time and his Soldiers, and rewarded them liberally, he commanded them to de­part, [Page 161] every Man to his Country, and place of Habitation, only with this Memento, that they would not fail to meet again at his Triumph. Thus the Army being dis­banded, and the News of it commonly re­ported, there happened out an admirable Passage; For when the Cities saw Pompey the Great unarm'd, and with a small Train of Familiar Friends only, (as if he was re­turning from a Journey of Pleasure, not from his Conquests) they came pouring in upon him out of pure Affection and Reve­rence, attending and conducting him to Rome, with far greater Forces than he dis­banded, insomuch that if he had design'd any Stirs or Innovation in the State, he might have done it without the Assistance of his Army. Now, because the Law per­mitted no Man to enter into the City be­fore the Triumph, therefore he sent to the Senate, entreating them to prorogue the Election of Consuls, and grant him the fa­vour, that with his presence he might coun­tenance Piso, one of the Candidates at that time; but this was sharply oppos'd by Cato, whereby he fail'd of his Design; However, Pompey could not but admire that liberty and boldness of Speech in Cato, wherewith he alone above all others, durst openly en­gage in the maintenance of Law and Ju­stice; he therefore had a great desire to win [Page 162] him over, and purchase his Friendship at a­ny rate; and to that end, Cato having two Neeces (Daughters of his Sister) Pompey propos'd one in Marriage for himself, the other for his Son; But Cato suspected the Motion as a colourable design of corrupt­ing and bribing his Justice by Alliance, and therefore would not hearken to it; which was hainously resented by his Wife and Sister, that he should reject an Affinity with Pompey the Great; About that time Pompey having a design of setting up Afra­nius for the Consulship, gave a Sum of Money among the Tribes for their Voices, some whereof was receiv'd even in his own Gardens, insomuch that when this Practice came to be bruited abroad, Pompey was ve­ry ill spoken of, for that he who had had the Honour of that Government as a just Reward of his greater Merits, should now make Merchandize of that very Honour, for one that had neither Vertue or Courage to deserve it; Whereupon Cato took occa­sion to tell the Ladies, Now, said he, had we contracted an Alliance with Pompey, we had been allied to this Dishonour too; which when they heard, they could not but ac­knowledge and subscribe to him, as one of a more piercing Judgment in Matters of Prudence and Morality than themselves.

[Page 163]The Splendor and Magnificence of Pom­pey'sHis 3d Tri­umph. Triumph was such, That (though it held the space of two days, yet) they were extremely straitned in Time; so that of what was prepared for that Pageantry, there was as much subducted, as would have set out and adorn'd another Triumph. But in the first place, there were Tables carried, wherein were written the Names and Titles of all those Nations over whom he triumph'd, such as were, The King­doms of Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paph­lagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Syria, Cilicia, and Mesopotamia, together with the Countries about Phaenicia and Palaestine, Ju­daea, Arabia, and all the Power of the Pi­rates subdued by Sea and Land: And in these Countries there appeared the taking of no less than 1000 Castles, nor much less than 900 Cities, together with 800 Ships of the Pirates, and the Peopling of 39 Towns that lay desolate and depopulated: Besides, there was set forth in these Tables, an account of all the Tributes throughout the Roman Empire, and how that before these Conquests, the Revenue amounted but to 5000 Myriads, whereas by his Ac­quisitions, 'twas advanced to 8500, and withal that for Advance at present he brought into the common Treasury of rea­dy Money, Gold and Silver, Plate and Jew­els, [Page 164] to the value of 20000 Talents, over and above that which had been distributed among the Soldiers, whereof he that had least▪ had 1500 Drachma's for his share, The Prisoners of War that were led in Tri­umph, besides the Arch-Pirates, were the Son of Tigranes, King of Armenia, with his Wife and Daughter; as also Zosime, the Wife of King Tigranes himself, and Aristobu­lus, King of Judaea. The Sister of King Mithridates, and her five Sons; and some Ladies of Scythia. There were likewise the Hostages of the Albanians and Iberians; and the King of Comagena; besides a vast number of Trophies, answering directly and deciphering out each particular Battel, in which he was Conqueror either himself in Person, or by his Lieutenants. But that that seem'd to be his greatest Glory, and that no other Roman ever attain'd to, was this, That he made his third Triumph over the third part of the World; For many a­mong the Romans had the Honour of Tri­umphing thrice; but his first Triumph, was over Africa, his second, over Europe, and this last, over Asia; so that he seem'd in these three Triumphs, to have led the whole World in Chains.

As for Pompey's Age, those who affect to§ 13. make the Paralel exact in all things be­twixt Him and Alexander the Great, would [Page 165] not allow him to be quite 34, whereas in truth, at that time he was near 40: Oh that he had crowned his days, and breath'd out his last, even then when with Alex­ander's Age he had his Fortune too! But all the remainder of his Life-time was extreme­ly unfortunate, wherein his Prosperity be­came odious, and his Adversity incurable;His Change of Fortune. For that great Power and Authority which he had gain'd in the City by his greater Merits, even that was made use of only in Patronizing the Iniquities of others, so that by advancing their Fortunes, he detracted from his own Glory, till at last he was dashed in pieces by the force and greatness of his own Power: And as the strongest Citadel or Fort in a Town, when it is at­tack'd and taken by an Enemy, does then afford the same Strength to the Foe, as it had done to Friends before; so Caesar being exalted in the State by the Power of Pom­pey, overthrew and ruin'd him by the same Force and Arts by which he had trampled down others: And thus it came to pass.

Lucullus, when he return'd out of Asia, Impeach'd by Lucullus. where he had been despitefully treated by Pompey, met with an honourable Reception from the Senate, and much more when Pompey was present; for then they encou­rag'd him to reassume his Authority in the administration of the Government, where­as [Page 166] he was now grown old and unactive in Business, having given himself over to his softer Pleasures, and then enjoyment of a splendid Fortune: Hereupon he began pre­sently to bear up against Pompey, and took him up sharply, whereby he obtain'd those Acts and Decrees of his, which were re­pealed by Pompey, to be re-established, in­somuch that by the Assistance of Cato he had a greater Interest in the Senate than Pompey: Now Pompey having fallen from hisJoyns with the Com­mons. Hopes in such an unworthy Repulse, was forced to fly to the Tribunes of the People for Refuge, and make his Interest with the light young Men of the Town; Among whom there was one Clodius (the vilest and most impudent Wretch alive) undertook him, and expos'd him as a Tool to the Rab­ble; for he had him always at his Elbow, even beneath his Dignity, carrying him up and down among the Throngs in the Mar­ket-place, to countenance those Laws and Speeches which he made to cajole the Peo­ple, and ingratiate himself; And at last for his Reward, he demanded of Pompey (as a thing no way dishonourable but beneficial) That he should forsake Cicero his greatForsakes Cicero. Friend, and one that had highly deserv'd of him as an Advocate in defending his Causes and Affairs in the Common-wealth; Which he obtain'd afterwards, for when Cicero [Page 167] happen'd to be in some Danger, and im­plored his Aid, he would not so much as admit him into his presence, but shutting up his Gates against those that came to mediate for him, slipt himself out at a Back­door; whereupon Cicero fearing the extre­mity of Judgment, departed privately from Rome.

About that time Caesar returning from hisCaesar's Ar­tifice and Consulship. Province, hapned upon a politick Device that brought him into great Favour at pre­sent, and much increased his Power for the future, but in the event prov'd extreme­ly destructive both to Pompey and the Com­mon-wealth; For now he stood Candidate for his first Consulship; and therefore well observing the Enmity betwixt Pompey and Crassus, and finding how that in applying himself and joyning with one, he should make the other his Enemy, he endeavour'd by all means to reconcile them, a Design in appearance very specious, savouring of great Honesty and Civility, but in truth a very subtil and treacherous Practice in him; for he well knew that opposite Parties or Factions in a Common-wealth, like Passen­gers in a Boat, serve to trim and ballance the unsteady motions of Power there, where­as if they combine and run all over to one side, they make a dead unweildy Weight, whereby it oversets and all falls to wreck; [Page 168] and therefore Cato wisely told them, who charg'd all the Calamities of Rome upon the Civil Wars betwixt Pompey and Caesar, That they were in a great Error, in charg­ing all the Crime upon the last Cause; For 'twas not their Discord and Enmity, but their Unanimity and Friendship that gave the first and greatest Wound to the Com­monwealth.

Caesar being thus elected Consul, beganCaesar c [...]ts the People. straightways to grow popular, and make an Interest with the poor and meaner sort, by preferring and establishing Laws for theL [...]xagra [...]ia planting of Colonies, and for dividing of Lands; whereby he debased the Grandeur of his Magistracy, and turn'd his Consul­ship in a manner to a meer Democracy, himself appearing rather a Tribune of the People than Consul: Now when Bibulus his Colleague oppos'd him, and that Cato was prepared to second Bibulus, and assist him vigorously; Caesar, to be even withA Friend to Caesar. them, brought Pompey into the open Court, and there directing his Speech to him be­for the Tribunal, demanded his Opinion touching those Laws, who gave his Ap­probation; Why then, (said Caesar) in case any Man should offer violence to these Laws, wilt not thou be ready in assistance to the People? Yes, (reply'd Pompey) I shall always be ready, and against those that threaten the Sword, I'll ap­pear [Page 169] with Sword and Buckler: But nothing ever was either said or done by Pompey to that very day, that seem'd more insolent or odious to all Men than that one Saying; Insomuch that his Friends endeavour'd to palliate the Offence, and make an Apology for it, as a word slipt out of joynt through Inadvertency; but by his Actions and Pra­ctices afterwards, it appear'd plainly, that he was totally devoted to Caesar's Service; For, of a sudden, Pompey, beyond all Men's expectation, Married with Julia, the Daugh­terMarries Ju­lia. of Caesar, who had been affianced be­fore, and was to be Married within a few days to Caepio: And to appease Caepio's Wrath, he gave him his own Daughter in Marriage, who had been espous'd before to Faustus the Son of Sylla: But Caesar him­self Married Calpurnia, the Daughter of Piso.

Upon this Pompey made a Garison of the City, and filling it with Soldiers, carried all things by Force as he pleas'd; for as Bibulus the Consul was going to Court, ac­companied with Lucullus and Cato, they fell upon him of a sudden, and brake his Rods, the Ensigns of Government; and some bo­dy threw a Close-stool of Ordure upon the Head of Bibulus himself; but the two Tri­bunes of the People, that went among his Guards before him, were desperately wound­ed [Page 170] in the Fray: And thus by these means having clear'd the Court of all their Ad­versaries, the Lex Agraria, or Bill for the Division of Lands, was established and passed into an Act: And not only so, but even the whole Populacy being thus de­coyed and taken with this Bait, became totally at their Devotion, never regarding the Canvasses of the adverse Faction, but passing quietly by Suffrage whatever they propounded: Thus they confirmed all those Acts and Decrees of Pompey, which were questioned and contested by Lucullus; and to Caesar they granted the Provinces of Gallia Cisalpina and Transalpina, together with Illy­ricum for five years, and likewise a Batta­lion of four entire Legions; Then they E­lected Consuls for the year ensuing, Piso Piso aud Gabinius Consuls. the Father-in-Law of Caesar, and Gabinius, one of the chiefest Parasites about Pompey.

During all these Transactions, Catulus kept close within Doors, nor did he appear publickly in Person for the space of eight Months together, notwithstanding he were Consul, but sent out Proclamations full of bitter Invectives and Accusations against them both; Cato turn'd Enthusiast, and as if he had been possessed with a Spirit of Divination, did nothing else in the Senate but foretel what Judgements should befal the Commonwealth and Pompey. But Lu­cullus [Page 171] pleaded Dotage, and retir'd upon a Writ of Ease, as one already grown Feeble and Superannuate in the Affairs of State, which gave occasion to that Satyrical Say­ing of Pompey, That the Fatigues of Luxury were much more unseasonable for an old Man than those of Government: Which in truth prov'd to be a Reflection upon himself, for not long after he himself grew Effeminate in the Embraces of a young Wife, Court­ing and Caressing her daily up and down through all the Gardens and Places of Pleasure in the Country, whereby he neg­lected all the weighty Affairs of Courts and Councils: Insomuch that Clodius, who wasClodius his Insolence to him. then Tribune of the People, began to dis­pise him, and engage in many bold At­tempts against him; For when he had ba­nished Cicero, and sent away Cato into Cy­prus, under a colourable pretence of War; when Caesar was gone upon his Expedition to Gaul, and that he found how the Populacy was Devoted to him, as a Man forming all Things, and Governing according to their Pleasure, he attempted forthwith to unra­vel and repeal divers of Pompey's Decrees; thereupon he drew Tigranes the Captive out of Prison, and had him about with him as his Companion; he Commenced likewise Actions and Accusations against several of Pompey's Friends, designing by these Mea­sures [Page 172] to take the extent of his Power: At last upon a time, when Pompey came to Court in a certain Cause, this same Clodius, accompanied with a crowd of dissolute and desperate Ruffians, and standing up in an eminent Place above the rest, uttered him­self in these or the like Questions, Who's the Licentious General? What Man is that, that is to seek for a Man? And who is it that scratcheth his Head so nicely with one Finger? The Rabble, upon the Signal of shaking his Gown, with a great Shout to every Question, as 'tis usual among Songsters in the Chorus or Burden of a Song, Answer'd, Pompey: This indeed was no small Afflicti­on to Pompey, a Man unaccustom'd to hear any thing ill of himself, and unexperienced altogether in such kind of Rencounters; but he was most extreamly grieved, when he came to understand that the Senate re­joyced at this dirty Usage, and imputed it as a just Revenge or Punishment upon him for his Treachery to Cicero: But when it hapned through this Tumult in the Market­Place, that it was come even to Blows and Wounds, and that one of Clodius his Bond­slaves was apprehended, creeping through the Crowd towards Pompey, with a Sword in his Hand, Pompey laying hold of this Pretence, (though perhaps otherwise appre­hensive of Clodius his Insolence and Re­proaches) [Page 173] never would go to any publick Assemblies, during all the time he was Tri­bune, but kept close at home, and passed away his time in Consult with his Friends, by what means he might best allay the Displeasure of the Senate and Nobles against him; Among other Expedients, Culleo ad­vised the Divorce of Julia, whereby he should meet with an easie passage from Cae­sar's Friendship to that of the Senate; this he would not hearken to by any means: Others again advised him to call homeHe calls home Ci­cero. Cicero from Banishment, a Man that was always the great Adversary of Clodius, and as great a Favourite of the Senate; to this he was easily persuaded, and therefore he brought Cicero's Brother into the Market­Place, attendèd with a strong Party, to Petition for his Return; where, after a warm Dispute, wherein several were woun­ded and some slain, he got the Victory of Clodius: No sooner was Cicero return'd home upon this Decree, but that immedi­ately he reconciled the Senate to Pompey; and withal, by his Rhetorick in defence of the Law for Importation of Corn, did again, in effect, make Pompey Soveraign Lord ofAnnonae prae [...]ectus. all the Roman Empire by Sea and Land; For by that Law he had got within the verge of his Jurisdiction, all Ports, Staples, and Store-Houses; and in short, all the [Page 174] Mysteries and Concerns both of the Mer­chant and Husbandman: Which gave occa­sion to that malicious Charge of Clodius, That the Law was not made because of the Dearth or scarcity of Corn, but the Dearth or scarcity of Corn was made, that they might make a Law, whereby that Power of his, which was now grown Feeble and Consumptive, might be reviv'd again, and Pompey reinstated in a new Empire: Others look'd upon it as a Poli­tick Device of Spinther the Cousul, whose Design it was to oblige Pompey with a grea­ter Authority, that he himself might be sent in Assistance to King Ptolomy: How­ever this is undoubtedly true, That Cani­dius the Tribune preferr'd a Law to dispatch Pompey in the Nature of an Ambassador, without an Army, attended only with two Lictors or Vergers, as a Mediator betwixt the King and his Subjects of Alexandria. Neither did this Law seem ungrateful to Pompey, though indeed the Senate cast it out upon a specious Pretence, That they were unwilling to hazard the Person of so brave a Man: However, there were found several Pamphlets scattered about the Market Place and Senate-House, intimating how grateful it would be to Ptolemy to have Pompey appointed for his General instead of Spinther: But Timagenes relates it otherwise, as if Ptolomy went away and left Egypt not [Page 175] out of necessity, but purely upon the per­swasion of Theophanes, who designed an Ad­vantage to Pompey, laying a Foundation for him of Wealth, and a new Command: Yet for all this, the crafty Practices of Theophanes could not make this Report so credible, but that it was render'd much more incredible by that nobler Genius of Pompey, which would never allow of such base and disingenious Arts even in favour of his Ambition.

Thus Pompey being appointed chief Pro­vedore, and having within his Administra­tion and Management all the Corn Trade, sent abroad his Factors and Agents into all Quarters, and he himself sailing into Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, made up vast Stores of Corn. And now being just ready to set Sail upon his Voyage homeward bound, there arose a mighty Storm of Wind upon the Sea, which raised a Doubt even among the Commanders themselves, whether it were safe to break Ground or no; where­fore Pompey himself went first aboard, and commanded the Mariners to weigh Anchor, declaring with a loud Voice, That there was a necessity for them to Sail, but no necessity to Live: So that he by his Spirit and Courage (having met with that Fortune which fa­vours the Bold) made a prosperous Return, whereby his Granaries were stor'd, the [Page 176] Markets all filled with Corn, and the Sea with Ships; Insomuch that this great plenty and abundance of Provisions yielded a suf­ficient Supply, not only to the City of Rome, but even Foreigners too, dispersing it self, like a lively Fountain, through ma­ny Rivulets, into all Quarters of Italy.

All this time Caesar grew great, and was§ 14. Caesar's Practices. highly extoll'd for his Wars and Conquests in Gaul, and when in appearance he seem'd farthest distant from Rome, as if he had been intangled in the Affairs of Belgia, Sue­via, and Britany, than in truth was he work­ing craftily by secret Practices in the midst of the People, and countermining Pompey in his chiefest Designs: For having his Army always about him as his Body, 'twas not his Design to weaken or impair it in a formal War against the barbarous Enemy, but by light Skirmishes only, no otherwise than in Sports of Hunting or Hawking, to exercise and harden it, whereby he made it invincible and dreadful to the World: Then for his Gold and Silver, (which was infinite) together with those incredible Spoils, and other Treasures which he had taken from the Enemy in his Conquests, all those he sent to Rome in Presents, and Bribes, tempting and corrupting the Aedi­les, Praetors, and Consuls, together with their Wives, whereby he purchased to him­self [Page 177] a multitude of Friends; Insomuch that when he passed back again over the Alpes, and took up his Winter-Quarters in the City of Luca, there flocked to him an in­finite number of the common People Men and Women even in Strife, and likewise 200 Senators at least, among whom were Pompey and Crassus; so that there were to be seen at once before Caesar's Gates no less than sixscore Rods or Maces of Proconsuls and Praetors. As for the rest of his Ad­dressors, he sent them all away full fraught with Hopes and Money; but for Crassus and Pompey, he enter'd into private Covenants and Articles of Agreement with them, That they should stand Candidates for the Consulship next Year: That Caesar on his part should send a good Company of Sol­diers to give their Votes at the Election: That as soon as they were Elected, they should use their Interest to have the Go­vernment of some Provinces and Legions assigned to themselves, and that Caesar should have his Charge now in being confirmed to him for five Years more: But afterwards when these Designs came to be discovered and noised abroad, the Matter was hai­nously resented by many Persons of the greatest Quality in Rome; and therefore Marcellinus once in an open Assembly of the People, demanded of them both, Whether [Page 178] they designed to Sue for the Consulship or no? And being urged by the People for their Answer, Pompey spake first and told them, Perhaps he would Sue for it, perhaps he would not; But Crassus was somewhat more poli­tick, and said, That for his part he would be ready to do what should be judg'd most agreeable with the Interest of the Commonwealth: How­ever Marcellinus still inveighing against Pompey, and seeming to reflect upon him more bitterly, Pompey replied as sharply, That this Marcellinus was a most ungodly Wretch, without either Gratitude or Honour, for that by him he was made an Orator of a Mute, and of a poor Starvling, one glutted even to a Vomit.

Now notwithstanding divers fell off from their Pretences, and forsook their Canvas for the Consulship, yet Cato perswaded and encouraged Lucius Domitius not to desist, For that, said he, the Contest now is not for Government, but for liberty against Tyrants and Usurpers. Wherefore those of Pompey's Par­ty, fearing that inflexible Constancy in Ca­to, (whereby he ruled and governed the whole Senate) lest by that likewise he should pervert and draw after him all the well-affected part of the Commonalty, re­solved to withstand Domitius at first, and prevent his entrance into the Market-place; To this end therefore they sent in a Band of [Page 179] armed Men, who, at the first Onset, slew the Torch-bearer of Domitius, as he was leading the way before him, and immedi­ately put all the rest to Flight; last of all Cato himself retired, having received a Wound upon his right Arm in defence of Domitius. Thus, by these means and pra­ctices they obtained the Government, nei­ther indeed did they behave themselves with more decency throughout all the rest of their Actions; But in the first place, when the People were choosing Cato Praetor, and just ready with their Votes for the Poll, Pompey broke up the Assembly, charging his Reasons upon the Augury, as if there had appeared something inauspicious in the Heavens; and thereupon having corrupted the Tribes, they publickly proclaimed An­tias and Vatinius, Praetors: Then in pursu­ance of their Covenants with Caesar, they published several Edicts by Trebonian the Tribune, whereby they made an Enlarge­ment of Caesar's Commission according to A­greement, measuring out another five years Charge to his former Province; To Crassus there was appointed Syria, and the Parthian War; And to Pompey himself all Africa, to­gether with both Spains, and four Legions of Soldiers, whereof two he lent to Caesar, upon his request for the Wars in Gaul.

[Page 180] Crassus upon the expiration of his Con­sulship, departed forthwith into his Pro­vince; But Pompey spent some time in Rome, upon the opening or dedication of his The­ater,Pompey's Theater. where he treated the People with all manner of Games, Shews, and Exercises, as well Warlike as those of the Muses; there was likewise the Hunting or Baiting of wild Beasts, and Combats with them, where­in 500 Lyons were slain; But above all, the Battel of Elephants was a Spectacle full of Horrour and Amazement.

These noble Entertainments brought him in great Esteem with the People, whereby he was highly admired and beloved; but on the other side he created no less Envy to himself, in that he committed the Go­vernment of his Provinces and Legions in­to the Hands of Friends, as his Lieutenants, whilst he himself was wantonly rambling up and down, and caressing his Wife through­out all the Delicacies of Italy; whether he doated upon her as a real Lover, or whe­ther he could not find in his Heart to leave her, who was such a Lover of him? is some­whatJulia's Love to him. doubtful; But this is certain, that there was nothing more famous and com­mon in Discourse, than the passion of this young Lady for her Husband; not that she was in Love with Pompey for the flower of his Age, but because of his assured Chasti­ty, [Page 181] as knowing no other Woman, but that one he had Wedded; Besides, though in his Carriage he had a majestick Gravity, yet his Conversation was not Morose, but extremely agreeable, and taking among the Women, unless we will arraign the evidence of Flora the Curtezan. Now it hapned in a publick Assembly, as they were at an E­lection of the Aediles, that the People came to Blows, and divers about Pompey were slain, so that he, finding himself all bloody, ordered a change of Apparel; but the Ser­vants who brought home his Cloaths, mak­ing a great Bu [...]tle and Hurry about the House, it chanced that the young Lady (who was then with Child) saw his Gown all stained with Blood, whereupon she dropt immediately into a Swoon, and was hardly brought to Life again; however, what with her Fright and Passion together, she fell in Labour and Miscarried: Wherefore even those who chiefly censured Pompey for his Friendship to Caesar, could not reprove him for his Affection to his Lady, who had such a Passion for him. Afterwards she was great again, and brought to Bed of a Daughter, but died in Child-bed, neitherThe Death of Julia. did the Infant out-live her Mother many days: Pompey had prepared all things for the Interment of her Corps at Alba, but the People seized upon it by force, and per­formed [Page 182] the Solemnities of her Funeral in the Field of Mars, rather in Compassion to the young Lady, than in Favour either of Pom­pey or Caesar; and yet of these two, the Peo­ple seemed at that time to pay Caesar a greater share of Honour in his absence, than to Pompey, though he was present.

From hence, the City began to waver,Causes of the Civil War. and feel new Commotions; for all things grew Tumultuous, and every Body's Dis­course tended to Sedition, as soon as Death had put an end to that Relation, which hi­therto had been a Disguise rather than Re­straint to the Ambition of these Men: Be­sides, not long after came an Express from Parthia with Intelligence of the Death of Crassus there, whereby another manifest Obstacle of a Civil War was taken away; for they had both an Eye thither, and that awe of him kept them together in a fair Correspondence all his Life-time; but when Fortune had taken away this Second, whose Province it was to revenge the Quarrel of the Conquered, you might then say with the Comedian,

[Page 183]So inconsiderable a thing is Fortune, in re­spect of humane Nature! and so little Con­tent can it give to a Covetous Mind, That an Empire of that mighty Extent and Sway could not satisfie the Ambition of two Men, and though they knew and had read,

Yet they thought the whole Roman Em­pire not sufficient to contain them, though they were but Two.

But Pompey, in an Oration to the People told them plainly, that he ever came into Office before he expected he should, and that he always left it sooner than they ex­pected he would; and indeed the disband­ing of all his Armies always witnessed as much: Yet when he perceived that Caesar would not so willingly discharge his For­ces, he then endeavour'd to strengthen him­self against him by Offices and Commands in the City; neither indeed did he attempt any other Innovation; and yet all this while he would not seem to distrust, but rather to despise and contemn him; But when he saw how they bestowed the Places of Government quite contrary to his opi­nion, [Page 184] because the Citizens were brib'd in their Elections, he left the City without any Government at all. Hereupon there was mention straightway made, and the News ran current of a Dictator; Now Lu­cilius, a Tribune of the People, was the bold Man that first adventur'd [...]o propose it, encouraging the People to make choice of Pompey for their Dictator; but the Tri­bune was in danger of being turn'd out of his Office, by the opposition that Cato made against it: And for Pompey, many of his Friends appear'd and pleaded his excuse, al­ledging, That he never was desirous of that Government, neither would he accept of it. Cato therefore making a large Harangue in commendation of Pompey, and exhorting him to be careful of good Order in the Common-wealth, he could not for shame but yield to it, and so Domitius and Messala were elected Consuls.

Afterwards when there was another A­narchy or Vacancy in the Government, and the Discourses of a Dictator were much hot­ter than before, those of Cato's Party fear­ing lest they should make Pompey, thought it Policy to keep him from that Arbitrary and Tyrannical Power, by giving him an Office of more legal Authority; Nay, even Bibulus himself, who was Pompey's Enemy, first gave his Vote that Pompey should be [Page 185] created Consul alone; alledging, That by these means, either the Commonwealth would be freed from its present Confusion, or that its Bondage should be lessened by serving the wor­thiest: This was looked upon as a very strange Opinion, considering the Man that spoke it; and therefore Cato standing up, every body expected that he would have opposed it, but after Silence made, he told them plainly, That for his own part he would never have been the Author of that Advice him­self, but since it was propounded by another, his Advice was to follow it, adding, That any form of Government was better than none at all; [...] and that in a time so full of Distraction, he thought no Man fitter to Govern than Pompey. This Counsel was unanimously approved of, and an Act passed, That Pompey should be made sole Consul, with this Clause,He is chose Consul alone That if he thought it necessary to have a Colleague, he might choose whom he plea­sed, provided it were not till after Two Months expired.

Thus was Pompey created and declared§. 15. sole Consul by Sulpitius, Regent in this Va­cancy; Upon which he made a very civil Complement to Cato, with many thanks for the Honour he had done him, and desiring his Assistance in the Privy Counsel of his Govern­ment; To this Cato replied, That Pompey had no reason to thank him, for all that he had [Page 186] said, was in favour of the Commonwealth, not of Pompey; but that he would be always ready to serve him in the quality of a privy Counsellor, if he please to require it, if not, yet he would be sure to speak in publick what he thought was for the Interest of the Commonwealth; So just was Cato in all his Actions.

No sooner did Pompey return into the Ci­ty,Marries Cornelia. but he Married Cornelia, the Daughter of Metellus Scipio, not a Virgin but Widow, the late Relict of Publius, (the Son of Crassus) who died in Parthia, and with whom she cohabited from her Virginity: This Lady, besides the Charms of her Beauty, had ma­ny attractive Qualities from her Education, for she was learned enough in most Sciences, played well upon the Lute, was skilled in Geometry, and took great pleasure in hear­ing Discourses of Philosophy; To these may be added her Graces in Morality, and in this she was extremely commendable, that her Humour was free from Peevishness and Curiosity, Vices very common to La­dies of such liberal Endowments. Her Fa­ther also was very considerable, as well in the Honour of his Family, as that of his own Vertues; however, these unequal Mar­riages were not very pleasing to some sort of People; for Cornelia's Age was more a­greeable with that of Pompey's Son than his own: But the wiser sort thought the Con­cerns [Page 187] of the City quite neglected, when he (to whom alone they had committed their broken Fortunes, and from whom alone, as from their Physician, they expected a cure to these Distractions) went crown'd with Garlands, and was revelling in his Nupti­al Feasts: never considering, that this Con­sulship was a publick Calamity, which would never have been given him, contrary to the Rules of Law, had his Country been in a flourishing State. Yet afterwards he took cognizance of those that got into Offices by Gifts and Bribery, and enacted Laws and Ordinances, setting forth the Rules and Judgment by which they should be arraign'd and impleaded; thus he regu­lating all things with Gravity and Justice, gave Security, Order, and Silence to their Courts of Judicature, himself giving his presence there with a Band of Soldiers. But the Case was alter'd when his Father-in­law Scipio was accused, there he sent for the 360 Judges to his House, and entreated them to be favourable to him, whereupon his Accuser seeing Scipio come into the Court accompanied by the Judges themselves, let fall his Suit: Upon this Pompey was very ill spoken of, and much worse in the Case of Plancus; for whereas he himself had made a Law, wherein 'twas enacted, That no Man should speak in praise of an Offender, [Page 188] yet, notwithstanding this Prohibition, he came into Court, and spoke openly in com­mendation of Plancus; insomuch that Cato (who hapned to be one of the Judges at that time) stopping his Ears with his Hands, told him, He could not in Honour hear an Of­fender commended contrary to Law; thereupon Cato was refused and set aside from being a Judge before Sentence was given, but Plancus was condemned by the rest of the Judges to Pompey's Dishonour: Shortly after Hypseus, a Man of Consular Dignity, en­deavouring to avoid an Impeachment, wait­ed for Pompey's Return from Bath to Sup­per, and falling down at his Feet, implor'd his Favour, but he disdainfully passed him by, saying, That he did nothing else but Spoil his Supper: This Partiality was look'd up­on as a great Fault in Pompey, and highly condemned; however, he managed all things else discreetly, and having put the Government in very good Order, he chose his Father-in-law to be his Colleague in the Consulship for the last five Months: His Provinces also were continu'd to him for the term of Four Years longer, with a Com­mission to take 1000 Talents yearly out of the Treasury for the payment of his Army.

This gave occasion to some of Caesar's Friends to think it reasonable, That some Consideration should be had of him too, [Page 189] who had done such signal Services in War, and fought so many bloody Battels for the Honour and Interest of the Roman Empire, alledging, That he deserv'd at least a second Consulship, or to have the Government of his Pro­vince continu'd, whereby he might command and enjoy in Peace what he had obtain'd in War, and that no Successor might reap the fruits of his Labour, and raise a fame upon the glory of his Actions. There a­rising some Debate about this Matter Pom­pey took upon him, as it were out of kind­ness to Caesar, to plead his Cause, and allay that Hatred of the People that was con­ceived against him, telling them, That he had then receiv'd a Letter from Caesar, wherein he desired a Successor, and to be discharged from the War, but hop'd withal, that they would give him leave to stand for the Consulship though in his absence; But those of Cato's Party stoutly withstood it, saying, That if he expected any Favour from the Citizens, he ought to leave his Army, and come in a private Capacity to canvas for it: Wherefore Pompey seeming so easily satisfied, in that he made no Reply, gave a greater suspicion of his specious Inclinations to­wards Caesar, especially when under pretence of his War with Parthia, he sent for his two Legions which he had lent him; however Caesar, though he well knew for what De­sign [Page 190] sign he wanted them, sent them home very liberally rewarded.

About that time Pompey recover'd of a dangerous Fit of Sickness that seiz'd him at Naples, and there the whole City, upon theHis Recove­ry a [...] Naples Perswasion of Praxagoras, made Sacrifices to the Gods for his Recovery; Those of the neighbouring Towns likewise happen­ing to follow their Example, the Humour was carried on throughout all Italy; so that there was not a City either great or small, that did not feast and rejoyce for many days together: And the Company of those that came from all Parts to meet him was so numerous, that no place was able to contain them, but the Villages, Sea-Port Towns, and the very High-ways, were all full of People, feasting and sacrificing to the Gods: Nay, many went to meet him with Garlands on their Heads, and Flam­beaux in their Hands, casting Flowers and Nosegays upon him as he went along; so that this Progress of his and Reception was one of the noblest and most glorious Sights imaginable: And yet 'tis thought that this very thing was not one of the least CausesAno [...]her Cause of [...] War. and Occasions of the Civil War; for Pompey judging of the Peoples Affections by their Actions, together with the greatness of their Joy, was grown to that height of Pride and Conceit, that (having laid aside [Page 191] that prudent Conduct and Caution which had hitherto secured and crowned all his Actions with good Success) he entertained a most extravagant Confidence of his own, and Contempt of Caesar's Power; insomuch that he thought neither Force nor Care ne­cessary against him, but that he could pull him down much easier than he had set him up: Besides this, there was Appius (under whose Command, those Legions which Pompey lent to Caesar, were returned) com­ing lately out of Gaul, very much vilified Caesar's Actions there, and gave out scanda­lous Reports in derogation of his Honour, telling Pompey, That he was unacquainted with his own Strength and Reputation, if he made use of any other Forces against Caesar than his own, for such was the Soldiers Hatred to Caesar, and their Love to Pompey so great, that they would all come over to him upon his first▪ Appearance. By these Flatteries was Pompey strangely pufft up, and his Confidence had wrought him into such a careless Security, that he could not choose but laugh at those who seem'd to fear a War: And when some were saying, That if Caesar should bend his Forces against the City, they could not see what Power was able to resist him, he reply'd with a scornful Smile, bidding them take no care of that, for, said he, Whene'er I stamp with my Foot in any part of Italy, there will [Page 192] rise up Forces enough in an instant both Horse and Foot.

Now Caesar on the other side was more§. 16. vigorous in his Proceedings, himself always at hand hovering about the Frontiers of Italy, and sending some of his Soldiers con­tinually into the City to attend all Electi­ons with their Votes; Besides this, he cor­rupted divers of the Magistrates, and brought them over to his Party by Pensions; whereof Paulus the Consul was one, who was wrought over by a Bribe of 1500 Talents: And Curio, a Tribune of the Peo­ple, by a discharge of all his Debts which he had contracted without number; toge­ther with Mark Anthony, who out of Friend­ship to Curio, became bound with him in the same Obligations for them all. And 'tis undoubtedly true, That a Centurion of Caesar's waiting at the Senate-House, and hearing that the Senate refused to give him a larger term in the continuance of his Go­vernment, clapt his Hand upon his Sword, and said, But this shall give it▪ and indeed all his Practices and Preparations were in order to this end. Now Curio's Demands and Request in favour of Caesar were much more popular in appearance, for he desir'd one of these two things, either That Pompey should put away his Army, or that Caesar's should not be taken away from him; For [Page 193] if both of them were private Persons com­mon Humanity would keep them within the bounds of their Duty; or if they were of equal Authority, they would be a bal­lance to each other, and sit down conten­ted with their Lot: but he that weakens one, does at the same time strengthen the other, and so doubles that very Strength and Power▪ which he stood in fear of before. Marcellus the Consul reply'd nothing to all this, but that Caesar was a Thief, and should be proclaimed an Enemy to the State, if he did not disband his Army. However Curio with the Assistance of Anthony and Piso prevail'd, that the Matter in Debate should be put to the Question, and decided by Vote in the Senate: So that it being order'd upon the Question for those to withdraw, who were of opinion, That Caesar only should lay down his Army, and Pompey command, the Majo­rity withdrew. But when 'twas order'd a­gain for those to withdraw whose Vote was▪ That both should lay down their Arms, and nei­ther command, there were but 22 for Pompey, all the rest remained of Curio's side: Where­upon he, as one proud of his Conquest, leapt out for Joy among the People, who received him with as great tokens of Joy, clapping their Hands, and crowning him with Garlands and Flowers: Pompey was not then present in the Senate▪ because it [Page 194] is not lawful for the General of an Army to come into the City. But Marcellus rising up, said, That he would not sit there hearing Speeches, when he saw that ten Legions had al­ready pass'd the Alpes in their March toward the City, but that he would send a Man of equal Authority against them in defence of their Coun­try: Upon this the City went into Mourn­ing, as in a publick Calamity, and Mar­cellus (accompanied by the Senate) went solemnly through the City towards Pompey, and spoke thus to him, Pompey, I command thee to appear in defence of thy Country, with those Forces thou hast at present in readiness, and to raise more with all speed: Lentulus the Con­sul elect for the Year following, spoke much to the same purpose; But Anthony▪ contrary to an Order of Senate, in a pub­lick Assembly, read a Letter of Caesar's, con­taining many fair Overtures, at leastwise very obliging to the common People, where­in he desir'd▪ That both Pompey and he quitting their Governments, and dismissing their Armies should submit to the Judgment of the People, and give an account of their Actions before them; insomuch that when Pompey began to make his Levies, and muster up his new-rais'd Soldiers, he found himself disappointed in his Expectations: Some few indeed came in, but those very unwillingly; others would not answer to [Page 195] their Names, and the generality cry'd out for Peace. Lentulus, notwithstanding he was now enter'd upon his Consulship, would not assemble the Senate; but Cicero, who was lately return'd from Cilicia, labour'd for a Reconciliation, proposing, That Caesar should leave his Province of Gaul and Army, reserving two Legions only, together with the Government of Illyricum, and to be had in nomination for a second Consulship: Pompey disliking this motion, Caesar's Friends were contented that he should quit one of his Legions too; but Lentulus still opposing, and Cato crying out, That Pompey did ill to be deceived again, the Reconciliation did not take effect.

In the mean time News was brought,Caesar mar­ches to­wards Rome. That Caesar had taken Ariminum, a great City in Italy, and was marching directly towards Rome, with all his Forces; but this latter was altogether false, for he had no more with him at that time than 300 Horse and 5000▪ Foot, and would not tar­ry for the Body of his Army, which lay beyond the Alpes, choosing rather by sur­prize to fall in of a sudden upon his Ene­mies, (while they were in Confusion, and did not expect him) than to give them time to make Preparations for War. For when he came to the Bank of Rubicon, (a River that made the bounds of his own Province [Page 196] towards Italy) there he made a Halt, pau­sing a little, and considering with himself the greatness of that Enterprize which he had undertaken; then at last, (like Men that are throwing themselves headlong from some Precipice into a vast Abyss) having blinded and withdrawn his mind from the thoughts of Danger, he transported his Army, saying this only to those that were present with a loud voice in the Greek Lan­guage, [...]; that is, Let the Die be Cast. No sooner was the News ar­riv'd, but there was an Uproar throughout all the City, and a Consternation in the People even to astonishment, such as never was known in Rome▪ before; all the Senate ran immediately to Pompey, and the Magi­strates follow'd: Now when Tullus made enquiry touching his Legions and Forces, Pompey seem'd to pause a little, and answer'd with some hesitation, That he had those two Legions ready that Caesar sent back, and for his new rais'd Forces, he believ'd they would shortly make up a Battalion of 30000 Men; but Tullus reply'd with a loud voice, O Pompey▪ thou hast deceiv'd us! and present­ly gave his Advice to dispatch Ambassadors to Caesar. Favonius (who was no ill Man, otherwise than in his petulant and abusive way of Talking, which he seem'd to affect, in imitation of Cato's freedom of Speech) [Page 197] he bid Pompey stamp upon the ground, and call forth the Forces he had promis'd. But Pompey very patiently bore with all this unseaso­nable Railery; so that Cato putting him in mind of what he had foretold from the very beginning touching Caesar, he made this Answer only, That Cato indeed had spoke more like a Prophet, but he had acted more like a Friend. Cato then advised them to choose Pompey General, with absolute Power and Authority, saying, That the same Men who do great Evils, know best how to Cure them. He therefore went his way forthwith into Sicily, the Province that was allotted him; and all the rest of the Senators likewise de­parted, every one to his respective Govern­ment.

Thus all Italy, in a manner, being up in§. 17. Arms, it seem'd very doubtful what was best to be done: For they that were with­out, came from all Parts flocking into the City; and they that were within, seeing the Confusion and Disorder so great there, went out and forsook it as fast; They that were willing to obey were found too weak for Service, and the Disobedient were found too strong to be govern'd by the Magi­strates: Nay, it was so far from being pos­sible to allay their Fears, that they would not suffer Pompey to follow his own Judg­ment, but every Man would have him [Page 198] act according to his particular Fancy, whe­ther it proceeded from Doubt, Fear, Grief, or any meaner Passion; whereby they be­came so disordered in their apprehension of things, that even in the same day they were often forced to make use of quite contrary Counsels: Then again, 'twas altogether as impossible to have any good intelligence of his Enemies, for what each Man heard by chance upon a flying Rumour, he would report for truth, and take it hainously of Pompey if he did not believe it,

Pompey at length seeing such a ConfusionPompey l [...]s. Rome. in Rome, determin'd with himself to put an end to their Clamours by his Departure; and therefore commanding all the Senate to follow him, and declaring, That whoso­ever tarried behind, should be judg'd a Confede­rate of Caesar's; about the dusk of the E­vening, he went out and left the City; the Consuls also follow'd after in a Hurry, with­out offering any Sacrifice to the Gods, as is usual before a War. But above all, Pom­pey himself was extremely fortunate, that even in the midst of all these Calamities, he had the Love and Good-will of the People; for though many condemned the War, and Office of a General, yet no Man hated the General himself; insomuch as there were more to be found of those that went out of Rome, for that they would not forsake [Page 199] Pompey, than of those that fled for love of their Liberty.

Some few days after, Pompey was goneCaesar enters the City and purs [...]es him. out, Caesar came into the City, and made himself Master of it, treating all the rest with a great deal of Courtesie, and appeas­ing their Fears, all except Metellus, one of the Tribunes; but when he refused to let him take any Money out of the common Treasury, Caesar threatned him with death, adding a sharper Sentence to his Threats▪ That it was far easier for him to do it than say it: Thereupon, after he had turned Metellus out of his Office, and taken what Monies were of use for his occasions, he set for­wards in pursuit of Pompey, endeavouring with all speed to drive him out of Italy, before his Army, that was in Spain, could joyn with him.

But Pompey arriving at Brundusium, andPompey sends his Army from Brundusium to Dyrra­chium. having provided a Fleet of Ships there, the two Consuls imbarked immediately, and with them there were shipt off 30 Cohorts or Regiments of Foot bound before him for Dyrrachium: He sent likewise his Father-in­law Scipio, and C [...]eus his Son, into Syria, to provide and fit out a Fleet there; him­self in the mean time having barred up the Gates, and fortified the Works of the City, placed his lightest Soldiers as Guards upon the Walls; and giving express Orders that [Page 200] the Citizens should keep within door, he cast up divers Trenches and Rampiers (which he fortify'd with Palisadoes or sharp­pointed Piles) throughout all the Streets of the City, except only those two that lead down to the Sea-side or Haven.

Thus in three days space having with ease put all the rest of his Army on Ship­board, he suddenly gave the Signal to those that guarded the Walls, who as nimbly re­pairing to the Ships, were receiv'd and transported: Caesar, when he perceived the Walls unguarded, imagining with himself that they were fled, made haste after, but in the heat of the pursuit was very nigh falling upon the Stakes and Trenches, had not the Brundusians prevented him; where­fore he wheeled about, and fetching a com­pass round the City, made towards the Haven, where he found all the Fleet under Sail, excepting only two Vessels that had but a few Soldiers aboard.

Some are of opinion, That this Depar­tureHe is cen­sured for leaving Italy. of Pompey's is to be ranged among the best of his Stratagems▪ but Caesar himself could not but admire that he (who was in­garrison'd in a City well Fortify'd, who was in expectation of his Forces from Spain, and was Master of the Sea besides) should ever leave and depart out of Italy: Cicero like­wise blam'd him, in that he follow'd the [Page 201] Counsels of Themistocles, rather than of Pe­ricles, whereas the state of his Affairs was more agreeable to the Circumstances of the latter, than those of the former: However, it appear'd plainly, and Caesar shew'd it by his Actions, that he was in great fear of the Times; for when he had taken Nume­rius, a Friend of Pompey's Prisoner, he sent him as an Ambassador to Brundusium, with offers of Peace and Reconciliation upon e­qual terms; but Numerius sail'd away with Pompey: And now Caesar being Master of all Italy, in 60 days, without a drop of Blood­shed, had a great desire forthwith to fol­low Pompey; but being destitute of Ship­ping,Caesar goes for Spain. he was forc'd to divert his course, and march into Spain, designing to joyn those Forces of Pompey there to his own.

In the mean time Pompey had rais'd aPompey's Army in Greece. mighty Army both by Sea and Land; As for his Navy, 'twas altogether invincible, for there were 500 Men of War, besides an infinite company of Galliots, Foists, and Pinaces: Then for his Land-Forces, the Cavalry made up a Body of 7000 Horse, the very flower of Rome and Italy, Men of Honour, Wealth, and Courage; but the Infantry was a mixture of raw and unex­perienc'd Soldiers, and therefore he exer­cised and train'd them up daily near the City Beraea, (where he had quarter'd and [Page 202] lodg'd his Army) himself no ways slothful, but performing all his Exercises as if he had been in the flower of his Youth: This exemplary Conduct raised the Spirits of his Soldiers extremely, for it was no small Encouragement for them to see Pompey the Great, 60 Years of Age want­ing two, one while trailing a Pike, and handling his Arms among the Foot in all his Postures; then again mounted among the Horse, drawing out his Sword with ease in full career, and sheathing it up as easily; And in darting the Javelin, there he shew'd not only his skill and dexterity in hitting the Mark, but his strength and activity in throwing it so far, that few of the youngest went beyond him.

Several Kings and Princes of other Na­tionsOf th [...]se that resort­ed to him. came thither to him, but there was a glorious appearance of Roman Magistrates, and so numerous, that they made up a com­pleat Senate; Labienus forsook his old Friend Caesar, (whom he had serv'd through­out all his Wars in Gaul) and came over to Pompey; And Brutus, Son to that Brutus that was put to Death in Gaul, a Man of great Spirit, and one that to that day had never so much as saluted or spoke to Pompey (looking upon him as the Murderer of his Father) came then and submitted himself to him, as the defender of their Liberty: [Page 203] Cicero likewise, (though he wrote and ad­vis'd otherwise, yet) was asham'd not to be accounted in the number of those that would hazard their Lives and Fortunes for the safeguard of their Country: And last of all there came to him even into Macedonia, Tidius Sextus, a Man extremely Old, and Lame of one Leg; others indeed mock'd and laugh'd at the Spectacle, but Pompey, as soon as he saw him, rose and ran to meet him, esteeming it no small assurance of their Good-will, when Men of such Age and Infirmities should rather choose to be with him in danger, than in safety at home. Afterwards in a Council of War there pas­sed a Decree, which was pronounced by Cato as President, That no Roman Citizen should be put to Death but in Battel, and that they should not Sack or Plunder any City that was subject to the Roman Empire: By these means Pompey's Party grew into greater Re­putation, insomuch that they, who were no ways at all concern'd in the War, (either because they dwelt afar off, or were thought incapable by reason of their Infirmities) were yet in their opinions of his side, and did in all their Discourses even fight for his Cause, calling it the good or just Cause, esteeming those as Enemies to the Gods and Men, that wished not Victory to Pompey.

[Page 204]Neither was Pompey's Clemency such,§. 18. but that Caesar likewise shew'd himself as merciful a Conqueror; for when he had taken and overthrown all Pompey's Forces in Spain, he gave them Quarter, leaving the Commanders at their Liberty, and ta­king the common Soldiers into his own Pay: Then repassing the Alpes, and making a running March through Italy, he came to Brundusium about the Winter Solstice, and crossing the Sea there, landed at the Port of Oricum: Now Caesar having Jubius (an intimate Friend of Pompey's) with him as his Prisoner, dispatch'd him to Pompey, in an Embassage, entreating, That they meet­ing together in a Conference, as one should dis­band both their Armies within three days, and renewing their former Friendship with solemn Oaths, should return together into Italy. Pompey look'd upon this again as some new Strata­gem or Device; and therefore marching down in all haste towards the Sea­Coast, possessed himself of all Forts and Places of Strength, (fit to encamp in, and secure his Land-Forces) as likewise of all Ports and Harbours commodious to receive any that came by Sea; so that what Wind soever blew, it must needs in some way or other be favourable to him, bringing in ei­ther Provision, Men, or Money: But Caesar, on the contrary, was so distressed both by [Page 205] Sea and Land, that he was forc'd to desire Battel, daily provoking the Enemy, and assailing them in their very Forts; and in these light Skirmishes for the most part had the better, only once he was dangerously overthrown, and likely to have lost his whole Army: For Pompey having valiantly re-inforced the Battel, made a desperate Charge upon him, even to a total Rout of all his Army, and the Slaughter of 2000 upon the Place; but either he was not able to force their Camp, or he was afraid to fall in pell-mell together with them: Inso­much as Caesar told some of his Friends, How that day had given an absolute Conquest to the Enemy, if they had had but a Man that knew how to Conquer. Pompey's Soldiers were so mightily encourag'd by this Victory that they would needs have it put to the decisi­on of a Battel; but Pompey himself (though he wrote to Foreign Kings, Princes, and States in Confederacy with him, as a Con­queror, yet) was afraid to hazard the Suc­cess of a Battel, choosing rather by delays, and distress of Provisions, to tire out those who had never yet been Conquer'd by force of Arms, but had always, when they fought in a body, been accustom'd to Victory: Be­sides the Infirmities of their Age, which now made them quickly weary of those [Page 206] other Hardships of War, (such as were long Marches, and frequent Decampings, mak­ing of Trenches, and building of Fortifica­tions) made them willing to fight and ven­ture the Battel with all speed.

Pompey had all along hitherto by his Per­swasions, pretty well quieted his Soldiers; but after this last Engagement, when Caesar for want of Provisions was forc'd to raise his Camp, and had passed through Athama­nia into Thessaly, it was impossible to curb or allay the heat of their Spirits any longer; For all crying out with a general Voice, That Caesar is fled, some were for pursuing and pressing upon him; others for return­ing into Italy; some there were that sent their Friends and Servants before hand to Rome, to hire Houses near the Forum or Market-place, whereby they might be in a readiness to sue for Offices and Places in the Government: But several were so vain as to sail for Lesbos, in a Compliment to Cornelia, with this joyful News, That the War was brought to an end; (for Pompey had privately convey'd her thither from the Tu­mults in Rome.) Hereupon a Council of War was call'd, and the Matter being un­der debate, Afranius was of Opinion, That Italy should first be regain'd, for that it was the grand Prize and Crown of all the War; and withal they who were Masters of that, [Page 207] would quickly have at their Devotion all the Provinces of Sicilia, Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and Gaul; but what was of greatest weight and moment, 'twas his own native Country that lay near, reaching out her Hand for his Help; and certainly it could not be consistent with Pompey's Honour to leave her thus expos'd to all Indignities, and in Bondage under Slaves, and the Flat­terers of a Tyrant. But Pompey himself on the contrary, thought it neither honourable to fly a second time before Caesar, and be pursued, when Fortune had given him the Advantage of a Pursuit; nor indeed lawful before the Gods, to forsake Scipio, and divers other Men of consular Dignity dis­pers'd throughout Greece and Thessaly, who must necessarily fall into Caesar's Hands, to­gether with all their Wealth and greater Forces: Then as to his Care for the City of Rome, that would most eminently appear, by removing the Scene of War to a greater distance, whereby she, being every way insensible of those Calamities that attend a War, might in Peace expect the Return of her Conqueror.

With this determination Pompey march'dHe follows Caesar int [...] Thessaly. forwards in pursuit of Caesar, firmly resolv'd with himself not to give him Battel, but rather to Besiege and distress him, by keep­ing close at his heels, straitning his Quar­ters, [Page 208] and cutting off all necessary Reliefs: Now there were other Reasons that made him continue this Resolution, but especially a Combination among the Roman Knights that came to his Ear, wherein they design'd as soon as Caesar▪ was overthrown, to hum­ble him too; and therefore, some report, it was for this Reason that Pompey never em­ploy'd Cato in any Matter of consequence during the whole War; yet now, when he pursued Caesar, he left him to guard his Baggage by Sea, fearing, if Caesar should be taken off, lest, by Cato's means, he likewise not long after should be forc'd to lay down his Commission.

Whilst he was thus slowly attending the Motions of the Enemy, his Friends began to charge upon him many Reproaches and Imputations, as if he did not use this Stra­tagem to deceive Caesar, but his Country and the Senate, that he might always con­tinue in Authority, and never cease to keep those for his Guards and Servants who themselves were worthy to govern the World; besides that scoffing way of Domi­tius Aenobarbus, continually calling him A­gamemnon, and King of Kings, render'd him very odious: And Favonius his unseasona­ble Raillery, did him no less injury, than those that took upon them a greater liberty of Speech, when in Drollery he cry'd out▪ [Page 209] My Masters! you must not expect to gather any Figs in Tusculan this year. But Lucius Afra­nius (who had lain under an imputation of Treachery in Betraying the Army in Spain) when he perceiv'd that Pompey did industri­ously decline an Engagement, declar'd o­penly, That he could not but admire, why those who were so ready to accuse him, did not go them­selves and fight that Merchant of their Pro­vinces.

With these and many such like Speeches they wrought upon Pompey, (a Man of that Honour and Modesty, that he could not bear a Reproach, neither would he disob­lige his Friends) and forc'd him to break his Measures, so that he forsook his own prudent Resolution, only to follow their vain Hopes and Desires: Now if such an unsteady Conduct is blameable in the Pilot of a Ship, how much more in an Emperor, or the Soveraign Commander of such an Army, and so many Nations; but he (though he has often commended those Physicians who did not comply with the humorous Appetites of their Patients, yet) himself could not but yield to the Diseased part of his Army, rather than he would use any severity in the Cure; and indeed, who would not judge it Insanity, and want of a Cure in those Men, who went up and down the Camp, suing already for the [Page 210] Consulship and Office of a Praetor? Nay, Spinther, Domitius, and Scipio, made Friends, rais'd Factions, and even quarrell'd among themselves, who should succeed Caesar in the Dignity of his High-Priesthood, esteem­ing all as lightly, as if they were to engage only with Tigranes, King of Armenia, or some petty Na [...]athaean King, not with that Caesar and his Army, that had Storm'd a 1000 Towns, and subdued more than 300 several Nations; that had fought innume­rable Battels with the Germans and Gauls, and always carried the Victory; that had taken a Million of Men Prisoners, and Slain as many upon the Spot in pitcht Battels.

But as soon as they came to the Fields§. 19. of Pharsalia, they grew very tumultuous, so that they forced him by their Pressures and Importunities to call a Counsel of War, where Labienus, General of the Horse, stood up, and first took the Sacrament, swearing, That he would not return out of the Battel, until he had seen the Backs if his Enemies; and all the rest took the same Oath. That Night Pompey Dream'd, That as he went into the Theater, the People receiv'd him with great Applause, and that he himself adorn'd the Temple of Venus, the Conque­ress, with many Spoils: This Vision partly encourag'd, and partly disheartned him, [...]ing lest that Splendor and Ornament [Page 211] to Venus should be made with Spoils taken from himself by Caesar, who deriv'd his Fa­mily from that Goddess; besides, there was a certain Panick Fear run through the Camp, with such a Noise that it awak'd him out of his Sleep: And about the time of renewing the Watch towards Morning, there appear'd a great Light over Caesar's Camp, whilst they were all at rest, and from thence a Ball of flaming Fire was car­ried into Pompey's Camp, which Caesar him­self said, he saw as he was walking his Rounds.

Now Caesar having designed to raise his Camp before break of day, whilst the Sol­diers were busie in pulling down their Tents, and sending away their Cattle and Servants before them, with all their Bag and Baggage, there came in Scouts who brought word, that they saw several Arms carried to and fro in the Enemies Camp, and heard a noise and running up and down, as of Men preparing for Battel: Not long after there came in other Scouts with farther Intelligence, That the first Ranks were al­ready set in Battel Array. Thereupon Caesar, when he had told them, That the wish'd for day was come at last, wherein they should Fight with Men, not with Hunger and Famine, he presently gave Orders for the Red Colours to be set up before his Tent, [Page 212] for that was usually the Signal of Battel among the Romans: As soon as the Soldiers saw that, they left their Tents, and with great Shouts of Joy ran to their Arms; The Officers likewise on their parts drawing up their Squadrons in order of Battel, every Man fell in [...]o his proper Rank without any trouble or noise, as quietly and orderly as if they had been in a Dance: Pompey him­self led up the right Wing of his Army a­gainst Anthony, and appointed his Father-in­Law Scipio in the middle against Lucius Al­binus. The Left Wing was Commanded by Lucius Domitius, and re-enforced with several Regiments of Horse; for the whole Cavalry almost was plac'd there to distress Caesar, and cut off the Tenth Legion, which was accounted the stoutest in all the Army, and in which Caesar himself always fought in Person. Caesar observing the Left Wing of the Enemy to be lin'd and guarded with such a mighty guard of Horse, and fearing the Gallantry of that Battalion, he sent a Detachment of six Regiments out of the Forlorn, and plac'd them in the Rear of the Tenth Legion, commanding them not to stir, lest they should be discovered by the Enemy; but withal, as soon as the Ene­mies Horse had made a Charge, and began to press upon them, that they should make up with all speed to the Front through the [Page 213] foremost Ranks, and not throw their Jave­lins at a distance, (as 'tis usual among your valiant Warriers, that they may come to a close Fight with their Swords the sooner) but that they should dart them upwards in­to the Eyes and Face of the Enemy; telling them, That those fine young Dancers would never endure the Steel shining in their Eyes, but would fly to save their handsome Faces. This was Caesar's Device at that time: But while he was thus instructing his Soldiers, Pompey on Horseback was viewing the Order of both Battalia's; and when he saw how well the Enemy kept their Ranks, expecting quietly the Signal of Battel; and on the contrary, how im­patient and unsteady his own Men were, waving up and down in great Disorder for want of Experience, was very much afraid that their Ranks would be broken upon the first Onset; and therefore he gave out strict Orders, that the Vanguard should make a Stand, and keeping close in their Ranks should receive the Enemies Charge. But Caesar did very much condemn his Judge­ment in this Stratagem, for that by taking away the power of an Assault, it does not only take off from the strength and force of a Blow, which is otherwise made with a spring upon an Incursion, but it does likewise abate and blunt the edge of that Spirit and Fury which the Assailants carry [Page 214] with them, (and which is improv'd by Shouts and Running on) so that at last they be­come cold, unactive, and disheartned.

Caesar's Army consisted of 22000, and Po [...]'s of somewhat above twice as many: Now when the Signal of Battel was given on both sides, and the Trumpets began to [...]ound an Alarm, the generality of those present minded their own Charge, and the Matters that belong'd to themselves; only some few of the Roman Nobility, together with certain Grecians there present, (as Spe­ctators, without the Battel, seeing the Ar­mies ready to join) could not but consider in themselves to what a pass the Ambition and Emulation of these two had brought the Roman Empire; For the Weapons being of Kin, and the Bands Brethren, under the same common Banners, together with the flower and strength of the same City, cla­shing and falling foul upon one another e­ven to the Destruction of both, gave a clear Demonstration of human Nature, how sens­less and void of Reason it is when 'tis blinded with Passion: For if they had been desirous only to Rule, and enjoy in Peace what they had Conquer'd in War, the greatest and best part of the World was subject to them both by Sea and Land; but if there was yet a thirst in their Ambi­tion, that must still be fed with new Tro­phies [Page 215] and Triumphs; the Parthian and German Wars would yield Matter enough to satisfie the most Covetous of Honour: Nay, Scythia was yet Unconquer'd, and the Indians too, where their Ambition might be colour'd over with the specious pretence of Civilizing those Barbarous Nations; And what Scythian Horse, Parthian Arrows, and Indian Riches, could be able to resist 70000 Roman Soldiers, well appointed in Arms, under the Command of two such Generals as Pompey and Caesar? whose Names they had heard of before that of the Romans; and whose Prowess, by their Conquests of wild, savage, and bruitish Nations, was spread farther than the Fame of the Romans themselves: But now they having laid a­side the sence of their Honour, and with that their Piety too, not sparing their own Country, were engag'd in a Civil War, and dashing one another in pieces, who had both been accounted invincible till that day; And for the Alliance contracted betwixt them, the Charms of Julia, and that Marriage, those were look'd upon as Tricks of State, (only to palliate some sinister Design or Confederacy betwixt them) rather than Pledges of any real Friendship.

Now therefore, as soon as the Plains of§. 20. Pharsalia were covered with Men, Horse, and Armour, and that the Signal of Battel [Page 216] was given on either side, Caius Crastinus, a Centurion, (who Commanded a Troop consisting of 120 Men) was the first that advanc'd out of Caesar's Army, to give the Charge, and acquit himself of a solemn En­gagement, that he had made to Caesar: For Caesar as he was going out of his Tent in the Morning, saw Crastinus; where after some Discourse, he ask'd, What his Opinion was touching the event of that Battel? To which he stretching out his Right Hand, reply'd aloud, Thine is the Victory, oh Caesar, Thou shalt Conquer gloriously, and I my self this day will be the Subject of thy Praise, either alive or dead: In pursuance of this Promise he broke out of his Rank, and being follow'd by ma­ny more, charg'd into the midst of his E­nemies; there they came presently to a close Fight with their Swords, and made a great Slaughter: But as Crastinus was still pressing forward, and breaking the Ranks of the Vanguard, a certain Soldier ran him in at the Mouth, so that the point of the Sword came out behind at his Neck; wherefore Crastinus being thus slain, the Fight became doubtfull, and continued equal on that part of the Battel.

Pompey had no [...] yet brought on the right Wing, but staid and view'd about, expect­ing what Execution his Cavalry would do in the Left; now they had already drawn [Page 217] out their Squadrons in form, designing to encompass Caesar, and force those few Horse which he had plac'd in the Front, to give back upon the Battalion of Foot: But Caesar, on the other side having given the Signal, his Horse retreated back a little, and gave way to those Six Auxiliary Regiments, (be­ing 3000 in number) which had been post­ed in the Rear, as an Ambush or Reserve, to prevent encompassing; these ran out, and fiercely charg'd the Enemy upon the Flank; but when they came up to the Horse, there they darted their Javelins up­wards, according to their Instructions, and hit the young Gentlemen in their Faces: Now these Gallants (as they were altoge­ther unskilful in any manner of Fight, so least of all expecting or understanding such a kind as this) had not Courage enough to endure the Blows upon their Faces, but turn­ing their Backs, and covering their Eyes with their Hands, were shamefully put to Flight, Caesar's Men did not follow the Chace, but turn'd their Forces back upon the Foot, and attack'd them on all parts of that Wing which lay naked and unguarded by the Horse, whereby they were present­ly surrounded and environ'd on every side; so that now being attack'd in the Flank by these, and charg'd in the Front by the 10th Legion, they were not able to abide the [Page 218] Charge, or make any longer Resistance, e­specially when they saw themselves out­witted in their own Stratagem, and cir­cumvented in that Ambush, by which they design'd to have invested the Enemy: Thus these being likewise routed and put to flight, when Pompey saw it, and by the Dust flying in the Air, conjectur'd the same Fate of his Horse too, it were very hard to express his thoughts at that time, but he look'd more like one distracted and besides himself, than one that should have call'd to mind that he was Pompey the Great; and therefore he retired slowly towards his Camp, without speaking a word to any Man, behaving himself exactly according to the description in these Verses,

In this state and condition he went into his own Tent, and sate him down speech­less still, until some of the Enemies fell in together with his Men that were flying in­to the Camp, and then he let fall only this one word, What? into the very Camp? and said no more, but rose up, and putting on a Garment suitable to his present Fortune, departed secretly.

[Page 219]By this time the rest of the Army was put to flight, and there was a great Slaugh­ter in the Camp among the Servants, and those that guarded the Tents; but of the Soldiers themselves, there were not above 6000 slain, as 'tis reported by Asinius Pollio, who was himself a Voluntier in this Fight of Caesar's Party. When Caesar's Soldiers had taken the Camp, they saw clearly the Folly and Vanity of the Enemy; for all their Tents and Pavilions were richly a­dorn'd with Garlands of Myrtle, painted Carpets and Hangings, their Couches strow'd with Flowers, and their Tables set full of Bowls and Glasses, and those even crown'd with Wine; nay, their foolish hopes had puff'd them up with such vain Confi­dence, that their whole Preparation and Furniture was of People going to Feast and Sacrifice, rather than of Men well-arm'd and appointed for the Battel.

When Pompey had got a little way from the Camp, he dismounted and forsook his Horse, having but a small Retinue with him, and finding that no Man pursu'd him, walk'd on softly a foot, taken up altoge­ther with thoughts, such as probably might possess any Man of his Quality and Cir­cumstances, a Man that for the space of 34 Years together, had been accustomed to Conquest and Victory, and was then at [Page 220] last in his old Age beginning to know the Calamities of War in Slaughter and Flight: And it was no small Affliction to consider, that he had lost in one hour all that Glory and Power which he had been getting in so many Wars and bloody Battels, and that he, who but a little before was guarded with such an Army of Foot, so many Regi­ments of Horse, and such a mighty Fleet, was now flying in so mean a condition, and with such a slender Retinue, that his very Enemies who sought him could not know him. Thus when he had passed by the City of Larissa, and came into the Fields of Tempe, he being very thirsty, kneel'd down and drank out of the River; then rising up again, he passed through those Valleys, until he came to the Sea-side, and there he betook himself to a poor Fisher­man's Cottage, where he lodg'd all the re­mainder of the Night: The next Morning about break of day he went into a little Boat upon the River, and taking his Free­men along with him, dismissed the rest of his Servants, advising them to go boldly to Caesar and not be afraid: As he was rowing up and down near the Shore, he chanc'd to spy a great Ship of Burthen riding at An­chor, and just ready to set Sail; the Master whereof was call'd by the Name of Petitius, a Roman Citizen, who, though he was not [Page 221] familiary acquainted with Pompey, yet he knew him very well by sight: Now it hap­pened that this Petitius dream'd the Night before that he saw Pompey, not like the Man he had often seen him, but in a despicable condition, and disconsolate, and in that po­sture was discoursing with him: He was then telling his Dream to the Passengers, (as Men commonly do that are at leisure, and especially Dreams of that consequence) when of a sudden one of the Mariners told him, he saw a little Boat with Oars putting off from Shore, and that some of the Men there shook their Garments, and held out their Hands, with Signs to take them in: Thereupon Petitius standing up, knew him immediately, seeing him in the same dis­guise as he appear'd in his Dream, and smiting his Hand on his Head, order'd the Mariners to let down the Ships Boat, he himself lending his Hand, and calling him by the Name of Pompey; in that he was already assur'd of his Change, and the change of his Fortune, by that of his Garb: So that without any farther Entreaty or Discourse, he took him into his Ship, toge­ther with such of his Company as he thought fit, and hois'd Sail: There were with him, the two Len [...]uli and Favonius; and a little after they spy'd King Deiotarus making up towards them from a-shore, so they stayed [Page 222] and took him in along with them: At Sup­per time, the Master of the Ship having made ready▪ such Provisions as he had a­board, Pompey, for want of his Servants▪ began to wash himself, which when Favo­nius perceiv'd, he ran to him, wash'd and anointed him; and always after continu'd to wait upon, and attend him in all things, as Servants do their Masters, even to the washing of his Feet, and providing of his Supper. Insomuch that one there present, observing that free and unaffected Courte­sie in his Services, broke out into these words,

Pompey sailing by the City of Amphipolis, coasted over from thence to Mitylene, with a design to take in Cornelia and his Son; asLesbos. soon as he arriv'd at the Port in that Island, he dispatch'd a Messenger into the City, with News very different from Cornelia's Expectation; for she, by all the former Messengers and Letters sent to please her, had been put in hopes that the War was ended at Dyrrachium, and that there was nothing more remaining for Pompey, but the Chace of Caesar: The Messenger find­ing her in the same Hopes still, was not [Page 223] able to salute or speak to her, but declar­ing the greatness of her Misfortune by his Tears rather than by his words, desir'd her to make haste if she would see Pompey, with one Ship only, and that none of his own: The young Lady hearing this, fell down all along in a Swoon, and continu'd so a long time sensless and speechless; she was scarce well recover'd of her Senses again, but be­ing conscious to her self that this was no time for Lamentation and Tears she started up and ran through the City towards the Sea-side, where Pompey meeting and em­bracing her in his Arms, (as she was just fainting away and falling into a Swoon) she vented her passion in this manner: This is the effect of my Fortune, dear Sir, not of yours, that I see you thus dejected and reduced to one poor Vessel, who, before your Marriage with the unfortunate Cornelia, was wont to ride Ad­miral of these Seas, with a Fleet of 500 Sail; why therefore should you come to see me, or why not rather have left her to a severer Fate, who has been the Cause and Author of all your Mis­fortunes? How happy a Woman had I been, if I had breath'd out my last before that fatal News from Parthia, of the Death of Publius, to whom I was wedded in my Virginity? and how pru­dent, if I had follow'd his Destiny, as I de­sign'd? But I was reserv'd for a greater Mis­chief, even the ruine of Pompey the Great. [Page 224] Thus, they say, Cornelia spoke to him, and this was Pompey's Reply: Dear Cornelia, Thou hast hitherto known only one kind Fortune, which perhaps has deceiv'd thee in this, that she has been constant to me beyond her usual Cu­stom; but it behoves us▪ who are Mortals born, to bear with these Afflictions, and try our For­tune once again; neither ought we to despond, and rest hopeless, for that 'tis as possible to re­trieve our former Happiness from this unlucky state, as it was to fall from that, into this pre­sent Calamity. Thereupon she sent for her Goods and Servants out of the City; the Citizens also of Mitylene came out to salute and invite Pompey into the City; but he re­fused, advising them to be obedient to the Conqueror, and fear not, for that Caesar was a Man of great Goodness and Clemen­cy: Then turning to Cratippus the Philoso­pher, (who came among the rest out of the City to visit him) he began to repine, and argue somewhat with him touching the Dispensations of Providence; but Cratippus very modestly declin'd the Dispute, put­ting him in better Hopes only, lest by op­posing, he might seem too sharp or unsea­sonable: For when Pompey had put him a certain Question touching Providence, and demonstrated how necessary it was, that the Commonwealth should be turn'd into a Monarchy, because of their ill Govern­ment [Page 225] in the State; he return'd the Que­stion, But how, oh Pompey! and by what to­ken or assurance may we be induc'd to believe, that if the Victory had been thine, thou wouldst have us'd thy Fortune better than Caesar? But Providence is a point of Divinity belong­ing to the Gods, and ought to be let alone to act after its own method.

Thus Pompey having taken his Wife and§. 21. Friends aboard, set Sail, making no Port, nor touching any where, but when he was necessitated to take in Provisions, or fresh Water: The first Place he arriv'd at was Attalia, a City in Pamphylia, and whilst he was there, there came some Gallies thither to him out of Cilicia, together with a few Bands of Soldiers, and there he had almost 60 Senators with him again: Then hearing that his Navy was safe too, and that Cato had rallied a considerable Body of Soldiers after their Overthrow, and pass'd with them over into Africa, he began to complain and blame himself and his Friends too, in that they had forc'd him to engage by Land, without making use of his other Forces, (in which he was undoubtedly the stronger) and had not kept near enough to his Fleet, that failing by Land, he might have rein­forced his Troops from the Sea, and pre­sently drawn out a Power equal and able enough to encounter the Enemy; so that [Page 226] in truth, neither did Pompey during all the War commit a greater Oversight, nor Caesar use a more subtil Stratagem, than by draw­ing the Fight so far off from their Naval Forces.

Now Pompey being at present constrain'd to attempt and act somewhat according to his small Ability, he dispatch'd his Agents as Ambassadors to some of the neighbour­ing Cities, and himself sail'd about in Per­son to others, requiring their Aid in Money and Soldiers to Victual and Man out his Ships; however, fearing lest the sudden Approach of the Enemy might prevent his Preparations, he began to consider what Place would yield him the safest Refuge and Retreat at present: Thereupon a Con­sult being held, it was generally agreed up­on, That no Province of the Romans was secure enough; and touching Foreign King­doms, he himself was of opinion, That Parthia must needs be the fittest both to re­ceive and defend them in their present Di­stress, as well as to aid and furnish them with the greatest Forces: Others of the Council were for going into Africa, and to King Juba; but Theophanes, the Lesbian, thought it madness to leave Aegypt (that was but a Voyage of three days Sailing) and forsake Ptolomy (who was just come of Age, and highly oblig'd to him for that [Page 227] Friendship and Favour which he had lately shewn to his Father) only to put himself un­der the Parthian, and trust the most Treache­rous Nation in the World: Or what is worse, to subject himself to the Tyranny of Arsaces the King of Parthia, and make him his Lord (a Power which he was not able to compass in the Life-time of Crassus) rather than try the Clemency of a Generous Ro­man, and one that had been his Father-in­Law, to whom, if he would but yield to be Second, he might assure himself to be the first and chief over all the rest: Besides, he thought it would be great Cruelty to expose a young Lady, descended from the Noble Family of the Scipio's, among such a barbarous People, who govern by their Lusts, and measure their Greatness by their Power, to commit Affronts and Insolencies; from whom, though she suffer no Disho­nour, yet it would be thought she did, be­ing in the Hands of those who had the power to do it: This Argument alone, they say, was so perswasive, as to divert his Course, that was design'd towards Eu­phrates, if it were so indeed that any Coun­sel of Pompey's, and not his own Fate, made him take this other way. As soon there­fore as 'twas resolv'd upon, that he should fly into Aegypt, he setting Sail from Cyprus, in a Galley of Seleucia, together with Cor­nelia, [Page 228] (and the rest of his Company, some in Long-Boats, and others in Ships of Bur­then sailing by) pass'd over the Sea with­out danger. But when he understood that King Ptolomy was sate down with his Army in the City of Pelusium, making War a­gainst his Sister, he steer'd his Course that way, and sent a Messenger before to ac­quaint the King with his Arrival, and hum­bly crave his Protection: Ptolomy himself was a very young Man; and therefore Po­thinus, the principal Minister of State, (having the sole Administration of all Af­fairs in the Government▪) call'd a Council of the chiefest Men at Court (those being the greatest whom he pleas'd to make so) and commanded them every Man to deli­ver his Opinion touching the Reception of Pompey: Now, 'twas a horrid thing to con­sider, That the Fate of Pompey the Great should be determin'd by such a Crew, as Pothinus an Eunuch, Theodotus of Chios, a mercenary Rhetorician, that taught Oratory, as a Schoolmaster, for Reward, and Achil­las an Aegyptian; for these, with others of his Bed-Chamber, and some of those who had a share in his Education, were the chief and leading Men in the Council; Pompey (who thought it dishonourable to owe his Safety to Caesar▪) riding at Anchor a great way distant from Shore, was forc'd to wait [Page 229] the Result of this honourable Council: It seems they were different in their Opinions▪ Some were for sending the Man away, and others again for calling and receiving him; but Theodotus, to shew the power of his Eloquence and Rhetorick, undertook to de­monstrate, That neither the one nor the other was safe in that Juncture of Affairs; for if they entertain'd him, they would be sure to make Caesar their Enemy, and Pompey their Master; Or if they dismiss'd him, they might render themselves hereafter ob­noxious to Pompey for that inhospitable Expulsion, and to Caesar, for the Escape; so that the most expedient Advice would be to send and take away his Life, for by that means they would ingratiate themselves with the one, and have no reason to fear the other; adding, as 'tis reported, with a Smile, That a dead Man cannot bite. This Advice being approv'd of, they committed the execution of it to Achillas: He there­fore taking with him as his Accomplices, one Septimius, a Man that had formerly commanded a Brigade under Pompey, and Salvius, another Centurion, with three or four Officers more, made up towards Pom­pey's Galley; in the mean time, all the chiefest of those who accompanied Pompey in this Voyage, were come into his Ship to see the event of their Embassie: But when [Page 230] they saw the manner of their Reception, that in appearance it was neither Princely, nor Honourable, nor indeed any ways an­swerable to the Hopes of Theophanes, or their Expectation (for there came but a few Men in a Fisherman's Boat to meet them) they began to suspect the meaness of their Entertainment, and gave warning to Pom­pey that he should turn back, whilst he was out of their reach, and launch out into the main Sea: By this time the Aegyptian Boat drew near, and Septimius standing up first, saluted Pompey in the Latin Tongue, by the Title of Imperator, or General: Then Achillas saluting him in the Greek Language, de­sir'd him to come aboard his Vessel, telling him, That the Sea was very shallow to­wards the Shore, and that a Galley of that Burthen could not avoid striking upon some Shelve or Quick-sand: At the same time they saw several of the King's Galleys well mann'd, and all the Shore cover'd with Soldiers; so that if they had chang'd their Minds, it seem'd impossible for them to escape; and besides, their Distrust would have giv'n the Assassinates a colourable pre­tence for their Cruelty. Pompey therefore taking his leave of Cornelia, who lamented his Death before-hand, bid two Centurions, (Philip, one of his Free-men, and a Slave call'd S [...]yn [...]s) go aboard of the Aegyptian's [Page 231] Boat before him; and as some of the Ships Crew belonging to Achillas, were reaching out their Hands to help him, he turn'd a­bout towards his Wife and Son, and repeat­ed those Iambicks of Sophocles.

These were the last words he spoke to his Friends, and so he went aboard. When Pompey perceiv'd that, (notwithstanding there was a considerable distance betwixt his Galley and the Shore, and yet none of the Ships Company had spoke a kind word to him all the way, he look'd earnestly up­on Septimius, and spoke to him, Methinks I should know thee, Friend, have not we been formerly Fellow-Soldiers, and serv'd together in the Wars? But he only nodded with his Head, making no Reply at all, nor shew­ing any other manner of Civility: Since therefore they continu'd silent, Pompey took a little Book in his Hand (wherein was written a Greek Oration, which he in­tended for King Ptolomy) and began to read it; Afterwards, when they drew near to the Shore, Cornelia, (together with the rest of her Friends in the Galley, was very im­patient to see the Event, and began to take Courage at last, when she saw several of [Page 232] the Court coming to meet him, imagining that it might be for a more honourable Re­ception; but, in the mean time, as Pompey took Philip by the hand, to rise up more easily, Septimius came first of all behindHis Death. with his Sword, and run him thorow; next after him likewise Salvius and Achillas drew out their Swords. Wherefore Pompey tak­ing up his Gown with both Hands, hid his Face, and neither saying nor doing any thing unworthy of himself (only groaning a little) manfully endur'd the Wounds they gave him; and so ended his Life in the 59th Year of his Age, the very next day after the day of his Birth. Cornelia, with her Company from the Gallies, seeing him Murder'd, gave such a Shriek, that it was heard to the Shore, and weighing Anchor with all speed, they hoisted Sail, and fled: The Wind serv'd them favourably from a­shore, and assisted their Flight with a brisk Gale, whereby they presently got the main Sea, so that the Aegyptians failing of their aim, desisted from pursuing them. But they cut off Pompey's Head, and threw the rest of his Body over-board, leaving it na­ked upon the Shore, to be view'd by any that had the curiosity to see such a misera­ble Spectacle: Philip stay'd by and watch'd his Corps, till they had glutted their Eyes in viewing it, and then washing it with Sea­water, [Page 233] and having nothing else, he wrapt it up in one of his own Shirts for a Winding-sheet; then seeking up and down about the Sands, at last he found some rotten Planks of a little Fisher-Boat, not much, but yet enough to make up a Funeral Pile for a naked Body, and that not quite entire: As Philip was busie in gathering and putting these old Planks together, an old Roman Citizen, who from his Youth had serv'd in the Wars under Pompey, came to him and demanded, Who he was that was preparing the Funerals of Pompey the Great? And Philip making An­swer, That he was his Free-man; Nay, said he, but thou shalt not have this Honour alone, let even me too, I prithee, have my share in such a pious Office, that I may not altogether repent me of this Pilgrimage in a strange Land, but that in compensation of all my Misfortunes, I may ob­tain this Happiness at last, even with my own Hands to touch the Body of Pompey, and pay my Devotion at the Obsequies of the greatest Ge­neral among the Romans: And in this man­ner were the Funerals of Pompey perform'd. The next day Lucius Lentulus not knowing what had pass'd, came sailing from Cyprus along the Shore of that Coast, and seeing a Funeral Pile, and Philip (whom he did not know at first) standing by, ask'd him, Who it was that was dead and buried there? But pausing a little with himself, and fetch­ing [Page 234] a deep Sigh, Perhaps, said he, even thou O Pompey the Great,! and so going ashore, he was presently apprehended and Slain; This was the unfortunate End of Pompey the Great.

Not long after, Caesar coming into Aegypt, (that was then in very great Troubles) shew'd a great abhorrence of the Person that presented him with Pompey's Head, turning away from him as a most detesta­ble Assassinate; but when he receiv'd his Seal, (whereon was Engraven a Lyon hold­ing a Sword in his Paw) he burst out into Tears. Achillas and Pothinus he put to Death; and King Ptolomy himself being o­verthrown in Battel upon the Banks of Nilus, fled away in disguise, and was never heard of afterwards. Theodotus, the Rheto­rician, flying out of Aegypt, escap'd the hands of Caesar's Justice, but liv'd a Vagabond in Banishment, wandring up and down, despis'd and hated of all Men, till at last Marcus Bru­tus (after he had kill'd Caesar) finding him in his Province of Asia, put him to Death, hav­ing first made him suffer the most exquisite▪ Torments he could invent. The Ashes of Pompey were carried to his Wife Cornelia, who buried them in a Vault at his Coun­try-House, near the City of Alba.

IT being my purpose to write the LivesThe Au­thor's d [...]sign of Alexander and Caesar, by whom Pom­pey was destroyed, the multitude of their great Actions affords me so large a Field, that I were to blame if I should not by way of Apology acquaint my Reader, that I have chosen rather to epitomize the most celebrated parts of their Story, than to insist at large on every particular Circum­stance of it; especially when I consider my Design is not to write an History, but Lives. Neither do the most glorious Exploits al­ways furnish us with the clearest discoveries of Virtue, or Vice in Men; sometimes a [Page 246] Matter of less moment, an Expression, or a Jest, informs us better of their Manners, and In­clinations, than the most famous Sieges, the greatest Armies, or the bloudiest Battels whatsoever. Therefore as those who draw by the Life, are more exact in the first Lines and Features of the Face, from which we may often collect the Disposition of the Per­son, than in the other Parts of the Body: So I shall endeavour by penetrating into,In writing Lives. and describing the secret Recesses, and Ima­ges of the Soul, to express the Lives of Men, and leave their more shining Actions and At­chievments to be treated of by others.

It is agreed on by all Hands, that onAlexander's Family. rhe Father's side Alexander descended from Hercules by Caranus, and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on the Mother's side. His Fa­ther Philip being in Samothrace when he was young, fell in Love there with Olympias, with whom he was initiated in the religious Ceremonies of the Countrey, and her Fa­ther and Mother being both dead, soon af­ter with the consent of her Brother Arimbas married her. The night before the consum­mation of the Marriage, she dream'd that her Belly was struck with Lightning, which kindled a great Fire, whose divided Flames dispers'd themselves all about, and then were extinguish'd. And Philip some timePhilip's Dream. after he was married, dream'd that he Seal'd [Page 247] up his Wife's Belly with a Seal, whose im­pression, as he fancied, was the Figure of a Lion. Some interpreted this as a warning to Philip to look narrowly to his Wife; but Aristander of Telmessus considering how un­usual it was to seal up any thing that was empty, assured him the meaning of his Dream was, that the Queen was with Child of a Boy, who would one day prove as stout and couragious as a Lion. Not long after a Dragon was observ'd to lye close by Olym­pias while she slept; upon which Philip's Affection to her sensibly abated: For whe­ther he fear'd her as an Inchantress, or thought she had commerce with some God, and so look'd on himself as unequal to such a Rival, he was ever after less fond of her Conversation. Others say, that the Women of this Country having always been ex­treamly addicted to perform the Enthu­siastick Ceremonies of Orpheus and Bacchus (upon which account they were called Furious▪ & warlike▪ Clodones, and Mimallones) did in many things imitate the Edonian and Thracian Women about Mount Haemus, from whom the word [...] seems to be derived, signifying su­perfluous and over-curious Sacrifices: That Olympias zealously affecting these Fanatical and Enthusiastick Inspirations, to perform them with more barbarick Dread, was wont in the Dances proper to these Ceremonies, [Page 248] to have great tame Serpents about her, which sometimes creeping out of the Joy, and the Mystick Fans, sometimes winding themselves about the sacred Sphears, and the Womens Chaplets, made it a dreadful Spe­ctacle to those who beheld them.

Philip, after this Vision, sent Chaeron ofHe consults the Oracle. Megalopolis to consult the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos, by which he was commanded to sacrifice to, and most respectively adore Jupiter Hammon above all other Gods; and was told he would one day lose that Eye with which he presum'd to peep through the Chink of the Door, when he saw the God in form of a Serpent so familiar with his Wife. Eratosthenes says, that Olympias, when she brought Alexander on his way to the Army, in his first Expedition, told him the Secret of his Birth, and exhorted him to behave himself with Courage suitable to his divine Extraction. Others again affirm, that she wholly declin'd this Vanity, and was wont to say, Will Alexander never leave making Juno jealous of me?

Alexander was born the 6th of June, The Birth of Alexander. (which month the Macedonians call Lous) the same day that the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was burn'd; upon which occasion Hegesias of Magnesia has an expression so mean and cold, as might have serv'd to have extinguish'd the Flames: Diana says [Page 249] he deserv'd to have her Temple burnt, for leaving the care of it to play the Midwife at the Birth of Alexander. All the Priests and Soothsayers who happened to be then at Ephesus, looking upon the Ruine of this Temple to be the forerunner of some other Calamity, ran about the Town, beating their Faces, and crying, that day had brought forth something that would prove fatal and destructive to all Asia.

Presently after Philip had taken Posidea, he receiv'd these three Messages on the same day: That Parmenio had overthrown the Illyrians in a great Battel; that his Race horse had won the Course at the Olynpick Games; and that his Wife was brought to bed of Alexander; with which being ex­treamly pleased, as an Addition to his Sa­tisfaction the Diviners assured him, that a Son whose Birth was accompanied with three such Successes, could not fail of be­ing invincible.

The Statues that most resembled Alex­ander, His Person described. were those of Lysippus, by whom a­lone this Prince would suffer his Image to be carv'd; and these chiefly did most of his Successors and Friends afterwards imitate; the Artist having expressed the inclination of his Head a little on one side towards his left Shoulder, and his [...]. melting Eye with incomparable exactness. But Apelles, who [Page 250] drew him with Thunderbolts in his Hand, made his Complexion browner and darker than it was naturally, for he was fair, having a mixture of ruddiness, chiefly in his Face, and upon his Breast. Aristoxenus in his Memoirs tells us, that an admirable Scent proceeded from his Skin, and that his Breath and Body all over was so fragrant, as to perfume the Cloaths which he wore next him; the cause of which might proba­bly be the hot and adust Temperament of his Body: For sweet Smells, as Theophrastus conjectures, are produced by the concoction of moist Humors by Heat, which is the reason that those parts of the World which are driest, and most burnt up, afford Spices of the best kind, and in the greatest quanti­ty; for the heat of the Sun exhausts the su­perfluous moisture, which generates Putre­faction in Bodies. And this hot Constitu­tion it may be, rendred Alexander so ad­dicted to drinking, and so cholerick.

His Temperance as to the pleasures ofHis Man­ners. the Body, was apparent in him in his very Childhood, being with much difficulty in­cited to them, and always using them with great moderation: Though in other things he was extreamly eager and vehement. In his love of Glory, and the pursuit of it, he shew'd a solidity of Judgment and Mag­nanimity far above his Age; For he nei­ther [Page 251] fought, nor valued it upon every slight occasion, as his Father Philip did, (who affected to shew his Eloquence almost to a degree of Pedantry, and took care to have the Victories of his Racing Chariots at the Olympick Games engraven on his Coin:) But when he was asked by some about him, Whether he would run a Race? for he was very swift-footed; he answer'd, He would, if he might have Kings to run with him. He often appointed Prizes, in which not only Tragedians and Musicians, Pipers and Harpers, but Rapsodists also strove to outvye one another: And delighted in all manner of Hunting, and Cudgel­playing,And Exer­cises. but never gave any encourage­ment either to playing at Fisty-cuffs, or that [...]. Sport in which all Weapons were to be made use of. While he was yet very young, he entertain'd the Ambassadors from the King of Persia, in the absence of his Father, and falling into Conversation with them, gain'd so much upon them by his Affability, and the Questions he asked them, which were far from being childish, or trifling: (For he enquired of them the length of the Ways, the Passages into the upper parts of Asia, the Character of their King, how he carried himself to his Ene­mies, and what Forces he was able to bring into the Field: That they were struck with [Page 252] admiration of him, and look'd uppon the Diligence and so much fam'd Conduct of Philip, to be nothing in comparison of the forwardness, and great Spirit, that appeard so early in his Son. Whensoever he heardHis Magna­nimity. Philip had taken any Town of importance, or won any signal Victory, instead of rejoycing at it, he would in a deploring manner tell his Companions, that he fear'd his Father would anticipate every thing, and leave him and them no opportuntties of performing great and illustrious Actions. For being more addicted to Virtue and Glory, than either to Pleasure or Riches, he esteemed all that he shouid receive from his Father, as a diminution and prevention of his own future Atchievments; and would have chosen rather to succeed to a Kingdom involv'd in Troubles and Wars, which would have afforded him frequent exercise of his Valour, and a larger Field of Honor, than to one already flourishing and settled, where he must lead an unactive Life, and be as it were buried in the sordid enjoyments of Wealth and Luxury.

The care of his Education (as it muchHis Educa­tion and Tutors. imported) was committed to a great many Praeceptors and Tutors, over whom Leonidas, a near Kinsman of Olympias, a Man of an austere temper, presided: He declining the title of Praeceptor, though a Charge of [Page 253] sufficient Honour and Reputation, because of his Dignity and Relation, was called Alexander's Foster-Father and Governour. But he who took upon him the Place and Name of his pedagogue, was Lysimachus the Acarnanian, who though he had nothing of worth to recommend him, but his luck to call himself Phoenix, Alexander Achilles, and Philip Peleus, was therefore well enough esteem'd and rank'd in the next degree after Leonidas.

Philonicus the Thessalian brought the HorseHe cames Eucephalus. Bucephalus to Philip, offering to sell him for 13 Talents; but when they went into the Field to try him, they found him so very vicious and unmanageable, that he stood up an end when they endeavoured to back him, and would not so much as endure the voice of any of Philip's Attendants: Upon whose dislike, as they were leading him away as wholly useless and untractable, Alexander who stood by, would not let them, saying, What an excellent Horse do they lose, for want of address and boldness to manage him? Philip at first took no notice what he said; but when he heard him repeat the same thing, and saw he was troubled to have the Horse sent away; Do you reproach, said he to him, those who are elder than your self, as if you knew more, and were better able to manage him than they? Yes. replied he, [Page 254] with this Horse I could deal better than any body else. And if you do not, said Philip, what will you forfeit for your Rashness? By Jove, an­swer'd Alexander, the whole price of the Horse. At this the whole Company fell a laughing; but as soon as the Agreement was made be­tween them about the Money, he presently ran to the Horse, and taking hold of the Bridle, turn'd him directly towards the Sun, having it seems observ'd he was disturb'd at, and afraid of, the motion of his own Sha­dow: Then letting him go forward a little, still keeping the Reins in his Hand, and stroking him gently, when he found him to be very brisk and fiery, he let fall his up­per Garment softly, and with one nimble Leap securely mounted him, and when heAnd backs him. was seated, by little and little straitned the Bridle, and curb'd him without either stri­king or spurring. Afterwards when he per­ceiv'd his dangerous fury and heat was abated, but yet not without great impa­tience to run, he let him go at full speed, not only encouraging him with a command­ing Voice, but pressing him forward also with his Heel. All who were present be­held this Action at first with silent astonish­ment, and inward concern: Till seeing him turn at the end of his Career, and come back rejoycing and triumphing for what he had perform'd, they all burst out into Ac­clamations [Page 255] of Applause; and his Father weeping for joy, kiss'd him as he came down from his Horse, and in his Transport said, O my Son, look the out a Kingdom equal to, and worthy of, thy great Soul, for Mace­donia is too little for thee.

After this, considering him to be of a Temper easie to be led to his Duty by Rea­son, but by no means to be compell'd, he always endeavour'd to perswade, rather than to command or force him to any thing; and now looking upon the institution and accomplishment of his Youth, to be of greater difficulty and importance, than to be wholly trusted to those Masters who only taught him Musick, and other superficial and vulgar Sciences, and to require, as Sophocles says,

He sent for Aristotle, the most knowing andAristotle, A­lexander's Tuter. celebrated Philosopher of his time, and re­warded him with a Munificence propor­tionable to, and becoming the care he took to instruct his Son. For he repeopled his native City Stagira, which he had caused to be deserted a little before, restor'd all the Citizens who were in Exile or Slavery, to their Habitations, and assign'd them A College. Nym­pheum for their Studies and Exercises, near the Town of Mieza, where to this very day [Page 256] they shew you Aristotle's stone Seats, and the shady walks which he was wont to fre­quent. It appears that Alexander receiv'd not only the Rules of Morality and Policy from him, but that more abstruse and solid part of Learning which is seldom communicated to the Vulgar. For when he was in Asia, and heard Aristotle had publish'd some Treatifes of that kind, he wrote to him with great free­dom in the behalf of Philosophy in this man­ner: Alexander to Aristotle, greeting. You have His Letter to Aristotle. not done well to set forth your Books of select Know­ledge, for what is there now that I can surmount others in, if those things which I have been parti­cularly instructed in, be laid open to all: For my part I assure you, I had rather excel others in the knowledge of what is excellent in its kind, than in the extent of my Power and Dominion. Fare­wel. Aristotle, to appease and comply with this noble Ambition of Alexander, answer'd him, That those Treatises, which were his Metaphysicks, were indeed publish'd, but not plainly expos'd to every bodies Capa­city. For to say truth, they are written in such a style, that they are only an useful and instructive System to those, who have been already long conversant in that sort of Learing. Doubtless it was to Aristole's Pre­cepts that he owed the inclination he had not barely to the Theory, but likewise to the Practice of Physick: For when any of his [Page 257] Friends were sick, he would often prescribe them their course of Diet, and Medicines proper to their Disease, as we may find in his Epistles. He was naturally a great loverHis incli­nation to Learning. of all kind of Learning, and mightily ad­dicted to Reading; and Onesicritus informs us, That he constantly laid Homer's Illiads, Corrected by Aristotle, with his Dagger, un­der his Pillow, declaring that he esteemed them an exact Institution and perfect Store­house of all Military Vertue and Know­ledge. When he was in the higher Pro­vinces of Asia, being destitute of other Books, he order'd Harpalus to send him some, who furnish'd him with Philestus his Histo­ry, a great many of Euripides, Sophocles, and Aeschylus his Tragedies, and some Dithy­rambick Hymns composed by Telestes and Philaxenus. For a while he lov'd and che­rished Aristotle no less, as he was wont to say himself, than if he had been his Father, giving this Reason for it, that as he receiv'd his Being from the one, so the other had taught him to live well. But afterwards having some mistrust of him, yet not so far as to do him any Prejudice, his Familiarity and friendly Kindness to him abated so much, as to make it evident he was very indifferent to him. However his violent Thirst after, and Respect for Learning, which were born, and still grew up with [Page 258] him, never decay'd, as appears by his ve­neration of Anaxarchus, by the Present of 50 Talents which he sent to Xenocrates, and his particular Care and Esteem of Danda­mis and Calanus.

While Philip made War against the By­vantines, His Courage and early entrance upon Action. he left Alexander, then 16 years old, his Lieutenant in Macedonia, commit­ting the charge of his Great Seal to him, who not to sit idle, reduc'd the rebellious Medan, and having taken their chief Town by Storm, drave out the barbarous Inhabi­tants, and planting a Colony of several Nations in their room, call'd the Place af­ter his own Name Alexandropolis. At the Battel of Chaeronaea, which his Father fought against the Grecians, he is said to have been the first Man that charg'd the Thebans sa­cred Band. And even in my remembrance there stood an old Oak near the River Ce­phisus, which the Country People call'd Alexander's Oak, because his Tent was pitch'd under it. And not far off are to be seen the Graves of the Macedonians, who fell in that Battel. This early Bravery made Philip so fond of him, that nothing pleas'd him more, than to hear his Subjects call Alexander their King, while they allow'd himself no other Title than that of their General.

[Page 259]But the Disorders of his Family, chieflyHis Diffe­rences with his Father. caused by his new Marriages, and extrava­vagant Loves, (the whole Kingdom being soon, in a manner, imbroil'd by the Women) rais'd many Quarrels and great Breaches between them, which the ill Nature of O­lympias, a Woman of a jealous and impla­cable Temper, still made wider, by exaspe­rating Alexander against his Father. Among the rest, this Accident contributed most to their falling out. At the Wedding of Cleo­patra, whom Philip, in his Dotage had Mar­ried, she being much too young for him, her Uncle Attalus, in his Drink, desir'd the Macedonians would implore the Gods to give them a lawful Successor to the King­dom by his Neece. This nettled Alexander so, that throwing one of the Cups at his Head, You Villain, said he, what am I then, a Bastard? Then Philip taking Attalus his part, rose up, and would have ran his Son through; but by good Fortune for them both, either his over-hasty Rage, or the Wine he had drank, made his Foot slip, so that he fell down on the Floor. At which Alexander most reproachfully insulted over him: See there, said he, how low he lyes, not able to remove from one Seat to another, who was making such Preparations to pass out of Eu­rope into Asia. After this insolent Debauch, he and his Mother Olympias went from [Page 260] Court, and when he had plac'd her in E­pirus, he himself retir'd into Illyria.

About this time Demaratus the Corinthian, Reconcil'd by Demara­tus the Co­rinthian. an old Friend of the Family, who had the freedom to say any thing among them without offence, coming to visit Philip, af­ter the first Compliments and Embraces were over, Philip asked him, Whether the Grecians liv'd in Amity with one another? It ill becomes you, replied Demaratus, to enquire after the State of Greece, who have involv'd your own House in so many Dissentions and Ca­lamities. He was so convinc'd by this sea­sonable Reproach, that he immediately sent for his Son home, and at last, by Demara­tus his Mediation, prevail'd with him to re­turn. But this Reconciliation lasted not long; for when Pexodorus, Viceroy of Caria, sent Aristocritus to treat a Match betweenBreak ont again. his eldest Daughter, and Philip's Son Aridaeus, seeking thereby to enter into a League offen­sive and defensive with him: Alexander's Mother, and some who pretended to be his Friends, fill'd his Head with Tales and Calumnies, as if Philip, by this splendid Alliance, and considerable Negotiation, in­tended to settle the Kingdom upon Aridaeus. To prevent this, he dispatches one Thessalus, a Player, into Caria, to dispose Pexodorus to slight Aridaeus, both as illegi­timate, and a Fool, and rather to accept of [Page 261] himself for his Son-in-law. This Proposi­tion was much more agreeable to Pexodo­rus then the former. But Philip, as soon as ever he was made acquainted with this Transaction, went directly to his Son's A­partment, accompanied only by Philotas, one of his most intimate Friends, the Son of Parmenio, and there reprov'd him severe­ly, and reproach'd him bitterly, that he should be so degenerate, and unworthy of the Crown he was to leave him, as to de­sire the Alliance of a mean Carian, who was at best, but the Vassal of a barbarous Prince. Nor did this satisfie his Resentment, for he wrote to the Corinthians to send Thessalus to him in Chains, and banish'd Harpalus, Ne­archus, Phrygius, and Ptolomy, his Sons Con­fidents and Favorites, whom Alexander af­terwards recall'd, and rais'd to great Ho­nour and Preferment.

Not long after this, a Youth nam'd Pau­sanias, Philip mur­ther'd by Pausanias. being forcibly abused, not without the knowledge and consent of Attalus and Cleopatra: When he found he could get no Reparation for his Disgrace at Philip's hands, watch'd his opportunity, and Murther'd him. The guilt of which Fact fell partly upon Olympias, who is said to have encou­rag'd and exasperated the enrag'd Youth to Revenge; and partly upon Alexander him­self, w [...] when Pausanias came, and com­plain'd [Page 262] to him of the Injury he had receiv'd, repeated these Verses to him out of Euri­pides his Medea, where in her Fury she says—

However, he took care to find out and pu­nish the Accomplices of the Conspiracy se­verely, and was very angry with Olympias, for treating Cleopatra too inhumanely in his absence.

Alexander was but 20 years old when hisThe begin­ning of A­lexander's Reign at­tended with great Diffi­culties. Father was murther'd, and not without great Envy succeeded to a Crown beset on all sides with many dangers, and powerful Enemies. For not only the barbarous Na­tions that border'd on Macedonia, were im­patient of being govern'd by any but their own native Princes; but Philip likewise, though he had been victorious over the Grecians, yet, for want of time to finish his Conquests, and settle his Affairs, had left all things in great Hurry and Confusion. Wherefore some would have perswaded A­lexander to have given over all thoughts of containing the Grecians in their Duty by force of Arms, and rather to apply himself to reduce the neighbouring Nations by gen­tle means, and prevent Innovations in their [Page 263] very beginning. But he rejected this Coun­sel as weak and timorous, and look'd up­on it to be more Prudence to secure him­self by Resolution and Magnanimity, than by seeming to truckle to any, hazard the bringing all his Enemies upon him at once. In pursuit of this opinion, he kept the Bar­barians quiet, by making a sudden Incursi­on into their Country, as far as the RiverHe over­throws the Triballians. Ister, where he gave Syrmus, King of the Triballians, a considerable Overthrow. And hearing the Thebans were ready to Revolt, and that the Athenians held Correspondence with them, because Demosthenes, in dispa­ragement of him, had call'd him a Child while he was in Illyria, and the Country of the Triballians, allowing him to be no more than a Youth, while he was in Thessaly: To shew how much he was improv'd, he immediately led his Army through the Straits of Thermopylae, and said, they should find him a Man to some purpose before the Walls of Athens.

When he came to Thebes, to shew how willing he was to accept of their Repen­tance for what was past, he only demand­ed of them Phoenix and Prothytes, the Au­thors of the Rebellion, and proclaim'd a general Pardon of those who would come over to him. But when the Thebans on the other side, not only requir'd Philotas and [Page 264] Antipater to be deliver'd into their hands, but also publickly invited all who would assert the Liberty of Greece, into an Associ­ation with them, he presently applied him­self to make them feel the last Extremities of War. The Thebans indeed defended themselves with Alacrity and Courage, far beyond their Strength, being much out­numbred by their Enemies. But when the Macedonian Garrison sallied out upon them from the Cittadel, they were so hem'd in on all sides, that many of them fell in the Battel. The City it self being taken by Storm, was sack'd and ras'd, on purposeTakes The­bes, and rases it. that so severe an Example might terrifie the rest of Greece into obedience. However, to colour this Vengeance, he gave out, he was forc'd to be so extremely rigorous, by the pressing Complaints and Accusations of his Confederates the Phocians and Plataeans. So that except the Priests, and some few who had heretofore entertain'd the Macedo­nians kindly at their Houses, the Family of the Poet Pindar, and those who were knownThe Family of the Poet Pindar spar'd. to have oppos'd the Rebellion, all the rest, to the number of 30000, were publickly sold for Slaves; and it is computed, that upwards of 6000 were put to the Sword. Among the other Calamities that befel this miserable City, it happen'd that some Thra­cian Soldiers having plundred and demolish­ed [Page 265] the House of an Illustrious Matron na­medThe Story of Timoclea. Timoclea, their Captain, after he had lain with her by force, to satisfie his Ava­rice, as well as Lust, ask'd her, If she knew of any Money conceal'd; to which she rea­dily answer'd, she did, and bid him follow her into a Garden, where she shew'd him a Well, into which, she told him, upon the the taking of the City, she had thrown what she had of most value. The greedy Thracian presently stooping down to view the place where he thought the Treasure lay, she came behind him, and push'd him into the Well, and then flung great Stones in upon him, till she had kill'd him. After which, when the Soldiers led her away bound to Alexander, her very Meen and Gate shew'd her to be a Woman of Quality, and of a Mind no less elevated, not betray­ing the least sign of Fear or Astonishment. And when the King ask'd her, Who she was? I am, said she, the Sister of Theagenes, who fought the Battel of Chaeronea with your Father Philip, and fell there for the liberty of Greece. Alexander was so surpriz'd, both at what she had done, and what she said, that he could not chuse but give her and her Children their Freedom to go whither they pleased.

[Page 266]After this he receiv'd the Athenians intoHe pardons the Atheni­ans. Favour, although they had shew'd them­selves so much concern'd at the Calamity of Thebes, that they omitted the Celebration of their Festivals, and entertain'd those who escap'd, with all possible Humanity. Whe­ther in this he follow'd the Nature of Lions, his Rage being already satisfied, or that after an Example of horrid Cruelty, he had a mind to appear Merciful, it hap­pen'd well for the Athenians; for he not only forgave them all past Offences, but commanded them to look to their Affairs with Caution and Vigilance, upon this Consideration, that if he should miscarry in his Expedition, they were like to be the Arbiters of Greece. Certain it is, that he often repented of his Severity to the The­bans, and his Remorse had such influence on his Temper, as to make him ever after less rigorous to all others. He imputed also the Murther of Clitus, which he com­mitted in his Wine, and the base unwilling­ness of the Macedonians to follow him against the Indians, (by which his Enterprize and Glory was left imperfect) to the Wrath and Vengeance of Bacchus, the Protector of Thebes. And it was observ'd, that what­soever any Theban, who had the good for­tune to survive this Victory, ask'd of him, he was sure to grant, without the least dif­ficulty.

[Page 267]Soon after the Graecians being assembledIs chosen General of the Greci­ans. in the Strait of Peloponesus, declar'd their Resolution of joyning with Alexander in the War against the Persians, and made choice of him for their General. While he staid here, many publick Ministers and Philoso­phers came from all Parts to visit him, and congratulate his Election: But contrary to his Expectation, Diogenes of Synope, who then dwelt at Corinth, thought so little of him, that instead of coming to complement him, he never so much as stirr'd out of the Cranium or Suburbs, where Alexander found him lying along in the Sun. When he saw so much Company near him, he rais'd him­self a little, and vouchsaf'd to look uponThe Beha­viour of Diogenes the Cynick towards him. Alexander, and when he kindly ask'd him, Whether he wanted any thing? Yes, said he, I would have you stand from between me and the Sun. Alexander was so affected at this Answer, and surpriz'd at the Greatness of the Man's Soul, who had taken so little notice of him, that as he went away, he told his Followers, who were Laughing at the Moroseness of the Philosopher, That if he were not Alexander, he would rather chuse to be Diogenes than any other Man.

Then he went to Delphos, to consult Apollo He consults, and forces the Oracle. concerning the Success of the War he had undertaken; and happening to come at a time that was esteeem'd unlucky, and im­proper [Page 268] to give any Answers from the Oracle, he sent Messengers to desire the Priestess to do her Office; but she refusing, under pre­tence of a Law to the contrary, he went up himself, and drew her by force into the Temple, where tir'd and overcome with Struggling, My Son, said she, thou art In­vincible. Alexander taking hold of what she spoke, declar'd he had receiv'd such an Answer as he wish'd for, and that it was needless to consult the God any further. Among other Prodigies that preceded the March of his Army, the Image of Orpheus at Libethra, made of Cypress-Wood, was seen to Sweat in great abundance, to the discouragement of many. But Aristander told him, That far from presaging any Ill to him, it signifi'd, he should perform things so important and glorious, as would make the Poets and Musicians of future Ages labour and sweat to describe and cele­brate them.

His Army, by their Computation whoAlexander's Army and Preparati­ons. reckon moderately, consisted of 30000 Foot, and 5000 Horse; and those who make the most of it, speak but of 34000 Foot, and 4000 Horse. Aristobulus says, he had not a Fund of above 70 Talents for their Pay, nor more than 30 days Provisions, if we may believe Duris; and Onesicritus tell us, he was 200 Talents in Debt. However [Page 269] narrow and disproportionable the beginnings of so vast an Undertaking might seem to be, yet he would not embark his Army, till he had inform'd himself particularly,His Libera­lity. what Estates his Friends had to enable them to follow him, and supplied what they wanted, by giving good Farms to some, a Village to one, and the Revenue of some Borough or Port-Town to another. So that at last he had wasted or engag'd almost all the Crown-Lands, which giving Perdiccas an occasion to ask him, What he would leave himself? He replied, Nothing but the Hopes of his future Conquests. You will not then, said Perdiccas, take it ill, if we share with you in those Hopes only, and refused to accept of the Estate he had assign'd him. Some others of his Friends did the like, but to those who willingly receiv'd, or desir'd assistance of him, he liberally granted it, as far as his Patrimony in Macedonia would reach, which was all spent in these Donations.

With such vigorous Resolutions, andHe passes the Helles­pont, and visits A­chilles his Tomb. his Mind thus dispos'd, he pass'd the Helle­spont, and at Troy Sacrific'd to Minerva, and Honour'd the Memory of the Heroes who were Buried there, with solemn Funeral Libations; especially Achilles, whose Grave­Stone he Anointed, and with his Friends, as antient Custom was, ran naked about his Sepulchre, and Crown'd it with Garlands, [Page 270] withal declaring, how happy he estee [...]'d him▪ in having while he liv'd, so faithful a Friend as Patroclus; and when he was dead, so famous a Poet as Homer to immortalize his Actions. While he was viewing the rest of the Antiquities and Curiosities of the Place, being told, he might see Paris his Harp if he pleas'd, he said, He thought it not worth looking on, but he should be glad to fee that of Achilles, with which he had celebrated the Glory and Renown'd Actions of so many brave Men.

In the mean time Darius his Captains having Martial'd great Forces, were in­camp'dThe Battel of Granicus. on the further Bank of the River Granicus, which was look'd on as so consi­derable a Pass into Asia, that there was an absolute necessity of Fighting to win it. The depth of the River, with the unevenness and difficult ascent of the oppositite Shore, which was to be gain'd by main force, was apprehended by some; and others were so Superstitious, as to think it an improper time to engage, because it was unusual for the Kings of Macedonia to march with their Forces in the Month of June. But Alexander broke through these Scruples, telling them, they should call it a second May. And when Parmenio advis'd him not to attempt any thing that day, because it was late, he told him, The Hellespont which he had [Page 271] pass'd would blush for him, if he should be baffled at the passage of an inconsiderable River. And so without more saying, he immediately took the River with 13 Troops of Horse, and advanc'd against whole showers of Darts thrown from the other side, which was cover'd with multitudes of the Enemy,Alexander passes the Granicus in despite of the Enemy. notwithstanding the disadvantage of the Ground, and the rapidity of the Stream; So that this Action seem'd to have more of Rage and Madness in it, than of prudent Conduct. However he persisted obstinate­ly to gain the Ford, and at last with much ado climbing up the Banks, which were very slippery by reason of the Mud, he was fain to mingle among the thickest of the Enemy, and Fight hand to hand for a while, before he could bring his Men, who were endeavouring still to pass, into any Order. They press'd upon him with loud and war­like Outcries, and charging him closely with their Horse, after they had broken and spent their Javelins, they fell to it with their Swords. And Alexander being re­markable for his Buckler, and a large Plume of excellent white Feathers on his Helmet, was attack'd on all sides, yet escap'd woun­ding, though his Cuirass was pierc'd by a Javelin in a faulty place. And Rhesaces, His dange­rous En­counter. and Spithridrates, two Persian Commanders, falling upon him at once, he avoided one of [Page 272] them, and struck at Rhesaces, who had a good Cuirass on, with such force, that his Javelin breaking in his Hand, he was glad to betake himself to his Sword. While they were thus engag'd, Spithridates came up on one side of him, and raising himself upon his Horse, gave him such a Blow with his Battel-Axe on the Helmet, that he cut off the Crest of it, with one side of his Plume, and made such a Gash, that the edge of his Weapon touch'd the very Hair of his Head. But as he was about to repeat his Stroke, Great Clitus prevented him, byAnd Pre­servation by Clitus. running him through the Body with his Spear. At the same time Alexander dis­patch'd Rhesaces with his Sword. While the Horse were thus dangerously engag'd, the Macedonian Phalanx pass'd the River, and the Foot on each side advanc'd to Fight. but the Enemy hardly sustaining the first onset, soon gave ground and fled, all but the mercenary Graecians, who making a stand upon a rising Ground, desired quarter, which Alexander guided rather by Passion than Judgment, refused to grant, and charging them himself first, had his Horse (not Bucephalus but another) kill'd under him. And this obstinacy of his to cut off these experienc'd desperate Men, cost him the lives of more of his own Soldiers, than all the Battel before, besides those who were [Page 273] wounded. The Persians lost in this Battel 20000 Foot, and 2500 Horse: On Alex­ander's side, Aristobulus says there was not wanting above 34, of which 9 were Foot, to whose Memory he caused so many Sta­tues of Brass of Lysippus his Hand to be E­rected: And that the Graecians might parti­cipate the Fruits of his Victory, he shar'd the Booty among them. Particularly to the Athenians he sent 300 Bucklers, and upon all the rest of the Spoils he ordered this glorious Inscription to be set: Alexan­der the Son of Philip, and all the Grecians, except the Lacedemonians, won these from the Barbarians who inhabit Asia. All the Plate and Purple Garments, and whatever else of any value he took from the Persians, except a very small quantity reserv'd for himself, he sent as a Present to his Mother.

This Battel presently made a great change of Affairs to Alexander's advantage: For Sardis it self, the chief Seat of the Barbarians Sardis taken. Power in the Maritime Provinces, and ma­ny other considerable Places were Surren­dred to him; only Halicarnassus and Miletus stood, which he soon took in by force, to­gether with the Territory about them. After which he was a little unsettled in his Opinion how to proceed: Sometimes he thought it best to find out Darius as soon as he could, and put all to the hazard of a [Page 274] Battel; another while he looked upon it as a more prudent course; to make an en­tire Conquest of the Sea-Coast, and not to seek the Enemy till he was strengthned, by the addition of the Wealth and Forces of those Provinces. While he was thus deli­berating what to do, it hapned that a Foun­tain near the City of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own accord swell'd over its Banks, and threw up a Copper Plate upon the Shore, in which was Engraven in ancient Chara­cters,Being irre­solute is en­courag'd by an old Pro­phesie. That the time would come, when the Persian Empire should be destroyed by the Grae­cians. Incouraged by this Accident, he proceeded to reduce the Maritime Parts of Cilicia, and Phoenicea, and passed his Army along the Sea-Coasts of Pamphilia with such Expedition, that many Historians have des­crib'd, and extoll'd it with that height of Admiration, as if it were no less than a Miracle, and an extraordinary effect of Di­vine Favour, that the Waves which were wont to come rowling in from the Main, and hardly ever leave so much as the Beach under the steep, broken Cliffs at any time uncover'd, should on a sudden retire to af­ford him passage. Menander, in one of his Comedies, alludes to this wonderful Event, when he says,

Alexander himself in his Epistles, men­tions nothing unusual in this at all, but says, he went from Phaselis, and marched through the Straits, which they call the Ladders. At Phaselis he staid some time, and finding the Statue of Theodectes, who was then Dead, erected in the Market Place, after he had Supp'd, having drank pretty plentifully, he went and Danc'd about it, and Crown'd it with Garlands as it were in sport, Ho­nouring the Memory of his Friend, whose Conversation he had formerly enjoyed, when he was Aristotle's Scholar.

Then he subdued the Pisidians who madePisidia and Phrygia subdued. head against him, and conquered the Phry­gians, at whose chief City Gordium, (which is said to be Seat of Old King Midas) he saw the famous Chariot fastned with Cords made of the Rind of the Cornel Tree, which [...] whosoever should untie, the Inhabitants had a constant Tradition, that for him was re­serv'd the Empire of the World. Most are of Opinion, That Alexander finding him­self unable to untie the Knot, because the ends of it were secretly folded up within [Page 276] it, cut it asunder, with his Sword: ButCuts the Gordian Knot. Aristobulus tells us, it was easie for him to undo it, by only pulling the Pin out of the Beam which fastned the yoak to it, and afterwards drawing out the yoak it self. From hence he advanced into Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, both which Countries he soon reduc'd to his obedience, and then hearing of the Death of Memnon, one of Darius his best Sea-Commanders, who, if he had lived, might have put a great stop to the progress of his Arms, he was the rather induc'd to carry the War into the up­per Provinces of Asia.

Darius was by this time upon his MarchDarius marches towards him. from Susa, very confident, not only in the number of his Men, which amounted to fix hundred thousand, but likewise in a dream which the Magicians interpreted ra­ther in flattery to him, than with any pro­bability of Truth. He dream'd that he saw the Macedonian Phalanx all on fire, and Alexander waiting on him, clad in the same Robe which he used to wear when he was Asgandes to the late King;A Messenger. after which going into the Temple of Belus, he vanish'd out of his sight. By this dream it was manifest in my opinion, that theDarius his Dream in­terpreted. Gods design'd to shew him the illustrious Actions the Macedonians were to perform, that as he from an Asgandes had arriv'd at [Page 277] the Crown, so Alexander should come to be Master of Asia, and not long surviving his Conquests, conclude his Life with great Glory and Reputation. Darius his confi­dence increas'd the more, because Alexander spent so much time in Cilicia, which he im­puted to his Cowardice: But it was sick­ness that detain'd him there, which some sayAlexander falls sick. he contracted by taking too much pains, others by Bathing in the River Cydnus, whose Waters were exceeding cold. How­ever it hapned, none of his Physicians would venture to give him any Remedies, they thought his case so desperate, and were so afraid of the censure and ill will of the Ma­cedonians, if they should fail in the Cure; till Philip the Acarnanian considering his ex­tream danger, and confiding in his Friend­ship, resolved to try the utmost efforts of his Art, and rather hazard his own Credit and Life, than suffer him to perish for want of Physick, which he confidently admini­stred to him, encouraging him to take it boldly, if he desired a speedy Recovery, in order to prosecute the War. At this very time Parmenio wrote to Alexander from the Camp, bidding him have a care of Philip, as one who was brib'd by Darius to kill him, with great sums of Money, and a pro­mise of his Daughter in Marriage. When he had perus'd the Letter, he put it under [Page 278] his Pillow, without shewing it so much as to any of his most intimate Friends, and when Philip came in with the Potion, he took it with great chearfulness and assu­rance, withal giving him the Letter to read. This was an encounter well worth being present at, to see Alexander take the draught,His confi­dence in his Physician Philip. and Philip read the Letter at the same time, looking earnestly upon one another, but with different Sentiments; for Alexander's looks were chearful and open, a demon­stration of his kindness to, and confidence in his Physician, while the others were full of surprise at the accusation, appealing to the Gods to witness his Innocence, some­times lifting up his hands to Heaven, and then throwing himself down by the Bed­side, and beseeching Alexander to lay aside all fear, and rely on his Fidelity. The Me­dicine at first wrought so strongly with him, that it overcame his Spirits, and brought him so low that he lost his speech, and falling into a Swoon, had scarce any sense or pulse left; but soon after, by Phi­lip'sBy whom he is Cur'd. means, his Health and Strength re­turned, and he shewed himself in publick to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and dejection till they saw him abroad again.

There was at this time in Darius his Ar­my a Macedonian Fugitive, named Amyntas, [Page 279] one who was pretty well acquainted with Alexander's designs, This Man, when heDarius re­jects good Counsel. saw Darius, intended to fall upon the Ene­my in the Straits of an inclosed Country, advised him rather to keep where he was, it being the advantage of a numerous Ar­my to have Field room enough, when it in­gages with a lesser Force. Darius instead of taking his Counsel, told him, he was afraid the Enemy would endeavour to run away, and so Alexander would escape out of his hands. That Fear, replied Amyntas, is needless, for assure your self that far from a­voiding you, he will make all the speed he can to meet you, and is now questionless on his March towards you. But Amyntas his Counsel was to no purpose, for Darius immediately de­camped, marched into Cilicia, at the same time that Alexander advanced into Syria to meet him, but missing one another in the Night, they both came back again. Alex­ander mightily pleased with the Accident, made all the haste he could to fight in the Straits, and Darius to recover his former ground, and draw his Army out of so dis­advantageous a place. For now he began to perceive his error in engaging too far in­to a Country, which, by reason of the Sea, the Mountains, and the River Pindarus run­ning through the midst of it, would ne­cessitate him to divide his Forces, render [Page 280] his Horse almost unserviceable, and only cover and supply the weakness of the Ene­my. Fortune was not kinder to Alexander in the situation of the place, than he was carefull to improve it to his advantage: For being much inferiour in numbers, to pre­vent being inclosed, he stretched his RightThe Battel of Issus. Wing much further out than his Left, and Fighting there himself in the very foremost Ranks, put the Barbarians to flight. In this Battel he was wounded in the Thigh by Darius (as Chares says) with whom he fought hand to hand. But in the account which he gave Antipater of the Battel, though indeed he owns he was run through the Thigh with a Sword, though not dange­rously, yet he takes no notice who it was that wounded him.

Nothing was wanting to complete this glorious Victory, which he gain'd at the expence of above an Hundred and ten thou­sand of his Enemies lives, but the taking the Person of Darius, who escaped very nar­rowlyDarius e­scapes. by flight. However, having taken his Chariot, and his Bow, he returned from pursuing him, and found his own Men busie in pillaging the Barbarians Camp, which, though to disburden themselves, they had left most of their Baggage at Damascus, was exceeding rich. But Darius his Tent, in which were abundance of Officers, a [Page 281] great deal of noble Furniture, and vast quantities of Gold and Silver, they reserved for Alexander himself, who after he had put off his Arms, as he was going to Bathe himself, Let us now, said he, cleanse and re­fresh our selves after the toils of war, in Darius his own Bath. Not so, replied one of his followers, but in Alexander's rather, for the Goods of the Vanquish'd are, and always ought to be, reputed the Conquerors. Here, when he beheld the Bathing Vessels, the Water Pots, Vials, and Oyntment Boxes all of Gold, curiously wrought, and smelt the fragrant odours with which the whole place was ex­quisitely perfumed, and from thence passed into another Apartment, large and well pitched, where the Bed, the Table, and theAlexander taken with the Persian Luxury and Riches. Entertainment were perfectly magnificent, he turned to those about him, and in a kind of transport told them, This is to be a King indeed. But as he was going to Sup­per, word was brought him that Darius his Mother, and Wife, and two unmarried Daughters, being taken among the rest of the Prisoners, upon the sight of his Chariot and Bow, were all in tears and sorrow, imagining him to be dead. After a little pause, more touched with their affliction than with his own success, he sent Leonatus to them, to let them know Darius was not Dead, and that they need not apprehend [Page 282] any ill usage from Alexander, who made War upon him only for Dominion; and that they should find themselves as well provided for, as ever they were in Darius his most flourishing condition, when his Empire was entire. This kind message could not but be very welcom to the Cap­tive Ladies, especially being made good by Actions no less humane and generous: For he gave them leave to bury whom they pleased of the Persians, and to make use of what Garments and Furniture they thoughtHis gene­rous usage of Darius his Wife and Daugh­ters. fit out of the Booty. He diminished no­thing of their Equipage, or of the respect formerly paid them, and allowed larger Pensions for their maintenance, than ever they had before. But the bravest and most Royal Part of their usage, was, that he treated these Illustrious Prisoners according to their Vertue and their Quality, not suffering them to hear, or receive, or so much as to apprehend any thing that was indecent, or to the prejudice of their Ho­nour. So that they seemed rather lodg'd in some Temple, or holy Virgin Cloyster, where they enjoyed their Privicy sacred and uninterrupted; than in the Camp of an Enemy. Not that he wanted temptation, for Darius his Wife was accounted the beau­tifullest Princess then living, as her Husband the handsomest and properest man of his [Page 283] time, and the Daughters were no less charming than their Parents: But Alexander His Conti­nence. esteeming it more glorious to govern himself than to conquer his Enemies, touch'd none of them, nor any other Woman before Mar­riage, except Barsina, Memnon's Widow, who was taken Prisoner at Damascus. She was very knowing in the Grecian Learning, of a sweet temper, and by her Father Artaba­zus, Royally descended. Which good qualities added to the sollicitations, and incouragement of Parmenio (as Aristobulus tells us) made him the more willing to enjoy so agreable and illustrious a Woman. Of the rest of the Persian Captives, tho' handsom and well proportion'd enough, he took no farther notice than to say mer­rily that they were great eye-sores. His Temperance and Chastity so much sur­mounted the effects of their Charms, that they mov'd him no more than so many liveless Statues. And when Philoxenus, his Lieutenant on the Sea coast, wrote to him to know if he would buy two very fine Boys, which one Theodorus a Tarentine had to sell: He was so offended, that he oftenHe is angry with those who would have Cor­rupted him. expostulated with his Friends, what base­ness Philoxenus had ever observ'd in him, that he should presume to make him such a reproachful offer? And immediately wrote him a very sharp Letter, commanding him [Page 284] to dismiss Theodorus, and his vile Merchan­dize with disgrace. Nor was he less se­vere to Agnon, who sent him word, he would buy a pretty Corinthian Youth nam'd Crobylus, to present him with. And hear­ing that Damon and Timotheus, two of Par­menio's Soldiers, had abus'd the Wives of some Strangers who were in his Pay, he wrote to Parmenio, charging him strictly, if he found them guilty, to put them to Death, as Beasts that were good for no­thing but to corrupt and ruine Mankind. In the same Letter he added, that he had not so much as seen, or desir'd to see the Wife of Darius, no, nor suffer'd any body to speak of her Beauty before him. He was wont to say, that Sleep, and the Act of Generation chiefly made him sensible that he was Mortal, withal affirming, that Pain and Pleasure proceeded both from the same Frailty and Imbecillity of humane Nature.

In his Diet he was most temperate, asHis Tempe­rance. appears, omitting many other Circum­stances, by what he said to Ada, whom he adopted to be his Mother, and afterwards created Queen of Caria. For when she out of Kindness sent him every day many cu­rious Dishes and Sweet-meats, and would have furnish'd him with such Cooks and Pastry-men as were excellent in their kind: he told her, He wanted none of them, his [Page 285] Praeceptor Leonidas having already given him the best, which were Night-marches to pre­pare him for his Dinner, and moderate Dinners to create an Appetite for Supper. And that he us'd to open and search the Furniture of his Chamber, and his Ward­robe, to see if his Mother had left him any thing that was nice or superfluous. He was much less addicted to Wine than was generally believ'd; that which gave People occasion to think so of him, was, that when he had nothing else to do, he lov'd to sit long and discourse, rather than drink, and tell long Stories between every Glass. For when his Affairs call'd upon him, he would not be detain'd as other Generals often were, either by Wine, or Sleep, Nuptial Solem­nities, Spectacles, or any other Diversion whatsoever: A convincing Argument of which is, that in the short time he liv'd, he accomplish'd so many and so great Actions. When he was free from Employment, after he was up, and had Sacrifi'd to the Gods, he us'd to sit down to Dinner, and then spend the rest of the day either in Hunting,And man­ner of Life describ'd. or writing Memoirs, or composing Diffe­rences among his Soldiers, or Reading. In Marches that requir'd no great haste, he would practise Shooting as he went along, or to mount a Chariot, and alight from it in full speed. Sometimes for Sports sake, [Page 286] his Journals tell us, he would go a Fox­Hunting, and Fowling, and when he came home, after he had Bath'd, and was anointed, he would call for his Bakers, and chief Cooks, to know if they had got his Supper ready in good order. He never car'd to Sup till it was pretty late, and was wonderful cir­cumspect at Meals, that every one who sate with him should be serv'd alike. His talk­ative Humour, as I noted before, made him delight to sit long at Table, and then, though otherwise no Princes Conversation was ever so agreeable, he would fall into such a vein of Ostentation, and Soldierly Bragging, asHe is given to bragging. gave his Flatterers a great advantage to ride him, and made his best Friends and Servants very uneasie. For though they thought it too base to strive who should Flatter him most, yet they found it hazardous not toAnd subject to Flattery. do it; so that between the Shame and the Danger, they were in a great strait how to behave themselves. After such an Enter­tainment, he was wont to Bath, and then perhaps he would Sleep till Noon, and sometimes all day long. He was so very Temperate in his Diet, that when any ex­cellent Fish or Fruits were sent him, he would distribute them among his Friends, and hardly reserve any for his own Eating. His Table however was always Magnificent, the Expence of it still increasing with his [Page 287] good Fortune, till it amounted to 10000The Expence of his Table. Drachmas a day, to which Sum he limited it; and beyond this, he would suffer none to lay out in an Entertainment, though he himself were the Guest.

After the Battel of Issus, he sent to Damas­cus to seize upon the Money and Baggage, the Wives and Children of the Persians, of which the Thessalian Horsemen had the greatest share; for he had taken particular notice of their Gallantry in the Fight, and sent them thither on purpose to make their Reward suitable to their Courage: Not but that the rest of the Army had so considerable part of the Booty, as was sufficient to make the Fortune of every private Soldier. This first gave the Macedonians such a taste of the Persian Wealth, Women, and manner of Living, that they pursued and trac'd it with the same eagerness and ardour, that Hounds do when they are upon a Scent. Alexander before he proceeded any farther, thoughtCyprus and Phoenicia yielded to him. it necessary to assure himself of the Sea-Coast. Those who Govern'd in Cyprus, put that Island into his Possession, and all Phoenicia except Tyre was Surrendred to him without a stroke. During the Siege of this City, which with Mounts of Earth cast up, andHe Besieges Tyre. battering Engines, and 200 Gallies by Sea, was carried on with all imaginable vigour for seven Months together, he chanc'd to [Page 288] Dream, that he saw Hercules upon the Walls, reaching out his Hand, and calling to him. And many of the Tyrians in their Sleep, fan­cied that Apollo told them, he was displeas'd with their Actions, and was about to leave them, and go over to Alexander. Upon which, as if the God were a Fugitive, they took him in the Fact, chaining his Statue, and nailing it to the Pedestal, withal re­proaching him, that he was an Alexandrist, or a Favourer of Alexander's Party. Ano­ther time Alexander Dream'd, He saw a Satyr mocking him at a distance, and when he endeavour'd to catch him, he still escap'd from him, till at last, with much perseve­rance, and running about after him, he got him into his Power. The Soothsayers making two words of Satyros, assur'd him, [...], which sig­nifies, Tyre is thine. that in all probability Tyre was as good as his own. The Inhabitants at this time shew the Fountain near which Alexander slept, when he fancied the Satyr appear'd to him.

While the Body of the Army lay before Tyre, he made a short Excursion against the Arabians, who inhabit Mount Antilibanus, in which he hazarded his Life extreamly, to bring off his Master Lysimachus, who would needs go along with him, bragging he was neither older, nor inferior in Cou­rage to Phoenix Achilles, his Tutor, whose Name he affected to bear. For when quit­ting [Page 289] their Horses, they march'd up the Hill on foot, the rest of the Soldiers out-went them a great deal, so that Night drawing on, and the Enemy near, Alexander wasHis care of his old Ma­ster▪ fain to stay behind so long, to encourage and help up the lagging, tir'd old Man, that before he was aware, he was gotten a great way from his Army with a slender atten­dance, and forc'd to pass an extream cold Night in the dark, and in a very ill place. Till seeing a great many scattered Fires of the Enemy at some distance, and trusting to his Agility of Body, and constant Inde­fatigableness, with which he was wont to relieve and support the Macedonians in their Distress, he ran strait to one of the nearestand perso­nal Valour, in extremi­ty of danger Fires, and with his Dagger dispatching two of the Barbarians that sate by it, snatch'd up a lighted Brand, and return'd with it to his own Men, who immediately made a great Fire, which so terrified the Enemy, that most of them fled, and those that as­saulted them were soon routed, by which means they lodg'd securely the rest of the Night. Thus Chares gives an account of this Action.

But to return to the Siege, it had this Issue: Alexander that he might refresh his Army, harass'd with many former Encoun­ters, drew out a small Party, rather to keep the Enemy upon Duty, than with any [Page 290] prospect of much Advantage. It happen'd at this time, that Aristander, after he had sacrific'd, upon view of the Intrails, affirm'd confidently to those who stood by, that the City should be certainly taken that very Month, which made them laugh at, and mock him exceedingly, because that was the last day of it. But the King taking notice of his Perplexity, and emulous Zeal, ever ambitious to have his Predictions take place, commanded they should not account that the 30th, but the 3d day of the expir­ing Month, and ordering the Trumpets to sound, attack'd the Walls with more FuryHe takes Tyre and Gaza. than he at first intended. The briskness of the Assault so inflam'd the rest of his Forces who were left in the Camp, that they could not hold from advancing to second it, which they perform'd with so much Vigour, that the Tyrians retir'd, and the Town was car­ried that very day. The next Place he sate down before was Gaza, the Metropolis of Syria, where this Accident befel him, A great Fowl flying over him, let a Clod of Earth fall upon his Soulder, and then set­tling upon one of the battering Engines, was suddenly intangled and caught in theWhere he is wounded by a str [...]nge accident. Nets composed of Sinews, which protected the Ropes with which the Machine was manag'd. This fell out exactly according to Aristander's Prediction, which was, that [Page 291] Alexander should be wounded, and the City reduc'd.

From hence he sent great part of the Spoils to Olympias, Cleopatra, and the rest of his Friends, not omitting his Praeceptor Leo­nidas, on whom he bestowed five hundred Talents worth of Frankincense, and an hun­dred of Myrrh; prompted to it by the re­membrance of his forward hopes of him, when he was but a Child. For Leonidas, it seems, standing by him one day while he was sacrificing, and seeing him take both his hands full of Gums to throw into the Fire, told him, it became him to be more sparing in his Offerings then, and not be so profuse till he was Master of the Countries, where those sweet Gums and Spices were produc'd. Upon this account, Alexander wrote him word, he had sent him a large quantity of Myrrh and Frankincense, that for the future he might not be so niggardly to the Gods. Among the Treasures and other Booty that was taken from Darius, there was a very curious little Box, which being presented to Alexander for a great Rarity, he ask'd those about him what they thought fittest to be laid up in it; and when they had delivered their opinions, he told them he esteem'd nothing so wor­thy to be preserv'd in it as Homer's Iliads. His esteem of Homer. This passage is attested by many credible [Page 292] Authors, and if what those of Alexandria, relying upon the credit of Heraclides, tell us be true; Homer was neither an idle, nor an unprofitable Companion to him in his expedition. For when he was Master of Aegypt, designing to settle a Colony of Grecians there, he resolv'd to build a large and populous City, and give it his own Name. In order to which, after he had measur'd and stak'd out the Ground, with with the advice of the best Workmen, he chanc'd one Night in his sleep to see a won­derful Vision: A gray-headed Old Man, of a venerable Aspect, appear'd to stand by him, and pronounce these Verses,

Alexander upon this immediately rose up and went to Pharos, which at that time was an Island lying a little above the Canobique Mouth of the River Nilus, tho' it be now joyn'd to the Continent by a straight Cau­sey. As soon as he saw the commodious scituation of the place, it being a long neck of Land, of a proportionable breadth, hav­ing a great Lake on one side, and the Sea on the other; at the end of it making a spacious Hrrbour, he said, Homer, besides his other Excellencies, was a very good [Page 293] Architect, and ordered the Plot of a CityHe builds Alexandri. to be drawn answerable to the place. To do which, for want of Chalk, the Soil be­ing black, they set out their Lines with Flower, taking in a pretty large compass of ground in a circular Figure; the inside of whose circumference was equally termi­nated by Right Lines like the edges of a Cloak. While he was pleasing himself with his design, on a sudden an infinite number of great Birds, of several kinds, rising like a black Cloud out of the River, and the Lake, devoured all the Flower that was u­sed in setting out the Lines; at which, Omen Alexander was much troubled, till the Augur's incouraging him again, by telling him, It was a sign, the City he was about to build, would not only abound in all things within it self, but also be the Nurse of ma­ny Nations; he commanded the Workmen to proceed, while he went to visit the Tem­ple of Jupiter Hammon.

This was a long, painful, and dangerousHis Journey to the Tem­ple of Jupi­ter Ham­mon. Journey in two respects: First, if their Pro­vision of Water should fail in so wide a De­sart: And Secondly, If a violent South­Wind should rise upon them, while they were Travelling through the deep gaping Sands, as it did heretofore upon Cambyses his Army, blowing the Sands together in heaps, and then rowling it in Waves upon [Page 294] his Men, till 50000 were swallowed up and destroyed by it. All these difficulties were weighed and represented to him; but Alexander was not easily to be diverted from any thing he was bent upon: For Fortune having hitherto seconded him in his designs, made him resolute and firm in his Opini­ons, and the greatness of his Mind raised a confidence in him of surmounting almost invincible difficulties; as if it were not e­nough to be always victorious in the Field, unless Places, and Seasons, and Nature her self submitted to him. In this Voyage, the Relief and Assistance the Gods afforded him in his Distresses, were more wonderful and worthy of belief, than the Oracles he re­ceived afterwards, which were valued and credited the more upon this occasion: For first, the plentiful Rains that fell preserv'd them from perishing by drought, and allay­ing the extreme driness of the Sand, which now became moist and firm to Travel on, clear'd and purified the Air. Besides this, when they were out of their way, and wereIn which he is w [...]nder­fully guided and pre­serv'd. wandring up and down, by reason the marks which were wont to direct the Guides were disordered and lost, they were set right again by some Ravens who flew be­fore them in their March, and would wait for those who lagg'd or were left behind. But the greatest Miracle, as Calisthenes tells [Page 295] us, was, That if any of the Company went astray in the Night, they never left croking and making a noise, till by that means they had brought them into the right way again. Having passed through the Wil­derness they came to the City, where the High-Priest, at the first salute bade Alex­ander welcom from his Father Ammon: And being ask'd by him whether any of his Father's Murderers had escaped punishment, he charg'd him to speak with more respect, for his Father was not Mortal. Then A­lexander more plainly desired to know of him, if any of those who murder'd Philip were yet unpunish'd, and further concern­ing Dominion, whether the Empire of the World was reserv'd for him? This the God answered he should obtain, and that Phi­lip's Death was fully reveng'd; which gave him so much satisfaction, that he made splendid Offerings to Jupiter, and gave the Priests very rich Presents. This is the sub­stance of what Answers he receiv'd from the Oracle: Although Alexander in a Let­ter to his Mother tells her, there were some secret Predictions, which, at his return, he would communicate to her only. OthersIs flattered by a Priest. say, That the Priest, desirous to express himself more kindly, and to call him in the Greek Tongue Paidion, which signifies my Son, to avoid the barbarism as he thought [Page 296] of the N, used the S instead of it, and said Paidios, or Son of Jupiter, which mistake of his Speech, Alexander was well enough pleas'd with, and it went for currant, that the Oracle had call'd him so.

Among the Sayings of one Psammon a Philosopher, whom he heard in Aegypt, he most approved of this, That all Men are go­vern'd Alexander's opinion of the Deity. by God, because in every thing that which is Chief and Commands is Divine. But what he pronounc'd himself upon this Sub­ject, was more like a Philosopher; for he said, God was the common Father of us all, but more particularly of Good Men. To the Bar­barians he carried himself very insolently, as if he were fully perswaded of his DivineAnd poli­tick use of being thought a God. Original; but to the Grecians more mode­rately, and with less affectation of Divini­ty: Except it were writing to the Atheni­ans concerning Samos, where he tells them, they held not that free and glorious City by vertue of his Gift, but from the Bounty of him, who, at that time, was call'd his Lord and Father, meaning Philip. However, af­terwards being wounded with an Arrow, and feeling much pain, he turn'd to those about him, and told them, it was common Humane Blood that fell from him, and not the Ichor,

Such as th' Immortal Gods were wont to shed. [Page 297] And another time when it Thundred so much that every body was afraid, and A­naxarchus the Sophist ask'd him, if he whoHe is jeer'd by Anaxar­chus. was Jupiter's own Son were so too? Yes, that I am, answer'd Alexander laughing, for I would not be formidable to my Friends, as you would have me be, who despis'd my Table for being furnish'd with Fish, and not with the Heads of Governors of Provinces. For it is certain, That Anaxarchus seeing a Present of small Fishes which the King sent to He­phaestion, did express himself to this pur­pose, to shew his contempt and derision of those who take mighty pains and run despe­rate hazards in pursuit of great matters, and yet after all, if we examine things closely, have little more of Pleasure or En­joyment than other People. For what I have said upon this Subject, it is apparent that Alexander in himself was not foolishly affected, or had the Vanity to think him­self really a God, but his Followers were captivated with an overweaning opinion of his Divinity.

At his return out of Aegypt into Phoenicia, The expence of Trage­dies defray­ed by Kings. he Sacrific'd and made solemn Processions, to which were added circular Dances and Acting of Tragedies, whose splendor ap­pear'd not only in the Furniture and Orna­ments, but in the noble Zeal and Conten­tion of those who acted them. For no less [Page 298] Persons than two Kings of Cyprus were at the charge of them, in the same manner as it is perform'd at Athens by those who are chosen by Lot out of the Tribes. And in­deed they strove with wonderful emulation to out-vie each other: Chiefly Nicocreon King of Salamis, and Pasicrates of Soli, who were appointed to furnish and defray the expence of Athenodorus and Thessalus, two of the most celebrated Actors of that Age. Thessalus was most favour'd by Alexander, though it appear'd not till Athenodorus was declar'd Victor by the plurality of Suffrages. For then at his going away, he said the Judges deserv'd to be commended for what they had done, but that he would willing­ly have lost part of his Kingdom, rather than to have seen Thessalus overcome. How­ever, when he understood Athenodorus was Fin'd by the Athenians, for being absent at the Festivals celebrated in Honour of Bac­chus, tho' he refus'd his request of Writing in his behalf; yet he was so generous as to give him wherewithal to satisfie the Penal­ty. Another time Lycon of Scarphia hap­pened to Act with great Applause in the Theatre, and in a Verse inserted in his part, cunningly begg'd Ten Talents of Alexander; who was so pleas'd with his In­genuity, that he freely gave him the Mo­ney.

[Page 299]About this time Darius wrote to him, andDarius his Proposals re­jected. his Friends to intercede with him to accept 10000 Talents, as a Ransom for what Pri­soners he had in his hands: And to pur­chase his Amity and Alliance, offer'd him all the Countries on this side the River Eu­phrates, together with one of his Daughters in Marriage. These Propositions he com­municated to his Friends, and when Par­menio told him, that for his part, if he were Alexander, he should readily embrace them; So would I too you may be sure, said the King, if I were Parmenio. Accordingly his An­swer to Darius was, That if he would yield himself up into his Power, he would treat him with all imaginable Kindness, if not, he was resolv'd immediately to advance to­wards him. But the Death of Darius his Wife in Child-birth, made him soon after repent of this Resolution, not without evi­dentAlexander's generous U­sage of Da­rius's Wif [...]. marks of Grief, for being so depriv'd of a further opportunity of exercising his Clemency and good Nature, which he shew'd to the last, by the great Expence he was at in her Funeral.

Among the Eunuchs who waited in the Queen's Chamber, and were taken Prisoners with the Women, there was one Tyreus, who getting out of the Camp, fled away on Horseback to Darius, to inform him of his Wives Death; which, as soon as he heard, [Page 300] he could not forbear beating his Head, and bursting forth into Tears with lamentable Outcries, said, Alas! how great is the Ca­lamity of the Persians? Was it not enough that their Kings Consort and Sister was a Pri­soner in her Life-time, but she must, now she is dead also, be but meanly and obscurely Buried? Oh Sir, replied the Eunuch, As to her Inter­ment, or any Respect or Decency, that was o­mitted at it, you have not the least reason to ac­cuse the ill Fortune of your Country; for to my knowledge, neither your Queen Statira when a­live, or your Mother or Children, wanted any thing of their former happy Condition, unl [...]ss it were the light of your Countenance, which I doubt not but the mighty Oromasdes will yet restore with greater Splendor and Glory than e­ver: and after her Decease, I assure you, she had not only all due Funeral Ornaments, but was ho­nour'd also with the Tears of your very Enemies; for Alexander is as merciful and gentle after Victory, as he is daring and terrible in the Field. At the hearing of these words, such was the Grief and Emotion of Darius his Mind, that although there was not theMakes him jealous. [...] least ground for them, he could not chuse but entertain some absurd Suspicions. For taking Tyreas aside into a more private A­partment in his Tent: Unless thou likewise, said he to him, hast deserted me, together with the good Fortune of Persia, and art become a [Page 301] Macedonian in thy Heart; if thou bearest me yet any Respect, and ownest me for thy Soveraign Darius, Tell me, I charge thee, by the Venera­tion thou payest the Deity of The Sun. Mithras, and this Right Hand of the King: Do I not lament the least of Statira's Misfortunes in her Captivity and Death? Have I not suffer'd something more injurious and deplorable in her Life-time? And had I not been miserable with less dishonour, if I had met with a more severe and inhumane E­nemy? For how is it possible a young Man as he is, should treat the Wife of Darius with so much Generosity, without passing the Bounds of a vir­tuous Conversation? Whilst he was yet speak­ing, Tyreus threw himself at his Feet, andBut with­out Reason, of which he is convinc'd by Tyreus the Eunuch. besought him neither to wrong Alexander so much, nor his Dead Wife and Sister, as to harbour such unjust thoughts, which de­priv'd him of the only Consolation he was capable of in his Adversity, in a firm be­lief that he was overcome by a Man, whose Virtues rais'd him far above the pitch of human Nature. That he ought to look upon Alexander with Love and Admiration, who had given no less Proofs of his Conti­nence towards the Persian Women, than of his Valour among the Men. The Eunuch confirm'd all he said with solemn, horrid Oaths, and was farther enlarging himself in the description of Alexander's Moderati­on and Magnanimity upon other occasions: [Page 302] When Darius, not able to contain himself any longer, broke from him into the next Room, where before all his Courtiers he lifted up his Hands to Heaven, and utter'd this Prayer. Ye Gods, said he, who are the Darius his Prayer. Authors of our Being, and supreme Directors of Kingdoms; above all things, I beg of you to restore the declining Affairs of Persia, that I may leave them at least in as flourishing a con­dition as I found them, and have it in my Pow­er to make some grateful Returns to Alexander, for the Kindness which in my Adversity he has shew'd to those who are dearest to me. But if indeed the fatal Time be come, which is to give a Period to the Persian Monarchy; if our Ru­ine be a Debt that must be inevitably paid to the Divine Vengeance, and the Vicissitude of Things: Then I beseech you grant, that no other Man but Alexander may sit upon the Throne of Cyrus. The truth of these Passages is attested by most Writers.

But to return to Alexander, after he hadThe Event of a great Battel, ga­ther'd from a ridiculous Accident. reduc'd all Asia, on this side the Euphrates, he advanc'd towards Darius, who was com­ing down against him with a Million of Men. In his March, a very ridiculous Passage happened. The Servants who follow'd the Camp, for Sports-sake divided themselves into two Parties, and nam'd the Com­mander of one of them Alexander, and of the other Darius. At first they only pelted [Page 303] one another with Clods of Earth, and after fell to Fisty-cuffs, till at last, heated with the Skirmish, they fought in good earnest with Stones and Clubs, so that they had much ado to part them, till Alexander or­der'd the two Captains to decide the Quar­rel by single Combat, and arm'd him who bore his Name himself, while Philotas did the same to him who represented Darius. The whole Army were Spectators of this Encounter, with Minds prepar'd from the Event of it, to make a Judgment of their own future Success. After they had fought stoutly a pretty while, at last he who was call'd Alexander had the better, and for a Reward of his Prowess, had 12 Villages given him, with leave to vest himself after the Persian Mode. Thus we are inform'd by the Writings of Eratosthenes.

But the great Battel of all that was foughtAt the Bat­tel of Gau­samela. with Darius, was not as most Writers tell us, at Arbela, but at Gausamela, which in their Language signifies the Camels House, forasmuch as one of their ancient Kings, having escap'd the pursuit of his Enemies on a swift Camel, in gratitude to his Beast, settled him at this place, with an allowance of certain Villages and Rents for his main­tenance. It came to pass, that in the month August. Boedromion, about the beginning of the Feast of Mysteries at Athens, there [Page 304] happen'd an Eclipse of the Moon, the 11th Night after which, the two Armies being then in view of one another, Darius kept his Men in Arms, and by Torch-light took a general Review of them. But Alexander, while his Soldiers slept, spent the night be­fore his Tent, with his Diviner Aristan­der, performing certain mysterious Ceremo­nies, and sacrificing to Apollo. In the meanSome Copies have it [...] ▪ to Fear. while the eldest of his Commanders, and chiefly Parmenio, when they beheld all the Plain between the River Niphates, and the Gordyaean Mountains, shining with the Lights and Fires which were made by the Barbari­ans, and heard the rude and confus'd Voices out of their Camp, the terror and noise of which resembled the roaring of a vast Oce­an, they were so amaz'd at the thoughts of such a multitude, that after some Confe­rence among themselves, they concluded it an Enterprize too difficult and hazardousAlexander though infi­nitely infe­rior in num­bers, refuses to steal a Victory. His Reasons for it. for them to engage so numerous an Enemy in the Day, and therefore meeting the King as he came from Sacrificing, besought him to attack Darius by Night, that the Dark­ness might conceal the Horror and Danger of the ensuing Battel. To this he gave them the so celebrated Answer, That he would not steal a Victory: Which though some may think childish and vain, as if he play'd with Danger, yet others look upon [Page 305] it as an evidence that he confided in his present Condition, and made a true Judg­ment of the future, in not leaving Darius, in case he were worsted, so much as a pre­tence of trying his Fortune any more; which he would certainly do, if he could impute his Overthrow to the disadvantage of the Night, as he did before to the Mountains, the narrow Passages, and the Sea. For it was not to be imagin'd, that he who had still such Forces and large Dominions left,His Reasons for it. should give over the War for want of Men or Arms, till he had first lost all Courage and Hope, by the conviction of an unde­niable and manifest Defeat. After they were gone from him with this Answer, he laid himself down in his Tent, and slept the rest of the Night soundlier than he was wont to do, to the astonishment of the Commanders, who came to him early in the Morning, and were fain themselves to give order that the Soldiers should Dine. But at last, time not giving them leave to wait any longer, Parmenio went to his Bed­side, and call'd him twice or thrice by his Name, till he wak'd him, and then ask'd him, How it was possible when he was to fight the most important Battel of all, he could sleep so securely, as if he were already Victorious. So I am, said Alexander, smiling, since I am now no more put to the trouble of wandring after, [Page 306] and pursuing Darius, as long as he pleases to decline Fighting, in a Country of so large extent, and so wasted. And not only before the Engagement, but likewise in the extreamest danger of it, he shew'd the greatness of his Courage in Action, and the solidity of his Judgment in Counsel. For the left Wing which Parmenio com­manded,An Instance of his Con­duct. was so violently charg'd by the Bactrian Horse, that it was disorder'd, and forc'd to give Ground, at the same time that Mazeus had sent a Party round about to fall upon those who guarded the Baggage, which so disturb'd Parmenio, that he sent Messen­gers to acquaint Alexander, that the Camp and Baggage would be all lost, unless he immediately reliev'd the Rear, by a conside­rable Reinforement drawn out of the Front. This Message being brought him Just as he was giving the Signal to those about him for the Onset, he bade them tell Parmenio, That sure he was mad, and had lost the use of his Reason, and that the Consternation he was in, had made him forget, that Conquerors always be­come Masters of their Enemies Baggage; where­as those who were defeated, instead of taking care of their Wealth or their Slaves, had nothing more to do, but to fight gallantly, and die with Honour. When he had said this, he put on his Helmet, having the rest of his ArmsHis A [...]mour describ'd. on before he came out of his Tent, which [Page 307] were a short Coat of the Sicilian fashion, girt close about him, and over that a Breast­piece of Linnen often folded and plaited, which was taken among other Booty at the Battel of Issus. The Helmet which was made by Theophilus, though of Iron was so well wrought and polish'd, that it was as bright as the most refin'd Silver. To this was fitted a Gorget of the same metal, set with precious stones. His Sword, which was the weapon he most us'd in Fight, was given him by the King of the Citieans, and was of an admirable temper and lightness. But the Belt which he wore also in all En­gagements, was of much richer Workman­ship than the rest of his Armour; it was made by old Helicon, and presented him by the Rhodians, as a mark of their Respect to him. When-ever he drew up his Men, or rode about to give Orders, or instruct, or view them, he favour'd Bucephalus by reason of his Age, and made use of another Horse; but when he was to fight, he sent for him again, and as soon as he was mount­ed, presently fell upon the Enemy. After he had made a long Oration to the Thessalians, and the rest of the Graecians, who encourag'd him with loud Outcries, desiring to be led on to the Charge, he shifted his Javeling into his left Hand, and with his right lifted up towards Heaven, besought the Gods, [Page 308] that if he was of a truth the Son of Jupi­ter, they would be pleas'd to assist and strengthen the Graecians. At the same time the Augur Aristander, who had a white Mantle about him, and a Crown of GoldA good O­men before the Battel. on his Head, rode by, and shew'd them an Eagle that soar'd just over Alexander, and directed his flight towards the Enemy; which so animated the Beholders, that after mutual Encouragements and Exhortations, the Horse charg'd at full speed, and were vigourously seconded by the Foot. But be­fore they could well come to Blows with the first Ranks, the Barbarians shrunk back, and were hotly pursued by Alexander, who drave those that fled before him into the middle of the Battel, where Darius himself was in Person, whom he saw over the fore­most Ranks, conspicuous in the midst of his Life-Guard; for he was an handsom, proper Man, and drawn in a lofty Chariot, defen­ded by abundance of the best Horse, who stood close in order about it, ready to re­ceive the Enemy. But Alexander's approach was so terrible, forcing those who gave back, upon those who yet maintain'd their Ground, that he beat down and dispers'd them almost all, but a few of the bravest and valiantest, who were slain in their King's presence, falling in heaps upon one another, and in the very pangs of Death striving by [Page 309] catching hold of the Men and Horses, to stop the Macedonians pursuit. Darius now seeing all was lost, that those who were plac'd in Front to defend him were broken, and beat back upon him, that he could not turn or disengage his Chariot without great difficulty, the Wheels were so clogg'd and intangled among the dead Bodies which lay in such heaps, as not only stopt, but almost cover'd the Horses, and made them bound, and grow so unruly, that the frighted Cha­rioterDarius flies. could govern them no longer: In this extremity he was glad to quit his Chariot and his Arms, and mounting, as they say, upon a Mare that had newly foal'd, be­took himself to flight. But he had not es­cap'd so neither, if Parmenio had not sent fresh Messengers to Alexander, to desire him to return, and assist him against a conside­rable Body of the Enemy which yet stood together, and would not give ground▪ Upon this Parmenio was on all hands accus'd of Dulness and Sloth, whether Age had impair'd his Courage, or that, as Callisthe­nes says, he inwardly griev'd at and envied his Masters growing Greatness. Alexander though he was not a little vex'd to be so re­call'd, and hindred from pursuing his Vi­ctory, yet conceal'd the true Reason from his Men, and causiing a Retreat to be sounded, as if it were too late to continue [Page 310] the Execution any longer, march'd backAnd Alex­ander gains an intire Victory. towards the place of danger, and by the way met with the News of the Enemies to­tal overthrow and flight.

This Battel being thus over, seem'd toHe is pro­claim'd King of Asia put a period to the Persian Empire; and Alexander who was now proclaim'd King of Asia, return'd thanks to the Gods in mag­nificent Sacrifices, and rewarded his Friends and Followers with great sums of Mony, and Palaces, and Governments of Provinces. To ingratiate himself with the Grecians, he wrote to them, that he would have all Tyrannies abolish'd, that they might liveHe courts the Greci­ans. free according to their own Laws, more particularly to the Plataeans, that their City should be reedified, because their Ancestors permitted their Countrymen to make their Territories the Seat of the War, when they fought with the Babarians for their common Liberty. He sent also part of the Spoils into Italy, to the Crotonians, to honour the Zeal and Courage of their Citizen Phaylus the Wrestler, who in the Median War, when the other Grecian Colonies in Italy disown'd Greece; that he might have a share in the danger, joyn'd the Fleet at Salamis, with a Vessel set forth at his own charge. So affectionate was Alexander to all kind of Virtue, and so desirous to preserve the me­mory of laudable Actions.

[Page 311]From hence he march'd through the Pro­vinceTakes Baby­lon. of Babylon, which immediately sub­mitted to him, and in that of Ecbatane was mightyly surpris'd to see Fire continually break like a spring out of a cleft of the Earth; and not far from that a Foutain of Naptha, which stagnated in great abundance.An Account of Naptha. This Naptha, in other respects resembling Bitumen, is so subject to take fire, that before it touches the flame, it will kindle at the very light that surrounds it, and often inflame the interjacent Air also. The Bar­barians, to shew the Power and Nature of it, sprinkled the street that led to the Kings Lodgings with little drops of this Liquor, and when it was almost night, stood at the further end with Torches, which being ap­plied to the moistned Places, the first pre­sently taking fire, in less than a minute it caught from one end to the other, in that manner, that the whole Sreet was but one continued flame. Among those who us'd to wait on the King when he anointed and wash'd himself, and divert his Mind with pleasant discourses, there was one Atheno­phanes, an Athenian, who desired him to make an Experiment of the Naptha upon Stephanus, who stood by in the Bathing place, a very ugly ridiculous Youth, whose Talent was Singing well: For, said he, if it take hold of him and cannot be quenched, it [Page 312] must undeniably be allow'd to be of great and invincible strength. The Youth readily con­sentedWith an Experiment of it. to undergo the Tryal, and as soon as he was anointed and rubb'd with it, his whole Body broke out into such a flame, and was so seiz'd by the fire, that Alex­ander was exceedingly perplex'd and con­cern'd for him, and not without Reason; for nothing could have prevented his being consum'd by it, if by good chance there had not been People at hand with a great many Vessels of Water for the service of the Bath, with all which, they had much ado to extinguish the Fire; and his Body was so burn'd all over, that he was not our'd of it a good while after. Not ab­surdly therefore do they endeavour to re­concile the Fable to Truth, who say, this was the Drug mention'd by the Poets, with which Medea anointed the Crown and Veil which she gave to Creon's Daughter. For neither the things themselves, nor theAnd some conjectures. fire could kindle of its own accord, but being prepar'd for it by the Naptha, they imperceptibly attracted and caught the flame: For the rays and emanations of Fire, at a distance, have no other effect upon some bodies, than bare light and heat; but in others, where they meet with aiery dryness, and also sufficient fat moisture, [...] they collect themselves and soon prey upon [Page 313] and alter the matter. However, the pro­duction of Naptha admits of divers opini­ons: Here some of the Ori­ginal is lost. Whether this liquid Substance that feeds the flame, does not rather proceed from a Soil that is unctuous and productive of Fire, as that of the Province of Babylon Concerning the Nature of it. is, where the Ground is so very hot, that oftentimes the Grains of Barly leap up, and are thrown out, as if the violent Inflamma­tion had given the Earth a pulse: And in extreme heats, the Inhabitants are wont to sleep upon Skins fill'd with Water. Harpa­lus, who was left Governor of this Coun­try, and was desirous to adorn the Palace, Gardens, and Walks with Grecian Plants, succeeded in the raising of all but Ivy, which the Earth would not bear, but con­stantly kill'd: For being a Plant that loves a cold Soil, the temper of that mold, which was violently hot, was improper for it. Such digressions as these, the nicest Readers may endure, provided they are not too tedious.

At the taking of Susa, Alexander foundVast Trea­sures found at Susa. in the Palace 40000 Talents in Money ready coyn'd, besides an unspeakable quantity of other Furniture and Treasure; amongst which was 5000 Talents worth of Hermi­onique Purple, that had been laid up there an hundred and ninety nine Years, and yet kept its colour as fresh and lively as at [Page 314] first. The reason of which they say, is that in Dying the Purple they made use of Ho­ney, and of white Oyl in the white Tin­cture, both which being of equal Age, still preserv'd their lustre clean and refulgent. Dimon also relates, That the Kings of Per­sia had Water fetch'd them from the Nile and the Danubius, which they laid up in their Treasuries, using it as an Argument of the Greatness of their Power and Universal Em­pire.

But the entrance into Persia being veryAlexander enters into Persia. difficult, by reason of the enevenness of the Ways, and that the Passes to secure Da­rius, who was retired thither, were guard­ed by the best of his Forces, Alexander happened upon a Guide exactly correspon­dent to what the Pythia had foretold when he was a Child; That a Lycian should con­duct him in his Journey into Persia; for by such an one, whose Father was a Lycian, and his Mother a Persian, and who spoke both Languages, he was led into the Coun­try by a way something about, yet with­out fetching any considerable compass. Here a great many of the Prisoners were put to the Sword, of which himself gives this account; That he commanded them to be kill'd, out of an apprehension it would be advantageous to his Affairs: Nor was his Booty in Money less here than at Susa, [Page 315] besides other Moveables and Treasure, as much as 10000 pair of Mules and 5000 Camels could well carry away. When A­lexander saw a vast Statue of Xerxes thrown down on a sudden, by the multitudes of Sol­ers that broke into the Palace; he stood still, and accosting it as if it had been alive;His Speech to Xerxes his Statue. Shall we, said he, neglectfully pass thee by, now thou art prostrate on the Ground, because thou once invadest Greece, or shall we erect thee a­gain, in consideration of the Greatness of thy Mind and thy other Vertues? But at last, af­ter he had paus'd a pretty while, he went on without taking any further notice of it. In this place he took up his Winter­Quarters, and staid four Months to re­fresh his Soldiers. The first time he sate on the Royal Throne of Persia, under a Ca­nopy of Gold, Demaratus the Corinthian, a well-wisher to Alexander, and one of his Father's Friends wept, Good Old Man, and deplor'd the misfortune of the Grecians, that by Death were depriv'd of the satis­faction to see Alexander Seated on Darius his Throne.

From hence designing to march against Darius, before he set out, he diverted him­self with his Officers at an Entertainment of Drinking, and other Pastimes, and in­dulg'd so far as to have every one his Mi­stress sit by and drink with them. The [Page 316] most celebrated of them was Thais an Athe­nian, Xerxes his Palace burnt by Thais an A­thenian Whore. Ptolomy's Mistriss, who was afterwards King of Aegypt. She sometimes cunningly prais'd Alexander, sometimes play'd upon him and rally'd him, and all the while drank so freely that at last she fell to talk extravagantly, as those of her Country us'd to do, much above her Character or Con­dition. She said it was indeed some re­compence for the pains she had taken in following the Camp all over Asia, that she was that day Treated in, and could insult over the stately Palace of the Persian Mo­narchs: But she added, it would please her much better, if while the King look'd on, she might in sport, with her own hands, set fire to Xerxes his Court, who reduc'd the City of Athens to Ashes; that it might be recorded to Posterity, that the Women who follow'd Alexander, had taken a sharper Re­venge on the Persians for the Sufferings and Affronts of Greece, than all his Command­ers could do by Sea or Land. What she said, was receiv'd with such universal lik­ing, and murmurs of Applause, and so se­conded by the incouragement and eager­ness of the Company, that the King him­self perswaded to be of the Party, if arted from his Seat, and with a Chaplet of Flow­ers on his Head, and a lighted Torch in his Hand, led them the way, who went [Page 317] after him in a Riotous manner, Dancing, and making loud noises about the place: Which, when the rest of the Macedonians perceiv'd, they also, with all the Joy ima­ginable ran thither with Torches; for they hop'd the burning and destruction of the Royal Palace, was an Argument that he look'd homeward, and had no design to reside among the Barbarians. Thus some Writers give an account of this Action, and others say, it was done deliberately; how­ever all agree that he soon repented of it, and gave order to put out the fire.

Alexander was naturally very munificent,Several in­stances of Alexander's Munificence and grew more so as his Fortune increas'd, accompanying what he gave with that courtesie and freedom, which, to speak truth, is absolutely necessary to make a Be­nefit really obliging. I will give you a few Instances of this kind. Ariston, the Cap­tainTo Ariston. of the Paeonians, having kill'd an Ene­my, brought his Head to shew him, and told him, That among them such a Present was recompens'd with a Cup of Gold. With an empty one, said Alexander, smiling, but I drink to you in this full of Wine, which I give you. Another time, as one of the common Sol­diers was driving a Mule laden with some of the King's Treasure, the Beast tir'd, and the Soldier took it upon his own Back, and began to March with it, till Alexander see­ing [Page 318] the Fellow so overcharg'd, ask'd what was the matter, and when he was inform'd, just as he was ready to lay down his Bur­then for weariness: Do not faint now, saidTo a poor Soldier. he to him, but keep on the rest of your way, and carry what you have there, to your own Tent for your self. He was always more displeas'd with those who would not accept of what he gave, than with those who continually begg'd of him. And therefore he wrote to Phocion, That he should not take him for his Friend any longer, if he refus'd his Presents. To Phocion. Nor would he ever give any thing to Sera­pion, one of the Youths that play'd at Ball with him, because he did not ask of him, till one day it coming to Serapion's Turn to play, he still threw the Ball to others, and when the King ask'd him, Why he did not direct it to him? Because you did not desire it, To Serapion. said he; which Answer pleas'd him so, that he was very liberal to him afterwards. One Proteas, a pleasant, drolling, drinking Fel­low, having incurr'd his Displeasure, got his Friends to intercede for him, and begg'd his Pardon himself with Tears, which at last prevail'd, and Alexander declar'd he was Friends with him. I cannot believe it, Sir, said Proteas, unless you give me some pledge To Proteas. of your Reconciliation. The King understood his meaning, and presently order'd him to receive five Talents. How generous he was in enriching his Friends, and those who [Page 319] attended on his Person, appears by a Let­ter which Olympias wrote to him, where she tells him, He should reward and honour those about him in a more moderate way; for now, said she, you make them all equal to Kings, you give them power and opportunity to improve their own Interest, by obliging of many to them, and in the mean time do not consider, that you leave your self bare and destitute. She often wrote to him to this purpose, and he never communicated her Letters to any body, un­less it were one which he open'd when He­phestion was by, whom he permitted to read it along with him; but then, as soon as he had done, he took off his Ring, and clapp'd the Seal upon his Lips. Mazeus, who wasTo Mazeus the most considerable Man in Darius his Court, had a Son who was already Gover­nour of a very good Province; but Alex­ander would needs bestow another upon him that was better, which he modestly refus'd, and withal told him, Instead of one Darius, he went the way to make many Alex­anders. To Parmenio he gave Bagoas hisTo Parme­nio. House, in which he found a Wardrobe of Apparel worth more thau 1000 Susian Ta­lents. He wrote to Antipater, commanding him to keep a Life-guard about him, for the security of his Person against Conspitacies. And to his Mother he was very grateful, sending her many Presents, but would ne­ver suffer her to meddle with matters of [Page 320] State or War, not indulging her busie Tem­per; and▪ when she fell out with him upon this account, he bore her ill Humour very patiently. Nay more, when he read a long Letter from Antipater, full of Accusa­tions against her: I wonder, said he, Anti­pater s [...]ould not know, that one Tear of a Mother effaces a thousand such Letters as these.

But when he perceiv'd his FavoritesHe reproves the Luxury of his Fa­rites. grow so luxurious and extravagant in their way of Living and Expences; that Agnon the T [...]ian, wore silver Nails in his Shoes; that Leonatus employ'd several Camels, on­ly to bring him Powder out of Aegypt, to use when he Wrestl'd; and that Philotas had Toyls to take wild Beasts, that reach'd 12500 paces in length; that more us'd pre­cious Oyntments than plain Oyl when they went to bathe, and that they had Servants every where with them, to rub them and wait upon them in their Chambers: he re­prov'd them with great mildness and dis­cretion, telling them, he wondred that they who had been engaged in so many sig­nal Battels, should not know by experience, that Labour and Industry made People sleep more sweetly and soundly than La­ziness; and that if they compar'd the Per­sians manner of Living with their own, they would be convinc'd it was the most abject, slavish condition in the World to be effe­minate and voluptuous, but the most ge­nerous [Page 321] and becoming a Great Man to take pains. Besides he reason'd with them; how it was possible for any one who pretended to be a Soldier, either to look well after his Horse, or to keep his Armour bright and in good order, who thought much to let his Hands be serviceable to what was nearest to him, his own Body. Are ye still to learn, said he, the End and Perfection of our Victories is to avoid the Vices and Infirmi­ties of those whom we subdue? And to strengthen his Precepts by Example, he ap­plied himself now more vigorously than ever to Hunting and Warlike Expeditions, readily embracing all opportunities of Hard­ship and Danger; insomuch that old Lacon, who chanc'd to be by, when he encounter'd with, and master'd an huge Lyon, told him, He had put his Empire in Competition, and had fought gallantly with the Beast, which of the two should be King. Craterus caus'd a Re­presentationHis Encoun­ter with a Lyon, ex­pr [...]ss'd in Figures of Brass dedi­cated to Apollo at Delphos. of this Adventure, consisting of the Lyon and the Dogs, of the King engag'd with the Lyon, and himself com­ing in to his assistance, all express'd in Fi­gures of Brass, some of which were made by Lysippus, and the rest by Leochares, to be dedicated to the Temple of Apollo at Delphos. In this manner did Alexander ex­pose his Person to Danger, whilst he both inur'd himself, and incited others to the performance of brave and vertuous Actions.

[Page 322]But his Followers who were grown rich,The Ingra­titude of his Favou­rites. and consequently proud, long'd to indulge themselves in Pleasure and Idleness, and were perfectly weary of the Toyls and In­conveniencies of War, and by degrees came to be so impudently ungrateful, as to cen­sure and speak ill of him behind his back. All which at first he bore very patiently, saying, It became a King well, to do good to others, and be evil spoken of. But to descend to some Instances of an inferiour nature, it is certain, that in the least demonstrationsHow tender he was of his Friends Health. of Kindness to his Friends, there was still a great mixture of Tenderness and Respect. Hearing Peucestes was bitten by a Bear, he wrote to him, That he took it unkindly, he should send others notice of it, and not make him acquainted with it; but now, said he, since it is so, let me know how you do, and whether any of your Companions forsook you when you were in danger, that I may punish them. He sent Hephestion, who was absent about some bu­siness, word, How, while they were fighting for their diversion with an Ichneumon, Crate­rus was by chance run through both Thighs with Perdiccas his Javelin. And upon Peucestes his recovery from a fit of Sickness, he sent a Letter of Thanks to his Physician Alexip­pus. When Craterus was ill, he saw a Vision in his Sleep, after which he offer'd Sacri­fices for his Health, and commanded him [Page 323] to do so likewise. He wrote also to Pausa­nias the Physician, who was about to purge Craterus with Hellebore, partly out of an anxious Concern for him, and partly to give him a Caution how he us'd that Me­dicine. He was so tender of his Friendsand Repu­tation. Reputation, that he imprison'd Ephialtes and Cissus, who brought him the first News of Harpalus his Flight, and withdrawing from his Service, as if they had falsly ac­cus'd him. When he sent the old infirm Soldiers home, Eurylochus the Aegean got his Name enroll'd among the Sick, though he ail'd nothing; which being discover'd, he confess'd he was in Love with a young Woman named Telerippa, and had a mind to go along with her to the Sea-side. Alex­ander enquired, To whom the Woman belong'd? and being told, She was an Whore at her own disposal: I will assist you, said he to Eurylo­chus, all I can in your Amour, if your Mistriss Assists them in their Love▪ be to be gain'd by Presents or Perswasions; but we must use no other means, because she is free­bo [...]n. It is surprizing to consider, upon what slight occasions he would write Let­ters to serve his Friends. As when he wrote one, in which he gave Order to search for a Youth that belonged to Seleucus, who was run away into Cilicia. In another heand dome­stick Affairs thanked and commended Peucestes for appre­hending Nicon, a Servant of Craterus. [Page 324] And to Megabysus, concerning a Slave that had taken Sanctuary in a Temple, he wrote, that he should not meddle with him while he was there, but if he could entice him out by fair means, then he gave him leave to seize him. It is reported of him, that when he first sate in Judgment upon Capi­ [...]al Causes, he would lay his Hand upon one of his Ears, while the Accuser spoke, to keep it free and unprejudic'd in behalf of the Party accus'd. But afterwards, such a multitude of Accusations were brought before him, whereof many proving true, exasperated him so, that he gave credit to those also that were false, and especially when any body spoke ill of him, he would be so out of measure transported, that he became cruel and inexorable, valuing his Glory and Reputation far beyond either his Life or Kingdom.

His Affairs call'd upon him now to lookA long March in pursuit of Darius. after Darius, expecting he should be put to the hazard of another Battel; till he heard he was taken, and secur'd by Bessus, upon which news he sent home the Thessalians, and gave them a largess of 2000 Talents, over and above the Pay that was due to them. This long and painful pursuit of Darius, (for in eleven days he march'd 412 Miles) harass'd his Soldiers so, that most of [...] were ready to faint, chiefly for [Page 325] want of Water. While they were in this distress, it hapned that some Macedonians, who had fetch'd Water in Skins upon their Mules from a River they had found out, came about Noon to the place where Alex­ander was, and seeing him almost choak'd with Thirst, presently fill'd an Helmet, and offered it him. He ask'd them to whom they were carrying the Water? They told him to their Children, adding withal, that if his Life were but preserv'd, it was no matter for them, they should have oppor­tunities enough to repair that loss, tho' they all perished. Then he took the Hel­met into his Hands, and looking round about when he saw all those who were near him stretched their heads out, and gaped earnestly after the Drink; he returned it again with thanks, without tasting a drop of it: For, said he, if I only should drink, the A memora­ble instance of Alexan­der's Pru­dence and Self denial. rest will be quite out of heart and faint. The Soldiers no sooner took notice of his Tem­perance, and Magnanimity upon this oc­casion, but they, one and all, cried out to him to lead them on boldly, and fell a whipping their Horses to make them mend their pace; for whilst they had such a King, they said they defied either Weariness or Thirst, and looked upon themselves to be little less than Immortal. But tho' they [...]Spsn [...] all [...]ally [...] [Page 324] [...] [Page 325] [...] [Page 326] not above threescore Horse were able to keep up, and fall in with Alexander upon the Enemies Camp, where they rode over abundance of Gold and Silver that lay scat­tered about, and passing by a great many Chariots full of Women, that wandred here and there for want of Drivers, they en­deavour'd to overtake the first of those that fled, in hopes to meet with Darius among them: And at last, with much ado▪ they found him lying along in a Chariot, all over wounded with Darts, just at the point of Death. However, he desired they would give him some drink, and when he had drank a little cold Water, he told Poly­strates who gave it him, That to receive such a Benefit, and not have it in his Power to return it, was the highest pitch of his misfortune. But Alexander, said he, whose kindness to my Mother, my Wife, and my Children, I hope the Gods will recompence, will doubtless thank you for your Humanity to me. Tell him there­fore in token of my Acknowledgment, I gave him this Right Hand: At which words he took hold of Polystratus his Hand, and Died.The Death of Darius. When Alexander came up to them, he was sensibly touch'd at the unfortunate End of so Great a Man, and pulling off his own Coat, threw it upon the Body to cover it. And to shew how much he detested so horrid a a fact, as soon as Bessus was taken, he or­der'd [Page 327] him to be torn in pieces in this man­ner.And Pu­nishment of Bessut. They fastned him to a couple of tall strait Trees, which were bound down so as to meet, and then being l [...]t loose, with a great force return'd to their places, each of them carrying that part of the Body along with it that was tyed to it. Darius his Bo­dy was laid in State, and sent to his Mother with Pomp suitable to his quality, His Brother Exathres, Alexander receiv'd into the number of his most intimate Friends.

And now with the Flower of his Army he march'd down into Hyrcania, where he saw a Gulph of the Sea, not much less than theConjectures about the Caspian Sea. Euxine, and found its Water sweeter than that of other Seas; but could learn nothing of certainty concerning it, farther than that in all probability it seem'd to him to be an overflowing of the Lake of Maeotis or at least to have Communication with it. However the Naturalists better inform'd of the Truth, give us this account of it many years before Alexander's Expedition; that of four Gulphs which out of the main Sea enter into the Continent, this is the most Northern, and is known by the Name both of the Hyrcanian and Caspian Sea. Here the Barbarians un­expectedly meeting with those who led Bu­cephalus, took them Prisoners, and carried the Horse away with them; which Alexan­der was so offended at, that he sent an He­rald [Page 328] to let them know, he would put them all to the Sword, Men, Women, and Chil­dren, without mercy, if they did not restore him: Which they immediatly did, and at the same time surrendred their Cities into his hands; upon which, he not only treated them very kindly, but also paid a good Ransom for his Horse to those who took him.

From hence he march'd into Parthia, Alexander puts on the Persian Ha­bit. where not having much to do, he first put on the Barbarick Habit, which Compliance perhaps he us'd in order to civilize them; for nothing gains more upon men, than a Conformity to their Fashions and Customs; or it may be he did it as an Essay, whether the Macedonians would be brought to adore him, (as the Persians did their Kings) by accustoming them by little and little to bear with the alteration of his Dicipline, and course of Life in other things. How­ever he follow'd not the Median Fashion, which was altogether barbarous and un­couth; for he wore neither their Breeches, nor their long Vest, nor their Tiara for the Head, but taking a middle way between the Persian Mode and the Macedonian, he so contriv'd his Habit, that it was not so flanting as the former, and yet more pompous and magnificent than the latter. At first he wore this Habit only when he convers'd [Page 329] with Strangers, or within doors, among his intimate Friends and Companions, but afterwards he appeared in it abroad, and at publick Audiences. A Sight which theWhich grieves the Macedo­nians. Macedonians beheld with exceeding Grief; but they were so charm'd with his other Vertues and good Qualities, that they could not but think it reasonable in some things to gratifie his Humor, and his passionate de­sire of Glory: In pursuit of which he ha­zarded himself so far, that besides his other Adventures, he had but newly been wound­ed in the Leg by an Arrow, which had so shatter'd the Shankbone, that Splinters were taken out. And another time he re­ceiv'd such a violent Blow with a Stone up­on the Nape of the Neck, as dimn'd his Sight a good while afterwards. But all this could not hinder him from exposing him­self to the greatest Dangers, without any regard to his Person; insomuch that he pass'd the River Orexartes, which he took to be the Tanais, and putting the Scythians to flight, follow'd them above 12 miles in their Rear, though at the same time he had a violent Flux upon him. Here many affirm, that the Amazonian Queen came to give him a Visit: so report Clitarchus, Poly­critus and Onesicritus, Antigenes and Ister, Ari­stobulus and Chares, besides Ptolomy and An­ticlides, Philon the Theban, and Philip the [Page 330] Master of Requests. But then on the other side, Hecataeus the Eretrian, Philip the Chal­cidian, and Duris the Samian say, it is whollyThe Story of the Amazo­nian Queens coming to visit him is a Fiction. a Fiction. And truly Alexander himself seems to confirm the opinion of the latter; for in a Letter, in which he gives Antipater an account of all Passages, he tells him, that the King of Scythia offer'd him his Daughter in Marriage, but makes no mention at all of the Amason. And many years after, when Onesicritus read this Story in his 4th, Book to Lisimachus, who then reign'd, the King fell a laughing at it, and ask'd, How such a thing should happen, and he know nothing of it, though he was present?

But it signifies little to Alexander whetherHe per­suades his Men to pur­sue the War. this be credited or no: Certain it is, that apprehending the Macedonians would be weary of pursuing the War, he left the gross of his Army in their Quarters; and having with him in Hyrcania the choice of his men only, which amounted to 20000 Foot, and 3000 Horse, he spoke to them to this effect; That hitherto the Barbarians had seen them no otherwise than as it were in a dream, and if they should think of returning when they had only alarm'd Asia, and not conquer'd it, their Enemies would set upon them, and destroy them like so many Women: However he told them, he would keep none of them with him against their will, they might go if they pleas'd, but withal [Page 331] protested against those who should be so mean-spi­rited as to desert him, and his Friends, and those who were willing to fight under him still, in an enterprize so glorious as it would be, to make the Macedonians Lords of the habitable World. This is almost word for word, as he wrote it in a Letter to Antipater, where he adds, That when he had thus spoken to them, they all cryed out, they would go along with him, whithersoever it was his pleasure to lead them. When he had in this manner gain'd the Prin­cipal, it was no hard matter for him to bring over the multitude▪ which in such Cases easily follows the Example of their Betters. Now also he more and more accomodated himself in his way of Living to that of the Persians, and brought them as near as he could to the Macedonian Customs; wisely considering, that since he design'd an Expe­dition, which would carry him far from thence, it was better to settle affairs in hisHis Methods to preserve his new Conquests. absence, by a mixture of their Constitutions, and mutual Society with Good will, than by Compulsion. In order to this he chose out 30000 Boys, whom he allow'd Masters to teach them the Greek Tongue, and to train them up to Arms in the Macedonian Disci­pline. As for his Marriage of Roxana, whose good Mein and Beauty had charm'd him, at a Drinking entertainment, where he first happen'd to see her, it was perfectly [Page 332] the effect of Love, nor did it appear to be at all prejudicial to his Interest, as things stood with him at that time: For it put the con­quer'd People in heart, and made them con­fide in him, and love him more than ever, when they saw how continent he was, and that he forbore the only Woman he was ever in Love with, till he could enjoy her in a lawful and honourable way.

When he perceiv'd that among his chiefThe politick use he made of his Fa­vourites. Friends and Favourites, Hephestion most ap­prov'd all that he did, and comply'd with, and imitated him in his Habit, while Craterus continued strict in the observation of the Customs and Fashions of his own Countrey: He made the best use of them both, employ­ing the first in all Transactions with the Per­sians, and the latter when he had to do with the Greeks, or Macedonians. It is true, he lov'd Hephestion best as a Favorite, because he lov'd Alexander, but then he esteem'd and honour'd Craterus most as a Friend, because he lov'd the King. Wherefore these two great Men bore one another secret Grudges, and often clash'd and quarrell'd so far, that once in India they drew upon one another, and were going to it in good earnest, with their Friends on each side to second them, till Alexander came up to them, and publick­ly reprov'd Hephestion, calling him Fool and Mad-man, not to be sensible that without [Page 333] his Favour he was but a Cypher. He chid Craterus also in private very severely, and then causing them both to come into his pre­sence, he reconcil'd them, at the same time swearing by Jupiter Ammon, and the rest of the Gods, that he lov'd them two above all other Men; but if ever he perceivd them fall out again, he would be sure to put both of them to death, at least the Aggressor: Af­ter which, they neither ever did, or said any thing, so much as in jest to offend one another.

None had more Authority among the Ma­cedonians The Fall of Philotas, oc­casioned by his Arro­gance. than Philotas, the Son of Parmenio: for besides that he was valiant, and able to endure any Fatigue of War, he was also next to Alexander himself the most munifi­cent, and the greatest lover of his Friends; one of whom asking him for some Money, he commanded his Steward to give it him; and when he told him, he had not where­with, Have you not Plate then, said he, and Cloaths of mine? turn them into Money rather than let my Friend go without. But he was so very proud and insolent by reason of his Wealth, and so over-nice about his Person and Diet, more than became a private Man, that he awkwardly and unseemingly affected the Air and Character of Greatness, with­out the Civility and obliging Temper which ought to accompany it, and so gain'd no­thing [Page 334] but Envy and ill will to that degree, that Parmenio would somtimes tell him, My Son, the meaner the better. For he had long before been complain'd of, and accus'd to Alexander; particularly when Darius was overthrown in Cilicia, and an immense Boo­ty was taken at Damascus, amongst the rest of the prisoners who were brought into the Camp, there was one Antigone of Pydna, a very handsome Woman, who fell to Philotas his share. The young Man one day in his Cups, like an arrogant, bragging Souldier, told his Mistress, That all the great Actions were perform'd by him and his Father, the Glory and Benefit of which, he said, together with the Title of King, that Stripling Alexander reap'd and enjoy'd by their means. She could not hold, but discovered what he had said, toHe is be­tray'd by his Mistress Antigone. one of her Acquaintance, and he, as is usual in such Cases, [...]o another, till at last it came to the King. When Alexander had heard what she had to say, he commanded her to continue her Intrigue with Philotas, and give him an account from time to time of all that should fall from him to this purpose: Who being, through Inadvertency, caught in this Snare, sometimes to gratifie his Pas­sion, and sometimes his Vain-glory, blurted out many foolish, indiscreet Speeches against the King in Antigones hearing, of which, though Alexander was inform'd, and con­vinc'd [Page 335] by strong Evidence, yet he would take no notice of it at present, whether it was, that he confided in Parmenio's Af­fection and Loyalty, or that he apprehended their Authority and Interest in the Army. About this time one Dimnus, a Macedonian Dimnus his Conspiracy. Native of Chalaestra, conspir'd against Alex­ander's Life, and communicated his Design to a Youth whom he lov'd, nam'd Nicoma­chus, inviting him to be of the Party. But he not relishing the thing, reveal'd it to his Brother Balinus, who immediately address'd himself to Philotas, requiring him to intro­duce them both to Alexander, to whom they had something of great moment to impart▪ which very nearly concern'd him. But he, for what Reason is uncertain, went not with them, pretending the King was taken up with Affairs of more importance: And when they had urg'd him a second time, and were still slighted by him, they ap­plied themselves to another; by whose means being admitted into Alexander's pre­sence, they first laid open Dimnus his Con­spiracy, and then represented Philotas his Negligence, who had taken so little notice of their repeated Solicitations; which ex­tremely exasperated Alexander, especially when sending to apprehend Dimnus▪ he understood that he defended himself and chose rather to be Slain than Taken; for [Page 336] by his Death he thought he was depriv'd of the means of making a full discovery of the Plot. As soon as his Displeasure against Philotas began to appear, presentlyThe Falshood of Court Friends. all his old Enemies shew'd themselves, and said openly, The King was too easily impos'd on, to imagine; that one so inconsiderable as Dimnus the Calaestrian, should of his own head undertake such an Enterprize; that in all likelihood he was but subservient to the Design, an Instrument that was mov'd by some greater Spring; that those ought to be most strictly ex­amined about the Matter, whose Interest it was so much to conceal it. When they had once fill'd the King's Head with these and the like Speeches and Suspicions, they loaded Philotas daily with innumerable Crimes, till at last they prevail'd to have him seiz'd, and put to the Question, which was done in the presence of the principal Officers, Alexander himself being plac'd behind the Tapestry, to understand what pass'd. Where when he heard in what a miserable Tone, and with what abject Submissions Philotas applied himself to Hephestion, he broke out in this manner: Art thou so mean-Spirited and Effeminate, Philotas, said he, and yet en­gage The Death of Philotas, and his Father Par­menio. thy self in so desperate a Design? After his Death, he presently sent into Media, to take off Parmenio his Father, who had done brave Service under Philip, and was the only Man, [Page 337] especially of his old Friends and Counsel­lors, who had encourag'd Alexander to in­vade Asia. Of three Sons which he had in the Army, he had already lost two, and now was himself put to Death with the third. These Actions rendred Alexander formidable to many of his Friends, and chiefly to An­tipater, who thereupon to strengthen him­self, sent Ambassadors privately to the Eto­lians, to treat an Alliance with them; for they stood in fear of Alexander, because they had destroy'd the Oeniades, of which, when he was inform'd, he said, The Children of the Oeniades need not Revenge their Father's Quarrel, for he would himself take care to punish the Etolians.

Not long after this happen'd the deplo­rableThe Murther of Clitus. End of Clitus, which to those who barely hear the matter of Fact, may seem more inhumane than that of Philotas. But if we take the Story with its Circumstance of Time, and weigh the Cause, we shall find the King did it not on purpose, but by evil Chance, and that his Passion and Drunken­ness were the occasion of Clitus his Misfor­tune, which came to pass in this manner. The King had a Present of Graecian Fruit brought him from the Sea-Coast, which was so very fresh and fair, that he was sur­priz'd at it, and call'd Clitus to him to see it, and to give him a share of it. Clitus was [Page 322] then Sacrificing, but he immediately left off, and came, follow'd by three Sheep, on whom the Drink-Offering had been al­ready pour'd, in order to Sacrifice them; which when Alexander saw, he told his Di­viners, Aristander, and Cleomantis the Lace­demonian, of it, and ask'd them what it meant: Who assuring him, it was an ill Omen, he commanded them in all haste to offer Sacrifices for Clitus his Safety, foras­much as three days before he himself had seen a strange Vision in his Sleep▪ of Clitus all in Mourning, sitting by Parmenio's Sons who were Dead. Clitus however staid not to finish his Devotions, but came strait to Supper with the King, who the same day had Sacrific'd to Castor and Pollux. And when they had drank pretty hard, some of the Company fell a Singing the Verses of one Pranichus, or as others say, of Pierion, which were made upon those Captains who had been lately worsted by the Barbarians, on purpose to disgrace and turn them to Ridicule; which so offended the grave, an­cient Men, that they reprov'd both the Au­thor, and the Singer of the Verses, though Alexander and the Blades about him were mightily pleas'd to hear them, and encou­rag'd them to go on: Till at last, Clitus, who had drank too much, and was besides of a froward, and willful Temper, was so [Page 323] nettled that he could hold no longer, say­ing, It was not well done to expose the Mace­donians so, before the Barbarians, and their Enemies, since though it was their Unhappiness to be overcome, yet they were much better Men than those who laugh'd at them. To this, A­lexander replied, That sure Clitus spoke so ten­derly of Cowardise, when he call'd it Misfortune, only to excuse himself. At which, Clitus start­ing up, This Cowardise, as you are pleas'd to term it, said he to him, sav'd your Life, though you pretend to be sprung from the Gods, when you were running away from Spithridates his Sword; and it is by the expence of Macedo­nianPrinces cannot bear bold Truths. Blood, and by these Wounds, that you are now rais'd to such a height, as to despise and disown your Father Philip, and adopt your self the Son of Jupiter Ammon. Thou base Fellow, said Alexander, who was now throughly exasperated, dost thou think to utter these Things every where of me, and stir up the Ma­cedonians to Sedition, and not be punish'd for it? We are sufficiently punish'd already, an­swer'd Clitus, if this be the Recompence of our Toyls; and esteem those happiest, who have not liv'd to see their Countrymen Ignominiously scourg'd with Median Rods, and forc'd to sue to the Persians to have access to their King. While he talk'd thus at Random, and those who were by, thwarted and reprov'd him, the old Men endeavour'd all they could to [Page 340] compose the Business. Alexander in the mean time turning about to Xenodochus the Cardian, and Artemius the Colophenian, ask'd them, If they were not of Opinion, that the rest of the Graecians, in comparison with the Mace­donians, behav'd themselves like so many Demi­Gods among wild Beasts? But Clitus for all this would not give over, desiring Alexander to speak out, if he had any thing more to say, or else why did he invite Men, who were Free-Born, and us'd to speak their Minds openly without restraint, to sup with him? He had better live, and con­verse with Barbarians, and Conquer'd Slaves, who would not scruple to adore his Persian Girdle, and his white Tunick. Which words so provok'd Alexander, that, not able to suppress his Anger any longer, he threw one of the Apples that lay upon the Table at him, and hit him, and then look'd about for his Sword. But Aristo­phanes, one of his Life-guard, had hid that out of the way, and others came about him, and besought him to stay his Fury, but in vain; for breaking from them, he call'd out aloud to his Guards in the Mace­donian Language, which was a certain sign of some great Disturbance towards, and commanded a Trumpeter to sound, giving him a Box on the Ear for not presently o­beying him; though afterwards the same [Page 341] Man was commended for disobeying an Order, which would have put the whole Army into Tumult and Confusion. Clitus continued still in the same quarrelsome Hu­mour, till his Friends with much ado forc'd him out of the Room; but he came in again immediately at another door, very irreve­rently and confidently singing this Verse out of Euripides his Andromache.

Then Alexander snatching a Spear from one of the Soldiers, met Clitus as he was putting by the Curtain that hung before the Door, and ran him through the Body, so that he fell down, and after a few Sighs and Groans died. At sight of which the King's Anger presently vanishing, he came perfectly to himself, and when he saw his Friends about him all in a profound Silence, he pull'd the Spear out of the dead Body, and would have thrust it into his own Throat, if the Guards had not held his Hands, and by main Force carried him away into his Cham­ber, where all that night and the next dayAlexander repents of Clitus his Death. he wept bitterly, till being quite spent with crying and lamenting, he lay as it were speechless, only fetching deep Sighs. His Friends apprehending some dangerous consequence of his Silence, broke into the [Page 326] Room; but he took no notice of what anyBoth Priests of them said, till Aristander putting him in mind of the Vision he had seen concerning Clitus, and the Prodigy that follow'd, as if all had come to pass by an unavoidable Fa­tality, he then seem'd to moderate his Grief. They also brought Calisthenes the Philoso­pher, who was nearly related to Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera, to him. Calist­henes endeavour'd to alleviate his Sorrow with moral Discourses, and gentle Insinua­tions without offending him. But Anaxar­chus, who was always singular in his Me­thod of Philosophy, and was thought to slight those of his own Time, as soon as he came in, cried out aloud, Is this the Alex­ander whom the whole World looks upon with such Admiration? See how meanly he weeps like an abject Captive, for fear of the Censure and Reproach of Men, to whom he himself ought to be a Law, and measure of Equity, if he would make a right use of his Victories, as Supream Lord and Governour of all, and not be a Slave to a vain, idle Opinion. Do not And Philo­sophers ca [...] flatter bas­ly. you know, said he, that Jupiter is represent­ed to have Justice and Law on each Hand of him? the meaning of which is, that all the Actions of a Prince are lawful and just. With these and the like Speeches, Anax­ [...] [...]deed allay'd the King's Grief, but [...] corrupted his Manners, rendring [Page 327] him more dissolute and violent than he was before. Nor did he fail by these means to insinuate himself into his Favour, and to make Calisthenes his Conversation, which otherwise because of his Austerity was not very acceptable, more uneasie and disagree­able to him.

It happen'd that these two Philosophers meeting at an Entertainment, where the Company discours'd of the Seasons of the Year, and the Temperature of the Air; Calisthenes joyn'd with their Opinion, who held, that those Countries were colder, and the Winter sharper there than in Greece; which Anaxarchus would by no means allow of, but contradicted with great Obstinacy. Sure, said Calisthenes to him,Callisthenes his true Jest upon Anaxar­chus. you must needs confess this Country to be colder than Greece, for there you had but one thread­bare Cloak to keep out the coldest Winter, and here you have three good warm Mantles one over another. This piece of Raillery not only exceedingly exasperated Anaxarchus, but likewise piqu'd the other Pretenders to Learning, and the crowd of Flatterers, who could not endure to see him so belov'd and follow'd by the Youth, and no less esteem'd by the ancient Men for his good Life, his Modesty, Gravity, and being contented with his Condition. All which confirm'd what he gave out of his Design [Page 344] in this Voyage to Alexander, that it was only to get his Country-Men recall'd from Banishment, and to re-Build and re-People Abdera, where he was Born. Besides the Envy which his great Reputation rais'd, he also by his own Deportment gave those who wish'd him ill, opportunity to do him▪ Mischief. For when he was invited to publick Entertainments, he would most­times refuse to come, or if he were present at any, he put a constraint upon the Com­pany by his Moroseness and Silence, seem­ing to disapprove of every thing they did or said; which made Alexander say this of him:

Being with many more invited to Sup with the King, he was Commanded to make an Oration extempore, whilst they were Drink­ing, in praise of the Macedonians; and he did it with such a Torrent of Elo­quence, that all who heard it exceedingly applauded him, and threw their Garlands upon him, only Alexander told him out of Euripides,

Therefore, said he, if you will shew the force of your Eloquence, tell my Macedonians their Faults, and dispraise them, that by hearing their Errors, they may learn to be better for the future. Callisthenes presently obey'd him, retracting all he had said before, and in­veighing against the Macedonians with great freedom, added, That Philip thriv'd, and grew Powerful, chiefly by the Discord of the Graecians, applying this Verse to him:

Which so disoblig'd the Macedonians, that he was odious to them ever after. And Alexander said, That instead of his Eloquence, he had only made his Ill-will appear in what he had spoken. Hermippus assures us, That one Stroebus, a Servant whom Callisthenes kept to Read to him, gave this account of these Passages afterwards to Aristotle; and that when he perceiv'd the King grew more and more averse to him, he mutter'd this Verse out of Homer two or three times to himself, as he was going away:

Not without Reason therefore did Ari­stotle The Chara­cter and Fall of Cal­listhenes. give this Character of Calisthenes, That he was indeed an excellent Orator, but had no Judgement at all. For though we grant, it was resolutely and Philosophi­cally done of him, not to Worship the King, though by talking publickly against that which the best and gravest of the Macedonians only repin'd at in secret, he put a stop to their base Adoration, and deli­ver'd the Graecians and Alexander himself from a great deal of Infamy: Yet in the close he ruin'd himself by it, because he went too roughly to work, as if he would have forc'd the King to that which he should have effected by Reason and Perswasion. Chares of Mytilene writes, That at a Banquet, Alex­ander Who offends Alexander by his Mo­rosen [...]ss, and refusing to adore him. after he had drank, reach'd the Cup to one of his Friends, who receiving it, rose up towards the Domestick Altar, and when he had drank, first ador'd, and then kiss'd Alexander, and afterwards sate down at the Table with the rest. Which they all did one after another, till it came to Calisthenes his Turn, who taking the Cup, drank it off, when the King, who was [Page 331] engag'd in Discourse with Hephestion, did not mind him, and then offer'd to kiss him. But Demetrius, sirnam'd Pheidon, interpos'd, saying, Sir, by no means let him kiss you, for he only of us all had refus'd to adore you; upon which the King declin'd it, and all the Concern Calisthenes shew'd, was, that he said aloud, Then I go away with a Kiss less than the rest. The Displeasure he incurr'd by this Action, was improv'd by Hephesti­on's affirming, That he had broke his word to him, in not paying the King the same Veneration that others did, as he had faith­fully promis'd to do. And to finish his Disgrace, Lysimachus and Agnon added, That this Sophister went about priding himself, as if he stood in the Gap against Arbitrary Power; that the young Men all ran after him, and honour'd him, as the only Man among so many Thousands, who had the Courage to preserve his Li­berty. Therefore when Hermolaus his Conspiracy came to be discover'd, the Crimes which his Enemies laid to his charge were the more easily believ'd, particularly that when the young Man ask'd him, What he should do to be the most illustrious Person on Earth; he told him, The readiest way was to kill him who was already so. And that to in­cite him to commit the Fact, he bid him not be aw'd by his Golden Bed, but re­member [Page 348] Alexander was a Man equally in­firm and vulnerable as another. However, none of Hermolaus his Accomplices, in the extremity of their Torments, made any mention of Calisthenes his being engag'd in the Design. Nay Alexander himself, in the Letters which he wrote soon after to Crate­rus, Attalus, and Alcetas, tells them, That those who were put to the Rack, confess'd they had enter'd into the Conspiracy whol­ly of themselves, without any others being privy to, or guilty of it. But yet after­wards in a Letter to Antipater, he accuses Callisthenes of the same Crime. The young Men, says he, were ston'd to Death by the Ma­cedonians, but for the Sophister, meaning Ca­listhenes, I will take care to punish him, with them too who sent him to me, and who harbour those in their Cities who conspire against my Life. By which Expressions it appears, he had noAristotle himself su­spected. very good opinion of Aristotle, by whom Callisthenes was educated upon the score of his Relation to him, being his Neece Hero's Son. His Death is diversly related: some say, he was hang'd by Alexander's Com­mand; others, that he died of Sickness in Prison; but Chares writes, he was kept in Chains seven Months after he was appre­hended, on purpose that he might be pro­ceeded against in full Council, when Ari­stotle should be present; and that being [Page 349] grown very fat, he died of the lowsie Di­sease, about the time that Alexander was wounded in the Country of the Malli Oxy­dracae; all which came to pass afterwards.

For to go on in order: Demaratus of Co­rinth, This Passage was menti­on'd before. a Man of a great Age, was at this time very desirous to give the King a Visit, and when he had seen him, said, He pitied the Misfortune of those Graecians, who were so unhappy to die before they had beheld Alexander seated on the Throne of Darius. But he did not long enjoy the Effects of his Bounty to him, any otherwise, than that soon after falling sick and dying, he had a Magnifi­cent Funeral, and the Army rais'd him a Monument of Earth fourscore Cubits high, and of a vast Circumference. His Ashes were convey'd in a very rich Chariot drawn by four Horses to the Sea­side.

Alexander now intent upon his Expediti­onAlexander burns all his own and his Soldiers Baggage. into India, took notice that his Soldiers were so charg'd with Booty, that it hindred their marching; to remedy which, at break of day, as soon as the Baggage-Waggons were laden, first he set Fire to his own, and his Friends, and then commanded those to be burnt, which belong'd to the rest of the Army. An Action which in the delibera­tion of it seem'd more dangerous and diffi­cult than it prov'd in the Execution, with which few were dissatisfied; for most of [Page 334] them, as if they had been inspir'd with Zeal from above, with loud Outcries and Warlike Shoutings, furnish'd one another with what was absolutely necessary, and burnt and destroy'd all that was superflu­ous, the sight of which redoubled Alexan­der's Vigor and Alacrity.

He was now grown very severe and in­exorableHe grows cruel. in punishing those who committed any Fault; for he put Menander, one of his Friends to Death, for deserting a Fortress, where he had plac'd him in Garison, and shot Orsodates, one of the Barbarians who re­volted from him, with his own Hand. At this time a Sheep happen'd to yean a Lamb, with the perfect shape and colour of a Tiara An odd Portent. upon the Head, and Testicles on each side; which Portent Alexander so detested, that he immediately caus'd his Babylonian Priests, whom he usually carried about with him for such purposes to purifie him, and with­al told his Friends, he was not so much concern'd for his own sake, as for theirs, out of an apprehension that God, after his Death, might suffer his Empire to fall into the hands of some degenerate, impotent Person. But this Fear was soon remov'd, by a wonderful thing that happen'd not long after, and was thought to presage bet­ter; for Proxenus, a Macedonian, who was the chief of those who look'd to the King's [Page 335] Furniture, as he was breaking Ground near the River Oxus, to set up the Royal Pavi­lion, discover'd a Spring of gross oyly Li­quor,A Spring of Oyl found. which, after the top was taken off, ran pure, clear Oyl, without any difference either of Taste or Smell, having exactly the same smoothness and brightness, and that too in a Country where no Olives grew. The Water indeed of the River Oxus is said to be so fat, that it leaves a Gloss on their Skins who bathe themselves in it. Whatever might be the Cause, certain it is, that Alexander was wonderfully pleas'd with it, as appears by his Letters to Anti­pater, where he tells him, He look'd upon it as one of the most considerable Presages that God had ever favour'd him with. The Diviners told him, It signify'd his Expedition would be glorious in the Event, but very painful, and attended with many difficul­ties; for Oyl, they said, was bestow'd on Mankind by God as a Refreshment of their Labours. Nor did they judge amiss; for he expos'd himself to many Hazards in the Battels which he fought, and receiv'd very deep and dangerous Wounds, besides the mouldring away of his Army, through the unwholesomness of the Air, and for want of necessary Provisions. But he still appli­ed himself to surmount Fortune, and what­ever oppos'd him, by his Resolution and [Page 352] Vertue, and thought nothing impossible toSisimethres his Rock taken. a daring, valiant Man. Therefore when he Besieg'd Sisimethres, who held an inac­cessible, impregnable Rock against him, and his Soldiers began to despair of taking it, he ask'd Oxyartes, Whether Sisimethres, was a Man of Courage? who assuring him, he was the greatest Coward alive; then you tell me, said he, that the Place is our own, if the Com­mander of it be a Poltron: And, in a little time he so terrified Sisimethres, that he took it without any difficulty. At an Attack which he made upon such another steep place, with some of his Macedonian Soldiers, he call'd to one whose Name was Alexander, and told him, It would become him to behave himself gallantly for his Names sake. The Youth fought bravely, and was kill'd in the Action, at which he was sensibly af­flicted. Another time seeing his Men march slowly and unwillingly to the Siege of a Place call'd Nysa, because of a deep River between them and the Town, he ad­vanc'd before them, and standing upon the Bank, What a miserable Man, said he, am I, that I have not learn'd to Swim? and then was hardly disswaded from endeavouring to pass it upon his Shield. Here, after the Aslault was over, the Ambassadors, who from several Towns which he had block'd up, came to submit to him, and make their [Page 353] Peace, were surpriz'd to find him rough, and arm'd at all Points, without any Pomp or ceremony about him; and when his At­tendants brought him a Cushion, he made the eldest of them, nam'd Acuphis, take it, and sit down upon it. The old Man charm,d with his Magnanimity and Cour­tesieAlexander's Discourse with Acu­phis. ask'd him, What his Countreymen should do to merit his Friendship? I would have them, said Alexander, choose you to govern them, and send 100 of the most considerable and most wor­thy men among them to remain with me as Ho­stages: I shall govern them with more ease Sir, replied Acuphis, smiling, if I send you so many of the worst, rather than the best of my Subjects.

The Extent of King Taxiles his Dominions in India was thought to be as large as Aegypt, abounding in good Pastures, and above all in excellent Fruits. The King himself had the reputation of a wise Man, and at his first Interview with Alexander, he spoke to him in these terms: To what purpose, said he,with Tax­iles. should we make War upon one another, if the de­sign of your coming into these Parts, be not to r [...]b us of our Water, or our necessary Food, which are the only things that wise men are indispensably oblig'd to fight for? As for other Riches and Pos­sessions, as they are accounted in the eye of the World, if I am better provided of them than you, I am ready to let you share with in [...]; but if For­tune has been more liberal to you than me, I will [Page 354] not decline your Favours, but accept them with all the grateful Acknowledgements that are due to a Benefactor. This Discourse pleas'd Alex­ander so much, that embracing him, Do you think, said he to him, your fair Speeches, and affable Behaviour, will bring you off in this In­terview without fighting? No, you shall not escape so, for as to matter of Benefits, I will contend with you so far, that how obliging soever you are, you shall not have the better of me. Then receiving some Presents from him, he return'd him others of greater value, and to compleat his Bounty, gave him in Money ready coin'd 1000 Talents; at which his old FriendsHis Friends r [...]pine at his Bounty to Strangers. were exceedingly displeas'd, but it gain'd him the hearts of many of the Barbarians. The valiantest of the Indians now taking Pay of se­veral Cities, undertook to defend them, and did it so bravely, that they put Alexander to a great deal of Trouble and Fatigue, till having made an agreement with him, upon the surrender of a Place, he fell upon them as they were marching away, and put them all to the Sword. This one breach of his word was a perpetual Blemish to him, tho on all other occasions he had manag'd his Wars with that Justice and Honour that became a King. Nor was he less incom­moded by the Indian Philosophers, who in­veigh'd bitterly against those Princes who were of his Party, and solicited the free Ci­ties [Page 355] [...] oppose him, therefore he took seve­ral of them, and caus'd them to be hang'd.

[...] [...] in his own Letters has given us [...] account of his War with Porus: He says,His War with Porus The [...] A [...]mies were seperated by the River Hydaspes, on whose opposite Bank Porus con­tinually kept his Elephants in order of Bat­ [...]l▪ with their Heads towards their Enemies to guard the Passage. That he was forc'd every day to make great noises in his Camp, and give his Men constant Alarms, to ac­c [...]sto [...] them by degrees not to be afraid of the Barbarians. That one cold, dark Night he pass'd the River above the Place where the Enemy lay, into a little Island, with part of his Foot and the best of his Horse. Here there fell so violent a Shower of Rain, accompanied with Lightning, and fier'y Whirlwinds, that seeing some of his Men burnt and destroy'd by the Lightning, he qui [...]ted the Island, and made over to the other side. The Hydaspes, now after the Storm was so swolo and grown so rapid, as to make a Breach in the Bank, at which part of the River ran out, so that when he came to land, he found very ill standing for his Men, the place being extream slippery andHe passes the Hydaspes. undermin'd and ready to be blown up by the Currents on both sides. In this Dist [...]ess On [...]crit [...] tells us He was heard to say, Oh ye Athenians: to what incredible Dangers do I [Page 354] [...] [Page 355] [...] [Page 356] my self to merit your Praises? But to proceed, Alexander says here, they left their little Boats, and pass'd the Bteach in their Armour up to the Breast in Water; and then he ad­vanc'd with his Horse about 20 Furlongs be­fore his Foot, concluding, that if the Ene­my charg'd him with their Cavalry, he should be too strong for them' if with their Foot, his own would come up time enough to his Assistance. Nor did he judge amiss; for being charg'd by 1000 Horse, and 60 arm'd Chariots, which advanc'd before their main Body, he took all the Chariots, and kill'd 400 Horse upon the Place. Porus by this smart Execution, guessing that Alexan­der himself was gotten over, came on with his whoie Army, except a Party which he left behind, to hold the rest of the Macedo­nians in Play, if they should attempt to pass the River. But Alexander apprehending the multitude of the Enemie, and to avoid the shock of their Elephants, would not joyn Battel with them in Front, but dividing his Forces, attack'd their left Wing himself, and commanded Coenus to fall uppon the right, which was perform'd with good Success. For by this means both Wings being broken, they retir'd when they found themselvesAnd defeats Porus. press'd close to their Elephants, and then rallying, renew'd the Fight so obstinately, that it was three hours after Noon before [Page 357] they were entirely defeated. This de­scription of the Battel the Conqueror has left us in his own Epistles.

Almost all Writers agree, That Porus Porus his Stature. was four Cubits and an half high, and that when he was upon his Elephant, which was of the largest size, his Stature and Bulk were so answerable, that he appear'd to be but proportionably mounted. This Elephant, during the whole Battel, gave many proofs of wonderful Understanding, and a particular Care of the King, whom as long as he was strong, and in condition to Fight, he defended with great Courage, repelling those who set upon him; and as soon as he perceiv'd him ready to faint, byHis Ele­phant. reason of his many Wounds, and multitude of Darts that were thrown at him, to pre­vent his falling off, he softly kneel'd down, & then with his Probosois gently drew every Dart out of his Body. When Porus was taken Prisoner, and Alexander ask'd him, How he expected to be us'd? he answer'd, As a King ought to be; for that expression, he said, when the same Question was put to him a second time, comprehended every thing. And Alexander indeed dealt very generously with him, for he not only suffer'd him to govern his own Kingdom as his Lieutenant, but added to it a large Province of some free People whom he had newly subdued, which [Page 358] consisted of 15 several Nations, and con­tain'd 5000 considerable Towns, besides abundance of Villages. Another Govern­ment, three times as large as this, he be­stow'd on Philip, one of his Friends.

Some time after the Battel with Porus, most Authors agree, that Bucephalus died under cure of his Wounds, or as Onesicritus says, of Fatigue and Age, being 30 years old. Alexander was no less concern'd at his Death, than if he had lost an old Com­panion, or an intimate Friend, and built a City, which he nam'd Bucephalia, in me­moryA City built in me­mory of Bu­cephalus. of him, on the Bank of the River Hy­daspes, and another in remembrance of his beloved favorite Dog Peritas, as Sotion as­sures us, he was inform'd by Potamon of Lesbos.

But this last Combat with Porus took off the edge of the Macedonians Courage, and hindred their farther progress in India. For having with much ado defeated him, who brought but 20000 Foot, and 2000 Horse into the Field, they thought they had Rea­son to oppose Alexander's Design of obligingThe Mace­donians re­fuse to pass the Ganges. them to pass the Ganges too, which they were told was Four Miles over, and an hundred fathom deep, and the Banks on the farther side cover'd with multitudes of Enemies. For they had intelligence that the Kings of the Gandaritans and Persians [Page 359] expected them there with 80000 Horse, 200000 Foot, 8000 arm'd Chariots, and 6000 fighting Elephants. Nor was this a false, vain Report, spread on purpose to dis­courage them; for Androcottus, who not long after reign'd in those Parts, made a Present of 500 Elephants at once to Seleucus, and with an Army of 600000 Men subdu­ed all India. Alexander at first was soWhich grieves A­lexander. griev'd and enrag'd at his Mens Reluctancy, that he shut himself up in his Tent, and in a desponding manner threw himself upon the Ground, declaring, if they would not pass the Ganges, he ow'd them no thanks for any thing they had hitherto done, and that to retreat now, was plainly to confess himself vanquish'd. But at last, the pru­dent Remonstrances and Perswasions of his Friends, who inform'd him truly how the Case stood, and the Tears and Lamentati­ons of his Soldiers, who in a suppliant manner crowded about the entrance of his Tent, prevail'd with him to think of re­turning. Yet before he decamp'd, he would needs impose upon Posterity, by leavingWhat care he takes to deceive Po­sterity. behind some fictitious Monuments of his Glory; such as Arms of an extraordinary bigness, and Mangers for Horses, with Bits of Bridles above the usual size, which he set up, and distributed in several Places. He erected Altars also to the Gods, which [Page 360] the Kings of the Persians even in our Time highly reverence, and often pass the River to sacrifice upon them after the Graecian manner. Androcottus, then a Youth, saw Alexander there, and has often afterwards been heard to say, That he miss'd but lit­tle of making himself Master of those Coun­tries; their King, who then reign'd, was so hated and despis'd for the viciousness of his Life, and the meanness of his Extra­ction.

Alexander decamping from hence, had aHis Voyage down the Rivers. mind to see the Ocean; to which purpose he caus'd a great many Vessels with Oars, and small Boats to be built, in which he fell gently down the Rivers, making Merry as he went, and order'd it so, that his Na­vigation was neither unprofitable nor un­active; for by making several Descents, he took in the Fortifi'd Towns, and conse­quently the Country on both sides. ButHis Danger among the Mallians. at the Siege of a City of the Mallians, who are the valiantest People of India, he ran great danger of his Life; for having beaten off the Defendants with showers of Arrows, he was the first Man that mounted the Wall by a scaling Ladder, which, as soon as he was up, broke, and left him almost alone exposed to the Darts, which the Barbarians threw at him in great numbers from below. In this Distress, turning himself as well as [Page 361] he could, he leaped down in the midst of his Enemies, and had the good Fortune to light upon his Feet. The brightness and clattering of his Armour, when he came to the Ground, made the Barbarians think, they saw Rays of Light, or some Phantom playing before his Body, which frighted them so at first, that they ran away and dis­pers'd themselves, till seeing him seconded but by two of his Guards, they fell upon him Hand to Hand, and though he defended himself very bravely, wounded him through his Armour with their Swords and Spears. One who stood farther off, drew a Bow with such just Strength, that the Arrow finding its way through his Cuirass, stuck in his Ribs under the Breast. This stroke was so violent, that it made him give back, and set one Knee to the Ground, which as soon as he that Shot him perceiv'd, he came up to him with his drawn Scimitar, think­ing to dispatch him, and had done it, if Peucestes and Limnaeus had not interpos'd, who were both wounded, Limnaeus mortally, but Peucestes stood his Ground, while Alex­ander kill'd the Barbarian. But this did not free him from danger; for besides many other Wounds, at last he receiv'd so weigh­tyHe is despe­rately wounded. a stroke of a Club upon his Neck, that he was forc'd to lean his Body against the Wall, yet still look'd undauntedly upon [Page 362] the Enemy. When he was reduc'd to this Extremity, the Macedonians breaking in to his Assistance, very opportunely took him up, just as he was fainting away, having lost all sense of what was done near him, and convey'd him to his Tent, upon which it was presently reported all over the Camp that he was dead. But when they had with great difficulty and pains saw'd out the Shaft of the Arrow which was of Wood, and so with much ado got off his Cuirass, they came to cut the Head of it, which was three fingers broad, and four long, and stuck fast in the Bone. During the Ope­ration, he was taken with almost mortal Swoonings, but when it was out, he came to himself again. Yet though all Danger was past, he continued very weak, and confin'd himself a great while to a regular Diet, and the method of his Cure, till one day hearing the Macedonians were so desirous to see him, that they were ready to muti­ny, he put on his Robe, and when he had shew'd himself to them, and sacrific'd to the Gods, without more delay he went on Board again, and as he coasted along, sub­dued a great deal of the Country on both sides, and took in several considerable Ci­ties.

[Page 363]In this Voyage he took 10 of the Indian His Questi­ons to the Indian Phi­losophers, with their Answers. Philosophers Prisoners, who had been most active in perswading Sabbas to Rebel, and besides that had done the Macedonians abun­dance of Mischief. These Men, because they go stark naked, are call'd Gymnosophists, and are reputed to be extremely sharp and succinct in their Answers to whatsoever is propounded to them, which he made tryal of, by putting difficult Questions to them, withal letting them know, that those whose Answers were not pertinent, should be put to death, of which he made the eldest of them Judge. The first being ask'd, Which he thought most numerous, the Dead or the Living? Answer'd, The Living, because those who are dead, are not at all. Of the second, he desir'd to know, Whether the Sea or Land produc'd the largest Beasts? Who told him, The Land, for the Sea was but a part of it. His Question to the third was, Which was the craftiest Animal? That, said he, which Mankind is not yet acquainted with. He bid the fourth tell him, What Arguments he us'd to Sabbas to perswade him to Revolt? No other, said he, than that he should live with Honour, or perish in the Attempt. Of the fifth he ask'd, Which was eldest, Night or Day? The Philosopher reply'd, Day was eldest, by one day at least: but perceiving Alexander not well satisfied with that Account, he added, [Page 364] That he ought not to wonder, if strange Questi­ons had as odd Answers made to th [...] ▪ Then he went on, and enquir'd of the next, What a Man should do to be exceedingly b [...]lov'd? He must be very powerful, said he, without making himself too much fear'd. The Answer of the seventh to his Question, How a Man might be a God? was, If he could do that which was impossible for Men to perform. The eighth told him, Life was stronger than Death, be­cause it supported so many Miseries. And the last being ask'd, How long he thought it de­cent for a Man to live? said, Till Death ap­pear'd more desirable than Life. Then Alex­ander turn'd to him whom he had made Judge, and commanded him to give Sen­tence. All that I can determine, said he, is, that they have every one answer'd worse than a­nother. No, that they have not, said the King, but however thou shalt die first, because thou judgest so ill. You will not deal so with me, Sir, reply'd the Gymnosophist, if you intend to be as goad as your word, which was, that he should die first who answer'd worst, which I have not done, for you have not ask'd me any Questi­on. In conclusion, he gave them Presents, and dismiss'd them. But to those who were in greatest Reputation among them, and liv'd a private, quiet Life, he sent One­sicritus, one of Diogenes the Cynicks Disciples, desiring them to come to him. Calanus [Page 365] very arrogantly and rudely commandedThe Arro­gance of Calanus, a Gymnoso­phist. him to strip himself and hear what he said, naked, otherwise he would not speak a word to him, though he came from Jupiter himself. But Dandamis receiv'd him with more Civility, and hearing him discourse of Socrates, Py­thagoras, and Diogenes, told him, He thought them Men of great Parts, and to have err'd in nothing so much, as in having too great Respect for the Laws and Constitutions of their Country. Others say, he only adk'd him the Reason, Why Alexander undertook so long a Voyage to come into those Parts? Taxiles perswaded Ca­lanus to wait upon Alexander; his proper Name was Sphines, but because he was wont to say Cale, which in the Indian ­Tongue signifies, God save you, when he sa­luted those he met with any where, the Graecians call'd him Calanus. He is said to have shewn Alexander an instructive Em­blem of Government, which was this: HeHis Emblem of Govern­ment. threw a dry shrivel'd Hide upon the Ground, and trod upon the edge of it; the Skin when it was press'd in one place, still rose up in another, wheresoever he trod round about it, till he set his foot in the middle, which made all the Parts lye even and quiet. The meaning of this Similitude was, That he ought to reside most in the mid­dle and Heart of his Empire, and not spend too much time on the Borders of it.

[Page 366]His Voyage down the Rivers took up seven Months time, and when he came to the Sea, he sail'd to an Island which he call'd Scillustis, others Psiltucis, where go­ingAlexander's Prayer when he came to the Sea. ashore, he sacrificed, and made what Observations he could of the Nature of the Sea, and the Sea-coast. Then having be­sought the Gods, that no other Man might ever go beyond the Bounds of this Expedi­tion, he order'd his Fleet, of which he made Nearchus Admiral, and Onesicritas Pilot, to sail round about, leaving India on the right hand, and return'd himself by Land through the Country of the Ori [...]es, where he was re­duc'd to great Straits for want of Provisions, and lost abundance of Men, so that of an Army of 120000 Foot, and in [...]000 Horse,What loss he sustain'd in his march back he searce brought back above a fourth part out of India, they were so diminish'd by Diseases, ill Diet, and the scorching Heats, but most by Famine. For then March was through an uncultivated Country, whose Inhabitants far'd hardly, and had none but a little ill Breed of Sheep, whose Flesh was rank and unsavory, by reason of their con­tinual feeding upon Sea-fish.

After 60 days March he came into Ge­drosia, where he found great Plenty of all things, which the neighbouring Kings, and Governors of Provinces, hearing of his Ap­proach, had taken care to provide. From [Page 367] hence when he had reinforc'd his Army, heHis rietous Progress through Carmania. continued his March through Carmania, feasting all the way for seven days together. He, with his most intimate Friends, Ban­quetted and Revell'd night and day, upon a Stage, erected on a lofty conspicuous Scaffold, which with a slow, majestick Pace, was drawn by 8 Horses. This was fol­low'd by a great many Chariots, whereof some were cover'd with Tapistry of Purple, and other Colours, and some with green Boughs, which were supplied with fresh as they wither'd, and in them the rest of his Friends and Commanders drinking, and crown'd with Garlands and Flowers. Here was now no Target or Helmet, no Spear to be seen, instead of Armour, the Soldiers handled nothing but Cups and Goblets, and drinking Bowls of Thericles his Make, which they dipp'd into larger Vessels, and drank Healths to one another, some sitting close to it, others as they went along. All Places resounded with Musick of Pipes and Flutes, with Odes and Songs, and Women dancing, as in the Rites of Bacchus; for this disorderly wandring March, besides the drinking part of it, was accompanied with all the Loosness and Insolence of Bac­chanals, as much as if the God himself had been there to countenance and carry on the Debauch. As soon as he came to the Roy­al [Page 368] Palace of Gedrosia, he again refresh'd and feasted his Army, and one day after he had drank pretty hard, (it is said) went to see a Prize of Dancing contended for, in whichA Prize of Dancing. his Minion Bagoas, who defrayed the ex­pence of it, having the Victory, cross'd the Theater in his Dancing Habit, and sate down close by him, which so pleas'd the Macedonians, that they made loud Accla­mationsWon by Ba­goas. for him to kiss Bagoas, and never left clapping their Hands and shouting, till Alexander took him about the Neck, and kiss'd him.

Here his Admiral Nearchus came to him,Alexander's great Pre­parations for a Voy­age to Sea. and delighted him so with the Relation of his Voyage, that he resolv'd himself to sail out of the mouth of Euphrates with a great Fleet, with which he design'd to go round by Arabia and Lybia, and so by Her­cules his Pillars into the Mediteranean; in or­der to which, he directed all sorts of Ves­sels to be built at Thapsacus, and made great provision every where of Sea-men and Pi­lots. But it fell out unluckily for this En­terprize, that the Report of the Difficulties he went through in his Indian Expedition, the danger of his Person among the Malli­ans, the loss of a considerable part of his Forces, and the general opinion, that he would hardly return in safety, occasion'd the Revolt of many conquer'd Nations, and [Page 369] made the Commanders and Lieurenants in several Provinces, presume to oppress the People with extream Injustice, Avarice, and Insolence. So that there seem'd to be an universal fluctuation and disposition to Change. Olympias and Cleopatra rais'd aHow hin­dred. Faction against Antipater, and shar'd his Government between them, Olympias seiz­ing upon Epirus and Cleopatra upon Mace­donia. When Alexander was told of it, he said, His Mother had made the best choice, for the Macedonians would never endure to be rul'd by a Woman. Upon this he dispatch'd Ne­archus again to the Fleet, intending to car­ry the War into the maritime Provinces, and as he march'd that way himself, he punish'd those Commanders who had not behav'd themselves well, particularly Oxy­artes, one of Abulites his Sons, whom he kill'd with his own hand, thrusting him through the Body with his Spear. And when Abulites, instead of the necessary Pro­visions which he ought to have furnish'd, brought him 3000 Talents in Money ready coin'd, he order'd it to be thrown to his Horses, who not meddling with it; What good does this Provision do me? said he to him, and sent him away to Prison.

When he came into Persia, he distributedA Custom of the Kings of Persia. Money among the Women, as their own Kings were wont to do, who, as often as [Page 370] they came thither, gave every one of them a Crown, for which Reason some of them came but seldom, and Ochus was so sordid­ly Covetous, that to avoid this Expence, he never visited Persia all his Life, though it was his Native Country.

Then finding Cyrus his Sepulcher open'd,Cyrus's Se­pulcher ri­fled. and rifled, he put Polymachus, who did it to death, though he was a Man of Quali­ty, and born at Pella in Macedonia: and af­ter he had read the Inscription, he caus'd it to be cut again below the old one in Greek Characters; the words were these: O Man, whosoever thou art, and from whencesoever thou comest, (for I know thou wilt come) I am Cyrus, the Founder of the Persian Empire; do not envy me this little quantity of Earth which covers my Body. The reading of this sensi­blyAlexander mov'd at the Inscrip­tion. touch'd Alexander, causing him to re­flect seriously upon the incertainty and mu­tability of humane Affairs. At the same time Calanus having been a little while troubled with a Loosness, requested he might have a Funeral Pile erected, to which he came on Horseback, and after he had said some Prayers, and sprinkled himself, and cut off some of his Hair to throw in­to the Fire, as was usual on such occasions; before he ascended it, he embrac'd and took leave of the Macedonians who stood by, de­siring them to pass that day in Mirth and [Page 371] good Fellowship with their King, whom in a little time, he said, he doubted not but to see again at Babylon. Having thus said, he lay down, and covering himself, he stirr'dCalanus barus him­self. not when the Fire came near him, but con­tinued still in the same posture as at first, and so sacrific'd himself, as it was the ancient Custom of the Philosophers in those Coun­treys to do. The same thing was done long after by another Indian, who came with Caesar to Athens, where they still shew you the In­dians Monument. At his return from the Fu­neral Pile, Alexander invited a great many of his Friends and principal Officers to Sup­per,A drinking Match. and propos'd a Drinking-match, in which the Victor should be crown'd. Pro­machus drank 18 Quarts of Wine, and won the Prize which weigh'd a talent, from them all; but he surviv'd his Victory but three days, and was followed, as Chares says, by 41 more, who died of the same Debauch, by reason of the severe Frost which happen'd at that time.

At Susa he married Darius his DaughterAlexander marries Sta­tira, Darius his Daugh­ter. Statira, and celebrated the Nuptials of his Friends, bestowing the noblest of the Persi­an Ladies upon the worthiest of them, withal making a very splendid Entertainment for all the Macedonians who were married before; at which, it is reported, there were no less than 9000 Guests, to each of whom he gave [Page 372] a golden Cup, for them to use in their Liba­tions of Wine to the Honour of the Gods. Not to mention other Instances of his won­derful Magnificence, he paid the Debts ofHe pays the Debts of his Army. his whole Army, which amounted to 9870 Talents. But there was one Antigenes, who had lost one of his Eyes, though he ow'd nothing, got his Name set down in the List of those who were in Debt, and bringing one who pretended to be his Cre­ditor, to the Banquiers Table, receiv'd the Money. But when the Cheat was found out, the King was so incens'd at it, that he banish'd him from Court, and took away his Command though he was an excellent Souldier and a Man of great Courage. For when he was but a Youth, and serv'd under Philip at the Siege of Perinthus, where he was wounded in the Eye by an Arrow shot out of an Engine, he would neither let the Arrow be taken out, or be perswaded to quit the Field, till he had bravely repuls'd the Enemy, and forc'd them to retire into the Town. A Man of his Spirit was not able to support such a Disgrace with any Patience, and certainly Grief and Despair would have made him kill himself, but that the KingForgives Antigenes his Fraud. fearing it, not only pardon'd him, but let him also enjoy the Benefit of his Deceit.

The 30000 Boys which he left behind himHis Semi­nary of Soul­diers. to be taught the use of their Arms▪ and mili­tary [Page 373] Discipline, were so improv'd at his re­turn both in Strength and Beauty, and per­form'd their Exercises with such Dexterity, and wonderful Agility, that he was extream­ly pleas'd with them; which griev'd the Ma­cedonians, and made them fear he would have the less Esteem for them. And when he was sending away the infirm and maim'd SoldiersThe Mace­donians dis­contented. to Sea, they said, they were unjustly and infamously dealt with, after they were worn out in his service upon all occasions, now to be turn'd away with Disgrace, and sent home into their Country among their Friends and Relations, in a worse condition than when they came out; therefore they desir'd him one and all to dismiss them, and to ac­count his Macedonians useless, now he was so well furnished with dancing Boys, with whom, if he pleased, he might go on, and conquer the World. These Speeches so en­raged Alexander, that after he had given them a great deal of reproachful Language in his Passion, he drave them away, and com­mitted the Watch to Persians, out of whomHe takes & Guard of Persians. he chose his Life-guard, and Serjeants at Arms. When the Macedonians saw him at­tended by these Men, and themselves ex­cluded, and shamefully disgrac'd, their high Spirits fell, and upon Discourse with one another, they found that Jealousie and Rage had almost distracted them. But at last [Page 374] coming to themselves again, they went without their Arms, almost naked, crying and weeping to offer themselves at his Tent, and desired him to deal with them as their Baseness and Ingratitude deserv'd. How­ever this would not prevail; for though his Anger was already something mollified, yet he would not admit them into his presence, nor would they stir from thence, but con­tinued two days and nights before his Tent, bewailing themselves, and imploring himThe Mace­donians sub­mit. their Sovereign Lord to have compassion on them. But the third day he came out to them, and seeing them very humble and pe­nitent, he wept himself a great while, and after a gentle Reproof spoke kindly to them, and dismissed those who were unserviceable,The old and disabled dis­misi'd with [...] with magnificent Rewards: And this Re­commendation to Antipater; that when they came into Greece, at all publick Shews, and in the Theaters, they should sit on the best and foremost Seats, crown'd with Chaplets of Flowers, and order'd the Children of those who had lost their Lives in his Service, to have their Fathers Pay continued to them.

When he came to Ecbatana in Media, and had dispatched his most urgent Affairs, he fell to divert himself again with Spectacles, and publick Entertainments, to carry on which, he had a Supply of 3000 Actors new­ly [...] arriv'd out of Greece. But they were soon [Page 375] interrupted by Hephestion's falling sick of a Fever, in which being a young Man, and a Soldier too, he could not confine himself to so exact a Diet as was necessary; for whilst his Physician Glaucus was gone to the Theater, he eat a boyl'd Cock for his Din­ner, and drank a large draught of Wine, uponHephesti­on's Death. which he grew worse, and died in a few days. At this Misfortune Alexander was so beyond all Reason transported, that to express his Sorrow, he presently order'd the Manes and Tails of all his Horses and Mules to be cut, and threw down the Battlements of the neighbouring Cities. The poor Physi­cian he Crucified, and forbad playing on the Flute, or any other Musical Instrument, in the Camp a great while, till the Oracle of Jupiter Ammon enjoyn'd him to Honour Hephestion, and sacrifice to him as to an Horo. Then seeking to alleviate his Grief in War, he set out as if he were to go a Man-hunt­ing; for he fell upon the Cussaeans, and putA whole Nation sa­crific'd to him. the whole Nation to the Sword, not sparing so much as the Children. This was call'd a Sacrifice to Hephaestion's Ghost. In his Sepulcher and Monument, and the adorn­ing of them, he intended to bestow 10000 Talents; and that the excellency of the Artist, and the curiosity of the Workman­ship, might go beyond the expence it self, he rather chose to imploy Stasicrates than [Page 376] any other, because he always promis'd something very bold and lofty, and magni­ficent in his Designs. For in Discourse be­fore he had told him, That of all the Moun­tainsStasicrates his extra­vagant de­sign of a Statue. he knew, that of Athos in Thrace, was the most capable of being contriv'd to re­present the Shape and Lineaments of a Man. That if he pleas'd to command him, he would make it the noblest and most dura­ble Statue in the World, which in its left Hand should hold a City of 10000 Inhabi­tants, and out of its right should pour a copious River into the Sea. Though A­lexander declin'd this Project, yet now he spent a great deal of time with Workmen, to invent and contrive others far more ab­surd and expensive.

As he was upon his way to Babylon, Ne­archus, Alexander war [...]'d not to go to Ba­bylon. who had sail'd back out of the O­cean, by the mouth of the River Euphrates, came to tell him, he had met with some Chaldaean Diviners who warn'd him not to go thither. But Alexander slighted this Advertisement, and went on, and when he came near the Walls of the Place, he saw a great many Crows fighting with one ano­ther, whereof some fell down just by him. After this being privately inform'd, that Apollodorus the Governor of Babylon had sa­crific'd to know what would become of him; he sent for Pythagoras the Soothsayer, who [Page 377] not denying the thing, he ask'd him in what condition he found the Victim? and when he told him, The Liver was defective in its Lobe; a great Presage indeed, said Alexander! However, he offered Pythagoras no Injury, but was much troubled that he had neglected Nearchus his Advice, and therefore staid a great while without the Town, removing his Tent from Place to Place, and sailing up and down the Eu­pharates. Besides this, he was disturbed bySeveral Presages of his Death▪ many other Prodigies. A tame Ass fell up­on the biggest and handsomest Lyon that he kept, and kicked him to Death. And one day undressing himself to be anointed, and to play at Ball, when he was putting his Cloaths on again, the young Men who played with him, perceived a Man clad in the King's Robes, with the Diadem upon his Head, sitting silently upon his Throne. They asked him, Who he was? To which he gave no Answer a good while, till at last with much ado coming to himself, he told them, His Name was Dyonisius; that he was of Messenia; that for some Crime, whereof he was accus'd, he was brought thither from the Sea-side, and had been kept long in Prison; that Serapis appear'd to him, had freed him from his Chains, conducted him to that Place, and com­manded him to put on the King's Robe [Page 378] and Diadem, and to sit where they found him, and to say nothing. Alexander when he heard this, by the direction of his Sooth­sayers put the Fellow to Death, but from thenceforth desponded, and grew diffident of the Protection and Assistance of theAlexander distrusts the Gods. Gods, and besides very suspicious of his Friends. His greatest apprehension was of Antipater and his Sons, one of whom, Iollas was his chief Cup-bearer, the other nam'd Cassander, was newly arriv'd out of Greèce, and being bred up in the freedom of his Country, the first time he saw some of the Barbarians adore the King, could not for­bear laughing at it aloud; which so incens'd Alexander, that he took him by the Hair with both Hands, and violently knock'd his Head against the Wall. Another time Cassander would have said something in de­fence of Antipater, to those who accus'd him; but Alexander interrupting him, What is't you say? Do you think People, if they had receiv'd no Injury, would come such a Journey only to calumniate your Father? To which when Cassander replied, That this very thingHis Usage of Cassander was a great evidence of their Calumny; Alexander smil'd and said, Those were some of Aristotle's Sophisms, which would serve equally on both sides; and added, That both he and his Father should be severely punish'd, if they were found guilty of the [Page 379] least Injustice towards those who com­plain'd; which, upon the whole, made such a deep impression of Fear in Cassander's Mind, that long after when he was King of Mace­donia, and Master of Greece, as he was walk­ing up and down at Delphos, and looking on the Statues, at the sight of that of A­lexander, he was suddenly struck with Hor­rour, and shook all over, his Eyes rowl'd,A wonder­full Effect of Fear. his Head grew dizzy, and he had much ado to recover himself.

When once Alexander gave way to Su­perstition, his Mind grew so disturb'd and timorous, that if the least unusual or ex­traordinary thing happen'd, he would needs have it thought a Prodigy, or a Presage, and his Court was throng'd with Diviners and Priests, whose business was to Sacrifice, and Purifie, and foretel the future. So hor­rid a thing is Incredulity, and Contempt of the Gods on one hand, and no less horridThe nature of Supersti­tion. is Superstition on the other, which like Wa­ter, always creeping on the Ground, in­vades us with servile Fear and Folly, as it did now Alexander himself. But upon some Answers which were brought him from the Oracle concerning Hephestion, he had laid aside his Sorrow, and fell again to Sa­crificing and Drinking; and having given Nearchus a splendid Entertainment, after he had bath'd, as was his Custom, just as he [Page 380] was going to Bed, at Medius his Request he went to Supper with him. Here he drank all that night and the next day to such excess, as put him into a Fever, whichAlexander falls sick after a great De­bauck. seiz'd him, not as some write, after he had drank of Hercules his Bowl, nor was he taken with a sudden pain in his Back, as if he had been struck with a Lance: for these are the Inventions of some Authors, who thought it became them to make the conclusion of so great an Action as tragical and moving as they could. Aristobulus tells us, That in the rage of his Fever, and a violent Thirst, he took a draught of Wine, upon which he fell into a Frenzy, and di­ed the 30th of June. But in his Journals we have this account of his Sickness, That the 18th of June, by reason of his Illness, he lay in his Bathing-room, where it first seiz'd him; that when he had bath'd, he remov'd into his Chamber, and spent thatA Diary of his Sickness. day at Dice with Medius. In the evening having wash'd and sacrific'd, he eat with a good Stomach, and had his Fever that night. The 20th after the usual Sacrifices and Bathing, he kept his Bed in the same Room, and heard Nearchus his Relation ofHe hears his Admi­ral relate his Voyage. his Voyage, and the Observations he had made of the Ocean. The 21st he pass'd in the same manner, his Fever still encreasing, and had a very ill night of it. The next [Page 381] day he had a severe Fit, and caus'd himself to be remov'd, and his Bed set by the great Bath, and then discours'd with his princi­pal Officers about filling up the vacant Charges in the Army, with Men of tryed Valour aud Experience. The 24th being much worse, he was carried out to assist at the Sacrifices, and gave order that his chief Commanders should wait within the Court, whilst the Colonels and Captains kept Watch without doors. The 25th he was remov'd to his Palace on the other side the River, where he slept a little, but his Fever abated not, and when the Com­manders came into his Chamber, he was speechless, and continued so the following day. Then the Macedonians supposing he was dead, came with great Clamours to the Gates, and menac'd his Friends so, thatThe Mace­donians ad­mitted to see him. they were forc'd to admit them, and let them all pass through unarm'd along by his Bed-side. The same day Python and Seleucus being sent to Serapis his Temple, to enquire if they should bring Alexander thither, were answer'd by the God, that they should not remove him. The 28th in the EveningHie Death. he Died. This Account is most of it word for word, as it is written in his own Diary.

[Page 382]At that time no body had any suspicion of his being poyson'd; but upon a discove­ry made six years after, they say, Olympias put many to death, and threw abroad theNot without suspicion of Poyson. Ashes of Jollas, who was dead, as if he had given it him. But those who affirm Aristo­tle counselled Antipater to do it, and that by his means wholly the Poyson was brought, produce one Agnothemis for their Author, who heard King Antigonus speak of it, and tell us, that the Poyson was Water, dead­ly cold as Ice, distilling from a Rock in the Territory of Nonacris, which they gather'd like a thin Dew, and kept in an Asses Hoof; for it was so very cold and penetrating, that no other Vessel would hold it. However most are of opinion that all this is false, no slight evidence of which is, that during the Dissentions among the Commanders, which lasted a great many days, the Body conti­nued clear and fresh, without any sign ofWhich is contradi­cted. such Taint or Corruption, though it lay neglected in a close, sultry place.

Roxana who was now with Child, and upon that account much honour'd by the Macedonians, being Jealous of Statira, sent for her by a Counterfeit Letter, as if Alexander had been still alive; and when she had her in her power, kill'd her and her Sister, andThe Death of Statira. threw their Bodies into a Well, which they fill'd up with Earth, not with out the Pri­vity [Page 383] and assistance of Perdiccas, who at this time, under the shelter of Arideus, whom he carried about with him for his own security, bore the greatest sway of any, Arideus him­self, who was Philip's Son, by one Philinna, an obscure common Strumpet, was a man of weak Parts, by reason of his Indisposition of Body, which was neither natural to him, nor contracted of it self; for in his Child­hood he was quickwitted, and hopeful enough, but caus'd by Drinks that Olympias gave him, which not only impair'd his Health, but weakned his Understanding.

AS soon as Sylla had made himself Master of Rome, he resolved to force Cornelia, Daughter to Cinna (the late Usurper) from Caesar her Hus­band; but being unable to compass it either by hopes or fears, confiscated her Dowry. The ground of Sylla's hatred to Caesar, was the alliance between him and Marius; for Marius the elder Married Julia, Caesar's Aunt by the Fathers side, and had by her the younger Marius, who consequently was [Page 386] Caesar's Cousin-german. And thô at first in the heat of his Tyranny and hurry of busi­ness, Caesar was overlook't by Sylla, he could not lie still, but presented himself to the People as a Candidate for the Priesthood, thô he was yet under Age. But Sylla, by his under-hand management, so carried it, that Caesar fell short of his pretensions; and in a Consult of Friends to take him off, when it was urged by some, that it was not worth his while to contrive the death of a Boy, he answered, that They knew little, who did not see many Marius's in that Boy. Caesar, upon notice of this lay concealed a long while among the Sabines, often chang­ing his Quarters; till one night, as he was removing his Lodging for his health, he fell into the hands of Sylla's Soldiers, who were searching those parts in order to appre­hend such as had absconded. Coesar by a Bribe of two Talents prevailed with Cor­nelius their Captain to let him go, and was no sooner dismist, but he put to Sea, and made for Bithynia. After a short stay there with Nicomedes the King, in his passage back he was taken near the Island Pharmacusa by some Pirates, who at that time with some great Ships, and a vast number of smaller Vessels, infested those Seas. When at first they demanded of him 20 Talents for his Ransom, he smiled at them as not under­standing [Page 387] the value of their Prisoner, and voluntarily engaged to give 'em 50. He presently dispatched those about him to se­veral places to raise the Money, till at last he was left among those bloody Villains, the Cilicians, only with one Friend, and two Attendants; Yet he made so little of them, that when he had a mind to sleep, he would send to them, and command silence. For 38 days, with all the freedom in the World he used Exercise, and Gamed amongst them, as if they had not been his Keepers, but his Guards. He wrote Verses, and Speeches, and made them his Auditors, and those who did not admire them, he called to their faces illiterate and barbarous, and would often in raillery threaten to hang 'em. They were mightily taken with this, and attributed his free way of talking to a kind of Simplicity, and Juvenile Humor. As soon as his Ransom was come from Miletus, he paid it, and was discharged; soon after which he Mann'd some Ships at the Milesian Port, and went in pursuit of the Pirates, whom he surprized as they were yet at an Anchor, and took most of them. Their Money he made Prize, and the Men he se­cured in Prison at Pergamus, and presently applied himself to Junius, who was then Governor of Asia, to whose Office it be­longed, as Praetor, to determine their Pu­nishment. [Page 388] Junius having his Eye upon the Money, (for the Sum was considerable) said, He would think at his leisure what to do with the Prisoners; upon which Caesar took his leave of him, and went for Pergamus, where he ordered the Pirates to be brought forth and Crucified; the Punishment he had often threatened them with, whilst he was in their hands, and they little dream't he was in earnest. In the mean time Sylla's Power declined, and Caesar's Friends advised him to return to Rome; but he went off to Rhodes, and entred himself in the School of Apollonius, Molon's Son, a famous Rhetori­cian, one who had the reputation of a well­tempered Man, and had Cicero at that time for his Auditor. Caesar was by Nature ex­cellently framed for a perfect States-Man, and Orator, and took such pains to improve his Genius this way, that without dispute he might challenge the second place amongst Men of that Character. More he did not aim at, as chusing to be first rather amongst Men of Arms and Power; and therefore never rose up to that pitch of Eloquence to which Nature would have carried him, be­ing diverted by those Expeditions and De­signs, which at length gain'd him the Em­pire. And he himself in his Answer to Ci­cero's Panegyric on Cato, desires his Reader not to compare the plain Discourse of a Sol­dier [Page 389] with the Harangues of an Orator, who had not only fine Parts, but had employed his whole Life in this one Study. When he was returned to Rome, he accused Dolabella of Male-Administration, and many Cities of Greece came in to attest it. Dolabella was acquitted, and Caesar in return of the favours he had received from the Grecians, assisted them in their prosecution of P. Antonius for Bribery before M. Lucullus Praetor of Mace­donia. In this Cause he prevailed so far, that Antonius was forced to appeal to the Tri­bunes at Rome, alledging, that in Greece he could not have fair play against Grecians. In his Pleadings at Rome he appeared with all the graces of an Orator, and gained much upon the Affections of the People by the easiness of his Address, and Conversa­tion, in which he was accomplisht beyond what could be expected from his Age. His Interest grew still insensibly greater by the open House he kept, and the magnifi­cence of his Entertainments; His Enemies slighted the growth of it at first, in expe­ctation it would soon fail, when his Money was gone; whilst in the mean time it was firmly setled among the Common People. When his Power at last was fixt, and not to be controll'd, and now openly tended to the altering of the whole Constitution, they were aware too late, that there is no begin­ning [Page 390] so mean, which continued application will not make considerable, and that small dangers by being despised at first become at last irresistible. Cicero was the first who had any suspicions of his designs upon the Government, and (as a good Pilot is appre­hensive of a Storm when the Sea is calmest) saw the designing temper of the Man thrô this disguise of good humor, and affability, and said upon it; In all his other actions and intrigues I plainly discover the air of a Tyrant; but when I see his Hair lie in so exact order, and him so often adjusting it, I cannot imagine it should enter into such a Man's thoughts to sub­vert the Roman State. But of this more hereafter.

The first Proof he had of the People's good Will to him, was, when he car­ried a Tribuneship in the Army against C. Po­pilius. A second and clearer instance of their Favour appeared upon his making an Excellent Oration in praise of his Aunt Julia, Wife to Marius, publickly in the Fo­rum: at whose Funeral he was so bold as to bring forth the Images of Marius, which no Body durst produce since the Government came into Sylla's Hands, Marius's Party having from that time been declared Enemies to the State. For when some upon this Occasion exclaimed against Caesar, the Peo­ple on the other side were taken with the [Page 391] Action, and received it with very great ap­plause; admiring him for having revived in the City those Honors of Marius, which for so long time had been buried. It had always been the custom at Rome to make Funeral Orations in praise of Ancient Ma­trons, but there was no precedent of any upon young Women, till Caesar first made one upon the death of his own Wife. This also procured him Favour, and by this shew of Affection he got the Hearts of the Peo­ple, who lookt upon him as a Man of great Tenderness and extraordinary good Nature. When he had buried his Wife, he went Quaestor into Spain under one Votus, who was Praetor, whom he Honoured ever after, and made his Son Quaestor, when he himself came to be Praetor. When he was out of that Office, he Married Pompeja his third Wife, having then a Daughter by Cornelia his first Wife, whom he afterwards match'd to Pompey the Great. He was so profuse in his Expences, that before he had any pub­lick Employment, he was in debt 1300 Ta­lents. Some thought that by being at so great a charge to be popular, he changed a real and solid good, for what was short, and uncertain: But in truth he purchased what was of the greatest value at an inconsidera­ble rate. When he was made Surveyor of the Appian Way, he disburst besides the [Page 392] publick Moneys a great Sum out of his private Purse; and when he was Aedile, he pro­vided such a number of Gladiators, that he entertain'd the People with 320 several Duels; and by his great liberality and mag­nificence in Shews, in Pomps, and publick Feastings, obscured the glory of all who went before him, and gain'd so much upon the People, that every one was ready to in­vent new Offices, and new Honors, for him, in return to his Munificence. There being two Factions in the City, one for Sylla, which was very powerful, the other for Ma­rius which was then broken, and in a very low condition, he was desirous to raise it again, and to bring it over to his Interest: To this end, whilst he was in the heighth of his Repute with the People, for the mag­nificent Shews he gave as Aedile, he ordered Images, and Statues, with Ensigns of Victory, to be carried privately in the night, and placed in the Capitol. Next morning, when some saw them glittering with Gold, and curi­ously wrought with Inscriptions of Marius's Exploits over the Cimbrians, they were sur­prized at the boldness of him who had set them up, nor was it difficult to guess who it was. The fame of this soon spread, and brought together a great Concourse of Peo­ple: Some presently cried out that Caesar had designs upon the Government, because [Page 393] he had revived those Honors which were buried by the Laws, and Decrees of the Se­nate; that this was done to sound the tem­per of the People, whom he had prepared before, and to try whether they were tame enough to bear his Humor, and would quietly give way to his Innovations. How­ever Marius's Party took courage; and 'tis incredible what a multitude of them ap­peared on a sudden, and came shouting into the Capitol. Many of them when they saw Marius's Picture cried for Joy, and Caesar was highly extoll'd as the only Person, who was a Relation worthy of Marius. Upon this the Senate met, and Catulus Lu­ctatius, one of the most eminent Romans of that time, stood up, and accused Caesar, closing his Speech with this remarkable say­ing; Caesar no longer undermines the Govern­ment, but openly plants his Batteries against it. But when Caesar had made an Apology for himself, and satisfied the Senate, his Ad­mirers were very much animated, and ad­vised him not to depart from his own thoughts for any one, since he was likely to get the better of them all in a little time, and to be the first Man in the State with the Peoples Consent. At the same time Me­tellus the High-Priest died; and Catulus, and Isauricus, Persons of known Reputation, and who bore a great weight in the Senate, were [Page 394] Competitors for the Office; yet Caesar would not give way to them, but presented himself to the People as a Candidate against them. The several Interests seeming very equal, Catulus, who because he had the most Honor to lose, was the most apprehensive of the event, sent to Caesar to buy him off, with Offers of a great Sum of Money: But he said, He would provide a larger Sum then that to carry on the Competition. Upon the day of Election, as his Mother con­ducted him out of doors with tears, he sa­luted her, and said; Well, Mother, to day you'l see me either High-Priest, or Banished. When the Votes were taken, after a great struggle, he carried it, and by that gave the Senate and Nobility reason to fear he might now draw on the People to the great­est height of Arrogance. Whereupon Piso and Catulus found fault with Cicero for let­ting Caesar escape, when in the Conspiracy of Catiline he had given the Government such advantage against him. For Catiline, who had designed not only to change the present State of Affairs, but to subvert the whole Constitution, and confound all, had himself escaped, by reason the Evidence was not full against him, they having not yet gone to the bottom of his Design. But he had left Lentulus and Cethegus in the City to supply his place in the Conspiracy▪ [Page 395] Whether they had any secret Encourage­ment and Assistance from Caesar is uncertain; This is certain, that they were fully con­victed in the Senate, and when Cicero the Consul ask [...] the several Opinions of the Se­nators, how they would have them punish'd, all who spake before Caesar sentenced them to Death, but Caesar stood up, and made a set Speech, wherein he told them, That he thought it without Precedent, and not just to take away the Lives of two Persons of their Birth and Quality, before they were fairly tried, unless there was an absolute necessity for it; but that if they were kept confin'd in any Town which Cicero himself should chuse till Catiline was defeated, then the Senate might in peace and at their leisure determine, what was best to be done. This Sentence of his carried so much ap­pearance of Humanity, and he gave it so good an air by his Speech, that not only those who spoke after him closed with it, but even they who had before given a con­trary Opinion, now came over to his; till it came about to Catulus, and Cato's turn to speak. They warmly opposed it; and Cato insinuated in his Speech some suspicions of Caesar himself, and prest the matter so far, that the Criminals were given up to suffer Execution. As Caesar was going out of the Senate, many of the young Men who guard­ed Cicero, ran in with their naked Swords [Page 396] to assault him. But Curio, as it is said, threw his Gown over him, and convey'd him out, and Cicero himself gave a Sign to his Guards, who watch't the motions of his Eye, not to kill him, either for fear of the People, or because he thought the Murder unjust and illegal. If this be true, I won­der how Tully came to omit it in the Book which he wrote concerning his Consulship. Cicero was blam'd afterwards for not making use of so good an opportunity against Caesar out of fear of the Populace, who mightily favourd him. Sometime after, when Caesar went into the Senate to clear himself of some Suspicions he lay under, he found great clamours rais'd against him, where­upon the Senate sitting longer then ordinary, the People went up to the House in a Tu­mult, and beset it, demanding Caesar, and requiring them to dismiss him. Upon this Cato much fearing a Mutiny from the poorer sort, who are always the Incendiaries in a Rebellion, and who now plac'd all their hopes in Caesar, persuaded the Senate to give them a Monthly allowance of Corn, which put the Commonwealth to the extraordi­nary charge of 55000 Crowns a year. This Expedient remov'd all fears for the present, and very much weaken'd Caesar's power, who at that time was just going to be made Praetor, and consequently would have been [Page 397] more formidable by his Office. But there was no disturbance during his Praetorship, only what misfortune he met with in his own Domestick Affairs. P. Clodius was a Person well descended, eminent both for his Riches and Eloquence, but in Lewdness and Impudence exceeded the very worst of those, who were remarkable for their De­bauchery. He was in love with Pompeja, Caesar's Wife, and she had no aversion to him. But there were strict Guards on her Apartment, and Caesar's Mother Aurclia, who was a discreet Woman, being conti­nually about her, made an Interview very dangerous, and difficult. The Romans have a Goddess which they call Bona, the same which the Greeks call Gynaecea: The Phrygians, who claim a peculiar Title to her, say she was Mother to Midas; The Romans pretend she was one of the Dryads, and Mar­ried to Faunus: The Grecians affirm that she is that Mother of Bacchus, whose Name is not to be utter'd: For this Reason the Wo­men who celebrate her Festival, cover the Tents with Vine-branches, and according to the Fable, a Consecrated Dragon is plac'd by the Goddess. It is not lawful for a Man to be bye, nor so much as in the House, whilst the Sacred Rites are celebrated; but the Women by themselves perform such Holy Offices, as are much a [...]kin to those [Page 398] us'd in the Solemnities sacred to Orpheus▪ When the Festival comes, the Husband, who is always either Consul or Praetor, and with him every Male-creature quits the House; the Wife then taking it under her care, sets it in order, and there are great So­lemnities all night, attended with Dancing, and several sorts of Musick. As Pompeja was at that time celebrating this▪ Feast, Clo­dius, who as yet had no Beard, and so thought to pass undiscover'd, took upon him the Habit and Disguise of a Singing-Woman, having the Air of a young Girl, and so came thither. Finding the Doors open, he was without any stop introduc'd by a young Maid, who was in the Intrigue. She pre­sently ran to tell Pompeja, but being from him a great while, he grew uneasie in wait­ing for her, and therefore left his Post, and travers'd the House from one Room to ano­ther, still taking care to avoid the Lights▪ till at last Aurelia's Woman met him, and invited him to such Recreations as the Wo­men use among themselves. He refus'd to comply; but the presently pull'd him for­ward, and ask'd him, who he was, and whence? Clodius told her he waited for Aura one of Pompeja's Maids, and as he said so, betray'd himself by his Voice: Upon which the Woman shrieking, ran into the Com­pany where there were Lights, and cried [Page 399] out, she had discovered a Man. The Wo­men were all in a fright; Aurelia presently threw a Vail over the Ceremonies, put a stop to the Orgia, and having order'd the Doors to be shut, ran about with Lights to find Clodius, who was got into the Maids Room, that he had come in with, and was seiz'd there. The Women knew him, and drave him out of Doors, and presently, thô it was yet night, went home to tell their Husbands the Story. In the morning it was all about Town, what an impious at­tempt Clodius had made, and all agreed he ought to be punish'd as an Offender not only against those whom he had affronted, but also against the Publick, and the Gods. Upon which one of the Tribunes accus'd him of profaning the Holy Rites, and some of the Principal Senators came in, and wit­ness'd against him, that besides many other horrible Crimes, he had been guilty of In­cest with his own Sister, who was Married to Lucullus. But the People set themselves against the Interest of the Nobility, and defended Clodius; which was of great ser­vice to him with the Judges, who were at a stand, being afraid to provoke the Commo­nalty. Caesar presently dismist Pompeja, but being summon'd as a Witness against Clo­dius, said, He had nothing to charge him with. This looking like a Paradox, the Accusers [Page 100] ask'd him, why he parted with his Wife? Caesar replied, Because I can't bear that my Wife should be so much as suspected. Some say that Caesar spake this as his thoughts; Others▪ that he did it to gratifie the People, who were very earnest to save Clodius. So Clo­dius got clear of the Indictment, most of the Judges giving their Opinions in confus'd terms, that they might not be in danger from the People by condemning him, nor in disgrace with the Nobility by acquitting him. Caesar in the mean time being out of his Praetorship had got the Province of Spain, but was in ill Circumstances with his Cre­ditors, who, as he was going off, came upon him▪ and were very pressing and im­portunate; which made him apply himself to Crassus, who was the richest Man in Rome, but wanted Caesar's vigor and warmth to set up against Pompey. Crassus took upon him to satisfie those Creditors, which were most uneasie to him, and would not be put off any longer, and engag'd himself to the value of 830 Talents: Upon which Caesar was now at Liberty to go to his Province. In his Journey as he was crossing the Alps, and passing by a small Village of the Barba­rians, which was stock'd with but few In­habitants, and those wretchedly poor, his Friends smil'd, and ask'd him by way of raillery, If there were any canvasing for Offices [Page 401] there; any contention which should be uppermost, or fewds of great Men one against another? To which Caesar made answer very seriously: For my part I had rather be the first Man among these Fellows, then the second Man in Rome. 'Tis said that another time, being retir'd from Business, and reading the History of Alexander, he sat a great while very thought­ful, and at last burst out into Tears. His Friends were surpris'd, and ask'd him the Reason of it. Do you think (said he) I have not just cause to weep, when I consider that Alex­ander at my Age had conquer'd so many Nations, and I have all this time done nothing, that is memorable? As soon as he came into Spain he was very active, and in a few days had got together 10 new Companies of Foot to those 20 which were there before: With these he march'd against the Gallaeci, and Lusitani, conquer'd them, and advancing as far as the Ocean, subdu'd those Nations, which never before had been subject to the Romans. Having manag'd his Military Affairs with good success, he was equally happy in the Course of his Civil Government; For he establish'd a good Understanding amongst the several States, and took especial Care to heal the differences betwixt Debtors and Creditors. He order'd that the Creditor should receive two parts of the Debtor's yearly Income, and that the other part [Page 402] should be manag'd by the Debtor himself, till by this method the whole Debt was at last discharg'd. This Conduct made him leave his Province with a fair reputation; being rich himself, and having enrich'd his Soldiers, who therefore Complimented him with the Title of Emperor. There is a Law among the Romans, that whoever desires the Honor of a Triumph must stay without the City, and expect his Answer: And another, that those who put in for the Consulship shall appear personally upon the place: Caesar was come home at the very time of chusing Consuls, and being in a strait between these two opposite Laws, sent to the Senate to desire, that since he was oblig'd to be absent, he might appear for the Consulship by Proxy. Ca [...]o being back'd by the Law, at first op­pos'd his request; afterwards perceiving that Caesar had prevail'd with a great part of the Senate to comply with it, he made it his business to gain time, and wasted an whole day in Harangues: Upon which Caesar thought fit to let the Triumph fall, and pursu'd the Consulship. He advances therefore presently, and enters upon a project which deceiv'd all but Cato. This was the reconciling of Cras­sus, and Pompey, who then bore the greatest weight in Rome. There had been a quarrel between them, which he quickly made up; and by this means strengthen'd himself by [Page 403] the united power of both; and so privately undermin'd the Government, under the co­vert of an Action which carried in it all the appearance of a good Office. For it was not the quarrel betwixt Pompey, and Caesar, as most Men imagine, which was the foun­dation of the Civil Wars, but their Union; they conspiring at first to subvert the Ari­stocracy, and quarrelling at last betwixt themselves, which should be Monarch. Cato, who often foretold what the Conse­quence of this Alliance would be, had then the Character of a sullen and busie Man, and afterwards the Reputation of a wise, but unfortunate Counsellor. Thus Caesar being doubly guarded with the Interests of of Crassus, and Pompey, was promoted to the Consulate, and declar'd publickly with Cal­furnius Bibulus. When he was fix't in his Office he brought in Bills, which would have been preferr'd with better grace by a bold Tribune, then by a Consul; in which he propos'd transplantation of Colonies, and Division of Lands, on purpose to oblige the Commonalty. The best and most Ho­nourable of the Senators oppos'd it, upon which, having long waited for such a co­lourable pretence, he openly protested how unwillingly he was driven upon applications to the People, and how necessary it was to make his Addresses that way, and to enter [Page 404] into their Interests, since he had receiv'd so many Affronts, and found so much Sullen­ness in the Senate. When he had said this, he ask'd Crassus and Pompey, who sat on each side of him, Whether they consented to the Bills he had propos'd? They own'd their Assent, upon which he desir'd them to assist him against those who had threatned to oppose him with their Swords. They engag'd they would, and Pompey added far­ther, that he would not only meet their Swords with a Sword in his Hand, but that he would bring a Buckler with him besides. This Speech the Nobles resented, as neither suitable to his gravity, nor becoming the Reverence due to that Assembly, but such as had an air of levity and rashness: But the People were pleas'd with it. Caesar that he might work himself yet deeper into the Interest of Pompey, gave him his Daughter Julia, who had before been contracted to Servilius Caepio, and told Servilius he should have Pompey's Daughter, who was not unprovided neither, but design'd for Sylla's Son, Faustus. A little time after Caesar Married Calpurnia the Daugh­ter of Piso, and made Piso Consul for the year following. Cato exclaim'd loudly a­gainst this, and protested with a great deal of warmth, that it was intolerable the Go­vernment should be prostituted by these Marriages, and that they should advance [Page 405] one another to the Commands of Armies, Provinces, and other great Posts by the In­terest of Women. Bibulus, Caesar's Collegue finding it was to no purpose to oppose his Bills, but that he was in danger of being murder'd in the Forum, as also was Cato, confin'd himself to his House, and there wore out the remaining part of his Consul­ship. Pompey when he was Married, pre­sently fill'd the Forum with Soldiers, and so secur'd to the People their new Laws, and to Caesar the Government of all Gaul, both on this and the other side of the Alps, together with Illyricum, and the command of 4 Le­gions for 5 years. Cato made some at­tempts against these proceedings, but was sent to Prison by Caesar, who suspected he would appeal to the Tribunes. But when Caesar saw that he went along without speak­ing a word, and that not only the Nobility disrelish'd it, but that the People also out of their Veneration to Cato's Virtue waited on him, and by their silence and dejected looks exprest a great concern for him; he himself privately desir'd one of the Tri­bunes to rescue Cato. As for the other Se­nators, some few of them attended the House; the rest being disgusted, absented themselves. Hence Considius, a very old Man, took occasion one day to tell Caesar, that the Senators did not meet because they were [Page 406] afraid of his Soldiers. Caesar presently ask'd him, Why don't you then out of the same fear keep at home? To which the old Man re­plied that Age was his guard against Fear, and that the small Remains of his Life were not worth much Caution. But the foulest thing that was done in Caesar's Consulship was his pro­moting Clodius to be Tribune, that very Clodius who had attempted to dishonour his Bed, and who contrary to all Piety had polluted the holy and mysterious Vigils. Now he was prefer'd in opposition to Cicero, nor did Caesar take the Field, till they had overpower'd Cicero, and drove him out of Italy.

Thus far have we deduc'd Caesar's Actions before the Wars of Gaul. After this he seems to have begun his Course afresh, and to have enter'd upon a new, and different Scene of Action. The Progress of those Battels which he afterwards fought, and those many Expeditions in which he subdu'd the Gauls, shew him to have been a Soldier and Gene­ral not in the least inferior to any of those great and admired Commanders, who have appear'd at the Heads of Armies. For if we compare him with the Fabii, the Metelli, the Scipio's, and with those who were his Contemporaries, or not long before him, Sylla, Marius, the 2 Luculli, or even Pompey himself, whose Glory reach't the Heavens▪ [Page 407] we shall find Caesar's Actions to have surpast them all. One he excel'd on the account of the difficulty of the places where he fought: Another in respect of the large extent of Country which he over-ran: Some in the Number and Strength of the Enemies, whom he conquer'd; and some in the rough­ness and barbarity of their tempers, whom he polish'd and civiliz'd: Others yet in his Humanity and Clemency to those he over­power'd, and others in his Gifts, and Gra­tuities to his Soldiers: All in the Number of the Battles which he fought, and the Enemies, which he kill'd. For he had not pursu'd the Wars in Gaul full 10 years, be­fore he took by Storm 800 Towns, sub­du'd 300 States; and of the 3 millions of Men, which made up the gross of those, with whom at several times he engag'd, he kill'd one, and took a second. He was so much Master of the good Will, and hearty service of his Soldiers, that those who in other Expeditions were but ordinary Men, carried with them a force not to be resisted or shaken, when they went upon any dan­ger, where Caesar's glory was concern'd. Such an one was Acilius, who in a Sea-fight before Marseilles had his Right Hand struck off with a Sword, yet did not quit his Buckler out of his Left, but gaul'd the Enemies in the Face with it, till he defeated [Page 408] them, and made himself Master of the Vessel. Such another was Cassius Scaera, who in a Battle near Dyrrhachium had one of his Eyes pick'd out with an Arrow, his Shoulder pierc'd with one Javelin, and his Thigh with another, and having receiv'd 130 Darts upon his Target call'd to the Enemy, as thô he would surrender himself; but when two of them came up to him, he cut off the Shoulder of one with a Sword, and by a blow over the Face forc'd the other to retire, whilst with the Assistance of his own Party he made his escape. Again in Britain, when some of the chief Officers were accidentally faln into a Morass full of Water, and there assaulted by the Enemy, a common Soldier, whilst Caesar stood and look'd on, threw himself into the midst of them, and after many and signal demon­strations of his Valour, rescu'd the Officers, and beat off the Barbarians. At last he took the Water, and with much ado, partly by swimming, partly by wading, pass'd it, but in the passage lost his Shield. Caesar admir'd him, and went to meet him with joy and acclamation; but the Soldier very much dejected, and in tears threw himself down at Caesar's feet, and beg'd his pardon, that he had let go his Buckler. Another time in Afric, Scipio having taken▪ a Ship of Caesar's, in which Granius Petronius, one lately [Page 409] made Questor was passing, he gave the other Passengers as free prize to his Soldiers, but thought fit to give the Questor his Life: But he said, it was not usual for Caesar's Soldiers to take, but give Life, and having said so, [...]an upon his Sword and kill'd himself. These Principles and Notions of Honour were inspir'd into them, and cherish'd in them by C [...]sar himself, who by his liberal distribution of Money and Honours shew'd them that he did not from the Wars heap up Wealth for his own Luxury, or the gra­tifying his private Pleasure, but that he took care to settle a sure Fund for the reward and encouragement of Valour, and that he look'd upon himself only rich in that, which he gave to deserving Soldiers. There was no danger to which he did not willingly ex­pose himself; no labour from which he plead­ed an exemption. His contempt of danger was not so much admir'd by his Soldiers, because they knew how much he lov'd Ho­nour: But his enduring so much hardship, which he did to all appearance beyond his Natural Strength, very much astonish'd them. For he was a spare Man, had a soft and white Skin, was distemper'd in the Head, and subject to an Epilepsie, which 'tis said first seiz'd him at Corduba. But he did not make the weakness of his Constitution a pretext for his Ease, but us'd War as the best [Page 410] Physick against his Indispositions, whilst by unwearied Travels, course Diet, and fre­quent lodging in the Fields, he strugled with his Diseases, and prepar'd his Body against all attacks. He slept generally in his Cha­riots or Litters, and employ'd even his Rest in pursuit of Action, In the day he was car­ried to Castles, Garisons, or Fortifications in his Chariot, one Servant riding with him, who us'd to write down what he dictated as he went, and a Soldier attend­ing behind, with his Sword drawn. He drove so briskly, that when he first set out from Rome he arriv'd at the River Rhoan within 8 days. He had been an expert Rider from his Childhood, for it was usual with him to hold his hands close behind him, and to put his Horse to full speed. But in the Wars he had improv'd himself so far as to dictate Letters from on Horseback, and to direct himself to two, who took Notes at the same time, or as Oppius saith, to more. And 'tis thought that he was the▪ first who found out a new way of Conversing with his Friends by Cyphers, when either through multitude of business, or the large extent of the City, he had not time for a Personal Conference about such Incidents as requir'd a sudden dispatch. How little nice he was in his Diet, we have this remarkable In­stance. When Valerius Leo invited him one [Page 411] night to Supper, and Treated him with a Sparagus, upon which in stead of Oyl he had pour'd a sweet Oyntment, Caesar fed on it without any disgust, and reprimanded his Friends for finding fault with it. For it was enough, said he, not to eat, what you did not like; but he who reflects on another Man's want of breeding, shews he wants it as much himself. Another time upon the Road he was driven by a Storm into a poor Man's Cottage, where he found but one Room, and that such as would afford but a mean Reception to a single Person, and therefore he told his Companions, that the most Honourable Places ought to be given to the best Men, but the most Necessary Accommodations to the weakest; and accordingly order'd that Oppius, who was infirm, should lodge within, whilst he and the rest slept under a Shed at the Door. His first War in Gaul was against the Hel­vetians and Tigurines, who having burnt 12 of their own Towns, and 400 Villages, would have march'd forward through that part of Gaul, which was under the Roman Province, as the Cimbrians and Teutons for­merly had done. Nor were they inferior to these in Courage; and in Numbers they were equal, being in all Three hundred thousand, of which One hundred and ninety thousand were fighting Men. Caesar did not engage the Tigurines in Person, but Latienus, [Page 412] who was Commission'd by him, routed them about the River Arar. But the Helvetians surpriz'd Caesar, and unexpectedly set upon him as he was conducting his Army to a Confederate Town. However he manag'd it so as to get into a place well fortified, where when he had muster'd▪ and marshal'd his Men, his Horse was brought to him; upon which he said, When I have won the Battel, I'le use my Horse for the Chase, but at present let us go against the Enemy: Accord­ingly he charged them furiously on foot. After a long and sharp Engagement he drove the main Army out of the Field, but found the toughest work at their Carriages and Ramparts, where not only the Men stood, and fought, but the Women also and Chil­dren defended themselves, till they were cut to pieces; insomuch that the Fight was scarce ended till midnight. This Action in it self very great, Caesar crown'd with ano­ther more glorious by gathering in a Body all the Barbarians that had escap'd out of the Battel, above 100000 in number, and obliging them to repair to the Countrey which they had deserted, and the Cities which they had burnt. Which he did for fear the Germans should pass the Rhine, and possess themselves of the Country whilst it lay uninhabited. His second War was in favour of the Gauls against the Germans, thô [Page 413] sometime before he had made Ariovistus, their King, own'd at Rome as an Allie. But they were very insufferable Neighbours to those under his Obedience, and it was probable, when Occasion shew'd, they would be uneasie under their present posture, and would make Incursions into Gaul, and seize it. But finding his Commanders timorous, and especially those of the young Nobility and Gentry, who came along with him in hopes of making use of that Expedition to their Pleasure, or Profit, he call'd them together, and advis'd them to march off, and not to run the hazard of a Battel against their In­clinations, since they were so effeminately, and cowardly disposed; telling them withall, that he would take only the 10th Legion, and march against the Barbarians, whom he did not expect to find an Enemy more formidable than the Cimbri, nor should they find him a General inferior to Marius. Up­on this the 10th Legion deputed some of their Body to pay him their Compliments of Thanks, and the other Legions blam'd their Officers, and with great vigor and zeal follow'd him many days Journey, till they encamp'd within 200 furlongs of the Enemy. Ariovistus's Courage was cool'd upon their very approach; for not expect­ing the Romans should attack the Germans, who were known to be Men likely to stand [Page 414] a Charge, he admir'd Caesar's Conduct, and saw his own Army under a great Conster­nation. They were still more discourag'd by the Prophesies of their Holy Women, who by observing the Whirl-pools of Rivers, and taking Omens from the windings and noise of Brooks, foretold strange Events, and warn'd them not to engage before the next New Moon appear'd. Caesar having had in­timations of this, and seeing the Germans lie still, thought it expedient to attack them, whilst they were under these Apprehensions, rather then sit still, and wait their Time. Accordingly he made his approaches to their Fortifications and Outworks, within which they were intrench'd, and so gall'd, and fretted them, that at last they came down with great fury to engage. But he gain'd a glorious Victory, and pursu'd them for 300 furlongs as far as the Rhine; all which space was cover'd with Spoils, and Bodies of the Slain. Ariovistus made shift to pass the Rhine with the small Remains of an Army; for it is said the number of the slain amounted to 80000. After this Action Caesar left his Army at their Winter-Quarters in the Country of the Sequani, and in order to attend his Affairs at Rome, went into that part of Gaul, which lies on the Po, and was part of his Province, for the River Rubicon divides Gaul, which is on this side the Alps [Page 415] from the rest of Italy. There he sat down, and gain'd the favour of the People, who made their Court to him frequently, and always found their Requests answer'd; for he never fail'd to dismiss any without pre­sent pledges of his favour in hand, and far­ther hopes for the future. During all this time of the War in Gaul, Pompey never dis­cover'd, how on one side Caesar conquer'd his Enemies with the Arms of Rome, and on the other side gain'd upon the Romans, and captivated them with the Money which he had got from his Enemies. But when Caesar heard that the Belgae, who were the most powerful of all the Gauls, and inhabited a third part of the Country were revolted, and that they had got together a great ma­ny thousand Men in Arms, he immediately directed his Course that way with great ex­pedition, and falling upon the Enemy, as they were ravaging the Gauls his Allies, he soon defeated them, and put them to flight. For though their numbers were great, yet they made but a slender defence; so that the Marshes and deep Rivers were made passable to the Roman Foot by the vast quantity of dead Bodies. Of those who revolted, all that liv'd near the Ocean came over without fighting, and therefore he led his Army a­gainst the Nervi, who are the most uncivi­liz'd and most warlike People of all in those [Page 416] parts. These live in a close, Woody Coun­trey, and having lodg'd their Children, and their Goods in a deep hollow within a large Forest, fell upon Caesar with a Body of 60000 Men before he was prepar'd for them, and while he was making his Encampment. They soon routed his Cavalry, and having surrounded the 12th and 7th Legions kill'd all the Officers; and had not Caesar himself snatch'd up a Buckler, and forced his way through his own Men to come up to the Barbarians, or had not the 10th Legion, when they saw him in danger, ran in from the tops of the Hills, where they lay, and broke through the Enemies Ranks to rescue him, in all probability his Army had been entirely cut off. But through the Influence of Caesars Valour, the Romans in this Con­flict exerted more then their ordinary Cou­rage; yet with the utmost streins of their Valour, they were not able to beat the Ene­my out of the Field, but cut them off fight­ing in their own defence. For out of 60000 Soldiers not above 500 survived the Battle, and of 400 of their Senators not above three▪ When the Roman Senate had received News of this they voted Sacrifices and Festivals to the Gods to be strictly observed for the space of 15 days, which is a longer space then ever was observed for any Victory before. For the danger appear'd great, because they [Page 417] were engag'd with so many States at once, and the favour of the People to Caesar made the Victory more esteem'd because he was Conqueror. He was now retir'd to his Winter-Quarters by the Po, where after he had setled the Affairs of Gaul, he resided in order to the forming his designs at Rome. All who were Candidates for Offices us'd his Assistance, and were supplied with Money from him to corrupt the People, and buy their Votes, in return of which, when they were chose, they did all things to advance his Power. But what was more considera­ble, the most eminent and powerful Men in Rome in great Numbers made their Court to him at Lucca, as, Pompey and Crassus, and Appius the Praetor of Sardinia, and Nepos the Proconsul of Spain; so that there were upon the place at one time 120 Lictors, and more then 200 Senators, who held a Council, and then parted. There it was decreed, that Pompey and Crassus should be Consuls again for the following year; that Caesar should have a fresh supply of Money, and that his Command should be renew'd to him for 5 years more. It seem'd very extravagant to all thinking Men, that those very Persons who had receiv'd so much Mo­ney from Caesar, should persuade the Senate to grant him more as if he wanted, though indeed they did not so much persuade as [Page 418] compel the Senate, who at the same time re­gretted what they were forc'd to pass. Cato was not present, for they had sent him aside very seasonably into Cyprus; but Favonius, who was a zealous imitator of Cato, when he found he could do no good by opposing it, broke out of the House, and loudly de­claim'd against these Proceedings to the People. But none gave him hearing; some slighting him out of respect to Crassus and Pompey, others, to gratifie Caesar, on whom depended all their hopes. After this Caesar return'd again to his Forces in Gaul, where he found that Country involv'd in a dange­rous War, two strong People of the Germans having lately past the Rhine, and made In­roads into it; One of them call'd Ipes, the other Tenterides. Of the War with this Peo­ple, Caesar himself has given this Account in his Commentaries; That the Barbarians having sent Ambassadors to treat with him, did during the Treaty set upon him in his march, by which means with 800 Men they routed 5000 of his Horse, who did not sus­pect their coming; that afterwards they sent other Ambassadors to pursue the same fraudulent practices, whom he kept in Cu­stody, and led on his Army against the Bar­barians, as judging it would betray too much Easiness, if he should keep Faith with those who broke their Promises, and could [Page 419] not be oblig'd by any League. Canusius saith, that when the Senate decreed Festi­vals, and Sacrifices for this Victory, Cato declar'd it to be his Opinion that Caesar ought to be given into the hands of the Barbarians, that so the guilt which this breach of Faith might otherwise bring upon the Publick, might be expiated by trans­ferring the Curse on him, who was the Oc­casion of it. Of those which past the Rhine there were 400000 cut off; those few which escaped were shelter'd by the Sicambri, a People of Germany. Caesar took hold of this pretence to invade the Germans, being other­wise ambitious of glory, and especially of the Honour of being the first Man that should pass the Rhine with an Army. He presently laid a Bridge over it, though it was very wide, and in that place deeper than ordinary, and at the same time very rough and fierce, carrying down with its Stream Trunks of Trees, and other Lum­ber, which much shock'd and weaken'd the foundations of his Bridge. But he drove great Planks of Wood into the bottom of the River above the Bridge, both to resist the impression of such Bodies, and to break the force of the Torrent, and by this means he finish'd his Bridge, which no one who saw could believe it to be the Work of but 10 days. In the passage of his Army over it, [Page 420] he met with no opposition, the Suevi them­selves, who are the most Warlike People of all Germany, flying with their Effects into the closest and most woody part of the Vales. When he had burnt all the Enemies Coun­trey, and encourag'd those who had remain'd firm to the Roman Interest, he went back in­to Gaul after 18 days stay in Germany. But his Expedition into Britain gave the most signal Testimony of his Courage, for he was the first who brought a Navy into the Western Ocean, or who sail'd through the Atlantick with an Army to make War; and though the Island is of so incredible an ex­tent, that it has given room to Historians to dispute, whether such an Island really be in Nature, or whether 'tis a bare Name and Fiction, yet he attempted to conquer it, and to carry the Roman Empire beyond the Li­mits of the known World. He past thither twice from that part of Gaul, which lies over-against it, and in several Battles which he fought, did more disservice to the Enemy, than service to himself; for the Islanders were so miserably poor, that they had no­thing worth being plundred of. When he found himself unable to put such an end to the War as he wish'd, he was content to take Hostages from the King, and to im­pose some Taxes, and then quitted the Island. At his arrival in Gaul he found Letters which [Page 421] lay ready to be convey'd over the Water to him, from his Friends at Rome to give him Notice of his Daughters death, who died in Labour of a Child by Pompey. Caesar and Pompey were much afflicted with her Death, nor were their Friends less disturb'd▪ because that Alliance was now quite broke, which had hitherto kept the Commonwealth in Peace and Amity; for the Child also died within a few days after the Mother. The People took the Body of Julia by force from the Tribunes, and buried it in the Campus Martius with all Solemnities proper on that Occasion. Caesar's Army was now grown very numerous, so that he was forc'd to disperse them into several Winter-Quarters, and being gone himself towards Rome, as he us'd to do, there was a sudden Rupture in Gaul, and great Armies were on their march about the Country, who beat up the Romans Quarters, and attempted to make themselves Masters of the Forts, where they lay. The greatest and strongest Party of the Rebels under the Command of Ambiorix cut off Cotta, and Titurius, with their Army. After that the Enemies invested a Town, (where Cicero lay with his Legion) with an Army of 60000▪ Men, and had almost taken it by Storm, the Roman Souldiers in it being all wounded, and having quite spent themselves by a brisk and vigorous defence beyond their [Page 422] Natural strength: But Caesar, who was at a great distance, having receiv'd notice of this, quickly got together 7000 Men, and ha­sten'd to relieve Cicero. The Besiegers were aware of it, and went to meet him, with great confidence that they should with ease devour such an handful of Men. Caesar to nourish their presumption seem'd to avoid fighting, and still march'd off till he found a place conveniently situate for a few to en­gage against many, where he encamp'd. He kept his Souldiers from making any Incur­sion on the Enemy, and commanded them to raise a Bulwark, and to build strong Bar­ricadoes, that by shew of fear, they might heighten the Enemies contempt of them; till at last they came without any order in great security to make an Attack, when he made a Sally, and put them to flight with the loss of many Men. This quieted many Commotions in these parts of Gaul, and Caesar made his progress through several parts of the Country, and with great vigilance provided against all Innovations. At that time there were 3 Legions come to him by way of Recruits for the Men he had lost; of which Pompey furnish'd him with two out of those under his Command; the other was newly rais'd in that part of Gaul which is by the Po. After this the Seeds of War, which had long since been secretly sown [Page 423] and scatter'd by the most powerful Men in those Warlike Nations, broke forth, and ripen'd into the greatest and most dangerous War that ever was in those parts, both for the number of Men in the vigor of their Youth, and quantity of Arms, which were gather'd from all parts, and the vast Funds of Money laid up for this purpose, and the strength of Towns, and situation of places by which they were inaccessible. It being Winter, the Rivers were frozen, the Woods cover'd with Snow, and the Fields overflow'd; so that in some places the Ways were lost through the depth of the Snow; in others, the overflowing of Bogs and Brooks made the passage very dangerous: All which dif­ficulties made it seem impracticable to Caesar to make any attempt upon the Rebels. Ma­ny States had revolted together; the chief of them were the Arverni, and Carnutes; the General who had the Supream Command in War was Vercingetorix, whose Father the Gauls had put to death on suspicion he af­fected absolute Government. He having dispos'd his Army in several Bodies, and set Officers over them, drew over to him all the Country round about as far as those that lie upon Arar, and having Intelligence of the Opposition which Caesar's Affairs now found at Rome, thought to engage all Gaul in the War. Which if he had done a little [Page 424] later, when Caesar was taken up with the Civil Wars, Italy had been put into as great fears, as before it was by the Cimbri. But at this time Caesar who was of a Genius na­turally fitted to make a right use of all ad­vantages in War, as soon as he heard of the Revolt, return'd immediately the same way he went, and shew'd the Barba­rians, by the quickness of his march in such a tempestuous season, that the Army which was advancing against them was invin­cible. For in time that one would have thought it scarce credible that a Courier, or Express should have come so far, he appear'd with all his Army; in his march he ravaged the Country, demolish'd the Forts, and receiv'd into his protection those who declar'd for him; till at last the Hedui oppos'd him, who before had styl'd them­selves Brethren to the Romans, and had been much honour'd by them, but now joyn'd the Rebels to the great discouragement of Caesar's Army. Wherefore he remov'd thence, and past the Country of the Lingones, de­siring to touch upon the Territories of the Sequani, who were his Allies, and are situate next to Italy upon the Confines of Gaul. There the Enemy came upon him, and sur­rounded him with many Myriads, whom he was eager enough to engage; and had the [Page 425] advantage of them upon all accounts, and at last through the length of time and ter­rour of his Name, quite defeated them. But he seems to have made some false steps at first, and the Arverni shew you a Sword hanging up in a Temple, which they say was taken from Caesar. This Caesar saw af­terwards, and smil'd at it, and when his Friends advis'd it should be taken down, would not permit it, because he look'd upon it as consecrated. After the defeat a great part of those who had escap'd, fled with their King into a Town call'd Alexia, which Caesar besieged, though for the heighth of the Walls, and number of those who were in Garison, it seem'd impregnable. During the Siege he met with greater danger with­out the Town, then can be exprest. For the choice Men of Gaul, pick'd out of each Nation, and well Arm'd, came to relieve Alexia, to the number of Three hundred thousand; nor were there in the Town less than 170 thousand: So that Caesar being shut up betwixt two such Armies, was forc'd to raise two Walls, one towards the Town, the other against the new Supplies, as know­ing if these Forces should join, his Affairs would be intirely ruin'd. The danger that he underwent before Alexia did justly gain him great Honour, and gave him an oppor­tunity of shewing greater Instances of his [Page 426] Valour and Conduct, than any other Battle ever did. One would wonder very much how he should engage and defeat so many thousands of Men without the Town, and not be perceiv'd by those within: but much more, that the Romans themselves who guarded their Wall which was next the Town should be Strangers to it. For even they knew nothing of the Victory till they heard the cries of the Men, and lamenta­tions of the Women, who were in the Town, and had from thence seen the Romans at a distance carrying into their Camp a great quantity of Bucklers adorn'd with Gold and Silver, many Breast-plates stain'd with Blood, besides Cups and Tents made after the Gallic mode. So soon was so vast an Army dissipated, and vanish'd like a Ghost or Dream, the greatest part of them being kill'd upon the spot. Those which were in Alexia having given themselves and Caesar much trouble surrendred at last; and Ver­cingetorix, who was the chief Spring of all the War, with his best Armour on, and well mounted, rode out of the Gates, and took a Turn about Caesar as he was sitting; then quitted his Horse, threw off his Armour, and laid himself quietly at Caesar's feet, who committed him to Custody to be reserv'd for a Triumph.

[Page 427] Caesar had long since design'd to ruine Pompey, and Pompey, him; for Crassus, who had hitherto kept them in Peace, being slain in Parthia, the one wanted nothing to make himself the greatest Man in Rome, but the fall of him, who was so; Nor had the other any way to prevent his own ruine, but by being before-hand with him whom he fear'd. But Pompey had not been long under such apprehensions, having till that time despis'd Caesar, as thinking it no diffi­cult matter to crush him whom he himself had advanc'd. But Caesar had entertain'd this design from the beginning against his Rivals, and had retir'd like an expert Wrestler, to prepare himself for the Com­bat; He had improv'd the strength of his Souldiery by exercising e'm in the Gallic Wars, and had heighten'd his own glory by his great Actions, so that he was look'd on, as one that vied with Pompey. Nor did he let go any of those advantages, which were now given him both by Pompey himself, and the times, and the ill Government of Rome, whereby all who were Candidates for Of­fices publickly gave Money, and without any shame brib'd the Pople, who having re­ceiv'd their pay did not contend for their Benefactors with their bare Suffrages, but with Bows, Swords, and Slings; so that they seldom parted without having stain'd [Page 428] the place of Election with the Blood of Men kill'd upon the spot; by which the City was brought to confusion like a Ship with­out a Pilot; so that the Wiser part wish'd things which were carried on with so much Tumult and fury might end no worse then in a Monarchy. Some were so bold as to declare openly, that the Government was incurable but by a Monarchy, and that they ought to take that Remedy from the Hands of the gentlest Physician, meaning Pompey, who though in words he pretended to decline it, yet in reality he made his ut­most Efforts to be declar'd Dictator. Cato perceiving his design prevail'd with the Se­nate to make him sole Consul, that he might not aim at the Dictatorship, being taken off with the offer of a more legal sort of Mo­narchy. They over and above voted him the continuance of his Provinces; for he had two, Spain, and all Afric, which he go­vern'd by his Deputies, and maintain'd Armies under him at the yearly charge of 10000 Talents out of the publick Treasury. Upon this Caesar also by his Proxies demand­ed the Consulate, and the continuance of his Provinces. Pompey at first did not stir in it, but Marcellus and Lentulus oppos'd it, who had always hated Caesar, and now did every thing, whether fit or unfit, which [...]ht disgrace, and expose him. For they [Page 429] took away the freedom of Rome from the Neo­comians, who were a Colony that Caesar had lately planted in Gaul, and Marcellus, who was then Consul, order'd one of the Senators of that City, then at Rome, to be whipt, and told him he laid that mark upon him to signifie he was no Citizen of Rome, bidding him, when he went back again, to shew it Caesar. After Marcellus's Consulate, Caesar presented large­ly all the great Statesmen out of the Riches he had taken from the Gauls; discharg'd Curio the Tribune from his great Debts; gave Paulus, then Consul, 1500 Talents, with which he built a noble Palace joining to the Forum, in the place where that of Fulvius had stood. Pompey jealous of these Preparations, did now openly practise both by himself and his Friends, to have a Suc­cessor declar'd to Caesar, and sent to rede­mand those Souldiers whom he had lent him to carry on the Wars in Gaul. Caesar return'd them, and gave each Souldier 250 Drachms. Those who conducted them to Pompey spread amongst the People no very favourable report of Caesar, and flatter'd Pompey himself with false suggestions that he was wish'd for by Caesar's Army, and though his Affairs here were in an ill posture thrô the envy of some, and the ill state of the Government, yet there the Army was at his Command, and if they might pass into Italy, [Page 430] would presently declare for him; so uneasie were they under Caesar, who had engag'd them in so many Expeditions, and so suspi­cious of him as aspiring to the Monarchy. Upon this Pompey grew careless, and neg­lected all Warlike Preparations as fearing no danger, but attack'd him with Words only and Speeches thinking to conquer by a Ma­jority of Votes, which Caesar slighted. For 'tis said, that one of his Captains, who was sent by him to Rome, standing before the Senate-house one day, and being told that the Senate would not give Caesar a longer time in his Government, clapt his Hand on the Hilt of his Sword, and said, But this shall. Yet the demands which Caesar made had the fairest colours of Equity imagina­ble; for he proposed to lay down his Arms, and that Pompey should do the same, and both together should become private Men, and each expect a Reward of his Services from the Publick; for that those who went to disarm him, and at the same time confirm'd Pompey's Power, only supprest the one, to establish the other in his Tyranny. When Curio made these Proposals to the People in Caesar's Name, he was mightily applauded, and some threw Garlands towards him, and dismist him as they do Wrestlers, crown'd with Flowers. Antony being Tribune, pro­duced a Letter sent from Caesar on this Oc­casion, [Page 431] and read it, though the Consuls did what they could to oppose it. But Scipio, Pompey's Father-in-Law, propos'd in the Se­nate, that if Caesar did not lay down his Arms within such a time, he should be voted an Enemy; and the Consuls putting it to the Question, whether Pompey should dismiss his Soldiers; and again, whether Caesar should disband his, very few assented to the first, but almost all to the latter. But Antony proposing again that both should lay down their Commissions, all unanimously agreed to it. Scipio was upon this very vio­lent, and Lentulus the Consul cried aloud, that they had need of Arms, and not of Suffrages against a Robber; so that they were adjourn'd, and chang'd their Robes in token of grief for the Dissention. After­wards there came other Letters from Caesar, which seem'd yet more moderate; for he proposed to quit every thing else, and only to have Gallia Cisalpina, Illyricum, and two Legions, till he should stand a second time for Consul. Cicero the Orator, who was lately return'd from Cilicia, endeavour'd to reconcile differences, and soften'd Pompey, who was willing to comply in other things, but not to allow him the Soldiers. At last Cicero prevail'd with Caesar's Friends, who were now more flexible to accept of the Provinces, and 6000 Soldiers only, and so [Page 432] to make up the Quarrel. Pompey gave way to this, but Lentulus the Consul would not hearken to it, but drove Antony and Curio out of the House with disgrace; by which they afforded Caesar the handsomest pretence that could be to enflame the Soldiers, by shewing them two Persons of such Worth and Authority who were forc'd to escape in a common Hackney-Coach, in the Habits of Slaves; for so they were glad to disguise themselves, when they fled out of Rome. Now there were not about him at that time above 300 Horse, and 5000 Foot, for the rest of his Army, which was left behind the Alps, was to be brought after him by Per­sons Commission'd for that purpose. But he thought the first Motion towards the design which he had then on foot did not require many Forces at present, and that he ought to make his first step so suddenly, as to sur­prize the adverse Party into an admiration of his Courage; for he esteem'd it easier to astonish them, if he came unawares, then fairly to conquer them, if he had alarm'd them by his Preparations; and therefore he commanded his Captains, and other Officers, to go only with their Swords in their Hands without any other Arms, and make them­selves Masters of Ariminum, a great City of Gaul, with as little Noise and Bloodshed as possible. He committed the Care of the [Page 433] Army to Hortensius, and spent the day in publick, as a Stander by, and Spectator of the Gladiators, who exercis'd before him. A little before night he bath'd, and then went into the Hall, and converst for some time with those he had invited to Supper, till it began to grow dusky▪ when he rose from Table, and having complimented the Company, and desir'd 'em to stay till he came back, gave private Orders to some of his Confidents that they should follow him▪ not all the same way; but some one way, some another. He himself got into an Hackney Coach, and drove at first another way, but presently turn'd towards Arimi­num. When he came to the River Rubicon▪ which parts Gaul that is within the Alps from the rest of Italy, his thoughts began to work, now he was just entring upon dan­ger, and he waver'd much in his mind, when he consider'd coolly the difficulty of the at­tempt. This stopt his career for a while, and made him halt, while he revolv'd with himself, and often chang'd his Opinion one way; and the other, without speaking a word. When he could not fix his Resolu­tion, he discust the matter very particularly with his Friends which were about him (of which number Asinius Pollio was one) com­puting how many Calamities his passing that River would bring upon Mankind, and [Page 434] what a Relation of it would be transmitted to Posterity. At last carried on by an ex­traordinary Impulse he lost of reasoning, and trusted to the event, using the Proverb fre­quent in their Mouths who enter upon dan­gerous and bold attempts, The die is cast; with which words he took the River. When he was over, he us'd all expedition possible, and before it was day reach'd Ariminum, and took it. 'Tis said, that the night before he past the River, he had an impious dream that he was unnaturally familiar with his own Mother. As soon as Ariminum was taken, there was as it were a wide Gate open'd to a War by Sea, as well as Land; and with the limits of the Provinces, the boundaries of the Laws were transgrest▪ Nor would one have thought that the Inha­bitants only, as at other times, fled from one place to another in great consternation, but that the very Towns themselves left their stations, and fled for succor into each other; so that the City of Rome was over run as it were with a Doluge by the conflux of neigh­bouring People from all parts round about, and was neither easie under the Government of its Magistrates, nor to be quiered by the Eloquence of any Orator in this great hurry and confusion, but was in danger of sinking by its own weight. For contrary passions, and violent motions possest all places; nor [Page 435] were those who were interested in these Changes wholly at peace, but frequently meeting, as in so great a City they needs must, with such as shew'd themselves fear­ful and dejected, brought quarrels on them­selves by their great confidence and pre­sumption. Pompey sufficiently of himself di­sturb'd, was yet more perplex'd by the cla­mors of others; some telling him that he justly suffer'd for having arm'd Caesar against himself, and the Government; others blaming him for permitting Caesar to be inso­lently us'd by Lentulus, when he made so large Concessions, and offer'd such reason­able Proposals towards an Accommodation. Favonius bad him now stamp upon the Ground; for once talking big in the Senate he desir'd them not to trouble themselves about making any preparations for the War; for that he himself with one stamp of his Foot would fill all Italy with Soldiers. Yet still Pompey had more Forces then Caesar, but he was not permitted to pursue his own thoughts, but being continually alarm'd with frightful and false reports, as if the Enemy was just upon him, and Master of all, was forc'd to give way, and was born down by the common cry. In this distra­ction, it is resolved to leave the City, and the Senators are commanded to follow him, with an Order, that no one should stay be­hind [Page 436] who did not prefer Tyranny to their Countrey, and Liberty. The Consuls pre­sently fled without making the usual Sacri­fices; the same did most of the Senators, carrying off their own Goods in as much hast as if they had been robbing their Neighbours. Some, who had formerly much favour'd Caesar's Cause, out of fear quitted their own Sentiments, and without any prospect of good to themselves, were carried along by the common stream. It was a very melancholy view to see the City tost in these Tumults like a Ship whose Pilot has given her over, and despairs of hindring her from being struck on the next Rock. Those, who left the City, though their de­parture was on so sad an occasion, yet esteem'd the place of their Exile to be their Countrey for Pompey's sake, and fled from Rome, as if it had been Caesar's Camp. At the same time Labienus, a Person who had been one of Caesar's best Friends, and his Lieutenant, and one who had fought by him very vigorously in the Gallic Wars, de­serted him, and went over to Pompey. Cae­sar sent all his Money, and Equipage after him, and then sat down before Corfinium, which was Garison'd with 30 Soldiers under the command of Domitius. He in despair order'd a Physician who attended him to give him Poison, and taking the Dose drunk [Page 437] it in hopes of being dispatch'd by it, but soon after when he was told that Caesar us'd a wonderful Clemency towards those he took Prisoners, lamented his misfortune, and blam'd the hastiness of his own Reso­lution. His Physician comforted him, when he acquainted him that he had took a sleep­ing, not a mortal Poison; with this he was very much pleased, and rising from his Bed, went presently over to Caesar, and kist his Hand, but afterwards revolted to Pompey. The report of these things at Rome sweetned those who were there, and some who had fled thence, return'd. Caesar took into his Army Domitius's Soldiers, as he did all those, whom he found in any Town listed for Pom­pey's Service. Being now strong and formi­dable enough, he advanc'd against Pompey himself, who did not stay to receive him, but fled to Brundusium, having sent the Con­suls before with the Army to Dyrrachium. Soon after upon Caesar's approach he set to Sea, as shall be more particularly related in his Life. Caesar would have immediately pursu'd him, but wanted Shipping, and therefore went back to Rome, having made himself Master of all Italy in the space of 60 days. When he came thither he found the City more quiet then he expected, and many Senators upon the place, to whom he addrest himself with great courtesie and [Page 438] deference, desiring them to send to Pompey about any reasonable Accommodations to­wards a Peace. But no body complied with this Proposal, whether out of fear of Pompey, whom they had deserted, or that they thought Caesar did not mean what he said, but thought it his interest to talk plau­sibly. Afterwards, when Metellus the Tri­bune would have hinder'd him from taking Money out of the publick Treasury, and produc'd some Laws against it, Caesar replied, That Arms and Laws did not well agree, and if you are displeas'd with what I do, at present, Sir, retreat quietly, for War doth not admit long Speeches: When I have laid down my Arms, and entred into Terms of Peace, then come, and Harangue as you please: and this I tell you in diminution of my own just Right, for indeed you are my Subject, as are all those who have ap­pear'd against me, and are now in my power. Having said this to Metellus, he went to the Doors of the Treasury, and the Keys being not to be found, sent for Smiths to force them open. Metellus again making resist­ance, and some encouraging him in it, Cae­sar threatned to kill him, if he gave him any farther disturbance; And this, saith he, you know, young Man, is harder for me to say, then to do. These words made Metellus withdraw for fear, and at the same time gave way to Caesar's being easily and readily supplied with [Page 439] all things necessary for the War. He was now going to make War in Spain, with a Resolution first, to remove Afranius and Varro, Pompey's Lieutenants, and to make himself Master of the Army and Provinces under them, that he might more securely advance against Pompey, when he had no Enemy left behind him. In this Expedition his Person was often in danger from Am­buscades, and his Army by want of Provi­sions, yet he did not desist from pursuing the Enemy, provoking them to fight, and besieging them, till by main force he made himself Master of their Camps, and their Forces: Only the Officers got off and fled to Pompey. When Caesar came back to Rome, Piso his Father in Law advis'd him to send Men to Pompey, to treat of a Peace; but Isauricus to ingratiate himself with Caesar spoke against it. Caesar after this, being chose Dictator by the Senate, called home the Exiles, advanced to Titles of Honour the Children of such as had suffer'd under Sylla, and such as were in debt by retrench­ing some part of the Interest, and touch'd upon some other Regulations like these, but not many: For within 11 days he resign'd his Dictatorship, and having declar'd himself Consul with Servilius Isauricus, made haste to the Camp again. He march'd so fast, that he left all his Army behind him, except 600 [Page 440] chosen Horse, and 5 Legions, with which he put to Sea in the very middle of Winter about the beginning of the Month January, which the Athenians call Posideon, and having past the Ionian Sea took Oricum, and A­pollonia, and then sent back the Ships to Brundusium, to bring over the Soldiers, that were left behind in the march. These Sol­diers, as they were upon the Road, being very much wasted in their Bodies, and tir'd with the fatigue of so many Engagements, talkt against Caesar after this manner. When at last, and where will this Caesar let us be quiet? He carries us from place to place, and uses us, as if we were not to be worn out, and had no sense of labour. Even our Iron it self is spent by blows, and we ought to have some pity on our Bucklers, and Breast-plates, which have been us'd so long. Doth not Caesar gather from our wounds, that we are mortal Men, whom he com­mands, and that we are subject to the same Ca­lamities, and Diseases, as other Mortals are. 'Tis impossible for a God himself to force the Winter-Season, or to hinder the Storms, when they rage: Yet he pushes forward, as if he were not pursuing, but flying from an Enemy. This was their Discourse as they march'd leisure­ly towards Brundusium. But when they came thither, and found that Caesar was gone off before them, they chang'd their Senti­ments, and blam'd themselves as Traitors [Page 441] to their General. They now rail'd at their Officers for marching so slowly, and placing themselves on the Promontories by the Sea­side over-against Epirus, lookt out to see if they could espy the Vessels, which were to transport them to Caesar. He in the mean time was posted in Apollonia, but had not an Army with him able to fight the Enemy, the Forces from Brundusium being so long a coming, which put him into a great suspence, and loss what to do. At last he entred up­on a dangerous project, which was to go in a Vessel of 12 Oars, without any ones knowledge, over to Brundusium, though the Sea was at that time cover'd with a vast Fleet of the Enemies. He embark'd in the night­time in the habit of a Slave, and throwing himself down like some inconsiderable Fel­low, lay along at the bottom of the Vessel. The River Anius was to carry them down to Sea, and there us'd to blow a gentle gale every morning from the Land, which made it very calm towards the mouth of the Ri­ver, by driving the Waves forward; but that night there blew a strong Wind from the Sea, which overpower'd that from the Land; so that betwixt the violence of the Tide, and the resistance of the Waves against it, the River was very rough, and so uneven and dangerous, that the Pilot could not make good his Passage, but order'd his Sailors to [Page 442] tack about. Caesar upon this discovers him­self, and taking the Pilot by the Hand, who was surprised to see him there, said, Go on boldly my Friend, and fear nothing; thou carriest Caesar, and his Fortune along with thee. The Mariners when they heard that, forgot the Storm, and laying all their Strength to their Oars, did what they could to force their way down the River. But when it was to no purpose, and the Vessel now took in much Water, Caesar finding himself in so great danger in the very mouth of the River, permitted the Master, though much against his will, to turn back. When he was come to Land, his Soldiers ran to him in whole Troops, and exprest how much they were troubled, that he should think himself not strong enough to get a Victory by their sole Assistance, but must needs disturb him­self, and expose his Person for those who were absent, as if he could not trust those who were with him. After this, Antony came over with the Forces from Brundusium, which encourag'd Caesar to give Pompey Bat­tel, though he was encamp'd very advan­tageously, and furnish'd with plenty of Pro­visions both by Sea, and Land, whilst he himself, who at first had been but ill stock'd, was now at last extreamly pinch'd for want of Necessaries, so that his Soldiers were forc'd to dig up a kind of Root which grew [Page 443] there, and tempering it with Milk to feed on it. Sometimes they made Loaves, and in their Incursions on the Enemies Out­guards, would throw in those Loaves, tel­ling them, that as long as the Earth produc'd such Roots they would not leave off to besiege Pompey. But Pompey took what care he could, that neither the Loaves, nor the Words should reach his Men, for they would have been disheartned at the fierce­ness and hardiness of their Enemies, and look'd upon them as a Kin to the savage Nature of Wild Beasts. There were conti­nual Skirmishes about Pompey's Out-works, in all which Caesar had the better, except one; when his Men were forc'd to fly in such a manner, that he had like to have lost his Camp. For Pompey made such a vigo­rous Sally on them, that not a Man stood his ground; the Trenches were fill'd with dead Bodies; many fell upon their own Ramparts, and Bulwarks, being closely pursu'd by the Enemy. Caesar met them, and would have turn'd them back, but could not. When he went to lay hold of the Co­lours, those who carried them threw them down, so that the Enemies took 32 of them. He himself narrowly escap'd; for taking hold of a big lusty Fellow that was flying by him, he bad him stand, and face about; but the Fellow full of apprehensions from [Page 444] the danger he was in, began to handle his Sword, as if he would strike Caesar, and had done it, had not Caesar's Arm-bearer prevented the blow by chopping off the Man's Arm. Caesar's Affairs were so despe­rate at that time, that when Pompey either through fear, or his ill Fortune, did not give the finishing stroke to that great Action, but retreated after he had shut up the Ene­my within their Camp, Caesar upon his re­turn said to his Friends, The Victory to day had been on our Enemies side, if they had had a General, which knew how to conquer. When he was retir'd into his Tent, he laid him­self down to sleep, but spent that night the most melancholy that he ever did any, be­ing perplex'd in his thoughts for his ill con­duct in this War; for when he had a large Country before him, and all the wealthy Cities of Macedonia, and Thessaly, he had neglected to carry the War thither, and had sat down by the Sea-side, whilst his Enemies had such a powerful Fleet; so that he seem'd rather to be besieg'd with want of Necessa­ries, then to besiege others with his Arms. Being thus distracted in his thoughts with the view of the ill posture he stood in, he rais'd his Camp with a design to advance towards Scipio, who lay in Macedonia; for he hop'd either to draw Pompey where he should fight without the advantage he now [Page 445] had of supplies from the Sea, or over-power Scipio, if not assisted. This animated Pom­pey's Army, and Officers so far, that they were for pursuing Caesar, as one that was worsted and flying. But Pompey was afraid to hazard a Battle, on which so much de­pended, and being himself provided with all Necessaries for a considerable time, thought to tire out, and waste the vigor of Caesar's Army, which could not last long; For the best part of his Men, though they had much Experience, and shew'd an irre­sistible Courage in all Engagements, yet by their frequent marches, changing their Camps, assaulting of Towns, and long watches, were so broken, and so much ex­hausted with Age, that their Bodies were unfit for Labour, and their Courage cool'd by their years. Besides, 'tis said that a Pe­stilential Disease occasioned by their irregular Diet rag'd in Caesar's Army, and, what was of greatest moment, he was neither fur­nish'd with Money, nor Provisions, so that in a little time he must needs fall of himself. For these Reasons Pompey had no mind to fight him, and was thank'd for it by none but Cato, who was pleas'd with it out of his zeal to preserve his Fellow-Citizens. For when he saw the dead Bodies of those which had faln in the last Battle on Caesar's side to the number of a thousand, he went away, [Page 446] cover'd his Face, and wept. The rest re­proach'd Pompey for declining to fight, and call'd him Agamemnon, and the King of Kings, as One that had no mind to lay down his Sovereign Authority, but was pleas'd to see so many great Commanders attending on him, and paying their [...]en­dance at his Tent. Favonius, who affected Cato's free way of speaking his mind, com­plain'd bitterly, that they should eat no Figs that year at Tusculum by reason of Pompey's ambition to be Monarch. Afranius, who was lately return'd out of Spain, and by reason of the ill Campagne he had made, was suspected by Pompey to have betray'd the Army for Money, ask'd him, Why he did not fight that Merchant, who had made such purchases? Pompey was compell'd by this kind of Language to give Caesar Battle, though against his own Sentiments, and in order to it, pursu'd him. Caesar had found great difficulties in his march; for no Coun­try would supply him with Provisions, his Reputation being very much sunk since his last Defeat. But when he came to Gomphi, a Town of Thessaly, he not only found Pro­visions for his Army, but Physick too. For there they met with plenty of Wine, which they took off very freely; heated with this, and fir'd with the God, they jollily danc'd along, and so shook off their Disease, and [Page 447] chang'd their whole Constitution. When the two Armies were come into Pharsalia, and both encamp'd there, Pompey's thoughts ran the same way, as they had done before, against fighting, and the more, because of some unlucky Presages, and an odd Vision he had in a Dream. Yet some who were about him were so confident of success, that Domitius, Spinther, and Scipio, as if they had already conquer'd, quarrel'd which should succeed Caesar in the Pontificate; And many sent to Rome to take Houses fit to ac­commodate Consuls and Praetors, as being sure of entring upon those Offices, as soon as the Battle was over. The Cavalry espe­cially were eager to fight, as being well Arm'd, and bravely mounted, and valuing themselves upon the clean shapes of their Horses, and the advantage of their numbers, for they were 5000 against 1000 of Caesar's. Nor was their Infantry better match'd, there being 45000 of Pompey's, against 22000 of the Enemy. Caesar drew up his Soldiers, and told 'em that Cornificius was coming up to them with two Legions, and that 15 Companies more under Calenu [...] were posted at Megara, and Athens, he ask'd 'em, whe­ther they would stay till these join'd them, or would hazard the Ba [...]le by themselves▪ They all cried ou [...] against delaying, and were eager to engage as soon as possible. [Page 448] When he sacrific'd to the Gods for the lu­stration of his Army, upon the death of the first Victim, the Augur told him, within 3 days, he should come to a decisive Action. Caesar ask'd him, Whether he saw any thing in the Entrails, which promis'd an happy Event? That, saith the Priest, you can best answer your self; for the Gods signifie a great Alteration from the present posture of Affairs; if therefore you think your self happy now, expect worse Fortune; if unhappy, hope for better. The night before the Battle, as he walk'd the Rounds about Midnight, he saw a Light in the Heaven very bright and flaming, which seem'd to pass over Caesar's Camp, and fall into Pom­pey's; and when Caesar's Soldiers came to re­lieve the Watch in the morning, they per­ceiv'd a Panic fear among the Enemies. However he did not expect to fight that day, but decamp'd as if he design'd to march towards Scotusa. But when the Tents were taken down, his Scouts rode up to him, and told him the Enemy would give him Battle. With this he was very much pleas'd, and having perform'd his Devoti­ons to the Gods, set his Army in Battalia, dividing them into 3 Bodies. Over the middle-most he plac'd Domitius-Calvinus: Antony commanded the Left Wing, and he himself the Right, being resolv'd to fight at the Head of the 10th Legion. But when [Page 449] he saw the Enemies Cavalry planted against him, being struck with their Bravery, and their Number, he gave private Orders, That six Companies from the Reer of the Army should advance up to him, whom he posted behind the Right Wing, and instructed them what they should do, when the Enemies Horse came to charge. On the other side, Pompey commanded the Right Wing, Domi­tius the Left, and Scipio, Pompey's Father-in­law, the Main Body. The whole Weight of the Cavalry was in the Left Wing, who design'd to attack the Right Wing of the Enemy, and press that part most which the General himself commanded: For they thought no Body of Foot could be so deep as to bear such a shock, but that they must necessarily be broken to pieces upon the first impression of so strong a Cavalry. When they were ready on both sides to give the signal for Battel, Pompey commanded his Foot, who were in the Front, to stand their ground, and, without breaking their Order▪ receive quietly the Enemies first Attack, till they came within Javelins cast. Caesar blam'd this Conduct, and said, Pompey was not a­ware that the first Charge, if it were brisk and fierce, gave weight to every stroke, and rais'd a general warmth of Soul, which was easily kept alive and improv'd by the concur­rence of the whole Army. He was now ad­vanc'd [Page 450] with his Forces, and just upon Acti­on, when he found one of his Captains, a trusty and experienc'd Soldier, encouraging his Men to exert their utmost. Caesar call'd him by his Name, and said, What hopes, C. Crassinius, and what grounds for encourage­ment? Crassinius stretch'd out his hand, and cried in a loud Voice: We shall conquer nobly, Caesar; and this day I'll deserve your Praises ei­ther alive or dead. With these words he im­mediately ran in upon the Enemy, back'd only with six-score Men, and presently cut down the foremost, and still press'd on for­wards with much slaughter of the Enemy, till at last he was struck back by the Wound of a Sword, which went in at his Mouth with such force, that it came out at his Neck behind. Whilst the Foot were thus sharply engag'd in the Main Battel, one Wing of Pompey's Horse march'd up confidently, and open'd their Ranks very wide, that they might surround the Right Wing of Caesar: But before they engag'd, some Companies of Caesar's made up to them, and did not dart their Javelins at a distance, nor strike at their Thighs and Legs as they us'd to do in close Battel, but aim'd at their Faces; for thus Caesar had instructed them, in hopes that Young Gentlemen, who had not con­vers'd much in Battels and Wounds, but were in the flower of their Age, and height [Page 451] of their Beauty, would be very apprehensive of such Blows, and not care for hazarding both a Danger at present, and a Blemish for the future. This Design took, for they were so far from bearing the stroke of the Javelins, that they could not stand the sight of them, but turn'd about, and cover'd their Faces to secure them. In this great disorder, they were at last forc'd to fly for it, and by this Confusion ruin'd all; for those who had beat them back, presently surrounded the Infan­try, and falling on their Reer, cut them to pieces. Pompey, who commanded the other Wing of the Army, when he saw his Caval­ry thus broke and flying, was no longer himself, nor did he now remember that he was Pompey the Great; but like one whom the Gods had depriv'd of his Senses, and struck with some fatal Blow, retir'd to his Tent without speaking a word, and there sat to expect the Event, till the whole Army was defeated, and the Enemy appear'd upon the Works which were thrown up before his Camp, where they closely engag'd with his Men, who were posted there to defend it. Then he first seem'd to have recover'd his senses; and when he had said to himself, What, into my Camp too? he laid aside his General's habit, and putting on such Cloaths as might best favour his flight, stole off. What Fortune he met with afterwards, how [Page 452] he took shelter in Aegypt, and was murder'd there, we tell you in his Life. Caesar, when he came to view Pompey's Camp▪ and saw some of his Enemies dead upon the ground, others dying, said with a sigh, ---- This they would have; they brought me to this necessity, that I Caius Caesar must have lost the credit of all my former Successes in War, if I had at last dismiss'd my Army. Asinius Pollio says that Caesar spoke those words then in Latin, which he afterwards wrote in Greek; that those who were killed at the taking of the Camp, were most of them Servants; and that there fell not above 6000 Soldiers. Caesar incor­porated most of the Foot, whom he took Prisoners, with his own Legions, and par­doned several Persons of Quality, and a­mongst the rest Brutus, who afterwards stabb'd him. He did not immediately ap­pear after the Battel was over, which put Caesar into a great Agony for him; nor was his pleasure less, when he saw him safe, and at the same time coming over to him. There were many Prodigies that foretold this Vi­ctory; but the most signal was that at Tralles. In the Temple of Victory there stood Caesar's Statue; the Floor it self was very firm, and the Stone with which it was pav'd still harder: yet it is said that a Palm­Tree shot it self up near the Pedestal of this Statue. In the City of Padua, one C. Corne­lius, [Page 453] who had the Character of a good Au­gur, fellow-Citizen and Friend of Livie the Historian, happened to make some Augural Observations that very day when the Battel was fought: And first, as Livie tells us, he pointed out the critical time of the Fight, and said to those who were by him, That just then the Action was hot, and the Men en­gag'd. When he look'd a second time upon the Birds, and nicely observ'd the Omens, he leap'd as if he had been inspir'd, and cry'd out, Thou, Caesar, art the Conqueror. This mightily surpriz'd the standers by; but he took the Crown, which he had on, from his Head, and swore he would never wear it a­gain till the Event should give Authority to his Art. This Livie positively affirms for a Truth.

Caesar, as a Monument of his Victory, gave the Thessalians great Immunities, and then went in pursuit of Pompey. When he was ar­rived at Asia, to gratifie Theopompus, who had made a Collection of Fatles, he enfran­chis'd the Guidians, and remitted one third of the Tax to all the Asiatics. When he came to Alexandria, where Pompey was already murder'd, he would not look upon Theodotus, who presented him with his head, but took his Signet and wept over it. Those of Pompey's Friends who had been taken by the King of Aegypt as they were stragling in those parts, [Page 454] he obliged, and made his own. He wrote Letters to Rome, wherein he signified to his Friends, That the greatest Advantage and Pleasure he found by the Victory was, that he every day sav'd several Citizens Lives who had fought against him. As to the War in Aegypt, some say it was dangerous and dishonourable, and no ways necessary, but occasion'd only by his Passion for Cleopatra: Others blame the Ministers, and especially the Eunuch Photinus, who was chief Favou­rite, had lately took off Pompey's Head, ba­nished Cleopatra from Court, and was now thought to be privately carrying on the De­struction of Caesar; to prevent which, Caesar from that time began to sit up whole nights, under pretence of Drinking, for the greater security of his Person. 'Tis certain, that he was intolerable in his open Affronts to Caesar, both by his Words and Actions; for when Caesar's Soldiers had musty and unwholsom Corn measur'd out to them, Photinus told them, They must like it, since they were fed at another's Cost. He order'd that his Table should be serv'd with wooden and earthen Dishes, and said, Caesar had carried off all the Gold and Silver Plate, under pretence of Arrears of Debt. For the present King's Father ow'd Caesar 1750 Myriads of Money; Caesar had formerly remitted to his Children the rest, but thought fit to demand the thou­sand [Page 455] Myriads at that time, to maintain his Army. Photinus told him, That he had bet­ter go then, and attend his other Affairs of greater Consequence, and that he should receive his Money at another time with Thanks. Caesar replied, That he did not want Aegyptians to be his Councellors, and soon after privately sent for Cleopatra from her Retirement. She took a little Skiff, and one of her Confidents, Apollodorus, along with her, and in the dusk of the evening landed near the Palace. She was at a loss how to get in undiscover'd, till she thought of putting her self into the Coverlet of a Bed, and ly­ing at length, whilst Apollodorus bound up the Bedding, and carried it on his Back through the Castle-gates to Caesar's Apart­ment▪ Caesar was first taken with this fetch of Cleopatra, as an Argument of her Wit; and was afterwards so far charm'd with her Conversation and graceful Behaviour, that he reconcil'd her to her Brother, and made her Partner in the Government. A Festival was kept for joy of this Reconciliation, where Caesar's Barber, a busie pragmatical Fellow, whose fear made him inqui [...]itive in­to every thing, discover'd that there was a Plot carrying on against Caesar by Achillas, General of the King's Forces, and Photinus the Eunuch. Caesar, upon the first intelli­gence of it, set a Guard upon the Hall where [Page 456] the Feast was kept, and kill'd Photinus. Achillas escap'd to the Army, and rais'd a troublesom War against Caesar, which it was not easie for him to manage with so small a Force against so powerful a State. The first difficulty he met with, was want of Water; for the Enemies had turned the Pipes. Ano­ther was, that when the Enemy endeavour'd to cut off his Communication by Sea, he was forc'd to divert that Danger by setting fire to his own Ships, which when it had burnt the Harbor, spread it self so far as to destroy the famous Library of Alexandria. A third was, that in an Engagement near Pharos he leap'd from the Mole into a Skiff, to assist his Soldiers, who were in danger: When the Aegyptians press'd him on every side, he threw himself into the Sea, and with much difficulty swam off. He had then many Pa­pers in his hand, which though he was con­tinually darted at, and forc'd to keep his Head often under Water, yet he did not let go, but held them up safe from wetting in one hand, whilst he swam with the other. His Skiff in the mean time was quickly sunk. At last, the King having got off to Achillas and his Party, Caesar engag'd and conquer'd them; many fell in that Battel, and the King himself was never seen after. Upon this, he makes Cleopatra Queen of Aegypt, who soon after had a Son by him, whom the Alexan­drians [Page 457] call'd Caesarion, and then departed for Syria. Thence he passed to Asia, where he heard that Domitius was beaten by Pharna­ces, Son of Mithridates, and fled out of Pon­tus with an handful of Men; and that Phar­naces pursu'd the Victory so eagerly, that though he was already Master of Bithynia and Cappadocia, he had still farther aims to take in Armenia the less; in order to which, he invited all the Kings and Tetrarchs there to rise. Caesar immediately marched against him with three Legions, fought him near Zela, drove him out of Pontus, and totally defeated his Army. When he gave Amin­tius, a Friend of his at Rome, an Account of this Action, to express the smartness and dispatch of it, he used these three words, Veni, Vidi, Vici; which Latin words having all the same Cadence, carry with them an air of brevity, which in this place is very lucky and graceful. Hence he went for Italy, and came to Rome at the end of that Year, for which he was a second time chose Dictator, (though that Office had never be­fore lasted so long) and was elected Con­sul for the next. He was ill spoke of, be­cause upon a Mutiny of Soldiers, who kill'd Cosconius and Galba, who had been Praetors, he gave them only that slight Re­primand of calling them Citizens, instead of Fellow-Soldiers, and after gave each Man [Page 458] a thousand Drachms, besides a share of some Lands in Italy. He was also reflected on for Dolabella's Extravagance, Amintius's Covetousness, Anthony's Debau­chery, and Corfinius's Profuseness, who pull'd down Pompey's House, and re-built it, as not Magnificent enough; for the Romans were much displeased with all these. But Caesar, for the carrying on his Designs, though he knew their Characters, and disapprov'd them, was forc'd to make use of such Instruments. After the Battel of Pharsalia, Cato and Scipio fled into Afric, and there, with the Assist­ance of King Juba, got together a conside­rable Force, which Caesar resolv'd to engage. In order to it, he pass'd into Sicily in the very midst of Winter; and to remove from his Officers all hopes of delay there, en­camp'd by the Sea-shoar, and as soon as ever he had a fair Wind put to Sea with 3000 Foot, and a few Horse. When he had land­ed them, he went back privately under great apprehensions for the better part of his Army; but met 'em upon the Sea, and brought them all to the same Camp. There he was inform'd, That the Enemies rely'd much upon an ancient Oracle, That the Family of the Scipioes should be always Victorious in Afric. There was in his Army a Fellow, otherwise mean and contemptible, but of the House of the Africani, and his Name [Page 459] Scipio Sallustio: This Man Caesar put in the Head of his Army, with the Title of Gene­ral; which he did either in raillery to ridi­cule Scipio, who commanded the Enemy, or seriously to bring over the Omen to his side. He was oblig'd often to set upon the Ememy, and skirmish with them; for he wanted both Victualling for his Men, and Forage for his Horse: so that he was forc'd to feed 'em with a Sea-weed, which he mix'd with Grass, to take off its saltness, and to give it a more agreeable Taste▪ He was forc'd to make this shift, because the Numidians, in great Numbers, and well Hors'd, commanded the Country. Caesar's Cavalry being one day out of Employ, di­verted themselves with seeing an African, who entertain'd 'em with a Dance, and play'd upon the Pipe to admiration: They were so taken with this, that they lighted, and gave their Horses to some Boys, when on a sudden the Enemy briskly surrounded them, kill'd some, pursu'd the rest, and fell in with 'em into their Camp; and had not Caesar himself and Asinius Pollio came in to their Assistance, and put a stop to their flight, the War had been then at an end. In another Engagement, where the Enemy had again the better, Caesar took an Ensign, who was running away, by the Neck, and forcing him to face about, said, Look, that [Page 460] way is the Enemy! Scipio flush'd with this Success at first, had a mind to come to one decisive Action. Wherefore he leaves Afra­nius and Juba in two distinct Bodies not far distant, and marches himself towards Tha­psacus, where he built a Fort, which might serve for a Security to them, and a Retreat to himself. Whilst Scipio was taken up with this matter, Caesar with an incredible dis­patch made his way through thick Woods, and an unpassable Country, surrounded one Party of the Enemy, and charg'd the other other in the Front. When he had defeated these, he improv'd this Opportunity, and the course of his good Fortune so far, that in one moment he took Afranius's Camp, and de­stroy'd that of the Numidians, Juba their King being glad to save himself by flight; so that in a small part of a day he made him­self Master of three Camps, and kill'd 50000 of the Enemy, with the loss only of 50 Men. This is the Account some give of that Fight; Others say, He was not in the Action, but that he was taken with his usual Distemper just as he was setting his Army in Battalia. He perceiv'd the approaches of it, before it had too far disorder'd his Senses; and as soon as he began to shake, took care to be remov'd into a neighbouring Fort, where he repos'd himself. Of the Great Men that were taken after the Fight, some Caesar put [Page 461] to Death, others prevented him by killing themselves. Cato had undertaken to defend Utica, and for that reason was not in the Battel. The desire which Caesar had to take him alive, made him hasten thither; upon notice that he had dispatch'd himself, 'tis certain Caesar was much discompos'd, but for what reason is not so well agreed: yet this he said; Cato, I envy thee thy Death, because thou enviedst me the honour of saving thy Life. Yet after all this, the Discourse he wrote against Cato after his Death, is no great sign of his kindness, or that he was thorowly reconciled to him. For how is it probable that he would have been tender of his Life, who was so bitter against his Me­mory? Yet from his Clemency to Cicero, Brutus, and many others who fought against him, some have guess'd that Caesar's Book was not compos'd so much out of harted to Cato, as in his own Vindication. Cicero, it seems, had written an Encomium upon Cato, and call'd it by his Name; a Discourse written by so great a Master upon so excel­lent a Subject, was sure to be in every ones hands. This touch'd Caesar, who look'd up­on a Panegyric on his Enemy, as no better then a Satyr against himself: and therefore he made in his Anti-Cato a full Collection of whatever could be said in that Great Man's derogation. Those Discourses had [Page 462] each of them their several Admirers, as Men were differently inclin'd to the Parties. Caesar, upon his return to Rome, did not for­get to entertain the People with a large Ac­count of his Victory, telling them, That he had subdu'd a Country, which would sup­ply the Publick every year with 200000 Bushels of Corn, and 3000000 weight of Oyl. He was allow'd three Triumphs, for Aegypt, Pontus, and Afrric; the last, not for the Conquest of Scipio, but Juba, whose little Son was then led in Triumph, the happiest Captive that ever was, who of a barbarous Numidian came by this means to be reckon'd among the most Learned Historians of all Greece. After these Triumphs, he distribu­ted Rewards to his Soldiers, and treated the People with Feasting and Shews: At one Feast he had 22000 Tables, and entertain'd the People with Gladiators and Sea-Fights in honour to his Daughter Julia, long since dead. When those Shews were over, an Account was taken of the people, who from 320000 were now reduc'd 150000. So great a waste had the Civil War made in Rome alone, not to mention what the other parts of Italy and the Provinces suffer'd. He was now chosen a fourth time Consul, and went into Spain against Pompey's Sons; they were but young, yet had got together a great Ar­my, and shew'd they had Courage and Con­duct [Page 463] to command it, so that Caesar was in extreme danger. The great Battel was near Munda, in which Caesar seeing his Men hard press'd, and making but a weak Resistance, ran through the Ranks among the Soldiers, and crying out, ask'd them, Whether they were not asham'd to deliver him into the hands of Boys? At last, with great difficul­ty, and the best efforts he could make, he forced back the Enemy, killing 30000 of them, though with the loss of 1000 of his best Men. When he came back from the Fight, he told his Friends, that he had often fought for Victory, but this was the first time he had ever fought for Life. This Battel was won on the Feast of the Bacchanals, the very day in which Pompey, four years before, had set out for the War. The younger of Pompey's Sons escap'd, and Didius some days after the Fight brought the elder's Head to Caesar. This was the last Battel he was en­gag'd in. The Triumph he made for this Victory displeas'd the Romans beyond any thing: For he had not defeated foreign Ge­nerals, and barbarous Kings, but had ruin'd the Children and Family of one of the great­est Men of Rome, though unfortunate; and it did not look well to triumph over the Calamities of his Country, and to rejoyce in those things for which no better Apology could be made to the Gods and Men, then [Page 464] their being absolutely necessary. Besides, that hitherto he had never sent Letter or Ex­press of any Victory over his Fellow-Citi­zens, but had seem'd rather to be asham'd of the Action, then to expect Honour from it. For all this, the Romans taking the same side with Fortune, gave the Rein into his hands, and hoping that the Government of a single Person would give them time to breathe after so many Civil Wars and Cala­mities, made him Dictator for Life. This was a down-right Tyranny; for his Power now was not only absolute, but perpetual too. Ci­cero propos'd to the Senate to confer such Honours upon him as were indeed in some measure within the bounds of modesty; Others striving which should deserve most, carried them so excessively high, that they made Caesar odious to the most indifferent and moderate sort of men by the haughtiness and extravagance of those Titles which they decreed him. His Enemies are thought to have had some share in this, as well as his Flatterers: it gave them more advantage a­gainst him, and laid him more open to their Calumnies, for since the Civil Wars were ended, he had nothing else that he could be charg'd with. And they had good reason to decree a Temple to Clemency, in token of their Thanks for this mild use he made of this Victory; for he not only pardon'd many [Page 465] of those who fought against him; but far­ther to some gave Honours and Offices: as particularly to Brutus and Cassius, who both of them were Praetors; Pompey's Images that were thrown down, he set up again; upon which Cicero said, that by raising Pompey's Statues he had fix'd his own. When his Friends advis'd him to a Guard, and several offer'd their Service, he would not hear of it, but said, It was better to suffer Death once; then always to live in fear of it. He look'd up­on the Affections of the People to be the best and surest Guard, and therefore enter­tain'd them again with publick Feastings and general Distributions of Corn; and to gra­tifie his Army, he sent out many Colonies to several places, of which the most remark­able were Carthage and Corinth; which, as before they had been ruin'd at the same time, so now they were restor'd and peo­pl'd together. As for the Men of Quality, he promis'd some that they should be Con­suls or Praetors; others he satisfied with Of­fices or Titles; to all he gave hopes of his Favour, as being desirons to rule by Love: So that upon the Death of Maximus, one day before his Consulate was ended, he made Caninius Rebellius Consul for that day. When many went to pay their Complements to the new Consul, as is usual, [...]icero said by way of raillery, Let us make haste, lest the [Page 466] Man be gone out of his Office before we come. Caesar was born to do great things, and had a love of Honour; nor did the many Noble Exploits he had done invite him to sit still, and reap the fruit of his past labours, but were Incentives and Encouragements to go on, and rais'd in his Soul the Ideas of still great­er Actions, and a desire of new Glory, as if the present were all spent. This Passion was a kind of aemulous struggle with him­self, as it had been with another, how he might out-do his past▪ Actions by his future. In pursuit of these thoughts, he resolv'd to make War upon the Parthians, and when he had subdu'd them, to pass through Hircania; thence to march along by the Caspian Sea to Mount Caucasus, and so on about Pontus, till he came into Scythia; then to over-run all the Countries about Germany, and Ger­many it self; and to return through Gaul in­to Italy, till he had finished the whole Circle of his intended Empire, and bounded it on every side by the Ocean. While Preparati­ons were making for this Expedition, he at­tempted to dig through the Isthmus on which Corinth stands. Afterthat, he had a Design to divert the Rivers Apien and Tiber, and to carry them by a deep Channel directly from Rome to Circaeum, and so into the Sea near Tarracina, that there might be a safe and easie Passage for all Merchants who tra­ded [Page 467] to Rome. Besides this, he intended to drain all the Marshes by Nomentum and Se­tium, and gain ground enough from the Water to employ many Thousands of Men in Tillage. He propos'd farther to make great Mounds on the Shoar nighest Rome, to hinder the Sea from breaking in upon the Land; to cleanse the Ostian Shoar of such hidden Shelves and Rocks as made it un­safe for Shipping, and to build Ports and Harbors fit to receive such large Vessels as used to ride thereabouts. These things were design'd without taking effect: but his Re­formation of the Kalendar, in order to recti­fie the irregularity of Time, was not only ingeniously contriv'd, but brought to per­fection by him, and prov'd of very great use; For it was not only in ancient Times that the Romans wanted a certain Rule to make the Revolutions of their Months fall in with the Course of the Year, (whereby their Festivals and solemn days for Sacrifice were remov'd by little and little, till at last they came to be kept at a Season quite con­trary to what they had been formerly) but even at this time, the People had no way of computing right the Course of the Sun; only the Priests had the knack, and at their pleasure, without giving any notice, clapt in an intercalary Month, which they call'd Mercedonius. Numa was the first who put in [Page 468] this Month, but his Invention was too nar­row and short to correct all the Errors that rose from their Computation of the Year, as we have shewn in his Life. Caesar call'd in the best Philosophers and Mathematicians of his Time, to settle this Point; and upon Prin­ciples there propos'd, establish'd a more ex­act and proper Method of correcting the Kalendar; which the Romans use to this day, and seem to err less then any other Nation in the Reduction of this inequality of Months to the Year. Yet even this gave Offence to those who envy'd his Grandeur, and were weary of his Power; for Cicero the Orator, when one of the Company chanc'd to say, The next morning Lyra would rise; reply'd, Yes, by vertue of the Edict; as if Men were forc'd by Authority to receive this new Scheme. But that which brought upon him the most apparent and mortal hatred, was his affectation of being King, which gave the Common People the first Occasion to quarrel with him, and prov'd the most specious pretence to those who had been his secret Enemies all along. Those who would have procur'd him that Title, gave it out, That 'twas foretold in the Sibylls Books, that the Romans should conquer the Parthi­ans when they fought against them under the Conduct of a King, but not before. And one day, as Caesar was going from Alba to [Page 469] Rome, some were so bold as to salute him by the Name of King; but he finding the People disrelish it, seem'd to resent it him­self, and said, His Title was Caesar, not King. Upon this, they forbore their Acclamations, and he past on with an air that express'd much sullenness and dissatisfaction. Another time, when the Senate had conferr'd on him some extravagant Honours, he chanc'd to receive the Message as he was sitting on the Rostra, where, though the Consuls and Prae­tors themselves waited on him, attended by the whole Body of the Senate, he did not rise, but behav'd himself to them as if they had been private Men, and told them, His Honours wanted rather to be retrench'd, than increas'd. This Carriage of his of­fended not only the Senate, but Commonal­ty too; for they thought the affront upon the Senate equally reflected upon the whole Republick; so that all who could decently leave him went off much dejected. Caesar perceiving the false step he had made, im­mediately retir'd home, and laying his Throat bare, told his Friends, That he was ready to stand fair for any man that would do him the kind Office: Afterwards he ex­cus'd his sitting by his Distemper, under pre­tence that those who are affected with it have their senses discompos'd, if they talk much standing; that they presently grow [Page 470] giddy, fall iuto Convulsions, and quite lose their Reason. But all this was feign'd; for he would willingly have stood up to the Senate, had not Cornelius Balbus, one of his Friends, or rather Flatterers, hinder'd him. Don't you remember, saith he, you are Cae­sar; and will you abate any thing of that Honor which is due to your Dignity? He gave still a fresh occasion of resentment by his affront to the Tribunes. The Lupercalia were then ce­lebrated, a Feast at the first Institution pecu­liar, as some Writers say, to the Shepherds, much of the same nature with the Arcadian Lycaea: Many young Noblemen and Magi­strates run up and down the City naked, striking all they meet with leathern Thongs, by way of sport; Many Women of the best Quality place themselves in the way, and hold out their Hands to the Lash, as Boys in a School do to the Ferula, out of an Opinion that it procures an easie Labour to those who are with Child, and makes those conceive who are barren. Caesar drest in a Triumphal Robe, seated himself in a golden Chair upon the Rostra, to view this Cere­mony. Anthony, as Consul, was one of those who ran this Course; when he came into the Forum, the People made way for him, whilst he presented Caesar with a Diadem wreath'd with Lawrel. Upon this, there was a small shout, made only by those [Page 471] few who were planted there for that pur­pose; but when Caesar refus'd it, there was an universal applause. Upon the second of­fer, very few; and upon the second refusal, all again clapp'd. Caesar finding it would not take, rose up, and order'd the Crown to be carried into the Capitol. Caesar's Statues were afterwards found with Royal Diadems on their Heads; Flavius and Marullus, two Tribunes of the People, went presently and pull'd them off; and having apprehended those who first saluted Caesar as King, com­mitted them: The People follow'd them with acclamations, and call'd them Brutus's, because Brutus was the first who cut off the Succession of Kings, and transferr'd the Power which before was lodg'd in One, into the hands of the Senate and People. Caesar so far resented this, that he displac'd Marullus and Flavius; and as he inveigh'd against them, at the same time ridicul'd the People, telling them, He confess'd those Men were indeed properly call Bruti and Cumaei [Beasts and Sots.] This made the Multitude place their hopes on M. Brutus, who by his Fa­ther's side was thought to be descended from that first Brutus, and by his Mother's side from the Servilii, another Noble Family; being besides Nephew and Son-in-law to Cato. But the Honours and Favours he had receiv'd from Caesar, took off the edge from [Page 472] those eager Desires he naturally had to sub­vert the Monarchy; for he had not only been pardon'd himself after Pompey's Defeat at Pharsalia, and had procur'd the same Grace for many of his Friends, but was one in whom Caesar had a particular Confidence. He had at that time the most honourable Praetorship of the Year, and was nam'd for the Consulship four years after, being pre­ferr'd before Cassius his Competitor. Upon the Dispute between them, Caesar said, That Cassius had the fairest Pretensions, but that he could not pass by Brutus. Nor did he af­terwards hearken to those who accus'd Bru­tus, as engag'd in a Conspiracy against him; but laying his hand on his Body, said to the Informers, Brutus will stay for this skin of mine; intimating, that he was worthy of Empire on account of his Vertue, but would not be base and ungrateful to gain one. But those who desir'd a Change, and look'd on Him as the only, or at least the most pro­per person to effect it, durst not discourse the matter with him, but in the Night-time laid Papers about his Chair of State, where he us'd to sit and determine Causes, with Sen­tences in them to this import: You are asleep, Brutus; you are no longer Brutus. Cassius, when he perceiv'd his ambitious Soul a little rais'd upon this, was more instant then be­fore to work him yet farther, having him­self [Page 473] a private grudge against Caesar, for some Reasons that we have mention'd in the Life of Brutus. Nor was Caesar without suspici­ons of him, so that he took occasion to say to his Friends, What do you think Cassius drives at? I don't well like him, he looks so pale. And when it was told him that Anthony and Do­labella were in a Plot against him, he said, He did not fear such fat, jolly Men, but rather the pale, lean Fellows; meaning Cassius and Brutus. But neither was his Fate so much unexpected, as it was unavoidable; for there were many strange Prodigies and Apparati­ons which were Presages of it. As to the Lights in the Heavens, the Phantoms which walk'd in the Night, and the wild Birds which perch'd upon the Forum, these are not perhaps worth taking notice of in so great a Case as this. Strabo the Philosopher tells us, that many as they went along seem'd to be all on fire; and that a Soldier's Ser­vant seem'd to throw a great quantity of flame out of his hand, so that they who saw it thought he must be burnt, but that after all he had no hurt. As Caesar was sacrificing, the Victim was seen to want an Heart, which was a very ill Omen, because a Creature can't subsist without an Heart. Many add, that a Soothsayer bid him prepare for some great Danger on the Ides of March: When the day was come, Caesar as he went to the [Page 474] Senate met this Soothsayer, and said to him by way of raillery, The Ides of March are come; who answer'd him calmly, Yes, they are come, but they are not past. The day be­fore this Assassination, he supp'd with M. Le­pidus; as he was signing some Letters, there arose a Dispute what sort of Death was the best? At which he immediately, before any one could speak, said, A sudden one.

After this, as he was in Bed with his Wife, all the Doors and Windows of the House flew open together; he was startled at the Noise, and the Light which brake into the Room, and sat up in his Bed, where by the Moon-shine he perceived Calpurnia fast asleep, but heard her utter in her Dream some indi­stinct words, and inarticulate groans. She fancied at that time she was weeping over Caesar, and holding him butcher'd in her Arms. Others say, This was not her Dream; but that she dreamt a Pinacle (which the Senate had order'd to be rais'd on Caesar's House by way of Ornament and Grandeur) was broken down, which was the occasion of her tears and groans. When it was day, she begg'd of Caesar, if it were possible, not to stir ou [...], but to adjourn the Senate to ano­ther time; and if he slighted her Dreams, that he would be pleas'd to consult his Fate by Sacrifices and other kinds of Divination. [Page 475] Nor was he himself without some suspicion and fears; for he never before discover'd in Calpurnia any Womanish Superstition, whom he now saw under such terrible apprehensi­ons. Upon the Report which the Priests made to him, that they had kill'd several Sa­crifices, and still found them inauspicious, he was resolv'd to send Anthony to dismiss the Senate. D. Brutus, whose Sirname was Albinus, (one whom Caesar had such confidence in, that he made him his second Heir, thô at the same time he was engag'd in the Conspi­racy with the other Brutus and Cassius) fear­ing, lest if Caesar should put off the Senate to another day, the business might get wind, took care to expose the Pretenders to Divination, and blam'd Caesar for giving the Senate so just Occasions of quarrelling with him, by casting such a slur on them; for that they were met upon his Summons, and were ready to vote unanimously, that he should be declared King of all the Provinces without Italy, and might wear a Diademin any other place but Italy, by Sea or Land. If any one should be sent to tell 'em they might break up for the present, and meet again when Calpurnia should chance to have better Dreams; what would his Enemies say? or who could with any patience hear his Friends, if they should pretend to defend his Government as not Arbitrary and Ty­rannical? [Page 476] But if he was possess'd so far as to think this day unfortunate, yet it were more decent to go himself to the Senate, and to adjourn it in his own Person. Brutus as he spoke these words took Caesar by the hand, and conducted him forth: He was not gone far from the door, when a Servant made towards him; but not being able to come up to him by reason of the Crowd who press'd about him, he made shift to get into the House, and committed himself to Calpur­nia, begging of her to secure him till Caesar return'd, because he had matters of great importance to communicate to him. Arte­midorus, a Cnidian, who taught the Art of Sophistry in Greek, and by that means was so far acquainted with some about Brutus, that he had got into the Secret, brought Caesar in a little Schedule the Heads of what he had to depose. He had observ'd that Caesar as he receiv'd any Papers presently gave 'em to the Servants who attended on him; and therefore came as near to him as he could, and said, Read this, Caesar alone, and quickly, for it contains great Business, and such as concerns you. Caesar receiv'd it, and went to read it several times, but was still hin­dred by the Crowd of those who came to speak to him. However, he kept it in his hand by it self, till he came into the Senate. Some say it was another who gave Caesar this [Page 477] Note, and that Artemidorus could not get to him, being all along kept off by the Crowd. All these things might happen by chance: but the place where the Senate met, which was chose out for the Scene of this Murther▪ was the same in which Pompey's Statue stood, and was one of the Edifices which Pompey had rais'd and dedicated with his Theatre to the use of the Publick; which plainly shew'd that there was something of a Deity which guided the Action, and order'd it to be in that particular place. Cassius just before the Assassination look'd towards Pompey's Sta­tue, and silently implor'd his Assistance▪ though he was an Epicurean in his Princi­ples: but this Occasion, and the instant Danger, shook his former Notions, and made him a perfect Enthusiast. As for Anthony, who was firm to Caesar, and a lusty Person, Brutus Abinus kept him without the House, and entertain'd him with a long Discourse contriv'd on purpose. When Caesar entred in­to the House, the Senate stood up in respect to him; of Brutus's Confederates some came about his Chair, and stood behind it; others met him, pretending to supplicate with Me­tellus Cimber, in behalf of his Brother who was in Exile; and they follow'd him with their joynt Petitions till he came to his Seat▪ When he was sat down, he refus'd to com­ply with their Requests, and upon their [Page 478] urging him farther, reprimanded them severally: when Metellus laying hold of his Robe with both his hands, pull'd it over his Neck, which was the Signal for the Assault. Casca gave him the first Cut in the Neck, which was not mor­tal, nor dangerous, as coming from one who at the beginning of such a bold Action was probably very much disturb'd. Caesar immediately turn'd about, and laid his Hand upon his Dagger; and both of 'em at the same time cry'd out: He that receiv'd the Blow, in Latine, Wicked Casca! what dost thou mean? and he that gave it, in Greek, to his Brother, Brother, help! Upon the first Onset, those who were not conscious to the Design were astonish'd; and their Horror at the Action was so great, that they durst not fly, nor assist Caesar, nor as much as speak a word. But those who came prepar'd for the Business, enclos'd him on every side with their naked Daggers in their Hands: Which way soever he turn'd, he met with Blows, and saw their Swords levell'd at his Face and Eyes, and was baited on all sides, like a Beast taken in a Toyl. For it was a­greed they should each of them make a Thrust at him, and flesh themselves with his Blood; wherefore Brutus gave [Page 479] him one Stab in the Groin. Some say that he fought and resisted all the rest, and mov'd off from one place to ano­ther, calling out for Help: But when he saw Brutus's Sword▪ drawn, he cover'd his Face with his Robe, and quietly surrendred himself, till he was push'd, either by Chance, or by Design of the Murtherers, to the Pedestal, on which Pompey's Statue stood, which by that means was much stain'd with his Blood; so that Pompey himself may seem to have had his share in the Revenge of his Enemy, who fell at his Feet, and breath'd out his Soul through his mul­titude of Wounds; for they say he re­ceived Three and Twenty. The Assas­sinates themselves were many of them wounded by each other, whilst they all levelled their Blows at the same Per­son.

When Caesar was dispatch'd, Brutus stood forth to give a Reason for what they had done; but the Senate would not hear him▪ but flew out of doors in all haste, and fill'd the People with so much Fear and Distraction, that some shut up House, others left their Coun­ters and Shops. All ran one way or o­ther; some to the Place, to see the sad [Page 480] Spectacle; others back again, after they had seen it. Anthony and Lepidus, Caesar's best Friends, got off privately, and ab­sconded themselves in some Friends Hou­ses. Brutus and his Followers, being yet hot with the Murther, marched in a Body from the Senate-House to the Ca­pitol with their drawn Swords, not like Persons who thought of escaping, but with an Air of Confidence and Assu­rance. As they went along, they call'd to the People to resume their Liberty, and complimented those of better Qua­lity, which they met. Some of those went along with them, and joyn'd Com­pany with the Conspirators, pretending to the Honour of the Action, as if they had born a part in it. Of this number was C. Octavius, and Lentulus Spinther: These suffer'd afterwards for their Va­nity, being taken off by Anthony, and the younger Caesar; but they lost the Ho­nour they desir'd, as well as their Lives, which it cost them, since no one believ'd they had any share in the Action; for neither did those who punished them re­venge the Fact, but the ill Will. The day after, Brutus with the rest came down from the Capitol, and made a Speech to the People, who attended to it, without [Page 481] expressig either any Pleasure or Resent­ment, but shewed by their deep silence that they pitied Caesar, and reverenc'd Brutus. The Senate made Acts of Obli­vion for what was past, and took hea­ling Measures to reconcile all Parties; They order'd that Caesar should be wor­shipp'd as a God, and that not any the least thing should be alter'd which he had enacted during his Government; At the same time, they gave Brutus and his Followers the Command of Provin­ces, and other considerable Posts: so that all People now thought things were well settled, and put into a very good Po­sture. But when Caesar's Will was open'd, and it was found that he had left a Considerable Legacy to each one of the Roman Citizens; and when his Body was seen carried through the Market­Place all mangled with Wounds, the Multitude could no longer contain them­selves within the Bounds of Decency and Order, but heap'd together a Pile of Benches, Bars, and Tables, which they placed the Corps on, and set­ting Fire to it, burnt them. Then they took▪ Firebrands, and ran some to fire the Houses of the Assassinates, others up and down the City, to find out the [Page 482] Men, and Limb them; but they met with none of them, they having taken effectual Care to secure themselves.

One Cinna, a Confident of Caesar's, chanc'd the Night before to have an odd Dream: He fancied that Caesar in­vited him to Supper; and that upon his Refusal to go with him, Caesar took him by the Hand, and forc'd him, though he hung back. Upon Notice that Caesar's Body was burning in the Market-Place, he got up, and went thi­ther, out of respect to his Memory, though his Dream gave him some ill Apprehensions; and though he was at the same time Fevorish. One of the Rabble who saw him there, ask'd ano­ther, Who that was? And having learnt his Name, told it to his next Neigh­bour: It presently went for currant, that he was one of Caesar's Murtherers; and indeed there was one Cinna a Conspi­rator: They taking this to be the Man, immediately Seized him, and tore him Limb from Limb upon the Spot.

Brutus and Cassius, frighted at this, within a few days retir'd out of the [Page 483] City. What they afterwards did and suffer'd, and how they dy'd, is writ­ten in the Life of Brutus. Caesar dy'd in his Fifty sixth year, not having sur­viv'd Pompey above four years: That Empire and Power which he had pur­sued through the whole Course of his Life with so much Hazzard, he did at last with much difficulty compass; but reap'd no other Fruits from it then an empty Name, and invidious Title. But that happy Genius, which was Propi­tious to him during his Life, seems to have stuck to him after his Death, as the Revenger of his Murther; for it pursu'd by Sea and Land all those who were concern'd in it, and suffer'd none to escape, but reach'd all who were either actually engaged in the Fact, or by their Councels any way promo­ted it.

The most signal Accident of all here below, was that which befell Cassius, who when he was conquer'd at Phi­lippi, kill'd himself with the same Dag­ger which he had made use of against Caesar. The most remarkable Appear­ance in the Heavens was a great Co­met, which shone bery bright for se­ven Nights after Caesar's Death, and then [Page 484] disappear'd. There was also a very faint Light in the Sun; for the Orb of it was pale for the space of an Year, nor did it rise with its usual Brightness and Vigor. Hence it gave but a weak and feeble Heat, and consequently the Air was damp and gross, for want of stronger Rays to open and rarifie it: The Fruits, for that Reason, were crude and unconcocted, so that they rotted and decay'd, through the Chilness of the Air. Above all, the Phantôm which appear'd to Brutus, shew'd the Murther was not pleasing to the Gods. The Story of it is this.

Brutus being to pass his Army from A [...]ydos to the Continent on the other side, lay'd himself down one Night, as he used to do, in his Tent, and was not a-sleep, but thinking of his Affairs, and what Events he might ex­pect: For he was naturally of a watch­ful Constitution▪ and very little in­clin'd to Sleep. He thought he heard a Noise at the Door of his Tent, and looking that way, by the Light of his Lamp, which was almost out, saw a terrible Fi­gure, like that of a Man, but of an ex­traordinary Bulk, and grim Countenance. [Page 485] He was somewhat frighted at first: but seeing it neither did nor spoke any thing to him, only stood silently by his Bed-side, he ask'd it at last, Who it was? The Spe­ctre answer'd him, I am thy Evil Genius, Brutus, and thou shalt see me by Philippi. Brutus answer'd very courageously, Well, I will see you there; and immediately the Ghost vanish'd. When the time was come, he drew up his Army near Philippi against Anthony and Caesar, and in the first Battel got the Day, routed the Enemy, and plun­der'd Caesar's Camp. The Night before the second Battel, the same Ghost appear'd to him again, but spoke not a word. He pre­sently understood his Death was near, and expos'd himself to all the Danger of the Battel: yet he did not die in the Fight; but seeing his Men defeated, got up to the top of a Rock, and there presenting his Sword to his naked Breast, and assisted, as they say, by a Friend, who helpt him to give the Thrust, died upon the Spot.

commonly said, That the Populace is most insulting and contumelious to great men, when they are puff'd up with Prosperity and Success, the contrary oft happens; Af­flictions and publick Calamities naturally eagering and sowring the Minds and Man­ners of men, and disposing them to such Peevishness and Chagrin, that hardly can any one carry himself so swimmingly in his words or actions, but they will be apt to take pett: he that remonstrates to their Miscarriages, is interpreted to insult over their Misfortunes, and even the mildest Ex­postulations are constru'd Contempt: Ho­ney it self is searching in sore and ulcerated parts; and the wisest, though soft Coun­sels, may prove to be provoking to distem­per'd minds, that have not well prepar'd ears to entertain them. This made the Po­et express such applications, by a word sig­nifying [...] a grateful and easie touch upon the mind, without harshness or offence: in­flamed Eyes require a retreat into gloo­my and dusky places, amongst Colours of the deepest shades, unable to endure the vi­gorous and glaring light: So fares it in the Body politick, when heated with Factions and Irresolution; there is a certain Niceness and touchy Humour prevails in the Minds of men, and an unaccountable jealousie of any person that with openness and freedom of­fers [Page 498] to scan their actions, even when the necessities of their affairs most require such plain-dealing. And surely such a condition of State is most ticklish, when those who endeavour to stem the popular Torrent, are in danger to be run down by them, and those who humour them, to be swal­low'd up with them in the common ruine.

Astronomers tell us, the Sun's motion is neither exactly parallel with the rest of the Orbs, nor yet directly and diametrically opposite to them; but describing an oblique line, with insensible declination, he steers his course so, to dispence his Light and In­fluence, in his annual Revolution, at seve­ral Seasons, in equal proportions, to the whole Creation: so it happens in political Affairs, that if the motions of Rulers be constantly opposite and cross to the Genius and inclination of the People, they will be stomach'd as arbitrary and tyrannical; as on the other side, too much Deference and In­dulgence to the Subjects Levity and Wanton­ness, has oft proved dangerous and fatal; but the gratifying them in reasonable and fair Requests, when they are not masterly and insolent, may prove for the honour and safety of the Government: yet it must be confess'd, it is a nice Point, and extream difficult, so to temper this Lenity, as to preserve the Authority of the Government, [Page 499] that it may not be exposed to the Peoples Affront and Contempt. But if such a bles­sed Mixture and Temperament may be ob­tain'd, it seems to be the most regular and harmonious of all other; for thus we are taught even God governs the World, not [...] by irresistible sorce, but perswasive Argu­ments and gentle Insinuations into our Minds, bending them to compliance with his eternal Purposes.

Thus it befel Cato the younger, whose Manners were so little agreeable or accep­table to the People, that he received very slender marks of their Favour; witness his repulse in the Pretences he made to the Consulate, behaving himself, as Cicero ob­serves, rather like a Citizen of Plato's Com­monwealth, than among the Lees of Romu­lus's Posterity: the same thing happening to him, in my opinion, as we observe in Fruits ripe before their season▪ which we rather gaze at and admire than use; so much was his old-fashion'd Virtue out of present mode, considering the depraved Customs, Time and Luxury had introduc'd, that it appear'd (indeed) sightly and splendid, but suited not the present Exigencies, being so disproportion'd to the Manners in vogue, and the guise of the present Times. Yet his Circumstances were not altogether like Phocion's who came to the Helm when the [Page 500] publick Bottom was just upon sinking. Ca­to's Time was, indeed, stormy and tempe­stuous, yet so as he was able to assist in managing the Sails, and lend his helping hand to those that steer'd: his manly reso­lution gave Fortune a task of Time and difficulty in ruining the Commonwealth, in which he and his Friends had almost pre­vail'd against her, which yet, by other assi­stance, with long time and tugging, by slow degrees was afterwards effected.

Now we compare Phocion to him, not only in the common Resemblances that ap­pear amongst great Men and States-men; for indeed there is some difference among Virtues of the same denomination, as the Valour of Alcibiades and Epaminondas, the Prudence of Themistocles and Aristides, the Justice of Numa and Agesilaus. But these men's Virtues are the same, even to the most minute differences, having the same colour, stamp and character impressed upon them, so as not to be distinguishable; whe­ther you look upon them in the exact mix­ture on the one hand, with austerity on the other; their Gallantry upon some occasions, and Caution on others; their extream solli­citude for the Publick, and perfect neglect of themselves; their fixt and immovable bent to all virtuous and honest Actions, ac­compani'd with an extream tenderness and [Page 501] scrupulosity of doing any thing might ap­pear mean or unworthy: so that in these, as in two Instruments exactly tuned to each other, he must have a nice Ear that can perceive any Discord.

As to Cato's Extraction, it's confess'd by all to be illustrious, (as shall be said hereafter) nor was Phocion's (I'm well assured) ob­scure or ignoble; for had he been the Son of a Turner, (as Idomeneus reports) it had certainly not been forgot to his disparage­ment, by Hyperides the Son of Glaucippus, who heaped up a thousand spiteful things a­gainst him: nor indeed was it possible for him in such Circumstances to have had such liberal Education in his Youth, as to be first Plato's, and afterwards Xenocrates's Scholar in the Academy, and in whatever gentile Ac­complishments, to have been all along emu­lous of the very best of his Contempora­ries. His Countenance was so composed, that scarce was he ever seen by the Atheni­ans laughing, or in tears; he indulged not himself in the luxury of the publick Baths, (as Douris reports) nor ever had his Hands without his Cloak, when he appear'd dress'd in publick: Abroad and in the Camp he was so hardy to go always thin clad and bare­foot, except the Frost was vehement and in­tolerable, that the Soldiers used to say in Merriment, that it was a hard Winter like [Page 502] to be, when Phocion wore his Shooes. Al­though he was of most easie Conversation and great Humanity, his appearance was morose and sowr, so that he was seldom ac­costed by any that were Strangers to him: upon which occasion Chares, upon a time jeering his supercilious Look, and the Athe­nians applauding him for it, Phocion reply'd My Sullenness never made any of you sad, but these men's Jollity hath given you sorrow e­nough. In like manner Phocion's Discourse was grave and pithy, full of useful Remarks with a sententious brevity, awful and austere, however unpleasant: after the manner as Ze­no says a Philosopher should speak, his words throughly tinctur'd with the inward sense of his mind; such was Phocion's who crow­ded much into little room: and to this pro­bably Polyeuctus the Sphettian had regard, when he said, that Demosthenes was indeed the best Orator of his time, but Phocion the most powerful Speaker; whose words were to be estimated like smaller Coins from the intrinsick value of the Metal, not from the bulk. He was observed sometimes, when the Theater was fill'd with Spectators, to walk musing alone behind the Scenes, which one of his Friends once taking notice of, said, Phocion, you seem to be thoughtful; [...]es verily, replyed he, I am considering where­in I may retrench what I am to say to the Athe­nians. [Page 503] Even Demosthenes himself, who used to despise the rest of the Haranguers, when he rose up, was wont to say presently to those a­bout him, Now mark, says he, the Pruning-hook [...]. of my Periods. But this perhaps may be re­ferr'd to the Authority of the man, since not only a word, but even a nod from a person had in reverence, is of more force than the most studied and elaborate Speech­es of others. In his Youth he serv'd un­der Chabrias, at that time General, whom he greatly honour'd, and by him was abun­dantly instructed in military Knowledge; and in return, help'd to correct his Hu­mour, which was odd and capricious: for being otherways naturally heavy and fleg­matick, he was so fired and transported in heat of Fight, that he threw himself headlong in­to danger beyond the forwardest; which in­deed cost him his Life in the Island of Chio, having press'd his own Ship foremost, to force a descent into the Haven. But Pho­cion being a man of Temper as well as Cou­rage, had the dexterity at some times to warm the General's Flegm, and at others to mode­rate and cool the impetuousness of his unsea­sonable Fury. Upon which account Cha­brias, being a good natur'd man, loved him extreamly, and preferr'd him to Offi­ces and Commands, and effectually recom­mended him to the Athenians, using his assi­stance, [Page 504] and taking his advice in all his Affairs of moment: particularly the Sea fight at Naxus made not a little to Phoci­on's Reputation; for having the left Squa­dron committed to him by Chabrias, he so managed the Matter, that the Controversie was quickly decided in their favour by a speedy Victory: and this being the first prosperous Dispute the City had with the Groecians, by its single force, since it was under Hatches, Chabrias the General was mightily adored, and Phocion magnifi'd as a man worthy of the greatest Trust and Command. This Victory happen'd at the great Solemnities, and Chabrias appointed an Anniversary to commemorate it on the 16th. of August, on which it was obtained, and distributed a Largess of Wine among the A­thenians. Much about this time Chabrias sent Phocion to demand their Quota of the Char­ges of the War from the Islanders, and prof­fering him a Guard of 20 Sail, he told him, if he intended him to go against them as Ene­mies, that force was insignificant; if as to Friends and Allies, one Vessel was sufficient: so he took one single Galley, and having visited the Cities, and treated with the Go­vernours friendly and apertly, he return'd with a good number of Ships, sent by the Confederates to Athens, with supplies for their maintenance. Neither did his Friend­ship [Page 505] to Chabrias determine with his Life, but after his decease was religiously main­tained to all that related to him: chiefly his Son Ctesippus he labour'd to bring into some decorum, and although he was a very stu­pid and unhewn young Fellow, he ceased not, what in him lay, to correct and cover his faults and follies; once when the Young­ster was very impertinent and troublesom to him in the Camp, about ordering the Ar­my, still shooting his Bolt, interrupting him with idle Questions, and documentizing Phocion with his silly Opinions in the Mat­ter, he could not forbear crying out, O Chabrias, Chabrias, this is the greatest test of my Friendship to thee, to endure this Blockhead!

Upon looking into publick Matters, and the Managers of them, he observed they had shared the administration of Affairs a­mong themselves, as it were by Lot; the Sword-men, and those of the long Robe, so as not to interfere with each other: these were to manage the Assemblies, register their Votes, and publish their Acts and Edicts, of whom were Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lycurgus and Hyperides; this was a gainful Trade among them, and the men of the Blade, as Diopithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes and Charetas, by their military Emploies, carved out fair Proportions for themselves [Page 506] out of the publick Stock. Now Phocion was o [...] opinion, that such a model of Government as that of Pericles, Aristides and Solon, wherein the same person acted both Parts, in propounding Laws and ordering the Mi­litia, was a more perfect, uniform and re­gular Mixture, and would redound most to the common Good and Safety; each of these persons being well qualifi'd for both purposes, that I may use Archilocus's words

Minerva being styl'd the Patroness and Protectress of Arts both Civil and Military.

Phocion having thus consider'd with him­self, his Inclinations and Genius were al­ways for peace and quietness, yet was he engaged in more Wars than any of his Pre­decessors; never indeed promoting or encou­raging such Designs, nor, on the other hand, shunning or declining any Enterprize when he was call'd to it by the publick ne­cessity of the State. And thus much is well known, that he was no less than 45 several times chosen General, when he was never once of those times present in the Assembly; but the Command, in his absence, by com­mon Suffrage, conferr'd on him, and he sent for on purpose to undertake it: inso­much [Page 507] that it amazed those that did not well consider, to see the People always preferr Phocion, who was so far from humouring them, or courting their Favour, that he al­ways thwarted and opposed them. But so it was, as great Men and Princes use their Buffoons and Jesters after Meals, for their Disport and Merriment, so the Athenians up­on slight occasions entertain'd and diverted themselves with their spruce Speakers and trim Orators; but when it came to dint of Action, they were so sober and considera­tive to mark out the gravest and wisest for publick Employment, however opposite to their Sentiments. This he made no scru­ple to own, upon the occasion of the O­racle of Delphos being read, which informed them, that the rest of the Citizens being unanimous, there was one only person so presumptuous to abound in his own sence, which he frankly told them was himself, bidding them look no further, for he indeed was nothing satisfied in all their proceed­ings. Happening afterwards to speak his own opinion, to the General approbation of the Assembly, turning to some of his Friends, he demanded of them, What foo­lish thing had escaped him unawares to merit their Applause?