I Know not by what Fate it comes to pass, that Historians, who give immortality to o­thers, are so ill requited by Posterity, that their Actions and their Fortunes are usually forgot­ten; neither themselves incourag'd, while they live, nor their memory preserv'd entire to future Ages. 'Tis the ingratitude of Mankind to their [Page 2] greatest Benefactors, that they, who teach us wisdome by the surest ways, (setting before us what we ought to shun or to pursue, by the examples of the most famous Men whom they Record, and by the experience of their Faults and Ver­tues,) should generally live poor and unregarded; as if they were born only for the publick, and had no interest in their own well-be­ing; but were to be lighted up like Tapers, and to waste themselves, for the benefit of others. But this is a complaint too general, and the cu­stom has been too long establish'd to be remedied; neither does it wholly reach our Author: He was born in an Age, which was sensible of his vertue; and found a Trajan to reward him, as Aristotle did an Alexander. But the Historians, who succeeded him, have either been too envious, or too careless of his re­putation; [Page 3] none of them, not even his own Country-men, having gi­ven us any particular account of him; or if they have, yet their Works are not transmitted to us; so that we are forc'd to glean from Plutarch, what he has scatter'd in his Writings, concerning himself and his Original: Which (excep­ting that little memorial, that Suidas, and some few others, have left concerning him) is all we can collect, relating to this great Phi­losopher and Historian.

He was born at Chaeronea a small City of Boeotia in Greece, between Attica and Phocis, and reaching to both Seas. The Climate not much befreinded by the Heavens; for the air is thick and foggy; and conse­quently the Inhabitants partaking of its influence, gross feeders, and fat witted; brawny, and unthink­ing, just the constitution of Heroes: [Page 4] Cut out for the Executive and brutal business of War; but so stupid in the designing part, that in all the revolutions of Greece they were never Masters, but only in those few years, when they were led by Epa­minondas, or Pelopidas. Yet this foggy ayre, this Country of fat wea­thers, as Juvenal calls it, produc'd three wits, which were comparable to any three Athenians: Pyndar, Epa­minondas, and our Plutarch, to whom we may add a fourth, Sextus Chae­ronensis, the Praeceptor of the lear­ned Emperour Marcus Aurelius; and the Nephew of our Authour.

Choercnea, (if we may give credit to Pausanias, in the ninth Book of his description of Greece) was anciently call'd Arnè; from Arnè the Daugh­ter of Aeolus; but being scituated to the west of Parnassus in that low land country, the natural unwholsom­ness of the Ayre was augmented by [Page 5] the evening Vapours cast upon it from that Mountain, which our late Travellers describe to be full of moisture and marshy ground in­clos'd in the inequality of its ascents: And being also expos'd to the winds which blew from that quarter, the Town was perpetually unhealthful, for which reason, sayes my Author, Chaeron, the Son of Apollo and Thero, made it be rebuilt, and turn'd it to­wards the rising Sun; From whence the Town became health­ful and consequently populous; in memory of which benefit it after­wards retain'd his name. But as Etymologies are uncertain, and the Greeks, above all Nations, given to fabulous derivations of Names, especially, when they tend to the Ho­nour of their Country, I think we may be reasonably content to take the denomination of the Town from its delightful or chearful standing; as [Page 6] the word Chaeron sufficiently implies.

But to lose no time, in these grammatical Etymologies, which are commonly uncertain ghesses, 'tis a­greed that Plutarch was here born; the year uncertain; but without dispute in the reign of Claudius.

Joh. Gerrard Vossius has assign'd his birth in the latter end of that Emperour: Some other Writers of his Life, have left it undecided, whe­ther then, or in the beginning of Nero's Empire: But the most accu­rate Rualdus (as I find it in the Paris Edition of Plutarch's Works) has manifestly prov'd him to be born in the middle time of Claudius, or somewhat lower: For Plutarch in the inscription at Delphos, of which more hereafter, remembers that Am­monius his Master disputed with him and his Brother Lamprias concerning it, when Nero made his progress into Greece; which was in his twelfth year; [Page 7] and the Question disputed cou'd not be manag'd with so much learning as it was, by meer Boyes; therefore he was then sixteen, or rather eighteen years of age.

Xylander has observ'd that Plu­tarch himself, in the Life of Pericles, and that of Anthony, has mentio­ned both Nero and Domitian, as his Contemporaries. He has also left it on Record in his Symposiaques, that his Family was ancient in Chaeronea; and that for many descents, they had born the most considerable Of­fices in that petty Common-wealth. The cheifest of which was known by the name of Archon amongst the Grecians; by that of Praetor Ʋrbis among the Romans; and the Dig­nity and Power was not much dif­ferent from that of our Lord Mayor of London. His Great Grand-Father Nicarchus perhaps injoy'd that Office in the division of the Empire be­twixt [Page 8] Augustus Caesar and Mark An­thony. And when the Civil Wars ensued betwixt them, Chaeronea was so hardly us'd by Anthonies Lieute­nant or Commissary there, that all the Citizens without exception, were servilely imployed to carry on their shoulders a certain proportion of Corn from Chaeronea to the Coast over against the Island of Antycira, with the Scourge held over them, if at any time they were remiss: Which duty after once performing, being enjoynd the Second time with the same severity, just as they were preparing for their journey, the welcom news arriv'd that Mark An­thony had lost the Battel of Acti­um, whereupon both the Officers and Souldiers, belonging to him in Chaeronea, immediately fled for their own safety; and the provisions thus collected, were distributed among the Inhabitants of the City.

[Page 9] This Nicarchus, the Great Grand-Father of Plutarch, among other Sons, had Lamprias, a Man eminent for his Learning; and a Philosopher, of whom Plutarch has made fre­quent mention in his Symposiaques, or Table Conversations, and amongst the rest, there is this observation of him, that he disputed best, and un­ravell'd the difficulties of Philosophy with most success when he was at Supper, and well warm'd with Wine. These Table Entertainments were part of the Education of those times, their discourses being com­monly the canvasing and Solution of some question, either Philosophi­cal or Philological, alwayes instru­ctive, and usually pleasant; for the Cups went round with the debate; and Men were merry and wise toge­ther, according to the Proverb. The Father of Plutarch is also men­tion'd, in those Discourses, whom [Page 10] our Author represents as arguing of several points in Philosophy; but his name is no where to be found in any part of the works re­maining to us. But yet he speaks of him, as a Man not ignorant in Learning and Poetry, as may appear by what he says, when he is introduc'd disputing in the Sympo­siaques; where also his prudence and humanity are commended, in this following Relation. Being yet very young (says Plutarch) I was joyn'd, in Commission with another in an Embassy to the Proconsul, and my Collegue falling sick was forc'd to stay behind, so that the whole busi­ness was Transacted by me alone. At my return, when I was to give account to the Common-wealth of my proceedings, my Father, rising from his Seat, openly enjoyn'd me not to name my self in the singular Number, I did thus, or thus, I say'd [Page 11] to the Proconsul, but thus we did and thus we say'd, alwaies associating my Companion with me, though absent in the management: this was done to observe, as I suppose, the point of good manners with his Collegue, that of respect to the Go­vernment of the City, who had commission'd both, to avoid envy, and perhaps more especially, to take off the forwardness of a pert young Minister, commonly too apt to o­vervalue his own services, and to quote himself on every inconsider­able occasion. The Father of Plu­tarch had many Children besides him; Timon and Lamprias, his Brothers, were bred up with him, all three instructed in the Liberal Sciences, and in all parts of Phi­losophy. 'Tis Manifest from our Author that they liv'd together in great friendliness, and in great veneration to their Grand-father [Page 12] and Father. What affection Plutarch bore in parricular to his Brother Timon may be gather'd from these words of his. As for my self, though fortune on several occasions has been favourable to me, I have no obligation so great to her, as the kindness, and entire friendship, which my Brother Timon has alwayes born, and still bears me: and this is so evident that it cannot but be not­ed, by every one of our acquain­tance. Lamprias, the youngest of the three, is introduc'd by him in his Morals, as one of a sweet and pleasant Conversation, inclin'd to Mirth and Raillery; or, as we say in English, a well humour'd man, and a good Companion. The whole Family being thus addicted to Philosophy, 'tis no wonder if our Author was initiated betimes in Study, to which he was naturally inclin'd. In pursuit of which he [Page 13] was so happy, to fall into good hands at first; being recommen­ded to the care of Ammonius an Egyptian, who, having taught Phi­losophy with great Reputation at Alexandria, and from thence travel­ling into Greece, settled himself at last in Athens, where he was well re­ceiv'd, and generally respected. At the end of Themistocles his Life, Plutarch relates, that being young, he was a Pentioner in the house of this Ammonius; and in his Sym­posiaques he brings him in disputing with his Scholars, and giving them instruction. For the custom of those times was very much dif­ferent from these of ours, where the greatest part of our Youth is spent in learning the words of dead lan­guages: The Grecians, who thought all Barbarians but themselves, de­spis'd the use of Forreign tongues; so that the first Elements of their [Page 14] breeding was the knowledge of Na­ture, and the accommodation of that knowledge by Moral precepts, to the service of the publick, and the private offices of vertue. The Masters imploying one part of their time in reading to, and discoursing with their Scholars, and the rest in appointing them their several Exercises either in Oratory or Phi­losophy; and seting them to de­claim and to dispute amongst them­selves. By this liberal sort of Edu­cation, study was so far from be­ing a burden to them, that in a short time, it became a habit, and Phi­losophical questions, and criticisms of humanity, were their usual re­creations at their Meals. Boyes liv'd then, as the better sort of Men do now; and their conversa­tion was so well bred and Manly, that they did not plunge out of their depth into the World, when [Page 15] they grew up; but slid easily into it, and found no alteration in their Company. Amongst the rest, the Reading and Quotations of Poets were not forgotten at their Sup­pers, and in their Walks; but Homer, Euripides, and Sophocles, were the entertainment of their hours of free­dom. Rods and Ferula's were not us'd by Ammonius, as being pro­perly the punishment of slaves, and not the correction of ingenuous free-born Men. At least to be on­ly exercis'd by parents, who had the power of life and death over their own Children. As appears by the Example of this Ammonius, thus related by our Author.

Our Master (sayes he) one time, perceiving, at his afternoon Lecture; that some of his Scholars had eaten more largely than became the modera­tion of Students, immediately com­manded one of his Free-Men to take [Page 16] his own Son, and Scourge him in our sight; because, sayd the Philosopher, my young Gentleman cou'd not eat his Dinner, without Poynant sauce, or Vinegar; and at the same time he cast his eye on all of us: So that every Criminal was given to understand, that he had a share in the reprehension, and that the punishment was as well deserv'd by all the rest, had the Phy­losopher not known, that it exceeded his Commission to inflict it.

Plutarch therefore having the as­sistance of such a Master, in few years advanc'd to admiration in knowledge: And that with­out first Travelling into For­reign parts, or acquiring any For­reign tongue; though the Roman Language at that time was not only vulgar in Rome it self, but ge­nerally through the extent of that vast Empire, and in Greece, which was a Member of it, as our Author [Page 17] has remark'd towards the end of his Platonick questions. For like a true Philosopher, who minded things, not words, he strove not even to cultivate his Mother Tongue with any great exactness. And himself confesses in the beginning of Demost­henes his life, that during his abode in Italy, and at Rome, he had neither the leisure to study, nor so much as to exercise the Roman language; (I suppose he means to write in it, rather than to speak it,) as well by reason of the affairs he manag'd, as that he might acquit himself to those who were desirous to be in­structed by him in Philosophy. In so much that till the declination of his age, he began not to be conver­sant in Latin books; in reading of which it happened somewhat oddly to him, that he learnt not the knowledge of things by words; but by the understanding and use he [Page 18] had of things, attain'd to the know­ledge of words which signified them. Just as Adam (setting aside divine illumination) call'd the Creatures by their proper Names, by first un­derstanding of their natures. But for the delicacies of the Tongue, the turns of the Expression, the fi­gures and connexions of words, in which consist the beauty of that language, he plainly tells us, that tho he much admir'd them, yet they requir'd too great labour for a Man in Age, and plung'd in business to attain perfectly. Which Comple­plement I shou'd be willing to be­lieve from a Philosopher, if I did not consider, that Dion Cassius, nay even Herodian, and Appian af­ter him, as well as Polybius before him, by writing the Roman History in the Greek language, had shewn as manifest a contempt of Latin, in respect of the other, as French Men [Page 19] now do of English, which they dis­dain to speak, while they live among us: But with great advantage to their trivial conceptions, drawing the dis­course into their own language, have learnt to despise our better thoughts, which must come deform'd and lame in conversation to them, as being transmitted in a Tongue of which we are not Masters. This is to arrogate a superiority in nature over us, as undoubtedly the Grecians did over their Conquerours, by e­stablishing their language for a Standard; it being become so much a mode to speak and write Greek in Tully's time, that with some in­dignation I have read his Epistles to Atticus, in which he desires to have his own consulship written by his friend in the Grecian language; which he afterwards perform'd him­self; a vain attempt in my opinion, for any Man to endeavour to excel [Page 20] in a Tongue which he was not born to speak. This, tho it be digres­sion, yet deserves to be consider'd at more leisure; for the honour of of our Wit and Writings, which are of a more solid make than that of our Neighbours, is concern'd in it. But to return to Plutarch, as it was his good fortune to be moulded first by Masters the most excellent in their kind, so it was his own vertue, to suck in with an incredible desire, and earnest application of mind, their wise instructions; and it was also his prudence so to manage his health by moderation of diet and bodily exercise, as to preserve his parts with­out decay to a great old age; to be lively and vigorous to the last, and to preserve himself to his own en­joyments, and to the profit of Man­kind. Which was not difficult for him to perform, having receiv'd from nature a constitution capable [Page 21] of labour; and from the Domestick example of his Parents, a sparing sobriety of diet, a temperance in other pleasures, and above all an Ha­bitude of commanding his passions in order to his health. Thus prin­cipled, and grounded, he consider'd with himself, that a larger Com­munication with learned Men was necessary for his accomplish­ment; and therefore, having a Soul insatiable of knowledge, and being ambitious to excell in all kinds of Science, he took up a resolution to Travel. Egypt was at that time, as formerly it had been, famous for learning; and probably the Myste­riousness of their Doctrine might tempt him, as it had done Pythagoras and others, to converse with the Priest-hood of that Country, which appears to have been particularly his business by the Treatise of Isis and Osyris, which he has left us. In [Page 22] which he shews himself not meanly vers'd, in the ancient Theology and Philosophy of those wise Men. From Egypt returning into Greece, he visited in his way all the Aca­demies, or Schools of the several Philosophers, and gather'd from them many of those observations with which he has enrich'd Posteri­ty.

Besides this, he applyed himself, with extream diligence, to collect not only all books which were ex­cellent in their kind, and already publish'd, but also all sayings and discourses of wise Men, which he had heard in conversation, or which he had receiv'd from others by Tradition. As likewise the Records and publick Instruments, preserv'd in Cities, which he had visited in his Travels; and which he after­wards scatter'd through his works. To which purpose he took a parti­cular [Page 23] Journy to Sparta, to search the Archives of that famous Commonwealth, to understand throughly the model of their ancient Government, their Legi­slators, their Kings, and their Ephori, digesting all their memor­able deeds and sayings, with so much care, that he has not omit­ted those even of their Women, or their private Souldiers; together with their Customes, their Decrees, their Ceremonies, and the manner of their publick and private living, both in peace and war. The same methods he also took in divers o­ther Commonwealths, as his Lives, and his Greek and Roman Questi­ons sufficiently testifie. Without these helps it had been impossible for him to leave in writing so many particular observations of Men and manners, and as im­possible to have gatherd them, [Page 24] without conversation and com­merce with the learned Anti­quaries of his time. To these he added a curious Collection of Ancient Statues, Medals, Inscrip­tions, and Paintings, as also of pro­verbial sayings, Epigrams, Epitaphs, Apothegmes, and other Ornaments of History, that he might leave nothing unswept behind him. And as he was continually in Company with Men of learning, in all pro­fessions, so his memory was al­ways on the stretch, to receive and lodge their discourses; and his Judgment perpetually employ'd in separating his notions, and di­stinguishing which were fit to be preserv'd, and which to be reject­ed.

By benefit of this, in little time he inlarg'd his knowledge to a great extent in every Science; himself in the beginning of the Treatise [Page 25] which he has compos'd of Content, and Peace of mind, makes mention of those Collections, or Common pla­ces, which he had long since drawn together for his own particular occasions: And 'tis from this rich Cabinet that he has taken out those excellent peices, which he has distributed to Posterity, and which give us occasion to deplore the loss of the residue, which either the injury of time, or the negligence of Coppiers have denyed to us. On this account, tho we need not doubt to give him this general commendation, that he was igno­rant of no sort of learning, yet we may justly add this farther, that whoever will consider through the whole body of his Works, either the design, the method, or the contexture of his Discourses, whe­ther Historical or Moral, or Questi­ons of natural Philosophy, or So­Solutions [Page 26] of Problems Mathematical, whether he arraigns the opinions of others Sects, or establishes the Doctrines of his own, in all these kinds there will be found, both the harmony of order and the beauty of easiness. His reasons so solid and convincing, his inductions so pleasant and agreeable to all sorts of Readers, that it must be ac­knowledged he was Master of every Subject which he treated, and treat­ed none but what were improve­able to the benefit of Instruction. For we may perceive in his Writ­ting the desire he had to imprint his Precepts in the Souls of his Readers; and to lodge Morality in Families, nay even to exalt it to the Thrones of Soveraign Princes, and to make it the Rule and mea­sure of their Government. Finding that there were many Sects of Phi­losophers then in vogue, he search'd [Page 27] into the foundation of all their principles and opinions; and not content with this disquisition, he trac'd them to their several foun­tains. So that the Pythagorean, Epicurean, Stoick and Peripatetick Philosophy were familiar to him. And tho it may be easily observ'd that he was chiefly inclin'd to fol­low Plato (whose memory he so much reverenc'd, that Annually he celebrated his Birth-day, and also that of Socrates;) yet he modestly contain'd himself within the bounds of the latter Academy, and was content, like Cicero, only to pro­pound and weigh opinions, leaving the Judgment of his Readers free without presuming to decide Dog­matically. Yet it is to be confess'd, that in the midst of this moderation, he oppos'd the two extreams of the Epicurean and Stoick Sects: Both which he has judiciously com­batted [Page 28] in several of his Treatises, and both upon the same account, because they pretend too much to certainty, in their Dogma's; and to impose them with too great ar­rogance; which he, who (follow­ing the Academists,) doubted more and pretended less, was no way able to support. The Pyrrhonians, or grosser sort of Scepticks, who bring all certainty in question, and startle even at the notions of Common sense, appear'd as absurd to him on the other side; for there is a kind of positiveness in granting no­thing to be more likely on one part than on another, which his Aca­demy avoided by inclining the ballance to that hand, where the most weighty reasons, and pro­bability of truth were visible. The Moral Philosophy therefore was his chiefest aym; because the principles of it admitted of less doubt; and [Page 29] because they were most conducing to the benefit of human life. For after the Example of Socrates he had found, that the speculations of Na­tural Philosophy, were more de­lightful than solid and profitable; that they were abstruce and thor­ny, and much of Sophism in the solution of appearances. That the Mathematicks indeed, cou'd re­ward his pains with many demon­strations, but tho they made him wiser, they made him not more vertuous, and therefore attain'd not the end of happiness: For which reason tho he had far advanc'd in that study, yet he made it but his Recreation, not his business. Some Problem of it, was his usual divertisement at Supper, which he mingled also with pleasant and more light discourses. For he was no sowr Philosopher; but pass'd his time as merrily as he cou'd, [Page 30] with reference to vertue: He forgot not to be pleasant while he instruct­ed; and entertain'd his friends with so much chearfulness and good hu­mour, that his learning was not nauseous to them; neither were they affraid of his Company ano­ther time. He was not so Austere as to despise Riches, but being in possession of a large Fortune, he liv'd tho not splendidly, yet plenti­fully; and suffer'd not his friends to want that part of his Estate, which he thought superfluous to a Philosopher.

The Religion he profess'd, to speak the worse of it, was Heathen. I say the Religion he profess'd; for 'tis no way probable, that so great a Philosopher, and so wise a Man, should believe the Superstitions and Fopperies of Paganism: But that he accommodated himself to the use and receiv'd Customes of his Coun­try. [Page 31] He was indeed a Priest of Apollo, as himself acknowledges, but that proves him not to have been a Po­lytheist.

I have ever thought, that the Wise-men in all Ages, have not much differ'd in their opinions of Religion; I mean as it is grounded on human Reason: For Reason, as as far as it is right, must be the same in all Men; and Truth being but one, they must consequently think in the same Train. Thus it is not to be doubted, but the Religion of Socrates, Plato, and Plutarch was not different in the main: Who doubtless beleiv'd the identity of one Supream Intellectual Being, which we call GOD. But because they who have written the Life of Plutarch in other languages, are contented barely to assert that our Authour believ'd one God, with­out quoting those passages of his [Page 32] which wou'd clear the point; I will give you two of them, amongst many, in his Morals. The first is in his Book of the Cessation of Ora­cles; where arguing against the Stoicks (in behalf of the Platonists,) who disputed against the plurality of Worlds with this Argument; That if there were many Worlds, how then cou'd it come to pass, that there was one only Fate, and one Providence to guide them all? (for it was gran­ted by the Platonists that there was but one:) and why should not many Jupiters or Gods be necessary, for Go­vernment of many Worlds? To this Plutarch answers, That this their captious question was but trifling: For where is the necessity of supposing many Jupiters, for this plurality of Worlds; when one excellent being, indued with mind and reason, such as he is, whom we acknowledge to be the Father and Lord of all things, is suf­ficient [Page 33] to direct and Rule these Worlds; whereas if there were more Supream Agents, their decrees must still be the more absurd and contradictious to one another. I pretend not this pas­sage to be Translated word for word, but 'tis the sence of the whole, tho the order of the Sen­tence be inverted. The other is more plain: 'Tis, in his Comment on the Word EI or those two Letters inscrib'd on the Gates of the Temple at Delphos. Where hav­ing given the several opinions con­cerning it, as first that [...] fignifies if, because all the questions which were made to Apollo began with If; as suppose they ask'd, if the Grecians should overcome the Persians; if such a Marriage shou'd come to to pass, &c. And afterwards that [...] might signifie thou art, as the se­cond person of the present tense of [...] intimating thereby the being [Page 34] or perpetuity of being belonging to Apollo, as a God; in the same sense that God express'd himself to Moses, I am hath sent thee; Plutarch subjoyns, (as inclining to this latter opinion) these following words, [...] sayes he, signifies thou art one, for there are not many Deities; but only one. Continues, I mean not one in the aggregate sense, as we say one Army, or one Body of Men, constituted of many individuals; but that which is, must of necessity be one; and to be, implies to be One. One is that which is a simple being, uncompounded, or free from mixture: Therefore to be One in this sense, is only consistent with a Nature, pure in it self, and not capable of alteration, or decay.

That he was no Christian is ma­nifest: Yet he is no where found to have spoken with contumely of our Religion, like the other Writers of his Age, and those who succeed­ed [Page 35] him. Theodoret says of him, that he had heard of our holy Gospel; and inserted many of our Sacred Mysteries in his Works, which we may easily believe, because the Christian Churches were then spread in Greece; and Pliny the younger was at the same time con­versant amongst them in Asia, tho that part of our Authors Workes is not now extant, from whence Theo­doret might gather those passages. But we need not wonder that a Phi­losopher was not easie to embrace the divine Mysteries of our Faith. A modern God, as our Saviour was to him, was of hard digestion to a Man, who probably despis'd the vanities and fabulous Relations of all the old. Besides a Crucfy'd Sa­viour of Mankind, a Doctrine at­tested by illiterate Disciples, the Author of it a Jew, whose Nation at that time was despicable, and his Doctrine but an innovation among [Page 36] that despis'd people, to which the Learned of his own Country gave no credit, and which the Magi­strates of his Nation punish'd with an ignominious death; the Scene of his Miracles acted in an obscure Corner of the world; his being from Eternity, yet born in time, his Re­surrection and Ascension, these and many more particulars, might easi­ly choke the Faith of a Philosopher, who believ'd no more than what he cou'd deduce from the principles of Nature; and that too with a doubt­ful Academical assent, or rather an inclination to assent to probability: which he judg'd was wanting in this new Religion. These circum­stances consider'd, tho they plead not an absolute invincible ignor­ance in his behalf, yet they amount at least to a degree of it; for either he thought them not worth weigh­ing, or rejected them when [Page 37] weigh'd; and in both cases he must of necessity be ignorant, because he cou'd not know without Reve­lation, and the Revelation was not to him. But leaving the Soul of Plutarch, with our Charitable wishes, to his Maker, we can only trace the rest of his opinions in Religion from his Philosophy: Which we have said in the General to be Pla­tonick; tho it cannot also be de­nyed, that there was a tincture in it of the Electick Sect, which was be­gun by Potamon under the Empire of Augustus, and which selected from all the other Sects, what seem'd most probable in their opinions, not adhering singularly to any of them, nor rejecting every thing. I will only touch his belief of Spi­rits. In his two Treatises of Oracles, the one concerning the reason of their Cessation, the other enquiring why they were not given in verse, as [Page 38] in former times; he seems to assert the Pythagorean Doctrine of Trans­migration of Souls. We have for­merly shewn, that he own'd the the Unity of a Godhead; whom according to his Attributes, he calls by several names, as Jupiter from his Almighty Power, Apollo from his Wisdom, and so of the rest; but under him he places those beings whom he styles Genii, or Daemons, of a middle nature, betwixt Divine and Human: for he thinks it absur'd that there shou'd be no mean be­twixt the two extreams, of an Immortal and a Mortal Being: That there cannot be in nature so vast a flaw, without some inter­medial kind of life, partaking of them both; as therefore we find the intercourse betwixt the Soul and body, to be made by the Animal Spirits, so betwixt Divinity and hu­manity there is this species of Dae­mons: [Page 39] Who, having first been Men, and following the strict Rules of vertue had purg'd off the grossness and faeculency of their earthly be­ing, are exalted into these Genii; and are from thence either rais'd higher into an Aetherial life, if they still continue vertuous, or tumbled down again into Mortal Bodies, and sinking into flesh after they have lost that purity, which constituted their glorious being. And this sort of Genii, are those, who, as our Au­thor imagines, presided over Ora­cles: Spirits which have so much of their terrestrial principles remaining in them, as to be subject to passions and inclinations; usually beneficent, sometimes Malevolent to Mankind, according as they refine themselves, or gather dross, and are declining into Mortal Bodies. The Cessati­on, or rather the decrease of Ora­cles, (for some of them were still [Page 40] remaing in Plutarchs time) he At­tributes either to the death of those Daemons, as appears by the story of the Egyptian Thamus, who was Commanded to declare that the great God Pan was dead, or to their forsaking of those places, where they formerly gave out their Oracles; from whence they were driven by stronger Genii, into ba­nishment for a certain Revolution of Ages. Of this last nature, was the War of the Gyants against the Gods, the dispossession of Saturn by Jupi­ter, the banishment of Apollo from Heaven, the fall of Vulcan, and many others; all which according to our Authours, were the battles of these Genii or Daemons amongst themselves. But supposing, as Plu­tarch evidently does, that these Spirits administer'd, under the Supream Being, the affairs of Men, taking care of the vertuous, punishing the [Page 41] bad; and sometimes communica­ting with the best, as particularly the Genius of Socrates, always warn'd him of approaching dangers, and taught him to avoyd them.

I cannot but wonder that every one, who has hitherto written Plu­tarchs Life, and particularly Rualdus, the most knowing of them all, should so confidently affirm that these Oracles, were given by bad Spirits according to Plutarch: As Christi­ans, indeed we may think them so; but that Plutarch so thought, is a most apparent falshood: 'Tis enough to convince a reasonable Man that our Author in his old age, (and that then he doted not, we may see by the Treatise he has written, that old Men ought to have the manage­ment of publick Affairs) I say that then he initiated himself, in the Sa­cred Rities of Delphos; and dyed, for ought we know, Apollo's Priest. [Page 42] Now it is not to be imagin'd, that he thought the God he serv'd a Caco­daemon, or as we call him a Devil. Nothing cou'd be farther from the opinion and practice of this holy Philosopher than so gross an impie­ty. The story of the Pythias, or Priestess of Apollo, which he relates immediately before the ending of that Treatise, concerning the Ces­sation of Oracles, confirms my as­sertion, rather then shakes it: For 'tis there deliver'd, ‘That going with great reluctation, into the Sacred place to be inspir'd; she came out, foaming at the mouth, her eyes gogling, her breast heaving, her voice undistinguishable, and shril, as if she had an Earthquake within her, labouring for vent; and in short, that thus tormented with the God, whom she was not able to support, she died distracted in few dayes after. For he had sayd be­fore, [Page 43] that the Devineress ought to have no perturbations of mind, or impure passions at the time when she was to consult the Oracle, and if she had, she was no more fit to to be inspir'd, than an instrument untun'd, to render an harmonious sound:’ And he gives us to suspect, by what he says at the close of this Relation, ‘That this Pythias had not liv'd Chastly for some time before it. So that her death appears more like a punishment inflicted for loose living by some holy power, than the meer malignancy of a Spirit de­lighted naturally in mischief.’ There is another observation which indeed comes nearer to their purpose, which I will digress so far, as to relate, be­cause it somewhat appertains to our own Country. ‘There are many Islands (says he) which lie scatter­ing about Britain, after the manner of our Sporades: They are unpeop­led, [Page 44] and some of them are call'd the Islands of the Heroes, or the Genii.’ One Demetrius was sent by the Emperour, (who by computa­tion of the time must either be Ca­ligula or Claudius) to discover those parts, and arriving at one of the Islands next adjoyning to the fore­mention'd, which was inhabited by some few Britains, (but those held Sacred and inviolable by all their Country-men,) immediatly after his arrival, the air grew black and troubled, strange Apparitions were seen, the winds rais'd a Tempest, and fiery spouts or Whirlwinds ap­pear'd dancing towards the Earth. When these prodigies were ceas'd the Islanders inform'd him, that some one of the aerial Beings, superior to our Nature, then ceas'd to live. For as a Taper while yet burning, affords a pleasant harmless light, but is noysome and offensive when ex­tinguish'd, [Page 54] so those Hero's shine be­nignly on us, and do us good, but at their death turn all things topsie turvy, raise up tempests, and infect the air with pestilential vapours. By those holy and inviolable men, there is no question but he means our Druydes, who were nearest to the Pythagoreans of any Sect; and this opinion of the Genii might pro­bably be one of theirs: Yet it proves not that all Daemons were thus ma­licious; only those who were to be Condemn'd hereafter into human bodies, for their misdemeanours in their aerial Being. But 'tis time to leave a subject, so very fanciful, and so little reasonable as this: I am apt to imagine the natural vapours, a­rising in the Cave where the Temple afterwards was Built, might work upon the Spirits of those who en­ter'd the holy place, as they did on the Shaphard Coretas, who first found [Page 46] it out by accident; and encline them to Enthusiasm and prophetick madness. That as the strength of those vapours diminish'd, (which were generally in Caverns as that of Mopsus, of Trophonius, and this of Delphos,) so the inspira­tion decrea'd by the same mea­sures: That they happen'd to be stronger, when they kill'd the Pythi­as, who being conscious of this, was so unwilling to enter. That the Ora­cles ceas'd to be given in Verse, when Poets ceas'd to be the Priests, and that the Genius of Socrates, (whom he confess'd never to have seen, but only to have heard in­wardly, and unperceiv'd by o­thers,) was no more than the strength of his imagination; or to speak in the Language of a Christian Plato­nist, his Guardian Angel.

I pretend not to an exactness of method in this Life, which I am [Page 47] forc'd to collect by patches from several Authors; and therefore with­out much regard to the connection of times which are so uncertain.

I will in the next place speak of his Marriage. His Wifes name, her Parentage, and Dowry are no where mention'd by him, or any other, nor in what part of his age he Married: Tho 'tis probable, in the flower of it: But Rualdus has ingeniously gather'd from a con­vincing circumstance, that she was called Timoxena: Because Plutarch in a Consolatory Letter to her, occa­sion'd by the Death of their Daugh­ter in her Infancy, uses these words: Your Timoxena is depriv'd (by death) of small enjoyments; for the things she knew were of small moment, and she cou'd be delighted only with triffles. Now it appears by the Letter, that the Name of this Daughter was the same with her Mothers, therefore [Page 48] it cou'd be no other than Timoxena. Her knowledge, her conjugal ver­tues, her abhorrency from the vani­ties of her Sex, and from supersti­tion, her gravity in behaviour and her constancy in supporting the loss of Children, are likewise Ce­lebrated by our Author. No other wife of Plutarch is found mention'd; and therefore we may conclude he he had no more: By the same rea­son for which we Judge that he had no other Master than Ammonius, be­cause 'tis evident he was so grate­ful in his nature, that he would have preserv'd their Memory.

The number of his Children was at least five; so many being men­tion'd by him. Four of them were Sons; of the other Sex only Ti­moxena, who died at two years old, as is manifest from the Epistle above­mention'd. The French Transla­ter Amiot, from whom our old [Page 49] English Translation of the Lives was made, supposes him to have had ano­ther Daughter, where he speaks of his Son-in-Law Crato. But the word [...], which Plutarch there uses, is of a larger signification; for it may as well be expounded Father-in-law, his Wifes Brother, or his Sisters Husband, as Budaeus notes: This I the rather mention, because the same Amiot is task'd for an infi­nite number of mistakes, by his own Country-men of the present Age; which is enough to recommend this Translation of our Authour into the English tongue, being not from any Copy, but from the Greek Origi­nal. Two other Sons of Plutarch were already deceas'd, before Ti­moxena. Hs eldest Autobulus, men­tion'd in his Symposiaques, and ano­ther whose Name is not Recorded. The youngest was called Charon, who also dyed in his Infancy: The [Page 50] two remaining are suppos'd to have surviv'd him. The Name of one was Plutarch, after his own; and that of the other Lamprias, so call'd in memory of his Grand-father. This was he, of all his Children, who seems to have inherited his Fathers Philosophy: And to him we owe the Table or Catalogue of Plutarchs Writings, and perhaps also the Apo­thegms. His Nephew, but whether by his Brother or Sister remains un­certain, was Sextus Chaeroneus, who was much honour'd by that learned Emperour Marcus Aurelius, and who taught him the Greek tongue, and the principles of Philosophy: This Emperour professing Stoicism, (as appears by his Writings,) inclines us to believe, that our Sextus Chae­roneus, was of the Stoick Sect; and consequently, that the World has generally been mistaken, in suppo­sing him to have been the same man [Page 51] with Sextus Empiricus the Sceptick; whom Suidas plainly tells us to have been an African: Now Empiricus cou'd not but be a Sceptick, for he opposes all Dogmatists, and parti­cularly them. But I heard it first observ'd by an ingenious and Lear­ned old Gentleman lately deceas'd, that many of Mr. Hobbs his seeming new opinions, are gather'd from those which Sextus Empiricus expos'd. The Book is extant, and I refer the curious to it, not pretending to ar­raign, or to excuse him. Some think the Famous Critick Longinus was of Plutarchs Family, descended from a Sister of his; but the proofs are so weak, that I will not insert them: They may both of them re­ly on their proper merits; and stand not in want of a Relation to each o­ther. Tis needless to insist on his behaviour in his Family: His Love to his Wife, his Indulgence to his [Page 52] Children, his care of their Educa­tion are all manifest in that part of his Works which is call'd his Morals. Other parts of his disposition have been touch'd already; as that he was courteous and humane to all Men; free from inconstancy, an­ger, and the desire of revenge; which qualities of his, as they have been prais'd by the Authority of other Writers, may also be recom­mended from his own Testimony of himself. I had rather, says he, be forgotten in the memory of Men, and that it shou'd be said, there neither is, nor was a Man call'd Plutarch, then that they should report, this Plutarch was unconstant, changeable in his tem­per, prone to anger and revenge on the least occasions. What he was to his Slaves you may believe from this, that in general he accuses those Masters of extream hardness and injustice, who use Men like Oxen; [Page 53] sell them in their age when they can drudge no longer. A Man says he, of a merciful disposition, ought not to retrench the fodder from his Cattle, nor the provender from his Horses when they can work no longer, but to cherish them when worn out and old. Yet Plu­tarch, tho he knew how to moderate his anger, was not on the contrary, subject to an insensibility of wrongs; not so remiss in exacting duty, or so tame in suffering the disobedience of his Servants, that he cou'd not correct when they deserv'd it: As is manifest from the following story, which Aulus Gellius had from the mouth of Taurus the Philosopher concerning him. Plutarch had a certain Slave, a saucy stubborn kind of fellow; in a word, one of those pragmatical Servants, who never make a fault, but they give a reason for it; his justifications one time wou'd not serve his turn, but his Master com­manded [Page 54] him to be strip'd; and that the Law should be laid on his back­side. He no sooner felt the smart, but he mutter'd that he was unjustly punish'd, and that he had done no­thing to deserve the Scourge. At last he began to bawl out lowder; and, leaving off his groaning, his sighs and, his lamentations, to argue the matter with more shew of reason: And, as un­der such a Master, he must needs have gain'd a smattering of learning, he cryd out that Plutarch was not the Phi­losopher he pretended himself to be, That he had heard him waging War against all the passions; and maintaining that anger was unbecoming a wise Man: Nay, that he had written a particular Treatise, in commendation of Clemen­cy. That therefore he contradicted his precepts by his practises, since aban­doning himself over to his Choler, he exercis'd such inhumane cruelty on the body of his fellow Creature. How's [Page 55] this, (Mr. Varlet,) answered Plutarch, by what signes and tokens, can you prove I am in passion? Is it by my Countenance, my voice, the colour of my face, by my words, or by my gestures, that you have discover'd this my fury? I am not of opinion, that my eyes sparkle, that I foam at mouth, that I gnash my teeth, or that my voice is more vehe­ment, or that my colour is either more pale or more red than at other times; that I either shake or stamp with madness, that I say or do any thing unbecoming a Philosopher: These, if you know them not, are the Symptoms of a Man in rage: In the mean (tur­ning to the Officer who scourg'd him) while he and I dispute this matter, mind you your business on his back.

His love to his Friends and his gratitude to his Benefactors are every where observable, in his de­dications of his several Works, and [Page 56] the particular Treatises he has writ­ten to them on several occasions, are all suitable either to the char­acters of the Men, or to their pre­sent condition, and the circum­stances under which they were. His love to his Country, is from hence conspicuous, that he pro­fesses to have written the Life of Lucullus, and to have preserv'd the memory of his actions, because of the favours he conferr'd on the City of Chaeronea; which tho his Country receiv'd so long before, yet he thought it appertain'd to him to repay them, and took an in­terest in their acknowledgment. As also that he vindicated the Baeotians from the calumnies of Herodotus the Historian in his Book concer­ning the malignity of that Author. In which tis observable, that his zeal to his Country transpor­ted him too far; for Herodotus [Page 57] had said no more of them, than what was generally held to be true in all Ages, concerning the grossness of their wits, their voracity, and those other national vices, which we have already noted on this ac­count; therefore Petrarch has accus'd our Authour of the same malig­nity, for which he tax'd Herodotus: But they may both stand acquitted, on different accounts: Herodotus for having given a true Character of the Thebans, and Plutarch for endeavouring to palliate the vices of a people from whom he was descended. The rest of his man­ners without entering into parti­culars, were unblameable, if we excuse a little proneness to supersti­tion: And regulating his actions by his dreams: But how far this will bear an accusation I determine not, tho Tully has endeavour'd to shew the vanity of Dreams, in his [Page 58] Treatise of Divinations, whether I refer the curious.

On what occasion he repair'd to Rome; at what time of his age he came thither; how long he dwelt there; how often he was there, and in what year he return'd to his own Country, are all uncertain: This we know, that when Nero was in Greece, which was in his eleventh and twelfth years, our Author was at Delphos, under Ammonius, his Master; as appears by the disputation then manag'd, concerning the Inscrip­tion of the two letters E. I. Nero not living long afterwards, 'tis al­most indisputable that he came not to Rome in all his Reign. 'Tis im­probable that he wou'd undertake the Voyage during the trouble­some times of Galba, Otho and Vi­tellius; and we are not certain that he liv'd in Rome in the Empire of Vespatian: Yet we may guess that [Page 59] the mildness of this Emperours Do­minion, his fame and the vertues of his Son Titus assum'd into the Em­pire afterwards by his Father, might induce Plutarch, amongst other con­siderations, to take this Journy in his time. Tis argu'd from the fol­lowing story, related by himself; that he was at Rome either in the joynt Reign of the two Vespatians, or at least in that of the survivour Titus. He says then, in his last Book concerning Curiosity. ‘Rea­soning, or rather reading once, at Rome, Arulenus Rusticus, the same Man whom afterwards Domitian put to death out of envy to his Glory, stood hearkning to me a­mongst my Auditors: It so hap­pen'd, that a Souldier, having Let­ters for him, from the Emperour,’ (who was either Titus or his Father Vespatian, as Rualdus thinks) ‘broke through the crowd, to deliver him [Page 60] those Letters from the Emperour. Observing this, I made a pause in my dissertation, that Rusticus might have the leisure to read the Man­date which was sent him; but he absolutly refus'd to do it, neither wou'd he be intreated to break the Seals till I had wholly made an end of my Speech, and dismiss'd the Company.’ Now I suppose the stress of the Argument, to prove that this Emperour was not Domi­tian, lies only in this clause (whom Domitian afterwards put to death:) but I think it rather leaves it doubt­ful, for they might be Domiti­ans Letters which he then receiv'd, and consequently he might not come to Rome till the Reign of that Emperour. This Rusticus was not only a learned but a good Man: He had been Tribune of the people under Nero, was Praetor in the time of Vitellius, and sent Ambassadour [Page 61] to the Forces, rais'd under the Name of Vespatian, to perswade them to a peace. What Offices he bore afterwards we know not, but the cause of his death, besides the envy of Domitian to his fame, was a certain Book, or some Commentaries of his, wherein he had prais'd too much the Sanctity of Thrasea Paetus whom Nero had Murther'd: And the praise of a good Citizen was insupport­able to the Tyrant; being, I sup­pose, exasperated farther by some re­flections of Rusticus, who could not commend Thrasea, but at the same time he must inveigh against the oppressour of the Roman Liberty. That Plutarch was Married in his own Country, and that before he came to Rome is probable; that the fame of him was come before him, by reason of some part of his works already publish'd, is also credible, because he had so great resort of the [Page 62] Roman Nobility, to hear him read immediately, as we believe, upon his coming: That he was invited thi­ther by the correspondence he had with Sossius Senecio, might be one reason of his undertaking that Jour­ney, is almost undeniable. It like­wise appears he was divers times at Rome; and perhaps, before he came to inhabit there, might make ac­quaintance with this worthy Man Senecio, to whom he Dedicated al­most all these Lives of Greeks and Romans. I say almost all, because one of them, namely that of Aratus, is inscrib'd in most express words to Polycrates the Sicyonian the great Grand-Son of the said Aratus. This worthy Patron and friend of Plu­tarch, Senecio, was four times Con­sul; the first time in the short Reign of Cocceius Nerva, a vertuous and a learned Emperour; which opinion I rather follow than that of Aureli­us [Page 63] Cassicdorus, who puts back his Consulship into the last of Domitian, because it is not probable that vi­tious Tyrant should exalt to that Dignity a Man of Vertue. This year falls in with the year of Christninty nine.

But the great inducement of our Authour to this journy was certain­ly, the desire he had to lay in ma­terials for his Roman Lives; that was the design which he had form'd early, and on which he had resolv'd to build his fame. Accordingly we have observ'd that he had tra­vell'd over Greece to peruse the Ar­chives of every City; that he might be able to write properly, not on­ly the Lives of his Grecian Worthyes, but the Laws, the Customs, the Rites, and Ceremonies of every place. Which that he might treat with the same Mastery of skill, when he came to draw his Parallels [Page 64] of the Romans he took the invitation of his friends, and particularly of our Sossius Senecio to visit this Mistress of the World, this impe­rial City of Rome; and, by the fa­vour of many great and learned men then living, to search the Re­cords of the Capitol, and the Li­braries, which might furnish him with instruments for so noble an undertaking. But that this may not seem to be my own bare opinion, or that of any modern Author, whom I follow, Plutarch himself has deli­ver'd it as his motive, in the life of Demosthenes: The words are these, ‘Whosoever designs to write an History, (which tis impossible to form to any excellency from thofe materials, that are ready at hand, or to take from common report, while he sits lazily at home in his own Study, but must of necessity be gather'd from Forreign obser­vations [Page 65] and the scatter'd writings of various Authours) it concerns him to take up his Habitation in some renoun'd and populous City, where he may Command all sorts of Books, and be acquainted also with such particulars as have escap'd the pens of Writers, and are only extant in the memories of Men. Let him inquire diligently, and weigh judiciously, what he hears and reads, lest he publish a lame Work, and be destitute of those helps which are requir'd to its per­fection.’ Tis then most probable, that he pass'd his days at Rome, ei­ther in reading Philosophy of all kinds, to the Roman Nobility, who frequented his House, and heard him, as if there were somewhat more than humane in his words; and his nights (which were his only hours of private Study) in searching and examining Records, [Page 66] concerning Rome. Not but that he was intrusted also with the ma­nagement of publick affairs in the Empire, during his residence in the Metropolis: Which may be made out by what Suidas relates of him. Plutarch (says he) liv'd in the time of Trajan, and also before his Reign: That Emperour bestow'd on him the Dignity of Consul, (tho the Greek, I suppose, will bear, that he made him Consul with himself, at least trans­ferr'd that honour on him:) An Edict was also made in favour of him, that the Magistrates or Officers of Illyria should do nothing in that Province without the knowledge and approbati­on of Plutarch. Now 'tis my par­ticular guess (for I have not read it any where) that Plutarch had the affairs of Illyria (now call'd Scla­vonia) recommended to him, be­cause Trajan, we know, had Wars on that side the Empire with Decebalus [Page 67] King of Dacia; after whose defeat and death, the Province of Illyria might stand in need of Plutarchs Wisdom to compose and civilize it: But this is only hinted, as what pos­sibly might be the reason of our Philosophers superintendency in those quarters; which the French Author of his Life, seems to won­der at, as having no relation either to Chaeronea, or Greece.

When he was first made known to Trajan is like the rest uncertain, or by what means, whether by Se­necio, or any other, he was intro­duc'd to his acquaintance: But 'tis most likely, that Trajan then a pri­vate Man, was one of his Auditors, amongst others of the Nobility of Rome. Tis also thought, this wise Emperour made use of him in all his Councils, and that the happiness which attended him in his under­takings, together with the admini­stration [Page 68] of the Government, which in all his Reign was just and regu­lar, proceeded from the instructions which were given him by Plutarch. Johannes Sarisberiensis, who liv'd a­bove six hundred years ago, has transcrib'd a Letter written, as he suppos'd, by our Author to that Emperour; whence he had it is not known, nor the original in Greek to be produc'd; but it pass'd for Genuine in that age, and if not Plutarchs, is at least worthy of him, and what might well be suppos'd a Man of his Character would write; for which reason I have here Tran­slated it.

It may be conjectur'd, and with some shew of probability, from hence, that our Author not only collected his materials, but also made a rough draught of many of these parallel Lives at Rome; and that he read them to Trajan for his instruction in Government; and so [Page 71] much the rather I believe it, be­cause all Historians agree, that this Emperour, tho naturally prudent and inclin'd to vertue, had more of the Souldier than the Scholar in his Education, before he had the happiness to know Plutarch; for which reason the Roman Lives, and the inspection into ancient Laws might be of necessary use to his direction. And now for the time of our Authors abode in the Im­perial City, if he came so early as Vespatian, and departed not till af­ter Trajan's death, as is generally thought, he might continue in Italy near forty years. This is more cer­tain, because gather'd from himself, that his Lives were almost the latest of his Works; and therefore we may well conclude, that having model'd, but not finish'd them at Rome, he af­terwards resum'd the work in his own Country; which perfecting in his old [Page 72] age, he dedicated to his friend Se­necio still living, as appears by what he has written, in the Proem to his Lives.

The desire of visiting his own Country, so natural to all Men, and the approaches of old age, (for he could not be much less than six­ty,) and perhaps also the death of Trajan, prevail'd with him at last to leave Italy; or if you will have it in his own words, he was not willing his little City, shou'd be one the less by his absence: After his re­turn he was, by the unanimous consent of his Citizens, chosen Archon, or Chief Magistrate of Chaeronea; and not long after admitted himself in the number of Apollo's Priests; in both which employments he seems to have continued till his death: Of which we have no particular account, either as to the manner of it, or the year; only tis evident that he liv'd [Page 73] to a great old age, always continuing his Studies; that he dyed a natural death, is only presum'd, because any violent accident to so famous a Man would have been recorded: And in whatsoever Reign he deceas'd, the days of Tyranny were over­pass'd, and there was then a Gol­den Series of Emperours, every one emulating his Predecessours ver­tues.

Thus I have Collected from Plu­tarch himself, and from the best Au­thors, what was most remarkable concerning him. In performing which I have labour'd under so ma­ny uncertainties, that I have not been able to satisfie my own curiosity, any more than that of others. 'Tis the Life of a Philosopher, not vary­ed with accidents to divert the Rea­der: More pleasant for himself to live, than for an Historian, to de­scribe. Those Works of his, which [Page 74] are irrecoverably lost, are nam'd in the Catalogue made by his Son Lamprias, which you will find in the Paris Edition, dedicated to King Lewis the thirteenth: But 'tis a small comfort to a Merchant, to peruse his bill of fraight, when he is certain his Ship is cast away: Mov'd by the like reason I have o­mitted that ungrateful task: Yet that the Reader may not be impos'd on, in those which yet remain, tis but reasonable to let him know, that the Lives of Hannibal and Scipio, tho they pass with the ignorant for Genuine, are only the Forgery of Donato Acciaiolo a Florentine. He pretends to have Translated them from a Greek Manuscript, which none of the Learned have ever seen, either before or since. But the cheat is more manifest from this reason which is undeniable, that Plutarch did indeed write the Life of Scipio, but he com­par'd [Page 75] him not with Hannibal, but with Epaminondas: As appears by the Catalogue, or Nomenclature of Plutarchs Lifes, drawn up by his Son Lamprias, and yet extant. But to make this out more clearly, we find the Florentine, in his Life of Hannibal, thus relating, the famous Conference betwixt Scipio and him. ‘Scipio at that time being sent Am­bassadour from the Romans, to King Antiochus, with Publius Villius: It happen'd then, that these two great Captains met together at Ephesus, and amongst other discourse, it was demanded of Hannibal by Scipio, whom he thought to have been the greatest Captain? To whom he thus answer'd; In the first place Alexan­der of Macedon, in the second Pyrrhus of Epyrus, and in the third himself: To which, Scipio smileing thus re­reply'd; And what wou'd you have thought, had it been your fortune [Page 76] to have vanquish'd me?’ ‘to whom Hannibal, I should then have ad­judg'd the first place to my self: Which answer was not a little plea­sing to Scipio, because by it, he found himself not disesteem'd, nor put into comparison with the rest, but by the delicacy and gallantry of a well turn'd compliment, set like a Man divine above them all.’

Now this relation is a meer com­pendium of the same conference, from Livy. But if we can conceive Plutarch to have written the Life of Hannibal, tis hard to believe, that he should tell the same story after so different, or rather so contrary a manner, in another place. For, in the life of Pyrrhus, he thus writes. ‘Hannibal adjudg'd the praeeminence to Pyrrhus above all Captains, in conduct, and Military skill: Next to Pyrrhus he plac'd Scipio, and after Scipio, himself; as we have [Page 77] declar'd in the Life of Scipio.’ Tis not that I wou'd excuse Plutarch, as if he never related the same thing diversely; for 'tis evident, that through want of advertency he has been often guilty of that errour; of which the Reader will find too frequent Examples in these Lives; but in this place, he cannot be charg'd with want of memory or care, because what he says here is relating to what he had said for­merly: So that he may mistake the story, as I believe he has done, (that other of Livy, being much more pro­bable,) but we must allow him to re­member what he had before written. From hence I might take occasion to note some other lapses of our Author, which yet amount not to falsification of truth, much less to partiality, or envy, (both which are manifest in his Country-man Dion Cassius who writ not long after him,) but are only [Page 78] the frailties of humane nature; mi­stakes not intentional, but accidental. He was not altogether so well vers'd either in the Roman language, or in their coyns, or in the value of them; in some Customes, Rites, and Ceremonies, he took passa­ges on trust from others, relating both to them and the Barbarians, which the Reader may particular­ly find recited in the Animadver­sions of the often prais'd Rualdus on our Author. I will name but one to avoyd tediousness, because I particularly observ'd it, when I read Plutarch in the Library of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, (to which foun­dation I gratefully acknowledge a great part of my Education;) 'tis that Plutarch in the life of Cicero, speaking of Verres, who was accus'd by him, and repeating a miserable jeast of Tullys, says that Verres, in the Roman language, signifies a barrow [Page 79] Pig, that is one which has been gueld­ed. But we have a better account of the signification from Varro, whom we have more reason to believe, that the Male of that kind, before he is cut, is called Verres; after cutting Majalis, which is perhaps a diminitive of Mas, tho generally the reason of the Ety­mology is given from its being a Sacrifice to the Goddess Maja. Yet any Man, who will candidly weigh this and the like errours, may excuse Plutarch, as he wou'd a stran­ger, mistaking the propriety of an English word: And besides the hu­manity of this excuse, 'tis impossible in nature, that a Man of so various learning, and so covetous of ingros­sing all, should perfectly digest such an infinity of notions in many Sci­ences, since to be excellent in one is so great a labour.

It may now be expected, that having written the Life of an Hi­storian, [Page 80] I should take occasion to write somewhat concerning History it self: But I think to commend it is unnecessary: For the profit and plea­sure of that study are both so very obvious, that a quick Reader will be before hand with me, and ima­gine faster than I can write. Be­sides that the post is taken up alrea­dy, and few Authors have travell'd this way, but who have strewed it with Rhetorick, as they pass'd. For my own part, who must confess it to my shame, that I never read any thing but for pleasure, it has al­wayes been the most delightful En­tertainment of my life. But they who have employ'd the study of it as they ought, for their instruction, for the regulation of their private manners, and the management of publick affairs, must agree with me, that it is the most pleasant School of Wisdom.

[Page 81] Tis a familiarity with past Ages, and an acquaintance with all the Heroes of them. 'Tis, if you will pardon the similitude, a Prospective-Glass carrying your Soul to a vast di­stance, and taking in the farthest objects of Antiquity. It informs the understanding by the memory: It helps us to judge of what will happen, by shewing us the like re­volutions of former times. For Mankind being the same in all ages, agitated by the same passions, and mov'd to action by the same inte­rests, nothing can come to pass, but some President of the like nature has already been produc'd, so that having the causes before our eyes, we cannot easily be deceiv'd in the effects, if we have Judgment enough but to draw the parallel.

God, tis true with his divine Pro­vidence, over-rules and guides all actions to the secret end he has or­dain'd [Page 82] them; but in the way of humane causes, a wise Man may easi­ly discern, that there is a natural con­nection betwixt them; and tho he cannot foresee accidents, or all things that possibly can come, he may apply examples, and by them foretell, that from the like Counsels will probably succeed the like e­vents: And thereby in all concern­ments, and all Offices of life, be in­structed in the two main points, on which depend our happiness, that is, what to avoid and what to choose. The Laws of History in general are truth of matter, method, and clear­ness of expression. The first pro­priety is necessary to keep our un­derstanding from the impositions of falshood: For History is an Argu­ment fram'd from many particular examples, or inductions: If these Examples are not true, then those measures of life, which we take from [Page 83] them, will be false, and deceive us in their consequence: The second is grounded on the former, for if the method be confus'd: if the words or expressions of thought are any way obscure, then the Idea's which we receive must be imperfect; and if such, we are not taught by them what to elect, or what to shun. Truth therefore is requir'd, as the foundation of History, to inform us; disposition and perspicuity, as the manner to inform us plainly: One is the being, the other the well­being of it. History is principally divided into these three species. Commentaries or Annals; History pro­perly so called; and Biographia, or the Lives of particular Men.

Commentaries or Annals are (as I may so call them) naked History: Or the plain relation of matter of fact, according to the succession of time, devested of all other Orna­ments. [Page 84] The springs and motives of actions are not here sought, un­less they offer themselves, and are open to every Mans discernment. The method is the most natural that can be imagin'd, depending only on the observation of months and years, and drawing, in the or­der of them, whatsoever happen'd worthy of Relation. The stile is easie, simple, unforc'd, and unadorn'd with the pomp of figures; Counsels, guesses, politick observations, senten­ces, and Orations are avoyded: In few words a bare Narration is its business. Of this kind the Commenta­ries of Caesar are certainly the most admirable; and after him the An­nals of Tacitus may have place. Nay even the Prince of Greek Hi­storians, Thucydides, may almost be adopted into the number. For tho he instructs every where by Sen­tences, tho he gives the causes of [Page 85] actions, the Counsels of both par­ties, and makes Orations where they are necessary; yet it is certain, that he first design'd his work a Com­mentary; every year writing down like an unconcern'd spectator as he was, the particular occurrences of the time, in the order as they hap­pen'd, and his Eighth book is whol­ly written after the way of An­nals; tho, out-living the War, he inserted in his others those Or­naments, which render his work the most compleat, and most in­structive now extant.

History properly so call'd may be describ'd by the addition of those parts, which are not requir'd to Annals: And therefore there is little farther to be said concerning it: Only that the dignity and gra­vity of stile is here necessary. That the guesses of secret causes, inducing to the actions, be drawn at least [Page 86] from the most probable circum­stances, not perverted by the malig­nity of the Author to sinister inter­pretations, (of which Tacitus is ac­cus'd;) but candidly laid down, and left to the Judgment of the Reader. That nothing of concern­ment be omitted, but things of tri­vial moment are still to be neglected, as debasing the Majesty of the Work. That neither partiality or prejudice appear: But that truth may every where be Sacred, (ne quid falsi dicere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat Hi­storicus.) That he neither incline to superstition, in giving too much credit to Oracles, Prophecies, Di­vinations, and Prodigies; nor to ir­religion, in disclaiming the Almighty Providence: But where general opini­on has prevail'd of any miraculous accident or portent, he ought to re­late it as such, without imposing his opinion on our belief. Next to Thu­cydides [Page 87] in this kind, may be ac­counted Polybius amongst the Gre­cians; Livy, tho not free from su­perstition, nor Tacitus from ill na­ture, amongst the Romans: Amongst the modern Italians, Guicchiardine, and D'Avila, if not partial; but a­bove all Men in my opinion, the plain, sincere, unaffected, and most instructive Philip de Commi­nes amongst the French; tho he on­ly gives his History the humble Name of Commentaries. I am sorry I cannot find in our own Nation (tho it has produc'd some com­mendable Historians) any proper to be ranked with these. Buchanan indeed for the purity of his Latin, and for his learning, and for all o­ther endowments belonging to an Historian, might be plac'd amongst the greatest, if he had not too much lean'd to prejudice, and too mani­festy declar'd himself aparty of a [Page 88] cause, rather than an Historian o it. Excepting only that, (which I desire not to urge too far, on so great a Man, but only to give cau­tion to his Readers concerning it,) our Isle may justly boast in him, a Writer comparable to any of the Moderns, and excell'd by few of the Ancients.

Biographia, or the History of par­ticular Mens Lives, comes next to be consider'd; which in dignity is inferiour to the other two; as being more confin'd in action, and treat­ing of Wars and Counsels, and all other publick affairs of Nations, on­ly as they relate to him, whose Life is written, or as his fortunes have a particular dependance on them, or connection to them: All things here are circumscrib'd, and driven to a point, so as to terminate in one: Consequently if the action, or Counsel were manag'd by Collegues, [Page 89] some part of it must be either lame or wanting; except it be supply'd by the Excursion of the Writer: Herein likewise must be less of vari­ety for the same reason; because the fortunes and actions of one Man are related, not those of many. Thus the actions and atchievements of Sylla, Lucullus, and Pompey are all of them but the successive parts of the Mithridatick War: Of which we cou'd have no perfect image, if the same hand had not given us the whole, tho at several views, in their particular Lives.

Yet, tho we allow, for the reasons above alledg'd, that this kind of writing is in dignity inferiour to History and Annalls, in pleasure and instruction it equals, or even ex­cells both of them. 'Tis not only commended by ancient practice, to celebrate the memory of great and worthy Men, as the best thanks [Page 90] which Posterity can pay them; but also the examples of vertue are of more vigor, when they are thus contracted into individuals. As the Sun beams, united in a burning-glass to a point, have greater, force than when they are darted from a plain superficies; so the vertues and actions of one Man, drawn toge­ther into a single story, strike upon our minds a stronger and more lively impression, than the scatter'd Relations of many Men, and many actions; and by the same means that they give us pleasure they afford us profit too. For when the understanding is intent and fix'd on a single thing, it carries clos­ser to the mark, every part of the object sinks into it, and the Soul receives it unmixt and whole. For this reason Aristotle Commends the unity of action in a Poem; because the mind is not capable of [Page 91] digesting many things at once, nor of conceiving fully any more than one Idea at a time. Whatsoever distracts the pleasure, lessens it. And as the Reader is more concern'd at one Mans fortune, than those of many; so likewise the Writer is more capable of making a perfect Work, if he confine himself to this narrow compass. The lineaments, features, and colourings of a single picture may be hit exactly; but in a Histo­ry-piece of many figures, the gene­ral design, the ordinance or dis­position of it, the Relation of one figure to another, the diversity of the posture, habits, shadowings, and all the other graces conspiring to an uniformity, are of so difficult per­formance, that neither is the re­semblance of particular persons of­ten perfect, nor the beauty of the piece compleat: For any conside­rable errour in the parts, renders the [Page 92] whole disagreeable and lame. Thus then the perfection of the Work, and the benefit arising from it are both more absolute in Biography than in History: All History is only the precepts of Moral Philosophy re­duc'd into Examples: Moral Philo­sophy is divided into two parts, E­thicks and Politicks; the first in­structs us in our private offices of vertue; the second in those which relate to the management of the Common-wealth. Both of these teach by Argumentation and rea­soning: Which rush as it were into the mind, and possess it with violence: But History rather allures than forces us to vertue. There is nothing of the Tyrant in Example; but it gently glides into us, is easie and pleasant in its passage, and in one word reduces into practise, our speculative notions. Therefore the more powerful the Examples are, [Page 93] they are the more useful also: And by being more known they are more powerful. Now unity, which is defin'd is in its own nature more apt to be understood, than mul­tiplicity, which in some measure participates of infinity. The reason is Aristotles.

Biographia, or the Histories of par­ticular Lives, tho circumscrib'd in the subject, is yet more extensive in the stile than the other two: For it not only comprehends them both, but has somewhat superadded, which neither of them have. The stile of it is various, according to the occasion. There are proper places in it, for the plainness and nakedness of narration, which is ascrib'd to Annals; there is also room reserv'd for the loftiness and gravity of general History, when the actions related shall require that manner of expression. But [Page 94] there is withal, a descent into mi­nute circumstances, and trivial pas­sages of life, which are natural to this way of writing, and which the dignity of the other two will not admit. There you are con­ducted only into the rooms of state; here you are led into the private Lodgings of the Heroe: you see him in his undress, and are made Familiar with his most pri­vate actions and conversations. You may behold a Scipio and a Lelius gathering Cockle-shells on the shore, Augustus playing at bounding stones with Boyes; and Agesilaus riding on a Hobby-horse among his Children. The Pageantry of Life is taken away; you see the poor rea­sonable Animal, as naked as ever nature made him; are made ac­quainted with his passions and his fol­lies, and find the Demy-God a Man. Plutarch himself, has more than [Page 95] once defended this kind of Relating little passages. For in the Life of Alexander he says thus. In writing the Lives of Illustrious Men I am not tyed to the Laws of History: Nor does it follow, that because an action is great, it therefore manifests the great­ness and vertue of him who did it; but on the other side sometimes a word, or a casual jest, betrays a Man more to our knowledge of him, than a Battel fought wherein ten thousand Men were slain, or sacking of Cities, or a course of Victories. In another place he quotes Xenophon on the like occa­sion: ‘The sayings of great Men, in their familiar discourses and amidst their Wine, have somewhat in them, which is worthy to be transmitted to Posterity.’ Our Author therefore needs no excuse, but rather deserves a commendation, when he relates, as pleasant, some sayings of his Heroes, which appear, (I must con­fess [Page 96] it) very cold and insipid mirth to us. For 'tis not his meaning to commend the jest, but to paint the Man; besides, we may have lost somewhat of the Idiotism of that Language in which it was spoken; and where the conceit is couch'd in a single word, if all the signifi­cations of it are not critically under­stood, the grace and the pleasantry are lost. But in all parts of Bio­graphy, whether familiar or stately, whether sublime, or low, whether serious or merry, Plutarch equally excell'd: If we compare him to o­thers, Dion Cassius is not so sincere, Herodian, a lover of truth, is often times deceiv'd himself, with what he had falsly heard reported; then the time of his Emperours exceeds not in all above sixty years; so that his whole History will scarce amount to three Lives of Plutarch. Suetonius and Tacitus may be call'd [Page 97] alike, either Authors of Histories, or Writers of Lives: But the first of them runs too willingly into obscene descriptions, which he teaches while he relates; the other besides what has already been no­ted by him, often falls into obscu­rity; and both of them have made so unlucky a choice of times, that they are forc'd to describe rather Monsters than Men; and their Em­perours are either extravagant Fools, or Tyrants, and most usually both. Our Author on the contrary, as he was more inclin'd to commend than to dispraise, has generally cho­sen such great Men as were famous for their several vertues; at least such whose frailties or vices were over-pois'd by their excellencies; such from whose Examples we may have more to follow than to shun. Yet, as he was impartial, he disguis'd not the faults of any Man. An [Page 98] Example of which is in the Life of Lucullus; where, after he has told us, that the double benefit which his Country-men, the Chae­roneans, receiv'd from him, was the chiefest motive which he had to write his Life, he afterwards rips up his Luxury, and shews how he lost, through his mis-management, his Authority, and his Souldiers love. Then he was more happy in his digressions than any we have nam'd. I have alwayes been pleas'd to see him, and his imitator, Mon­taign, when they strike a little out of the common road: For we are sure to be the better for their wandring.

The best quarry lies not always in the open field: And who would not be content to follow a good Huntsman over Hedges and Dit­ches when he knows the Game will reward his pains? But if we mark him more narrowly, we may ob­serve, [Page 99] that the great reason of his frequent starts, is the variety of his Learning: He knew so much of Nature, was so vastly furnish'd with all the treasures of the mind, that he was uneasie to himself, and was forc'd, as I may say, to lay down some at every passage, and to scat­ter his riches as he went: Like ano­ther Alexander or Adrian, he built a City, or planted a Colony in every part of his progress; and left behind him some memorial of his greatness. Sparta, and Thebes, and Athens, and Rome, the Mistress of the World, he has discover'd in their foundations, their institutions, their growth, their heigth, the decay of the three first, and the alteration of the last. You see those several peo­ple in their different laws, and po­licies, and forms of Government, in their Warriours, and Senators, and Demagogues. Nor are the Orna­ments [Page 100] of Poetry, and the illustrati­ons of similitudes forgotten by him; in both which he instructs as well as pleases: Or rather pleases that he may instruct.

This last reflection leads me na­turally, to say somewhat in gene­ral of his stile, tho after having just­ly prais'd him for copiousness of learning, integrity, perspicuity, and more than all this for a certain air of goodness which appears through all his Writings, it were unreasona­ble to be critical on his Elocution: As on a tree which bears excellent fruit, we consider not the beauty of the blossoms: For if they are not pleasant to the eye, or delightful to the scent, we know at the same time that they are not the prime intention of Nature, but are thrust out in order to their product; so in Plutarch, whose business was not to please the ear, but to charm and [Page 101] to instruct the mind, we may easily forgive the cadences of words, and the roughness of expression: Yet for manliness of Eloquence, if it abounded not in our Author, it was not wanting in him: He neither studyed the sublime stile, nor af­fected the flowry. The choice of words, the numbers of periods, the turns of Sentences, and those other Ornaments of speech, he neither sought, nor shun'd. But the depth of sence, the accuracy of Judg­ment, the disposition of the parts and contexture of the whole, in so admirable and vast a field of mat­ter, and lastly the copiousness, and va­riety of words, appear shining in our Author. Tis indeed, observ'd of him, that he keeps not always to the stile of prose, but if a Poetical word, which carries in it more of Emphasis or signification, offer it self at any time, he refuses it not be­cause [Page 102] Homer or Eurypides have us'd it: But if this be a fault I know not how Xenophon will stand excus'd. Yet neither do I compare our Author with him, or with Herodotus in the sweetness and graces of his stile, nor with Thuyidides in the solidi­ty and closeness of expression. For Herodotus is acknowledg'd the Prince of the Ionick, the other two of the Attick eloquence. As for Plu­tarch, his stile is so particular, that there is none of the Ancients, to whom we can properly resemble him. And the reason of this is ob­vious; for being conversant in so great variety of Authors, and col­lecting from all of them, what he thought most excellent, out of the confusion, or rather mixture of all their stiles, he form'd his own, which partaking of each, was yet none of them; but a compound of them all, like the Corinthian metal, which had [Page 103] in it Gold, and Brass, and Silver, and yet was a species by its self. Add to this, that in Plutarchs time, and long before it, the purity of the Greek Tongue was corrupted, and the native splendour of it had taken the tarnish of Barbarism, and con­tracted the filth and spots of dege­nerating Ages. For the fall of Em­pires always draws after it the lan­guage and Eloquence of the people: They, who labour under misfortunes or servitude, have little leisure to cultivate their mother Tongue: To conclude, when Athens had lost her Soveraignity to the Peloponnesians, and her liberty to Philip, neither a Thucydides, nor a Demosthenes were afterwards produc'd by her.

I have formerly acknowledg'd many lapses of our Author, occa­sion'd through his inadvertency, but he is likewise tax'd with faults, which reflect on his Judgment in matters [Page 104] of fact, and his Candour in the comparisons of his Greeks and Ro­mans. Both which are so well vin­dicated by Montaign, that I need but barely to translate him. ‘First then he is accus'd of want of Judg­ment, in reporting things incredi­ble: For proof of which is alledg'd the story he tells of the Spartan boy, who suffer'd his bowels to be torn out by a young Fox which he had stolen, choosing rather to hide him under his Garment till he died, then to confess his robbery. In the first place this example is ill chosen, be­cause tis difficult to set a bound to the force of our internal faculties, tis not defin'd how far our resolu­tion may carry us to suffer: The force of bodies may more easily be determin'd than that of Souls: Then of all people the Lacedemonians, by reason of their rigid institution, were most harden'd to undergo labours, [Page 105] and to suffer pains. Cicero, before our Authors time, tho then the Spartan vertue was degenerated, yet avows to have seen himself some Lacedemonian boys, who to make tryal of their patience, were plac'd before the Altar of Diana, where they endur'd scourging, till they were all over bloody, and that not only without crying, but e­ven without a sigh or groan: Nay, and some of them so ambi­tious of this reputation, that they willingly resign'd their Lives un­der the hands of their tormentors. The same may be said of another story, which Plutarch vouches with an hundred witnesses, that in the time of Sacrifice, a burning coal by chance, falling into the sleeve of a Spartan boy, who held the Censer, he suffer'd his Arm to be scorch'd so long without moving it, that the scent of it reak'd up [Page 106] to the Noses of the Assist­ants.’

‘For my own part, who have ta­ken in so vast an Idea of the La­cedemonian magnanimity, Plutarchs story, is so far from seeming in­credible to me, that I neither think it wonderful nor uncom­mon: For we ought not to measure possibilities or impossibilities by our own standard, that is, by what we our selves cou'd do or suffer. These, and some other slight ex­amples, are made use of, to lessen the opinion of Plutarchs Judgment: But the common exception against his candor, is, that in his parallels of Greeks and Romans, he has done too much honour to his Country­men in matching them with He­roes, with whom they were not worthy to be compar'd. For in­stances of this, there are produc'd the comparisons of Demosthenes [Page 107] and Cicero, Aristides and Cato, Ly­sander and Sylla, Pelopidas and Marcellus, Agesilaus and Pompey: Now the ground of this accusation is most probably the lustre of those Roman names, which strikes on our imagination. For what proportion of glory is there be­twixt a Roman Consul, or Proconsul of so great a Common-wealth, and a simple Citizen of Athens? But he who considers the truth more near­ly, and weighs not honours with honours, but Men with Men, which was Plutarchs main design, will find in the Ballance of their manners, their vertues, their en­dowments and abilities, that Cicero and the Elder Cato, were far from having the overweight against Demosthenes and Aristides. I might as well complain against him in behalf of his own Country-men: For neither was Camillus so famous [Page 108] as Themistocles; nor were Tiberius and Cajus Gracchus comparable to Agis and Cleomenes in regard of dig­nity: Much less was the wis­dome of Numa to be put in Bal­lance against that of Lycurgus, or the modesty and temperance of Scipio, against the solid Philosophy and perfect vertue of Epaminondas: Yet the disparity of victories, the reputation, the blaze of Glory, in the two last were evidently on the Roman side. But as I said before, to compare them this way, was the least of Plutarchs aim; he openly declares against it: For speaking of the course of Pompeys fortune, his exploits of War, the greatness of the Armies which he commanded, the splendour and number of his Triumphs, in his comparison be­twixt him and Agesilaus, I believe, says he, that if Xenophon were now alive, and would indulge himself [Page 109] the liberty to write all he could to the advantage of his Heroe A­gesilaus, he would be asham'd to put their acts in competition. In his comparison of Sylla and Ly­sander; there is, says he, no man­ner of equality, either in the num­ber of their victories, or in the danger of their Battels; for Ly­sander only gain'd two naval fights, &c. Now this is far from partiali­ty to the Grecians. He who wou'd convince him of this vice, must shew us in what particular Judg­ment he has been too favourable to his Countrymen, and make it out in general where he has faild in matching such a Greek with such a Roman; which must be done by shewing how he could have pair'd them better; and naming any other in whom the resemblance might have been more perfect. But an equitable Judge who takes things [Page 110] by the same handle which Plutarch did, will find there is no injury of­fer'd to either party, tho there be some disparity betwixt the per­sons: For he weighs every circum­stance by it self, and judges se­parately of it: Not comparing Men at a lump, nor endeavou­ring to prove they were alike in all things, but allowing for dispro­portion of quality or fortune, shewing wherein they agreed or disagreed, and wherein one was to be preferr'd before the o­ther.’

I thought I had answer'd all that cou'd reasonably be objected a­gainst our Authors judgement; but casually casting my eye on the works of a French Gentleman, deservedly famous for Wit and Criticism, I wonder'd, amongst many commen­dations of Plutarch, to find this one reflection. ‘As for his Comparisons, [Page 111] they seem truly to me very great; but I think he might have carried them yet farther, and have pene­trated more deeply into humane nature: There are folds and recesses in our minds which have escap'd him; he judges man too much in gross; and thinks him not so diffe­rent, as he is often from himself: The same person being just, unjust, merciful, and cruel; which qualities seeming to bely each other in him, he Attributes their incon­sistences to forreign causes: Infine, if he had discrib'd Catiline, he wou'd have given him to us, either prodigal or Covetous: That alieni appetens sui profusus, was above his reach. He could never have re­concil'd those contrarieties in the same subject, which Salust has so well unfolded, and which Montaign so much better understood.’

This Judgment, cou'd not have [Page 112] proceeded, but from a man who has a nice taste in Authors; and if it be not altogether just 'tis at least deli­cate, but I am confident, that if he please to consider this following pas­sage taken out of the life of Sylla, he will moderate, if not retract his censure.

‘In the rest of his manners he was unequal, irregular different from himself: [...]. He took many things by rapine, he gave more: Honour'd men immoderately, and us'd them contumeliously: was submissive to those of whom he stood in need, in­sulting over those who stood in need of him: So that it was doubtful, whether he were more form'd by nature to arrogance or flattery. As to his uncertain way of punish­ing, he would sometimes put men to death on the least occasion; at other times he would pardon the [Page 113] greatest Crimes: So that judging him in the whole, you may con­clude him to have been naturally cruel, and prone to vengeance, but that he could remit of his severi­ty, when his interests requir'd it.’

Here methinks our Author seems to have sufficiently understood the folds and doubles of Sylla's dispo­sition; for his Character is full of variety, and inconsistences. Yet in the conclusion, 'tis to be confess'd that Plutarch has assign'd him a bloody nature: The clemency was but artificial and assum'd, the cru­elty was inborn: But this cannot be said of his rapine, and his prodigali­ty; for here the alieni appetens, sui profusus is as plainly describ'd, as if Plutarch had borrow'd the sense from Salust: And as he was a great Collector, perhaps he did. Never­theless [Page 114] he judg'd rightly of Sylla, that naturally he was cruel: For that quality was predominant in him; and he was oftener revengeful than he was merciful. But this is suffici­ent to vindicate our Authors Judg­ment from being superficial, and I desire not to press the Argument more strongly against this Gentle­man, who has Honour'd our Country by his long Residence a­mongst us.

It seems to me, I must confess that our Author has not been more hardly treated by his Enemies, in his compa­ring other Men, than he has been by his friends, in their comparing Seneca with him. And herein, even Montaign himself is scarcely to be defended. For no man more e­steem'd Plutarch, no man was bet­ter acquainted with his excellences, yet this notwithstanding, he has [Page 115] done too great an honour to Seneca, by ranking him with our Philoso­pher and Historian, him, I say, who was so much less a Philosopher, and no Historian: Tis a Reputation to Seneca, that any one has offer'd at the comparison: The worth of his Adversary makes his defeat advan­tagious to him; and Plutarch might cry out with Justice; Qui cum victus erit, mecum certasse feretur. If I had been to find out a parallel for Plu­tarch, I should rather have pitch'd on Varro the most learned of the Romans, if at least his Works had yet re­main'd; or with Pomponius Atticus, if he had written. But the likeness of Seneca is so little, that except the ones being Tutor to Nero, and the other to Trajan, both of them stran­gers to Rome, yet rais'd to the high­est dignities in that City, and both Philosophers tho of several Sects; (for [Page 116] Seneca was a Stoick, Plutarch a Pla­tonician, at least an Academick, that is, half Platonist half Sceptick:) be­sides some such faint resemblances as these, Seneca and Plutarch seem to have as little Relation to one another, as their native Coun­tries, Spain and Greece. If we con­sider them in their inclinations or humours, Plutarch was soci­able, and pleasant, Seneca mo­rose, and melancholly. Plutarch a lover of conversation, and sober feasts: Seneca reserv'd; uneasie to himself when alone, to others when in Company. Compare them in their manners, Plutarch every where appears candid, Seneca often is cen­sorious. Plutarch, out of his na­tural humanity, is frequent in com­mending what he can; Seneca, out of the sowrness of his temper, is prone to Satyr, and still searching [Page 117] for some occasion to vent his gaul. Plutarch is pleas'd with an oppor­tunity of praising vertue; and Se­neca, (to speak the best of him,) is glad of a pretence to reprehend vice. Plutarch endeavours to teach others, but refuses not to be taught himself; for he is always doubtful and in­quisitive: Seneca is altogether for teaching others, but so teaches them, that he imposes his opinions; for he was of a Sect too im­perious and dogmatical, either to be taught or contradicted. And yet Plutarch writes like a man of a confirm'd probity, Seneca like one of a weak and staggering ver­tue. Plutarch seems to have van­quish'd vice, and to have triumph'd over it: Seneca seems only to be combating and resisting, and that too but in his own defence. There­fore Plutarch is easie in his discourse, [Page 118] as one who has overcome the diffi­culty: Seneca is painful, as he who still labours under it. Plutarchs Vertue is humble and civiliz'd: Se­neca's haughty and illbred. Plu­tarch allures you, Seneca commands you. One wou'd make Vertue your Companion, the other your Tyrant. The style of Plutarch is easie and flowing; that of Seneca preci­pitous and harsh. The first is even, the second broken. The Arguments of the Grecian drawn from reason, work themselves into your under­standing, and make a deep and l [...]ing impression in your mind: Those of the Roman drawn from wit, flash immediately on your imagination, but leave no durable effect. So this tickles you by starts with his argute­ness, that pleases you for continu­ance [...], with his propriety. The course of their fortunes seems also [Page 119] to have partaken of their stiles; for Plutarchs was equal, smooth, and of the same tenour: Seneca's was tur­bid, unconstant and full of revoluti­ons. The Life of Plutarch was un­blameable, as the Reader cannot but have observ'd; and of all his Writings there is nothing to be no­ted as having the least tendency to vice; but only that little Treatise, which is intituled [...], wherein he speaks too broadly of a sin, to which the Eastern and Southern parts of the World are most ob­noxious: But Seneca is said to have been more libertine than suited with the gravity of a Philosopher, or with the austerity of a Stoick. An ingenious Frenchman, esteems as he tells us, his person rather than his works; and values him more as the Praeceptor of Nero, a Man ambiti­ous of the Empire, and as the gal­lant [Page 120] of Agrippina, than as a teacher of Morality. For my part I dare not push the commendation so far: His courage was perhas praise wor­thy, if he endeavour'd to deliver Rome from such a Monster of Ty­ranny, as Nero was then beginning to appear: His ambition too was the more excusable, if he found in himself an ability of governing the World, and a desire of doing good to human kind: But as to his good fortunes with the Empress, I know not what value ought to be set on a wise Man for them. Ex­cept it be that Women generally liking without Judgment, it was a Conquest for a Philosopher once in an age, to get the better of a fool. However methinks there is some­thing of aukward in the adventure: I cannot imagine without laughter, a Pedant, and a Stoick, making [Page 121] love in a long gown; for it puts me in mind of the civilities which are us'd by the Cardinals and Judges in the dance of the Rehearsal: If A­grippina wou'd needs be so lavish of her favours, since a Sot grewn au­seous to her, because he was her Husband, and nothing under a Wit, cou'd attone for Claudius, I am half sorry that Petronius was not the Man: We cou'd have born it bet­ter from his Character, than from one who profess'd the severity of vertue, to make a Cuckold of his Emperour and Benefactour. But let the Historian answer for his own Relation: Only, if true, 'tis so much the worse, that Seneca, after having abus'd his bed, cou'd not let him sleep quiet in his grave. The Apocolocynthisis, or mock deification of Claudius was too sharp and in­sulting on his memory: And Seneca [Page 122] tho he could Preach forgiveness to others, did not practice it himself in that Satyr: Where was the pa­tience and insensibility of a Stoick, in revenging his Banishment with a Libel? Where was the Morality of a Philosopher, in defaming and ex­posing of an harmless fool? And where was common humanity, in railing against the dead? But the tallent of his malice is visible in o­ther places: He censures Mecenas, and I believe justly, for the looseness of his manners, the voluptuousness of his life, and the effeminacy of his style; but it appears that he takes pleasure in so doing; and that he never forc'd his nature, when he spoke ill of any Man. For his own stile, we see what it is, and if we may be as bold with him, as he has been with our old Patron, we may call it a shatter'd Eloquence, [Page 123] not vigorous, not united, not em­bodied; but broken into fragments; every part by it self pompous, but the whole confus'd and unhar­monious. His Latin, as Monsieur St. Evremont has well observ'd, has nothing in it of the purity, and elegance of Augustus his times; and 'tis of him and of his imitators, that Petronius said; pace vestrâ liceat dixisse, primi omnium eloquentiam perdidistis. The Controversiae senten­tiis vibrantibus pictae, and the vanus Sententiarum strepitus, make it evi­dent that Seneca was tax'd under the person of the old Rhetorician. What quarrel he had to the Unckle and the Nephew, I mean Seneca and Lucan, is not known; but Pe­tronius plainly points them out; one for a bad Orator, the other for as bad a Poet: His own essay of the Civil War is an open defiance [Page 124] of the Pharsalia; and the first O­ration of Eumolpus, as full an ar­raignment of Seneca's false Elo­quence. After all that has been said, he is certainly to be allowed a great wit, but not a good Philo­sopher: Not fit to be compar'd with Cicero, of whose reputation he was emulous, any more than Lucan is with Virgil: To sum up all in few words, consider a Philo­sopher declaiming against riches, yet vastly rich himself; against a­varice, yet puting out his Mony at great Extortion here in Britain; against honours, yet aiming to be Emperour; against pleasure, yet enjoying Agrippina, and in his old age married to a beautiful young Woman: And after this, let him be made a Parallel to Plutarch.

And now, with the usual vanity of Dutch Prefacers, I could load [Page 125] our Author with the praises and commemorations of Writers: For both Ancient and Modern have made Honourable mention of him. But to cumber pages with this kind of stuff were to raise a distrust in common Readers that Plutarch wants them. Rualdus indeed has Collected ample Testimonies of them; but I will only recite the names of some, and refer you to him for the particular quotations. He reckons Gellius, Eusebius, Hi­merius the Sophister, Eunapius, Cy­rillus of Alexandria, Theodoret, A­gathias, Photius and Xiphilin Patri­archs of Constantinople, Johannes Sarisberiensis, the famous Petrarch, Petrus Victorius, and Justus Lipsius.

But Theodorus Gaza, a Man lear­ned in the Latin Tongue, and a great restorer of the Greek, who liv'd above two hundred years ago, [Page 126] deserves to have his suffrage set down in words at length: For the rest have only commended Plu­tarch more than any single Author, but he has extoll'd him above all together.

Tis said that having this ex­travagant question put to him by a friend, that if learning must suf­fer a general Shipwrack, and he had only his choice left him of preser­ving one Author, who should be the Man he would preserve; he answer'd Plutarch; and probably might give this reason, that in sa­ving him, he should secure the best Collection of them all.

The Epigram of Agathias, de­serves also to be remember'd: This Author flourish'd about the year five hundred, in the Reign of the Emperour Justinian: The Verses are extant in the Anthologia, and [Page 127] with the Translation of them, I will conclude the praises of our Author; having first admonish'd you, that they are suppos'd to be written on a Statue erected by the Romans to his memory.

AS Historians, in their geographical descriptions of Countries, croud in­to the farthest parts of their Maps those places that escape their knowledge, with some such Remarks in the Margin as these; All beyond is nothing but drie and desart Sands, or unpassable Bogs, or Scythian Cold, or a frozen Sea: so in this Work of mine, wherein I have compared [Page 2] the Lives of the greatest Men with one another, having run through that time whereunto probable reason could reach, and through which the truth of History could pass, I may very well say of those that are farther off; All beyond is nothing but mon­strous and tragical Fictions: there the Poets and there the Inventers of Fables dwell; nor is there any further to be expected ought deserving of Credit, or that carries any appearance of Truth. Yet having pub­lished an Account of Lycurgus, the Law-giver, and Numa, the King, methought I might not without reason ascend as high as to Romulus, being brought by my History so near to his time. Considering therefore with my self

(as Aeschylus expresses it) I found none so fit as him that peopled the most celebrated City of Athens to be set in opposition with the Father of the invincible and renowned City of Rome. And here it were to be wish't that this Account cou'd be so purg'd by right reason from the fabulous part, as to obey the Laws and receive the character of an exact History. But whereever it shall chance too boldly to contemn the bounds of [Page 3] credibility, and will endure no mixture of what is probable, we shall beg that we may meet with can did Readers, and such as will favourably receive what can be related con­cerning things of so great Antiquity.

Now Theseus seems to resemble Romulus The compari­son between Theseus and Romulus. in many particulars. Both of 'em born out of Wedlock and of uncertain Parentage had the repute of being sprung from the Gods. ‘Both Warriours; that by all the world's allow'd. Homer.’ Both of them had joyn'd with strength of Body an equal vigour of Mind; and of the two most famous Cities of the World, the one built Rome, and the other made Athens be inhabited. Both were famous for the Rape of Women; neither of them cou'd avoid domestick misfortunes, nor the envy of their Country-men; but both are said to have died by the hands of their own offen­ded Citizens, if we will believe there is any truth in relations that are delivered with the least appearance of strange or Poetical Fictions.

The Lineage of Theseus by his Father's The Family of Theseus. side ascends as high as to Erectheus and the [...]. first inhabitants of Attica. By his Mo­ther's side he was descended of Pelops: For Pelops was the most powerfull of all the Kings of Peloponnesus, not so much for the greatness of his Riches as the multitude of [Page 4] his Children; having match't many Daugh­ters to persons of the greatest Quality, and made many Sons Governours of Provinces round about him. One whereof nam'd Pit­theus, Grandfather to Theseus, was founder of the small City of the Troezenians, and had the repute of a man of the greatest know­ledge and wisedom in his time: Which then it seems consisted chiefly in such grave Sen­tences as the Poet Hesiod got his great esteem by in his Book of Works and Days. And even among them is one that they ascribe to Pittheus, ‘ [...].’ ‘Let a friend's services meet full reward.’ Which also Aristotle witnesses, and Euripi­des when he calls Hippolytus Scholar of the sacred Pittheus, shews the opinion that the world had of that great man. About this time Aegeus, being desirous of Children, and consulting the Oracle of Delphos, re­ceiv'd that so celebrated answer which for­bad him the use of any woman before his return to Athens. But the Oracle being so obscure as not to satisfie him that he was clearly forbid this, he went to Troezene and communicated to Pittheus the voice of the God, which was in this manner,

Pittheus therefore taking advantage from the obscurity of the Oracle prevail'd upon him, it is uncertain whether by perswasion or deceit, to lie with his Daughter Aethra. Aegeus afterwards knowing her whom he had lain with to be Pittheus's Daughter, and suspecting her to be with Child by him, he left a Sword and a pair of Shoes, hiding them under a great Stone that had a hollow­ness exactly fitting them, making her onely privy to it, and commanding her that if she brought forth a Son who when he came to man's estate shou'd be able to lift up the Stone and take away what he had left there, she shou'd send him away to him with those things with all secrecy, enjoyning him as much as possible to conceal his Journey from all men: For he fear'd extremely the Pallantidae, who were continually muti­nying against him, and despis'd him for his want of Children, they themselves being fifty Brothers all of the Sons of Pallas.

When Aethra was deliver'd of a Son, some report that he was immediately nam'd [Page 6] Theseus, from the Tokens which his Father had put under the Stone: But others say [...] signi­fies a putting any thing, [...] signi­fies to adopt or acknow­ledge one for his Son. The Educa­tion of The­seus. that he receiv'd his name afterwards at A­thens, when Aegeus acknowledg'd him for his Son. He was brought up under his Grand­father Pittheus, and had by him a Gover­nour and Tutour set over him nam'd Con­nidas, to whom the Athenians even to this time, the day before the Feast that is dedi­cated to Theseus, sacrifice a Ram, giving this honour to his memory upon a much juster account than that which they gave to Silanio and Parrhasius, for having onely made Pictures and Statues of Theseus. There being then a custom for the Grecian Youth upon their first coming to man's estate to go to Delphos and offer First-fruits of their Hair to the God of the place, Theseus also went thither, and they say that the place to this day is yet nam'd Thesea from him. But he shav'd onely the fore-part of his head, as Homer reports to be the custom of the A­bantes. And this sort of Tonsure was from him nam'd Theseis. But the Abantes first us'd this sort of shaving, not having learnt it from the Arabians, as some imagin, nor in imitation of the Mysians, but, being a warlike people, and us'd to close fighting, and above all other Nations accustom'd chiefly to engage hand to hand; as Archi­lochus witnesses in these Verses,

Therefore that they might not give their Enemies that advantage of seising them by the Hair, they were shav'd in this manner. They write also that this was the reason why Alexander gave command to his Cap­tains that all the Beards of his Macedonians shou'd be shav'd, as being the readiest hold for an Enemy.

Aethra for some time conceal'd the true Parentage of Theseus; and there was a re­port Theseus re­puted the Son of Neptune. given out by Pittheus that he was begotten by Neptune: for the Troezenians have Neptune in the highest veneration. He is their Tutelar God, to him they offer all their First-fruits, and in his honour stamp't their Money with a Trident.

[Page 8] Theseus in his youth discovering not one­ly a great strength of Body but an equal force of Mind and firmness of Understan­ding, his Mother Aethra, conducting him to the Stone, and informing him who was his true Father, commanded him to take from thence the Tokens that Aegeus had left, and to sail to Athens. He, without any difficulty, lifted up the Stone and took 'em from thence; but refused to take his Journey by Sea, though it was much the safer way, and though he was continually prest to it by the intreaties of his Grand­father and Mother. For it was at that time very dangerous to go by Land to Athens, no place of the Country being free from Thieves and Murtherers: for that Age pro­duc'd a sort of men, for strength of Armes, and swiftness of Feet, and vigour of Body, excelling the ordinary rate of men; and in labours and exercise indefatigable: yet ma­king use of these gifts of Nature to nothing either good or profitable to mankind, but rejoycing and taking pride in insolence, and pleasing themselves in the enjoyment of their inhumanity and cruelty, and in sei­sing, forcing and committing all manner of outrages upon every thing that fell into their hands: who thought civility, and justice, and equity, and humanity which many prais'd, either out of want of courage [Page 9] to commit injuries or fear to receive 'em, nothing at all to concern those who were the most daring and most strong. Some of these Hercules destroy'd and cut off in his passing through these Countries, but some who escap'd him, for fear fled and hid them­selves, or were spar'd by him in contempt of their abject submission: but after that Her­cules fell into misfortune, and having slain Iphitus, retir'd to Lydia, and for a long time was there Slave to Omphale, a punishment which he had impos'd upon himself for the murther; then indeed the Lydian affairs enjoyed all peace and security, but in Greece and the Countries about it the like Villanies were again reviv'd and broke out, there be­ing none to repress or chastise their inso­lence. It was therefore a very hazardous journey to travel by Land from Athens to Peloponnesus: and Pittheus, giving him an exact account of each of these Thieves and Villains, of what strength they were, and with what cruelty they us'd all strangers, perswaded Theseus to go by Sea; but he, it seems, had long since been secretly fir'd with the glory of Hercules, and had him in the highest estimation, and was never more sa­tisfy'd than in hearing those that gave an account of him; especially those that had seen him, or had been present at any Action or Saying of his that was remarkable. In­somuch [Page 10] that he was altogether in the same condition that, in after-ages Themistocles was when he said that the Trophies of Miltiades wou'd not suffer him to sleep: so he having in such admiration the vertue of Hercules, in the night his dreams were all of that Heroes actions, and in the day a continual emulation stirr'd him up to perform the like. Besides, they were nearly related, being born of Cousin Germains. For Aethra was His relation to Hercules. the Daughter of Pittheus, and Alcmena of Lycidice, and Lycidice and Pittheus Brothers and Sisters by Hippodamia. He thought it therefore a dishonourable thing and not to be endur'd, that Hercules shou'd every where purge both the Land and Sea from those wicked Men, and that he himself shou'd flie from the like Adventures that so fairly offer'd themselves to him; disgracing his Reputed Father by a mean flight by Sea, and not shewing his True one as manifest a character of the greatness of his Birth by noble and worthy Actions as by the tokens that he brought with him, the Shoes and the Sword.

With this mind and these thoughts he set forward, with a design to doe injury to no body, but to repel and revenge himself of all those that shou'd offer any. And first of all, in a set combate, he slew Periphetes in Epidauria, who us'd a Club for his Arms, He slew Pe­riphetes. [Page 11] and from thence had his name of Corynetes, or the Club-bearer, who seis'd upon him, and forbad him to go forward in his Jour­ney. Being pleas'd with the Club, he took it, and made it his weapon, having the same use of it as Hercules had of the Lion's Skin; for that he wore as evidence of what a pro­digious greatness the monster was that He slew, and to the same end Theseus carry'd about him this Club; overcome indeed by him, but now, in his Hand, invincible.

Passing on further towards the Isthmus of He kills Sinnis. Peloponnesus he slew Sinnis, that, from the way of murther he us'd, was sirnam'd the [...]. bender of Pines, after the same manner that he himself had destroy'd many others before. And this he did, not having either practis'd or ever learnt the art of bending these Trees, to shew that natural strength is above all art. This Sinnis had a Daughter of most excellent beauty and more than or­dinary stature, call'd Perigune, who, when her Father was kill'd, fled, and was sought after with all diligence by Theseus; but she, flying into a place overgrown with many Shrubs and Rushes and wild Asparagus, in­nocently made her complaint to them, as if they cou'd have a sense of her misfortune, and begg'd 'em to shelter her, with vows that if she escap'd she wou'd never cut 'em down or burn 'em: but Theseus calling upon [Page 12] her and giving her his promise that he wou'd use her with all respect and offer her no injury, she came forth; and being en­joy'd by Theseus bore a Son to him nam'd He begets Menalippus of Perigune the Daughter of Sinnis. Menalippus; but afterwards she was mar­ried to Deioneus the Son of Euritus, the Oechalian, Theseus himself giving her to him. And Ioxus, the Son of this Menalip­pus who was born to Theseus, accompany'd Ornytus in the Colony that he carried with him into Caria, from whom the people call'd Ioxides have their name; who have this custom deriv'd down to 'em from their Fa­thers, never to burn either Shrubs or Rushes or wild Asparagus, but to honour and wor­ship 'em.

About this time the Cromyonian Sow, which they call'd Phaea, was a Beast not to be Slays the Cromyonian Sow Phaea. past by or despis'd, being of great fierceness and very hard to be overcome, her Theseus kill'd, going out of his way to meet and engage her, that he might not seem to per­form all his great exploits out of mere ne­cessity; being also of opinion that it was the part of a brave man, not onely to chastise villainous and wicked Men, but also to fight and expose himself to the fury of the most fierce and hurtfull Monsters and wild Beasts. Others relate that this Phaea was a Woman, a Robber full of cruelty and lust, that liv'd in Cromyon, and had the name of Sow given [Page 13] her from the beastliness of her life and con­versation, and that afterwards she was kill'd by Theseus. He slew also Sciron, upon the Kills Sciron. borders of Megara, casting him down from the Rocks, being, as most report, a noto­rious robber of all passengers; and, as others say, accustom'd out of insolence and wan­tonness to stretch forth his feet to strangers commanding them to wash 'em, and then with a kick to thrust them down the Rock into the Sea: but the Writers of Megara, in contradiction to the receiv'd report, and, as Simonides expresses it, fighting with all antiquity, contend that Sciron was neither a Robber nor committer of injuries and af­fronts, but a punisher of all such, and full of all humanity and friendship to good and just men; that Aeacus was ever esteemed a man of the greatest sanctity of all the Greeks, and that Cychreus, the Salaminian, was ho­noured at Athens with divine worship, and that the vertue of Peleus and Telamon were not unknown to any one; and that Sciron was Son-in-law to Cychreus and Father-in-law to Aeacus, and Grandfather to Peleus and Telamon, who were both of 'em Sons of E­rideis the Daughter of Sciron and Carichlo: that therefore it was not probable that the best shou'd make these alliances with the worst of men, giving and receiving mutual­ly what was of greatest value and most dear [Page 14] to 'em: but they relate that Theseus did not slay Sciron in his first Journey to Athens, but afterwards, when he took Eleusis, a City of the Megarians, having circumvented Dio­cles the Governour, whom, together with Sciron, he there slew. These are the con­tradictions which are between the Writers of this Story. In Eleusis he kill'd Cer­cyon, Kills Cer­cyon, the Arcadian, in a wrestling Match. And going on a little further, in the City Hermione, he slew Damastes, otherwise call'd Procrustes, by force making him even and Pro­crustes. to his own Beds, as he himself was us'd to doe with all strangers; this he did in imi­tation of Hercules. For he, returning al­ways to the committers of these outrages the same sort of violence that they offer'd to others, sacrific'd Busyris, wrestled with Antaeus, fought with Cycnus hand to hand, and kill'd Termerus by breaking his Skull in pieces, (from whence they say comes the Proverb of A Termerian Mischief) for it seems Termerus kill'd passengers that he met by running, with all his force, his Head against theirs. Thus proceeded Theseus in the pu­nishment of evil men, who underwent the same torments from him, which they had inflicted upon others; justly suffering after the manner of their own injustice.

As he went forward on his Journey, and was come as far as the River Cephisus some [Page 15] of the race of the Phytalidoe met him and saluted him, and upon his desire to use the purifications, then in custom, they perform'd them with all the usual Ceremonies, and ha­ving offer'd propitiatory Sacrifices to the Gods, they invited him and entertain'd him at their House, who before in all his Journey had not met the like civility.

On the eighth day of June which was then call'd Cronius he arriv'd at Athens, where he found the publick affairs full of Arrives at Athens. all confusion, and divided into Parties and Factions, Aegeus also and his whole private Family labouring under the same distemper; for Medea, having fled from Corinth, and promis'd Aegeus to make him, by her Art, capable of having Children, was entertain'd by him and admitted to his Bed; she had the first knowledge of Theseus, whom as yet Aegeus did not know, and he being in years, full of jealousies and suspicions, and fearing every thing by reason of the Fac­tion that was then in the City, she easily Aegeus per­swaded to poison him, not knowing him to be his Son. perswaded him to poison Theseus at a Ban­quet to be prepar'd for him as a civility to a Stranger. He coming to the Entertainment thought it not fit to discover himself first, but being willing to give his Father the oc­casion of first finding him out; the meat being on the Table he drew his Sword as if He is disco­vered to his Father. he design'd to cut with it, Aegeus upon the [Page 16] sudden, perceiving the Token, threw down the Cup of poison, and discovering his Son embrac'd him, and having gather'd together all his Citizens, he own'd him publickly before them, who receiv'd him with great satisfaction for the fame of his Greatness and Bravery: and 'tis said that when the Cup fell, the poison was spilt there where now is the enclosure in the Delphinian Temple, for in that place stood Aegeus's House, and the Statue of Mercury on the East side of the Temple is call'd the Mercury of Aegeus his Gate.

Now the Sons of Pallas, who before were The Pallan­tidae rebell. quiet, upon hopes and expectation of reco­vering the Kingdom, at least after Aegeus's death, who was without Issue, as soon as Theseus appear'd, and was acknowledg'd the Successour to the Crown, highly resen­ting that Aegeus first, an adopted Son onely of Pandion, and not at all related to the Fa­mily of Erectheus, shou'd obtain the King­dom, and that after, Theseus, one of ano­ther Country again, and a stranger, shou'd obtain the Crown, broke out into an open War. And dividing themselves into two Companies, one part of them march'd open­ly from Sphetta with their Father against the City, the other, hiding themselves in the Village of Gargettus, lay in ambush with a design to set upon the Enemy on both [Page 17] sides: They had with them a Cryer of the Town of Agnus, nam'd Leo, who discover'd to Theseus all the designs of the Pallantidae: He immediately fell upon them that lay in Ambuscade and cut 'em all off; which Pal­las and his company hearing fled and were They are overcome and dispers'd by Theseus. dispersed.

From hence they say is deriv'd the cu­stom among the Palleneans to have no mar­riages or any alliance with the people of Agnus, nor to suffer their Cryers to pro­nounce in their Proclamations these words, solemnly us'd in all other parts of the Coun­try, [...], (Hear ye People) so great is their hatred to the very name of Leo for the foulness of his Treason.

Now Theseus, longing to be in action, and withall desirous to make himself popu­lar, left Athens to fight with the Bull of Marathon; which did no small mischief to He takes the Bull of Mara­thon alive. the inhabitants of Tetrapolis. And having overcome it, he brought it alive in triumph through the City, and afterwards sacrific'd it to Apollo. And as to what concerns He­cale and the story of her receiving and en­tertaining Theseus in this expedition, it seems to be not altogether void of truth; for from hence the people round about, meeting upon a certain day, offer'd a Sa­crifice, which they call'd Hecalesium, to Jupiter Hecalion, in honour of Hecale, [Page 18] whom, by a diminutive name, they call'd Hecalene, because she, (as the custom of an­cient people is,) shew'd her affection to The­seus by such diminutive names: and having made a vow to Jupiter for him as he was go­ing to the fight, that if he return'd in safety, she wou'd offer Sacrifices in thanks of it, and dying before he came back, she receiv'd this return of her hospitality by the com­mand of Theseus, as Philochorus relates the story.

Not long after arrived the third time from Crete the collectours of the Tribute which the Athenians paid 'em upon the follow­ing occasion. Androgeus having been trea­cherously The murther of Androge­us. murther'd about the confines of Attica, not onely Minos put the Athenians to extreme inconveniences by a perpetual War, but the Gods also laid waste their Country; for both Famine and Pestilence lay heavy upon 'em, and even their Rivers were dried up. But being told by the O­racle, that if they appeas'd and reconcil'd Minos, the anger of the Gods wou'd cease, and they shou'd enjoy rest from the miseries they labour'd under; they sent Ambassa­dours, and, with much supplication, were at last reconcil'd, having entred into an a­greement to send to Crete the space of nine years a Tribute of seven young Men and as many Virgins, as the general Writers agree; [Page 19] and the most tragical story that goes about concerning this matter says, that the Mino­taure destroy'd them, or that they wan­dring in the Labyrinth, and finding no pos­sible means of getting out, miserably ended their lives there. And that this Minotaure was (as Euripides hath it)

But Philochorus writes that the Cretans will by no means allow the truth of this, but say that the Labyrinth was onely an ordi­na [...]y Prison having no other ill in it, than that it secur'd the Prisoners from escaping, and that Minos, having instituted Games in honour of Androgeus, gave as a reward to the Victors those that till that time had been prisoners in the Labyrinth. And that the first that overcame in those Games was one of the greatest power and com­mand among 'em nam'd Taurus, a man of no mercifull or sweet disposition, but that carried himself towards the Athenians that were made his prize in a most proud and insolent manner; and even Aristotle himself in the account that he gives of the Government of the Bottieans, is manifestly [Page 20] of an opinion that these youth were not slain by Minos, but that they spent the re­mainder of their days in slavery at Crete; and that the Cretans, to acquit themselves The Cretans Offering to Apollo. of an ancient Vow which they had made, were us'd to send an Offering of the first fruits of their Men to Apollo of Delphos, and that some descendants of these Atheni­an Slaves were mingled with 'em and sent amongst 'em; and of these they that were not able to get their living there remov'd from thence, first into Italy, and inhabited the Country round about Japygia; from thence again that they remov'd to Thrace and were nam'd Bottieans, and that this is the reason why in a certain Sacrifice the Bottiean Women sing a Hymn beginning thus Let us go to Athens. And from this that it appear'd how dangerous it was to incurr the hatred of a City that was Mistress of Eloquence and a Muse. For Minos was always ill spoken of, and represented ever as a very ill man upon the Athenian Stages, nei­ther did Hesiod at all help him when he calls him The most Royal Minos, nor Homer when he styles him The Companion of Jupi­ter. But the Tragedians prevailing made him alway appear from the Stage as a cruel and inhumane Prince. But that really Mi­nos was a very good King and Law-giver, and that Rhadamanthus was a Judge under [Page 21] him and a preserver of the Statutes that he ordain'd.

Now when the time of the third Tribute was come, and that the Fathers who had any young men for their Sons were to pro­ceed by lot to the choice of those that were to be sent, there arose fresh discontents and accusations against Aegeus among the peo­ple, who were full of grief and indignation, that he, who was the cause of all their mise­ries, was the onely person exempt from the punishment; but settling his Kingdom up­on a Bastard and a foreign Son, took no notice of them whom he left destitute and without Children. These things very sen­sibly Theseus of­fers himself voluntarily to be sent to Crete. affected Theseus, who thinking it but just not to avoid, but rather partake of, the sufferings of his fellow Citizens, offer'd him­self for one without any lot; all the rest ad­miring him for the greatness of his Spirit and loving him for his care of the publick: and Aegeus, after all his prayer and intrea­ty, finding him inflexible and not to be perswaded, proceeded to the choosing of the rest by lot. But Helanicus writes that the Athenians did not send the young Men and Virgins as they were chosen by lot, but that Minos himself coming thither made his own choice, and that he pitch'd upon Theseus before all others, upon conditions agreed between 'em, that the Athenians [Page 22] shou'd furnish 'em with a Ship, and that the young men that were to sail with him shou'd carry no weapon of War; but that if the Minotaure was destroy'd, this Tribute shou'd cease.

The two former times of the payment of the Tribute there appearing no hopes of safety or return, they sent forth the Ship with a black Sail, as to unavoidable destruc­tion: but now Theseus encouraging his Fa­ther, and speaking greatly of himself, as con­fident that he shou'd kill the Minotaure, he gave the Pilot another Sail which was White, commanding him as he return'd, if Theseus escap'd, to make use of that, but if not to sail with the Black one, and to hang out that sign of his misfortune and sorrow. But Simonides says that the Sail which Ae­geus deliver'd to the Pilot was not White but Purple dyed in Grain, with the Flower of a certain Tree, commanding him to [...] Ilicis. hang out this as a sign of their escape. Amarsyadas Phereclus, as Simonides writes, was Pilot of the Ship. But Philochorus says that Theseus had a Pilot sent him by Scirus, from Salamis, nam'd Nausitheus, and ano­ther Sailor, nam'd Phaeax, they as yet not applying themselves to Navigation; and that Scirus did this because one of the young men, Menesthes, was his Nephew, and this [...], [...]. the Monuments of Nausitheus and Phaeax, [Page 23] built by Theseus near the Temple of Sciron, witness. He adds also that the Feast nam'd Cybernesia was instituted in their honour. The lot being cast, and Theseus having re­ceiv'd out of the Prytenaeum those upon whom it fell, he went to the Delphinean Temple, and made an Offering to Apollo His Offering at the Delphi­nian Temple. for their safe return, which was a Bough of a consecrated Olive Tree bound about with white Wool.

Having thus perform'd his Devotion he went to Sea, the sixth day of March, on which day even till this time the Athenians send their Virgins to the same Temple to make supplication to the Gods. It is far­ther reported that he was commanded by the Oracle at Delphos to make Venus his guide, and to invoke her as the Companion and Conductress of his Voyage, to whom as he was sacrificing a she Goat by the Sea side it was suddenly chang'd into a He, and for this cause that Goddess had the name of [...], signifying a Goat. Epitragia.

When he arriv'd at Crete, as most of the His Arrival at Crete, and Adventures there. ancient Historians as well as Poets write, having a Clew of thred given him by Ari­adne, who had faln in love with him, and being instructed by her the use of it, which was to conduct him through all the win­dings of the Labyrinth, he escap'd out of it and slew the Minotaure, and sail'd back, [Page 24] taking along with him Ariadne and the young Athenian Captives. Pherecydes adds that he bored holes in the Keels of the Cre­tan Ships to hinder their pursuit. And De­mon writes that Taurus, the chief Captain of Minos, was slain in a naval Combat by Theseus in the mouth of the Haven, imme­diately before he set sail for Athens. But Philochorus gives us the Story thus. That at the setting forth of the yearly Game by King Minos, Taurus, who they thought would certainly bear away the prize from all as he had done before, laboured under Taurus envi­ed by the Cre­tans. the envy of all Crete. For his power grew grievous and insupportable by reason of the insolence of his manners, and besides he had been accus'd of two near a familiarity with Pasiphae the Queen: Which was the reason that, when Theseus desir'd the Combat, Mi­nos so easily comply'd. And as it was a custom in Crete that the Ladies also should be admitted to the sight of these Games, Ariadne, being present, was strangely sur­pris'd Ariadne in love with Theseus. at the manly beauty of Theseus, and struck with admiration with the vigour and address which he shew'd in the Com­bat, overcoming all that encountred with him. Minos too being extremely pleas'd with him, especially because he had en­gag'd and overthrown Taurus, voluntarily gave up the young Captives to Theseus, and [Page 25] remitted the Tribute to the Athenians. But Clidemus gives an account of these things peculiar to himself, very prolix and begin­ning a great way off. That it was a De­cree consented to by all Greece, that no Ves­sel from any place containing above five persons should be permitted to sail, Jason onely excepted, who was made Captain of the great Ship Argo to sail about and scour the Sea of Pyrates. But Daedalus, having escap'd from Crete, and flying by Sea to Athens, and Minos, contrary to this Decree, pursuing him with his great Ships, was forc'd by a storm upon Sicily, and there en­ded his life. After his decease, Deucalion Deucalion's Message to Athens. his Son, desiring a quarrel with the Athe­nians, sent to them, commanding that they should deliver up Daedalus to him, threat­ning, upon their refusal, to put to death all the young Athenians which his Father had receiv'd as Hostages from the City. To this angry Message Theseus return'd a very Theseus's Answer. gentle and mild Answer, excusing himself that he could not deliver up Daedalus, who was so nearly related to him, being his Cousin Germain; for his Mother was Me­rope, the Daughter of Erectheus. In the He fits out a Navy. mean while he secretly prepar'd a Navy, part of it at home near the Village of the Thymaetades, being a place of no resort and far from any common Roads, the other part [Page 26] by his Grandfather Pittheus's permission, he caus'd to be built and fitted out at Troe­zene, that so his design might be carried on with the greatest secrecy. As soon as ever his Fleet was in readiness he set sail, and none of the Cretans having any knowledge of his coming, but imagining, when they saw his Fleet, that they were Friends, and Vessels of their own, he soon made himself master of the Haven, and immediately ma­king a descent farther into the Island, and having with him Daedalus and the other Fugitives for his Guides, he arriv'd at Cnos­sus, The Surprisal of Cnossus. the City of the King's residence, before any notice of his coming before the Gates of the Labyrinth, and in a short skirmish put Deucalion and all his Guards to the Sword. The Government by this means falling to Ariadne, he made a League with her, and receiv'd the Captives of her, and ratify'd a perpetual Friendship between the Athenians and the Cretans, whom he en­gag'd under an Oath never again to make War with Athens.

There are yet many other reports about these things, and as many concerning Ari­adne, but none of any certainty or truth. For some relate that she hang'd her self be­ing deserted by Theseus. Others that she was carry'd away by his Sailors to the Isle of Naxos, and married to Onarus, one of [Page 27] the Priests of Bacchus, and that Theseus left her because he fell in love with another ‘ [...].’ ‘For Aegle's love had pierc'd his manly Breast.’ For this Verse, as Hereas the Megarian wit­nesseth, was formerly in the Poet Hesiod's Works, but put out by Pisistratus, in like manner as he added this other in Homer's description of Hell, to gratifie the Atheni­ans, ‘ [...].’ ‘Theseus, Pirithous, both Sons of Gods.’ Others report that Ariadne had two Sons by Theseus, Oenopion and Staphylus, and a­mong these is the Poet Ion, of Chios, who writes thus of his own native City ‘ [...].’ ‘Built by Oenopion the great Theseus's Son.’ But all that the Poets have sung of these matters, or that Fables have made more fa­mous than ordinary, every body (as I may say) hath it in his mouth. But Paeon the [Page 28] Amathusian, has set forth a different rela­tion of these things that has somewhat pe­culiar in it. For he writes that Theseus, being driven by a Storm upon the Isle of Cypros, and having aboard with him Ari­adne, Ariadne left in Cypros. big with Child, and extremely dis­compos'd with the rowling of the Sea, set her on Shore, and left her there alone in that weak condition, to return to and help the Ship, where, on a sudden, by a violent Wind, he was again forc'd out to Sea. That the Women of the Island receiv'd Ariadne very kindly, and administred all manner of comfort to her, that was extremely afflic­ted and almost dead with grief for being left behind. That they counterfeited kind Letters and deliver'd them to her, as sent from Theseus, and, when she fell in Labour, were very diligent in performing to her all the offices that belong to Women. But that she dy'd in Child-bed before she could be de­liver'd, Her death. and was by them honourably in­terr'd. That soon after Theseus return'd, and was greatly afflicted for her loss, and at his departure left a considerable sum of money among those of the Island, ordering them to sacrifice and pay divine honour to Ariadne; and caused two little Images to be made and dedicated to her, one of Sil­ver and the other of Brass. Moreover that on the second day of September, which is [Page 29] sacred to Ariadne, they have this Ceremo­ny A Ceremony instituted in memory of Her. among their Sacrifices, to have a youth lye in, and with his voice and gesture coun­terfeit all the pains of a Woman in Travail; and that the Amathusians call the Grove in which they shew her Tomb the Grove of Venus Ariadne.

Different yet from this account some of the Naxians write, that there were two Minos's and two Ariadne's, one of which, they say, was married to Bacchus, in the Isle of Naxos, and bore a Son nam'd Sta­phylus. But that the other, of a later age, was ravished by Theseus, and being after­wards deserted by him, retir'd to Naxos, with her Nurse Corcyna, whose Grave they yet shew. That this Ariadne also dy'd there, and was worship'd by the Island, but in a different manner from the former; for her day is celebrated with Feasts, and Revels and an universal Joy: but all the Sa­crifices perform'd to the latter are mingled with sorrow and mourning.

Now Theseus, in his return from Crete, Theseus his return from Crete. put in at Delos, and having sacrific'd to the God of the Island, and dedicated to the Temple the Image of Venus, which Ariad­ne had given him, he danc'd with the young Athenians a Dance, that, in memory of him, is still preserv'd among the Inhabitants of Delos, which in a certain order had turnings [Page 30] and returnings that imitated the intricate windings of the Labyrinth. And this Dance, as Dicaearchus writes, is call'd among the Delians, The Crane. This he danc'd round the Ceratonian Altar, so call'd from its be­ing compacted together and adorn'd onely with Horns taken from the left side of the Head. They say also that he instituted Games in Delos, where he was the first that began the custom of giving a Palm to the Victors.

When they were come near the coast of Attica, so great was the joy for the happy success of their Voyage that, neither The­seus His and his Pilots for­getfulness fa­tal to Aegeus. himself, nor the Pilot, remembred to hang out the Sail which should have been the token of their safety to Aegeus, who, knowing nothing of their success, for grief threw himself headlong from a Rock and perish'd in the Sea. But Theseus being ar­riv'd at the Port of Phalera, paid there the sacrifices which he had vow'd to the Gods at his setting out to Sea, and sent a Herald to the City to carry the news of his safe return. At his entrance into the City the Herald found the people for the most part full of grief for the loss of their King, others, as may be well believ'd, as full of joy for the message that he brought, and wholly bent to make much of him and crown him with Garlands for so acceptable news; [Page 31] which he indeed accepted of, but hung them upon his Heralds staff; and thus re­turning to the Sea side before Theseus had finish'd his libation to the Gods, he stay'd without, for fear of disturbing the holy Rites; but as soon as the Sacrifice was en­ded he entred and related the whole story of the King's Death: upon the hearing of which, with great lamentations and a con­fused tumult of grief they ran with all haste to the City. And from hence, they say, it comes that at this day, in the Feast Osco­phoria the Herald is not crown'd but his staff, and that the People then present still break out at the Sacrifice into this shout, [...] (eleleu, iou, iou) of which confus'd sounds the first was wont to be used by men in haste, or at a triumph, the other is proper to those that are in great consternation or trouble.

Theseus, after the Funeral of his Father, paid his Vows to Apollo the seventh day of October; for on that day the Youth that re­turn'd with him safe from Crete made their entry into the City. They say also that the custom of boyling Pulse at this Feast is deriv'd from hence, because the young men that escap'd, put all that was left of their provision together, and boiling it in one common Pot feasted themselves with it, and with great rejoycing did eat all together. [Page 32] Hence also they carry about an Olive branch bound about with Wool (such as they then made use of in their supplications) which they call Eiresione, crown'd with all sorts of Fruits, to signifie that scarcity and barren­ness was ceas'd; singing in their Procession this Song,

Although some hold opinion that this Ce­remony is retain'd in memory of the He­raclidae, who were thus entertain'd and brought up by the Athenians. But most are of the opinion which we have above deliver'd. The Ship wherein Theseus and Theseus his Ship. the Youth of Athens return'd had thirty Oars, and was preserv'd by the Athenians down even to the time of Demetrius Phala­reus, for they took away the old Planks as they decay'd, putting in new and stronger Timber in their place, insomuch that this [Page 33] Ship became a standing Example among the Philosophers, when-ever they dispu­ted about things that encrease, one side holding, That the Ship remain'd the same, and the other as fiercely contending that it was not the same.

The Feast call'd Oscophoria, or the Feast of Boughs, which to this day the Athenians celebrate, was then first insti­tuted by Theseus. For he took not with him the full number of Virgins, which by lot were to be carri'd away, but sele­cted two Youths, with whom he had an intimate familiarity, of fair and woman­ish faces, but of a manly and forward spi­rit, and having by frequent Baths, and avoiding the heat and scorching of the Sun, with a constant use of all the Oynt­ments, and Washes, and Dresses, that serve to the adorning of the Head, or smoothing the Skin, or improving the Complexion, in a manner chang'd them from what they were before, and having taught them further to counterfeit the ve­ry voice, and carriage, and gate of Virgins, so that there could not be the least diffe­rence perceiv'd, he undiscover'd by any, put them into the number of the Athenian Maids design'd for Crete. At his return he and these two Youths led up a solemn Procession, with Boughs and Vine-bran­ches [Page 34] in their hands, and in the same ha­bit that is now worn at the celebration of the Feast of Boughs. These Branches they carri'd in honour of Bacchus and A­riadne, for the sake of their Story before related; or rather because they happen'd to return in Autumn, the time of gathe­ring the Grapes. The Women whom they call Deipnophorae, or Supper-carriers, are taken into these Ceremonies, and as­sist at the Sacrifice, in remembrance and imitation of the Mothers of the young Men and Virgins upon whom the lot fell, for thus busily did they run about bring­ing Banquets and Refreshments to their Children, and because the good Women then told their Sons and Daughters a great many fine Tales and Stories, to comfort and encourage them under the danger they were going upon, it has still conti­nu'd a Custom, that at this Feast, old Fables and Tales should be the chief Dis­course. And for all these Particularities we are beholden to the History of De­mon. There was then a Place chose out, and a Temple erected in it to Theseus, and those Families out of whom the Tribute of the Youth was gather'd, were obliged to pay a Tax to the Temple for Sacrifices to him. And the House of the Phytalidae, had the overseeing of these Sacrifices, [Page 35] Theseus doing them that Honour in re­compence of their former Hospitality.

Now after the death of his Father Aege­us, framing in his mind a great and won­derful Perswades the Inhabitants of Attica to reside together in one City. design, he gather'd together all the Inhabitants of Attica into one Town, and made them one People of one City, that were before dispers'd, and very difficult to be assembled upon any Affair, tho' re­lating to the common benefit of them all. Nay, often such Differences and Quarrels happen'd between them, as occasion'd Bloud-shed and War; these he by his Perswasions appeas'd, and going from People to People and from Tribe to Tribe, propos'd his design of a common agree­ment between them. Those of a more private and mean condition readily em­bracing so good advice, to those of great­er Power and Interest he promis'd a Com­monwealth, wherein Monarchy being laid aside, the power should be in the People, and that, reserving to himself only to be continued the Commander of their Arms, and the Preserver of their Laws, there should be an equal distribu­tion of all things else between them, and by this means brought them over to his Proposal. The rest fearing his Power, which was already grown very formida­ble, and knowing his courage and resolu­tion, [Page 36] chose rather to be perswaded than forc'd into a Compliance. He then dis­solv'd all the distinct Courts of Justice, and Council-Halls, and Corporations, and built one common Prytaneum and Council-Hall, where it stands to this day; and out of the old and the new City he made one, which he nam'd Athens, ordaining a common Feast and Sacrifice to be for ever observ'd, which he call'd Panathenaea, or the Sacrifice of all the United Athenians. He instituted also another Sacrifice, for the sake of Strangers that would come to fix in Athens, call'd Metaecaea, ( [...]) sig­nifies Trans­migration. Lays down his Regal Power. Metaecaea, which is yet celebrated on the 16th. day of June. Then, as he had promis'd, he laid down his Regal Power, and settled a Common­wealth, entring upon this great change, not without advice from the Gods. For having sent to consult the Oracle of Del­phos, concerning the Fortune of his new Government and City, he receiv'd this Answer:

Which Oracle, they say, one of the Si­byls long after did in a manner repeat to the Athenians, in this Verse: ‘ [...].’ ‘The Bladder may be wet, but never drown'd.’ Farther yet designing to enlarge his City, he invited all Strangers to come and enjoy equal Priviledges with the Natives, and some are of opinion that the common form of Proclamation in Athens, Come hi­ther all ye People, were the words that Theseus caused to be proclaim'd, when he thus set up a Commonwealth, consisting, in a manner, of all Nations. Yet he suf­fer'd not his State, by the promiscuous [Page 38] Multitude that flow'd in, to be turn'd in­to Confusion, and be left without any or­der or degree, but was the first that di­vided the Commonwealth into three di­stinct Ranks, the Noblemen, the Hus­bandmen, and Artificers. To the Nobi­lity he committed the choice of Magi­strates, the teaching and dispensing of the Laws, and the interpretation of all holy and Religious things; the whole City, as to all other Matters, being as it were reduc'd to an exact Equality, the Nobles excelling the rest in Honour, the Husbandmen in Profit, and the Artificers in Number. And Theseus was the first, who, as Aristotle says, out of an inclina­tion to Popular Government parted with the Regal Power, and which Homer also seems to witness in his Catalogue of the Ships, where he gives the Name of Peo­ple, to the Athenians only.

He then coyned Money, and stamp'd it with the Image of an Ox, either in me­mory of the Marathonian Bull, or of Tau­rus whom he vanquish'd, or else to put his People in mind to follow Husbandry, and from this Coin came the expression so frequent among the Greeks, of a thing being worth ten or a hundred Oxen. Af­ter this he joyned Megara to Attica, and erected that famous Pillar in the Streights [Page 39] of Peloponnesus, which bears an Inscripti­on of two lines, shewing the bounds of the two Countreys that meet there. On the East-side the Inscription is thus: ‘This is not Peloponnesus but Ionia.’ And on the West-side thus: ‘This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia.’ He also instituted annual Games, in emu­lation of Hercules, being ambitious, that as the Greeks by that Hero's appointment celebrated the Olympian Games to the Ho­nour of Jupiter, so by his institution they should celebrate the Isthmian Games to the Honour of Neptune. For those that were there before observ'd, dedicated to Melicerta, were perform'd privately and in the night, and consisted rather of Reli­gious Ceremonies, than of any open Spe­ctacle or publick Feast. But some there are who say, that the Isthmian Games were first instituted in memory of Sciron, at the Expiation which Theseus made for his Murder, upon the account of the near­ness of kindred which was between them, Sciron being the Son of Canethus and He­niocha, the Daughter of Pittheus; tho' others write, that Sinnis and not Sciron [Page 40] was their Son, and that to his Honour and not to the others these Games were or­dain'd by Theseus; and Hellanicus and Andro of Halicarnassus write, that at the same time he made an agreement with the Corinthians, that they should allow them that came from Athens to the cele­bration of the Isthmian Games, as much space to behold the Spectacle in, as the Sayl of the Ship that brought them thi­ther stretcht to its full extent could co­ver, and that in the first and most honou­rable Place. Concerning the Voyage His Voyage in­to the Euxine Sea. that he made in the Euxine Sea, there are different Relations; for Philochorus and some others write, that he undertook this Expedition with Hercules, offering him his Service in the War against the Amazons, and had Antiope given him for the reward of his Valour: but others, as Pherecydes, Hellanicus and Herodorus write, that he made this Voyage many years af­ter Hercules, with a Navy under his own Command, and took the Amazon Prisoner; and indeed this seems to come nearest the truth, for we do not read that any other of all those that accompani'd him in this Action, took any Amazon Prisoner. Dif­ferent from the former, Bion writes, that he stole her away by deceit, and fled; for the Amazons (he says) being natural­ly [Page 41] Lovers of Men, were so far from flying from Theseus when he touch'd upon their Coasts, that they entertain'd him with great civility, and sent him Presents to his Ship; but he having invited Antiope, who brought them, to come aboard, im­mediately set Sayl and carri'd her away. Menecrates, that wrote the History of Ni­caea in Bithynia, adds, that Theseus having Antiope aboard his Vessel, cruised for some time about those Coasts, and that there were in the same Ship three young No­blemen of Athens, that accompani'd him in this Voyage, all Brothers, whose Names were Euneus, Thoas, and Soloon. The last of these fell desperately in Love with An­tiope, but conceal'd it with all possible care; only to one of his most intimate ac­quaintance he reveal'd the Secret, and employ'd him to break his passion to An­tiope; she rejected his pretences with a very sharp denial, yet carri'd her self to him with all outward appearances of Ci­vility, and very prudently made no com­plaint to Theseus of any thing that had happen'd; but Soloon, urg'd by despair, leap'd into a River near the Sea-side, and drowned himself. As soon as The­seus was acquainted with his Death, and his unhappy Love that was the cause of it, he was extreamly con­cern'd, [Page 42] and in the heighth of his grief, an Oracle which he had formerly receiv'd at Delphos, came into his mind; for he had been commanded by the Priestess of Apollo Pythius, that where-ever in his Travels he was most sorrowful, and under the greatest affliction, he should build a City there, and leave some of his Follow­ers to be Governours of the Place. For this cause he there founded a City, which he call'd from the Name of Apollo, Pytho­polis, He builds Py­thopolis. and in honour of the unfortunate Youth, he nam'd the River that runs by it, Soloon, and left the two surviving Bro­thers entrusted with the care of the Go­vernment and Laws, joyning with them Hermus, one of the Nobility of Athens, from whom a certain Place in the City is call'd, The House of Hermus; tho' by an error in the accent of the word, it has been falsly taken for the House of Hermes, or Mercury, and the Honour that was de­sign'd to the Heroe, transferr'd to the God. And this was the rise and ground of the Amazonian War, a War of no small consequence, or in which the Athenians might think they had to do with Cow­ards or Women. For it is impossible that they should have plac'd their Camp in the very City, and joyn'd Battel in the mid­dle of it, near the Temple of the Muses, [Page 43] unless having first conquer'd the Country round about, they had without any delay or fear mov'd boldly on to Athens. That they made so long a Journey by Land, and passed an Arm of the Cimmerian Bosphorus that was frozen, as Hellanicus writes, is difficult to be believ'd. This is certain, that they encamp'd in the City, and may be sufficiently confirm'd by the Names that the Places thereabout yet retain, and the Graves and Monuments of those that fell in the Battel. Both Armies now be­ing in sight, there was a long pause and doubt on each side which should give the first Onset: At last Theseus having sacri­fic'd to Fear, in obedience to the Com­mand of an Oracle he had receiv'd, gave them Battel; and this happen'd in the Gives Battel to the Ama­zons. Month of August, in which to this very day the Athenians celebrate the Feast, that is nam'd from that Month wherein this Battel was fought. But Clidemus, de­sirous to be very nice in each particular of this Affair, writes, that the left Wing of the Amazons mov'd towards the Place which is yet call'd Amazonium, and the right to a Place call'd Pnyx, near Chrysa, upon which the Athenians, issuing from behind the Muses Temple, fell upon them; and that this is true, the Graves of those that were slain, to be seen in the Street [Page 44] that leads to the Gate call'd Piraica, by the Temple of the Hero Chalcodus, are a sufficient proof. And here it was that the Athenians were routed, and shameful­ly turn'd their backs to Women, as far as to the Temple of the Furies. But fresh supplies coming in from Palladium, Ar­dettus, and Lyceum, charg'd their right Wing, and beat them back into their ve­ry Tents, in which Action a great num­ber of the Amazons were slain. At length, after four months, a Peace was concluded Peace conclu­ded. between 'em by the mediation of Hippoly­ta, (for so this Historian calls the Amazon which Theseus marri'd, and not Antiope) tho' others write that she was slain with a Dart by Molpadia, fighting by Theseus side, and that the Pillar which stands by the Temple at the entring into the Olym­pian ground, was erected to her Honour. Nor is it to be wonder'd that the History of things so very ancient, should be so various and uncertain. It is farther said, that those of the Amazons that were wounded, were privately sent away by Antiope to Chalcis, where many by her care recover'd, but those that dy'd were buri'd in the Place that is to this time call'd Amazonium. That this War was ended by a mutual League and Agree­ment, is evident both from the Name of [Page 45] the Place adjoyning to the Temple of The­seus, call'd from the solemn Oath there taken, Horcomosium, and also from the ancient Sacrifice which is celebrated to the Amazons, the day before the Feast of The­seus. The Megarians pretend also that some of the Amazons were buried in their City, and shew for one of their Monu­ments, a Tomb in the figure of a Lozenge, in the passage from the Market-place to a Place call'd Rhus. It is said likewise, that others of 'em were slain near Chaero­nea, and buried near a little Rivulet, for­merly call'd Thermodon, but now Haemon, of which I have formerly wrote in the Life of Demosthenes. It appears further, that the Passage of the Amazons through Thessaly was not without opposition, for there are yet to be seen many of their Se­pulchres near Scotussaea and Cynocephalae. And this is as much as is worthy the Re­lation, concerning the Amazons. For the account which the ancient Author of a Poem call'd Theseis, gives us, of this In­vasion of the Amazons, how that Antiope, to revenge her self upon Theseus, for re­fusing her and marrying Phaedra, came down upon the City with her Train of Amazons, was defeated, and had most of her Followers slain by Hercules, is mani­festly nothing else but Fable, and the In­vention [Page 46] of a Poet. It is true indeed that Theseus marri'd Phaedra, but that was af­ter the death of Antiope, by whom he had a Son call'd Hippolytus, or, as Pindar writes, Demophoon. As to the Calami­ties which befel both Theseus and his Son, since none of the Historians have contra­dicted the Tragick Poets that have writ­ten of them, they are altogether to be re­ceiv'd for truths, as they are deliver'd from the Stage. There are also other Reports concerning the Marriages of The­seus, His Marriages the beginnings of which were nei­ther honourable, nor their events fortu­nate, which yet were never represented in the Grecian Plays. He forc'd Anaxo, the Traezenian; having slain Sinnis and Cercyon, he ravish'd their Daughters; he marri'd Peribaea the Mother of Ajax, and then Pheribaea, and then Jope the Daugh­ter of Iphicles. Further he is accus'd for deserting Ariadne, (as is before related) being in Love with Aegle the Daughter of Panopeus, an action neither just nor ho­nourable. And lastly for the Rape of He­len, which fill'd all Attica with War and Blood, and was in the end the occasion of his Banishment and Death, as shall here­after be related.

Herodorus is of opinion, that tho' there were many famous Expeditions underta­ken [Page 47] by the bravest and most honourable Captains of his Time, yet Theseus never made One amongst them, nor appear'd in any great and publick Action; once only excepted, when he joyn'd with the Lapi­thae in their War against the Centaurs: but others say that he accompani'd Jason to Colchos, and Meleager to the slaying of the Calydonian Boar, and that hence this came to be a Proverbial Speech, Not without Theseus. Also that Theseus with­out any aid of the Heroes of his Time, did himself perform very many and very great Exploits, and that from the high esteem the World set upon his Valour, it grew into a Proverb, This is another Theseus. In most of the printed Copies it is read, This is another Her­cules, but some Manuscripts read it better, as it is here translated. He was also very instrumental to Adrastus, in recovering the Bodies of those that were slain before Thebes, but not, as Eu­ripides in his Tragedy says, by force of Arms, but by perswasion and mutual agreement and composition, for so the greater part of Historians write; nay, Philochorus adds farther, that this was the first Treaty that ever was made for the re­covering and burying the Bodies of the dead; tho' the History of Hercules says, that he was the first that ever gave leave to his Enemies to carry off the Bodies of their slain. The Burying-places of the Common Souldiers are yet to be seen in [Page 48] the Village call'd Eleutherae, and those of the Commanders at Eleusis, where The­seus allotted them a Place for their Inter­ment, to oblige Adrastus. And that the dead Bodies were thus recover'd, Aeschy­lus is Witness in his Tragedy call'd the Eleusinians, where Theseus himself is brought in relating the Story as it is here told, which quite overthrows what Eu­ripides writes on this Subject, in his Play call'd The Suppliants.

The extraordinary and so much cele­brated Friendship between Theseus and The occasion of the Friendship between The­seus and Peiri­thous. Peirithous, is said to have been thus be­gun. The Fame of the matchless Strength and Valour of Theseus being spread through all Greece, Peirithous was enflam'd with a desire to be satisfi'd, and make a tryal himself of what he had heard so much by Report; to this end he seized a Herd of Oxen which belong'd to Theseus, and was driving them away from Marathon, when News was brought that Theseus pursu'd him in Arms; upon which, disdaining to fly, he turn'd back and went on to meet him. But as soon as ever they had view'd one another, each so admir'd the Gracefulness and Beauty, and was seiz'd with such a Reverence for the Bravery and Courage of the other, that they for­gat all thoughts of Fighting; and Peiri­thous [Page 49] first stretching out his hand to The­seus, bade him be Judge in this Case him­self, and promis'd to submit willingly to what-ever he demanded, in satisfaction for the injury he had done. But Theseus not only forgave him all the damages he had sustain'd, but entreated him to be his Friend and Brother in Arms; and there immediately they swore an inviolable friendship to each other. After this Pe­rithous married Deidamia, and invited Theseus to the Wedding, entreating him to come and see his Countrey, and enter into alliance with the Lapithae; he had at the same time invited the Centaurs to the Feast, who growing hot with Wine be­gan to be very insolent and lewd, and of­fer'd violence to the Women, which so enrag'd the Lapithae, that they took im­mediate revenge upon them, slaying ma­ny of them upon the Place; and after­wards having overcome them in Battel, drove the whole Race of them out of their Countrey, Theseus all along taking their part, and fighting on their side. But He­rodotus gives a different Relation of these things. That Theseus came not to the assistance of the Lapithae till the War was already begun, and that it was in this Journey that he had the first sight of Her­cules, having made it his business to find [Page 50] him out at Trachine, where he had chosen to rest himself after all his wandrings and his labours, and that this Enterview was honourably perform'd on each part with extream Civility, Respect and Admiration of each other. Yet it is more credible what other Historians write, that there were before frequent Enterviews between them, and that it was by the means of Theseus that Hercules was initiated and admitted to the Ceremonies of the God­dess Ceres, having, by his intercession also, been first purifi'd, upon the account of several rash Actions of his former Life.

Theseus was now fifty years old, as Hel­lanicus reports, when he ravish'd Helen, who was very young, and not of Age to be marri'd. Wherefore some Writers, to take away this Accusation of one of the greatest Crimes that is laid to his charge, say, that he did not steal away Helen himself, but that Idas and Lynceus were the Ravishers, who brought her to him, and committed her to his charge, and that therefore he refus'd to restore her at the demand of Castor and Pollux; or, ac­cording to others, that her own Father Tyndarus sent her to be kept by him, for fear of Enarsphorus the Son of Hippocoon, who would have carri'd her away by force [Page 51] when she was yet a Child. But the most probable Relation, and that which has most Witnesses on its side, is this: Theseus and Peirithous went both together to The Rape of Helen. Sparta, and having seiz'd the young La­dy as she was dancing in the Temple of Diana Orthia, fled away with her. There were presently Men in Arms sent to pur­sue the Ravishers, but they followed the pursuit no farther than to Tegea; and The­seus and Peirithous being now out of dan­ger, having escap'd out of Peloponnesus, made an agreement between themselves, that he to whom the lot should fall, should have Helen to his Wife, but should be ob­lig'd to be ready with his assistance to procure another for his Friend. The lot fell upon Theseus, who convey'd her to Aphidnae, not being yet marriageable, and deliver'd her to one of his Allies call [...]d Aphidnus, and having sent his Mother Aethra after to take care of her Education, desir'd him to keep them so secretly, that none might know where they were. Which done, to return the same service to his Friend Peirithous, he accompani'd him in his Journey to Epirus, in order to Accompanies Peirithous to Epirus. steal away the King of the Molossians Daughter. This King, his own Name being Aidoneus or Pluto, call'd his Wife and his Daughter, Proserpina, and a [Page 52] great Dog which he kept, Cerberus, with whom he order'd all that came as Suitors to his Daughter to fight, and promis'd her to him that should overcome the Beast. But having been inform'd, that the design of Peirithous his coming was not to court his Daughter, but to force her away, he caused them both to be seized, and threw Peirithous to be torn in pieces by his Dog, and clapt up Theseus Peirithous's Death. Theseus in Prison. into Prison, and kept him in Chains.

About this time, Menestheus, the Son of Peteus, who was great Grandson to Erectheus, the first Man that is recorded to have affected Popularity, and ingratia­ted himself with the Multitude, stirr'd up and exasperated the most eminent Men of the City, who had long born a secret grudge to Theseus, and possest them with a belief that Theseus had taken from them their several little Kingdoms and Lord­ships, that so having pent them all up in one City, he might use them as his Sub­jects and Slaves. He put also the meaner Menestheus stirs up the A­thenians a­gainst The­seus. sort into no small Commotion, by accu­sing them sharply, that being deluded with a meer dream of Liberty, tho' in­deed they were depriv'd both of that, and of their Countreys and their Temples, in­stead of many good and gracious Kings of their own, they had given themselves up [Page 53] to be lorded over by a New comer and a Stranger. Whilst he was thus busi'd in infecting the minds of the Citizens, the War that Castor and Pollux brought against Castor and Pollux invade Athens for the recovery of He­len. Athens, came very opportunely to further the Sedition he had been promoting, and some say that he by his perswasions was wholly the cause of their invading the City. At their first approach they com­mitted no acts of Hostility, but peaceably demanded their Sister Helen; but the Athenians returning answer, that they knew not where she was dispos'd of, they prepar'd to assault the City; when Aca­demus (by what means he came to the knowledge of it, is uncertain) discover'd to them that she was secretly kept at Aphidnae. For which Reason he was both extreamly honour'd during his Life by Castor and Pollux, and the Lacedaemonians, when in after-times they made several In­cursions into Attica, and destroy'd all the Countrey round about, spar'd the Acade­my for his sake. But Dicaearchus writes, that there were two Arcadians in the Ar­my of Castor and Pollux, the one call [...]d Echedemus, and the other Marathus; from the first that which is now call'd the Aca­demy, was then nam'd Echedemia, and the Village Marathon had its Name from the other, who according to the Oracle wil­lingly [Page 54] offer'd up himself a Sacrifice for the prosperous success of the Army. As soon as the Lacedaemonians were arriv'd at A­phidnae, they first overcame their Enemies They take A­phidnae. in a set Battel, and then assaulted it, and took the Town. And here, they say, Alycus, the Son of Sciron, was slain on the Lacedaemonians side, from whom a Place in Megara, where he was buri'd, is call'd Alycus to this day. And Hereas writes, that it was Theseus himself that kill'd him, in witness of which he cites these Verses concerning Alycus: ‘ [...].’

Tho' it is not at all probable, that Theseus himself was there when both the City and his own Mother were taken. Aphid­nae being now won by Castor and Pollux, and the whole City of Athens being in great Consternation, Menestheus perswa­ded the People to open their Gates, and receive them with all manner of Civility and Friendship, who, he told them, de­sign'd no violence or injury to any but [Page 55] Theseus, who had first done them wrong, but were Benefactors and Saviours to all Mankind beside. And their behaviour to the conquer'd gave credit to what Menes­theus promis'd; for having made them­selves absolute Masters of the Place, they demanded no more than to be initiated in the Ceremonies of the Goddess Ceres, since they were as nearly related to their City as Hercules was, who had receiv'd the same Honour. This their Desire they easily obtain'd, and were adopted by A­phidnus, as Hercules had been by Pylius. They were honour'd also like Gods, and were call'd by a new Name Anaces, either from the In Greek, [...]. cessation of the War, or from the singular care they took that none should suffer any injury, tho' there was so great an Army within the Walls of the City, for the Phrase ( [...]) signi­fies as much, from whence it is likely that Kings were call'd Anactes. Others say, that from the appearance of their Star in the Heavens, they were thus call'd, for in the Attick Dialect this Name comes very near the words [...], and [...]. that signifie A­bove.

Some say that Aethra, Theseus his Mo­ther, was here taken Prisoner, and carri'd to Lacedaemonia, and from thence went away with Helen to Troy, alledging this [Page 56] Verse of Homer, to prove that she waited upon Helen: ‘ [...]’ ‘Aethra of Pittheus born; and Clymene.’ Others reject this Verse as none of Ho­mers, as they do likewise the whole Fa­ble of Munychus, who, the Story says, was the Son of Demophoon and Laodice, and was brought up privately by Aethra at Troy. But Istrus in the 13th. Book of his Attic History, gives us an account of Ae­thra, different yet from all the rest: That after the Fight, wherein Achilles and Pa­troclus overcame Paris in Thessaly, near the River Sperchius, Hector sack'd and plunder'd the City of the Troezenians, and took Aethra Prisoner there. But this seems to be an absurd and groundless Tale.

Now it happen'd that Hercules passing once by the Countrey of the Molossians, was entertain'd in his way by Aidoneus the King, who in Discourse accidentally fell upon a Relation of the Journey of Theseus and Peirithous into his Dominions, and what they had design'd to do, and what they were forc'd to suffer. Hercules was extreamly concern'd for the inglorious [Page 57] Death of the one, and the miserable con­dition of the other: As for Peirithous, he thought it but in vain to expostulate with the King concerning his being put to Death; but Theseus being yet kept in Prison, he begg'd to have him releas'd for his sake, and obtain [...]d that Favour Hercules pro­cures the release of Theseus. He returns to Athens. from the King. Theseus being thus set at liberty, return'd to Athens, where his Friends were not yet wholly suppress'd, and dedicated to Hercules all the Temples which the City had erected to himself, changing their Names from Thesea to He­raclea, four only excepted, as Philochorus writes. And now designing to preside in the Commonwealth, and manage the State as before, he soon found himself fall'n into a Nest of Faction and Sedition; he discover'd that those who of a long time had hated him, had now added to Slighted by the Athenians. their hatred of his Person a contempt of his Authority; and seeing the minds of the People so generally corrupted, that, instead of obeying with silence and sub­mission what-ever was commanded, they expected to be flatter'd and sooth'd into their duty, he had some thoughts to have reduc'd them by force, but by the preva­lence of the Faction, and continual Dis­orders, he was deterr'd from the Attempt. And at last despairing of any good success [Page 58] of his Affairs in Athens, he sent away his Children privately to Eubaea, commend­ing them to the care of Elephenor the Son of Chalcodus; and he himself having so­lemnly curs'd the People of Athens, in the Village of Gargettus, in which there yet remains the Place call'd Araterion, or the Place of Cursing, sail'd to Scyrus, where He sails to Scy­rus. he had Lands left him by his Father, and, as he perswaded himself, a great Friend­ship with all those of the Island. Lyco­medes was then King of Scyrus, Theseus therefore addressed himself to him, and desir'd to have his Lands put into his pos­session, as designing to settle and to dwell there, tho' others say, that he came to beg his assistance against the Athenians. But Lycomedes, being either jealous of the Glory of so great a Man, or to gratifie Menestheus, having led him up to the highest Cliff of the Island, on pretence of showing him from thence the Lands that he desir'd, threw him headlong down from the Rock, and kill'd him. But o­thers His Death. say, he fell down of himself by an unfortunate slip of his Foot, as he was walking there after Supper according to his usual custom. At that time there was no notice taken, nor were any con­cern'd for his Death, but Menestheus qui­etly possess'd himself of the Kingdom of [Page 59] Athens. His Sons were brought up in a private condition, and accompani'd Ele­phenor to the Trojan War, but after the decease of Menestheus, who dy'd in the same Expedition, they return'd to Athens, and recover'd the Government to them­selves. But in succeeding Ages there were several remarkable Accidents, that mov'd the Athenians to honour Theseus as a demy-God. For in the Battel which was fought at Marathon against the Medes, many of the Souldiers saw an Apparition of Theseus all in Arms fighting in the head of them, and rushing on upon the Barba­rians. And after the Median War, Phaedo being Archon of Athens, the Athenians consulting the Oracle at Delphos, were commanded to gather together the Bones of Theseus, and laying 'em in some honou­rable Place, keep them as sacred in the City. But it was very difficult to reco­ver these Reliques, or so much as to find out the Place where they lay, by reason of the inhospitable and savage temper of the barbarous People that inhabited the Island. But afterwards when Cimon took the Island, (as is related in his Life) and had a great desire to find out the Place where Theseus was buried, he by chance spy'd an Eagle upon a rising ground peck­ing it with her Beak, and tearing up the [Page 60] Earth with her Talons, when on the sud­den it came into his mind, as it were by some divine Inspiration, to dig there, and search for the Bones of Theseus. There was found in that Place a Coffin of a Man of more than ordinary size, and the head of a brass Lance, and a Sword lying by it, all which he took aboard his Gally, and brought with him to Athens. The Athenians having notice of this, went out to meet and receive the Reliques of this great Man in a splendid and pompous Procession, and did sacrifice to them, and were as much transported, as if Theseus himself was return'd alive to their City. After that they interr'd them in the mid­dle of the City, near the Place where the Youth perform their Wrestlings, and o­ther Exercises of Body. His Tomb is a Sanctuary and Refuge for Slaves, and all those of mean condition, that fly from the Persecution of Men in Power, in me­mory that Theseus while he lived, was an Assister and Protector of the Distress'd, and never refus'd the Petitions of the Af­flicted, that fled to him for Succour and Defence. The chief and most solemn Sa­crifice which they celebrate to him, is kept on the 8th. day of October, in which he return'd with the Athenian young Men from Crete. Besides which they sacrifice [Page 61] to him on the 8th. day of every Month, either because he return'd from Traezene the 8th. day of June, as Diodorus the Geo­grapher writes, or else thinking that num­ber of all others to be most proper to him, because he was reputed to be born of Neptune, for they sacrifice to Neptune on the 8th. day of every Month; for the Number Eight being the first Cube of an even Number, and the double of the first Square, seemed to be an Emblem of the stedfast and immoveable Power of this God, who from thence has the Names of Asphalius and Gaeiochus, that is, the Esta­blisher and Stayer of the Earth.

BY whom, and for what reason, the City of Whence Rome was so call'd. Rome, a Name so great in glory, and famous in the mouths of all men, was so first call'd, Authors do [Page 64] not agree. Some are of opinion that the Pelasgians, after they had over-run the greater part of the habitable World, and subdued most Nations, fix'd themselves here, and from their own great strength in War [which is the signification of the word in Greek] call'd the City Rome. Others that after the taking of Troy, some few that escap'd the Enemy, fortunately meeting with Shipping, put to Sea, and being driven upon the Coasts of Thuscany, came to an Anchor off from the mouth of the River Tyber, where, their Women being miserably tir'd and harass [...]d by the toilsomness of the Voyage, it was propos'd by one whose Name was Roma, a Person of the best Quality, and seemingly of the best Understanding too amongst em, to burn the Ships: Which being done, the Men at first were very much offended at it; but afterwards, of necessity, seating themselves near Palatium, where things in a short while succeeded far better than they could hope, in that they found the Countrey very good, and the People courteous, they not only did the Lady Roma all other great Honours, but they added this also, of calling the City they had built after her Name. From this, they say, came that Custom at Rome for Women to salute their Kinfmen and Hus­bands [Page 65] with Kisses, because these Women after they had burnt the Ships, did make use of such like Allurements to pacifie their Husbands, and allay the displeasure they had conceiv'd. Divers Opi­nions of the Name of Rome. Some say, that Roma, from whom this City was so call'd, was Daughter of Italus and Leucaria; others, of Telephus, Hercules's Son, who was married to Aeneas; others again, of Ascanius, Aeneas's Son. But then some say, Romanus, the Son of Ʋlysses and Circe, built it; some that Romus, the Son of Emathion, whom Diomede sent from Troy; and others that it was founded by Romus, King of the Latines, that drove out the Thuscans, who came originally from Thessaly into Lydia, and from thence into those Parts of Italy. Nay, those very Authors, who by the clearest Reasons make it appear, that Of Romu­lus's Birth. Romulus gave Name to that City, do yet strangely differ concerning his Birth and Family: For some write, he was Son to Aeneas and Dexithea, Daughter of Phorbas, who with his Brother Remus, in their Infancy, was carried into Italy, and being on the River when the Waters were very rough, all the Ships were cast away except only that where the young Children were, which being safely landed on a level Bank of the River, they were both unexpectedly sav'd, and from them [Page 66] the Place was call'd Rome. Some say, Roma, Daughter of that Trojan Lady who was married to Latinus, Telemachus's Son, was Mother to Romulus; others, that Aemilia, Daughter of Aeneas and Lavinia, had him by the God Mars; and others give you little less than meer Fables of his Original. As to Tarchetius, King of Alba, who was a most wicked and cruel Man, appear'd in his own House a strange Visi­on, which was the Figure of a Man's Yard, that rose out of a Chimney-hearth, and stay'd there for many days. Where­upon the Oracle of Tethys in Thuscany be­ing consulted, the result of it was that some young Virgin should accept of its Court, and she should have a Son famous in his Generation, eminent for Vertue, good Fortune, and strength of Body. Tar­chetius told the Prophecy to one of his own Daughters, and commanded her to entertain the Lover; but she slighting the Matter, put her Woman on the exe­cution of it. Tarchetius hearing this, in great indignation imprison'd the Offen­ders, purposing to put 'em to death; but being deterr'd from Murder by the God­dess Vesta in a Dream, enjoyn'd them for their punishment the working a piece of Cloth, in their Chains as they were, which when they finish'd, they should be [Page 67] suffer'd to marry; but what-ever they work'd by day, Tarchetius commanded others to unravel in the night. In the mean time the Waiting-woman was de­liver'd of two Boys, whom Tarchetius gave into the hands of one Teratius, with strict Command to destroy 'em; but he expos'd 'em to Fortune by a River-side, where a Wolf constantly came and suckled 'em, and the Birds of the Air brought little mor­sels of Food, which they put into their mouths; till a Neat-herd spying 'em, was first strangely surpriz'd, but venturing to draw nearer, took the Children up in his arms. This was the manner of their pre­servation, and thus they grew up till they set upon Tarchetius, and overcame him. This Promathion says, that writ the History of Italy; but Diocles Pepare­thius deliver'd first amongst the Graecians the most principal Parts of the History that has most credit, and is generally re­ceiv'd; him Fabius Pictor in most things follows. Yet here too are still more Scru­ples rais'd: As for Example; The Kings of Alba descending lineally from Aeneas, the Succession devolv'd at length upon two Brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Amulius to divide things into two equal shares, put in equivalency to the King­dom all the Treasury and Gold that was [Page 68] brought from Troy. Numitor chose the Kingdom; but Amulius having the Mo­ney, and being able to do more with that than Numitor, he both with a great deal of ease took his Kingdom from him, and withal fearing lest his Daughter might have Children, made her a Vestal Nun, in that condition for ever to live a single and Maiden Life. This Lady some call'd His Mother. Ilia, others Rhea, and others Sylvia; however not long after she was, contrary to the establish'd Laws of the Vestals, dis­cover'd to be with Child, and should have suffer'd the most cruel punishment, had not Antho, the King's Daughter, media­ted with her Father for her; nevertheless she was confin'd, and debarr'd all humane conversation, that she might not be de­liver'd without his knowledge. In time she brought forth two Boys, extraordina­ry both in the bigness and beauty of their Bodies: Whereupon Amulius becoming yet more fearful, commanded a Ser­vant to take and cast 'em away; this Man some call Faustulus; others say, Fau­stulus was the Man who brought them up; Faustulus. who-ever the Servant was, he put the Children in a small Trough, and went to­wards the River with a design to cast them in; but seeing the Waters flow, and pour­ing in mighty surges upon him, he [Page 69] fear'd to go nigher, but dropping the Children near the Bank, went himself off; the River overflowing, the Flood at last bore up the Trough, and gently wafting it, landed 'em on a very pleasant Plain, which they now call Cermanum. Cermanum, formerly Germanum, perhaps from Germa­ni, which signifies Brothers. Near this Place grew a wild Fig-tree, which they call'd Ruminalis, either from Romulus, (as it is vulgarly thought) or from Ruminor signifies to chew the Cud. Rumina­ting, because Cattel did usually in the heat of the day seek Cover under it, and there chew the Cud; or chiefly from the suckling of these Children there; for the Ancients call'd the Dug or Teat of any Creature, Ruma, and the tutelar God­dess of all young Children they still call Rumilia. Rumilia, in sacrificing to whom they made no use of Wine, but Milk. While the Infants lay here, History tells us, a she-Wolf nurs'd 'em, and a little [...]. Wood­pecker constantly fed and foster'd 'em; these Creatures are esteem'd holy to the God Mars, and for the Woodpecker, the Latines still egregiously worship and honour it. Whence it was not altogether incredible what the Mother of the Chil­dren said, that she conceiv'd with Child by the God Mars, tho' they say that mi­stake was put upon her by Amulius him­self, [Page 70] being by him robb'd of her Honour, who appear'd to her all in Armour, and so committed a Rape upon her Body.

Others think the first rise of this Fable came from the Childrens Nurse, purely upon the ambiguity of a word; for the Latines not only call'd Wolves, Lupae, but also lewd and prostitute Women: And such an one was the Wife of Faustulus, who nurtur'd these Children, Acca Lau­rentia by Name; to her the Romans offer Sacrifices, and to her in the Month April the Priest of Mars does offer up a special Libation, and they call it the Laurentian Feast; they honour also another Lauren­tia much upon the like occasion; as thus:

The Keeper of Hercules's Temple ha­ving, it seems, little else to do, propos'd to his Deity a Game at Dice, laying down, that if he himself won, he would have something valuable of the God, but if he was beaten, he would spread him a noble Table, and procure withal a fair Lady to lye with him. Upon these terms, reckoning first the Chances that were thrown for the God, and then for him­self, he found plainly he had lost: ne­vertheless being willing Matters should be adjusted, and thinking it honest to stick to the Proposals he made himself, he both [Page 71] provided the Deity a good Supper, and feeing Laurentia, who was a fine Crea­ture, tho' not as yet a fam'd Beauty, treat­ed her in the Temple, where he had also laid a Bed, and after Supper lock'd her in, as if the God were really to enjoy her; and indeed it is said, the Deity did truly bed the Lady, and commanded her in the Morning to walk the Streets, and what­ever Man she met first, him to salute, and make her Friend. The Man she met was by Name Tarrutius, far stricken in years, but of a competent subsistence, without Children, and had always liv'd a single Life: This Man [...]. knew Laurentia, and lov'd her well, and at his death left her sole Heir of all his large and fair Possessi­ons, most of which she in her last Will and Testament bequeath'd to the People. It was reported of her, being now a ce­lebrated Beauty, and esteem'd the Mistress of a God, that she suddenly disappear'd near the Place where the first Laurentia lay buried; the Place is at this day call'd Velabrum. Velabrum, because, the River frequently overflowing, they went over in Ferry­boats much about this Place to the Mar­ket, which manner of Waftage the La­tines call Velatura; others derive the Name from Velum a Veil, because the Ex­hibiters of publick Shews, generally ma­king [Page 72] their Procession from the Market-place to the Circus maximus [or common Shew-place] did always veil that space between. Upon these accounts is the se­cond Laurentia so highly honour'd at Rome.

The Children all this while Faustulus, Amulius's Neat-herd, educated privately Romulus his Education. from the knowledge of all Men; but, as some say, and with the greatest likelihood too, Numitor was conscious all along to the thing, and made Allowances under-hand to their Tutors; for it is said, they were at Ga­bii well instructed in Letters, and all other Accomplishments befitting their Birth and Quality. The reason of their Names (Romu­lus and Remus) was, as you find it in Story, because they were seen Ruma signi­fying a Dug. sucking of the Wolf. In their very Infancy, the noble structure of their Bodies presently discover'd the natural greatness of their Minds and Thoughts; and when they grew up, they both prov'd of great Bra­very and Manhood, attempting all Enter­prizes that seem'd hazardous, and shew­ing still a Courage altogether undaunted. But Romulus seem'd rather to excel in Wisdom, and to have an Understanding more adapted to politick Affairs, in his Life and Conversation amongst his Neigh­bours, both in feeding his Flock, and ma­naging [Page 73] his Dogs for Hunting, raising a great opinion in all, that he was born ra­ther to rule and govern than be a Subject. To their Comrades, nay Inferiors, they were affable and courteous; but the King's Servants, his Bayliffs and Overseers, as being in nothing better Men than them­selves, they despis'd and slighted, nor were the least concernd at their commands and menaces. They us'd honest Pastimes, and liberal Studies, esteeming Sloth and Idleness not to be commendable, but ra­ther Exercises, as Hunting and Running, catching of Robbers, taking of Thieves, and delivering the wrong'd and oppressed from injury. Upon this account they be­came famous.

Now there happening a Quarrel be­twixt Numitor's and Amulius's Neatherds, The occasion of Romulus and Remus being known. the latter not enduring the driving away of their Cattel by the others, fell foul upon them, and put 'em to flight, and rescued withal the greatest part of the prey. At which Numitor being highly incens'd, they little regarded it, but re­united their Forces, and picking up a great many needy Fellows and Servants, began a seditious and mutinous Riot; and Romulus employing himself then at a Sa­crifice, (for he was a lover of holy Cere­monies and Prophecies) Numitor's Neat­herds [Page 74] meeting with Remus, upon a small Journey he was making, fell upon him, and some few Blows and Wounds passing between them, took Remus Prisoner, who being carried before Numitor, and there accus'd of Misdemeanors, he would not punish him himself, fearing his Brother might be angry, but went to him, and desir'd Justice might be done him, as he was his Brother, and was affronted by his Servants. The Men of Alba likewise re­senting the thing ill, and thinking the Man dishonourably us'd, Amulius was in­duced to deliver Remus up into Numitor's hands, to use him as he thought fit. He therefore took and carried him home, and being struck with admiration of the Youth's Person, in proportion and strength of Body exceeding all Men, and perceiv­ing in his very Countenance the courage and presence of his Mind, which stood undaunted and unshaken in his present Calamities, and hearing farther all the Enterprises and Actions of his Life, were answerable to what he saw of him, but chiefly (as it seem'd) God influencing and directing the Instruments of great Works, he having a desire and opportu­nity to enquire into the truth of him, in gentle terms and with a kind aspect rai­sing a confidence and hope in him, ask'd [Page 75] him, Who he was, and whence he was deriv'd. He taking heart, spoke thus: I will, Sir, hide nothing from you, for you Remus's Speech seem to be of a more Princely temper than Amulius, in that you give a hearing, and examine fairly, before you punish, but he condemns before the Cause is heard. First then, We (for we are Twins) thought our selves the Sons of Faustulus and Laurentia, the King's Servants; but since we have been accus'd, and aspers'd with Calumnies, and brought in peril of our Lives here before you, we hear great things of our selves, the truth whereof will appear from the issue of this dan­ger we are in. Our Birth is said to have been miraculous, our fostering and nurture in our Infancy still more strange; by Birds and Beasts, to whom we were cast out, by them were we fed, that is, by the Milk of a Wolf, and the small morsels of a Woodpecker, as we lay in a little Trough by the side of a River; the Trough is now in being, and is preserv'd with brass plates round it, and an Inscription in old obscure Characters on it, which may prove hereafter but very insignifi­cant tokens to our Parents, when we are dead and gone. Numitor, upon these words, and recollecting the time too, ac­cording to the young Man's Looks, slight­ed not the hope that flatter'd him, but took care how to come at his Daughter [Page 76] privately, (for she was still kept under re­straint) to talk with her concerning these Matters.

Faustulus hearing Remus was taken, and deliver'd up, begg'd Romulus to assist in his rescue, informing him then plainly of the Particulars of his Birth, not but he had before given him some hints of it, and told him as much as an attentive Man might make no small Conclusions from it; he himself, full of Concern, and fear of not coming in time, took the Trough, and ran instantly to Numitor; but giving a sus­picion to some of the King's Centry at his Gate, and being gaz'd upon by 'em, and perplex'd with their impertinent Questi­ons, could not but discover the Trough under his Cloak; now by chance there was one among 'em who was at the ex­posing of the Children, and was one im­ploy'd in the Office; he seeing the Trough, and knowing it by its Make and Inscription, guess'd at the business, and without farther delay telling the King of it, brought in the Man to be examin'd. In these many and great Distractions, Faustulus neither approv'd himself altoge­ther undaunted, neither was he wholly forc'd out of all: He confess'd indeed the Children were alive, but liv'd a great way from Alba; that he himself was go­ing [Page 77] to carry the Trough to Ilia, who had often greatly desir'd to see and handle it, for a confirmation of the hopes of her Children. As Men generally do, who are troubled in mind, and act either in fear or passion, it so fell out Amulius now did; for he sent in all haste a Messen­ger, both otherwise an honest Man, and a sure Friend to Numitor, with com­mands to enquire of Numitor, whether any tidings had come to him of the Chil­dren, as if they were in being; now the Man being come, and seeing how little Remus wanted of being receiv'd into the Arms and Embraces of Numitor, he both strengthned the belief of his hope, and ad­vis'd withal to recover Matters with all expedition; and he himself clos'd with 'em, and acted joyntly; the strictness of time, tho' they had been desirous, did not suffer them to demur. For Romulus was now drawn very near, and many of the Citizens out of fear and hatred of A­mulius, revolted to his side; besides he brought great Forces with him, divided into Companies, consisting each of an 100 Men, every Captain carrying a small bundle of Grass and Shrubs tyed to a Pole; the Latines call such bundles, Manipuli, and from hence it is that in their Armies they call their Captains, Manipulares; [Page 78] Rhemus gaining upon the Citizens with­in, and Romulus making Attacks from without, the Tyrant not knowing either what to do, or what Expedient to think of for his security, in that Amazement and Distraction, was taken and put to death. Amulius is slain. These are for the most part the Relations of Fabius and Diocles Peparethius, (who I think is the first that writes of the build­ing of Rome) which some suspect are on­ly fabulous and made Stories; but they ought not wholly to be disbeliev'd, if Men would consider Fortune, what strange things it sometimes brings about, and take an estimate of the Actions of the Romans, how improbable it is they could arrive at this Greatness, had they not some miraculous Original, attended with great and extraordinary Circumstances.

Amulius now being dead, and Matters quietly dispos'd, the two Brothers would neither dwell in Alba without governing there, nor were they willing to take the Government into their own hands, du­ring the Life of their Grandfather. Ha­ving therefore deliver'd the Dominion up into his hands, and paid their Mother such Respects as their Duty oblig'd 'em to, The first de­sign of build­ing Rome. they resolv'd to live by themselves, and build a City in the same Place where they were in their Infancy brought up; for [Page 79] this was the most specious pretence they could make, of their departure; tho' perhaps it was necessary, so many shoals of Slaves and Fugitives continually flock­ing to 'em, either to be totally dissolv'd, by dispersing them, or else to plant a Co­lony elsewhere with 'em; for that the In­habitants of Alba did not think Fugitives worthy of being receiv'd and incorporated Citizens among them, first plainly ap­pear'd, from the Adventure upon their Women, which really was not attempted out of any violent lust, but deliberately, purely out of want and necessity of law­ful Wives, whom they afterwards ex­treamly lov'd and honour'd.

Not long after the first foundation of the City, they opened a Sanctuary of Re­fuge for all Fugitives, which they call'd the Temple of the God Asylaeus, where they receiv'd and protected all, delivering none back, either the Servant to his Ma­ster, the Debtor to his Creditors, or the Murtherer into the hands of the Magi­strate, saying, it was a priviledg'd Place, and they could so maintain it by an Order of the Holy Oracle; insomuch that the City grew presently very populous, for they say, it consisted at first of no more than a 1000 Houses: But of that here­after.

[Page 80] Their minds being fully bent upon Building, there arose presently a difference Romulus and Remus differ about the Place about the Place where. Romulus he built a Square of Houses, which he call'd Rome, and would have the City be there; Re­mus laid out a piece of Ground on the Aventine Mount, well fortified by nature, which was from him call'd Remonius, but now Rignarius; concluding at last to de­cide the Contest by a Divination from a flight of Birds, and placing themselves apart at some distance, to Remus, they say, appear'd six Vulturs, to Romulus double the number; others say, Remus did truly see his number, and that Romu­lus feign'd his, but when Remus came to him, that then he did indeed see twelve. Hence it is that the Romans in their Di­vinations from Birds, do chiefly regard the Vultur, tho' Herodorus Pontius relates, that Hercules was always very joyful when a Vultur appear'd to him upon any Action, for it is a Creature the least hurt­ful of any, pernicious neither to Corn, Plants, or any Cattel; it preys only upon Carrion, and never kills or hurts any li­ving thing; and as for Birds, it touches not them tho' they are dead, as being of its own Species, whereas Eagles, Owls, and Hawks, prey upon all their own fel­low-Creatures; [Page 81] but Eschylus says, ‘ [...];’ ‘What Bird is clean that preys on's fellow-Bird?’ Besides, All other Birds we see (as the saying is) every day, and they occur con­tinually to our senses, but a Vultur is a very rare sight, and you shall seldom meet with a Man can tell you how they breed, insomuch that the rarity and unfrequency of'em has rais'd an absurd opinion in some, that they come to us from some other cer­tain Countreys, as Soothsayers judge, what-ever happens preternaturally or in­spontaneously, to be sent from God.

When Remus knew the Cheat, he was much displeas'd; and as Romulus was cast­ing up a Ditch, where he design'd the foun­dation of the City-Wall, some pieces of the Work he turn'd to ridicule, others he trampled on and spurn'd at; at last as he was in contempt skipping over the Work, some say, Romulus himself stroke him; others, that Celer, one of his Companions: however there fell Remus; in that Scuffle Remus is slain. also was Faustulus slain, and Plistinus, who being Faustulus's Brother, Story tells us, help'd to bring up Romulus: Celer upon this fled instantly into Thuscany, and [Page 82] from him do the Romans call all Men that are swift of foot, Celeres; and because Quintus Metellus, at his Father's Funeral, in a few days time gave the People a Shew of Sword-playing, they admiring his ex­pedition, gave him the Name of Ce­ler.

Romulus, having buried his Brother Remus, together with his two Foster-fa­thers, on the Mount Remonius, fell a building his City; and sent for Survey­ors out of Thuscany, who directed him in Romulus be­gins to build. all the Ceremonies to be observ'd, and in­structed him, by drawing of Schemes, how every thing should be done. First, They dug a Trench round that which is now the Comitium, or Hall of Justice, and into it did they solemnly throw the First­fruits of all things, either good by Cu­stom, or necessary by Nature; lastly, eve­ry Man taking a small Turf of Earth of the Countrey from whence he came, they all threw 'em in promiscuously together. This Trench they call'd Mundus, (the whole World) making which their Cen­ter, they design'd the City in a Circle round it. Then the Founder fitted to a Plow a brazen Plow-share, and yoking together a Bull and a Cow, drew himself a deep Line or Furrow round the Bounds; the business of them that follow'd after, [Page 83] was to see what-ever Earth was thrown up, should be turn'd all inwardly towards the City, and not to slip a Clod that fell outwards. With this Line did they de­scribe the Wall, all within which were the Territories of the City, which they call'd Pomaerium, from Post murum, or Pone maenia, by the cutting off or chang­ing some Letters; where they design'd to make a Gate, there they lifted up the Plow, and left a space for it; whereupon they esteem the whole Wall as holy, on­ly where the Gates are; for had they ad­judged them also sacred, they could not, without offence to Religion, have had a free ingress and egress for the Necessaries of humane Life, some whereof are in themselves unclean. As for the day they began to build the City, 'tis confess'd of The day when. all hands to be the 21st. of April, and that day the Romans do anniversarily keep ho­ly, calling it their Countreys Birth-day; at first, they say, they sacrificed no living Creature on this day, thinking it very decent and behoveful to celebrate the Feast of their Countreys Birth-day purely, and without the stain of blood; never­theless before the City was ever built, there was a Feast of the Herdsmen and Shepherds kept on this day, which went by the Name of Palilia. But now the [Page 84] Roman and Graecian Months have little or no Analogy; these say, the day Romulus began to build was infallibly the 30th. of the month, at which time there was an Eclipse of the Moon, which happen'd in the 3d. year of the 6th. Olympiad, which the Graecians imagine Antimachus the Tei­an Poet saw. In the Times of Varro the Philosopher, a Man very well read in Ro­man History, liv'd one Tarrutius, his fa­miliar Friend and Acquaintance, both a good Philosopher and a skilful Mathema­tician, and one too that out of curiosity of Speculation, had studied the way of drawing Schemes and Tables, and seem'd to be excellent in the Art; to him Varro propounded to cast Romulus's Nativity, even to the first day and hour, and to make his Deductions from the several Events of the man's Life which he should be inform'd of, as the solutions of Geo­metrical Problems do require; for it be­longs to the same Science both to foretel a man's Life, by knowing the time of his Birth, and also to find out his Birth by the knowledge of his Life. This Task Tar­rutius undertook, and first looking into the Actions and Casualties of the man, together with the time of his Life and manner of his Death, and then comparing all these Remarks together, he very con­fidently [Page 85] and positively pronounc'd, that Romulus was conceiv'd in his Mothers Womb, the first year of the 2d. Olympiad, the 23d. day of the month the Aegyptians call Chaeac, (which may be said to answer our December) and the 3d. hour after Sun­set; that he was born the 21st. day of the month Thoch, (which is September) a­bout Sun-rising; and that the first Stone of Rome was laid by him the 9th. day of the month Pharmuthi, (April) between the 2d. and 3d. hour; for, as to the For­tune of Cities, as well as Men, they think they have their certain periods of Time prefix'd, which may be collected and fore­known from the Positions of the Stars at their first foundation. These and the like Relations may perhaps rather take and delight the Reader with their Novelty and Extravagancy, than offend him be­cause they are fabulous.

The City now being built, all that He divides the People. were of Age to bear Arms, Romulus listed into military Companies, each Company consisting of 3000 Footmen and 300 Horse. These Companies were call'd From lego, to choose. Legions, because they were the choicest and most select of the People for Fighting-men; the rest of the Multitude he call'd [Popu­lus] the People. An hundred of the most eminent Men he chose for his Counsellors; [Page 86] these he styl'd Patricians, and the whole Body of 'em, the Senate, which signifies truly a [...]. Consistory of venerable old Men. The Patricians, some say, were so call'd, because they were the Fathers of honest and lawful Children; others, because they could give a good account who their Fathers were, which every one of the Rabble that pour'd into the City at first could not do; others, from Patrocinium, a Patronage, by which they meant an Autority over the common People, and do still, attributing the origine of the word to Patronus, one of those that came over with Evander, a Man signal for being a protector and defender of the weak and needy: But perhaps the most probable Judgement might be, that Romulus e­steeming it the duty of the chiefest and wealthiest men, with a fatherly care and concern to look after the meaner, and withal encouraging the Commonalty not to dread or be aggriev'd at the Honours of their Superiors, but with all good will to make use of 'em, and to think and call 'em their Fathers, might from hence give them the Name of Patricians. For at this very time all Foreigners style those that sit in Council, Lords and Presidents; but the Romans making use of a more honou­rable and less invidious Name, call them, [Page 87] Patres Conscripti; at first indeed simply Patres, but afterwards, more being added, Patres Conscripti; and by this honourable Title was the Senate distinguish'd from the Populacy; the rest of the wealthier sort he distinguish'd from the common People, by calling Them Patrons, and These their Cli­ents, by which means he created a won­derful Love and Amity betwixt 'em, which begat great justice in their dealings. For They were always their Clients Councel­lors in litigious Cases, their Advocates in Judgements, in fine, their Advisers and Overseers in all Affairs what-ever. These again faithfully serv'd their Patrons, not only paying them all respect and defe­rence, but also, in case of Poverty, help­ing them to place their Children, and pay off their Debts; and for a Patron to wit­ness against his Client, or a Client against his Patron, that no Law nor Magistrate could enforce; but in after-Times, all other Offices of Equity continuing still between 'em, it was thought a base and dishonourable thing, for the better sort to take Money from their Inferiors. And so much of these Matters.

In the 4th. month, after the City was His Stratagem upon the Sabine Virgins. built, (as Fabius writes) the Adventure of stealing Women was attempted; and, some say, Romulus himself, being natu­rally [Page 88] a Martial man, and predispos'd too perhaps by some certain Oracles, as if the Fates had ordain'd the future growth and greatness of Rome should depend upon the benefit of War, did begin to use vio­lence to the Sabins, and that he took away only 30 Virgins, rather to give an occasion of War, than out of any want of Women; tho' this is not very probable, but rather that he observing his City pre­sently fill'd by a Confluence of Foreigners, few of whom had Wives, and that the Multitude in general, consisting of a mix­ture of mean and obscure Creatures, fell under contempt, and seem'd to be of no long continuance together, and hoping farther, after the Women were appeas'd, to make this Injury in some measure an occasion of Confederacy and mutual Com­merce with the Sabines, took in hand this Exploit after this manner: First he gave it out, as if he had found an Altar of a certain God hid under ground; the God they call'd Consus, or the God of Council, (for they still call a Consult, Consilium, and their chief Magistrates, Consules, namely Counsellors) this God is Neptune, the Inventer of Horse-riding; for the Al­tar is kept cover'd in the greater Cirque or Tilt-yard at other times, only at Horse-racing then it appears to publick view; [Page 89] and some say, it was not without reason, that this God had his Altar hid under ground, because all Councils ought to be secret and conceal'd. Upon discovery of this Altar, Romulus by Proclamation ap­pointed a day for a splendid Sacrifice, and for publick Games and Shews, to enter­tain all sorts of People, and many flock'd thither, he himself sate uppermost, amidst his Nobles, clad in Purple. Now the Sign of their falling on was to be, when­ever he rose and gather'd up his Robe, and threw it over his Body; his Men stood all ready arm'd, with their eyes intent up­on him, and when the Sign was given, drawing their Swords, and falling on with a great shout, ravish'd away the Daughters of the Sabines, they themselves flying without any let or hindrance; they say, there were but 30 taken, and from them were the Tribes or Parishes nam'd, but Valerius Antias says, 527. Jubas, 683 Virgins, which was the greatest ex­cuse Romulus made, that they had taken never a married Woman save one only, Hersilia by Name, and her too unknow­ingly, which was a means of their recon­ciliation, for hence it appear'd, they did not for an affront or injury commit this Rape, but with a design purely to joyn Families, and unite with 'em upon the [Page 90] greatest and surest Bonds. This Hersilia, some say, Hostilius married, a most emi­nent Man among the Romans; others, Romulus himself, and that she bare two Children to him, a Daughter, who by reason of Primogeniture was call'd Prima, and one only Son, whom from the great concourse of Citizens to him at that time, he call'd Aollius, but after-Ages, Abillius. But these things Zenodotus the Trazaenian [...], con­grego, to ga­ther together. writes, which are contradicted by ma­ny.

Among those who committed this Rape upon the Virgins, there were, they say, as it so then happen'd, some of the meaner The reason of the word Ta­lasius at Wed­dings. sort of Men, who were carrying off a Dam­sel, far excelling all both in beauty and comeliness of Stature, whom, when [...]. some Gentlemen that met 'em, attempted to take her from 'em, they cried out, they were carrying her to Talasius, a young Man in­deed, but a brave and worthy Person; hearing that, they commended and ap­plauded them highly, insomuch that some turning back, accompanied them with great joy and gladness, shouting and ex­tolling the Name of Talasius. Hence do the Romans to this very time at their Wed­dings sing Talasius for their Nuptial word, as the Greeks do Hymenaeus, because, say they, this Lady proved a fortunate and [Page 91] happy Match to him. But Sextius Sylla the Carthaginian, a Man wanting neither Learning nor Ingenuity, told me, Ro­mulus gave this word as a Sign when to begin the Onset; every body therefore who made prize of a Virgin, cried out, Talasius, and for that Reason the Custom continues so now at Marriages. But most are of opinion, (of whom Jubas particu­larly is one) this word was us'd to new married Women, by way of admonish­ment and incitement to good Huswifery, the Greek word [...], signifying Spin­ning, and the Italian words not being then mix'd with the Greek. But if this be not false, and the Romans did at that time use the word [...], as we Graecians do, a Man might fancy a more probable Rea­son of the Custom. For when the Sabines, after the War against the Romans, were reconcil'd, Conditions were made con­cerning their Women, that they should be obliged to do no other servile Offices to their Husbands but what concern'd Spinning; it was customary therefore ever after at Weddings, for those that gave the Bride, or led her, or for any one else present, sportingly to say Talasius, inti­mating thereby, how she was now brought to no other Servitude but what was in Spinning. Moreover it is a Custom at [Page 92] this very day, for the Bride of her self not to enter her Husband's Threshold, but to be lifted over, in memory that the Sa­bine Virgins were carried in by violence, and would not enter freely. Some say too, the Custom of parting the Brides Hair with the head of a Spear, was in to­ken their Marriages began at first by War, and Acts of Hostility; of which I have spoken more fully in my Book of Questi­ons.

This Rape was committed the 18th. day of the month Sextilis, which is now August, on which the Solemnities of the Consualia are kept.

The Sabines were a numerous and mar­tial People, but liv'd in small unfortified The Ceninen­fian's War a­gainst Romu­lus. Villages, as it became them, who were a Colony of the Lacedaemonians, to be na­turally of great courage, and fear nothing; nevertheless seeing themselves by great Hostages bound up to their good behavi­our, and being solicitous for their Daugh­ters, they sent Ambassadors to Romulus with fair and equitable Requests, that he would return their young Women, and retract that act of Violence, and after­wards in all Reason and Equity establish a friendly and neighbourly correspondence between both Nations. But Romulus would not part with the young Women, [Page 93] yet proposed to the Sabines to enter into an alliance with 'em; upon which Point some consulted and demurr'd long, but Acron King of the Ceninenses, a Man of great Courage, and well experienced in War, who had all along a jealousie of Romulus's bold Attempts, and considering particularly from this Exploit upon the Women, he would grow formidable to all People, and indeed insufferable, were he not chastised, was the first that rose up in Arms, and with a powerful Army made head against him. Romulus like-wise prepared t [...] receive him; but when they came within sight, and viewed each other, they made a Challenge to fight a single Duel, the Armies standing uncon­cerned by; hereupon Romulus prayed and made a Vow to Jupiter, if he did conquer his Enemy, to dedicate his Ad­versary's Armour to his Honour; upon which he both overcame him in Combat, and after Battel was joyn'd, routed his Are conquered. Army also, and then took his City, but did those he found in it no injury, only commanded them to demolish the Place, and attend him to Rome, there to be made Citizens equally capable of all Pri­viledges: and indeed there was nothing did more advance the Greatness of Rome, than that she did always unite and incor­porate [Page 94] whom she conquer'd into her self. Romulus, that he might perform his Vow in the most acceptable manner to Jupiter, and withal make the Pomp of it delight­ful to the eye of the City, cut down a tall Oak which he saw growing in the Camp, which he adorn'd like a Trophy, and fa­sten'd thereon Acron's whole Suit of Ar­mour, in its right symmetry of Parts; then he himself girding his Garment about him, and crowning his Head with a Lau­rel-Garland, his Hair gracefully flowing, carried the Trophy lying at length upon his right Shoulder, and so march'd on, singing Songs of Triumph, and his whole Army following after, the Citizens all re­ceiving him with Acclamations of Joy and Wonder; the Pomp of this day was the cause, and rais'd the Emulation of all after-Triumphs. This Trophy was dedi­cated to Jupiter sirnamed Feretrius, from ferire, which in Latin is to smite; for Romulus pray'd he might smite and over­throw his Enemy. These Opima spolia, or royal Spoyls, are so call'd (says Varro) from their Richness, which the word Opes signifies; the one would more probably conjecture from Opus, a Deed or Act; for when the General of an Army with his own hand kills his Enemy's General, to him alone is granted the Honour of offer­ing [Page 95] the Opima spolia, as being the sole per­former of that Act or Deed of Bravery. And on three only of the Roman Captains did this Honour ever happen to be con­ferr'd: First on Romulus, upon killing Acron the Ceninensian; next on Cornelius Cossus, for slaying Volumnius the Thuscan; and lastly on Claudius Marcellus, upon his conquering Viridomarus, King of the Gauls. The two latter, Cossus and Mar­cellus, made their Entries in triumphant Chariots, bearing their Trophies them­selves, but that Romulus made use of a Chariot, Dionysius is in the wrong; for History says, Tarquinius, Damaratus's Son, was the first that brought Triumphs to this great Pomp and Grandeur; others, that Publicola was the first that rode in Triumph; however all the Statues of Ro­mulus in Triumph are to be seen in Rome on Foot.

After the Overthrow of the Ceninensi­ans, the Sabines still protracting the time in Preparations, the People of Fidena, Crustumerium, and Antemna, joyn'd their Forces against the Romans; Battel was no sooner joyn'd, but they were likewise im­mediately defeated, & surrendred up to Ro­mulus their Cities to be spoil'd, their Lands and Territories to be divided, & themselves to be transplanted to a Colony at Rome. [Page 96] All the Lands which Romulus acquir'd, he distributed among the Citizens, except on­ly what the Parents of the stolnvirgins had, and them he suffer'd to possess their own: the rest of the Sabines being enraged here-at, choosing Tatius their Captain, march'd straight against Rome; the City was al­most The Sabines be­siege Rome. inaccessible, having for its Fortress that which is now the Capitol, where a strong Guard was placed, and Tarpeius was their Captain, not Tarpeia the Vir­gin, (as some say, who would make Ro­mulus guilty of a foolish Action.) But still Tarpeia, the Captain's Daughter, covet­ing the golden Bracelets she saw them wear, betrayed the Fort into the Sabines hands, and asked in reward of her Trea­chery, Tarpeia be­trays it. all they wore on their left Arms. Tatius conditioning thus with her, in the night she opened one of the Gates, and received the Sabines in: And truly (for ought I see) it is not Antigonus alone that said, He lov'd Betrayers, but hated them after they had betrayed; nor Caesar, when he told Rhymitalces the Thracian, that He lov'd the Treason, but hated the Traitor; but it is a general kind of Affection, all Men, who have occasion for wicked Per­sons, bear towards them; much such as they have for venomous Creatures, when they stand in need of their poyson and [Page 97] gall; for as they love them while they are of use, so they abhor their ill qualities when that is over. And thus did Tatius behave himself towards Tarpeia, for he commanded the Sabines, in regard to their Contract, not to refuse her the least part of what they wore on their left Arms; upon that he himself first took his Bracelet off his Arm, and threw that together with his Buckler at her, and all the rest following, she, being born down and And is kill'd in recompence. quite smother'd with the multitude of Gold and their Shields, died under the great weight and pressure of them; nay, Tarpeius himself being prosecuted by Ro­mulus, was found guilty of Treason, as Juba says, Sulpitius Galba relates. Those who write otherwise concerning Tarpeia, as that she was the Daughter of Tatius the Sabine Captain, and being forcibly detain'd by Romulus, acted and suffer'd thus by her Father's contrivance, speak very absurdly: of whom Antigonus is one; but Smylus, the Poet of all Men, who thinks Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol not to the Sabines, but the Gauls, having fallen in Love with their King, does plainly dote. Thus he writes:

And a little after speaking of her Death:

Tarpeia afterwards was buried there, and the Hill from her was call'd Tarpeius, un­til the Reign of King Tarquin, who dedi­cated the Place to Jupiter, at which time her Bones were removed, and so it lost her Name, except only that part of the Capitol which they still call the Tarpeia Rupes. Tarpeian Rock, from whence they are wont to cast down headlong Malefactors.

The Sabines being possess'd of the Hill, Romulus in great fury bade them Battel, and Tatius put on the courage to accept The Sabines and Romans fight. it, perceiving, if they were so constrain'd, where he might make a secure Retreat. The Level in the middle, where they were to joyn Battel, being surrounded with many little Hills, seem'd to enforce both Parties to a smart and desperate Con­flict, by reason of the Difficulties of the [Page 99] Place, which had but a few narrow Out­lets, inconvenient either for refuge or pursuit. It happen'd too, the River ha­ving overflowed not many days before, there was left behind in the Plain, where now the Market stands, a deep blind Mud and Slime, which, tho' it did not appear much to the eye, and was not easily a­voided, yet at bottom was very deceitful and dangerous; upon which the Sabines being unwarily about to enter, had good luck befel them; for Curtius, a gal­lant Man, eager of Honour, and of aspi­ring thoughts, being mounted on Horse-back, gallop'd a good distance before the rest, but his Horse was mired, and he en­deavour'd a while by Whip and Spur to disintangle him, but finding it impossible, he quitted his Horse, and saved himself; the Place from him to this very time is call'd the Curtian Lake. The Sabines ha­ving escaped this danger, began the Fight very smartly, the fortune of the day be­ing very dubious, tho' many were slain; amongst whom was Hostilius, who, they say, was Husband to Hersilia, and Grand­father to that Hostilius who reign'd after Numa. It is probable there were many other Battels in a short time after, but the most memorable was the last, in which Romulus having receiv'd a Wound on his [Page 100] Head by a Stone, and being almost fell'd to the ground by it, and disabled to su­stain the Enemy, the Romans upon that yielded ground, and being driven out of the Field, fled to the Palatium. Romulus by this time recovering his Wound a lit­tle, running upon his Men in flight, re­manded them to their Arms again, and with a loud voice encouraged them to stand and fight. But being overpowr'd with the number, and no body daring to face about, he stretching out his hands to Heaven, pray'd to Jupiter to stop the Army, and not to neglect but rather maintain the Roman Cause, which was now in extream danger. This Prayer both wrought a great Reverence in many for their Prince, and a strange resolution too on the sudden in their minds. The Place they first stood at was, where now is the Temple of Jupiter Stator, (which may be interpreted the Stayer) there they rallied their Forces, and repuls'd the Sabines even to the Place call'd now Rhe­gia, and the Temple of Vesta; where both Parties preparing to renew the Fight, were prevented by a strange and unex­pressible sight; for the Daughters of the Are parted by the Women. Sabines which were formerly stoln, came running, in great confusion, some on this side, some on that, with miserable cryes [Page 101] and lamentations, like distracted Crea­tures, into the midst of the Army, and among the dead Bodies, to come at their Husbands and at their Fathers, some with their young Babes in their Arms, others their Hair loose about their Ears, but all calling now upon the Sabines, then upon the Romans, in the most tender and en­dearing words. Hereupon both melted into compassion, and fell back, that they might stand betwixt the Armies. Now did a strange lamentation seize all, and great grief was conceiv'd at the sight of the Women, and at their Speech much more, which from Expostulations and high words, ended in Entreaties and Sup­plications.

Wherein (say they) have we injured or offended you, that we formerly have, and now do suffer under these Calamities? We were ravish'd away unjustly and violently by those whose now we are; that being done, we were so long neglected by our Fathers, our Brethren, and Countreymen, that time, ha­ving now by the strictest bonds united us to those whom we once mortally hated, has brought it about, that the very Men, who once used violence to us, we now have a ten­derness for in War, and lament their deaths. So that you do not now come to vindicate our Honour, as Virgins, from them that injured [Page 102] us, but to force away Wives from their Hus­bands, and Mothers from their Children, making this your rescue more grievous to us Wretches, than your former betraying and neglect of us was; so great is their Love towards us, and such your Compassion; if you make War upon any other occasion, for our sakes you ought to desist, who are our Fa­thers, our Grandfathers, our Relations and Kindred; if for us, take us and your Sons-in-law, and restore us to our Parents and Kinsfolk, but do not rob us (we humbly be­seech you) of our Children and Husbands, lest we again become Captives. Hersilia ha­ving spoken many such words as these, and others earnestly praying, a Truce was made, and the chief Officers came to a Treaty, the Women, during that time, brought and presented their Husbands and Children to their Fathers and Brethren; gave those, that would eat, Meat and Drink; and carried the wounded home to be cured; and shewed also how much they govern'd within doors, and how in­dulgent their Husbands were to 'em, in de­meaning themselves towards 'em with all kindness and respect imaginable. Upon this, Conditions were agreed upon, that A Peace made. what Women pleas'd might stay where they were, exempt from all drudgery and labour but Spinning; that the Romans [Page 103] and Sabines should inhabit the City pro­miscuously together; that the City should be call'd Rome from Romulus, but the Romans, Quirites, from the Countrey of Tatius; and that they both should go­vern and command in common: The Place of this Ratification is still call'd Co­mitium, from Coire to agree. The City being thus doubled in number, an 100 of the Sabines were elected Senators, and the The City settled Legions were increas'd to 6000 Foot, and 600 Horse; then they divided the People into three Tribes; the first, from Romu­lus, were named Rhamnenses; the se­cond, from Tatius, Tatienses; the third were call'd Luceres, from the Lucus or Grove where the Asylum stood, whither many fled for Sanctuary, and were recei­ved into the City; and that they were just three, the very Name of Tribe and Tribune does testifie; each Tribe contain­ed then ten Curiae or Wards, which, some say, took their Names from the Sabine Women; but that seems to be false, be­cause many had their Names from diffe­rent Regions. Tho', 'tis true, they then constituted many things in honour to the Women: As to give them the way where-ever they met them; to speak no ill word in their presence; not to appear naked before them; that they should not [Page 104] be summon'd into Court before a Judge sitting on Cases of Blood; that their Children should wear an Ornament about their Necks call'd the Bulla, (because it was like a Bubble) and the Praetexta, a Garment edged with purple.

The Princes did not immediately joyn in Council together, but at first each met with his own Hundred, afterwards all as­sembled together. Tatius dwelt where now the Temple of Moneta stands; and Romulus close by the [...] Steps, as they call them, of the fair Shore, near the descent from the Mount Palatine to the Circus Maximus. There, they say, grew the Holy Cornel-tree, of which, they report, that Romulus once to try his strength, threw a Dart from the Aventine Mount, (the Staff of which was made of Cornel) which struck so deep into the ground, that no one, of many that tryed, could pluck it up: Now the Soyl, being fertil, nourish'd the Wood, and sent forth Bran­ches, and produced a Trunk of considera­ble bigness; this did Posterity preserve and worship as one of the most sacred things, and therefore wall'd it about, and if to any one it appear'd not green nor flourishing, but inclining to fade and wi­ther, he presently made outcry to all he met, and they with one accord cryed for [Page 105] Water, as in a Fire, and would run from all Parts with Buckets full to the Place. But, they say, when Caius Caesar was re­pairing the Steps about it, some of the Labourers digging too close, the Root corrupted, and the Tree quite withered.

The Sabines received the use of Roman Months: of which, what-ever is remar­kable, The rise of se­veral Customs and Feasts. is mention'd in the Life of Numa. Romulus again took up their manner of Shields, for which he exchanged both his own and all the Romans Armour, who before wore small Targets, after the man­ner of the Argives. But for Feasts and Sacrifices, they partaked of them in com­mon, not abolishing any either Nation observ'd before, and instituting several new ones: Of which one was the Matro­nalia, instituted in honour of the Women, for their dissolving the War. As like-wise the Carmentalia: This Carmenta, some think a Destiny presiding over the Generation of Men, wherefore Mothers much revere and worship her. Others say, she was the Wife of Evander the Ar­cadian, being a Prophetess, and wont to deliver her Oracles in Verse, and from Carmen a Verse, was call'd Carmenta, whereas it is generally confess'd her pro­per Name was Nicostrata. Others more probably derive Carmenta from Carens men­te, [Page 106] as being bereft of her wits, by reason of her wild Enthusiasms. Of the Feast of Palilia we have spoke before. The Lu­percalia, by the time of its Celebration, may seem to be a Feast of Purification, for it is solemnized on the Dies nefasti, or non-Court-days of the month February, which a Man may interpret Purifying, and the very day of the Feast was anciently call'd Februaca: But the Name of it in Greek signifies as much as the Feast of [...]. Wolves, and it seems upon this account to be of great Antiquity, and brought in by the Arcadians who came with Evan­der. But this is a trivial Fancy, for it may come as well from the Wolf that nursed Romulus, and we see the Luperci, the Priests, do begin their course from the Place where they say Romulus was expo­sed. But the Ceremonies that then pass, render the Original of the thing more dif­ficult to be guess'd at; for there are Goats kill'd, then two young Noblemen's Sons being brought, some are to stain their Foreheads with the bloody Knife, others presently to wipe it off with Wool dipt in Milk; then the young Boys must laugh after their Foreheads are wiped; that done, having cut the Goats-skins into Thongs, they run about naked, only with something about their middle, lash­ing [Page 107] all they meet; the young Wives do never avoid their strokes, fancying it does help Conception and Child-birth. Ano­ther thing is proper to this Feast, for the Luperci to sacrifice a Dog. Butas, a cer­tain Poet, who writ a fabulous account of the Roman Customs in Elegies, says, that Romulus, after the Conquest of Amulius, ran joyfully to the Place where the Wolf gave them suck, and that in imitation of that, this Feast was, and that two young Noblemen ran:

And that the bloody Knife applied to their Foreheads, was a sign of the danger they were then in of being slain, and the cleansing of them in Milk, was in remem­brance of their food and nourishment. But Caius Aulius writes, that before the City was built, the Cattel of Romulus and Re­mus on a day going astray, they, praying to the God Faunus, ran about to seek them naked, that they might not be troubled with sweat, and that for that Reason the Luperci run naked. And if this Sacrifice be by way of Purification, a Man might guess they used a Dog for that very pur­pose; for the Graecians in their Lustrati­ons, [Page 108] or Sacrifices of Purging, do carry out Dogs, and evermore use that Cere­mony they call, [...], or a sacrificing of a Dog. But if they per­form this as an act of Gratitude to the Wolf, that nourish'd and preserv'd Ro­mulus, they do not absurdly in killing a Dog, as being an Enemy to Wolves, un­less it is perhaps for hindering the Luperci when they run.

They say too, Romulus was the first that consecrated holy Fire, and instituted holy Virgins, call'd Vestals; others as­cribe it to Numa Pompilius; nevertheless they write, Romulus was otherwise emi­nently religious, and well skill'd in the Art of Prophecying, and upon that carri'd a Lituus, which is a crooked Rod, where­with the Soothsayers describe the Quar­ters of the Heavens. This of his, being kept in the Palatium, was lost when the City was taken by the Gauls, and after­wards that barbarous People being driven out, was found in the Ruines under a great heap of Rubbish, untouch'd by the fire, all things about it being consumed and burnt. He constituted also certain Laws, one whereof is somewhat severe, which suffers not a Wife to leave her Husband, but grants a Husband to turn off his Wife, either upon poysoning her [Page 109] Children, or counterfeiting his Keys, or Adultery; but if the Husband upon any other occasion put her away, he ordered one moiety of his Estate to be given to the Wife, the other to fall to the Goddess Ce­res; and who ever did cast off his Wife, to make an Atonement by Sacrifice to the [...]. Gods of the Earth. This too is observa­ble as a singular thing in Romulus, that he appointed no punishment for real Par­ricide, but call'd all Murder so, thinking the latter a detestable sin, but the other impossible, and for a long time he seem'd to have rightly thought such a sin could never be, for in almost 600 years toge­ther, no body committed the like in Rome; and Lucius Ostius, after the Wars of Hannibal, is recorded to have been the first Parricide. But let thus much suffice concerning these Matters.

In the 5th. year of the Reign of Tatius, some of his Friends and Kinsmen meeting The occasion of the death of Tatius. Ambassadors coming from Laurentum to Rome, attempted on the Road to take a­way their Money by force, which they not suffering, but defending themselves, they kill'd them. So great a Villany be­ing acted, Romulus thought it fitting pre­sently to punish the Malefactors; but Ta­tius shuffled off and deferr'd the execution of it; and this only thing was the first be­ginning [Page 110] of an open Quarrel betwixt them, for otherwise they carried themselves fair­ly one to another, and administred Affairs together with the greatest unanimity. The Relations of them that were slain, being debarr'd of justice by reason of Tati­us, fell upon him as he was sacrificing with Romulus at Lavinium, and slew him, commending and extolling Romulus for a just Prince. Romulus took the Body of Tatius, and buried it very splendidly in the Aventine Mount, near the Place call'd Armilustrium, but altogether neglected revenging his Murder. Some Authors write, the City of Laurentum, fearing the consequence, delivered up the Mur­derers of Tatius; but Romulus pass'd it over, saying, One Murder was requited with another. This gave occasion of Talk and Jealousie, as if he were well pleas'd at the removal of his Copartner in the Government. Nothing of these things either disturbed or rais'd any Feud among the Sabines, but some out of Love to him, others out of fear of his Power, some again reverencing him as a God, they all lived peacefully in admiration and awe of him; many foreign Nations too did much admire Romulus; the ancient Latines they sent, and enter'd into League and Confederacy with him. Fidenae he [Page 111] took, a neighbouring City to Rome, by Romulus tak [...]s Fidenae. a Party of Horse, as some say, whom he sent before with Commands to cut down the Hinges of the Gates, and he himself afterwards unexpectedly came upon them. Others say, they having first made the In­vasion, in foraging and spoyling the Countrey and Suburbs, Romulus lay in ambush for them, and so having kill'd many of their Men, took the City, never­theless he did not raze or demolish it, but made it a Roman Colony, and sent thither on the Ides of April 2500 Inhabitants. Presently after a Plague broke out, which kill'd suddenly without any manner of A Plague at Rome. Sickness; it infected also the Corn with Unfruitfulness, and Cattel with Barren­ness; there rained Blood too in the City, insomuch as besides the Evils which came of consequence, Men dreaded the wrath of the Gods. But when the same Mis­chiefs fell upon Laurentum, then every body judged it was divine Vengeance that fell upon both Cities, for the neglect of executing Justice, upon the Murder of Tatius and the Ambassadors. But the Murderers on both sides being deliver'd up and punish'd, the Pestilence visibly abated, and Romulus purified the Cities with Lu­strations, which, they say, even now are perform'd at the Gate call'd Ferentina. [Page 112] But before the Plague ceased, the Cameri­ans invaded the Romans, and over-ran the Countrey, thinking, by reason of the Di­stemper, they were unable to withstand them; but Romulus presently made Head against them, and gain'd the Victory, with the slaughter of 6000 Men; he then took their City, and brought half of them he found there to Rome, and sent from Cameria is ta­ken. Rome to Cameria double the number he left there. This was done the 1st. of Au­gust; so many Citizens had he to spare, in 16 years time he inhabited Rome. A­mong other Spoyls he took a brazen Cha­riot from Cameria, which he placed in the Temple of Vulcan, adding thereon his own Statue crown'd with Victory.

The Roman Cause thus daily gather­ing strength, the weaker Neighbours submitted, and willingly embraced secu­rity; the stronger, out of Fear or Envy, thought they ought not to give way to Romulus, but to curb him, and put a stop The Veientes subdued. to his Greatness. The first were the Vei­entes, a People of Thuscany, who had large Possessions, and dwelt in a spacious City; they took an occasion to commence a War, upon remanding of Fidenae, as be­longing to them; this was not only un­reasonable but very ridiculous, that they who did not assist them in the greatest [Page 113] Extremities of War, but permitted them to be slain, should challenge their Lands and Houses▪ when in the hands of others. But being scornfully retorted upon by Ro­mulus in his Answers, they divided them­selves into two Bodies; with one they at­tack'd the Garrison of Fidenae, the other march'd against Romulus; that which went against Fidenae, got the Victory, and slew 2000 Romans; the other was worst­ed by Romulus, with the loss of 8000 Men. They afterwards fought near Fi­denae, and all Men acknowledge the great­est Actions of the day were done by Ro­mulus himself, who shewed all manner of Skill as well as Courage, and seem'd to perform with strength and swiftness more than humane. But what some write, that of 14000 that fell that day, above half were slain by Romulus's own hand, is both very fabulous and altoge­ther incredible: Such an Ostentation do the Messenians make of Aristomenes, who, they say, offer'd 300 Victims for as many Lacedaemonians he himself slew. The Ar­my being thus routed, Romulus suffering those that were left to make their escape, drew up his Forces against the City; they, having suffer'd such great damages, did not venture to oppose him, but humbly suing to him, contracted a League and Friendship for an 100 years; but he never­theless [Page 114] divested them of a great quantity of Lands, call'd Septimagium, which was the 7th. part of their Patrimony; as also of several salt-Springs upon the River, and took 50 Noblemen for Hostages. He made his Triumph for this on the Ides of October, leading, among the rest of his many Captives, the General of the Veien­tes, an ancient Man, but one who seem'd to have managed his Affairs imprudently, and unbecoming of his Age; whence even now in Sacrifices for Victories, they lead an old Man through the Market-place to the Capitol apparell'd in purple, with a Bulla or Child's-Toy tyed to it, and the Cryer cryes, Sardianians to be sold; for the Thuscans are said to be a Colony of the Sardianians, and the Veientes are a City of Thuscany.

This was the last Battel Romulus ever fought; afterwards he, as most, nay all Men, very few excepted, do, who are raised by great and miraculous good-haps of Fortune to Power and Greatness: So, I say, did he; for relying upon his own Romulus grows insolent. great Actions, and growing of an haugh­tier mind, he forsook his popular Behavi­our, and took upon him in exchange a strange Lordliness, which was odious and intolerable to the People. And first, upon the Habit he chose to wear; for he dress'd in scarlet with purple Robes over it, then [Page 115] he gave Audience in a Chair of State, ha­ving always about him some young Boys call'd Celer, swift. Celeres, from their swiftness in do­ing business; there went before him o­thers with Staves to make room, with se­veral Cords about them, presently to bind whom ever he commanded. Now the Latines formerly used ligare, as now alli­gare, to bind, whence the Lictors were so call'd, and the Rods they carried were called Fasces; but it is probable they were first call'd Litores, afterwards by putting in a C, Lictores, for they are the same the Graecians call [...], or Officers for the People; and the Graecians do still call the People in general, [...], and the common People, [...].

When after the death of his Grandfa­ther Numitor in Alba, that Kingdom de­volv'd upon Romulus, he put the Govern­ment into the hands of Magistrates, and elected yearly one to superintend the Sa­bines. But that taught the Senators of Offends the Se­nate. Rome to seek after a free and Anti-monar­chical State, wherein all might share in the Rule and Government. For the Pa­tricians, (as they call them,) were not now concern'd in State-Affairs, only had the Name and Title left them, convening in Council rather for fashion-sake than Ad­vice, where they in silence heard the King's Commands, and so departed, ex­ceeding [Page 116] the Commonalty only in this, that they heard first what was done. These and the like were Matters of small moment; but when he of his own accord parted among his Souldiers what Lands were acquired by War, and restored the Veientes their Hostages, the Senate nei­ther consenting nor approving of it, then indeed he seem'd to put a great Affront upon them; whereupon, he suddenly disappearing a short while after, the Se­nate fell under shrewd Suspicions and Ca­lumnies. He disappear'd on the Nones of July, as they now call the month, which Dies. was then Quintilis, leaving nothing of certainty to be related of his Death, only the time, as you hear: for there are now upon that day many Ceremonies per­form'd in resemblance of that Misfortune. Neither is this uncertainty to be thought strange, seeing the manner of the Death of Scipio Africanus, who died at his own home after Supper, is neither much credited nor disprov'd; for, some say, he died easily & sud­denly; as it were of his own accord, being naturally a sickly Man; others, that he poy­son'd himself; others again, that his E­nemies breaking in upon him in the night, stifled him. Scipio too when he was dead, lay open to be seen of all, and indeed his Body gave some suspicion, and a reasona­ble discovery of the Fact; but of Romulus, [Page 117] when he vanish'd, was neither the least part of his Body, or rag of his Cloaths to be seen. So that some fancied, the Se­nators having fallen upon him, cut his Bo­dy Several Opini­ons of his Death. into pieces, and each took a part away in his bosom; others think, his disappea­rance was neither in the Temple of Vulcan, nor with the Senators only by; but that it happen'd, as he was haranguing the People without the City, near a Place call'd the [...] Goats Marsh, on the sudden most wonderful Disorders and Alterations beyond expression rose in the Air, for the face of the Sun was darkned, and the day was turn'd into an unquiet and turbulent night, made up of terrible Thunderings, and boisterous Winds raising Tempests from all Quarters, which scattered the Rabble and made them fly, but the Sena­tors kept close together. The Tempest being over, and the light breaking out, when the People gather'd again, they misss'd and enquir'd for their King; but the Senators would not let them search, or busie themselves about the Matter, but commanded them to honour and worship Romulus, as one taken up to the Gods, and about to be to them, of a good Prince, now a propitious God. The Multitude hearing this, went away rejoycing and worshipping him, in hopes of good things from him; but there were some who can­vassing [Page 118] the Matter more severely and rigo­rously, accus'd and aspers'd the Patricians, as Men that persuaded the People to believe ridiculous Tales, when they themselves were the Murderers of the King. Things being in this disorder, one, they say, of the Patricians, of a noble Family, and Julius Procu­lus decides the Matter. most honest Conversation, and withal a most faithful and familiar Friend of Romu­lus himself, who came with him from Al­ba, Julius Proculus by Name, stepping into the Company, and taking a most sa­cred Oath, protested before them all, that Romulus appear'd to, and met him travel­ing on the Road, comelier and fairer than ever, dress'd in shining and flaming Ar­mour, and he being affrighted at the Ap­parition, said, Ʋpon what Occasion or Re­sentments, O King, did you leave us here, liable to most unjust and wicked Surmises, and the whole City destitute, in most bitter Sorrow? And that he made Answer: It pleas'd the Gods, O Proculus, we should re­main so long a time amongst Men as we did, and having built a City, the greatest in the World both in Empire and Glory, we should again return to Heaven; but farewel, and tell the Romans, that by the exercise of Tem­perance and Fortitude, they shall far exceed all humane Power, and we will be to you the propitious God Quirinus. This seem'd ve­ry credible to the Romans, both upon the [Page 119] Honesty and Oath of him that spoke it, and a certain divine Passion, like an En­thusiasm, seized on all Men, for no body contradicted it, but laying aside all Jea­lousies and Detractions, they prayed to Quirinus, and saluted him God.

This is like some of the Graecian Fables of Aristeas the Proconnesian, and Cleomedes the Astypalaeian; for, they say, Aristeas died in a Fuller's Work-house, and, his Friends coming to him, his Body vanish'd; and that some presently after coming a Journey, said, they met him travelling towards Croton. And that Cleomedes, being an extraordinary strong and gygantic Man, and withal crazed and mad, committed many desperate Freaks: At last in a cer­tain School-house, striking a Pillar that sustain'd the Roof with his Fist, broke it in the middle, so the House fell and de­stroyed the Children in it; and being pur­sued, he fled into a great Chest, and shutting to the Lid, held it so fast, that many Men with all their strength could not force it open; afterwards breaking the Chest to pieces, they found no Man in it alive or dead; at which being asto­nish'd, they sent to consult the Oracle at Delphi; to whom the Prophetess made this Answer:

Of all the Heroes, Cleomede is last. They say too, the Body of Alomeno, as [Page 120] she was carrying to her Grave, vanish'd, and a Stone was found lying on the Bier. And many such Improbabilities do your fabulous Writers relate, deifying Crea­tures naturally mortal; tho' altogether to disown a divine Power, is an unholy and disingenuous thing; so again to mix Heaven and Earth, is as ridiculous; there­fore we must reject such Vanities, being assur'd that, according to Pindar,

For that alone is deriv'd from the Gods, thence it comes, and thither it re­turns: not with the Body, but when it is most free and separated from it, and is al­together pure and clean, and disengag'd from the flesh; for the dry Soul (as Heracli­tus phrases it) is best, which flies out of the Body, as Lightning breaks from a Cloud; but that which is clogg'd and in­cumber'd with the Body, is like a gross and cloudy Vapour, hard to be kindled and mount on high. We must not there­fore, contrary to Nature, send the Bodies too of good Men to Heaven; but again we must really believe that, according to a divine Nature and Justice, their vertu­ous Souls are translated out of Men into Heroes; out of Heroes into demi-Gods; out of demi-Gods, (if they are, as by expi­ation, perfectly purg'd and sanctified, and [Page 121] disburden'd of all Passions attending Morta­lity) they are, not as in any humane Polity alter'd, but really and according to right Reason chang'd and translated into Gods, receiving the greatest and most blessed perfection.

Romulus his sirname Quirinus, some say, signifies as much as Mars or Warlike; o­thers, Why Romulus was call'd Quirinus. that he was so call'd, because the Citizens were call'd Quirites; others, be­cause the Ancients call'd a Dart or Spear Quiris, for the Statue of Juno placed on a Spear was call'd Quiritis, and the Dart in the King's Palace was call'd Mars, and those that behav'd themselves valiantly in War, were usually presented with a Dart, and that therefore Romulus, being a martial God, or a God of Darts, was call'd Quirinus; and there is a Temple built to his Honour on a Mount call'd from him Quirinalis.

The day he vanish'd on is call'd the Flight of the Rabble, or the [...]. Nones of the Goats, because they go then out of the City, and sacrifice at the Goats-Marsh, and as they go, they call out loudly upon the Names of some of their Compatriots, as Marcellus and Caius, imitating how they then fled, and call'd upon one another in that Fright and Hurry. Some say, this was not in imitation of a Flight, but of a quick and hasty Onset, giving this account of [Page 122] it: After the Gauls, who had taken Rome, were driven out by Camillus, and the City had not as yet recover'd her strength, ma­ny of the Latines, under the Command of Livius Posthumius, took this time to march against her. The Army sitting down be­fore Rome, an Herald was sent, signifying that the Latines were desirous to renew their former Alliance and Affinity, (that was now almost decayed) by contracting new Marriages between both Nations; if therefore they would send forth a good number of their Virgins and Widows, they should settle into a Peace and Friendship, as they formerly did with the Sabines upon the like Conditions. The Romans hear­ing this, they both dreaded a War, yet thought a Surrender of their Women little better than a meer Captivity. Being in this doubt, a Servant-maid call'd Philotis, (or as some say, Teutola) advis'd them to do neither, but rather, by a Stratagem, both to avoid Fighting, and the giving up of such Pledges. The Stratagem was this, that they should send her self, with a company of handsom Wenches well dress'd, to the Enemy, instead of Free-born Vir­gins, and she would in the night light up a Torch, at which the Romans should come arm'd and surprize them asleep. The Latines were thus deceiv'd, and ac­cordingly Philotis set up a Torch in a wild [Page 123] Fig-tree, skreening it behind with Cur­tains and Coverlets from the sight of the Enemy: But it was plain to the Romans: when they saw it, they ran furiously to­gether out of the Gates, hastening one another what they could, so falling in un­expectedly upon the Enemy, they defeat­ed them. Upon that they made a Feast of Triumph, call'd the Nones of the Goats, because of the wild Fig-tree, call'd by the Romans, Caprificus, or the Goat-Fig; and they feast the Women without the City in Arbors made of Fig-tree boughs, and the Maids meet and run about playing; afterwards they fight in Sport, and throw Stones one at another, in memory they did then aid and assist the Roman Men in Fight. This many Authors do not admit for true: for the calling upon one anothers Names by day, and the going out to the Goats-Marsh, as to Sea, seems to agree more to the former Relation, unless per­haps both the Actions, done at several times, might have happen'd on the same day of the Week. Now, they say, it was in the 54th. year of his Age, and the 38th. How old he was when he died. of his Reign, that Romulus left the World.

THere is so much incertainty in the accounts which Historians have left us of Lycurgus, the Law giver of Sparta, that scarcely any thing is asserted by one of them which is not call'd into question, or contradicted by the rest. Their sentiments are quite different as to the Fa­mily he came of, the Voyages he under­took, the place, and manner of his death, but most of all when they speak of the Laws [Page 130] he made, and the Commonwealth which he founded. They cannot by any means be brought to an agreement as to the very Age in which this excellent person liv'd: for some of them say that he flourished in the time of Iphitus, and that they two jointly contrived the Ordinance for the cessation of Arms during the Solemnity of the Olym­pick Games. Of this opinion was Aristotle, and for confirmation of it he alledges an in­scription upon one of the copper Coits used in those Sports, upon which the name of Lycurgus continued undefac'd to his time. But Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, two lear­ned Chronologers, computing the time by the successions of the Spartan Kings, pre­tend to demonstrate that he was much more ancient than the very Institution of the O­lympick Games. Timaeus conjectures that there were two of this name, and in diverse times, but that the one of them being much more famous than the other, men gave to him the glory of both their exploits: the elder of the two, according to him, was not long after Homer, and some are so par­ticular as to say that he had seen him too. But that he was of great antiquity may be gathered from a passage in Lib. de La­ced. Rep. Xenophon, where he makes him contemporary with the He­raclidae: not but that the very last Kings of Sparta were Heraclidae too; but he seems in [Page 131] that place to speak of the first, and more im­mediate successours of Hercules. But not­withstanding this confusion and obscurity of Writers who have gone before us in this Subject, we shall endeavour to compose the History of his This was the first Life that Plu­tarch pub­lish'd, and he seems to have a par­ticular re­spect to this people, by writing a Book of their wise Sayings. Life, setting down those pas­sages which are least contradicted, and fol­lowing those Authours which are most worthy of credit.

The Poet Simonides will needs have it that Lycurgus was the Son of Prytanis, and not of Eunomus; but in this opinion he is singular, for all the rest deduce the Genea­logy of them both as follows:

• Aristodemus,
• Patrocles,
• Sous,
• Eurytion,
• Prytanis,
• Eunomus, who by his first Wife had a Son nam'd Polydectes, and by his se­cond Wife, Dianissa, had this Lycurgus,

whose Life is before us: but as Eutychidas says, he was the sixth from Patrocles, and the eleventh from Hercules. Be this as it will, Sous certainly was the most renown'd of all his Ancestours, under whose conduct the Spartans subdu'd Ilotos, and made Slaves of the Ilotes, and added to their Domini­ons, by Conquest, a good part of Arcadia. There goes a story of this King Sous, that [Page 132] being besieged by the Clitorians in a dry and stony place, so that he could come at no water, he was at last constrained to a­gree with them upon these hard terms, that he would restore to them all his Conquests, provided that Himself A subtile promise. and all his Men should drink of a Spring not far distant from his Camp: after the usual Oaths and Ratifications, he call'd his Souldiers toge­ther, and offered to him that would forbear drinking half his Kingdom for a reward: their thirst was so much stronger than their ambition, that not a man of them was able to forbear: in short, when they had all drank their fill, at last comes King Sous himself to the Spring, and, having sprinkled his face onely, without swallowing one drop, he marched off in the face of his Ene­mies, refusing to yield up his Conquests, because himself, and all his men (according to the Articles) had not drank of their water.

Although he was justly had in admirati­on as well for his wit and abstinence as for his warlike exploits, yet was not his Fami­ly sirnamed from him but from his Son Eu­rytion, (of whom they were call'd Eurytio­nides:) the reason of this was, that Eury­tion took a course never practis'd by his wise Predecessours, which was to flatter and cajole his own Subjects, by slackening the reigns of the Royal Authority. But [Page 133] see what followed! the people, instead of growing more tractable by it, made new encroachments upon him every day: inso­much that, partly by taking advantages of the too great easiness or necessities of the succeeding Princes, partly by tiring out and vexing those which used severity, they at last brought the Government into con­tempt, and soon after the whole Kingdom into Anarchy and confusion. In this mise­rable estate things continu'd a long time, and amongst its other tragical effects, it caused the death of the Father of Lycurgus: for as the good King was endeavouring to quell a riot in which the parties were come to blows, he was among them most barba­rously [...], stab'd with a Cooks Knife. butchered; and left the title of King to his eldest Son Polydectes: but he too dy­ing soon after, the right of Succession (as every one thought) rested in Lycurgus; and reign he did, untill he had notice that the Queen, his Sister-in-law, was with Child: upon this he immediately declar'd that the Kingdom belong'd to her issue, pro­vided it were Male, and that himself would exercise the Regal Jurisdiction onely as his They call'd them [...]. Guardian and Regent during his minority: soon after an overture was made to him by the Queen, that she would make her self miscarry, or some way destroy that she went with, upon condition that he would [Page 134] marry her when he came to the Crown. Though he was extremely incens'd against the Woman for this unnatural proposal, yet wisely smothering his resentments, and making shew of closing with her, he dis­patch'd the Messenger with a world of thanks, and expressions of joy, but withall dissuaded her earnestly from procuring her self to miscarry, because that the vio­lent means used in such cases would impair her health, if not endanger her life: with­all assuring her, that himself would so or­der it, that the Child, as soon as born, should be taken out of the way. By these and such like artifices, having drawn on the Woman to the time of her lying in, as soon as ever he heard that she was in labour, he sent some of his Council to be by and observe all that past, with order, that if it were a Girle they should deliver it to the Women, but if a Boy, that they should bring it to him wheresoever he were, and whatsoever a-doing. It so fell out that as he was at Supper with his principal Magi­strates, the Queen was brought to bed of a Boy, who was soon after presented to him as he was at the Table: he, taking him tenderly into his arms, said to those about him, behold, my Lords of Sparta, here is a King born unto us; this said, he laid him down upon the Chair of State, and nam'd [Page 135] him Charilaus; that is, the Joy of the people: because they were so much transported with joy both at the birth of the young Prince, and the contemplation of the noble Mind and Justice of Lycurgus: and yet his good reign lasted onely eight months. But Ly­curgus was in nature a Prince, and there were more who obeyed him upon the ac­count of his eminent Vertues, than because he was Regent to the King, and had the treasure and strength of the Nation in his hands. Yet could not all this ensure him from envy, which made a push at him (as Lycurgus envied. is usual) before he was well settled in his high Trust; the Heads of this Faction were the Kindred and Creatures of the Queen-mother, who pretended not to have been dealt with sutably to her quality; and her Brother Leonidas, in a warm debate which fell out betwixt him and Lycurgus, went so far as to tell him to his face, that he was very well assured that e'er long he should sec him King; by this reflecting insinuation he endeavour'd to make the people jealous of Lycurgus, thus preparing the way for an accusation of him, as though he had made away with his Nephew, if he should chance to fail, though by a natural death; words of the like import were designedly cast a­broad by the Queen-mother and her adhe­rents.

[Page 136] Being exceedingly troubled at this, and not knowing what it might come to, he thought it his wisest course to decline their envy by a voluntary exile, and so tra­vel from place to place untill his Nephew came to marriageable years, and by having a Son had secured the Succession: setting Lycurgus his Travels. sail therefore with this resolution, he first arrived at Crete, where having considered their several Forms of Government, and got an acquaintance with the principal men amongst them, some of their Laws he very much approv'd of, and resolv'd to make use of them in his own Country, and a good part of them he rejected as useless. Amongst the persons there the most re­nown'd for their ability and wisedom in State matters was one Thales, whom Ly­curgus, by repeated importunities and assu­rances of Friendship, at last persuaded to go over to Lacedaemon. When he came thither, by his outward appearance and character, he seem'd no other than a Lyrick Poet, but in reality he perform'd the part of one of the ablest Law-givers in the world: the very Songs which he compos'd were pathe­tical exhortations to obedience and con­cord: The sweetness of the Measures and the cadence of the Verse, suting with the Subject, both serious and delightfull, had so great an influence on their minds, that [Page 137] they were insensibly softned and civiliz'd: insomuch that at last they renounced their private feuds and animosities, which had kept them so long at variance to their un­speakable disadvantage, and re-united them­selves into a cheerfull and unanimous con­currence for the publick welfare: so that it may truly be said that Thales prepared the way for Lycurgus, by removing the rubbish and clearing the ground-plot, that he might raise upon it the lasting Fabrick of that glo­rious Commonwealth.

From Crete he sailed to Asia, with design (as is said) to examin the difference betwixt the Manners and Government of the Cre­tans (who were very wise and temperate) and those of the Ionians, a corrupt and ef­feminate people: as Physicians, by the op­position they find betwixt a healthfull and sickly body, are enabled to distinguish the swelling of a Dropsie from a good and thriving habit, and a real health from that which but appears so. Here had he the first sight of Homer's Works, which were Homer's Works brought to light by Ly­curgus. preserved in all probability by the posteri­ty of Cleobulus: and having observ'd that the few loose expressions and actions of ill example which are to be found in his Po­ems, were very much out-weigh'd by those grave maxims of State and rules of Morali­ty (which are frequently couch'd under [Page 138] those very Fictions) he set himself eagerly to transcribe and digest them into order, as thinking they would be of good use in his own Country: and to his immortal honour be it said, he was the first who brought the Works of this most admirable Poet into credit in Greece: for though some fragments of them lay scattered before in a few private hands (who set a great value upon them,) yet were they never published together, nor generally admired, before the time of Lycurgus.

The Aegyptians say that he took a Voy­age into Aegypt, and that, being much ta­ken This Story of the Aegypti­ans is con­firm'd by some Greek Histo­rians. with their way of separating the Soul­diery from their Handy-crafts and Mecha­nicks, he resolv'd to imitate them at Lace­daemon: and this distinction of their Pro­fessions, as it prevented confusion, it encrea­sed their strength, and causing regularity, added beauty to the State. But as for his Voyages into Spain, Africk, and the Indies, and his conferences there with the Gymnoso­phistes, the whole relation (as far as I can find) rests on the single credit of Aristocra­tes, the Son of Hipparchus.

During the absence of Lycurgus, though he was cheaply parted with, he was dearly miss'd at Lacedaemon, and a great many Embassies were sent to pray his return, for Kings indeed we have (said they) who wear [Page 139] the marks and assume the titles of Royalty, but as for the inward qualities of their minds, they have nothing by which they are to be distinguish'd from their Subjects: adding, that in him alone was the true foundation of Sovereignty to be seen, a Nature made to Rule, and a Genius of that strength that it made him at the same time lov'd and reve­renced by the people. Though this seem'd a little to reflect, yet were not the Kings themselves averse from his return, for they look'd upon his presence as a bulwark for them against the growing insolencies of the people.

Things being in this posture at his return, His return and the al­terations he made. he apply'd himself without loss of time to a through Reformation, and resolv'd to change the whole face of the Common­wealth: for what could a few particular Laws and a partial alteration avail, when there was an universal corruption of all or­ders and degrees of men in the State? He took therefore the course wise Physicians use, when they have to doe with one who labours under a complication of Diseases, they are not content to obviate one or two of them, but follow him with purges and letting bloud, untill they have quite drain'd him of the peccant humours, and exhausted the corrupt mass of his bloud; this done, they restore him by degrees, and prescribe [Page 140] a regimen of Diet quite contrary to the for­mer: the Reader will easily make the ap­plication. Having thus projected things, away he goes to Delphi to consult Apollo there, which having done, and offered his Sacrifice, he returned with that renowned Oracle, in which he is call'd Beloved of This Oracle is extant at length in He­rodotus. God, and rather God than Man; that his Prayers were heard, that his Laws should be the best, and the Commonwealth which observed them the most famous in the world. Encouraged by these things, he set himself to bring over to his side the leading men of Sparta, exhorting them to give him a helping hand in this great un­dertaking: he broke it first to his particu­lar friends, and then by degrees he gained others, at last he animated them all toge­ther to put his design in execution. When things were ripe for action he gave order to thirty of the principal men of Sparta to be ready arm'd at the Market-place by break of the day, to the end that he might strike a terrour into the opposite party: Hermip­pus hath set down the names of twenty of the most eminent of them; but the name of him whom Lycurgus most confided in, and who was of most use to him, both in making his Laws and putting them in exe­cution, was Arithmiadas. Things growing to a tumult, King Charilaus apprehending [Page 141] that it was a Conspiracy against his Person, took Sanctuary in the Temple of Minerva the Protectress; being soon after undecei­ved, and put in heart again, and having taken an Oath of them that they had no treasonable designs, he quitted his Refuge, and himself also entred into the confederacy with them: of so gentle and flexible a dis­position he was, and almost too good na­tur'd for a King: to which Archelaus his Partner in the Government alluded, when hearing him highly extoll'd for his good­ness, he said, how can he be otherwise than a gracious Prince, for he is good even to the worst of men?

Amongst the many changes and altera­tions which Lycurgus made, the first and of greatest importance was the establishment of the Senate, which having a power equal to the Kings in matters of great consequence did (as Plato expresses it) with its phlegm allay and qualifie the hot complexion of a Monarchy, serv'd as a Rampart against the insolence of the people, and always kept the Commonwealth in good temper. For the State which before had no firm Basis to stand upon, but lean'd one while towards an absolute Monarchy (when the Kings had the upper hand) and another while towards a pure Democracy (when the people had the better of it) found in this establishment [Page 142] of the Senate a counterpoise, which always kept things in a just aequilibrium. For the Twenty Eight always adhered to the wea­ker side, and put themselves like a weight into the lighter Scale, untill they had re­duced the other to a Ballance. As for the determinate number of Twenty Eight, Aristotle is of opinion that it so fell out be­cause two of the Associates for want of cou­rage fell off from the enterprise; but Sphae­rus assures us that there were but twenty eight of the Confederates at first: perhaps there is some mystery in the number which consists of seven multiply'd by four, and is the first of perfect numbers after six, being, as that is, equal to its sides. For my part, I cannot believe that Lycurgus had any such niceties in his head, but pitch'd upon the number of Twenty Eight, that, the two Kings being reckoned amongst them, they might be Thirty in all. So eagerly set was Lycur­gus upon this Establishment invented by himself, that he took a Journey to Delphi to credit it by the approbation of the Ora­cle, who gave him the famous Rhetra, or fundamental Statute, which runs thus. Af­ter The Rhetra, or Oracle. that you have built a Temple to Jupiter the Syllanian, and to Minerva the Syllanian, and after that you have divided the people into Tribes, you shall establish a Council of thir­ty Senatours, in the number of which the two [Page 143] Kings shall be compriz'd, and shall from time to time call the people to an Assembly betwixt Balyca and Cnacion, where the Senate shall propound things to the Commons, who shall not have power to debate upon their propo­sals, but onely to give or refuse their assent, and it shall be in the power of the Senate to dissolve the Assembly. Betwixt this Balyca and Cnacion (now called [...]) their As­semblies were held, for they had no spaci­ous Council-house richly hung and furni­shed to receive them in: for Lycurgus was of opinion that such theatrical Ornaments were so far from advantaging them in their Counsels that they were rather an hinde­rance, by diverting their attention from the business before them to gape upon the Statues and Pictures, and Roofs curi­ously fretted, the usual embellishments of such places amongst the other Graecians. The people then being thus assembled in the open air, it was not allow'd to any one of their order to give his advice, but onely either to ratifie or reject what should be propounded to them by the King or Senate. But because it fell out afterwards that the people made glosses and explanations of Laws contrary to the intent of the Kings and Senate, and sometimes too by adding or rasing out whole Sentences perverted the sense, King [Page 144] Polydorus and Theopompus (to be even with them in their own kind) inserted into the Rhetra or grand Decretal the following Clause; That if the people should go a­bout to make alteration in the Decrees of the Senate, or to enlarge or limit the sense of them, that it should be lawfull for the King and Senate to make void their resolu­tions and to dissolve the Assembly. This business was so dextrously managed, that it past among the people for as authentick as the rest of the Rhetra, as appears by these Verses of Tyrtaeus,

Although Lycurgus had in this manner us'd all the qualifications possible in the Go­vernment of his Commonwealth, yet those who succeeded him thought that the small­ness of the number of which the Senate consisted made them somewhat imperious and pressing, and therefore Plato no great friend to a Monar­chy. (as Plato says) they wanted a bridle, which bridle was the [Page 145] power of the Ephori, establish'd an hundred and thirty years after the death of Lycurgus. Elatus was the first who had this dignity conferr'd upon him, in the reign of King Theopompus, whom when his Queen upbrai­ded one day, that he would leave the regal power to his Children less than himself had received it from his Ancestours, he told her that she was much mistaken, for he should leave it so much greater than he found it, by how much it was more likely to last. For indeed the Prerogative being thus kept within some reasonable bounds, at once he freed himself from the envy, and secur'd himself from the danger, to which an un­limited jurisdiction lies exposed. So that the Spartan Kings fared much better after it than their neighbours at Messene and Argos; who by screwing their Prerogative too high, crack'd it, and for want of yielding a little to the populacy, lost all.

Indeed, whosoever shall take a prospect of the Seditions and civil Wars which be­fell these bordering Nations, (to whom they were as near related in bloud as situation) will find good reason to admire the pro­found wisedom and providence of Lycurgus; for these three States in their first rise were equal, or, if there were any odds they lay on the side of the Messenians and Argives, who in the decision of the Country were more [Page 146] fortunate than the Spartans: yet was their flourish but of small continuance, soon fal­ling into confusion, partly by the tyrannical disposition of their Kings, and partly by the ungovernableness of the people: so that now their servile and disgracefull condition makes it appear to the whole world, that it is one of the greatest blessings which heaven can send down upon any Nation, to give them so wise a Law-giver who could set bounds to those two intersering powers, and of such jarring elements frame an orderly Com­monwealth. But of this I shall say more in its due place.

After the creation of the thirty Senatours his next task, and indeed the most hazar­dous he ever undertook, was the making a new division of their Lands. For there was a very strange inequality amongst the inha­bitants of Sparta, so that the City was sur­charged with a multitude of beggarly and necessitous persons, whilst the Lands and Money were engrossed by a few: therefore to the end that he might banish out of the State Luxury and Arrogance (the vices of the rich,) and Envy and Knavery, (the usu­al faults of the poor) and the source of all mischiefs, Want and Superfluity, he obtai­ned of them to renounce their properties, and to consent to a new division of the Land: that they should live all with the equality [Page 147] and friendliness of co-heirs and Brothers: so that there being no other way left to mount to a degree of eminence above the rest than to become more valiant and more vertuous than they, ambition began to be a good subject, and set men upon the use of those means by which true honour is to be acquir'd.

Having got their consent to his propo­sals he immediately put them in execution: and having exactly survey'd the whole Country of Laconia, he divided it into thir­ty thousand equal shares, and the Liberties of the City of Sparta into nine thousand, and these he distributed to the Inhabitants of the City, as he did the others to them who dwelt in the Country. Some Au­thours say that he made but six thousand lots for the Citizens of Sparta, and that King Polydore added three thousand more. Others say that Polydore doubled the num­ber Lycurgus had made, which (according to them) was but four thousand five hun­dred. A lot was so much as to yield one year with another about seventy Bushels of Grain, for the Master of the Family, and twelve for his Wife, with a sutable propor­tion of Oil and Wine. And this he thought sufficient to keep their bodies in good health and lusty, and as for superfluities he design'd wholly to retrench them. It is reported [Page 148] that as he returned from a Journey some time after the division of the Lands, in har­vest time, the ground being newly reap'd, observing the Sheaves to be all equal, and the Shocks of the same bigness, he smiling­ly said to those about him, methinks Lace­daemon is like the inheritance of a great ma­ny Brothers, which have newly made a di­vision amongst themselves.

Not contented with this, he resolv'd to make a division of their Movables too, that there might be no odious distinction or in­equality left amongst them; but finding that it would be very dangerous to go a­bout it openly, he bethought himself of this stratagem. He commanded that all Gold and Silver Coin should be cry'd down, and that onely a sort of Money made of Iron should be current, whereof a great weight and quantity was but very little worth: so that to lay up twenty or thirty pounds there was requir'd a pretty large Chamber, and to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of Oxen. By this invention, it is scarcely to be imagin'd, how many exe­crable Vices were banish'd Lacedaemon: for who would rob another of such a scurvy sort of Coin? who would injustly detein it? who would cheat and circumvent, be brib'd or turn Knight of the Post to compass it? when that it was not easie to be hid [Page 149] when a man had it, nor brought a man any credit in the world by the possession of it, nor could serve for any use when you had cut it in pieces: for when it was red hot and just stamp'd, they quench'd it in Vine­gar, and by that means made it almost un­malleable by its hardness.

In the next place he banish'd all Arts that were not absolutely necessary; but here he might almost have spar'd his Proclamation: for they of themselves would have gone after the Gold and Silver, the money which re­main'd being not so proper payment for cu­rious Pieces: for being of Iron it was scarce­ly portable, neither if they should take so much pains as to export it, would it pass amongst the other Grecians, who were so far from valuing it that they thought it one of the most ridiculous things in the world. Thus was foreign Traffick almost utterly cut off, for neither could the Lacedemoni­ans buy any Merchandise of Strangers, nei­ther did any Merchants think it worth the while to bring in their Goods to any part of Laconia. For the same reason, they were not pestered with any pedantical Teachers of Rhetorick, with Gypsies, Fortune-tellers, and Calculatours of Nativities; No pimping corrupters of youth brought their Ladies of composition, or their Boys to be unnatural­ly abus'd there; no Gold-smiths and En­gravers, [Page 150] no Jewellers and Perfumers were to be found amongst them, for there was no money: so that Luxury being depriv'd of that which fed and fomented it (being quite starv'd out) was forc'd to quit their Country, and seek it self one elsewhere. For the rich had no preeminence here over the poor, and their riches and abundance, ha­ving no opportunity of appearing and boa­sting of it self in publick, were forced to remain useless at home, a costly prey to the rust and the moth. Their thoughts being thus taken off from things superflu­ous, they became excellent Artists in those which were necessary: so that Bedsteads, Chairs and Tables, and such like staple U­tensils in a Family, were admirably well made there: particularly their Cup was very much in fashion, and bought up by Souldiers, as Critias reports, for the colour and thickness of the Cup hindred the mud­diness of the dirty water (which upon mar­ches must often be drunk) from being per­ceived: and the figure of it was such that the mud sank to the bottom, or stuck to the sides, so that onely the purest part of the water came to the mouth of him that drank in it. And this skill of theirs, though in minute things, was mainly owing to their Law-giver, who took off their minds from the endless care of providing the [Page 151] means and instruments of Luxury, to at­tend onely to those things which were of daily and indispensable use.

The last and most masterly stroke of this excellent Philosopher, by which he struck at the very roots of Luxury, and extermi­nated utterly the desire of riches, was the Ordinance he made that they should all eat in common, of the same meat, and of such kinds as were specify'd in the Decree: by which it was expresly forbid to pamper themselves in private, to use rich Couches, and magnificent Tables, abusing the labours of excellent Workmen, and delivering them­selves up into the hands of their Butchers and Cooks, who us'd to cramme them in corners as they fatted up the Beasts and the Poultery they fed on: by this way of life their manners were not onely corrupted but their bodies too were enfeebled, so that giving the rein to their sensual appetites they stood in need of long sleep and hot Bagnio's, and, in a word, of as much care and attendance as if they were continually sick. It was certainly an extraordinary thing to have brought about such an enter­prise as this, but a greater yet to have ef­fected by the frugality of their publick Ta­bles, that their riches should be privileg'd from the hands of rapine, nay rather (as Theophrastus observes) should be utterly de­graded, [Page 152] [...]. losing their property, and almost their very nature, so that they no longer were the objects of envy. For the rich be­ing oblig'd to partake of the same fare with the poor, they could not make use of, or enjoy their choice viands, nor so much as please their vain humours, by making a shew and vaunting of them to the world. So that the common Proverb that Plutus (the God of Riches) is blind, was no where so literally verify'd as in Sparta: for there he was kept continually blind, or rather like a dead Carcase, senseless, motionless, as when he lay wrapt up in the dark en­trails of the earth. Nor could they take any refection in private before they came to the publick Halls, for every one had an eye upon them who did not eat and drink with a good stomach, and reproa­ched them with the name of dainty and effeminate.

This last Ordinance bore very hard upon the wealthier sort of men, so that being out of all patience they made an insurrection against Lycurgus, and from ill words came to blows, so that at length he was forced to run out of the Assembly, and make to Sanctuary to save his life: by good hap he got before all the rest, excepting one Alcan­der, (a young Gentleman otherwise not ill ac­complish'd, but too hasty and cholerick) who [Page 153] came up so close to him, as that, whilst he turn'd himself about to see who was near him, he struck him upon the face, and beat out one of his eyes. The incomparable Philosopher was so far from being daunted and discouraged by this accident, that he stop'd short, and shew'd his reverend face all in a gore bloud to his ingratefull Country-men: they were so strangely surpris'd and asham'd to see it, that they immediately begg'd pardon, offer'd him any sort of repa­ration, and delivered Alcander into his hands to be punished as he should think fit. Lycurgus, having thank'd them for their care of his person, dismiss'd them all, ex­cepting onely Alcander; taking him with him into his House he neither did nor said any thing severely to him, but dismissing those whose place it was, he ordered Alcan­der to wait upon him at Table: the young man, though not used to servile employ­ments, without murmuring or repining did as he was commanded: being thus near him he had opportunity to observe in him (besides the natural goodness and mildness of his temper) an extraordinary sobriety in his diet, and a strength of complexion pro­ceeding from it, which no labours and fa­tigues were able to surmount. He was so ravish'd with admiration of these excellent qualities, that of an enemy he became one [Page 154] of his most zealous admirers, and told his Friends and Relations, that Lycurgus was not that morose and ill-natur'd man whom they had formerly took him for, but of the sweetest and most Gentleman-like disposi­tion in the world. And thus did Lycurgus (for chastisement of his fault) make of a wild and dissolute young man one of the discreetest Citizens of Sparta.

In memory of this accident Lycurgus built a Temple to Minerva, sirnamed Op­tilete, from a word which in the Dorick Dialect signifies the preserver of the sight: for some Authours, of which Dioscorides is one (who wrote a Treatise of the Com­monwealth of Sparta) say that he was wounded indeed, but did not lose his eye with the blow: and this was the cause of the dedication of that Temple. Be this as it will, certain it is, that this misadventure was the cause that the Lacedemonians ne­ver bring any arms, no not so much as a staff into their publick Assemblies.

But to return to their publick repasts, which had several names in Greek: for the Candiots call'd them ' [...] (because the men onely came to them:) The Lacede­monians call'd them [...] (from a word which signifies Parsimony, because they were so many Schools of Sobriety) or [...], that is, Feasts of Love, because that [Page 155] by eating and drinking together they had opportunity of making Friends. To put in my own conjecture, perhaps they were simply call'd ' [...] (Eating-houses) for such the word is by the subtraction of one let­ter. They met by companies of Fifteen, over or under, and each of them stood bound to bring in monthly a Bushel of Meal, eight Galons of Wine, five Pounds of Cheese, two Pounds and an half of Figs, for their dessert, and a little Money to buy Flesh and Fish withall. Besides this, when any of them made Sacrifice to the Gods they always sent a dole to the Common-hall: and likewise when any one of them had been a Hunting, he sent thither a part of the Venison he had kill'd, and these two were the onely allowable excuses for sup­ping at home. This custom of eating to­gether was observ'd strictly for a great while afterwards: insomuch that Agis, King of Lacedaemon, having vanquish'd the Athe­nians, and sending for his Commons at his return home, because he desired to eat pri­vately with his Queen, was refus'd by the Polemarchi: which refusal, when he resen­ted so much as to omit the Eucharistical Sa­crifices which used to be made for a War happily ended, they were so far from ask­ing his pardon, that they set a fine upon his head, and obliged him to pay it.

[Page 156] They us'd to send their Children to these Tables as to Schools of temperance and good husbandry: here they were instructed in State-affairs, not by mercenary Pedants, but, by experienced Statesmen: here they learn'd the art of Conversation, to droll without reflecting, and to make jests at the cost of no man's reputation: and withall to take a jest with the same innocence and un­concernedness that they gave one. In this point of good breeding the Lacedemonians exceeded all the people of Greece: but if any man were out of humour, or was not of a nature to bear a jest, upon the least hint given there was no more to be said to him: it was customary also for the eldest man in the company to tell each of them, as they came in, Look ye, Sir, not a word said in company must go out of this Door, and withall he pointed to it. When any one had a desire to be admitted into any of these little Societies he was to go through this manner of probation: each man in the company took a little ball of soft bread (a custom much like that of bal­lotting in other places) which they were to throw into a deep Basin, which a waiter carried round upon his head: those that lik'd the person to be chosen drop'd their Ball into the Basin without altering the figure; and those who disliked him press'd [Page 157] it betwixt their fingers, and made it flat: and this signify'd as much as a negative voice; for if there were but one of these flatted pieces in the Basin the Suiter was rejected: so curious they were in the choice of their company, and so tender of disgu­sting any one member in it, by taking in a man unacceptable to him. Their principal Dish was a sort of black Broth, which was so much valued that the elderly sort fed onely upon that, leaving what flesh there was to the younger sort.

They say that a certain King of Pontus, The same story is told of Dionysius the Tyrant. Cic. Tusc. having heard much of this black Broth of theirs, sent for a Lacedemonian Cook on purpose to make him some: he had no soo­ner tasted it but he found it was abomi­nable: the Cook seeing him out of conceit with it, told him: Sir, to make this Broth relish you should have bath'd your self first in the River of Eurotas.

Having eaten and drank thus moderate­ly every man went to his home without lights; for the use of them was utterly for­bid, to the end that they might accustom themselves to march boldly in the dark. And such was the order and fashion of their Meals.

Lycurgus would never reduce his Laws into writing, nay it is expresly forbid in the Rhetra; for he thought that the most [Page 158] material points, and such as most directly tended to the publick welfare, being im­printed on the hearts of their youth by a good education, and by a constant and ha­bitual observance of them, becoming a se­cond nature, would supply the place of a Law and Law-giver in them all the rest of their lives: and as for things of lesser im­portance, as pecuniary contracts, and such like, the forms of which ought to be chang'd as occasion requires, and in tract of time be­come insufficient for the ends they were in­tended for, he thought it the best way to leave them to every man's discretion, and to pre­scribe no certain form at all: he left there­fore no inviolable custom in such cases, wil­ling that the manner and form of bargai­ning should be altered according to the cir­cumstances of time, and determinations of men of the soundest judgment. For he was persuaded that without good educati­on the best Laws in the world signify'd no­thing, and where that was they were in a manner superfluous.

One branch then of the Rhetra was that their Laws should not be written, another branch of it is particularly levell'd against Luxury and expensiveness: for by it it was ordained, That the Ceilings of their Houses should onely be wrought by the Ax, and their Gates and Doors smooth'd onely by [Page 159] the Saw. And this was not without my­stery: for if Epaminondas could say with so good a grace, inviting some Friends to his Table, Come, Gentlemen, be secure, Treason would never come to such a poor Dinner as this; why might not this great Law-giver in all probability have thought that such ill-favour'd Houses would never be capable of receiving Luxury and superfluity? For a man must have a more than ordinary share of folly that would furnish such Rooms with embroidered Beds, and Hangings of Arras, that would be serv'd in Plate upon a rough-hewn Table, and pretend to pomp and magnificence in a House which was al­most too narrow for the necessities of life. And doubtless he had good reason to think that they would proportion their Beds to their House, and their Coverlets to their Beds, and that the rest of their Goods and Furniture would be sutable to them. It is reported that King Leotichidas, the first of that name, was so little used to the sight of carv'd Work, that, being entertain'd at Co­rinth in a stately Room, he was much sur­pris'd to see the Timber and Ceiling so fine­ly wrought, and asked his Host, whether the Trees grew so in his Country?

A third Ordinance of this forementioned Rhetra was, That they should not make War often, or long, with the same Enemy, [Page 160] lest that they should train and instruct them in the art of War by having often to doe with them: and by forcing them to defend themselves, at length teach them to be the aggressours: and for breaking this Law was Agesilaus much blamed a long time after, by making such continual incursions into Boeotia, that at length he taught that peo­ple to make head against the Lacedemoni­ans: and therefore Antalcidas, seeing him wounded one day, said to him, that he was very well paid for making the Thebans good Souldiers whether they would or no. And these Laws were called the Rhetra, that is to say, not inventions of Man's Wise­dom, but Divine Sanctions and Revelations from Heaven.

In order to the good Education of their Youth (which, as I said before, he thought the most important and noblest Work of a Law-giver) he went so far back as to take into consideration their very Conception and Birth, by regulating their Marriages. For Aristotle wrongs the memory of this excellent Person, by bearing us in hand, Pol. lib. 7. that, after he had try'd all manner of ways to reduce the Women to more modesty and sobriety, he was at last forced to leave them as they were: because that in the ab­sence of their Husbands, who spent the best part of their lives in the Wars, their Wives [Page 161] made themselves absolute Mistresses at home, and would be treated with as much respect as if they had been so many Queens. But by his good leave it is a mistake; for he took for that Sex too all the care that was possible: for an instance of it he ordered the Maidens to exercise themselves with Wrest­ling, Running, throwing the Bar and ca­sting the Dart, to the end that the Fruit they conceived might take deeper root, and grow strong, and spread it self in strong and healthy Bodies; and withall that they might be the more able to undergo the pains of Child-bearing. And to the end he might take away their over-great tenderness, and that acquired womanishness which vain cu­stom hath added to the natural, he ordered that they should go naked as well as the young Men, and dance too in that conditi­on at their solemn Feasts and Sacrifices, singing certain Songs, whilst the young Men stood in a ring about them, seeing and hearing them: in these Songs they now and then gave a satyrical glance upon those who had mis-behaved themselves in the Wars; and sometimes sang encomiums up­on those who had done any gallant action, and by these means enflamed the younger sort with an emulation of their glory. Those that were thus commended went a­way brave and well satisfy'd with them­selves, [Page 162] and those who were rally'd were as sensibly touch'd with it as if they had been formally and severely reprimanded, and so much the more, because the Kings and whole Court saw and heard all that pass'd. Now though it may seem strange that Wo­men should appear thus naked in publick, yet may it be said that true modesty was observ'd and wantonness excluded; they were sufficiently clad in their native innocence and simplicity, and wore the li­very of the lovely original couple. The end of their exercise was to make them­selves more active and vigorous, to the end that they might bear away the prize one from another, and at last come to dispute it with the Men. From hence came that sense of honour and nobleness of spirit, of which we have an instance in Gorgo, the Wife of King Leonidas, who being told, in discourse with some foreign Ladies, that the Women of Lacedaemon were they onely of the world who had an Empire over the Men, she briskly reparty'd, that there was good reason, for they were the onely Wo­men who brought forth Men. Lastly, these publick processions of the Maidens, and their appearing naked in their exercises and dancings, were provocations and baits to stir up and allure the young Men to Mar­riage: and that, not upon Geometrical rea­sons [Page 163] (as Plato calls them) such as Interest, and equality of Fortune and Birth, but from the sweet constraint and unsophisticated dictates of nature, from that mysterious agreement and sympathy of minds which alone can make men happy in a married estate. Besides this, that he might pro­mote Marriage more effectually, those who continued Batchelours were made infamous by Law; for they were excluded from the sight of those publick processions in which the young Men and Maidens danc'd naked: nay, the Officers compell'd them to march naked themselves round the Market-place in the very depth of Winter, singing a cer­tain Song to their own disgrace, that they justly suffer'd this punishment for disobey­ing the Laws. Moreover they were de­priv'd of that respect and observance which the younger sort were oblig'd to pay to their elders: and therefore no man found fault with what was said to Dercyllidas, a great Captain, and one who had comman­ded Armies; who, as he came into the place of Assembly, a young man, instead of rising and making room for him, told him, Sir, you must not expect that honour from me being young, which cannot be return'd to me by a Child of yours when I am old.

[Page 164] When they had a mind to marry, their Courtship was a sort of Rape upon the per­sons whom they had a fancy for, and those they chose not tender and The Romans allow'd them to marry at twelve years of age: he covertly blames them for it. half Children, but in the flower of their age and full ripe for a Husband: After this, She who manag'd the Wedding, comes, and shaves close the Hair of the Bride, dresses her up compleat­ly in Man's Clothes, leaves her upon a Mat­tress: this done, in comes the Bridegroom, in his every day Clothes, sober and com­pos'd, as having supp'd at his Ordinary, and steals in as privately as he can into the Room where the Bride lay, unties her Vir­gin Zone and takes her into his embraces; and so having stay'd some time together, he returns as secretly as he can to his Apart­ment with the rest of his Camerades, with whom he spends all the day, and good part of the night too, unless he steals a short vi­sit to his Bride, and that he did with a great deal of circumspection and fear of being dis­cover'd; nor was she wanting (as may be suppos'd) on her part, to use her Womans wit in watching the most favourable oppor­tunities for their meeting, and making ap­pointments when company was most out of the way. In this manner they liv'd a long time, insomuch that they frequently had Children by their Wives before ever they saw their faces by day-light. Their [Page 165] interview being thus difficult and rare serv'd not onely for continual exercise of their Temperance, and further'd very much the ends and intention of Marriage, but besides, these short Absences kept their passion still alive, which flaggs, and decays, and dyes at last by too easie Access and long continu­ance with the beloved object: they always parted with regret, contriving when they should come together again, and thought minutes hours till the next meeting: having thus set Modesty as a Sentinel over the Marriage-bed, he next bethought him­self of a prevention of that wild and wo­manish passion, Jealousie. And this he A Remedy almost as bad as the Disease, blam'd and derided by the other Graecians. thought the best expedient, to allow men the freedom of imparting the use of their Wives to those whom they should think fit, that so they might have Children by them; and this he would needs make a very com­mendable piece of Liberality, and laugh'd at those who think the violation of their Bed such an insupportable affront, that they revenge it by Murthers often, and some­times by cruel Wars. Lycurgus thought a man not to be blam'd, who being step'd in years and having a young Wife, should re­commend some vertuous handsome young man that she might have a Child by him who might inherit the good qualities of such a Father, and this Child the good Man [Page 166] loves as tenderly as if he was of his own begetting: on the other side an honest man who had love for a married woman upon the account of her modesty and the well­favourdness of her Children, might with­out formality beg of her Husband a nights lodging, that he might have a slip of so goodly a Tree which he might transplant into his own Garden. And indeed, Lycur­gus was of a persuasion that Children were not so much the propriety of their Parents as of the whole Commonwealth, and there­fore he would not have 'em begot by the first Comers, but by the best Men that could be found: the Laws of other Nations seem'd to him very defective and incongruous, who were very solicitous for the breed of their Dogs and Horses, and sent a great way and were at no small charges to get the best Stallions; and yet kept their Wives under Lock and Key for fear of other men, where­as themselves were craz'd, old or infirm, and more fit to propagate Diseases than their Species: if they had made the least re­flexion in the world they would have taken notice that the honour and dishonour of Children (who generally derive their good or ill qualities from those that beget 'em) doth chiefly redound to those who have the charge of their Education, and if they prove ill they first feel the smart of it. [Page 167] Such reasons may be alledg'd in favour of this Paradox of Lycurgus; but this is cer­tain, that so long as these Ordinances were observ'd, the Women there were so far from that scandalous Liberty which hath since been objected to them, that they knew not what the name of Adultery meant. A proof of this we have in Geradas, a very ancient Spartan, who being ask'd by a stranger, what punishment their Law had appointed for Adulterers, he answer'd, there are no Adulterers in our Country: but, replyed the stranger, suppose there were one, and the crime prov'd against him, how would you punish him? he answer'd, that the Of­fender must pay to the Plaintiff a Bull with a Neck so long as that he might drink of the River that ran at the foot of Taygetus over the top of the Mountain: the man being surpris'd at this said, why, 'tis impos­sible to find such a Bull; Geradas smilingly reply'd, 'twas just as possible to find an Adulterer in Sparta. And so much I had to say of their Marriages.

Nor was it in the power of the Father to dispose of the Child as he thought fit, but was oblig'd to carry it before the They kept their Court at a place called [...]. Try­ers, (who were some of the gravest men of the Tribe to which the Child belong'd) their business it was carefully to view the Infant, and if they found it lusty and well­favour'd, [Page 168] they gave order for its education, and allotted to it one of the nine thousand shares of Land above-mentioned for its maintenance; but if they found it deform'd, and of an ill complexion, they ordered it to be cast into a deep These pla­ces they call'd [...]; or Store-houses: an unnatural custom. cavern in the earth, near the Mountain Taygetus, as thinking it nei­ther for the good of the Child it self, nor for the publick interest that it should be brought up, since nature had denied it the means of happiness in its own particular by not gi­ving it health, nor strength sufficient to make it serviceable to the publick: upon the same account the Women did not bathe the new-born Children with Water, as is the custom in all other Countries, but with Wine, to prove the temper and complexion of their Bodies; for a conceit they had, that weakly Children fall into fits of the Con­vulsion, or immediately faint upon their being thus bath'd; on the contrary, those who were of a strong and vigorous habit, would acquire a greater degree of firmness by it, and get a temper in proportion like Steel, in the quenching. Their Nurses too were so carefull and experienc'd that, without using Swadling-bands, their Chil­dren were all streight, well proportion'd and beautifull; and besides they us'd them to any sort of meat, and sometimes to bear the want of it, not to be afraid of the dark, [Page 169] or to be alone, nor to be wayward, and peevish, and crying, as they are generally in other Countries, through the imperti­nent care and fondness of those who look to them. Upon this account Spartan Nur­ses were often bought up, or hir'd by people of other Countries: and it is reported that she who suckled Alcibiades was a Spartan: but if he was fortunate in his Nurse he was not so in his School-master: for his Guar­dian Pericles in Alcib. priore. (as Plato tells us) chose a Slave for that Office call'd Zopyrus, nothing better than those that row'd in a Galley. Lycurgus was of another mind, he would not have Masters bought out of the Market, nor such as should sell their pains, nor would he have any thing mercenary in so important a charge.

Nor was it lawfull for the Father himself to breed up the Children after his own fan­cy; but as soon as they were seven years old they were to be enroll'd in certain Companies and Classes, where they all liv'd under the same Orders and Discipline, do­ing their exercises, and recreating them­selves Their Exer­cises. together. Of these, he who shew'd the most conduct and courage, was made Captain; they had their eyes always upon him, obeyed his orders, and underwent patiently whatsoever punishment he inflic­ted: so that the whole course of their edu­cation [Page 170] was one continued exercise of a rea­dy and perfect obedience. The old men too were Spectatours of their performances, and oft-times hatch'd quarrels, and set them together by the ears, that by those early indications they might perfectly learn their natures, and know which would be valiant, which a coward when they should come to more dangerous encounters: as for Lear­ning, they gave them just enough to serve their turn; their chief care was to make them good Subjects, to fit them to endure the fatigues of long and tedious marches, and never to return without victory from the field. To this end, as they grew in years their ex­ercises were proportionably increas'd; their heads were shav'd, they were accustomed to go bare-foot, and for the most part to play naked.

After they were twelve years old, they were no longer allow'd to wear double gar­ments, Their Habit. one plain Coat serv'd them a whole year: and being but very seldom bath'd and trimm'd they were none of the neatest and cleanliest persons in the world. They lodg'd together in little Bands upon Beds made of the Rushes which grew by the Banks of the River Eurotas, and because their points were sharp they were to break them off with their Hands without a Knife: if it were a hard Winter they mingled some [Page 171] Thistle-down with their Rushes, this kept them warm, and as well contented they were with it, as if it had been the best Fea­ther-bed in the world. By that time they were come to this age, there was not any of the more hopefull Lads who had not a lover to bear him company; The old men too had an eye upon them, coming often to the Schools to hear and see them contend either in wit or strength with one another: and this they did as seriously and with as much concern as if they were their Fathers, their Tutours, or their Magistrates; so that there scarcely passed a moment without putting them in mind of their duty, nor was there any place so privileg'd but that they were punish'd if they had neglected it.

Besides all this, there was always one of the best and honestest men in the City ap­pointed to undertake the charge and gover­nance of them: he again rang'd them into several little Bands, and set over each of them for their Captain the discreetest and most metall'd of those they call'd Irenes, (which were usually twenty years old, and those who were about eighteen were call'd Mell-Irenes, as much as to say, who would shortly be Men:) This young man there­fore was their Captain when they fought, and their Master at home, using them for the offices of his House; sending the stur­diest [Page 172] of them to fetch Wood, and the wea­ker and less able to gather Salads and Herbs, Their Diet. and these they must either go without or steal them; and this they did by creeping into the Gardens, or conveying themselves very cunningly and closely into the Eating-houses: and it concern'd them so to doe, for if they were taken in the fact they were whip'd without mercy; and that, not for want of honesty but for want of wit, because they did not lay their design well, and were not fine and cunning in their faculty. They stole too all other meat they could lay their Their Thieve­ry. hands on, looking out sharp and watching all opportunities, when people were asleep or more careless than usual. If they were caught they were not onely punish'd with whipping but hunger too, being reduc'd to their ordinary, which was but ve­ry slender, and so contriv'd on purpose, that being press'd by hunger they might cast about to help themselves by some sub­tile conveyance or adventurous action: and this was the principal design of their hard fare: another there was not inconsiderable, that they might grow the better in tallness; for the vital spirits not being over-burthened and oppressed by too great a quantity of nourishment (which necessarily discharges it self into thickness and breadth) do by their natural lightness and agility mount [Page 173] upwards; and the substance of the Body not being gross or in two great a quantity, does more easily follow the fashioning hand of Nature, whereas gross and over-fed Bo­dies are stubborn and untractable, and she can at best make but a bungling piece of work of them. This we find by experience in Women which take Physick whilst they are with Child; for though the Children be by that means made something leaner and of a less size, yet are they, for the most part, lovely of aspect, and extraordinary well shap'd; the remaining matter, after the separation of the grosser humours, be­ing more supple and pliable and recipient of its form, which is always exact and per­fect in its kind, when the matter is capable of it. But whether this be the true reason or not, I leave it to be determin'd by the College of Physicians.

To return from whence we have digres­sed; the Lacedemonian Children were so very cautious and fearfull of being discove­red, that a youth having stoln a young Fox and hid it under his Coat, suffered it to tear out his very Bowels with its Teeth and Claws, and so dy'd upon the place, rather than he would discover it: what is practis'd to this very day in Lacedaemon is enough to gain credit to this story, for my self have seen several of them endure whipping to [Page 174] death at the foot of the Altar of Diana, sir­named Orthia. Barbarous Superstition.

The Iren, or under-master, us'd to stay a little with them after Supper, and one of them he bid to sing a Song: to another he put forth a Question, which requir'd an advis'd and deliberate Answer: for example, Who was the best man in the City? What he thought of such an action of such a man? Using them thus early to pass a right judg­ment upon persons and things, and to in­form themselves of the abilities or defects of their Country-men: if they had not an Answer ready, they were look'd upon as of a dull and careless disposition, and to have little or no sense of Vertue and Honour: besides this, they were to give a good rea­son for what they said, and in as few words and as comprehensive as might be: he that failed of this, or answered not to the pur­pose (instead of a Ferule) had his Thumb bit by his Master. It so fell out sometimes that the Iren did this in the presence of the old Men and Magistrates, that they might see whether he punished them justly and in due measure or not: and though he did a­miss they would not reprove him before his Scholars, (lest it should diminish their respect to him) but when they were gone he himself was call'd to an account, and underwent a correction too, if he had run [Page 175] far into either of the extremes of indulgence or severity.

It is a thing remarkable that their Lovers Their Lovers. and favourers had a share in the young Lads honour or disgrace: and there goes a story, that one of them was fined by the Magistrates, because the Lad whom he lov'd cry'd out effeminately as he was figh­ting. (By the way so much in fashion was this sort of love among them, that the most stay'd and vertuous Matrons would own publickly their passion to a modest and beau­tifull Virgin.) And though several mens fan­cies met in one person, yet did not this cause any strangeness or jealousie among them, but rather was the beginning of a very intimate friendship, whilst they all jointly conspired to render the belov'd Boy the most accomplish'd in the world.

They taught them also a natural and Their short Sayings. gracefull way of speaking, enlivened with a touch of inoffensive raillery, and compre­hending a great deal of matter in few words. For Lycurgus, who ordered that a great piece of money (as is aforesaid) should be but of an inconsiderable value, on the con­trary would allow no discourse to be cur­rent, which did not contain in few words a great deal of usefull and weighty sense: so that Children there by a habit of long silence and meditation had such a presence [Page 176] and quickness of mind as to give very surpri­sing answers, and oft-times speak Apothegms to the astonishment of the hearers; where­as the incontinence of the Tongue, like the other sort of incontinence, frustrates the ends of speaking, as that does of generation. From hence the pithiness of the Laconian Speech; an instance of which we have in King Agis, who when a pert Athenian laugh'd at their short Swords, and said that the Jugglers and Mountebanks swallow'd them in the publick Shows and Theatres, an­swered him, And yet our Enemies cannot endure the sight of them; and as their Swords were short and sharp, so were their Sayings: and truly in my judgment there is in this concise way of speech something which I know better than I can express, which flies level to the mark, and does more execution than a whole volee of words shot at rovers. Lycurgus himself, who en­joined this manner of speaking, was one of the best examples of it, as appears by his answer to one who by all means would have a popular Government in Lacedaemon: Begin Friend, said he, and make a trial in thy own Family. Another ask'd him why he allow'd of so mean and trivial Sacrifices to the Gods? he reply'd, That we may always have something to offer to them. Being ask'd, What sort of Martial Exercises [Page 177] or Combats he approv'd of, answered, all sorts, except that in which you The form of crying quar­ter among the Ancients. stretch out your hands. Many Sayings of the like force are to be found in the Letters which he occasionally wrote to his Country-men; as, being consulted how they might best oppose an invasion of their Enemies, re­turn'd this answer, By continuing poor, and not coveting to have one more than another. Being consulted again whether it were requisite to enclose the City with a Wall, sent them word, That City is well fortified which hath a Wall of Men instead of Brick. But as for these Letters, whether they be counterfeit or not, I think it no easie mat­ter to determine, and therefore let every man think as he pleases. But that they were indeed enemies to talkativeness these following instances are an authentick and sufficient proof. King Leonidas told one who held him in discourse upon some use­full things and worthy his hearing but not in due time and place, Sir, you are im­pertinent for speaking in this place so much to the purpose. King Charilaus, the Ne­phew of Lycurgus, being ask'd why his Uncle had made so few Laws, answered, To men of few Words few Laws are sufficient. One blam'd Hecateus the Oratour because that being invited to a Feast he had not spoke one word all Supper-time, Archidamus [Page 178] answered in his vindication, He who can speak well knows when to speak too.

I will now give an instance or two of their sharp Reparties, which, as I said be­fore, had a sort of pleasantness with them which made them to be the better excus'd. Damaratus being ask'd, in an He seems to allude to the Questions which us'd to be put to the young Lads, as, Who is the best man in Sparta? abusive man­ner by an importunate fellow, Who was the best man in Lacedaemon? answered him, He, Sir, that is the least like you. Some, in company where Agis was, much extoll'd the exact Justice of the Eleans, who sate as Judges at the Olympick Games; indeed, says Agis, they are highly to be commen­ded if they can doe Justice once in the space of five years. Theopompus answered a stran­ger who brag'd that he was so much taken notice of for his love to the Lacedemonians, that his Country-men from thence call'd him a lover of the Lacede­monians. [...], that it had been more for his honour if they had call'd him a lover of his own Coun­try-men. [...]. And Plistonax, the Son of Pausanias, when an Oratour of Athens said the Lace­demonians were an illiterate and ignorant people, told him, You say true, Sir, for we onely of all the Graecians have learned none of your ill conditions. One ask'd Archi­damus what number of fighting men there might be of the Spartans, he answered, Enow, Sir, to drive out the wicked.

[Page 179] We may guess too at their manner of speaking by their very Jests. For they us'd not to throw them out at random, but the very wit of them was grounded upon some considerable sense. For instance, one being ask'd to go hear a Man who exactly coun­terfeited the voice of a Nightingale, answe­red, Sir, I have heard the Nightingale it self. Another having read this following inscription upon a Tomb,

made this clinch upon it, that they well deserv'd to dye, for instead of extinguishing the Tyranny they should have let it burn out. A Lad being offered some Cocks of the Game so hardy that they would dye upon the place, said that he car'd not for Cocks that would dye hardy, but for such that would live and kill others. Another would by no means be carried home in a Chair, as he saw some others were, because, said he, I cannot conveniently rise in it to pay respect to my betters. In short, their answers were so sententious and pertinent that one said well, that to be a Philosopher or a Lacedemonian signified the same thing. And though they were a very active people they exercised their Minds much more than their Bodies.

[Page 180] Nor were they less carefull to sing and compose well than to express themselves in proper terms and to speak to the point. And their very Songs had such a life and spirit in them, that they enflam'd and ra­vish'd mens minds with a desire to doe great and good Actions; the style of them was plain and without affectation; the subject always serious and moral; most usually it Their Poetry. was in praise of such men as had dy'd in the bed of honour for defence of their Coun­try, or in derision of those who would not venture their lives willingly in so good a cause: the former they declared happy, and almost Gods, and the latter they describ'd as most miserable and below the condition of men. In these Verses too they talk'd high of what feats they would doe or had done, and vaunted of themselves as the bra­vest and most valiant people in the world. The expression was different and sutable to their several ages: for you must understand that they had three Choirs of them in their solemn Festivals, the first of the old Men, the second of the young Men, and the last of the Children: (to give a taste of them) the old Men began thus,

[Page 181] The young men answered them, singing,

The Children came last, and said,

Indeed if we will take the pains to consider their Compositions, and the Airs on the Flute to which they were set when they march'd on to Battel, we shall find that Terpander and Pindar had reason to say that Musick was not incompatible with, but rather an help and incentive to, Valour. The first says thus of them.

And Pindar—

[Page 182] So that these two Poets describe the Spar­tans as being no less musical than warlike, and the Spartan Poet himself confirms it:

And even before they engag'd in Battel the King did first sacrifice to the Muses (in all like­lihood) Their going to Battel. to put them in mind of the manner of their education, and of the severe judgment that would be pass'd upon their actions, and thereby to animate them to the performance of some gallant Exploit: sometimes too the Lacedemonians abated a little the seve­rity of their manners in favour of their young men, suffering them to curle and perfume their Hair, and to have costly Arms, and fine Clothes; and as well pleas'd they were to see them marching out full of metal and spirit to an Engagement as the other Graecians were to see their trim'd Hor­ses neighing, and pressing for the He alludes to the Olym­pick Games. course. And therefore when they came to be well­grown Lads they took a great deal of care of their Hair, to have it parted and trim'd, especially against a day of Battel, pursuant to a saying of their Law-giver, that a large head of Hair set off a good Face to more advantage, and those that were ugly it made more ugly and dreadfull.

[Page 183] When they were in the Field their Exer­cises were generally more moderate, their Fare not so hard, nor so strict a hand held over them by their Officers, so that they were the onely people in the world to whom War gave repose. When their Ar­my was drawn up in Battel array, and the Enemy near, the King sacrific'd a Goat, commanded the Souldiers to set their Gar­lands upon their heads, and the Pipers to play the Tune of the Hymn to Castor, and himself advancing forwards began the Pae­an, which serv'd for a signal to fall on. It was at once a delightfull and terrible sight to see them march on to the Tune of their Flutes, without ever troubling their Order or confounding their Ranks, no disorder in their minds or change in their countenance, but on they went to the hazard of their lives as unconcernedly and cheerfully as if it had been to lead up a Dance, or to hear a consort of Musick. Men in this temper were not likely to be possessed with fear, or transported with fury, but they proceeded with a deliberate Valour, full of hope and good assurance, as if some Divinity had sen­sibly assisted them. The King had always about his person some one who had been crown'd in the Olympick Games: and up­on this account a Lacedemonian refus'd a considerable present which was offered to [Page 184] him upon condition that he would not come into the Lists, and having with much to doe thrown his Antagonist, some of the Spectatours said to him, And now, Sir La­cedemonian, what are you the better for your Victory? he answered smiling, O, a great deal, Sir, for I shall have the honour to fight by the side of my Prince. After they had routed an Enemy they pursu'd him till they were well assured of the Victory, and then they sounded a retreat, thinking it base and unworthy of a Graecian people, to cut men in pieces who durst not look them in the face or lift up their hands against them. This manner of dealing with their Enemies did not onely shew their magnani­mity but had a politick end in it too; for knowing that they kill'd onely those who made resistance, and gave quarter to the rest, they generally thought it their best way to consult their safety by flight. Hip­pias the Sophister says that Lycurgus him­self was a very valiant and experienced Commander. Philostephanus attributes to him the first division of the Cavalry into [...] 12 in a side the Captain and Lieute­nant excep­ted. Troops of fifties in a square Body: but Demetrius the Phalerian says quite the con­trary, and that he made all his Laws in a continued Peace. And indeed the cessation of Arms procured by his means and ma­nagement, inclines me to think him a good­natur'd [Page 185] man, and one that lov'd quietness and peace. Notwithstanding all this Her­mippus tells us that he had no hand in the Ordinance, that Iphitus made it, and Ly­curgus came onely as a Spectatour, and that by mere accident too. Being there he heard a voice of one behind him, blaming, and wondering at him that he did not encourage his Country-men to resort to so illustrious an Assembly; turning about and seeing no man, he concluded that it was a voice from Heaven, and thereupon immediately went to Iphitus, and was assistant to him in or­dering the Ceremonies of that Feast, which by his means were better establish'd, more famous and magnificent than before that time they were.

To return to the Lacedemonians. Their discipline and order of life continued still after they were full grown men. No one was allowed to live after his own fancy; but the whole City resembled a great Camp in which every man had his share of provisions, and business set out, and look'd upon himself not so much born to serve his own ends as the interest of his Country. Therefore if they were com­manded nothing else, they went to see the Lads perform their Exercises, to teach them something usefull, or to learn it themselves of those who knew better. And here I can­not [Page 186] but declare my opinion, that one of the greatest blessings Lycurgus procur'd to his people was, the abundance of leisure, which proceeded from his forbidding to them the exercise of any mean and mecha­nical Trade; for it was but lost labour to waste themselves with anxiety and toil to heap together a great deal of money, which when they had got was but useless lumber in their house; for the Ilotes till'd their ground for them, and paid them yearly in kind the quantity above-mention'd, with­out any trouble of theirs. To this purpose there goes a story of a Lacedemonian who happened to be at Athens in Assises time in which a Citizen had been punish'd for idle­ness, and came home much discontented and comfortless: the Lacedemonian was much surpriz'd at it, and desired his Friend to shew him the man who was condemned for living like a Gentleman: so much be­neath them they esteemed all mechanical employments, and the care of heaping up riches.

I need not tell you that upon the prohi­bition of Gold and Silver all Law-suits im­mediately ceas'd, for there was now no griping avarice, or poverty oppressed, but equality with abundance, and a quiet life with sobriety. All their time (except when How they spent their time. they were in the Field) was taken up in [Page 187] dancing, in feasting, in their exercises, and hunting matches, or These were called [...] places where good company us'd to meet. Those who were under thirty years of age were not allow'd to go into the Market-place, but had the necessaries of their Family supply'd by the care of their Relations and Lovers: nor was it for the credit of elderly men to be seen too often in the Market-place; it was e­steem'd more honourable for them to fre­quent the Academies and places of conver­sation, where they discours'd agreeably, not of the price of Pepper, and interest of Money, but gravely pass'd their judgment on some action worth considering; extoll'd the good, and blam'd those who were other­wise, and that in a facetious way, so that the Feather of the Jest made the Arrow pierce the deeper, and left some usefull re­mark or correction behind it. Nor was Ly­curgus himself so sullen and cynically grave but that now and then he would ruffle his gravity, and This is re­ported by So­silius. sacrifice an hour to the little God of Laughter, to whom he dedicated a Statue in his House; to the end that by sprinkling and seasoning their conversations with mirth they might more willingly en­dure the trouble of their strict and hard life. To conclude this, he bred up his Citizens in such sort, that they neither would, nor could live by themselves, but endeavour'd [Page 188] to incorporate them all together, like swarms of Bees in a cluster about their King; wholly devesting themselves of their own narrow interests, and forgetting themselves by the continual ecstasie they were in to promote the publick interest and honour. What their Sentiments were will better appear by a few of their Sayings. Paedaretus not being ad­mitted into the List of the three hundred who were chosen to make good the pass at This exploit is excellently describ'd by Herodotus lib. 7. The publick spirit of the Spartans. the Thermopyle, return'd home very joyfull and well pleas'd, saying, That it did his heart good to find that there were in Sparta three hundred better men than himself. And Pisistratidas being sent with some others Ambassadour to the Lords Lieutenants of the King of Persia, being ask'd by them, Whether they came of their own accord, or were sent by the State? answered, That if they obtain'd what they came for, they were commission'd by the Publick, if not, they came of themselves. Argileonide as­king some strangers who came from Am­phipolis, if her Son Brasidas dy'd couragi­ously, and as became a Spartan, they fell a-praising him to a high degree, and said, There is not such another left in Sparta; She took them up short, Hold, Gentlemen, Brasidas indeed was a valiant man, but there are still in Sparta many more valiant than he.

[Page 189] The Senate (as I said before) consisted of them who were his chief aiders and assi­stants in the forming of the Government, and the vacancies he ordered to be supply'd out of the best and most deserving men who were full threescore years old; and we need not wonder if there was much striving and stickling for it: for what more glorious competition could there be amongst men than this, in which it was not As it was in the Olym­pick Games. dispu­ted, who should bear away the prize of swiftness, or strength, but who was the wisest and most vertuous man in the City, to whom should be entrusted for ever after (as the reward of his merits) the power and authority of the whole Commonwealth, and in whose hands should be deposited the honour, the lives and fortunes of all his Country-men? The manner of their Electi­on The manner of their Elec­tions. was as follows; The people being called together, some persons deputed by the Se­nate, were lock'd up in a Room near the place of Election, which was so contriv'd that they could neither see nor be seen by the Competitours or people, but onely hear the noise of the Assembly without. (For they decided this, as most other affairs of moment by the shouts of the people.) This done, the Competitours were not brought in, and presented all together, but one after another, as by lot fell out, and through [Page 190] the Assembly they pass'd in order without speaking a word. Those who were lock'd up, had writing Tables with them in which they set down the number of the shouts and the greatness of them, without know­ing to which of the Candidates each of them were made. But he who was found to have the most and loudest acclamations was declar'd Senatour duly elected. Upon this he had a Garland set upon his head, and went in procession to all the Temples to give thanks to the Gods; a great number of young men followed him, making the streets to echo with his praises: The young Ladies too sung Verses in his honour, and a blessed man they call'd him who had led so vertuous a life. As he went round the City in this manner each of his Relations The Ancients never invited any one to dinner. invited him into his House to a handsome Supper, saying, The City honours you with this Banquet: but he, instead of accepting their invitation, returned to the place where he formerly us'd to eat; and was serv'd as before, excepting that now he had a This was the manner of the Eastern Countries to express their respect to any one, and from them probably the Graecians took it. dou­ble allowance. By that time Supper was en­ded, all the Women who were of kin to him were got about the Door, and he beckning to her whom he most esteem'd presented to her the portion he had sav'd, saying with-all, This was given me to day as a reward of my Vertue, I present it to you, as an ac­knowledgment [Page 191] of yours: upon this she was triumphantly waited upon home by the Women, as he was by the Men.

As touching Burials Lycurgus made ve­ry The manner of their Bu­rials. wise Orders: for first of all to cut off the superstition of Burying-places, he al­low'd them to bury their dead within the City, and even round about their Temples, Other people generally bu­ried them without their Walls, and long after took up the custom of bur­ning them. to the end that their youth might be used to such spectacles, and not be afraid to see a dead body; and withall to rid them of the conceit that to touch a Corpse, or to tread upon a Grave would defile a man. In the next place he commanded them to bury in Woolen (which Cloth was to be red) and put nothing else into the ground with them, except, if they pleas'd, a few To intimate that then they are in peace and at rest. Branches or Leaves of Olive. He would not allow of talkative Grave-stones, nor suffer so much as the names to be inscrib'd, but onely of such men who dy'd in the Wars, or Women which were profess'd of some religious Order. The time too ap­pointed for Mourning was very short; for it lasted but eleven days, and on the twelfth they were to doe sacrifice to Proserpina, and leave off their Mourning: so that we may see as he cut off all superfluity, so in things necessary there was nothing so small and trivial which had not some profitable lesson and instruction in it, and caus'd an [Page 192] emulation of Vertue or hatred to Vice. All Lacedaemon was like a great Volume, every Leaf of which was fill'd with good rules, and great examples: which presenting them­selves at all times and in all places to their thoughts, did insensibly assimilate the minds of the lookers on, and force them to imitate that always which they could not but meet with every where.

And this was the reason why he forbid He forbids travelling in­to other Coun­tries. them to travel into foreign Countries, viz. lest they should bring in foreign vices and vanities along with them: he thought it a most senseless thing to take a journey into another Climate, to learn what Clothes they should wear the next Winter; and to think themselves besieged and half undone if they were forc'd to drink the Liquours of their own Country; besides, this itch after no­velty encreasing, makes men think of in­novations in matters of more importance, and to desire new forms and fashions in the Government too. Withall he banished all strangers from Lacedemon who could not give a very good reason for their coming thither; not because he was afraid lest they should inform themselves of, and imitate his manner of Government, (as Thucydides would have it believed) but lest they should introduce something contrary to good manners; for strange persons bring usually [Page 193] strange discourse along with them, that produces new thoughts and perswasions, and different opinions destroy the harmony of conversation and civil society; and there­fore as carefull he was to keep out all fo­reign customs as men usually are to keep out suspected persons in the time of a reign­ing Pestilence.

Hitherto, Therefore he approves their murthe­ring their In­fants. I for my part can see no sign of injustice or want of equity in the Consti­tutions of this Commonwealth, and there­fore I can by no means agree with those, who say they are very well contriv'd to make men good Souldiers, but excee­dingly defective in civil justice and hone­sty. But as for that secret Ordinance (if [...] it were one of Lycurgus's, as Aristotle says it was) it is truly enough to put him and Plato too out of conceit both with the Law-giver and his Government. By this Ordi­nance those who had the care of the young men, dispatch'd privately some of the ablest of them into the Country from time to time, arm'd onely with their Daggers, and taking a little necessary provision with them, these in the day-time hid themselves in the Thic­kets and Clifts, and there lay close, but in the night they issued out into the High­ways and kill'd all the Ilotes they could light upon; sometimes they set upon them by day, as they were at work in the Fields, [Page 194] and murthered them in cold bloud, as Thu­cydides says in his History of the Pelopon­nesian War. The same Authour tells us, that a good number of them being In token of Freedom granted. crow­ned by proclamation, and enfranchised for their good services, and led about to all the Temples in token of honour, disappeared all of a sudden, being about the number of two thousand, and no man neither then nor since could give an account how they came by their deaths. And Aristotle adds that the Ephori, so soon as they were entred in­to their Office, us'd to declare War against them, that they might be massacred with a pretence of Law. It is confess'd on all hands, that the Spartans dealt with them very hardly; for it was a thing common to force them to drink to excess, and to lead them in that condition into their pub­lick Halls, that their Children might see what a contemptible and beastly sight a drun­ken man is: they made them to dance un­comely Dances, and sing ridiculous Songs, forbidding them expresly to meddle with any that were serious, for they would not have them prophaned by their mouths: up­on this account when the Thebans made an Invasion into Laconia, and took a great number of the Ilotes prisoners, they could by no means perswade them to sing the Odes of Lacedemo­nian Poets. Terpander, Alcman, or Spendon, [Page 195] for (faid they) they are our Masters Songs we dare not sing them. So that it was tru­ly observed by one, that in Sparta he who was Free was most so, and he that was a Slave there was the greatest Slave in the world. For my part I am of opinion that these outrages and cruelties began to be ex­ercis'd in Sparta long after the time of Ly­curgus, namely soon after the great Earth­quake, at which time the Ilotes made a ge­neral Insurrection, and, joyning with the Messenians, laid the whole Country waste, and brought the City to the greatest extre­mity it had ever been reduc'd to. For I can­not be perswaded that ever Lycurgus inven­ted or put in force so wicked and barbarous an Act as The secret Ordinance. this was, especially when I look back upon the gentleness of his dispo­sition, and his unprejudic'd justice upon all other occasions; not to say that it were a piece of high impiety to think hard of him, since The Oracle above-men­tion'd. God himself hath given so great a character of his Vertue.

To draw now towards the last Scenes of his Life: when he perceiv'd that his Laws had taken deep root in the minds of his Coun­try-men, that custom had rendred them fa­miliar and easie, that his Commonwealth grew apace daily, and was now able to go alone, he had such a calm joy and contenta­tion of mind, as in Timaeo. Plato somewhere tells us [Page 196] the Maker of the World had, when he had finish'd and set this great Machine a moving, and found every thing very good and exact­ly to answer his great Idoea; so Lycurgus, taking an unspeakable pleasure in the con­templation of the greatness and beauty of his Work, seeing every spring and particle of his new Establishment in its due order and course, at last he conceived a vast thought to make it immortal too, and, as far as humane forecast could reach, to de­liver it down unchangeable to posterity. To bring this to pass, he called an extraor­dinary Assembly of all the people, he told them that he now thought every thing rea­sonably well establish'd, both for the good of the publick and for the happiness of each particular, but that there was one thing still behind, and that of the greatest impor­tance, which he thought not fit to impart untill he had consulted the Oracle; in the mean time his desire was that they would punctually observe his Laws without any the least alteration untill his return, and then he would doe as the God should direct him. They all consented readily, and pray­ed him to hasten his Voyage: but before he departed he administred an Oath to the two Kings, the Senate and Commons, that they would inviolably observe his Ordinan­ces during his absence. This done he set sail [Page 197] for Delphos, and having sacrific'd to Apollo, ask'd him, Whether he approv'd of the Laws he had establish'd? the Oracle answered, That his Laws were excellent, and that the people which observ'd them should live in happiness and renown. Lycurgus took the Oracle in Writing, and sent it over to Sparta; ha­ving sacrific'd the second time to Apollo, and taking his leave of his Friends, and his Son, he resolv'd to dye in this Voyage, that the Spartans might never be releas'd from the Oath they had taken. He was now a­bout that age, in which life was still tole­rable, and yet a wise man would dye with­out regret; especially when he considered, That death comes then seasonably when life is at the best He resolved therefore to make Lycurgus pines him­self to death an end of himself by a total abstinence from meat, and even dying to set a copy of temperance to his Country-men; for he thought that a Statesman and good Patriot should serve his Country with his last breath, and that the end of their lives should be no more idle and unprofitable than all that went before; especially since all men have a curiosity to know the end of great Perso­nages, and believe most firmly, and remem­ber longest what they did or said dying: and in this he had a double end, the one to secure and crown his own happiness, by a death sutable to so honourable a life; [Page 198] and the other, that it might be a seal and confirmation of his Laws, especially since that his Country-men had solemn­ly sworn the observation of them untill his return: nor was he deceived in his expectations, for the City of Lacedaemon continued the chief City of all Greece for the space of five hundred years, mainly by their strict observance of Lycurgus's Laws; in all which time there was no manner of alteration made during the reign of four­teen Kings, untill the time of Agis, the Son of Archidamus. For the new Creation of the Ephori (Tribunes too were esta­blish'd at Rome to maintain the privileges of the people, but in time they prov'd the ruine of the popular Government. who at first were chosen in favour of the people) were so far from di­minishing, that they very much confirm'd the power of the Senate.

In the time of Agis Gold and Silver found a way into Sparta, and all those mischiefs which attend the immoderate desire of ri­ches. Lysander promoted much this dis­order, for by bringing in rich Spoils from the Wars, although himself was incorrupt, yet by this means he fill'd his Country with Avarice and Luxury, directly against the Laws and Ordinances of Lycurgus; which so long as they were in force Sparta resem­bled some holy Personage or particular Phi­losopher (so unanimous they were and as it were acted by one Soul) rather than a great Commonwealth and Metropolis of [Page 199] an Empire. And as the Poets feign of Her­cules, that with his Lion's Skin and his Club, he went over the world, punishing the Wicked and extirpating Tyrants; so may it be said of the Lacedemonians, that with a piece of The [...]. Parchment and a plain Frieze Coat, they gained the Sovereignty of Greece, and (which is more) their af­fections too; they deposed all usurp'd Powers, were the Commanders in War and the Ar­bitres of Peace, and Judges in civil diffe­rences or seditions: and this they often did without so much as taking their Buck­ler in their hand, but barely by sending some plain Man, without attendance, who went under the Character of the Lacede­monian Ambassadour; and they swarmed a­bout him at his coming like Bees about their King to receive his Orders; which, without saucy Remonstrances and Provifo's, they immediately put in execution. Such a veneration they had for the equity and good conduct of this illustrious Common­wealth.

And therefore I cannot but wonder at those who say, that the Spartans were good and obedient Subjects, but not skill'd in the art of governing; and for proof of it alledge a Saying of King Theopompus, who when one said that Sparta held up so long because their Kings could command well, he reply'd, [Page 200] nay, rather, because the people know so well how to obey. For indeed those who cannot command wisely are seldom or never well serv'd: on the other hand, a skilfull Leader is always readily followed. And as it is the part of a good Rider to train his Horse to turn, or stop, or go on at his pleasure; so is it the greatest piece of [...]. King-craft to teach their Subjects obedience: wherefore the La­cedemonians so ordered matters, that peo­ple did not onely endure, but even desir'd to be their Subjects. For they did not use to petition them for Ships, or Money, or a supply of armed Men, but onely for a Spar­tan Commander; and having obtain'd one, us'd him with honour and reverence; for so the Sicilians behav'd themselves to Gilip­pus, the Chalcidians to Brasidas, and all the Colonies of the Graecians in Asia to Lysander, Agesilaus and Callicratidas: in short they esteem'd and call'd them the Peace-makers, the Reformers, the Correctours of the licence both of Princes and People; and had their eyes always upon the City of Sparta as the perfect model of good Manners and wise Government. The rest seem'd as Scholars, they were the Masters of Greece; and to this Stratonicus pleasantly alluded, when in merriment he pretended to make a Law that the Athenians should keep Processions in the mysteries of Ceres, the Eleans should [Page 201] dispose of the Prizes at the Olympick Games (as being best skill'd in matters of this na­ture) and that if either of them did amiss the Lacedemonians should be well beaten. Antisthenes too, one of the Scholars of So­crates, said well of the Thebans, who were become very proud for their single Victory at by the con­duct of Epa­minondas. Leuctres, That they look'd like School­boys who newly had beaten their Master. These indeed were merry Sayings but yet may serve to testifie the opinion men then had of the Spartans.

However it was not the design of Lycur­gus that his City should govern a great ma­ny others; he thought rather that the hap­piness of a Kingdom, as of a private man, consisted chiefly in the exercise of Vertue, and mutual love of the Inhabitants; his principal aim was to make them nobly min­ded, content with their own, not apt to follow vain hopes, but moderate in all their He seems to reflect upon the Atheni­ans, who ru­in'd their State by stri­ving rashly to enlarge it. enterprises; and by consequence able to maintain themselves and continue long in safety. And therefore all those who have written well of Politicks, as Plato, Dioge­nes, Zeno and several others, have taken Lycurgus for their Model, as appears by their Writings: but these great men left onely vain projects and words behind them, whereas Lycurgus, without writing any thing, left a flourishing Government, which [Page 202] as it was never thought of before him, so can it scarcely be imitated in following ages; so that he stands for an undeniable proof, that a perfect wise man was not so mere a notion and chymaera as some men thought. He hath obliged the world not with one single Man, but with a whole Nation of Philosophers, and therefore de­serves preference before all other Statists, because he put that in practice of which they onely had the idaea. None of the kindest Judg­es of those who went be­fore him. Aristotle himself was so convinc'd of his merit, that he acknow­ledges they did him less honour after his death than he deserv'd, although they built Temples, and offered Sacrifice to him as to a God.

It is reported that when his Bones were brought home to Sparta, they were struck with Lightning; an accident which befell no eminent person but himself and Euripi­des, who was buried at Arethusa a City of Macedon: and this may serve for consola­tion to those who have an honour for that For Euri­pides was accused of Atheism. excellent Poet, That he had the same fate with that holy man and favourite of the Gods. Some say Lycurgus dy'd in the Ci­ty of Cirrha, Apollythe­mis, Timae­us and Ari­stoxanes. others that he dy'd at Elis, and others at Crete, in a Town of which (call'd Pergamy) his Tomb was to be seen close by the High-way side. He left but one Son, nam'd Antiorus, who dy'd with­out [Page 203] issue. His relations and Friends kept an annual Commemoration of him, and the days of the Feast were called Lycurgides. Aristocrates, the Son of Hipparchus says that he dy'd in Crete, and that the Candi­ots, at his desire when they had burn'd his Body, cast the Ashes into the Sea; for fear lest that if his Reliques should be transported to Lacedaemon, the people might pretend themselves released from their Oaths, and make innovations in the Government.

THough many Noble Families of Rome The Romans ambitious of Consanguinity to Numa. derive their Original from Numa Pompilius, yet there is great diver­sity amongst Historians concerning the time in which he reigned: a certain Writer cal­led Clodius in a Book of his, entituled, The Chronology of past times, averrs, that the an­cient Registers of Rome were lost when that City was sacked by the Gauls, and that those which are now extant, are counter­feited to flatter and serve the humour of [Page 206] great men, who are pleased to have their pedigree derived from some ancient and noble Lineage, though in reallity that Fa­mily hath no relation to them: and though it be commonly reported, that Numa was a Scholar, and a familiar acquaintance of Py­thagoras; yet it is again contradicted by Various re­ports concer­ning him. those, who affirm, that he neither was ac­quainted with the Grecian Language, nor Learning; and that he was a person of that natural Talent and abilities of Mind, as of himself to attain unto Vertue, or else that his inclinations were cultivated by some fo­reign Instructour, whose Rules and Doctrine were more excellent and sublime than those of Pythagoras. Some affirm also, that Py­thagoras was not a contemporary with Na­ma, but lived at least five Ages after him; howsoever it is probable, that some other Pythagoras, a native of Sparta, who, in the third year of Numa's reign, which was a­bout the sixteenth Olympiad, won a Prize at the Olympick Race, might be the person, who, in his Travels through Italy, having gained an acquaintance and familiarity with Numa, might administer some directions and rules to him for the constitution of his Kingdom; for which reason, at the instiga­tion of this Pythagoras, many of the Laco­nian Laws and Customs might probably be introduced amongst the Roman Institutions. [Page 207] Nor is it true, that Numa was descended of the Sabines, who declare themselves to be a Colony of the Lacedemonians, nor can we make any just calculate from the pe­riods of the Olympick Games, which though lately published by one Elias Hippia, yet carry not sufficient force of argument, and authority to render them authentick. Wherefore what we have collected of most assured truth, concerning Numa, we shall deliver, taking our beginning from that place which is most pertinent to our pur­pose.

It was the thirty seventh year, accoun­ted from the Foundation of Rome, when Romulus then reigning, did on the fifth day of the Month of July, called the Capratine Nones, offer a publick Sacrifice at the Lake of Capra, in presence of the Senate and People of Rome: But then on a sudden a­rose so furious a Tempest, which, with black Clouds and Thunder rending the Air, made an eruption on the Earth, which af­frighted the common people with such con­fusion, that they fled and were dispersed; In this Whirlwind Romulus disappeared, his The Fate of Romulus. Body being never since found either living or dead. This accident gave occasion to the world to censure very hardly the prac­tice of the Patricians; as if that they, be­ing weary of Kingly Government, and ex­asperated [Page 208] of late by the imperious deport­ment of Romulus towards them, had plot­ted against his Life and made him away, that so they might assume the Authority and Government into their own hands: but this report was soon confuted by the testimony of Proclus, a noble person, who swore that he saw Romulus catched up into Heaven in his Arms and Vestments, and as he ascended cry'd out, that they should here­after style him by the name of Quirinus; Whence nam'd Quirinus. which attestation gained so much credit in the minds of the People, that they ordain'd Divine honours to be perform'd towards him, as to one not dead but translated to a sublimer state, above the condition of mor­tal nature.

This commotion being appeased, the Ci­ty was greatly divided about the election A contest in Rome about chusing a King. of another King, for the minds of the an­cient Romans and the new Inhabitants were not as yet grown into that perfect u­nion and coalition of spirits, but that there were diversities of Factions amongst the Commonalty, and jealousies and emulati­ons amongst the Senatours; for though all agreed that it was necessary to have a King, yet what Person or of what Nation was the dispute. For those who had been builders of the City with Romulus, though they had already yielded a share of their Lands and [Page 209] dwellings to the Sabines, who were Aliens, yet could not be perswaded to resign into their hands the Regal Authority. On the other side the Sabines alledged, that their King Tatius being deceased, they had pea­ceably submitted to the obedience of Ro­mulus, so that now their turn was come to have a King chosen out of their own Na­tion; nor did they esteem themselves infe­riour to the Romans, nor to have contri­buted less than they to the increase of Rome, which without their numbers and associati­on could never have merited the name of a City.

Thus did both parties argue and dis­pute their cause; but lest in the mean time Sedition and discord should occasion Anarchy and confusion in the Common­wealth; it was agreed and ordained, That the hundred and fifty Senatours should in­terchangeably execute the Office of supreme Magistrate, and with all the formalities and rites of Regality offer the solemn Sacrifices, and dispatch judicial Causes for the space of six hours by day and six by night; the which vicissitude and equal distribution of power would remove all emulation from amongst the Senatours, and envy from the people; when they could behold one ele­vated to the degree of a King, levelled in a few hours after, to the private condition of [Page 210] a Subject: which Form of Government was termed by the Romans, Interregnum. Nor yet could this plausible and modest way of Rule escape the censure of the Vul­gar, who termed it a design of some few, who, to abolish the Kingly Government, intended to get the power into their own hands: and therefore to circumvent this Their final determina­tion. plot, they came at length to this conclusi­on, that the party which did elect should choose one out of the body of the other; that if the Romans were Electours, they were to make choice of a Sabine; and if the Sabines elected, they were to choose a Roman: this was esteemed the best expe­dient to reconcile all parties and interests, for that the created Prince would be obli­ged to favour the one for their suffrages in his election, as he was the other on score of relation and consanguinity. In pursuance of this agreement the Sabines remitted the choice to the ancient Romans, being more inclinable to receive a Sabine King elected by the Romans, than to see a Roman ex­alted by the Sabines: consultations being accordingly held, Numa Pompilius, of the Sabine race, was elected; a person so fa­mous, and of that high reputation, that Numa cho­sen King. though he were not actually residing at Rome, yet no sooner was he nominated than accepted by the Sabines with applause and [Page 211] acclamation, equal to that freedom which the Romans shewed in his election.

The choice being declared and made pub­lick, principal men of both parties, were ap­pointed to compliment and intreat the Prince, that he would be pleased to accept the ad­ministration of the Kingly Government. Now this Numa resided at a famous City of the Sabines called Cures, whence both the Romans and Sabines gave themselves the name of Quirites, as a comprehensive The Romans whence called Quirites. Numa's Stock and Education. name for both Associates; Pomponius, an illustrious person, was his Father, and he the youngest of his four Sons, being by Divine Providence born on the eleventh of the Kalends of May, which was the day on which the Foundation of Rome was laid; he was endued with a Soul rarely tempered by Nature, and disposed to Vertue, and excellently improved by Learning, Patience and the studies of Philosophy; by which advantages of Art he regulated the disorder­ly motions of the Mind, and rendred Vio­lence and Oppression, which had once an honourable esteem amongst the barbarous Nations, to be vile and mean, making it appear, that there was no other Fortitude than that which subdu'd the Affections, and reduc'd them to the terms and restraints of Reason.

[Page 212] Thus whilst he banished all luxury and softness from his own home, he gave a clear and manifest indication to all Citizens and strangers of his sound and impartial judg­ment, not delighting himself in divertise­ments or profitable acquisitions, but in the worship of the immortal Gods, and in the rational contemplation of their Divine Pow­er and Nature; to all which renown and fame, he added this farther glory, that he took Tatia for his Wife, who was the Daugh­ter He marries Tatia. of that Tatius, whom Romulus had made his Associate in the Government; nor yet did the advantage of this Marriage swell his vanity to such a pitch as to desire to dwell with his Father-in-law at Rome; but rather to content himself to inhabit with h [...]s Sa­bines, and cherish his own Father in his old Age: the like inclinations had also Tatia, who preferred the private condition of her Husband before the honours and splendour she might have enjoyed in her Father's Court. This Tatia, as is reported, after she had lived for the space of thirteen years with Numa in conjugal society, dyed; and then Numa, leaving the conversation of the Town, betook himself to a Country life, and in a solitary manner dwelt in the Groves and Fields consecrated to the Gods; where, Numa inti­mate with the Goddess Egeria. the common fame was, he gained such ac­quaintance and familiarity with the Goddess [Page 213] Egeria, that he lived in those retirements free from all disturbances and perturbations of mind, and being inspired with the sub­lime and elevated pleasure of a celestial mar­riage, he had arrived to a beatitude in this life, and to a clear notion of Divine Sci­ences.

There is no doubt, but that such fancies as these, have had their original from an­cient Fables; such as the Phrygians recount of Atis, the Bythinians of Herodotus, the Arcadians of Endymion, and a thousand o­ther Demons which past Ages recorded for Saints, that were beatified and beloved of the Gods; nor doth it seem strange, if God, who places not his affection on Horses or Birds, should not disdain to dwell with the vertuous, and entertain a spiritual conver­sation with wise and devout Souls: though it be altogether irrational to believe, that the Divine Essence of any God or De­mon is capable of a sensual or carnal love or passion for humane Beauty: And yet the wise Egyptians, did not conceive it an ab­surd fancy to imagin, that a Divine Essence might by a certain spiritual impulse apply it self to the nature of a Woman, and lay the first beginnings of generation, though on the other side they concluded it impos­sible for the Male-kind to have any congress or mixture with a Goddess, not considering [Page 214] that there can be no real coition, but where there is a mutual communication of one to the other. The truth of the matter is this, those men are onely dear to the Gods, What persons acceptable to the Gods. who are vertuous, and those are beloved by them whose actions are regulated by the rules of Divine Wisedom: and therefore it was no errour of those who feigned, that Phor­bas, Hyacinthus and Admetus were beloved by Apollo; or that Hippolytus, the Sicyo­nian was so much in the favour of a certain God, that as often as he sailed from Sicyon to Cirrha, the God rejoyced and inspired the Pythian Prophetess with this heroick Verse,

It is reported also that Pan became enamou­red of Pindar for his Verses, and that a bea­tified Demon honoured Hesiod and Archilo­chus after their deaths by the Muses; it is said also that Aesculapius sojourned with So­phocles in his life-time, of which many in­stances are extant to these days; and that being dead, another Deity took care to per­form his Funeral-rites: wherefore if any credit may be given to these particular in­stances, why should we judge it incongru­ous, that a like Spirit of the Gods should [Page 215] inspire Zaleucus, Minos, Zoroaster, Lycur­gus, Numa, and many others; or that the Gods should conferr a meaner proportion of their favours on those who were Foun­ders of Commonwealths, or busied in ma­king Laws, and administration of the po­litical affairs of Kingdoms? Nay it is most reasonable to believe, that the Gods in their sober humour are assistent at the counsels and serious debates of these men to inspire and direct them; as they do also Poets and Musicians, when in a more pleasant mood, they intend their own divertisement: but, as Bacchylis said, thoughts are free, and the way is open to every man's sentiment; yet in reallity it cannot be denied, but that such men, as Lycurgus, Numa and others, who were to deal with the seditious hu­mours of Fanatick Citizens, and the uncon­stant disposition of the multitude, might lawfully establish their Precepts with the pretence of Divine Authority, and cheat them into such Politicks as tend to their own happiness. But to return to our pur­pose.

Numa was about forty years of age when Numa's age when courted to be King. the Ambassadours came to make him offers of the Kingdom; the Speakers were Proculus and Velesus, the first was an ancient Roman, and the other of the Tatian Faction, and zealous for the Sabine party. Their Speech [Page 216] was short, but pithy, supposing, that when they came to tender a Kingdom there nee­ded no long Oration or Arguments to per­swade him to an acceptance: but contrary to their expectation they found that they were forc'd to use many reasons and intreaties to allure him from his quiet and retir'd life, to accept the Government of a City, whose Foundation was laid in War, and grown up in martial Exercises; wherefore, in pre­sence of his Father and Martius his Kins­man, he returned answer in this manner; ‘That since every alteration of a man's life is dangerous to him, it were mere His Answer to the Ambas­sadours. madness for one that is commodious and easie, and provided with all things neces­sary for a convenient support, to seek or endeavour a change, though there were nothing more in it, than that he prefers a turbulent and an uncertain life before a quiet and a secure condition. It is not dif­ficult for a man to take his measures con­cerning the state of this Kingdom by the example of Romulus, who did not escape a suspicion, of having plotted against the life of his Collegue Tatius; nor was the Senate free from the accusation, of having treasonably murthered their Prince Romulus. And yet Romulus had the ad­vantage to be thought of Divine race, and to be conserved by a miraculous manner [Page 217] in his infancy; how then can we who are sprang from mortal seed, and instruc­ted with principles and rudiments recei­ved from the men you know, be able to struggle with such apparent difficulties? It is none of the least of my commenda­tions, that my humour renders me unfit to reign, being naturally addicted to stu­dies, and pleased in the recesses of a quiet life: I must confess that I am zealous of Peace, and love it even with passion, and that the conversation of men who assem­ble together to worship God, and to main­tain an amicable charity, is my chief bu­siness and delight; and what time may be spared from this more necessary duty, I employ in cultivating my Lands and im­proving my Farms. But you Romans, whom Romulus perhaps may have left en­gaged in unavoidable Wars, require an active and brisk King, who may, cherish that warlike humour in the people which their late successes have encouraged and excited to a warm ambition of enlarging their Dominions: and therefore such a Prince as in this conjuncture should come to inculcate Peace, and Justice, and Re­ligion into the minds of the people, would appear ridiculous and despicable to them who resolve on War and Violence, and re­quire rather a martial Captain than a paci­fick Moderatour.’

[Page 218] The Romans perceiving by these words, that he refused to accept the Kingdom, were the more instant and urgent with him, that he would not forsake and desert them in this condition, by suffering them to relapse into their former sedition and ci­vil discord; which they must unavoidably do, if he accepted not their proffer, there being no person, on whom both parties could accord, but on himself; and at length He is impor­tun'd by his Father and Kinsman to accept it. his Father, and Martius, taking him aside, perswaded him to accept this offer, which was important, and rather was conferred from Heaven than from Men. ‘Though (said they) you remain contented with your own Fortune, and court neither Ri­ches nor Power, yet being endued with excellent Vertue, you may reasonably imagine, that such a Talent of Justice was not given by the Gods to be hidden or concealed; and that, since the just Government of a Kingdom is the grea­test service a man can perform towards God, he ought therefore by no means to decline and refuse Empire and Rule, which was the true sphere and station of wise and renowned men; and in which they had such an ascendant over mankind, as to influence their Souls with affections to Vertue, and to a religious worship of the Gods, in the most solemn and pompous [Page 219] manner, it being natural to men to fa­shion and conform themselves by the example and actions of their Prince. Tatius, though a Foreigner, was yet ac­ceptable, and in esteem of the Romans; and the memory of Romulus was so pre­tious to them, that after his decease, they voted Divine Honours to be paid to him; and now who knows, but that this peo­ple being victorious, may be satiated with the War, and with the Trophies and Spoils they have acquired, and may gladly entertain a gentle and pacifick Prince, who being a lover of Justice may reduce the City into a model and course of Laws and judicial proceedings? And in case at any time the affections of this people should break forth into a furious and im­petuous desire of War; were it not better then to have the reigns held by such a moderating hand, as is able to divert the fury another way, and spend it self on Foreigners? by which means those malig­nant humours which are the causes of ci­vil discord, will perspire and evaporate, and all the Sabines, and neighbouring people, be reconciled and joined in an in­seperable union and alliance with the City.’

To these reasons and perswasions several other auspicious Omens (as is reported) [Page 220] did concurr; and when his own Citizens understood what message the Roman Am­bassadours had brought him, they all ad­dressed themselves to him, instantly intrea­ting him to accept the offer; being assured that it was the onely means to appease all civil dissentions, and incorporate both peo­ple into one Body.

Numa yielding to these perswasions and reasons, having first performed Divine Ser­vice, proceeded to Rome; being met in his way by the Senate and People, who with an impatient desire came forth to receive him; the Women also welcomed him with joyfull acclamations, and Sacrifices were offered for him in all the Temples, and so universal was the joy, that they seem'd not to receive a King, but the addition of a new Kingdom. In this manner he descended into the Forum, where Spurius Vetius, whose turn it was to be Governour at that hour, putting it to the Vote, Whether Numa should be King; they all with one voice and con­sent cried out a Numa, a Numa. Then were His religious Policy. the Regalities and Robes of Authority brought to him, but he refused to be inve­sted with them, untill he had first consul­ted and been confirmed by the Gods: so being accompanied by the Priests and Soothsayers. Au­gurs he ascended the Capitol, which at that time the Romans called the Tarpeian Rock. [Page 221] Then the chief of the Augurs covered his head, and turned his face towards the South; and, standing behind him, laid his right hand on the head of Numa, and pray­ed, casting his eyes every way, in expecta­tion of some auspicious signal from the Gods. It is wonderfull to consider with what silence and devotion the multitude, which was assembled in the Market-place, expected a happy event, which was soon determined by the appearance and flight of such Birds as were accounted fortunate. Then Numa, apparelling himself in his Roy­al Robes, descended from the Hill unto the people, by whom he was received, and congratulated with shouts and acclamati­ons, and esteemed by all for a holy and a devout Prince.

The first thing he did at his entrance The first al­terations he made, what. into Government was to dismiss the Band of three hundred men, which had been Ro­mulus's Life-guard, called by them Celeres; for that the maintenance of such a force would argue a diffidence of them that chose him, saying that he would not rule over that people of whom he conceived the least distrust. The next thing he did, was to add to the two Priests of Jupiter and Mars, a third in honour of Romulus, who was called Quirinalis. The Romans ancien [...]y called their Priests Flamines, by corruption [Page 222] of the word Pilamines, from a certain Cap which they wore called Pileus; for in those times Greek words were more mixed with the Latin than in this age: so also that Roy­al Robe, which is called Laenas, Juba will have it from the Greek Chlaenas; and that the name of Camillus, which is given to the Boy that serves in the Temple of Jupi­ter, was taken from the same which is gi­ven to Mercury, denoting his service and attendance on the Gods.

When Numa had by these actions insi­nuated himself into the favour and affection of the people, he began to dispose the hu­mour of the City, which as yet was obdu­rate and rendred hard as iron by War, to become more gentle and pliable by the ap­plications of humanity and justice. It was then if ever the critical motion of the City, and, as Plato properly styles it, the time when it was in its highest fermentation. For this City in its original was the receptacle Rome a har­bour for loose Persons. of all bold and daring spirits, where men of desperate Fortunes, joyning their hopes and force together, made frequent sallies and incursions on their neighbours; the which, being prosperous, gave nourishment and increase to the City; and was then grown wresty and settled in its fierceness, as piles droven into the ground become more fixed and stable by the impulse and blows which [Page 223] the Rammer layes upon them. Wherefore Numa, judging that it was the master-piece of his Art to mollifie and bend the stub­born and inflexible spirits of this people, began to operate and practice upon them An awfull sense of Re­ligion the chief expe­dient to re­duce obdurate spirits. with the principles of Religion. He sacri­ficed often, and used supplications and reli­gious Dances, in which most commonly he officiated in person, being ever attended with a grave and religious company; and then at other times he divertised their minds with pleasures and delightfull exer­cises, which he ever intermixed with their devotions, so as to cool their fiery martial spirits; and then to affect their fancies with a fear and reverence of God, he made them believe that strange Apparitions and Visions were seen, and prophetick Voices heard, and all to season and possess their minds with a sense of Religion.

This method which Numa used made it Numa why thought fami­liar with Py­thagoras. believed that he was much conversant with Pythagoras, and that he drew and copied his learning and wisedom from him; for that in his institutions of a Commonwealth, he lays down Religion for the first Founda­tion and ground of it. It is said also that he affected the exteriour garb and gestures of Pythagoras, and to personate him in all his motions. For as it is said of Pythago­ras, that he had taught an Eagle to come [Page 224] at his lure, and stoop at his call, and that as he passed over the heads of the people, assembled at the Olympick Games, he made him shew his golden Thigh, with many o­ther rare arts and feats, which appeared miraculous; on which Timon Philasius wrote this distick,

In like manner Numa affected the story of a mountain Nymph to be in love with him, and that he entertained familiar conversati­on with the Muses, from whom he recei­ved the greatest part of his Revelations; and having amongst them a particular de­votion for the Lady which he named Tacita, he recommended the veneration of her to the Romans, which he did perhaps in imi­tation of the Pythagorean Silence. His o­pinion also of Images is very agreeable to the Doctrine of Pythagoras; who taught, that the First Principle of Being, which is not capable to be affected with sensual pas­sions, is invisible, and incorrupt, and one­ly to be comprehended by abstracted spe­culations of the mind. And for this reason he forbad the Romans to represent God in [Page 225] the form of Man or Beast, nor was there No Imagery in the religi­ous worship amongst the Romans for the first 160 years. any painted or graven Image of a Deity ad­mitted amongst them for the space of the first hundred and sixty years; all which time their Temples and Chapels were free and pure from Idols and Images, which seem'd too mean and beggarly representati­ons of God, to whom no access was allow­able but by the mind raised and elated by divine contemplation. His Sacrifices also had great similitude with the Victims of Py­thagoras, which were not celebrated with effusion of Bloud, but consisted of the flour of Wheat, or Wine, and such sort of blen­ded Offerings. And to make appear the inclination that Numa had to Pythagoras by other instances; there is a certain Drama­tick Poet, a very ancient Authour and a Scho­lar of Pythagoras, who, in a certain Book of his dedicated to Antenor, reports, that Pythagoras was made a Free-man of Rome; and that Numa gave to one of his four Sons the name of Mamercus, which was the name of one of the Sons of Pythagoras; from whence, as they say, is sprung that ancient Patrician Family of the Aemilians, for that the King superadded the sirname to him of Aemilius, to denote the softness of his words, and the fluency of his speech. I remember that when I was at Rome, I heard many say, that when the Oracle directed two [Page 226] Statues to be raised, one to the wisest, and another to the most valiant man of Greece, they presently erected two of Brass, one representing Alcibiades, and the other Py­thagoras.

But, to pass by these matters, which are full of uncertainty, and not so important as to be worth our time to insist long on; we shall proceed to things more pertinent, and shew, that the original constitution of Priests, which are called Pontifices, is ascri­bed Numa first constituted the Pontifi­ces. unto Numa, and that he himself, offi­ciating in the first and primary Order, took upon himself the name of Pontifex, or High Priest; assuming that title of Potens, or pow­erfull, as if those, whose Office obliged them to an attendance on the Gods, were endued with a super-eminent power and arbitre­ment above all others: some will have this name to be given by way of super-excel­lence, as to a sole Moderatour, in whose power it is to ordain and appoint the times when Sacrifices and Divine Services are to be performed. But the most common opi­nion is the most absurd, which derives this word from Pons, which Latin signifies a Bridge, saying, that anciently the most so­lemn and holy Sacrifices were offered on Bridges, the care of which, both in main­taining and repairing, was the chief incum­bence of the Priests, and that it was not [Page 227] onely esteemed by the Romans to be un­lawfull but an abominable impiety to de­molish or disorder the Planks or Fabrick of a Bridge; because that by appointment of the Oracle, it was to be onely of Timber, and fastned with wooden Pins without Nails, or Cramps of Iron; and that the Stone Bridge was built many years after, when Aemylius was Questor, and that the old Bridge of Wood was demolished in the Reign of Ancus Martius, who was the Grand-son of Numa by his Daughter.

The Office of Pontifex, or Chief Priest, The Pontifi­cal Office what. was to interpret the Divine Law and Pro­phesies; and did not onely prescribe rules for publick Ceremony, but regulated the Sacrifices of private persons, not suffering them in the heat of their devotion to ex­ceed the more solemn Offerings, but direc­ted in every thing with what Sacrifices the Gods were to be worshipped and appeased. He was also Guardian of the Vestal Virgins, the institution of whom and of their perpe­tual The Institu­tion of the Vestals. Fire, was attributed to Numa, who perhaps fancied the nature of pure and un­corrupted Flames to be agreeable to chaste and unpolluted Bodies, or that Fire which consumes but produces nothing, alludes best to the sterile condition of Virgins. This Vestal Fire was ordained after the example of that in Greece, and particularly at Del­phos [Page 228] and Athens, onely with this difference, that here it was conserved by Virgins but there by Widows, who were past the years and desires of Marriage; and in case by a­ny accident it should happen, that this Fire became extinct, as the holy Lamp was at Athens, under the tyranny of Aristion, and at Delphos, when that Temple was burnt by the Medes, and at Rome, in the time of the War with Mithridates, and of their own civil dissentions, when not onely the Fire was extinguished but the Altar demolished: and then afterwads to kindle this Fire again it was esteemed an impiety to light it from the common sparks or flame, but from the pure and unpolluted rays of the Sun; the which they performed by an Instrument framed of three equal angles, which being placed in opposition to the Sun, collects the rays into one centre, and so attenuates the air, that it immediately gives fire to any combustible matter from the intense reflexion and reverberation of the Sun beams. Some are of opinion that these Ve­stals had no other care or business than the conservation of this Fire; but others con­ceive, that they were keepers of those Di­vine Secrets, which are concealed and hid­den to all others but themselves; of which we have made mention in the life of Camil­lus, so far as the revelations of such myste­ries [Page 229] are consistent with due respect to Re­ligion. Gegania and Verenia, as is repor­ted, were the names of the two first Virgins which were consecrated and ordained by Numa; next Canuleia and Tarpeia succeeded them; to which Servius afterwards added two more, the which number of four hath continued to this our age.

The Statutes prescribed by Numa for the The Laws appointed for the Vestal Virgins. Vestals were these. That they should vow to keep a lease of their Virginity, or re­main in a chaste or unspotted condition, for the space of thirty years; the first ten whereof they were like Novitiates, obliged to learn the Ceremonies, and practise them­selves in the Rules of their Religion; then they took the degree of Priestess, and for other ten years exercised the Sacerdotal Function; and the remaining ten they em­ployed in teaching and instructing others. Thus the whole term being compleated, it was lawfull for them to marry, and leaving then the sacred Order, they were at liberty to choose such a condition of life as did most indulge, and was gratefull to their own hu­mour: but this permission few (as they say) made use of; because it was observed, that their change of life was never accompanied with contentment, being ever after sad and melancholy; for which reason they confi­ned themselves untill old age and the hour of [Page 230] death to the strict and decent rules of a single life.

But this severe condition was recompen­sed Their Privi­leges. by other privileges and prerogatives; as that they had power to make a Testa­ment in the life-time of their Father, that they had a free administration of their own affairs without Guardian or Tutor, which was the privilege of women who were the Mothers of three Children: when they went abroad they had the Fasces carried before them; and if perchance in their walks abroad it were their fortune to en­counter a Malefactour leading to execution, they had the privilege to free him from death; upon oath made, that the occasion was accidental and not designed or of set purpose. Whosoever pressed upon the Chair on which they were carried was guilty of a capital crime, and immediately punished with death. If these Vestals committed any faults they were punishable by the High Priest onely, who, as the nature of the offence required, whipped them naked in a dark place, and under the caution of a Veil or Curtain; but she that had been defiled, or permitted her self to be deflou­red, was buried alive near the Gate which is called Collina; where a little mount of Earth is raised, called in Latin Agger; un­der it is a narrow Room, to which a descent [Page 231] is made by Stairs: here they prepare a Bed, and light up a Lamp, and provide a small quantity of Victuals, such as Bread, Water in a Bottle, Milk and Oil; that so that Bo­dy, which had been consecrated and devo­ted to the most divine and mysterious ser­vice, might not be said to perish by a death so detestable as that of Famine. The party thus condemned, is carried to execution through the Market-place in a Litter, where­in she is covered and bound with Cords, so that the voice of her cries and laments can­not be heard; all people with silence go out of the way as she passes, and such as follow accompany the Bier with solemn and tacite sorrow; and indeed such is the sadness which the City puts on on this oc­casion, that there is no spectacle of grief which appears of more common and gene­ral concernment than this. When they come to the place of Execution, the Offi­cers loose the Cords, and then the High Priest, lifting his hands to Heaven, mur­mures some certain prayers to himself, then the Prisoner being still covered is brought forth, and led down by the steps unto her House of darkness; which being done, the Priests retire, and the Stairs being drawn up, the Earth is pressed and crouded in un­till the Vault is filled. And this was the punishment of those who broke their Vow [Page 232] of Virginity. It is said also that Numa built the Temple of Vesta, which was inten­ded for a conservatory of the Holy Fire, in an orbicular form, to represent perhaps the Frame of the Universe, in the centre of which the Pythagoreans place the element of Fire, and give it the name of Vesta and Unity: and yet they do not hold that the Earth is immovable, or that it is situated in the middle region of the Globe; but keeps a circular motion about the seat of Fire: nor do they account the Earth amongst the chief or primary Elements; following the opinion of Plato, who, they say, in his ma­ture and philosophical age, held that the Earth had a lateral position, for that the middle or centre was reserved for some more noble and refined Body.

There was yet a farther use of the High Priest, and that was to order the Procession at funeral Rites, according to the method prescribed by Numa, who taught, that there was no uncleanness in the contact of dead Corpses, but a part of the service owing to the subterranean Gods: amongst which they worshipped the Goddess Libitina as the chief of those who presided over the Cere­monies performed at Burials; whether they meant hereby Persephone, or (as some of the learned Romans will have it) Venus, for they, not without good reason, attribu­ted [Page 233] the beginning and end of Man's lise to the same original cause and virtue of a Deity.

Numa also prescribed Rules for regulating the days of Mourning, according to certain The regula­tion of Fune­ral Rites and Ceremo­nies. times and ages. As for example, a Child of three years, and so upwards to ten, was to be mourned for, for so many months as it was years old; and the longest time of mourning for any person whatsoever was not to exceed the term of ten months: which also was the time appointed unto Widows to lament the loss of their deceased Husbands; before which they could not without great indecency pass unto second Marriages; but in case their incontinence was such as could not admit so long an ab­stinence from the Marriage-bed, they were then to sacrifice a Cow with Calf for expi­ation of their fault.

Numa also was Founder of several other Orders of Priests; two of which are wor­thy to be here mentioned, namely the Salii and the Feciales, which, with other instan­ces, are clear proofs of the great devotion and sanctity of this Person. These Fecia­les, Feciales, an Order of Priests, whence so styled. whose name in my opinion is derived from their Office, were the Arbitratours to whom all Controversies were referred rela­ting to War and Peace; for it was not al­lowable to take up Arms untill they had [Page 234] declared all hopes and expedients rejected which tended to an accommodation; by the word Peace, we mean a determination of matters in dispute by Law, and not by Violence or Force. The Romans common­ly dispatched the Feciales, who were pro­perly Heralds, to those who had offered them injury, requiring satisfaction; and in case they made not restitution or just re­turns, they then called the Gods to witness against them and their Country, and so de­nounced War: the sense of the Feciales in this case was of absolute necessity, for with­out their consent it was neither lawfull for the Roman King, nor yet for the people to take up Arms; and from them the General took his rules concerning the justice of his cause, which being adjudged, and the War determined; the next business was to deli­berate of the manner and ways to manage and carry it on. It is believed, that the slaughter and destruction which the Gauls made of the Romans, was a just judgment on the City for neglect of this religious pro­ceeding: for that when a foreign Nation besieged the Clusinians, Fabius Ambustus was dispatched to their Camp with Propo­sitions of Peace; but they returning a rude and peremptory Answer thereunto, Fabius imagined that his Treaty was at an end, and that he had fully complied with the [Page 235] duty of his Embassie; and therefore rashly engaging in a War, challenged the stoutest and bravest of the enemy to a single Com­bat. It was the fortune of Fabius to kill his adversary and to take his spoils, which when the Gauls understood, they sent a Herald to Rome to complain against Fabius, who, before a War was published, had, a­gainst the Law of Nations, made a breach of the Peace. The matter being debated in the Senate, the Feciales were of opinion, that Fabius ought to be consigned into the hands of the Gauls; but he, being pre-ad­vised of this judgment, fled to the people, by whose protection and favour he was se­cured: on this occasion, the Gauls marched with their Army to Rome, where, having taken the Capitol, they sacked the City. The particulars of all which are at large re­lated in the History of Camillus.

Now the original of the Salii is this: In the eighth year of the reign of Numa, that terrible Pestilence, which was spread over all Italy, did likewise miserably infest the City of Rome; at which the Citizens being greatly affrighted, and despairing of health, were again comforted by the report of a brazen Target, which (they say) fell from Heaven into the hands of Numa, and of which they relate strange effects, opera­ted by the virtue of this miraculous Buck­ler; [Page 236] and that Numa having had conference with the Nymph Egeria, and some of the Muses, he was assured, that that Target was sent from Heaven for the cure and safe­ty of the City; and that, because on the conservation thereof the common health and benefit depended, he was ordered by them to make eleven others, so like in all dimensions and form to the original; that in case there should be a design to steal it away, the true might not be distinguished or known from those which were counter­feited; by which means there would be more difficulty to defeat the counsels of Fate, or invert the order of divine Prede­stination: He farther declared, that he was commanded to consecrate that place and the Fields about it to the Muses, where he had often entertained a free intercourse and communication with them; and that the Fountain which watered that Field should be made sacred and hallowed for the use of the Vestal Virgins, who were to wash and cleanse the penetralia of their Sanctuary with those Holy Waters. The truth here­of was speedily verified by a miraculous cessation of the Pestilence; whereupon Nu­ma immediately delivered this Target to the best Artists to have others made in a just likeness in all particulars thereunto; but none was able to arrive unto a perfect [Page 237] similitude in all undistinguishable respects, untill at length one Veturius Mamurius, an excellent Master, happily hit upon it, and made one so to represent the other in all re­spects, that Numa himself was at a stand, and could not distinguish the true from that which was counterfeited. The keeping of which Targets was committed to the charge of cer­tain Priests, which are called Salii; who did The Institu­tion and Of­fice of the Salii. not receive their name, as some imagine, from one Salius, a certain Dancing-master, who was born at Samothrace, or at Manti­nea, who taught the way of dancing in Arms; but rather from that Dance which the Salii themselves use, when in the month of March they carry the sacred Targets through the City; at which procession they are habited in a short Cassock, girt with a broad Belt clasp'd with brass Buckles; on their heads they wore a copper Helmet, and ever and anon sounded on the Targets with short Cemyters: in this manner they proceeded with a nimble motion, and just measures of their Feet, and with such hand­some and various turns, as demonstrated great strength and agility of body. These Targets were called Ancylia from the fa­shion of them; for they were not made in a round or orbicular form but oval and with certain folds or pleats closing one over the other, they fitted the Elbow by their [Page 238] cubical Figure, and thence were called An­cylia, from [...], which signified a crooked shape, or from the cubit, which is from the Wrist to the Elbow, and called in Greek [...], on which they carry these Ancylia. Juba, who much affected the Greek Tongue, draws many of his derivations from thence, and would have it from [...], which signifies as much as sent from above, or from [...], which is the cure or medi­cine of Diseases, or from [...], which is a deliverance from great driness, or from [...], which is an escape from great evils; whence it is that the Atheni­ans called Castor and Pollux [...]; all which may serve to employ the curiosity of those who have a fancy to Greek deri­vations. All the reward which Mamurius received for this his Art, was to be mentio­ned and commemorated in the Verses which the Salii sang, as they danced in their Arms through the City; though some will have it that they did not say Veturius Mamurius, but Vetus Memoria, which is Ancient Re­membrance.

After Numa had in this manner institu­ted A memorable instance of Devotion in Numa his building a Palace ad­joining to Vesta's Temple. these several Orders of Priests, he erec­ted a Royal Palace near the Temple of Vesta, called to this day Regium; where he spent the most part of his time, in pre­scribing Rules for Divine Service, instruc­ting [Page 239] the Priests, and with zeal and devotion attending in person on the Offices of Reli­gion. He built another House upon the Mount Quirinalis; which place they shew to this day. In all publick Processions and solemn Prayers, Tipstaves or Hushers were sent before to give notice to the people that they should forbear their work, and attend to the Divine Solemnity: for they say that the Pythagoreans did not hold it sufficient reverence towards the Gods to worship them in a negligent manner, as when the religi­ous Processions did obviously occur, but obliged their Scholars to go out from their Houses and with prepared hearts attend to Divine Supplications: so Numa in like man­ner Indifference and Distrac­tion of busi­ness great hindrances to Devotion. decreed, that his Citizens should neither see nor hear Divine matters in a perfuncto­ry manner, and with wandring thoughts, but laying aside all distractions of mind, and cares of the world should apply and elevate their meditations to Religion; and the ways and streets should be clear of noise or laments, or other incumbrances which might obstruct or disturb the solemnity and seriousness of devotion. Something of this custom remains at Rome to this day; for when the Consul begins to sacrifice or of­ficiate; they call out to the People, Hoc age, or attend to the work in hand, and is as much as with us, Let us Pray, whereby [Page 240] the Auditours then present were admoni­shed to compose and recollect their thoughts for prayer: And as Pythagoras had certain Precepts and Sayings, such as these: Thou shalt not make a Peck Measure thy seat to sit on. Thou shalt not stir the Fire with a Sword. When thou goest forwards, look not behind thee. When thou sacrificest to the celestial Gods, let it be with an odd number, and when to the terrestrial let it be with even. So likewise Numa delivered other Sentences of an obscure and abstruse mea­ning; such as these: Thou shalt not sacri­fice to the Gods an offering of Wine proceeding from a Vine which was never pruned. No sacrifices shall be performed without Meal. Ʋse a circular motion in adoration of the Gods, and sit down when you have worshipped. The two first Precepts seem to denote, that Probable con­jectures of the signifi­cancy of the several Po­stures in Di­vine Worship. urbanity and a natural complaisance with the world is a part of Religion; and as to the turning which the Worshippers are to use in divine adoration, it is to represent the orbicular motion of the world. But in my opinion, the meaning rather is, that he who comes to worship, enters the Temple with his face towards the East; where, be­ing come up as high as the Chancel, he turns towards the West, and then back a­gain to the East, perfecting the whole office of his prayers to that God who is Maker [Page 241] of the Universe: unless perhaps this change of posture may allude to the Egyptian Wheels, which were Hieroglyphicks of the instability of humane fortune, and that where God should fix and establish our lot and condition, we should there rest conten­ted, and repose our selves with intire resig­nation to the Divine pleasure. They say also, that the sitting quiet and in a reposed posture after worship did denote a concessi­on, or grant of the petitions they made, and was an assurance of everlasting felicity in the future life: and that this still and se­dentary cessation from work was the full stop or period of business already perfor­med; from whence now designing to be­gin others, they were to present themselves before the Gods, to obtain their blessings, and success on that which was to follow. And this form of Ceremony did very well sute with the preceding Doctrine, which taught that men ought not to approach the Gods in a transitory way, and with distrac­ted minds, but, laying aside all worldly cares and wandring fancies, should then onely pray when their thoughts are posses­sed with Divine Meditation. By such Dis­cipline as this, recommended by the con­stant practice and example of the Legisla­tour, the City did so insensibly pass into a religious temper and frame of devotion, and [Page 242] stood in that awe and reverence of the ver­tue of Numa, that they received and belie­ved with an undoubted assurance, whatso­ever he delivered, though never so fabulous, his authority being sufficient to make the greatest absurdities and impossibilities to pass for matters and points of Faith.

There goes a story, That he once invited a great number of Citizens to an entertain­ment; Several fa­bulous relati­ons of Nu­ma's inti­mate fami­liarity with the Gods. at which the Dishes in which the Meat was served were very homely and plain, and the Commons short, and the Meat ill dressed: the Guests being sate, he began to tell them, that the Goddess which was his familiar Spirit, and always conver­sant with him, was then at that time pre­sent, when on a sudden the Room was fur­nished with all sorts of pretious Pots and Dishes, and the mean Fare converted into a most magnificent Feast, adorned with all sorts of the most delicious Viands. But the Dialogue which is reported to have passed between him and Jupiter, surpasses all the fabulous Legends that were ever invented. They say, that before Mount Aventine was inhabited or inclosed within the Walls of the City, that two Demi-gods, which were Picus and Faunus, did usually frequent the Fountains and close shades of that place; which some will have to be two Satyrs of the Titanian race; who being expert in the [Page 243] faculty of Physick, and dexterous in leger­demain and magical spells, like the Dactyli of Mount Ida, made a Journey through all the parts of Italy. Numa contriving one day to surprise these Demi-gods, mingled the Waters of the Fountain of which they did usually drink with Wine and Honey, which so pleased these liquorish Deities, that he easily ensnared and took them; but then they changed themselves into many various forms and shapes, intending, under horrid and unknown transmutations, to make their escape: but, finding themselves entrapped in inextricable toils, and in no possibility to get free, revealed unto him many se­crets and future events; and particularly a charm against. Thunder and Lightning, which they composed of Onions, and Hair, and the Bones of a Fish: but some deny, and say, that these Demi-gods did not dis­cover the secret of this charm to Numa; but that they, by the force of their Magick Art and Spells, had constrained Jove him­self to descend from Heaven to satisfie the demands of Numa, and that he then, in an angry manner answering his enquiries, told him, that if he would charm the Thunder and Lightning, he must doe it with Heads: How, said Numa, with the Heads of Oni­ons? No, reply'd Jupiter, of Men. But Numa, willing to divert the cruelty of this [Page 244] Receipt, turned it another way, saying, Your meaning is, the Hairs of Mens Heads; No, reply'd Jupiter, of living Men: then Numa, being instructed by the Goddess E­geria, seemed to mistake, and say, How! with the Bones of the Fish Maena? which, being the three ingredients that compose the charm, so operated on Jupiter, that he returned again to Heaven pacified and well­pleased. This place was ever afterwards called Elicium, or Ilicium, from the Greek word [...], which signifies propitious or mercifull; and in this manner this Magick Spell was effected.

Such was the superstitious humour of that Age, which the example of the Prince The people of Rome gene­rally inclin'd to superstition in Numa's reign. had wrought in the Minds of the Vulgar, that nothing was so absurd and ridiculous in Religion which gain'd not belief; and Numa himself was said to have been posses­sed with such a confidence and fiducial trust in the Gods, that when it was told him, that the Enemy was near at hand, he smi­lingly answered, That he feared them not, let them come at their peril, for he was then sacrificing to the Gods. It was he also that built the Temples of Faith, and Terminus; and taught the Romans such respect to Faith, that it was the greatest Oath, and the most obligatory that they could swear; and to the God Terminus they offer unto this [Page 245] day the bloud of Beasts, both in publick and private Sacrifices, upon the borders and stone marks of their Land: though ancient­ly those Sacrifices were solemnized without bloud, it being the Precept and Doctrine of Numa to offer nothing to the God Terminus, but what was pure and free of bloudy cru­elty; for that he, whose incumbence it was to fix boundaries, was thereby constituted an Arbiter of Peace and Justice, punishing those who removed their neighbours Land­mark, or invaded his right. It is very clear, that it was this King who first pre­scribed bounds to the jurisdiction of Rome; for Romulus would have betrayed his own cause, and plainly discovered how much he had encroached on his neighbours Lands, had he ever set limits to his own; which as they are fences and curbs against arbitrary invasions, to those who observe them, so they serve for evidences to arise in judg­ment against those, who break over and violate the borders with which they are circumscribed. The truth is, the portion of Lands which the Romans possessed at the beginning, was very narrow, untill Romu­lus by War enlarged them; and which Nu­ma afterwards divided amongst the indi­gent Commonalty, that he might ward them against violent necessity, which al­ways puts men upon injurious designs and [Page 246] shifts, and that by placing them in Farms, he might accustom them to a desire of pro­perty, Numa a friend and advancer of Husbandry. and a regular way of living; for as there is nothing that so reconciles the minds of men to Peace, as Husbandry and a Coun­try lise; so it makes them abhorr all vio­lence, and gives them courage and resolu­tion to defend their sowed Lands and Pa­stures from the encroachment of their neighbours. Wherefore Numa, that he might take and amuse the hearts of his Ci­tizens with Agriculture or Husbandry, which is an employment that rather be­gets civility and a peaceable temper than great opulency and riches, he divided all the Lands into several parcels, to which he gave the name of Pagus or Borough, and over every one of them he ordained a Chief or Arbitrator in judicial causes; and taking a delight sometimes to survey his Colonies in person, he made judgment of every man's inclinations and manners, by his industry, and the improvements he had made, of which being witness himself, he preferred those to honours and authority who had merited most; and on the contrary reproa­ched the sluggishness of such, who had given themselves over to a careless and a negli­gent life. But above all, which was a prin­cipal He first divi­ded the Citi­zens into di­stinct Compa­nies. point of his Politicks, he divided the people into several Companies: for as the [Page 247] City did consist, or rather was distingui­shed (as we have said) by two sorts of Tribes; from whence dangerous Factions, Tumults and Seditions did arise; he contri­ved to cast them into divers small moulds and models: for as hard and dissenting Bo­dies are not easily incorporated, so long as they remain in their gross bulk, but being beaten into a powder, or melted into small Atoms, are often cemented and consolida­ted into one; so this people, being separa­ted and distinguished into small divisions, were afterwards with less difficulty united into one Body: wherefore distinguishing the whole City by their several Arts and Professions; he formed the Companies of Musicians, Goldsmiths, Masons, Dyers, Tay­lors, Skinners, Brasiers and Potters; and all other Handy-crafts men he composed and reduced into a single Company, appointing unto every one their respective Halls, Courts and other privileges belonging to their So­cieties, which they held by the Charters received from this Prince. In this manner all factious distinctions began to cease in the City; there being no person farther esteemed under the notion of a Sabine, a Roman or a Tatian, but all were compre­hended under the general denomination of a Citizen of Romulus; whereby all other terms growing out of use and fashion, the [Page 248] national animosities reconciled of them­selves, and all dissolved into the common tye and relation of a Roman Citizen.

He is also much to be commended for the repeal, or rather amendment of that Law, which gives power to Fathers to sell their Children; for he exempted such as were married from that subjection, condi­tionally that they had matched themselves with the liking and consent of their Parents: for it seemed a very hard and unjust thing, that a woman, who had given her self in marriage to a man whom she judged free, should afterwards find her self betrayed and cast away upon a Husband that was a Ser­vant.

He attempted also to draw a Scheme of The regulati­on of the year instituted by Numa. the Heavens, and thereunto conform a Ka­lendar and Ephemerides of the Year, which though it was not perfect, yet it was not altogether without some learned conjectures, and such as reduced the account of the Year to some tolerable regulation: for during the Reign of Romulus, their Months had no certain or equal term; for some of them contained 20 Days, others 35, others more; the which errour proceeded from want of a true knowledge of the different motions of the Sun and Moon; onely they kept to this account, that the whole course of the Year contained 360 Days. Numa also farther [Page 249] observing, that there was eleven Days dif­ference between the Lunary and the Solary Year: for that the Moon compleated her Anniversary course in 354 Days, and the Sun in 365; to remedy which inequality, he doubled the eleven Days, and after every two Year added an interstitial to follow the Month of February, which the Romans cal­led the Month of Mercidinus; but this ac­count hath since that time received a better amendment. He also altered the order of the Months; for March, which was recko­ned the first, he put into the third place; and January, which was the eleventh, he made the first; and February, which was the twelfth and last, to be the second. Some will have it, that it was Numa also which added the two Months of January and Fe­bruary: for in the beginning, when men Various, ab­surd and un­skilfull com­putations of the year. were ignorant and barbarous, they compo­sed a Year of ten Months: the Arcadians in Greece had onely four, in Arcanania they accounted by six; and the Egyptians had at first but one Month, which afterwards they divided into four, according to the seasons of the Year: which Country of E­gypt, though it seem new to us, is yet in­habited by an ancient people; for if we may believe their Chronicles (unless they account Months for Years) their Genealo­gies are deduced from great Antiquity. [Page 250] And that the Romans at first comprehen­ded the whole Year within ten, and not twelve Months, plainly appears by the name of December, which signifies the tenth Month, and is the last in order: and that March was the first is likewise evident, for that the fifth Month after it was called Quintilis, and the sixth Sextilis, and so the rest; so that if January and February had in this account preceded March, Quintilis had been put in the seventh place, and so called September. It is also very probable, that this first Month was dedicated by Ro­mulus to Mars; the second to Venus, called April, from the Greek word Aphrodites; which the Women solemnize in honour of that Goddess, adorning their heads on the Kalends, or first days of it, with Myrtle Garlands. But others will not allow of the derivation of this word from Aphrodi­tes, but rather deduce it from the word A­perio, which in Latin signifies, to open, be­cause that this Month is in the high Spring, when all Buds and Flowers open and dis­close themselves: the next is called May, from Maia the Mother of Mercury, to whom this Month was made sacred: then June follows, so called from Juventus, or youth­fulness of the Year, which is then warm, and gay, and in its juvenile season. To the other Months also they gave denominations [Page 251] according to their order, so the fifth was called Quintilis, Sextilis the sixth, and so the rest September, October, November and December: Afterwards Caesar, when he had overcome Pompey, changed the name of the Month Quintilis to that of Julius, which we call July; as also that of Sextilis was changed into Augustus, which was a sirname to the Successour of Caesar. Domitian also in imitation hereof gave the two other fol­lowing Months the names of Germanicus and Domitianus, but, he being slain, they recovered their ancient denominations of September and October; but the two last have ever reserved their names without a­ny alteration. The Months which were added, and transposed in their order by Nu­ma was February, which deduces its name from Februo, signifying a purification by Sacrifice; for then they offered Plants, and celebrated the Feast of Lupercalia, in which many Ceremonies agree with the Solem­nities used at the Lustrations or clean­sing days: but January was so called from Janus, and a precedency of order given to it by Numa before March, which was de­dicated to the God Mars; intimating in my opinion thereby, that the Arts and civil studies of Peace are to be preferred before warlike or martial employments. For this Janus, whether he were a Daemon, or Demi­god, [Page 252] or a King, was certainly a great Po­lititian and lover of Arts and Sciences, whereby he transformed the incult natures of men into a gentle and civil disposition; for which reason they figure him with two Faces, beholding at the same time both states and constitutions of humane kind. His Temple at Rome hath two Gates, which they call the Gates of Mars; because they stand open in the time of War, and shut in the times of Peace, of which latter there was very seldom an example; for when the Roman Empire was enlarged and extended to its utmost bounds, it was so encompassed with barbarous Nations and Enemies, that it was seldom or never at peace: onely in the time of Augustus Caesar, after he had overcome Anthony, that Temple was shut; as likewise not many years before, when Marcus Atilius and Titus Manlius were Consuls; but then it continued not so long, before that Wars breaking out, the Gates of Janus were again opened: but during The Gates of Janus's Tem­ple never open in Numa's reign. the Reign of Numa, which continued for the space of forty three years, those Gates were ever shut, there being a profound quiet without the noise or clattering of Arms: for not onely the people of Rome were animated with a spirit of peace, which they enjoyed under the just proceedings of a pacifick Prince; but even the neighbou­ring [Page 253] Cities, as if they had been inspired with the same inclinations, breathed no­thing but a salubrious and gentle air of mu­tual friendship, and amicable correspon­dence; and being ravished with the delights Happy results of Peace. which Justice and Peace produce, every one apply'd himself to the management of his Lands and Farm, to the education of his Children, and worship of the Gods: Festi­val days, and Sports, and Banquets were the common divertisements; and Families entertained and treated their acquaintance and friends in such a free and open manner, that all Italy securely conversed with each other without fears, or jealousies, or de­signs, being all possessed with that Divine Spirit of Love and Charity, which flowed from Numa as from a Fountain of Wisedom and Equity: so that the Hyperbolies, which the Poets of those days used, and the flights which are allowable in Verse, were flat and not able to reach with their highest expres­sions the happiness of those days;

[Page 254] For during the whole Reign of Numa, there was neither War, nor Sedition, nor Plots designed against the State, nor did any Fac­tion prevail, or the ambition and emulati­on of great Men attempt upon the Govern­ment: for indeed men so reverenced his Vertue, and stood in such awe of his Per­son, which, they believed, was guarded by a particular care of Divine Providence, that they despaired of all success in their sinister intentions: and then that happy Fortune, which always attends the life of men who are pure and innocent, bestowed a general esteem and good reputation on him; and verified that saying of Plato, which some Ages after he delivered in relation to the happiness of a well formed Commonwealth: For, saith he, where the Royal Power, by God's Grace, meets with a mind and spirit addicted to Philosophy, there Vice is sub­dued and made inferiour to Vertue: no man is really blessed but he that is wise; and happy are his Auditours, who can hear and receive those words which flow from his mouth: there is no need of compulsion or menaces to subject the multitude, for that A vertuous example most conspicuous and enticing in a Prince. lustre of vertue which shines bright in the good example of a Governour, invites and inclines them to wisedom, and insensibly leads them to an innocent and happy life, which being conducted by friendship and [Page 255] concord, and supported on each side with temperance and justice, is of long and la­sting continuance; and worthy is that Prince of all rule and dominion, who makes it his business to lead his Subjects into such a state of felicity. This was the care of Numa, and to this end did all his actions tend.

As to his Children and Wives, there is a diversity of reports by several Authours: some will have it that he never had any other Wife than Tatia, nor more Children than one Daughter called Pompilia: others will have it that he left four Sons; namely, Pompo, Pinus, Calpus and Mamercus, every one of which had issue, and from them des­cended the noble and illustrious Families of Pomponi, Pinari, Calpurni and Mamerci, to which for distinction sake was added the sirname of Royal. But there is a third sort of Writers, which say that these pedigrees are but a piece of flattery used by the He­ralds, who, to incurr favour with these great Families, deduced their Genealogies from this ancient Lineage; and that Pom­pilia was not the Daughter of Tatia, but born of Lucretia, to whom he was married after he came to his Kingdom: howsoever all of them agree in opinion, that she was married to the Son of that Martius who perswaded him to accept the Govern­ment, [Page 256] and accompanied him to Rome, where, as a signal of honour, he was chosen into the Senate; and after the death of Numa, standing in competition with Tullus Ho­stilius for the Kingdom, and being disap­pointed of the Election, in high discontent killed himself: howsoever his Son Martius, who had married Pompilia, residing at Rome, was the Father of Ancus Martius, who succeeded Tullus Hostilius in the King­dom, and was but five years of age, when Numa died.

Numa lived something above eighty years, and then (as Piso writes) was not taken out Numa's Death and honourable Interment. of the world by a sudden or acute Disease, but by a chronical Distemper, by which he lingred long, and at last expired. At his Funerals all the glories of his Life were con­summate; for the kind people, and his friend­ly companions, met to honour and grace the rites of his Interment with Garlands and contributions from the publick: the Se­natours carried the Bier on which his Corps was laid, and the Priests followed and ac­companied the solemn procession; the re­mainder of this dolefull pomp was compo­sed of Women and Children, who lamen­ted with such tears and sighs, as if they had bewailed the death or loss of a dearest relation taken away in the flower of his age, and not of an old and out-worn King. [Page 257] It is said that his Body, by his particular command, was not burnt, but that he or­dered two stone Coffins to be made, in one of which he appointed his Body to be laid, and the other to be a repository for his sa­cred Books and Writings, and both of them to be buried under the Hill Janiculum; thereby imitating the Legislatours of Greece, who, having wrote their Laws in Tables, which they called Cirbas, did so long incul­cate the contents of them, whilst they li­ved, into the minds and hearts of their Priests, till their understandings became living Libraries of those sacred Volumes; it being esteemed a profanation of such myste­ries To commit to writing Di­vine Precepts held a profa­nation by the Grecian Law-givers. to commit their secrets unto dead letters. For this very reason, they say, the Pytha­goreans forbad that their Precepts or Con­clusions should be committed to paper, but rather conserved in the living memories of those who were worthy to receive their Doctrines: and if perchance any of their abstruse notions or perplexed cares, such as were their positions in Geometry, were made known, or revealed to an impure person, unworthy to receive such myste­ries, they presently imagined that the Gods threatned punishment for such profanation; which was not to be expiated but by Sword and Pestilence, or other judgments of the Gods. Wherefore having these several in­stances [Page 258] concurring to render the Lives of Numa and Pythagoras agreeable, we may easily pardon those who make a comparison between their temperament of Soul and manners of living, believing that there was an intimate familiarity and conversation be­tween them.

Valerius Antias writes that the Books which were buried in the aforesaid Chests or Coffins of Stone were twelve Volumes of holy Writ, and twelve others in Greek containing the Wisedom and Philosophy of the Grecians: and that about four hundred years afterwards, when P. Cornelius and M. Bebius were Consuls, there happening a great inundation of Water, which with a violent torrent carrying away the Chests of Stone, overturned them and displaced their Covers, so that being opened, one of them appeared empty without the Skeleton or Reliques of any humane Body; in the other were the Books before-mentioned, still remaining entire, and not much worn out with time: which when the Pretor Petilius had read and perused, he made Oath in the Senate, that in his opinion, it was not fit for those Books to be divulged, or made publick to the people; whereupon the Edition of them was suppressed, and all the Volumes by command carried to the Market place, and there burnt.

[Page 259] Such is the fortune of good men, that their Vertue survives their Bodies, and that the envy and emulation which evil men conceive against them is soon extinguished; but their reputation and glory is immortal, and shines with more splendour after their death, than in the time when they were li­ving and conversant in the world: and as to Numa, the actions of the succeeding Kings served as so many Foils to set off the bright­ness of his majestick Vertues: for after him there were five Kings; the last of which was made an exile, being deposed from his Crown: of the other four, three were by treason assassinated and murthered; the o­ther, who was Tullus Hostilius that imme­diately succeeded Numa, whilst he derided his vertues, and especially his devotion and religious worship, reproached his memory, as a cowardly and mean spirited Prince; and, diverting the minds of the people from their peaceable and honest course of life to wars and depredations, was himself surpri­zed by an acute and tormenting Disease; which caused him to change his mind and Even Atheists in [...]ime of adve [...]sity im­plore the Deity. call upon the Gods; but it was accompa­nied with such superstition and vain ima­ginations, as was much differing from the true Piety and Religion of Numa: and, because he infected others with the conta­gion of his errours, the Gods, as is said, [Page 260] were angry, and revenged their own dis­honour by a Thunder-bolt which stroke him dead.

DYdymus the Grammarian, in his an­swer to Asclepiades concerning So­lon's Tables, mentions a passage of one Philocles, who delivers that Solon's Fa­ther's Solon of a noble Family. name was Euphorion, contrary to the opinion of all those who have written con­cerning him: for they generally agree that he was the Son of Exestides, a man of mo­derate wealth and power in the City; but of a noble Stock, being descended from Co­drus: [Page 276] his Mother, as Heraclides Ponticus affirms, was Cousin to Pisistratus his Mo­ther, and those two at first were great Friends, partly because they were a kin, and partly because Pisistratus was a hand­some Lov'd Pisi­stratus. gracefull man, and they say Solon lov'd him: and that is the reason, I sup­pose, that when afterwards they differ'd about the Government, their enmity never produc'd any hot and violent passion, they remembred their old kindnesses, and that kept the flame of their love and dear af­fection still alive: For that Solon was Amo­rous, Solon lov'd Boys. and unable stoutly to resist the force of Beauty, we may conjecture by his Po­ems; and by a Law he forbad Slaves to perfume themselves, or love Boys, making that an honourable action, and onely fit for Gentlemen, and as it were inviting the Worthy to the practice, when he comman­ded the Unworthy to forbear. Pisistratus likewise is reported to have lov'd one Char­mus, and to have consecrated his Statue in the Academy, where those light their Tor­ches that win the sacred [...]: Solon, as Ermippus writes, when his Father had ruin'd his Estate in doing benefits and kindnesses to other men, though he had Friends enough that were willing to con­tribute to his relief, yet he was asham'd to be beholding to others, since he was descen­ded [Page 277] from a Family who were accustomed to doe kindnesses rather than receive them. He therefore apply'd himself to Merchan­dise; Solon turns Merchant. though others assure us that Solon tra­vel'd rather to get Learning and Experience than to raise an Estate: 'tis certain that he was a lover of Wisedom, for when he was old he would say, ‘I grow old still learning many things.’ But he was no admirer of Riches, esteeming those equally wealthy

And in another place,

Now 'tis no shame for a prudent man and a good Citizen not to be solicitous about su­perfluities, or to look after competent ne­cessaries. In his time (according to Hesiod) a Trade was not dishonourable, nor did it [Page 278] debase the quality of the professours; but Merchandise was a worthy Calling, which brought home the good things which the barbarous Nations enjoy'd, was the occasi­on of friendship with their Kings, and mo­ther of Experience. Some Merchants have built great Cities, as the Founder of Massi­lia, that man so much esteem'd by the Gauls that live about the Rhone: some al­so report that Thales and Hyppocrates the Mathematician traded; and that Plato de­fray'd the charges of his Travels by selling Oil in Aegypt. Now Solon's softness and profuseness, his discourse of pleasures in his Poems, too loose for a Philosopher, were occasion'd by his trading life; for having suffer'd a thousand dangers, 'twas fit they should be recompenc'd with pleasure and enjoyments: but that he accounted himself rather poor than rich is evident from these lines;

At first he us'd his Poetry onely in trifles, Solon a Poet. in vain humours, and to pass away his idle hours: but afterwards his Numbers con­tein'd [Page 279] moral Sentences, and many transac­tions of the Commonwealth, which he did not write for the bare sake of the History; but to apologize for his own actions, and sometimes to correct, chastise and stir up the Athenians to noble performances. Some report that he design'd to put his Laws in­to a Poem, and began it thus,

Of moral Philosophy, as most of the then Learned one­ly Politicks. wise men, he chiefly esteemed Politicks; in Physicks he was very rude and illiterate, as appears by this,

And indeed 'tis probable, that at that time Thales onely had rais'd wisedom above prac­tice into speculation; and the other six were call'd wise from their prudence in Politick concerns. Fame delivers that they had an [Page 280] enterview at Delphos, and another at Co­rinth, The meeting of the wise Men. by the procurement of Periander, who made provision for their entertain­ment: but their reputation was chiefly rai­sed Of the Tripod sent to the wise Men. by sending the Tripod to them all, and their modest refusal, and complaisant yiel­ding to one another: For (as the story goes) some of the Coans fishing with a Net, some strangers, Milesians, bought the draught at a venture; the Net brought up a golden Tripod, which (they say) Helen at her re­turn from Troy, upon the remembrance of an old prophecy, threw in there. Now the strangers at first contesting with the Fishers about the Tripod, and the Cities espousing the quarrel so far as to engage themselves in a War; Apollo decided the Controversie, by commanding to present it to the wisest Man: and first it was sent to Miletum to Thales, the Coans freely pre­senting him with that for which they fought all the Milesians, but Thales declaring Bias the wiser person, it was sent to him; from him to another; and so going round them all, it came to Thales a second time; and at last, being carried from Miletum to Thebes, it was there dedicated to Apollo Ismenius. Theophrastus writes, that it was first pre­sented to Bias at Priene; and next to Thales at Miletum; and so through all it returned to Bias, and was afterwards sent to Delphos. [Page 281] This is a general report, onely some instead of a Tripod say this present was a Cup sent by Croesus; others a piece of Plate that one Buthocles had left. 'Tis reported that A­nacharsis Anacharsis and Solon acquainted. and Solon, and Solon and Thales were familiarly acquainted, and some have deliver'd parts of their discourse: For (they say) Anacharsis coming to Athens, knock'd at Solon's Door, and told him, That he being a stranger was come to be his Guest, and contract a Friendship with him: and Solon replying, 'Tis better to seek Friends at home, Anacharsis return'd, Then you that are at home take me as a Guest and as a Friend: Solon somewhat surprised at the briskness of that Repartee, receiv'd him kindly, and kept him some time with him, whilst he was managing the Commonwealth, and contriving his Laws; which when Anachar­sis understood, he laught at him, for ima­gining the Citizens unruly desires and affec­tions could be restrain'd by these Laws, which were like Spider's Webs, and would catch, 'tis true, the weak and poor, but Anacharsis's saying of Laws. are easily broken by the mighty and rich. To this Solon return'd, Men keep their pro­mises when neither side can get any thing by the breaking of them; and he would so fit his Laws to the Citizens, that all should understand 'twas more eligible to be just and obey, than act contrary to the com­mand. [Page 282] But the event rather agreed with the conjecture of Anacharsis, than Solon's hope. Anacharsis, being one time at the Assembly, said, he wondred much that in Anacharsis saying of the Grecian Assemblies. Greece the Wise men should propose causes, and Fools determine.

When Solon came to Thales at Miletum, Solon and Thales ac­quainted. he wondred that Thales took no care to get him a Wife and Children. To this Thales made no answer for the present, but a few days after dealt with a stranger to pretend that he came from Athens ten days ago; and Solon enquiring what news there, the man, according to his instructions, reply'd, None, but concerning a young man's Fune­ral which the whole City celebrated; for he was (as the story went) the Son of an honourable Man, and the most vertuous of his Citizens; who was not then at home, but had been travelling a long time. Solon reply'd what a miserable man is he! but what was his name? I have heard it, says the Man, but have now forgotten it, one­ly there was a great talk of his Wisedom and his Justice. Thus Solon was drawn Thales con­cerning Mar­riage. on by every answer, and his fears height­ned, till at last, being extremely concern'd, he mention'd his own name, and ask't the stranger if that young man was not call'd Solon's Son; and the stranger assenting, he began to beat his head, and to doe and speak [Page 283] all those things which usually come from men in so great a passion: But Thales held him, and with a smile said, These things, Solon, keep me from Marriage and getting Chil­dren, which are too great for your courage and your constancy to support; however be not concern'd at the report, for 'tis a Fiction. This Ermippus delivers from Pataecus, who boasted that he had Aesop's Soul. But 'tis We should seek conve­niencies though we must once lose them. weak and absurd not to seek conveniencies for fear of loosing them, for upon the same account, we should neither love Wealth, Glory, nor Wisedom, since we may fear to be depriv'd of all these: nay, even Vertue it self, than which there is no greater, nor more desirable possession, is often lost by Sickness or Enchantments: Now Thales, though unmarried, could not be free from solicitude, unless he likewise took no care of his Friends, his Kinsmen, or his Country; nay (as History delivers) he adopted Cu­bisthus his Sister's Son. For the Soul, ha­ving a principle of kindness in it self, and being born to love, as well as perceive, think or remember, inclines, and fixes up­on some stranger, when she hath none of her own to embrace. And as when an E­state wants a lawfull Heir, strangers or Ba­stards endeavour to win the kind possessour, and when they have once gotten his affecti­on, his care and tenderness encreaseth with [Page 284] his love; insomuch that some men that are rigid against the Marriage-bed, and slight the fruit of it, when their Servant's or Har­lot's Boy is sick or dies, are almost kill'd with grief, and miserably lament. Some have very meanly, and below the dignity of a Man mourn'd for the loss of a Dog, or Horse; others upon the death of vertuous Children, have not been concern'd, nor guilty of a mean action; but pass'd the rest of their lives like men, and according to the principles of reason. For 'tis not bene­volence, but weakness that prompts a Man to continual grief, and makes those fear whom Reason hath not arm'd against For­tune, insomuch that they cannot enjoy the thing that they desire, the fear of losing it still vexing, and bringing constant racks and torments to their minds. Now we must not provide against the loss of Wealth, by Poverty; or of Friends, by refusing all acquaintance; or of Children, by getting none, but by Morality and Reason: But of this too much.

Now when the Athenians were tired with a tedious and difficult War, that they ma­naged against the Megarensians for the Island Salamis; and made a Law that it should be death for any man, by writing or speaking, to assert that the City ought to endeavour to recover it: Solon, vext at the [Page 285] disgrace, and perceiving thousands of the youth wish'd for some body to begin, but did not dare to stir first for fear of the Law; he counterfeited a distraction, and Solon coun­terfeits him­self mad. by his own Family it was spread abroad the City that he was mad: he secretly compos'd an Elegy, and, getting it by heart that it might seem extempore, he ran out into the Market-place with a Cap upon his Head, and, the people gathering about him, got up upon the standing of the Cryer, and sang that Elegy which begins thus,

That Poem is call'd Salamis, it contains an hundred Verses, and elegantly written: now whilst he sang, his Friends commen­ded it, and especially Pisistratus, who ex­horted the Citizens to obey his directions; insomuch that they recall'd the Law, and renew'd the War under Solon's conduct. The common report is, that with Pisistra­tus he sail'd to Coliada, and finding the Women, according to the custom of the Country there, sacrificing to Ceres, he sent a trusty Friend to Salamis, who should pre­tend Solon re­takes Sala­mis. himself a Renegade, and advise them, if they desired to seize the chief Athenian Women, to make all sail to Colias: the Me­garensians [Page 286] presently man'd a Ship, and Solon seeing it put off from the Island, comman­ded the Women to be gone, and some beard­less youths dress'd in their Garments, their Shoes and Mitres, and privately arm'd with Daggers, to dance and wanton near the shore, till the Enemies had landed, and the Ship was in their power. Things being thus ordered, the Megarensians were allur'd with the appearance, and, coming near, leap'd eager upon their prey, so that not one of them escaped, and the Athenians presently set Sail for the Island, and took it. Others deliver that it was not taken this way, but that he first received this Oracle from Delphos,

And that Solon sailing by night to the Island, sacrific'd to the Heroes Periphemus and Ci­chris, and then taking 500 Athenians Vo­luntiers, (a Law having pass'd that those that took the Island should be chiefest in the Government) with a number of Fisher Boats, and one great Ship, he anchored in a Bay of Salamis that looks towards Euboea: and the Megarensians that were then in the Island being alarm'd by an uncertain report, [Page 287] in great disorder betook themselves to their Arms; and sent a Ship to discover the Ene­mies. This Ship Solon took, and securing the Megarensians, man'd it with Athenians, and gave them orders to sail to the Island with as much privacy as possible; and he with the other Souldiers march'd against the Megarensians by Land. Now whilst they were fighting, those from the Ship took the City, and this relation is confirm'd by the following solemnity; for an Athe­nian Ship at first sail'd silently to the Island, then, with noise and a great shout, one leaps out arm'd, and with a strong cry runs to the Promontory Sciradium, to meet those that approach upon the Land; and just by there stands a Temple, which Solon dedi­cated to Mars; for he beat the Megarensi­ans, and as many as were not kill'd in the Battel he sent away upon Articles: but the Megarensians still contending, and both sides having received considerable losses, they chose the Spartans for Arbitrators: Now many affirm that Homers authority did Solon a considerable kindness, and that he having inserted a line into the Catalogue of Ships, read these Verses when the mat­ter was to be determined.

[Page 288] The Athenians account this but an idle story, and report, that Solon made it ap­pear to the Judges, that Philaeus and Eury­saces, the Sons of Ajax, being made free of Athens, gave them the Island; and that one of them dwelt at Buron in Attica, the other at Melite; and that the Tribe of the Phi­leides, from which Pisistratus was descen­ded, receiv'd its name from this Philaeus. A further argument against the Megarensi­ans is taken from the dead Bodies, which are not buried after their fashion, but ac­cording to the Athenian: for the Megaren­sians turn the Carcase to the East, the A­thenians to the West (but Hereas the Me­garensian denies this, and affirms that they likewise turn the Body to the West) and that the Athenians have a Sepulchre for every Body, but the Megarensians put two or three into one: and farther they report, that some of Apollo's Oracles, where he calls Salamis Ionia, made much for Solon. This matter was determined by five Spartans, Critolaides, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas, A­naxilas and Cleomenes. For this Solon grew fam'd, and powerfull; but his advice to Solon's Re­ligion. revenge the God at Delphos, to assist him, and not suffer the Cirrheans to profane the Oracle, got him most repute among the Grecians: for upon his perswasion, the Amphyctiones undertook the War, as a­mongst [Page 289] others, Aristotle affirms in his Trea­tise of the Victors at the Pythian Games, where he makes Solon the Authour of this Counsel: Solon was not General in that Expedition, as Ermippus delivers out of E­vanthes the Samian, for Aeschines the Ora­tour says no such thing, and in the Com­mentary of the Delphian affairs Alcmaeon, not Solon is declared Leader.

Now the Cylonian villany had a long while disturb'd the Commonwealth, even from that time when Megacles the Archon perswaded the conspiratours with Cylon that took sanctuary in Minerva's Temple, to stand to a fair trial; and they tying a thred to the Image, and holding one end of it, went down to the Tribunal: but when they came to the Temple of the Fu­ries, the thred brake of its own accord, up­on which, as if the Goddess had refus'd them protection, they were seiz'd by Megacles, and the other Magistrates: as many as were without the Temples were stoned, those that fled for sanctuary were butchered at the Altar, and onely those escaped who made their application to the Wives of the Magistrates. But from that time they were call'd execrable, and hated. The remain­der of this Faction grew strong again, and had continual quarrels with the Family of Megacles; now when the quarrel was at [Page 290] height, and the People divided, Solon being then in reputation with the chiefest of the Athenians interpos'd; and by intreaty and admonition perswaded the Execrable to submit to a trial, and the determination of three hundred noble Citizens: Myron, the Son of Phlyeus, being their accuser they lost the cause, and as many as were then alive were banished, and the Carcases of the dead were dug up, and scattered beyond the confines of the Country. In the midst of these distractions, the Megarensians fal­ling upon them, they lost Nisaea and Sala­mis again: besides the City was disturb'd with superstitious fears, and strange appea­rances; and the Priests declar'd that the Sa­crifices intimated some villanies and pollu­tions that were to be expiated: upon this they sent for Epimenides Phaestius from Crete, Epimenides the Cretan. who is counted the seventh wise man by those that will not admit Periander into the number: He seems to be a pious man, skil­full in the method of Expiations and the rites of Religion; and therefore the men of his Age call'd him the new Curetes, and Son of the Nymph Balte: when he came to Athens, and grew acquainted with So­lon, he settled many things in order to his Laws: He made them decent in their wor­ship, abated their mourning, by ordering some Sacrifices presently after the Funeral; [Page 291] and taking off those severe and barbarous Ceremonies which the Women usually practised: but the greatest benefit was his cleansing the City, by certain propitiatory and expiatory lustrations; and by that means making them more pliable to justice, and more ready to be united. 'Tis repor­ted that looking upon Munychia, and con­sidering a while, he said to those that stood by, How blind is man in future things! for did the Athenians foresee what mischief this would doe their City, they would e'en eat it to be free; and some report that Tha­les made the like conjecture, for he com­manded his Friends to bury him in an ob­scure and contemn'd quarter of Milesia, say­ing that should once be the Forum of the Milesians: Epimenides being much admi­red, and presented by the City with rich gifts, and considerable honours, requested but one branch of the sacred Olive, and that being granted he return'd.

The Athenians now free from the Cylo­nian The Atheni­ans quarrel about the Go­vernment. sedition, and the execrable banish'd, fell into their old quarrels about the Go­vernment; there being as many different parties, as there were divisions in the City; The Higher quarter favoured Democracy, the Lower Oligarchy, and those that liv'd toward the Sea, stood for a mixt sort of Government, and so hindred either of the [Page 292] other parties from prevailing: At the same time also the Poor quarrelling with the Rich about the inequality of Estates, the City seem'd in a desperate condition and to be freed from its disturbances and settled by a Tyranny alone: for all the People were indebted to the Rich; and either they manur'd their Grounds, paying them six parts of the encrease, and were therefore call'd Hectemorii and Thetes: or else they engaged their Body for the debt, and might be seized by their Creditours; so some of them were made Slaves at home, others sold to strangers; some (for no Law forbad it) were forc'd to sell their Children, or run their Country to avoid the cruelty of their Creditours; but the most and stoutest of the People rose, and exhorted one ano­ther to stand to it to chuse a Leader, to de­stroy the savage exactours, divide the Land, and change the Government. Then the wisest of the Athenians perceiving Solon had least practised those exactions; that he had not sided with the Rich, and was not indeb­ted with the Poor, prest him to assist the Com­monwealth and compose the differences: Though Phanias the Lesbian affirms that Solon quiets the Sedition. Solon, to save his Country, put a trick up­on both parties, and privately promised the Poor a division of the Lands, and the Rich security for their Debts: Solon was un­willing [Page 293] to meddle at first, being afraid of the pride of one party and the greediness of the other; but he was chosen Archon with Philombrotus, and impower'd to be an Ar­bitrator and settle Laws; the Rich consen­ting because he was wealthy, the Poor be­cause he was honest: There is a saying of his before the Election, that Equality never breeds War, and this pleas'd both parties, the Wealthy and the Poor; the one expec­ting this Equality in Dignity and Power, the other in Riches and Estate. Thus there being great hopes on both sides, the chief men prest Solon to take the Government in­to his own hands, and when he was once settled manage the business roundly and ac­cording to his pleasure: and many of the Commons, perceiving it would be a diffi­cult change to be effected by Law and Rea­son, were willing to have one wise and just man set over the Affairs: and some say that Solon had this Oracle from Apollo

But chiefly his Familiars chid him for dis­affecting Solon refu­ses to be a Monarch. Monarchy onely for its name, as if the vertue of the Ruler could not make it a lawfull Form: That this Euboea had ex­perimented who chose Tunondas, and My­tilene [Page 294] who took Pittacus for their Prince: yet this could not shake Solon's resolution, but (as they say) he reply'd to his Friends, 'Tis true a Tyranny is a very fair spot, but it hath no way to go out at: and in a Co­py of Verses to Phocus he writes,

From which 'tis manifest that he was a man of great reputation before he gave his Laws. The several jeers that were put upon him for refusing the Power, he delivers in these words:

Thus he makes the Many and the Rascals speak of him. Yet though he refus'd the Government he was not too remiss in the [Page 295] Affairs, he did not appear mean and crou­ching Solon's good behaviour. to the powerfull; nor made his Laws to pleasure those that chose him; for where 'twas well before he apply'd no remedy, nor altered any thing, for fear lest unset­tling, and bringing the Commonwealth into a confusion, he should be too weak to new model and raise it to a tolerable con­dition; but what he thought he could ef­fect by perswasion upon the pliable, and by force upon the stubborn, that he did; joy­ning (as he himself speaks) force and justice; and therefore when he was afterwards ask'd if he had left the Athenians the best Laws that could be given, he reply'd, I have e­stablished the best They could receive. The way which the Athenians use to take off from the badness of the thing, by giving it a good and innocent appellation, as for a Whore a Mistress; for Taxes Rates; for Garrisons Guards; for Prisons Houses of Custody; seem'd at first to be Solon's con­trivance, who nam'd this taking off the Peoples Debts Seisacthia, a throwing off a Burthen: for the first thing which he set­tled Solon frees the People from their Debts. was that what Debts remain'd should be forgiven, and no man for the future should engage his Body for a sum of Money: Though some (as Androtion) affirm that the Debts were not taken off; but the use onely lessened, which so pleas'd the People, [Page 296] that they nam'd that kindness Seisacthia, together with the enlarging their Measures, and encreasing the value of their Money; for he made a Pound which before contain'd but seventy three Drachms, to contain an hundred, so that though the number of pieces in the payment was equal, the value was less; which prov'd a considerable be­nefit to those that were to discharge great Debts, and no loss to the Creditours: But most agree that 'twas the taking off the Debts that was call'd Seisacthia, which is confirm'd by some places in his Poem, where he glories that he had remov'd the Tyes from their Estates, that heretofore they were Slaves now Free, that some which were seiz'd for their Debts he had brought back from other Countries, where by the length of their exile they had for­gotten their Mother Tongue, and some he had set at liberty which were in cruel sla­very at home. When he was designing this, a very unlucky thing hapned; for when he had resolv'd to take off the Debts, and was thinking on a good way and fit beginning for the action, he told some of his Friends, Conon, Clinias and Hipponicus, in whom he had a great deal of confidence, that he would not meddle with the Lands, but onely free the People from their Debts; they using the advantage, took up vast sums [Page 297] of Money and purchased some large Farms, and when the Law was enacted they kept the Possessions, and would not return the Money; which brought Solon into a great suspicion and dislike, as if he himself had not been abus'd, but was concern'd in the contrivance: but he presently stop'd this suspicion by releasing his Debtours of five Talents (for he had lent so much) accor­ding to the Law: others, as Goluzelus the Rhodian, say fifteen, but his Friends were ever afterward called Chreocopidoe. In this he pleas'd neither Party, for the Rich were angry for their Money, and the Poor that the Land was not divided, and (as Lycur­gus ordered in his Commonwealth) all le­vell'd to one degree. He 'tis true being the Eleventh from Hercules, and having reign'd many years in Lacedaemon had gotten a The diffe­rence between Solon and Lycurgus. great reputation, power and Friends which he could use in modelling his State; and applying force more than perswasion inso­much that he lost his eye in the scuffle, brought about the most effectual means to preserve and unite a State by not permitting any to be Poor or Rich in his Commonwealth. But Solon could not rise to that by his Polity, yet he acted to the height of his power, ha­ving nothing but the good will and good opinion of his Citizens to rely on: And that he offended most that look'd for ano­ther [Page 298] posture of Affairs, he declares in these words:

But in a little time being sensible of the Solon entru­sted with all the power. profit, they laid by their grudges, made a publick Sacrifice, calling it Seisacthia, and chose Solon to new model and make Laws for the Commonwealth: They gave him power over all their Magistracies, their As­semblies, Courts, Senates; that he should appoint the Number, Times of meeting, and what Estate they must have that could be capable of these: and dissolve or continue any of the present Constitutions according to his pleasure. First then he repeal'd all He repeals Draco's Laws. Draco's Laws, except those concerning Murther, because they were too severe, and their punishments too great; for Death was appointed for almost all offences, insomuch that those that were convicted of Idleness Draco's Laws. were to dye, and those that stole a Cab­bage, or an Apple to suffer as the Villains that committed Sacrilege or Murther: And therefore Demades is famous for saying that [Page 299] Draco's Laws were not writ with Ink but Bloud: and he himself being once ask'd, Why he made Death the punishment of most offences? reply'd, Small ones deserve that, and I have no higher for the greater Crimes. Next, Solon being willing to con­tinue Solon's mo­del of his Common­wealth. the Magistracy in the hands of the rich Men, and yet receive the People into the other part of the Government, he took an account of the Citizens Estates, and those that were worth five hundred Measures of Wet and Dry he plac'd in the first rank, calling them Pentacosiomedimnoi; those that could keep an Horse, or were worth three hundred Measures, were nam'd Hippada te­lountes, and made the second Class; the Zeu­gitae that had two hundred Measures were in the third; and all the others were call'd Thetes, who were not admitted to any Of­fice, but could come to the Assembly, and give their Voices: which at first seem'd no­thing, but afterwards appear'd a conside­rable privilege; for most of the Controver­sies came to their hearing, because in all matters that were under the cognizance of the other Magistrates there lay an appeal to that Assembly. Beside 'tis said that he was obscure and ambiguous in the wor­ding of his Laws, on purpose to encrease the honour of his Courts; for since their differences could not be adjusted by the [Page 300] Letter; they were to bring all their Causes to the Judges, who were as Masters, and interpreters of the Laws: and of this Equa­lity he himself makes mention in this man­ner;

And for the greater security of the weak Commons, he gave all liberty to enter an Action against another for an injury; so Solon's Laws about Inju­ries. that if one was beaten, maim'd or suf­fer'd any violence, any man that would, and was able, might prosecute the injuri­ous: intending by this to accustom the Ci­tizens like members of the same Body, to resent and be sensible of one anothers inju­ries, and there is a saying of his agreeable to this Law, for being ask'd what City was best modell'd? That, says he, where those that are not injur'd equally prosecute the unjust with those that are: when he had constituted the Areopagus of the yearly Ma­gistrates, He institutes the Areopa­gus. of which he himself, being Archon, was a member; still observing that the People, now free from their Debts, grew [Page 301] proud and imperious; he settled another Court of four hundred, a hundred out of The Court of 400. each of the four Tribes, which were to in­spect all matters before they were to be propounded to the People; and to take care that nothing but what had been diligently examin'd, should be brought before the ge­neral Assembly: The upper Council he made inspectours and keepers of the Laws, supposing that the Commonwealth held by these two Councils, as by firm Anchors, would be less liable to be tost by tumults, and the People be more at quiet: Thus most deliver that Solon instituted the Areo­pagus, which seems to be confirm'd, because Draco makes no mention of the Areopagites, but in all capital Causes applies himself to the Ephetae: Yet Solon's thirteenth Table contains the eighth Law, set down in these words: ‘Whoever before Solon's Archon­ship were disgrac'd let them be restor'd, except those that being condemn'd by the Areopagites, Ephetae, or the Kings for Murther, or designs against the Govern­ment, had fled their Country when this Law was made:’ and these words seem to shew that the Areopagus was before So­lon's Laws, for who could be condemn'd by that Council before his time, if he was the first that instituted the Court? unless, which is probable, there is some defect and [Page 302] obscurity in this Table, and it should run thus, Those that are convicted of such of­fences as belong to the cognizance of the Areopagites, Ephetae, or the Prytanes, when this Law was made, should remain still in disgrace whilst others are restor'd: and this was his meaning. Amongst his other The Law a­gainst Neu­ters in a Tumult. Laws, that is very peculiar, and surprising, which makes all those infamous who stand Neuters in a Sedition; for it seems, he would not have any one insensible and re­gardless of the Publick, and, securing his private affairs, glory that he had no feeling of the distempers of his Country: but pre­sently joyn with the good party and those that had the right upon their side, assist, and venture with them, rather than shift out of harms way and watch who would get the better. But that seems an absurd The Law a­bout Hier­esses. and foolish Law, which permits an Hieress, if her lawfull Husband prove impotent, to lye with his nearest Kinsman: yet some say, this Law was well contriv'd against those, who, conscious of their own inabi­lity, yet, for the sake of the portion, would match with Hieresses, and make use of Law to put a violence upon Nature; for now since she can lye with whom she please, they must either abstain from such Marria­ges or continue them with disgrace, and suffer for their covetousness and design'd [Page 303] affront: besides 'tis well done to confine her to her Husband's nearest Kinsman, that the Children may be of the same Family; and agreeable to this is the Law that the Bride and Bridegroom shall be shut into a Cham­ber, and eat a Quince together, and that her Husband is oblig'd to go in to such an Heiress thrice a Month, for though he gets no Children, yet 'tis an honour and due af­fection which an Husband ought to pay to a vertuous chaste Wife; it takes off all pet­ty differences, and will not permit their little quarrels to proceed to a rupture.

In all other Marriages he forbad Dowries Concerning other Mar­riages. to be given, the Wife was to have three suits of Clothes, a little inconsiderable Houshold-stuff, and that was all: for he would not have Marriages contracted for gain, or an Estate, but for pure Love, kind Affection, and to get Children. Dionysius, when his Mother advis'd him to marry one of his Citizens, Indeed, says he, by my Tyranny I have broken my Country's Laws, but cannot put a violence upon those of Nature by an unseasonable Marriage. Such disorder is never to be suffer'd in a Commonwealth, nor such unseasonable and unperforming Marriages, which neither at­tain their due end, nor fruit: but any pro­vident Governour or Law-giver might say to an old Man that takes a young Wife, [Page 304] what is spoken to Philoctetes in the Trage­dy; Poor Wretch, in what a fit condition art thou to be married! and if he finds a young Man with a rich old Woman, like a Partridge growing fat upon the duty, re­move him to a Virgin that needs a Husband; and of this enough.

Another commendable Law of Solon's is Not to speak evil of the Dead. that which forbids men to speak evil of the Dead; for 'tis pious to think them sacred, and just not to meddle with those that are gone, and politick to prevent the perpetui­ty of discord: He likewise forbad them to speak evil of the Living in the Temple, be­fore the Tribunal, in the Court, or at the Games; or else to pay three Drachmas to the private person, and two to the publick; for never to be able to rule passion shews a weak nature, and ill-breeding: and always to moderate it, is very hard, and to some impossible: Now the matter of Laws must be possible if the maker designs to punish few in order to their amendment, and not many to no purpose.

He is likewise much commended for his Concerning Wills. Law concerning Wills, for before none could be made; but all the wealth and E­state of the deceased belonged to his Fami­ly: but he permitted them, if they had no Children, to bestow it on whom they plea­sed; esteeming Friendship a stronger Tye [Page 305] than Kindred, and Affection than Necessity; and thus made every man's Estate in the disposal of the possessour: yet he allow'd not all sorts of Legacies, but those onely which were not extorted by the phrenzy of a Disease, charms, imprisonment, force, or the perswasions of his Wife; with good reason thinking it all one between deceit and necessity, flattery or compulsion, since both are equally powerfull to perswade a man from Reason.

He regulated the Walks, Feasts, and Laws concer­ning Women. Mourning of the Women; and took away every thing that was either unbecoming or immodest: when they walk'd abroad no more than three Coats were allow'd them; a half penny-worth of meat and drink, nor a Basket above a cubit high; and at night they were not to stir but in a Chariot; with a Torch before them. The Mourners Concerning Mourning. tearing themselves to raise pity, and their lamentations at Strangers Funerals he for­bad. To offer an Ox at the Grave was not permitted; nor to bury above three Gar­ments with the Body, or visit the Tombs of any besides their own Family, unless at the very Funeral; most of which are like­wise forbidden by our Laws, but this is farther added in ours, that those that are convicted of extravagance in their Mour­nings, are to be punished as soft and ef­feminate [Page 306] by the Censors of the Women.

He observing the City was fill'd with Solon institu­teth Trades. persons that flock'd from all parts into At­tica, for security of living, and that most of the Country was barren and unfruitfull; and the Traders at Sea imported nothing to those that could give them no exchange: he brought his Citizens to Trade; and made a Law, that no Son should be oblig'd to relieve his Father, who had not bred him up to any Calling. 'Tis true, Lycur­gus The diffe­rence between Lycurgus and Solon. having a City free from all Strangers, and enough, or (according to Euripides) sufficient for twice so many; and abun­dance of Labourers about Sparta, who should not be kept idle, but be broken with continual toil and work, he did well to take off his Citizens from Trades laborious and mechanical, and keep them to their Arms, and teach them onely the Art of War. But Solon fitting his Laws according to the state of Things, and not ordering Things according to his Laws, and finding the ground scarce rich enough to maintain the Farmers, and altogether unable to feed the lazy multitude; he brought Trades into credit, and ordered the Areopagites to ex­amine how every man got his living, and chastise the idle: But that Law was more Law about the Sons of Harlots. rigid which (as Heraclides Ponticus deli­vers) declar'd the Sons of Harlots not o­blig'd [Page 307] to relieve their Fathers, for he that will not marry doth not take a Woman for Children, but for pleasure, and thus hath his just reward, having no pretence to upbraid his Children, to whom he hath made their very Birth a scandal and re­proach. But in short, many of Solon's Laws Solon's Laws about Women. about Women are absurd; for he permitted any one to kill an Adulterer that found him in the Act; if any one forc'd a free Woman, an hundred Drachma's was the Fine; if he entic'd her, twenty; except those that tra­ded for a price, I mean common Whores; for they go openly to those that hire them. He made it unlawfull to sell a Daughter, or a Sister, unless, being yet unmarried, she was found wanton with a Man. Now 'tis irrational to punish the same Crime sometimes very severely and without re­morse, and sometimes very lightly and as 'twere in sport, with a trivial Fine, unless there being little Money then in Athens, that scarcity made those Mulcts the more grievous punishment. The value of Sacri­fices must be one Sheep, and a Drachma for a Bushel. The Victor in the Isthmian The scarcity of Money. Games was to have for reward an hundred Drachma's. The Conquerour in the Olym­an five hundred. He that caught a Dog Wolf, five Drachma's, he that kill'd a Bitch, one: the former sum (as Demetrius Phale­reus [Page 308] asserts) was the value of an Ox, the latter of a Sheep: but those prices which in his sixteenth Table he sets on the choice Sacrifices were certainly far greater, for else they are very little in comparison of the present. The Athenians, their Fields Whence the Athenian Tribes call'd. being better for Pasture than Corn, were from the beginning great enemies to Wolves; and some affirm their Tribes did not take their names from the Sons of Javan, but from the different sorts of Occupation that they followed; the Souldiers were call'd Hoplitae, the Crafts-men Ergatae; and of the remaining two, the Farmers, Georgi, and the Shepherds and Grasiers Aigicorae. Besides, since the Country hath but few Solon's Law about Wells. Rivers, Lakes, or large Springs, and many us'd Wells which they had dug; there was a Law made that where there was a publick Well within a Hippicon (that is four Fur­longs) all should draw at that; but when it was farther off they might provide a pri­vate Well: and if they had dug ten fathom deep and could find no Water they had li­berty to fetch ten Gallons a day from their neighbours: for he thought it prudent to make provision against want but not en­courage laziness. Besides, he shew'd his Laws concer­ning Planting and other things. skill in the orders about planting, for any one that would plant another Tree, was not to set it within five foot of his neigh­bour's [Page 309] Field; but if a Fig or an Olive, not within nine: for their Roots spread farther, nor can they be planted near all sorts of Trees without damage, for they draw a­way the nourishment, and hurt some by their venomous effluviums. He that would dig a Pit or a Ditch, was to dig it at as far a distance from his neighbour's Ground as it was deep: and he that would raise stocks of Bees, was not to raise them within three hundred feet of those which another had al­ready rais'd: He permitted onely Oil to be exported, and those that did export any other Fruit, the Archon was solemnly to curse; or else pay himself an hundred Drachma's: and this Law was written in his first Table, and therefore let none think those liars that affirm, the exportation of Figs was heretofore unlawfull; and the In­former against the Delinquents call'd a Sy­cophant. Besides he made a Law concer­ning Laws about hurtfull Beasts. hurts and injuries from Beasts, in which he commands the Master of any Dog that bit a Man, to hang him in a Chain of four Cubits; and this was a good device for mens security. The Law concerning Law about naturalizing Strangers. naturalizing Strangers is severe, for he per­mitted onely those to be made Free of A­thens, who were in perpetual exile from their own Country, or came with their whole Family to trade there: and this he [Page 310] did, not to discourage Strangers, but rather invite them, by making them secure of the privileges of that Government: and besides he thought they would prove the more faith­full Citizens, who had been forc'd from their own Country, or voluntarily forsook it.

But the Law concerning publick Enter­tainments was peculiarly Solon's, for if any Law about publick Feasts. man came often, or if he that was invited refus'd, they were punished; for he conclu­ded that one was greedy, the other a con­temner of the publick: All his Laws he e­stablished for an hundred years, and writ them in wooden Tables nam'd Axonas, which might be turn'd round in oblong ca­ses; some of their relicks may be now seen in the common Hall at Athens. These (as Aristotle affirms) are called Cyrbes, and Cratinus the Comedian, somewhere spea­king of Draco and Solon, says, in those Cyr­bes they now parch Pease. But some say those are properly Cyrbes, which contain the Laws concerning Sacrifices and the Rites of Religion: and all the others Axones. The Senate all jointly swore to confirm the Laws, and every one of the Thesmothetae vow'd at the Cross in the Market-place, that if he brake any of the Statutes, he would dedicate a golden Statue, as big as himself, at Delphos. Now observing the irregularity Solon regu­lates the Months. of the Months, and that the Moon did not [Page 311] always rise and set with the Sun; but often in the same day overtake and go before him, he ordered the day should be nam'd [...], the Old and New; attributing that part of it which was before the con­junction to the Old Moon, and the rest to the New. He being the first it seems that understood that Verse of Homer, ‘ [...].’ The following day he call'd the New Moon, after the twentieth he added no day, but coun­ting backward, according to the decreasing Phases of the Moon he reckon'd up to thirty.

Now when these Laws were enacted, Solon leaves Athens. and some came to Solon every day, either to commend or dispraise them, and advise, if possible, to leave out, or put in some­thing: and many were curious, and desi­red him to explain, and tell the meaning of such and such a passage, and he know­ing that not to doe it was disobliging, and to doe it would get him ill will; and desi­rous to bring himself out of all straits, and take off all reasons of suspicion from those that sought them: for 'tis a hard thing (as he himself says) in great affairs to please every body: he pretended himself Master of a Ship, and having obtain'd leave for ten years absence, he departed: for he hoped by that time his Laws would be customary [Page 312] and familiar: his first Voyage was for Aegypt, Solon in Aegypt. and he liv'd (as he himself says) ‘Near Nilus mouth, by fair Canopus shore.’ He spent some time in study with Pseno­phis of Hierapolis and Sonchis the Saite, the most famous of all the Priests; from whom (as Plato says) getting some know­ledge of the Atlantick Island, he put it in­to a Poem, and endeavoured to bring it in­to credit among the Grecians: from thence he sail'd to Cyprus, where he was made Solon in Cyprus. much on by Philocyprus one of the Kings there, who had a small City built by De­mophoon Theseus's Son, near the River Cla­rius, in a strong place, 'tis true, but barren and uneasie of access. Solon perswaded him, since there lay a fair plain below, to remove, and build a more pleasant and greater City: And he there present took care to get inha­bitants, and fitted it both for defence and convenience of living: insomuch that many Subjects flock'd to Philocyprus, and the other Kings imitated the design; and therefore to honour Solon, he call'd the City Solos, which was formerly nam'd Apeia: and Solon him­self in his Elegies speaking to Philocyprus, mentions this Foundation in these words;

That Solon should discourse with Croesus, Solon with Croesus. some think not agreeable with Chronology; but I cannot reject so credible a relation, and so well attested, and (what is more) so agreeable to Solon's temper, so worthy his wisedom and greatness of mind, because forsooth it doth not agree with some Chro­nological Canons, which thousands have endeavoured to regulate, and yet to this day could never bring the differing opinions to any agreement. And therefore they say Solon coming to Croesus at his request, was in the same condition, as an inland Man when first he goes to see the Sea; for as he fansies every River he meets with to be the Ocean, so Solon, as he pass'd through the Court, and saw a great many Nobles richly dress'd, and proudly attended with a multi­tude of Guards and Footboys, thought every one had been the King, till he was brought to Croesus, who was deck'd with all the orna­ments of Jewels, Purple and Embroidery; all that could make him fine, and admired, that he might appear the most glorious and gau­dy spectacle. Now when Solon came before him, and seem'd not at all surpris'd, nor [Page 314] gave Croesus those complements he expec­ted; but shew'd himself to all discerning eyes, to be a Man that despised such gaudy vanities; he commanded them to shew him all his Wealth, though he did not desire to see it, and all his warlike preparations: now when he return'd from viewing all this, Croesus ask'd him if ever he had seen an happier Man than he was? and when Solon answered he knew one Tellus a Citi­zen of his, and told him that this Tellus was an honest man, had good Children, a competent Estate, and dy'd bravely for his Country; Croesus took him for an ill bred fellow, and a fool, for not measuring hap­piness by the abundance of Gold and Sil­ver; and preferring the life and death of a private and mean Man, before so much power and such an Empire: he ask'd him again if besides Tellus, he knew any other Man more happy? and Solon replying yes, Cleobis and Bito, who were Brothers, were very loving and extreme dutifull to their Mother; for when the Oxen went but slow, they put themselves into the Wag­gon, and drew their Mother to Juno's Tem­ple, who was extremely pleas'd with their action, and call'd happy by her neighbours; and then sacrificing, and feasting, they ne­ver rose again, but died without pains or convulsions immediately after they had got­ten [Page 315] so great credit and reputation. What, says Croesus angry, and dost not thou rec­kon us amongst the happy men? and Solon, unwilling either to flatter, or exasperate him more, reply'd; The Gods, O King, in other things have given the Greeks no­thing great and excellent, so our wisedom is bold, and mean, and low, not noble and Kingly; and this observing the numerous misfortunes that attend all conditions, for­bids us to grow insolent upon our present enjoyments, or to admire any man's happi­ness that may change, for what variety will happen is unknown; but to whom God hath continued happiness unto the end, that Man we call happy; but his happiness that is yet alive, is like the glory and crown of a Wrestler that is still within the ring, un­steady, and uncertain: after this he was dis­miss'd, having griev'd, but not instructed Croesus. But Aesop, he that writ the Fa­bles, Solon's dis­course with Aesop. (being then at Sardis, upon Croesus his invitation, and very much esteem'd) was concern'd that Solon was so meanly treated, and gave him this advice: Solon, let your visits to Kings be as seldom, or as pleasant as you can: and Solon reply'd, No faith, but let them be as seldom, or as pro­fitable as you can. Then indeed Croesus despis'd Solon, but when he was overcome by Cyrus, had lost his City, was taken alive, [Page 316] condemn'd to be burnt, and laid bound up­on the Pile before all the Persians and Cy­rus himself; he cry'd out as loud as possibly he could three times, O Solon, and Cyrus surpris'd, and sending some to enquire, what Man, or God this Solon was, that he onely invok'd in this unavoidable misfor­tune? Croesus told him the whole story, saying he was one of the wise men of Greece, whom I sent for, not to be instruc­ted, or to learn any thing that I wanted, but that he should see, and be a witness of my happiness: the loss of which is now a greater evil, than the enjoyment was a good; for when I had them they were goods onely in Opinion, but now the loss of them hath brought upon me intolerable and real evils; and that man conjecturing these present calamities would happen, bad me look to the end of my life, and not rely and grow proud upon uncertainties. When this was told Cyrus, who was a wiser man than Croesus, and seeing in the present ex­ample that Solon's saying was confirm'd: he not onely freed Croesus from punishment, but honour'd him as long as he lived; and Solon had the glory by the same saying to instruct one King, and save another.

When Solon was gone, the Citizens began to quarrel; Lycurgus headed the lower quar­ter, Megacles the Son of Alcmaeon those that [Page 317] liv'd towards the Sea, and Pisistratus the upper quarter, in which were the meanest people (the Thetes) and greatest enemies to the rich: insomuch that though the City yet us'd their Laws, yet all look'd for, and desir'd a change of Government, ho­ping the change would be better for them, and put them above the contrary Faction. Affairs standing thus, Solon return'd and Solon returns to Athens. was reverenced by all and honoured: but his old age would not permit him to be as active, and speak in the publick, as for­merly; but privately discoursing with the heads of the Factions, he endeavoured to compose the differences: Pisistratus still appearing the most tractable; for he was a sweet and taking man in his discourse, a friend to the poor, and very little given to enmity or passion, and what his nature had not given, custom and imitation taught; therefore he was trusted more than the o­thers, being accounted a prudent moderate Man, one that lov'd equality, and would be an enemy to him that strove against the present settlement, rather than undermine it himself; for which his fair carriage he deceiv'd the people. But Solon presently discovered him, and found out his design, yet did not hate him upon this, but endea­voured to humble him, and bring him off from his ambition, and often told him, and [Page 318] others, that if any one would take away his aspiring thoughts, and desire of Empire, none would make a more vertuous Man, or a more excellent Citizen. Thespis at this Tragedies begun. time beginning to act Tragedies, and the thing, because 'twas new, taking very much with the multitude; for 'twas not yet a mat­ter of strife and contention; Solon, being by nature a lover of learning, and now in his old age living idle, sporting and cheering himself with Musick and a glass of Wine, went to see Thespis himself (as the ancient custom was) act; and after the Play was done, he discours'd him, and ask'd him if he was not asham'd to tell so many lies be­fore such a company; and Thespis replying, 'Tis no harm to say or doe so in jest and merriment; Solon vehemently striking his staff against the ground, Ay, says he, if we honour and commend such Merriment as this, we shall find it will creep into our se­rious affairs. Now when Pisistratus, ha­ving Pisistratus gets the Government. wounded himself, was brought into the Market-place in a Chariot, and stirred up the People, as if he had been thus dealt with for his affection to the Govern­ment, and a great many were enraged, and cry'd out: Solon, coming close to him, said, Pisistratus, you do not imitate Ʋlysses well; for you cut your self to bring your Citi­zens into a tumult, but he to deceive his [Page 319] enemies: Then presently the People would defend Pisistratus, and gathered into an As­sembly; where one Ariston making a mo­tion that they should allow Pisistratus fifty Club-men for a Guard to his person, Solon oppos'd it, and talk'd a great deal such as he hath left us in his Poems, ‘You doat upon his words and taking phrase.’ And again,

But observing the poor men an-end to gra­tifie Pisistratus, and tumultuous; and the rich fearfull, and getting out of harms way, he departed; saying he was wiser than some, and stouter than others: wiser than those that did not understand the design, stouter than those that, though they understood it, were afraid to oppose the Tyranny. Now the People having past the Law, were not exact with Pisistratus about the number of his Club-men, but took no notice of it, though he listed and kept as many as he would, till he seiz'd the Castle: when that was done, and the City in an uproar, Me­gacles with all of his Family streight fled: but Solon, though he was now very old, [Page 320] and had none to back him; yet came into the Market-place, and made a speech to his Citizens, sometimes blaming their inad­vertency and meanness of spirit, sometimes passionately exhorting them, not thus tame­ly to lose their Liberty; and likewise then spoke that memorable saying, that before 'twas an easier task to have stop'd the ri­sing Tyranny, but now the greater and more glorious action to destroy it, when it was begun already, and had gathered strength. But all being afraid to side with him, he return'd home, and taking his Arms he brought them out, and laid them in the Porch before his Door, with these words: To the utmost of my power I have striven for my Country and my Laws, and then he busied himself no more: His Friends advising him to fly, he refus'd, but writ a Poem, and thus rattled the Athenians,

[Page 321] And many telling him that the Tyrant would have his Head for this, and asking to what he trusted that he ventur'd to speak so boldly, he reply'd, my old Age. But Pisistratus, having gotten the command, so honoured Solon, obliged and kindly enter­tained him, that Solon gave him his advice, and approv'd many of his actions: for he kept many of Solon's Laws, observed them himself, and compelled his Friends to obey. And he himself, though then in power, be­ing accus'd of Murther before the Areopa­gus, came quietly to clear himself, but his accuser let fall the Indictment. And he added other Laws, one of which is, that the maim'd in the Wars should be main­tain'd at the publick charge; this Heracli­des Ponticus delivers, and that Pisistratus followed Solon's example in this, who had before determin'd it in the case of one Ther­sippus that was maim'd: and Theophrastus asserts, that 'twas Pisistratus, not Solon that made that Law against Laziness, which was the reason that the Country was bet­ter manur'd, and the City not so clogg'd with Inhabitants. Now Solon having be­gun The Atlantick Islands. a great Work in Verse, the relation or Fable of the Atlantick Islands, which he had learn'd from the wise Men in Sais, and was convenient for the Athenians to know, grew weary of it; not (as Plato [Page 322] says) by reason of his multitude of business, but his age, and being discourag'd at the greatness of the task; for these Verses te­stifie that he had leisure enough, ‘Now I grow old, yet still I learn,’ And again,

But Plato willing to improve the story of the Islands, as if 'twere a fair Estate that wanted an Heir, and descended to him; makes them stately Entrances, noble En­closures, large Courts, such as no Essay, no Fable, no Fiction ever had before; but be­ginning it late, he ended his Life before his Work; and so the Readers trouble for the unfinish'd part is the greater, as the satis­faction he takes in that which is compleat is extraordinary: for as the City of Athens left onely the Temple of Jupiter Olympius, unfinish'd, so Plato, amongst all his excel­lent Works, left this onely Piece about the Atlantick Islands imperfect: Solon liv'd af­ter Pisistratus seiz'd the Government (as Heraclides Ponticus asserts) a long time; [Page 323] but Phanias the Ephesian says, not full two Solon's Death. years; for Pisistratus began his Tyranny when Comias was Archon; and Phanias says Solon dy'd under Hegestratus, who succee­ded Comias. Now the story that his Ashes were scatter'd about the Island Salamis, is too absur'd to be believ'd, or be any thing but a mere Fable; and yet 'tis written by many considerable men; and Aristotle the Philosopher.

NOW Solon making such a Figure, to him we compare Poplicola, which later Title the Roman peo­ple entail'd upon his merit, as a noble ac­cess to his former name Publius Valerius. He descended from Valerius, a man amongst Valerius's extraction, whence. our ancestours, reputed the principal recon­ciler of the differences betwixt Roman and Sabine, and one that with the greatest suc­cess perswaded their Kings to assent there­unto, [Page 326] and from a state of hostility compos'd them into a friendly union. To this man Publius Valerius owing his Birth (as they write) whilst Rome remain'd under its King­ly Government, obtain'd a name as great from his eloquence as his riches; the one courteously employing in a liberal distribu­tion to the poor, the other generously in the service of justice, as thereby assuring, should the Government fall into a Repub­lick, he would become a chief state in the Community. It happen'd afterwards, that the unjust and illegal aspiring of Tarquinius The usurpa­tion of Tar­quinius Su­perbus. Superbus to the Crown, with his making it instead of Kingly rule the instrument of in­solence and tyranny; mov'd the people in­to an hatred and regret of his reign, inso­much that from the death of Lucretia (she [...] sacrificing her own life to the vengeance of his violence) they took an occasion of re­volt. And L. Brutus fitting things for a change, aided with the conduct of Valeri­us depos'd the Kings. And whilst the peo­ple inclin'd towards the electing one Lea­der instead of their King, Valerius acqui­esc'd in this, that to rule was rather Bru­tus's due as the Authour of the Democracy. But the name of Monarchy growing odious to the people, and to live under a divided power carrying a complacency in the pro­spect, they chose two to the managery [Page 327] thereof; which put Valerius in hopes that with Brutus he might be elected Consul, but was disappointed; for instead of Vale­rius, Valerius dis­appointed of the Consul­ship. notwithstanding the endeavours of Brutus, Tarquinius Collatinus was chosen, the Husband of Lucretia, a man no ways more vertuous than Valerius. But the No­bles, dreading the return of their Kings, who still us'd all endeavours abroad and so­licitations at home, were resolv'd upon a Chieftain of an intense hatred to them, and no ways indulging to their interest.

Now Valerius was troubled, that his ser­vice for his Country should be suspected to be misemployed, because he sustained no private injury from the insolence of the Tyrants, withdrew himself from the Senate, His private retirement. and practice of the Bar, quitting all publick concerns: which gave an occasion of dis­course and fear too; lest, through malice reconcil'd to the King's side, he should prove the ruine of the State tottering as yet under the uncertainties of a change. But Brutus being jealous of some others, determin'd to give the Test to the Senate upon the Al­tars: upon the day appointed Valerius came with cheerfulness into the Forum, and was the first man that protested neither to con­tribute to, or promote Tarquin's designs, but rigorously to maintain his liberty, which gave great satisfaction to the Senate [Page 328] and assurance to the Consuls, his actions soon after shewing the sincerity of his Oath. For Ambassadours came from Tarquin, with Letters affecting a populacy, and full of in­sinuating [...] expressions, whereby they thought to wheedle the people, assuring them, the King had cast off all insolence, and made moderation the onely measure of his desires. To this Embassy the Consuls thought fit to give publick audience: but Valerius op­pos'd [...] it, and would not permit, that to the poorer sort, who entertain'd the fear of a War with more reluctancy than Tyranny, any occasion should be offer'd, or any temp­tations to new designs. Afterwards other Ambassadours arriv'd, who declar'd their King would recede from his Crown, and lay down his Arms onely capitulating for a restitution to himself, to his Friends and Al­lies of their Moneys and Estates to support their banishment. Now several inclining Brutus's publick zeal. to this motion, and Collatinus favouring the request, Brutus, a person of a fierce and passionate nature, rush'd into the Forum, [...] there proclaiming his fellow-Consul to be a Traitour, in granting Subsidies to Tyranny and Ammunition for a War, when 'twere cruelty to relieve the necessities of their flight. This caus'd an Assembly of the Ci­tizens, amongst whom the first that spake was Gaius Minutius, a private man, who [Page 329] advis'd Brutus, and persuaded the Romans to take care that those Goods remaining in their hands, might be employ'd against the Tyrants rather, than being remitted to the Tyrants, be return'd against themselves: Yet however 'twas the Romans opinion, that whilst they enjoy'd the liberty they had fought for, not to reject Articles of Peace for the sakes of their Goods, but to throw them out after them. This regard of the Goods was the least part of Tarquin's design, yet the demand sounded the hu­mours of the people, and became a prepa­ratory A Conspiracy secretly con­triv'd by Tarquin's Agents. to a Conspiracy; which the Ambas­sadours endeavour'd through the delay of their return, under pretence of selling some of the Goods and reserving others to be sent away, till such time as they corrupted two of the eminentest Families in Rome, three Senatours of the Aquilian, and two of the Vitellian Family, all of them by the Mo­ther's side being Nephews to Collatinus; besides Brutus had a peculiar alliance to the Vitellians from his marriage with their Si­ster, by whom he had several Children; whereof two the Vitellians, whom near­ness of bloud and education had endear'd each to other, decoy'd into an associa­tion of their Treason, assuring them with­all, should they interess themselves in Tar­quin's Family, and the Kings Party, they [Page 330] would be freed from the dotage and auste­rity of their Father (whose irreconcilement to offenders they term'd austerity, and his dotage was a pretext and plea to the Ty­rants for his security, which occasioned the continuance of that sirname.) When upon these inducements the Youths came to dis­course the Aquilians, all thought it conve­nient to oblige themselves in a solemn and dreadfull Oath, with the ceremony of drin­king [...] A horrid con­firmation of Treason. the bloud of a murther'd man, and touching his entrails. To which design they resorted to the habitation of the Aqui­lians, where was an House allotted for this transaction, (as happen'd) darksome and de­solate; for the domestick Vindicius made no appearance, but there absconded himself, not out of design or any intelligence of the affair, but accidentally being within, and seeing with how much haste and concern they came in, was afraid to be discover'd, but plac'd himself behind a Chest, so as he [...] might observe their actions and over-hear their debates. The result was to kill the Consuls, and they wrote Letters to Tarquin advertising the same, and entrusted them in the hands of the Ambassadours lodging then at the Aquilians, and were present at the Consult.

Upon their departure thence Vindicius crept out of his obscurity, but not under­standing [Page 331] how to manage the business, was at a stand; for to arraign the Sons before the Father Brutus, or the Nephews to the Un­cle Collatinus seem'd equally (as 'twas in­deed) a scene of horrour; yet knew no pri­vate Roman, to whom he could entrust se­crets [...] of such importance, and yet could not suffer to be buried in silence, what his con­science engag'd him to reveal; and there­fore Valerius made ac­quainted with the Conspiracy. address'd himself to Valerius, the gene­rosity of the man and civility inviting thereto, being a person to whom the needy had easie access, and never shut his Gates against the petitions or the indigences of a low estate: but when Vindicius had made a total discovery to him, his Brother Mar­cus and his own Wife being present at the relation, Valerius was struck with amaze­ment, and by no means would dismiss the Discoverer, but confin'd him to his own His prudent managery thereof. House, and plac'd his Wife as a guard to the Gatessending his Brother in the interim to beset the King's Palace, and to seize, if possible, their Letters, and secure the do­mesticks; whilst he, with his constant at­tendance of Clients and Friends, and a great retinue of Servants, repair'd to the House of the Aquilians, who were absent from home, and, forcing an entrance through the Gates, happen'd upon the Letters then lying in the Lodgings of the Ambassadours; [Page 332] whilst things were in this motion, the A­quilians made an hasty return, and muste­ring themselves about the Gate, endea­vour'd a recovery of the Letters: The o­ther Party made a resistance, who casting their Gowns about their Necks, and using violence one to the other, at length hurri­ed them with great difficulty through the Streets into the Forum. The like engage­ment happen'd about the King's Palace, where Marcus seiz'd some other Letters, de­sign'd to be convey'd away in the Goods, and laying hands on what Servants his industry could find, drag'd them also into the Forum. When the Consuls had quieted the tumult, Vindicius was brought out by the orders of Valerius, and the Accusation read, the Let­ters were opened, to which the Traitours could make no Plea. Most stood mute and dejected as sensible of the Villany, yet some, to ingratiate themselves with Brutus, men­tion'd Banishment, and the tears of Collati­nus, attended with Valerius's silence, gave some hopes of mercy: ‘But Brutus calling his two Sons by their names, Canst thou The impar­tial procee­ding of Bru­tus. (said he) O Titus, nor thou Valerius make no defence against the Indictment;’ ‘the question being thrice propos'd, and no re­turn made to Brutus, he turn'd himself to the Lictors, and cry'd, What remains is His severe Sentence. your duty.’ The Lictors presently seiz'd the [Page 333] Youths, and stripping them of their Gar­ments, bound their hands behind them, and tore their Bodies with scourges, which seem'd too tragical a Scene to be gaz'd up­on; yet 'tis observable, Brutus made it the object of his choice, and would not suffer the least glance of pity to soften and smooth his wonted rigour and austerity, but reso­lutely made his eyes attend the execution, even whilst the Lictors extending them on the ground, with an Ax cut off their Heads; then he departed, committing the rest to the judgment of his Collegue. This was an action equally as capable of commenda­tion as reproof, for either the greatness of his vertue rais'd him above the impressions of sorrow, or the extravagancy of his mi­sery took away all sense of it: but neither seem'd common or the result of his huma­nity, but either proceeded from a divine efficacy or a brutish stupidity, yet 'tis more [...] reasonable we award it to his honour, lest through the weakness of the Judge his ver­tue should hazard a disrepute, for in the Romans opinion Brutus labour'd more to reduce and settle the Government, than Romulus to found the City.

Upon Brutus's departure out of the Fo­rum, a consternation, horrour and silence for some time possess'd all, that reflected on what was done: besides, the easiness and [Page 334] forbearance of Collatinus gave confidence to the Aquilians to request some time to an­swer their Charge, and that Vindicius their Servant should be remitted into their hands, and no longer harbour'd amongst their Ac­cusers. The Consul seem'd inclin'd to their motion, and thereupon dissolv'd the As­sembly; but Valerius would not suffer Vin­dicius to depart, who was encircled with the Rabble, nor the people to withdraw without censuring the Traitours; at length laid violent hands upon the Aquilii, and calling Brutus to his assistence, exclaim'd against the unreasonable proceedings of Collatinus, to impose upon his Collegue the necessity of taking away the lives of his own [...] Sons, and yet have thoughts of gratifying some Women with the lives of Traitours and enemies to their Country. Collatinus at this displeas'd, and commanding Vindi­cius to be taken away, the Lictors dispers'd the Rabble, and seiz'd their Man, and beat off whosoever endeavour'd a rescue. But Valerius's Friends withstood the seisure, and the people cry'd out for Brutus, who returning, and silence being made, assur'd them he had shew'd himself a severe ani­madverter upon his own Sons, and there­fore left the rest to the suffrages of the free Citizens, allowing every man to speak his pleasure, and gain the people over to his [Page 335] persuasion. But there was no need of Ora­tory, for it being referr'd to the Vote, they were return'd condemn'd by all the suffra­ges, and were accordingly beheaded.

When Collatinus saw his alliance to the Collatinus resigns his Consulship. Kings had render'd him suspicious, and his name had made him odious to the people, who abominated the name of Tarquin, and perceiving himself as an offence to every one, relinquish'd his Charge and departed the City. The Court being call'd, in his Valerius de­clared Con­sul. room Valerius honourably obtain'd the Consulship as a just reward of his good will; of which he thought Vindicius de­serv'd a share, whom he made Denizon of Rome, and gave him the privilege of vo­ting in what Tribe soever he was pleas'd to be enroll'd: (which liberty in voting, Appius a long time after, out of a popular design, granted to other Libertines) and from this Vindicius, a perfect Manumission, is call'd to this day Vindicta. This done, [...] the Goods of the Kings are expos'd to plun­der, and the Palace to ruine; The pleasant [...] Campus Martius, which Tarquin enjoy'd, was devoted to the service of that God; but happening to be harvest season, and the Sheaves yet lodging on the ground, they thought it not reasonable to commit them to the Flail, or unsanctifie them with any use, and therefore carrying them to the [Page 336] River side, and Trees withall, that were cut down, they cast all into the Water, and dedicated a sluggish and fruitless Soil to the The dedica­tion of the Campus Martius. Deity. Now these thrown in one upon a­nother, and closing together, the stream did not bear them far, but being carry'd down together and sinking to the bottom, there gain'd a settlement, and finding no farther a conveyance, but there stop'd and interwoven one with another, the stream work'd the mass into a firmness, and wash'd down mudd, which settling there, became an accession of matter as well as cement to the rubbish; insomuch that the violence of the Waves could not remove it, but forc'd all things to it, and then with a gentle pres­sure clos'd it together, which by reason of their bulk and solidity gaining new subsi­dies, and the neighbouring space receiving what the stream brought down, at last grew into an Island, call'd Insula Sacra, lying by the City, adorn'd with the Temples of the Gods and consecrated Walks, call'd in the Latin Tongue inter duos pontes. Though [...] some say, this happened not at the dedica­tion of Tarquin's Field, but in after times, when Tarquinia, a Vestal Priestess, gave the adjacent Field to the publick, and for that obtain'd great honours, as amongst the rest, that of all Women her testimony alone should find credit and acceptance, and had [Page 337] the liberty to marry, but refus'd it, and thus some write it happened.

But Tarquin, despairing of a return to his Kingdom by the Conspiracy, found a kind reception amongst the Tuscans, who with a great Army lead him out into the Field; the Consuls headed the Romans against them, and made their rendezvouse in the holy places, the one call'd the Arsian Grove, the other the Aesuvian Meadow: when they came to charge, Aruns, the Son of Tar­quin, [...] The single en­gagement of Aruns with Brutus. and Brutus, the Roman Consul, not incidentally encountring each other, but out of a malicious rage (the one to avenge Tyranny and enmity to his Country, the other his Banishment) set Spurs to their Horses, and engaging with fury instead of reason, grew unmindfull of their own se­curity, and so fell together in the combat. This so dreadfull an onset hardly ensur'd a more favourable end; but both Armies do­ing and receiving equal damage were di­verted by a Storm. Now Valerius was much concern'd, not knowing the success of the day; and seeing his men as well dif­mayed at the sight of their own dead, as reviv'd at the loss of the enemy, so un­discernible alike had the greatness of the slaughter made the appearance, that each side upon a review of their remains adjudg'd [...] to themselves rather a defeat, than from the [Page 338] estimate each made of his enemy, a Victory. The night being come, (and such as one may presume must follow such a Battel) and the Armies laid to rest, they write the Grove shook and murmured a Voice, saying, [...] that the Tuscans lost one man more than the Romans, which was esteem'd as an Oracle, and the Romans presently enter­tain'd it with shouts and expressions of joy: whilst the Tuscans through fear and amaze­ment deserted their Tents, and were much dispers'd; The Romans falling upon the re­mains, The Tuscans vanquished by the Ro­mans. which amounted to nigh five thou­sand, took them prisoners, and plunder'd the Camp: when they numbred the dead, they found on the Tuscans side eleven thou­sand and three hundred, exceeding their own loss but by one man. This Fight hap­pen'd upon the last of February, and Vale­rius triumph'd upon the Conquest, being the first Consul that adorn'd it with a Cha­riot, which fight as it appear'd magnificent, so 'twas receiv'd with a veneration free from envy, or (what some suggest) an offence to the Spectatours, neither did it savour of e­mulation or ambition, when 'twas deriv'd to after ages. The people applauded like­wise the honours he did to his Collegue, in setting forth his Obsequies with a Funeral Oration, which so pleas'd the Romans, and found so good a reception, that it became [Page 339] customary for the best men to celebrate the Funerals of great men with Speeches in their commendation, and their antiquity is affirm'd to be greater than that of Greece, unless according to the Oratour Anaxime­nes's account we acknowledge Solon to be Authour.

Yet some part of Valerius's behaviour Valerius why disesteemed by the people. gave an offence and disgust to the people, because after Brutus, whom they esteem'd as Patriot of their Liberty had not presum'd to Lord it without a Collegue, but still as­sum'd one and then another to him in his Commission; but Valerius (said they) car­rying all things by his power, seem'd not a Successour to Brutus, having no deference to the Consulship, but an aim to Tarquin's Tyranny; and notwithstanding his verbal Harangues to Brutus's memory, yet when he was attended with all the Rods and Axes, and came from an House as stately as that he demolish'd of the Kings, those actions shew'd him an imitatour of Tarquin; be­sides his dwelling House call'd Velia was more magnificent, which hanging over the [...] Forum, overlook'd all transactions there, the access to it was hard, and the return from it difficult, but to see him come down, was a stately prospect, and equall'd the ma­jesty of a King. But Valerius shew'd, how much it imported men in power and great [Page 340] Offices to give admittance to truth before flattery; for upon his Friends remonstran­ces, that he displeas'd the people, conten­ded not, neither resented it, but that very night sending for Carpenters pulled down Valerius de­molisheth his stately House. his House and levell'd it with the ground; so that in the morning the people flocking thither saw the ruines, they lov'd and ad­mir'd the generosity of the man, and de­plor'd the Consul's loss, who wanting an [...] House, was forc'd to seek a foreign habita­tion; and wish'd a repair of so much beauty and magnificence, as to one, to whom ma­lice had unjustly procur'd the ruine. His Friends receiv'd him, till the place the peo­ple gave him was furnish'd with an House, though less stately than his own, where now stands the Temple call'd Vicus Pub­licus.

He resolv'd to render the Government as well as himself, instead of terrible, familiar and pleasant to the people, and parted the Axes from the Rods, and always upon his entrance into the Assembly, with an hum­ble submission vail'd them to the people, as restoring thereby the excellency of a Common­wealth, [...] and this the Consuls observe to this day. But the humility of the man, which the people thought real, was but a device, to abate their envy by this moderation, for as much as he detracted from his liberty, so [Page 341] much he advanc'd in his power, the people still submitting with satisfaction, which they express'd by calling him Poplicola, i. e. a popular man, which name had the [...] preheminence of the rest, and therefore in the sequel of this History we shall use no other. He gave free leave to any to sue for the Consulship, but before the admittance of a Collegue, mistrusting futurity, lest the emulation or the ignorance of him should cross his designs, by his own authority en­acted The Ordinan­ces and Laws of Poplicola. some good and noble Constitutions. First he supply'd the vacancies of the Sena­tours, which either Tarquin long before put to death, or the War lately out off; those that were registred, they write amoun­ted to one hundred threescore and four: afterwards he made several Laws, which added much to the people's liberty, as one granting offenders the liberty of appealing to the people from the censure of the Con­suls; a second, that made it death to usurp the magistracy without the peoples con­sent; a third for the relief of poor Citizens, which taking off their taxes encourag'd their labours; another against disobedience to the Consuls, which was no less popular than the rest, and rather to the benefit of the Commonalty, than to the advantage of the Nobles, for it impos'd upon disloyal­ty the penalty of ten Oxen and two Sheep, [Page 342] the price of a Sheep was ten Oboli, of an Ox an hundred. For the use of Money was Money not much in use amongst the Romans. then infrequent amongst the Romans, their wealth consisting in a plenty of Cattel, so that afterwards their Estates were call'd Peculia from Pecus, i. e. Cattel, and had [...] upon their ancient Money engrav'd an Ox, a Sheep, or an Hog; and hence sirnam'd their Sons Suilli, Bubulci, or Caprarii, (they calling Caprae, Goats, and Porci, Hoggs.) These Laws shewed the evenness and the popularity of the giver, yet amidst this mo­deration he instituted one excessive punish­ment, for he made it lawfull without accu­sation to take away any man's life that a­spir'd to a Tyranny, and acquitted the exe­cutioner, if he produc'd evidences of the crime; for though 'twas not probable, whose designs were so great, to escape all notice, yet because 'twas possible his power might prevent judgment, which the usurpation it self would then take off, gave a licence to any to prevent the Ʋsurper. He was ho­nour'd likewise for the Law touching the [...] Treasury, and because necessity engag'd the Citizens out of their Estates to contribute to the maintenance of Wars, and he being unwilling himself to be concern'd in the care of it, or to permit his Friends, or in­deed that the publick Money should be entrusted into private hands, allotted the [Page 343] Temple of Saturn for the Treasury (in which to this day they reposite the Tri­bute-money) and granted the people the liberty of chusing two young men as Que­stors, i. e. Treasurers, and the first were P. Veturius and Minucius Marcus, there be­ing [...] P. Veturius and Minuci­us Marcus first Questors in Rome. a great Sum collected, for they assess'd one hundred and thirty thousand, excusing Orphans and Widows from the payment. Affairs standing in this posture he admit­ted Lucretius, the Father of Lucretia, as his Collegue, and gave him the precedence in the Government by resigning up the Fasces, [...] i. e. Rods to him as due to his years, which humble observance to age was deriv'd to posterity. But within a few days Lucretius dy'd, and Marcus Horatius succeeded in that honour, and continu'd the remaining part of the year.

Now whilst Tarquin was making prepa­rations in Tuscany for a second War against the Romans, 'tis said a portentous accident fell out. When Tarquin was King, and ha­ving not compleated the buildings of the Capitol, he designing, whether from a Di­vine impulse or his own pleasure, to erect an earthen Chariot upon the top, entrusted the workmanship to Tuscans of the City Veies, but soon after was oblig'd to retire from his Kingdom. The Work thus mo­del'd the Tuscans set in a Furnace, but the [Page 344] Clay shew'd not those passive qualities which usually attend its nature, to subside and be condens'd upon the exhalations of the moi­sture, but rose up and swell'd to that bulk, that being consolidated and firm, notwith­standing the removal of the head and brea­king down the walls of the Furnace, it could not be taken out without much diffi­culty. The wise men look'd upon this as a Divine prognostick of success and power to those that should enjoy it, and the Tus­cans resolv'd not to deliver it to the Ro­mans who demanded it: but answer'd that it rather belong'd to Tarquin, than to those that forc'd him into exile. A few days af­ter there happen'd an Horse-race with the usual shews and solemnities, the Chariotier with his Crown on his head softly driving his victorious Chariot out of the ring, the Horses, upon no apparent occasion affrigh­ted, but either out of a Divine instigation or an accidental, hurried away their driver full speed to Rome, neither did his holding them in prevail, or his gentle soothings, but [...] with violence was forc'd along, till coming to the Capitol, was there thrown by the Gate call'd Ratumena. This occurrence rais'd wonder and fear in the Veians, who upon this permitted a delivery of the Cha­riot.

[Page 345] Now Tarquin, the Son of Demaratus, warring with the Sabines, avow'd the buil­ding of the Capitol, which Tarquinius Su­perbus, Grandson to the avower, began, yet could not dedicate it, because he lost his Kingdom before 'twas finish'd; when 'twas compleated and adjusted with all its ornaments, Poplicola had a great ambition Poplicola ambitious of dedicating the Capitol. to the dedication, but the Nobility envy'd him that honour, as well as those his pru­dence in making Laws and conduct in Wars entitled him to: and presuming he merited not the addition of this, they importun'd Horatius to sue for the dedication; and whilst Poplicola was engag'd to lead the Ar­my into the Field, voted it to Horatius, and accordingly conducted him to the Ca­pitol, assuring themselves, that were Popli­cola present, they should not have prevail'd. Yet some write, Poplicola was by lot de­stin'd against his will to the Army, the o­ther to the dedication; and what happen'd in the performance, seems to intimate some ground for this conjecture: for upon the Ides of September, which happens about the full Moon of the Month Metagitnion, the [...] people flocking to the Capitol, and silence enjoyn'd, Horatius after the performance of other Ceremonies holding the Doors, ac­cording to custom pronounc'd the words of dedication; ‘then Marcus the Brother of Po­plicola, [Page 346] who had stood for some time at the Door, observing his opportunity, cry'd, "O Consul, thy Son lies dead in the Camp, which made great impressions upon the Au­ditory, yet in no wise discompos'd Horati­us, receiving onely this reply, Then cast Horatius's undaunted reply to Marcus. the dead out whither you please, for I shall not admit of sorrow;’ and so pursu'd his dedication; this news was not true, but Marcus thought the lye might avert him from his performance. This argued him a man of an admirable constancy, whether he presently saw through the cheat, or be­liev'd it as true, shewing no discomposure in his passions. The same success attended the dedication of the Second Temple: the first is said to be built by Tarquin, and de­dicated by Horatius, which was burnt down in the civil Wars. The Second Sylla built, and dying before the dedication, be­queath'd that honour to Catulus; but when this was demolish'd in the Vitellian Sediti­on, Vespasian with somewhat like success began a Third, and saw it finish'd, but liv'd not to see its ruines, which accompany'd his death; yet surviving the dedication of his Work, seem'd more fortunate than Sylla, who dy'd before his, though immediately after his death 'twas consum'd by Fire. A Fourth was built by Domitian, and dedica­ted. 'Tis said Tarquin expended forty thou­sand [Page 347] pound of Silver in the very Foundati­ons; but the greatest treasure of any pri­vate The magnifi­cent structure of the Capitol. man in Rome would not discharge the guilding of this Temple in our days, it a­mounting to above twelve thousand Ta­lents: the Pillars were cut out of Pentelick [...] Marble, having length sutable to their thick­ness, and these we saw at Athens; but when they were cut a-new at Rome and embel­lish'd, they gain'd not so much beauty, as they lost in proportion, being render'd too [...] taper and slender. Now whosoever should admire the excellency of the Capitol, and afterwards survey a Gallery in Domitian's Palace, or an Hall, Bath, or the Apartments of his Concubines, what Epicarmus wrote of a profuse man ‘ [...].’

he might readily apply it to Domitian, Thou art neither pious or noble, onely plea­sing thy self in the itch of Building, and a desire like Midas of converting all into Gold and pretious Stones: and thus much for this matter.

[Page 348] Tarquin, after the great Battel wherein he lost his Son in an engagement with Brutus, fled to Clusius, and sought aid from Clara Porsenna, then the most powerfull Prince Porsenna espouses Tarquin's quarrel. of Italy, and a person of singular candour and generosity, who assur'd him his assi­stence, immediately sending his commands to Rome that they should receive Tarquin as their King; and upon the Romans refusal proclaim'd War, and having signified the time and place where he intended his as­fault, approach'd with a great Army. Now Poplicola in his absence was chosen Consul a second time, and Titus Lucretius his Col­legue; but returning to Rome with intenti­ons of appearing more generous than Por­senna, built the City Sigliuria when Porsen­na layt encamp'd in the neighbourhood; and walling it at great expence, there plac'd a Colony of seven hundred men, as being little concern'd at the War: but Porsenna making a sharp assault, oblig'd the defen­dants to retire to Rome, who had almost in their entrance admitted the enemy into the City, had not Poplicola by sallying out at the Gate prevented them, and joining Battel by Tiber side, oppos'd the enemy, that press'd on with their multitude; but at last sinking under his honourable wounds, was carried out of the Fight. The same fortune fell upon Lucretius, so that the Ro­mans [Page 349] being dismay'd retreated into the Ci­ty for their security, and Rome was in great hazard of being taken, the enemy making good their pursuit to the wooden Bridge, where Cocles Horatius, seconded by two The noble at­chievement of Cocles Horatius. of the eminentest men in Rome, Her­menius and Lucretius, made head against them. (This name he obtain'd from the loss of one of his Eyes in the Wars; or as others write, from the depressure of his Nose, which causing a seeming coalition of [...] his eye-brows, made both eyes appear but as one, and hence they intending to call him Cyclops, by a cadency of the Tongue, u­sually [...] call'd him Cocles. This Cocles kept the Bridge, and repuls'd the enemy, till his own party broke it down behind, and then in his Armour cast himself into the River, and swam to the hither side, being woun­ded upon his Hip with a Tuscan Spear. Poplicola admiring his courage invited the Romans every one to gratifie him with a present of as much provisions as he spent in a day, and afterwards gave him as much Land as he could encircle with a Plough in one day; besides erected a brazen Statue to his honour in the Temple of Vulcan, as a requital for the lameness he contracted from his wound. But Posenna laying close siege to the City, and a Pestilence raging amongst the Romans, besides a new Army [Page 350] of the Tuscans making incursions into the Country; Poplicola a third time chosen Consul design'd without sallying out to make [...] his defence, however privately stealing out upon the Tuscans, put them to flight, and slew five thousand. Now the History of The hazar­dous attempt of Mutius. Mutius is variously deliver'd, but this rela­tion shall follow the common reception; he was a person endow'd with every vertue, but most eminent in warfare, and resolving to kill Porsenna, attir'd himself in Tuscan Habit, and using the Language came to the Camp, and approaching the seat where the King sate amongst his Nobles, but not of a certainty knowing the King, and yet fear­full to enquire, drew out his Sword, and stab'd him, that amongst all made the like­liest appearance of being a King: Mutius was taken in the act, and whilst under exa­mination, a Pan of Fire was brought to the King, who intended to sacrifice; Mutius thrust his right hand into the flame, and whilst it burnt, beheld Porsenna with a sted­fast and undaunted countenance; Porsenna admiring the man, dismiss'd him, and re­turn'd his Sword, reaching it from his Seat: ‘Mutius receiv'd it in his left hand, which occasion'd the name of Scaevola, i. e. left­handed; and said, I have overcome the terrours of Porsenna, yet am vanquish'd by his generosity, and gratitude obliges [Page 351] me to discover, what no punishment could extort;’ and assur'd him then, that three hundred Romans, all of the same resoluti­on, lurk'd about his Camp onely waiting for an opportunity, and that he by lot de­stin'd to the enterprise, was not troubled, he miscarry'd in the success, because he was so good a man, and deserv'd rather to be a Friend to the Romans than an Enemy. To this Porsenna gave credit, and thereupon ex­press'd an inclination to a Truce, not, I pre­sume, so much out of fear of the hundred Romans, as an admiration of the Roman courage. All other Writers call this man Mutius Scaevola, yet Athenodorus Sandon in a Book wrote to Octavia Caesar's Sister, a­vers he was also call'd Opsigonus. Poplicola not so much esteeming Porsenna's enmity dangerous to Rome as his friendship and al­liance serviceable, was induc'd to refer the Controversie betwixt him and Tarquin to his Arbitration, and several times engag'd to prove Tarquin the worst of men, and justly depriv'd of his Kingdom: but Tarquin proudly reply'd, he would admit no Judge, much less Porsenna, that had revolted from his Confederacy: Porsenna resenting this Porsenna makes peace with the Romans. answer, and mistrusting the equity of his cause, together with the solicitations of his Son Aruns, who was earnest for the Ro­man interest, made a Peace on these condi­tions, [Page 352] that they should resign the Field, they had taken from the Tuscans, and restore all Prisoners, and receive their Fugitives: To confirm the Peace the Romans gave as Hostages ten of the Nobility's Sons, and as many Daughters, amongst which was Vale­ria the Daughter of Poplicola.

Upon these assurances Porsenna ceas'd from all acts of hostility, and the Virgins went down to the River to bathe, at that part where the crookedness of the Bank embracing the waters rendred it pleasant and serene; and seeing no guard or any coming or going over, were encouraged to swim over, notwithstanding the depth and the violence of the stream. Some affirm that one of them, by name Cloelia, passing over on Horse-back, persuaded the rest to follow; but upon their safe arrival coming to Poplicola, he neither admir'd or ap­prov'd their return, but was concern'd, lest he should appear less faithfull than Porsen­na, and this boldness in the Virgins should argue treachery in the Romans; so that ap­prehending [...] them, he sent them back to Porsenna. But Tarquin's men having intel­ligence thereof, laid a strong ambuscade on the other side for those that conducted them; who skirmishing together, Valeria, the Daughter of Poplicola, rush'd through the enemy and sled, and with the assistence [Page 353] of three of her retinue made good her e­scape; whilst the rest were dangerously hedg'd in by the Souldiers. Aruns Porsen­na's Son upon advertency thereof, hasten'd to their rescue, and putting the enemy to flight, deliver'd the Romans. When Por­senna Porsenna's generosity to the Daughter of Poplicola. saw the Virgins return'd, and deman­ding, who was the authour and abettour of the design, and understanding Cloelia to be the person, look'd upon her with a coun­tenance equally cheerfull and compassionate, and commanding one of his Horses to be brought sumptuously adorn'd, made her the present. This as an evidence they produce, who affirm that onely Cloelia pass'd the Ri­ver on Horseback; those who deny it, e­steem'd it onely as the honour the Tuscan did to her courage, whose Effigies on Horse­back stands in the Via Sacra as it leads to the Palatium, which some say is the Statue of Cloelia, others of Valeria. Porsenna thus reconcil'd to the Romans, oblig'd them with a fresh instance of his generosity, and com­manded his Souldiers to depart the Camp onely with their Arms, and leaving their Tents wealthy and furnish'd with provi­sions, he assigned them to the Romans. Whence it became customary upon publick sale of Goods, to cry Porsenna's first, there­by to eternize the memory of his kindness; and erected his brazen Image by the Senate-house, [Page 354] plain but of antique fashion. After­wards the Sabines making incursions upon the Romans, M. Valerius, Brother to Po­plicola, was made Consul, and with him Posthumius Tubertus. Marcus through the Marcus vic­torius over the Sabines. management of affairs by the conduct and authority of Poplicola obtain'd two great Victories, in the latter of which, he slew thirteen thousand Sabines without the loss of one Roman, and was honour'd with an House built in the Palatium at the publick charge, as an accession to his triumphs; and whereas the Doors of others Houses open'd inward into the Houses, they made this to open outward into the Street, as intimating by this privilege, that he was always ready for the publick service. The same fashion in their Doors the Greeks (they say) had of old, which appears from their Comedies, wherein those that are going out make a noise at the Door within, to give notice to those that pass by or stand near the Door, that the opening the Door into the Street might occasion no surprisal.

The year after Poplicola was made Con­sul the fourth time, when a confederacy of the Sabines and Latins threatned a War, besides a superstitious fear o'er-run the Ci­ty, arising from the Womens miscarriages [...] of mutilous births, and no conception wai­ting its due time: Poplicola upon the Sibyll's [Page 355] instructions sacrificing to Pluto, and resto­ring certain Games dedicated to Apollo, ren­dred the City cheerfull, with the assurances he had in the Gods, and then prepar'd a­gainst the menaces of men. Now there was one Appius Clausus amongst the Sabines, a Appius Clau­sus deserts the Sabine cause. man of a great Estate and strength of Body, but most eminent for the excellency of his Vertue, and the depth of his Reason, yet could not (what is usually the fate of great men) escape the envy of others, which was much occasioned from his detracting the War, and seeming to promote the Roman interest, as designing to bring them under their Yoke; and knowing how welcome these reports would be receiv'd by the ga­ping multitude, and how offensive they would be to the Army and the abettours of the War, was afraid to stand a Trial; but having a considerable assistance of Friends and Allies, rais'd a tumult amongst the Sa­bines, which delay'd the War. Neither was Poplicola wanting, not onely to under­stand the grounds of the Sedition, but to promote and encrease it, and accordingly dispatch'd Emissaries with these instructions [...] to Clausus, That Poplicola was assur'd of his goodness and justice, and thought it even in bad men unworthy, especially in him though injur'd to seek revenge upon his Citizens; yet if he pleas'd for his own [Page 356] security to leave his enemies and come to Rome, he should be receiv'd both in publick and private, with that honour his vertue deserv'd, or their grandeur requir'd. Ap­pius seriously weighing those things, which necessity propos'd as advantageous, and advi­sing [...] with his Friends, and they inviting others to the same persuasion, came to Rome with five thousand Families with their Wives and Children, being a people of a quiet and sedate temper: Poplicola adver­tis'd of their approach, receiv'd them with all the kind offices of a Friend, and enfran­chis'd them into the Community, alloting to every one two Acres of Land by the Ri­ver of Aniene, but to Clausus twenty five Clausus cho­sen Senator. Acres, and admitted him into the Senate, and made him an associate in the Govern­ment, which he so prudently manag'd, that it hasten'd his preferment, and so improv'd his greatness, that his posterity the Claudii became inferiour to no Family in Rome.

The departure of these men rendred things quiet amongst the Sabines, yet the chief of the Community would not suffer them to settle into a peace, but resented that [...] Clausus, what his presence could not at­chieve, by turning Renegade should ob­struct their revenge upon the Romans for all their injuries; and coming with a great Army, sate down before Fidenae, and plac'd [Page 357] an ambuscade of two thousand men near Rome, in the obscure and hollow places, with a design that some few Horsemen, as soon as day, should make incursions, com­manding them upon their approach to the Town, so to retreat, as to draw the enemy into the ambush; but Poplicola soon adver­tis'd of these designs by the Renegado's, dis­pos'd his Forces to their respective charges, and Posthumius Balbus his Son-in-law co­ming with three thousand men in the eve­ning was order'd to take the Hills, under which the ambush lay, there to observe their motions; and the Collegue Lucretius, attended with a Body of light and lusty men, was commanded with his Horse to assail the van-curriers of the Sabines; whilst he with another Army encompass'd the ene­my, and, accidentally a thick mist falling, Posthumius early in the morning with shouts from the Hills assail'd the ambuscade: Lu­cretius charg'd the light Horse, and Popli­cola besieg'd the Tents: so that things as­sur'd a defeat and ruine to the Sabines; The Sabines totally van­quish'd. and those that made no resistence the Ro­mans kill'd in their flight, all their hopes expiring in their own destruction; for each Army of the Sabines presuming safety in the other, both ceas'd to fight or keep their ground; the one quitting the Camp to re­tire to the Ambuscade, the Ambuscade fly­ing [Page 358] to the Camp, met those in as great need of assistence, to whom they fled in hopes of a security; but the nearness of the City Fidenae became a preservation to seve­ral of the Sabines, especially to those that upon the sacking deserted the Camp, but those that could not recover the City, ei­ther perish'd in the Field, or were taken prisoners. This Victory the Romans (though usually ascribing such success to some God) attributed to the conduct of one Captain, and 'twas observ'd to be heard amongst the Souldiers, that Poplicola had deliver'd their enemies lame and blind, onely not in chains, [...] to be dispatch'd by the Sword: besides from the Spoil and Prisoners a great wealth accru'd to the Romans. But Poplicola having ended his Triumph, and bequeathing the City to the prudence of the succeeding Consuls, soon died, Poplicola dies. whose life was led with the goodness and vertue mortality would admit: The people as not having gratify'd his deserts, when alive, but as in gratitude still oblig'd, de­creed him a publick Interrement, every one contributing his Quadrans towards the [...] charge; besides the Women by a general consent in private mourned a whole year with a sincere veneration to his memory; he was buried by the peoples desire in the Street call'd Velia, where his posterity had the honour of burial, but now none of the [Page 359] Family are there interred, but the Body is carried thither, and one places a burning Torch under it, and then immediately takes it away, as an attestation of the deceased's privilege, and his receding from his ho­nour, and then the Body is remov'd.

THE obscure Family of Themistocles gave some beginning to his honour, and made his glory shine the brigh­ter. His Father Neocles was none of the most splendid of Athens, but of the Divisi­on of Phrear, and of the Line of Leontes; and by his Mother's side, as it is reported, he was illegitimate

Yet Phanias writes that the Mother of The­mistocles was not of Thracia but of Caria, and that her name was not Abrotanon but Euterpe: and Neanthes adds further that she was of the City of Halicarnassus in Ca­ria: upon which consideration, when the Strangers, and those that were but of the half bloud, or had but one Parent an Athe­nian, were to perform their exercise at Cynosarges (a wrastling place without the Gates dedicated to Hercules, who was also under some illegitimacy, and was not one of the great immortal Gods, but had a mortal Woman for his Mother) Themisto­cles Themisto­cles's policy to ennoble his Birth. persuaded divers of the young Noble­men to accompany him, to anoint and ex­ercise themselves together at Cynosarges; in doing which, he seemed with some ingenui­ty to take away the distinction between the truly Noble and the Stranger, and between those of the whole and those of the half bloud of Athens. However it is certain that he was related to the House of Lico­medes, for Simonides reports that he rebuilt the Chapel of Phlyes belonging to that Fa­mily, [Page 369] and beautified it with Pictures and other Ornaments, after it had been burnt by the Persians.

It is confess'd by all that from his youth he was of an impetuous nature, full of spi­rit, apprehensive, and of a good understan­ding, ever resolving to undertaking great actions and manage publick affairs. The vacations and times of recreations from his studies, he spent not in play or in idleness, as other youths, but would be always inven­ting or putting in order some Oration or Declamation, the subject of which was gene­rally the excusing or accusing his compani­ons; so that his Master would often say to him, Boy, thou canst never be any thing mean or indifferent, but must at some time or other prove either a most heroick glo­rious blessing, or a most destructive plague and ruine to thy Country. He received very slowly and negligently such instructi­ons as were given him to improve his man­ners and behaviour, or to make him skil­full in any pleasure, or to teach him a gen­tile or gracefull deportment; but whatever was delivered to him to improve him in prudence, or in the management of publick affairs, he would apprehend it immediately, and understand it beyond one of his years, for in such things he confided in his own natural parts: and therefore afterwards in [Page 370] discourses of Humanity, the liberal Scien­ces, and gentile Education, being derided by those who thought themselves well skil­led therein, he was forced to defend him­self somewhat arrogantly, saying, I under­stand not how to touch a Lute or play up­on a Harp, but if a small, mean, obscure City were committed to my charge, I know well how to make it considerable, great and glorious. Yet notwithstanding this, Stesimbrotus says, that Themistocles was a hearer of Anaxagoras, and that he studied natural Philosophy under Melissus; but he must needs err in the time, for Melissus was Commander of the Samians, when Pericles made War against Samos, but Themistocles was much elder than Pericles, whereas A­naxagoras was very conversant with him. They are therefore rather to be credited, who report, that Themistocles was an ear­nest follower of Mnesiphilas, the Phrearian, who was neither Oratour nor natural Phi­losopher, but a Professour of that which was then called Wisedom, or a prudence exercised in ordering publick concerns, and an accurate understanding and judgment in affairs of State; which profession being be­gun by Solon was preserved successively as a Sect of Philosophy; but those who came afterwards, and mixed it with pleadings and disputes in Law, and transferred the practi­cal [Page 371] part of it to a mere art of speaking, and an exercise of words and terms, were gene­rally call'd Sophisters. However Themisto­cles, when he entred upon affairs of State, applied himself to Mnesiphilas.

In the first motions of his youth he was not regular nor well poised, drawing the lines of his affairs according to his own na­tural fancy, without reason or instruction; and made great alterations in his designs on the one hand and on the other; and very often determined for the worst, as he after­wards confessed, saying, Ragged Colts make the best Horses, when it comes to pass that they are well taught and managed. But those who upon this account do erroneous­ly raise reports of his being disinherited by his Father, and that his Mother died for grief of her Son's lewdness, do certainly most falsely calumniate him; and there are divers who relate to the contrary, how that to deterr him from dealing in the publick, and to let him see how the vulgar behave themselves towards their Leaders when they have at last no further use of them, his Fa­ther shewed him the old Galleys as they lay neglected and forsaken upon the Sea­shore without any care taken of them: yet it is evident, that early, even in his youn­ger years, Themistocles did most violently and with great eagerness apply himself to [Page 372] understand how to govern and to win glo­ry and honour, in which being earnest to be the first, from the very beginning he by this rashness presently created to himself the hatred of the most powerfull and chief­est in the City, but more especially of Ari­stides Aristides opposes The­mistocles. the Son of Lysimachus, who always opposed him; and yet all this great enmi­ty between them seem'd to have but a light beginning, for they both were in love with the fair Stesilaus of Teios, as Ariston the Philosopher relates: and from that time they perpetually contended with their Par­ties and Factions in the Commonwealth, not but that the disagreeableness of their lives and manners may seem to have en­creased the difference; for Aristides was of a mild nature, good and fair conditioned, and governing all things for the best with justice and security, not for glory, or the favour of the people, he was often forced to oppose Themistocles, and to stand up against the encrease of his authority who stirred up the people to many attempts and brought in great innovations; for it is said that Themistocles was so transported with the thoughts of glory, and so inflamed with the desire of performing great actions, that although he were but young when the Bat­tel of Marathon was fought against the Per­sians, and the warlike conduct of their Ge­neral [Page 373] Miltiades was every where noised a­bout, he was taken notice of to be thought­full, and to go meditating many things a­lone by himself, to pass the nights without sleep and to refuse his accustomed meetings and recreations, and to those who wondred at this change in his manner of living, and demanded the reason of it, he gave this an­swer, that the Trophies of Miltiades would not let him sleep; and when others were of opinion that the Battel of Marathon would put an end to the War, Themistocles thought that it was but the beginning of far greater Conflicts, for which he prepared himself continually, for the good of all Greece, and exercised the City as one foreseeing at a great distance what was likely to come to pass. And first of all, the Athenians being accustomed to distribute the revenue pro­ceeding Themisto­cles advises that the re­venue of the Silver Mine at Laurion should be em­ployed in buil­ding Ships. from the Silver Mine at Laurion; he was the onely man that durst propose to the people, that this distribution should cease, and that with the Money Ships should be built to make War against the Aeginetes, who were the most flourishing people in all Greece, and by the number of their Ships held the Sovereignty of the Sea: and to this Themistocles did easily persuade them, not by stirring them up against Xerxes or the Persians, who were at a great distance, and their coming was very uncertain, and at [Page 374] that time not much to be feared; but by seasonably making use of the emulation, hatred and anger of the Athenians against the Aeginetes, he induced them to these preparations. So that with this Money an hundred Ships were built, with which they afterwards fought against Xerxes; and in He causes the City to be built towards the Sea. a short time he caused them to descend, and drew the City toward the Sea, with this advantage, that those who on Land were not a fit match for their neighbours, with their Ships might be able to free them­selves from the Persians, and become rulers of Greece. So that, as Plato says, instead of making them a standing Militia, and stout Souldiers that would not give way in fight, he turned them into Mariners and Sea-men tossed about the Sea, and gave oc­casion for this reproach against him, that he took away from the Athenians the Spear and the Shield, and bound them to the Bank and the Oar. These things he performed getting the better of Miltiades, who oppo­sed him, as Stesimbrotus relates: but whe­ther or no he hereby injured the purity and exact rule of Government, let those who are more judicious determine. But that the deliverance of Greece came at that time from the Sea, and that those Galleys established the City of Athens again after it was destroyed, to omit others, Xerxes himself is a suffici­ent [Page 375] witness, who though his Land Forces were still entire, after he had been worsted at Sea, fled away; and thought himself no ways able to encounter them. And it seems to me, that he left Mardonius behind him, not out of any hopes he could have to bring them into subjection, but to hinder the Greeks from pursuing him.

Themistocles is said to be very intent up­on heaping up riches, that he might be the more liberal; (for loving to sacrifice often, and to be splendid in his entertainment of Strangers, he stood in need of a plentifull revenue) yet he is accused by others to be parsimonious and sordid to that degree, that he would sell the provision which was pre­sented him. He desired Philides, who was a breeder of Horses, to give him a Colt, and when he refused it, he threatned him that in a short time he would turn his House in­to a Horse of Wood, like the Trojan Horse, intimating thereby that he would stir up strife and contests between him and those of his own Family and Relations.

He went beyond all men in ambition and desire of honour, and when he was but young and not known in the world, he desired Epicles of Hermiona who had a ve­ry good hand at the Lute, and was much esteemed by the Athenians, to come and practise at his House, being ambitious and [Page 376] coveting to be popular, and desirous that many should enquire after him and frequent his company. When he came to the O­lympian Games, and was so splendid in his Equipage and Entertainments, in his rich Tents and Furniture, that he strove to out-doe Cimon, he displeased the Greeks, who thought that such magnificence might be allow'd of in one who was a young Gentle­man of a great Family; but a great piece of insolence in him to carry himself thus high who was an upstart and of no conside­rable Fortune. He set out a Tragedy at his own expense, and wan the Prize with his Tragedians, in those times when they pur­sued those Sports with great eagerness and ambition, and set up a Table of his Victo­ry with this inscription; ‘Themistocles the He affects popularity. Phrearian was at the charge of it, Phry­nicus made it, Adymantus had the chief Part.’ He was well beloved by the com­mon people, and he would salute every particular Citizen by his own name, and always shew himself a just Judge of Con­troversies between private men; and he said to Simonides, a Poet of Chios, who de­sired something of him, when he was Com­mander of the Army, that was not reaso­nable, Simonides, you would be no good Poet if you should go contrary to the due Measures and Rules of Poetry, nor should I [Page 377] be a good Magistrate, if for favour or af­fection I should go contrary to the Law. And at another time laughing at Simonides he told him, that he was a man of little judgment to speak against the Corinthians who were inhabitants of a great and beau­tisull City, and to have his own Picture drawn so often, having such an ill Face.

When he came to be great and had won He causes A­ristides to be banish'd. the favour of the people, he stirred up a party against Aristides that expelled him, and banished him out of the City by their publick Votes. When the King of Persia was coming down into Greece, and the A­thenians were in consultation who should be their General, and many withdrew them­selves of their own accord, being terrified with the greatness of the danger; there was one Epicydes an Oratour, Son to Euphemi­des, a Man who was powerfull in speech and of an eloquent Tongue, but of a faint Heart and a narrow Soul, a mere slave to Riches; this Man was desirous of the Com­mand, and was look'd upon to be in a fair way to carry it by the number of Votes; but Themistocles fearing that, if the Govern­ment should fall into such a man's hands, all would be lost, he bought out Epicydes; and for a good sum of Money caused him to desist from his pretensions.

[Page 378] When the King of Persia sent Messengers into Greece, with a Greek Interpreter, to demand Water and Earth as an acknow­ledgment of their subjection and obedience to him, Themistocles by the consent of the people seis'd upon the Interpreter and put him to death, for presuming to publish the Orders and Decrees of the King of Persia in the Grecian Language; and for this he was highly honoured by the Greeks, as also for what he did to Arthmius of Zelea, who for bringing Gold from the King of Persia to corrupt the Grecians, was by an Order from Themistocles degraded from all honour, and registred in the Book of infamy, he, and his Children, and his Posterity: but that which most of all redounded to his ho­nour, was that he put an end to all the Ci­vil Wars of Greece, compos'd their differen­ces, and persuaded them to lay aside all en­mity during the War with the Persians; and in this great Work Chileus the Arcadi­an was very assisting to him.

Having taken upon himself the Com­mand of the Athenian Forces, he immedi­ately endeavoured to persuade the Citizens to leave the City, and to embark them­selves upon their Galleys, and to meet with the Persians at a great distance from Greece: but many being against this, he led a great He leads an Army into Thessaly. Army joined with the Lacedemonians into [Page 379] Tempe; that in so narrow a Valley, boun­ded on each side with high Rocks, he might the more easily defend the Thessalians, who had not as yet declar'd for the King: but when they return'd without performing any thing, and that it was known that not onely the Thessalians, but all as far as Bae­otia had yielded to Xerxes; then the Athe­nians more willingly hearkned to the ad­vice of Themistocles to fight by Sea, and sent him with a Fleet to guard the Straits of Artemisium.

When the Grecian Fleets were joined, the Greeks would have the Lacedemonians to command, and Eurybiades to be their Ad­miral; but the Athenians, who surpassed all the rest in number of Vessels, would not condescend to come after any other, till Themistocles, perceiving the danger of this contest, yielded the command to Eurybia­des, and got the Athenians to submit, ex­tenuating the loss, by persuading them, that if in this War they behaved themselves like men, the Grecians for the future of their own accord would restore to them the chief command: and by this moderation of his it is evident, that he was the great Authour of the safety of Greece; and carried on the Athenians to that height of glory, that they surpassed their enemies in valour, and their friends and confederates in kindness and civility.

[Page 380] As soon as the Persian Armada arrived The great Persian Fleet comes in sight. at Aphetae, Eurybiades was astonished to see such a vast number of Vessels before him, and being informed that two hun­dred more sail'd about behind the Island of Sciathus, he immediately determined to re­tire further into Greece, and to sail back into some part of Peloponnesus, where their Land Army and their Fleet might join, for he looked upon the Persian Forces to be al­together invincible by Sea. But the Eube­ans, fearing that the Greeks would forsake them, and leave them to the mercy of the enemy, they sent Pelagon to discourse private­ly with Themistocles, and with him a good sum of Money, which he accepted, and gave it to Eurybiades, as Herodotus reports. In this affair none opposed him so much as Architeles Captain of a Galley called the Powerfull; who having not money to sup­ply his Sea-men made haste to set sail, but Themistocles so incensed the Athenians a­gainst him, that they set upon him and left him not so much as his Supper; at which Architeles was much surpris'd, and took it very ill, but Themistocles immediately sent him in a Chest a service of all provisions, and at the bottom of it a Talent of Silver, desiring him to sup for the present, and to provide for his Sea-men and Souldiers for the future, if not, he would report it amongst [Page 381] the Athenians, that he had received money from the enemy, thus Phanias the Lesbian relates it.

Though the Fights between the Grecians and the Persians in the Straits of Euboea were not so great in the whole as to make a final decision or determination of the War; yet the experience which the Greeks learnt hereby was of great advantage: for thus they effectually understood, that neither the number of Ships, their riches and orna­ments, nor their boasting shouts, nor bar­barous Songs of Victory, were any ways terrible to men that dare fight, and were resolved to come hand to hand with their enemies, these things they were to despise, and to come up close and grapple with their foes. This the Poet Pindarus took notice of, and hath not ill expressed it, speaking of the Fight at Artemisium.

For boldness is the beginning of victory. Artemisium is above the City of Estioea up­on Artemisium. the coast of Euboea which lies open to the North, but over against it is Olizon, and a Country which formerly was under Philoctetes, where there is a small Temple of Diana of the East, and Trees about it, [Page 382] which are encompassed again with Pillars of white Stone; and if you rub them with your hand they send forth both the smell and colour of Saffron: in one of the Pillars these Verses are engraved,

There is a place still to be seen upon this Shoar, where in the middle of a great heap of Sand, they take out from the bottom a dark powder like Ashes, or something that hath passed the Fire; and here they think the Shipwrecks and Bodies of the dead were burnt. But on the other side, as soon as news came from Thermopylae to Artemisium informing them that King Leonidas was slain, and that Xerxes had made himself master of all the passages by Land, they re­turned back into Greece, the Athenians having the command of the Rere, the place of ho­nour and danger, as those who by their for­mer actions had testified both their skill and courage in War.

As Themistocles sail'd along the coast he took notice of the Harbours and fit places [Page 383] for the enemies Ships to retire into, and en­graved He tempts the Ionians to for­sake the Per­sians. large Letters in such Stones as he found there by chance, as also in others which he set up on purpose near to the landing places, or where they were to wa­ter; in these inscriptions he required the Ionians to forsake the Medes, if it were pos­sible, and come over to the Greeks, who were their ancient Founders and Progeni­tours, and were now hazarding all for their liberties, but if this could not be done, then to be a hindrance and disturbance to the Persians in all their Fights. He hoped that these writings would prevail with the Ioni­ans to revolt or raise some great disorders, by causing them to be much suspected by the Persians.

Now though Xerxes had already passed through Doris, and invaded the Country of Phocis, and had burnt and destroyed the Cities of the Phocians, yet the Greeks sent them no relief; and though the Athenians earnestly desired them to oppose the Persi­ans in Boeotia, before they could come into Attica, as they themselves had given assi­stence to the Greeks by Sea at Artemisium, yet the Grecians gave no ear to their re­quest, being wholly intent upon Peloponne­sus, and resolved to gather all their Forces together within the Isthmus, and to build a Wall from Sea to Sea in that strait neck of [Page 384] Land, which parts the Saronick Bay from the Gulf of Corinth; so that the Athenians were enraged to see themselves thus betray­ed, and at the same time afflicted and dejec­ted at their being forsaken by the Greeks: to fight alone against such a numerous Ar­my was to no purpose, and this onely expe­dient was left them for the present, to leave their City, and betake themselves to their Ships; which the people were very unwil­ling to hearken to, imagining that it would signifie little to regard their own safety, or to desire victory, when they had once for­saken the Temples of their Gods, and ex­posed the Tombs and Monuments of their Ancestours to the fury of their Enemies. Themistocles being at a loss, and not able to draw the people over to his opinion by any humane reason, he set his machines on work, as in a Play, and brought in his Di­vine Revelations, wonderfull Signs, Prodi­gies, Oracles, and mystical answers of the Gods. The Dragon of Minerva kept in the inward part of the Temple near to her Sta­tue served him for a Prodigy, for Themisto­cles having gained the Priests, they gave it out to the people, that the Dragon refused to eat, that the offerings which were set before it were found untouched, that at last it disappeared, that the Goddess had left the City, and taken her flight before them [Page 385] towards the Sea. He often repeated to them the Oracle which bad them trust to Walls of Wood, shewing them that Walls of Wood could signifie nothing else but Ships, and that the Island of Salamine was not to be termed miserable or unhappy, but Apollo had given it the name of Divine, for that it should be one day very fortunate to the Greeks: at length his opinion prevail'd, and he obtain'd a Decree, that the City should be recommended to the protection of Minerva the Tutelary Goddess of the Athenians, that they who were of age to bear Arms should embark, and that all pos­sible care should be taken to save the Chil­dren, the Women, and the Slaves. This The Atheni­ans send a­way their Families to Troezena. Decree being confirmed, most of the Athe­nians removed their Parents, Wives and Children to Troezena, where they were re­ceived very courteously, and the Troezeni­ans made an Order of Council, that they should be maintained at the publick charge, distributing daily two oboli to every one, gave leave to the Children to gather Fruit where they pleased, and paid the School­masters who instructed them. This Order was made when Nicagoras was Register.

There was no publick treasure at that time in Athens: but the Senate of Areōpa­gus (as Aristotle says,) distributed to every one that was listed eight Drachms; which [Page 386] was a great help to the setting out of the Fleet, but Clidemus ascribes this to a strata­geme of Themistocles; who when the Athe­nians went down to the Haven of Piraea, said, that the shield wherein the Head of Medusa was engraven was taken away from the Statue of Minerva, and he being em­ployed to search for it, and ransacking in all places, found among their Goods great sums of Money, which he brought back for the use of the publick, and with this the Soldiers and Sea-men were well provi­ded for their Voyage.

When the whole City of Athens were go­ing The Atheni­ans embark. on Board it afforded a spectacle worthy of pity and admiration: for who would not have commiserated those who were to leave their Country, and at the same time admi­red their courage and resolution, to see them send away their Fathers and Children be­fore them, and not be moved with the cries and tears, and last embracings of their an­cient Parents and nearest Relations, when they passed over into the Island! but that which moved compassion most of all was, that many old men by reason of their great age were left behind; and even the tame domestick Animals moved some pity, run­ning about the Town, clocking, mewing, houling, as desirous to be carried along with their Masters that had nourished them: [Page 387] among which it is reported that Xantippus the Father of Pericles had a Dog that would not endure to stay behind; but leaped into the Sea, and swam along by the Galley's side, till he came to the Island of Salamine, where he fainted away and died, and that part of the Island in which he was buried is still called the Dog's Grave.

Among the great actions of Themistocles, Themisto­cles recalls Aristides from banish­ment. the return of Aristides was not the least; for before the War he was oppressed by a Faction stirred up by Themistocles, and suf­fered Banishment, but now perceiving that the people regretted the absence of this great Man; and fearing that he might go over to the Persians to revenge himself, and thereby ruine the affairs of Greece; Themi­stocles proposed a Decree, that those who were banished for a time, might return a­gain to give what assistence they could to the Grecians, both by their counsel and va­lour, with the rest of the Athenians.

Eurybiades by reason of the greatness of Sparta was Admiral of the Grecian Fleet, but yet was faint-hearted in time of danger, and willing to weigh Anchor and set Sail for the Gulf of Corinth, near which the Land Army lay encamped, but Themistocles violently opposed him, upon which happe­ned many remarkable passages, and when Eurybiades to blame his impatience told [Page 388] him, that at the Olympian Games they that rise up before the rest are lashed, The­mistocles replied, and they that are left be­hind are never crowned, Eurybiades lifting up his Staff as if he were going to strike, Themistocles minding nothing but the inte­rest of Greece, cryed, Strike if you will, but hear what I say: Eurybiades wondring much at his moderation, desired him to speak, and Themistocles hereby brought him to a bet­ter understanding of his affairs, but one who stood by him told him that it did not be­come those who had neither City nor House, nor any thing left to loose, to perswade o­thers to relinquish their habitations and for­sake their Countries; to which Themistocles gave this reply, We have indeed left our Houses and our Walls, base Fellow, not thinking it fit to become Slaves for the sake of those things that have no Life nor Soul, and yet our City is the greatest of all Greece, as consisting of two hundred Galleys which are here to defend you if you please; but if you run away and betray us as you did once before, the Greeks shall soon perceive that the Athenians will possess as fair a Country and as large and free a City as that alrea­dy lost. These expressions of Themistocles made Eurybiades suspect, that if he retrea­ted, the Athenians would fall off from him. When one of Eretria began to oppose him, [Page 389] he said, Have you any thing to say of War, that are like an [...], Loligo, Ca­lamar pesca­do, Calama­ro, a Sleeve, Calamary, or Ink-Fish. Ink-Fish? you have a Sword but no Heart. Some say that while The­mistocles was discoursing of these things up­on the Deck, there was an Owl seen flying to the right hand of the Fleet, which came and sate upon the top of the Mast, this hap­py It casts out a yellow Ink. Omen so far disposed the Greeks to fol­low his advice, that they presently prepa­red It is an exan­guious carti­laginous Fish, having no bloud, it is thought to have no Heart; and it is said to have a Sword, because it hath a Carti­lage in it, which exact­ly resembles the Blade of a Rapier. to fight; yet when the enemies Fleet was arrived at the Haven of Phaleris upon the Coast of Attica, and with the number of their Ships had shadowed all the Shore, and when they saw the King himself in person come down with his Land Army to the Sea side, with those multitudes, and all his Forces united; then the good Coun­sel of Themistocles soon vanished, and the Peloponnesians cast their eyes again towards the Isthmus, and took it very ill if any one spake against their retur­ning home, and resolving to depart that night, the Pilots had order what course to steer.

Themistocles being highly concerned that the Grecians should retire, and loose the ad­vantage of the narrow Seas and strait Pas­sages, and slip home every one to his own The strata­geme of The­mistocles to force the Greeks to fight. City, considered with himself, and contri­ved that stratageme, that was carried on by Sicinus. This Sicinus was a Persian Cap­tive, [Page 390] but a great lover of Themistocles, and Tutour to his Children: upon this occasion Themistocles sent him privately to Xerxes, commanding him to tell the King that the Admiral of the Athenians having espoused his interest, had sent early to inform him, that the Greeks were ready to make their escape, and that he counselled him to hin­der their flight, to set upon them while they were in this confusion and at a di­stance from their Land Army; and hereby he might destroy all their Forces by Sea. Xerxes was very joyfull at this message, and received it as from one who wished all things prosperous to him; and therefore im­mediately issued out instructions to the Commanders of his Ships, that they should presently set out two hundred Sail, to en­compass all the Islands, and enclose all the Straits and Passages, that none of the Greeks might escape; and to follow with the rest of their Fleet at better leisure. This being done, Aristides the Son of Lysimachus was the first man that perceived it, and went to Themistocles into his Cabbin; not out of any peculiar Friendship, for he had been formerly banished by his means, as hath been related, but to inform him how they were encompassed by their enemies. The­mistocles knowing the generosity of Aristi­des, and being much taken with his Visit [Page 391] at that time, imparted to him all that he had transacted by Sicinus, and intreated him that having great authority among the Greeks, he would now make use of it in joyning with him to induce them to stay, and fight their enemies in those narrow Seas. Aristides applauded Themistocles, and went to the other Commanders and Captains of the Galleys, and encouraged them to engage; yet they did not perfectly assent to him, till a Galley of Tenedos which revolted from the Persians, whereof Panae­tius was Commander, came into their Fleet, and confirmed the news that all the Straits and Passages were beset, and then their rage and fury as well as their necessity provoked them all to fight.

As soon as it was day Xerxes placed Xerxes pla­ces himself conveniently to see the Sea-fight. himself on high to view his Fleet, and how it was set in order. Phanodemus says he sate upon a Promontory above the Temple of Hercules, where the Coast of Attica is separated from the Island by a narrow Cha­nel; but Acestodorus writes, that it was in the confines of Megara, upon those Hills which are called the Horns, where he sate in a Chariot of Gold, with many Secreta­ries about him to describe all that was done in the Fight.

When Themistocles was about to sacrifice upon the Admiral Galley, there were three [Page 392] very beautifull Captives brought to him, well dressed and gloriously adorned with rich Vests and Gold, said to be the Chil­dren of Autarctus and Sandauce Sister to Xerxes; as soon as the Prophet Euphranti­des saw them, and observed that at the same time the Fire blazed out from the Offerings and cast forth a more than ordinary bright Flame, and that one sneezed to the right, which portended some fortunate event, he took Themistocles by the hand, and ordered that the three Children should be consecrated and purified for Sacrifice, and offered up as a Vow for Victory to Bacchus the Devou­rer, for hereby the Greeks should not onely save themselves, but also obtain Victory. Themistocles was much disturbed at this strange and terrible Prophecy, but the com­mon Three Chil­dren sacrifi­ced before the Fight. people who in the most difficult con­flicts and greatest exigencies hope for relief by absurd and extravagant means, rather than by any reasonable way, calling upon Bacchus with one voice, led the Captives to the Altar, and compelled him to perform the Sacrifice, as the Prophet had comman­ded. This is reported by Phanias the Les­bian a great Philosopher and Historian. As to the number of the enemies Ships, the Poet Aeschylus writes in a Tragedy called the Persians, That to his own knowledge Xerxes had a thousand Ships, of which two [Page 393] hundred and seven were extraordinary good Sailers. The Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every Ship eighteen men fought upon the Deck, four of which were Archers and the rest well armed.

As Themistocles had possessed the most advantageous place, so with no less consi­deration he chose the best time of fighting; for he would not set the Stemms of his Galleys against the Persians, nor begin the Fight till the time of day was come, when there constantly rises a blustring wind from without the Bay, which brings in with it a great Sea, and makes rough Water in the Chanel; this was no inconvenience to the Grecian Ships, which were low built and strong, but so far hurtfull to the Persians, which had high Sterns and lofty Decks, were heavy, and could not easily tack, nor feel the Rudder, that it overset them, or laid their sides bare to the Grecians, who fiercely assaulted them, strictly obeying the orders of Themistocles, who well understood what was most for their advantage: and when Ariamenes Admiral to Xerxes, a good Ariamenes Admiral to Xerxes. man, and by far the bravest and worthiest of the King's Brothers, made towards The­mistocles, and having a great Ship, threw Darts, and shot forth Arrows, as from the Walls of a Castle; Amenias the Decelian, and Sosicles the Pedian, who sailed in the [Page 394] same Vessel bore in and attacked him, and both Ships meeting Stemme to Stemme and striking together, their sharp Stemmes ar­med with Brass, pierced through one ano­thers Ships, so that they were fastned to­gether; when Ariamenes attempting to board them, Amenias and Sosicles ran at him with their Pikes and thrust him into the Sea, his Body as it floated amongst o­ther Shipwrecks was known by Artemisia and carried to Xerxes. It is reported that A Flame in the Air and strange Sounds and Voices heard during the Fight. in the middle of the Fight a great Flame shined bright in the Air above the City of Eleusis, and that Sounds and Voices were heard through all the plain of Thriasia as far as the Sea, sounding like a number of men that were going to celebrate the Mysteries of Bacchus, and that a mist seemed to rise from the place from whence this sound came, and passing forward fell upon the Galleys. Others affirmed that they saw Apparitions and Spirits in the shape of armed Men which reached out their hands from the Island of Aegina towards the Grecian Gal­leys and were like the Aeacides, whose as­sistence they had implored in their prayers before the Fight. The first man that took a Ship was Lycomedes the Athenian, Cap­tain of a Galley, who cut down the ensigns of honour, and dedicated them to Apollo crowned with Laurel. And as the Persians [Page 395] fought in a narrow Arm of the Sea, and could bring but part of their Fleet to fight, they fell foul of one another, and the Greeks hereby equalled them in strength, fought with them till the evening, forced them The Greeks overcome the Medes. back, and obtained so clear and celebrated a Victory, as Simonides observes, that nei­ther Greek nor any other Nation, ever by Sea performed such glorious service.

After this Sea-fight Xerxes being inra­ged Xerxes at­tempts to stop up the Sea. at his ill fortune, attempted by casting great heaps of Earth and Stones into the Sea, to stop up the Chanel and to make a Dam, upon which he might lead his Land Forces over into the Island of Salamine.

Themistocles being desirous to know the opinion of Aristides, told him, that he in­tended to set Sail for the Hellespont, to break the Bridge of Ships, whereby he might hinder the retreat of Xerxes, and keep Asia within Europe; but Aristides be­ing troubled at his design, gave this reply, We have hitherto fought with an enemy who hath regarded little else but his plea­sure and luxury, but if we shut him up within Greece, and drive him to necessity, he that is Lord of such great Forces, will no longer sit quietly with an Umbrella of or Canopy of State. Gold over his Head, looking upon the Fight for his pleasure, but in such a strait will at­tempt all things; he will be resolute and [Page 396] appear himself in person upon all occasions, he will soon correct his errours, and supply what he has formerly omitted through re­missness; and will be better advised in all things. Therefore it is no ways our inte­rest to take away the Bridge that is already made, but rather to build another if it were possible, that he might make his retreat with the more expedition. To which The­mistocles answered, if this be requisite, we must immediately use all diligence, art and industry, to rid our selves of him as soon as may be: and to this purpose he found out among the Captives one of the King of Per­sia's Eunuchs named Arnaces; whom he sent to the King, to inform him, that the Greeks being now victorious by Sea, had decreed to sail to the Hellespont, where the Ships were fastned together, and de­stroy the Bridge; but that Themistocles be­ing passionately concerned for the King, revealed this to him, that he might hasten towards the Asiatick Seas, and pass over into his own Dominions: and in the the mean he would cause delays, and hinder the Confederates from pursuing him. Xerxes no sooner heard this, but being ve­ry much terrified, retreated out of Greece Xerxes retreats. with all speed. The prudent conduct of Themistocles and Aristides, and the advan­tageous management of this affair, was af­terwards [Page 397] more fully understood at the Bat­tel of Plataea; where Mardonius with a ve­ry small portion of the Forces of Xerxes put the Greeks in danger of losing all.

Herodotus writes that of all the Cities of The Aegine­ [...]s perform good service. Greece Aegina performed the best service in the War; in which also all men yielded to Themistocles, though some, out of envy, did it unwillingly; and when they returned to the entrance of Peloponnesus, where the Souldiers delivered their Suffrages by laying a Stone upon the Altar, to determine who was most worthy, every one gave the first Vote for himself and the second for Themi­stocles. The Lacedemonians carried him with them to Sparta; where giving the re­wards of Valour to Eurybiades, and of Wisedom and Conduct to Themistocles, they crowned him with Olive, gave him precedency, presented him with the richest Coach in the City and sent three hundred young men to accompany him to the con­fines of their Country: and at the next O­lympian Games, when Themistocles entred the place where those Exercises were per­formed, the Spectatours took no further no­tice of those who strove for Mastery, but spent the whole day in looking upon him, shewing him to the Strangers, admiring The misto­cles highly applauded. him, and applauding him by clapping their hands, and all other expressions of joy; [Page 398] which so delighted him, that he confessed to his Friends, that he then reaped the fruit of all his labours for the Greeks; he was in his own nature a great lover of honour, as is evident from those things which are re­corded of him. When he was chosen Ad­miral by the Athenians, he ended no busi­ness fully, publick, nor private, but defer­red all till the day they were to set sail, that dispatching much business together, and having to doe with all sorts of men, he might appear great and able to perform all things. Viewing the dead Bodies cast up by the Sea, he perceived Collars and Chains of Gold about them, yet passed on, onely shewing them to a Friend that fol­lowed him, saying, Take you these things, for you are not Themistocles. He said to Antiphates a young Nobleman who had formerly behaved himself haughtily towards him, but now in his glory obsequiously waited upon him; young man, we are in the right, and now we doe both as we should doe. He said that the Athenians did not honour him, or admire him, but when they were in danger they sheltred themselves under him, as they do in stormy foul weather under a Plane-tree; and when they have fair weather again they pull off its Leaves and Fruit, and cut down its fai­rest Branches. A Seriphian telling him that [Page 399] he had not obtained this honour by himself but by the greatness and splendour of his City, he replied, You speak truth, for I should never have been esteemed if I had been of Seriphus: nor would you have come to any thing though you had been of Athens. A Commander of the Army who thought he had performed conside­rable service for the Athenians, boasting and comparing his actions with those of Themistocles, he told him that the day af­ter the Festival reproached the Festival, that upon her day those who were laborious and industrious refreshed themselves, but upon the Festival the sluggard and luxuri­ous enjoyed all things, to which the Festi­val replyed, it is true, yet if I had not been before you, you had not been at all; so if Themistocles had not been before you where had you been now? Laughing at his own Son, who was somewhat too bold through the indulgence and fondness of his Mother, he told him that he had the most power of any one in Greece; for the Athenians com­mand the rest of Greece, I command the Athenians, your Mother commands me, and you command your Mother. Loving to be singular in all things, when he had Land to sell, he ordered the Cryer to give notice that there were good neighbours near it. Of two who made love to his Daugh­ter [Page 400] he preferred the Vertuous before the Rich, saying, he desired a Man without Riches rather than Riches without a Man, with many such expressions.

After these things he began to build and He builds the Walls of A­thens. wall the City of Athens, having with Mo­ney corrupted the Lacedemonian Ephori, and perswaded them not to be against it, as Theopompus reports; but as most relate it, by over-reaching and deceiving them, for being chosen by the Governours of A­thens he went to Sparta where the Lacede­monians accusing him for rebuilding the Walls of the City of Athens, and Poliarchus being sent on purpose from Aegina to plead against him, he denied the fact, bidding them to send to Athens to see whether it were so or no: by which delay he got time for the building of the Wall, and ordering the Athenians to seize upon those who were sent, and keep them as Hostages for him; when the Lacedemonians knew the truth, they did him no hurt, but hiding their an­ger for the present, sent him away.

After this, considering the great advan­tage He fortifies the Haven of Piraea. of good Ports, he fortified the Haven of Piraea, and joyned the whole City to the Sea, ordering the publick affairs con­trary to the judgment of the old Kings of Athens; who endeavouring to withdraw their Subjects from the Sea and sailing about, [Page 401] and to accustom them to live by planting and tilling the Earth, published the Dis­course between Minerva and Neptune, and how they contended for the patronage of the Athenians, when Minerva by shewing to the Judges an Olive Tree, was declared to be their tutelary Goddess; but Themisto­cles did not onely joyn the Haven of Piraea to the City, as the Poet Aristophanes ob­serves, but he joyned the City to the Ha­ven, and the Land to the Sea, which en­creased the power of the People against the Nobility; the Authority coming into the hands of Watermen, Mariners and Masters of Ships: and ordered that the Pulpit built in the Market-place for publick Orations, should be placed towards the Sea, which the thirty Tyrants afterwards turned to­wards the Land; supposing that great pow­er by Sea would give life and encourage­ment to a popular Government; but that Labourers and Husbandmen would be less offended at the greatness of the Nobility: but Themistocles had a higher opinion of Sea forces.

After the departure of Xerxes, when the Grecian Fleet was arrived at Pagasa, where they wintered, Themistocles, in a publick Oration to the people of Athens, telling them that he had a design to perform some­thing that would be very beneficial and ad­vantageous [Page 402] to the Athenians, but that it was of such a nature, that it could not be made publick or communicated to the peo­ple in general: The Athenians ordered him to impart it to Aristides onely; and if he approv'd of it to put it in practice, and when He proposes to burn the Grecian Fleet in the Haven of Pagasa. Themistocles had discovered to him that his design was to burn the Grecian Fleet in the Haven of Pagasa; Aristides coming out to the people, gave this report of the strata­geme contrived by Themistocles, that there was nothing more advantageous, nor could any thing conduce more to the prosperity and grandeur of Athens than this, but with­all that it would be the most unjust action in the world, at which the Athenians com­manded Themistocles to desist from his in­tention, and to think no further of it.

When the Lacedemonians proposed at the general Council of the Amphictyoni­ans that the Representatives of those Cities which were not in the League, nor had fought together against the Persians, should be excluded out of that Assembly; Themi­stocles fearing that the Thessalians with those of Thebes, Argos and others, being thrown out of the Council, the Lacedemonians would become wholly masters of the Votes, and act what they pleased; he applied him­self to the Deputies of the Cities, and pre­vailed with the Members then sitting to [Page 403] alter their opinions in this point, remon­strating to them that there were but one and thirty Cities which did partake of the War, and that most of these also were very small, and how intolerable it would be, if the rest of Greece should be excluded; and that the General Council should come to be ruled by two or three great Cities. By this he chiefly incurred the high displeasure and hatred of the Lacedemonians, who af­terwards promoted Cimon to all honours, and placed him as an emulatour and adver­sary to Themistocles in all affairs of State.

He was also burthensome to the Confe­derates, sailing about the Islands and col­lecting money from them. Herodotus says, that requiring money of those of the Island of Andros, he told them, that he had brought with him two Goddesses, Persuasion and Force; and they answered him that they had also two great Goddesses which prohi­bited them from giving him any money; Poverty and Impossibility. Timocreon the Rhodian Poet reprehends him somewhat bitterly for being wrought upon by money to let those who were banished return, and for betraying one who was his Guest and Friend. The Verses are these

But after the sentence and banishment of Themistocles Timocreon reviles him more ex­cessively and more reproachfully, in a Po­em which begins thus,

It is reported that when it was put to the question whether Timocreon should be bani­shed for siding with the Persians, Themisto­cles gave his Vote against him, and when Themistocles was accused for treating with the Medes, Timocreon made these upon him.

And when the Citizens of Athens began to hearken willingly to those who traduced and reproached him, he was forced to put them in mind of the great services he had performed, and asked those who were of­fended with him, whether they were wea­ry with receiving benefits often from the same person, whereby he rendred himself more odious: but he more highly incensed He builds a Temple and dedicates it to Diana. the people, and accumulated their hatred towards him, when laying the Foundation of the Temple of Diana, he named it Aristoboule or Diana of the best Counsel; intimating thereby, that he had given the best counsel not onely to the Athenians but to all Greece. He built this Temple near to his own House, in a place called Melita, where now the Hangmen carry out the Bodies of such as are executed, and throw the Halters and Clothes of those that are strangled or otherwise put to death. There is to this day a Statue of Themistocles in the Temple of Diana of the best Counsel, which represents him to be a person not onely of a noble Mind, but also of a most [Page 406] heroical aspect. At length the Athenians banished him, making use of the Exostra­cism The Exostra­cism. to depress his great worth, eminence and authority, as they ordinarily did to all those whom they thought too powerfull, or in a capacity to oppress them; or by their greatness were become disproportio­nable to that equality which was thought requisite in a popular Government. For the Exostracism was instituted not so much to punish the Offender, as to mitigate and pacifie the fury of the envious, who deligh­ted to depress those who were transcendent in eminence and glory, and by fixing this disgrace upon them, they exhaled part of the venomous rancour of their minds.

Themistocles being banished from Athens, while he stayed at Argos the Tryal of Pau­sanias happened, which gave such advan­tage to his enemies, that Leobotes of Agrau­la Son of Alcmaeon indited him of Treason; the Spartans joyning with him in the ac­cusation.

When Pausanias went about this treaso­nable design, he concealed it at first from Themistocles, though he were his intimate Friend, but when he saw him expelled out of the Commonwealth, and how impati­ently he took his banishment, he ventured to communicate it to him, and desired his assistence, shewing him the King of Persia's [Page 407] Letters, and exasperating him against the Greeks, as a cursed and ungratefull people. However Themistocles immediately rejected the proposals of Pausanias, and wholly re­fused to be a party in the enterprise, though he never revealed those discourses nor dis­covered the Conspiracy to any man, either expecting that it would be discovered by other means, or hoping that Pausanias would desist from his intentions, seeing that he at­tempted without due consideration things that were absurd, dangerous, and that could not be put in practice.

After that Pausanias was put to death, Letters and Writings being found concer­ning this matter which rendred Themisto­cles suspected, the Lacedemonians were cla­morous against him, and the envious Athe­nians accused him, when being absent from Athens, he made his defense by Letters, e­specially against the chief accusations, and wrote to the Athenians in answer to the malicious detractions of his enemies, urging that he who was always ambitious to go­vern, was never born to serve, and should be very unwilling to become a Slave, would never sell himself and his Country to the Persians the mortal enemies of the Greeks.

Notwithstanding this the people being perswaded by his accusers, sent Officers to take him and bring him away to be tried [Page 408] before the great Council of the Greeks; but having timely notice of it, he passed He flies into the Island of Corfu. over into the Island of Corcyra, the chief City of the Island having received great ob­ligations from him, for being made Judge of a difference between them and the Co­rinthians, he determined the Controversie, ordering the Corinthians to lay down twen­ty Talents, and that the Town and Island of Leucas should be equally inhabited by a Colony sent from both Cities. From thence he fled into Epirus, and the Athenians and Lacedemonians still pursuing him, he plun­ged himself into such intricate difficulties, that he had small hopes ever to escape; for he fled for refuge to Admetus King of the He flies to Admetus King of the Molossians. Molossians, who having formerly made a request to the Athenians, Themistocles be­ing then in the height of his Authority, had used him disdainfully and thrown durt upon him; which so enraged the King, that if he could have then laid hold of him, he would have sufficiently revenged himself; yet in this misfortune, Themistocles fearing the fresh hatred of his Neighbours and fel­low Citizens, more than the former dis­pleasure of the King, threw himself at his mercy, and became an humble suppliant to Admetus after a peculiar manner, diffe­rent from the custom of all other Countries. For holding the young Prince (who was [Page 409] then a Child) in his Armes, he prostrated himself before the King's Houshold Gods; this being the most sacred and onely man­ner of supplication among the Molossians, which was not to be refused, and some say that Queen Phthia informed Themistocles of this way of petitioning, and placed her young Son near to him before the Figures of their domestical Deities: others say that King Admetus, that he might be under a religious obligation not to deliver him up to those who persecuted him, helped him to act that part, and instructed him in this solemn Rite. At that time Epicrates of A­charnia privately conveyed his Wife and Children out of Athens, and sent them hi­ther, for which afterwards Cimon condem­ned him, and put him to death, as Stesim­brotus reports, yet either forgetting this, or making Themistocles to be little mindfull of it, he says he sailed into Sicily, and desired in marriage the Daughter of Hieron Tyrant of Sicily, promising to bring the Greeks un­der his power; and Hieron refusing him, he departed from thence into Asia: but this is not probable; For Theophrastus writes in his History of Kings, that when Hieron sent race Horses to the Olympian Games, and erected a royal Tent richly furnished, Themistocles made an Oration to the Greeks inciting them to pull down the Tyrant's [Page 410] Tent, and not to suffer his Horses to run. Thucydides says that passing over Land to the Aegaean Sea, he took Ship at Pidna in He takes Ship at Pidna. the Bay of Therme not being known to any one in the Ship, till being terrified to see the Vessel driven by the Winds near to Naxus, which was then besieged by the Athenians, he made himself known to the Master and Pilot; and sometimes entrea­ting them, at other times threatning them that if they went on shore he would accuse them, and induce the Athenians to believe, that they did not take him in out of igno­rance, but that he had corrupted them with money from the beginning, he compelled them to bear off, and stand out to Sea, and sail forward towards the Coast of Asia.

A great part of his estate was privately conveyed away by his Friends, and sent after him by Sea into Asia, besides which there was discovered and confiscated to the value of fourscore Talents; as Theophra­stus writes. Theopompus says an hundred; whereas Themistocles was never worth three Talents, before he was concerned in the publick.

When he arrived at Cuma, and under­stood that all along the Coast there were many laid wait for him, and particularly Ergoteles and Pythodorus (for the Game was worth the hunting after by such as pur­sued [Page 411] gain every where, the King of Persia having offered by publick proclamation two hundred Talents to him that should take him) he fled to Aeges a small City of the Aeolians, where no one knew him but one­ly his Host Nicogenes, who was the richest man in Aeolia, and well known in the Court of Persia. While Themistocles lay hid for some days in his House, one night after a Sacrifice and a good Supper, Olbius Schoolmaster to Nicogenes's Children fell frantick and inspired, and cried out in Verse,

After this Themistocles dream'd that a Dra­gon Themisto­cles's Dream. coyled it self up upon his Belly, and creeping up to his Neck, as soon as it tou­ched his Face was turned into an Eagle; which spread its Wings over him, and took him up, and flew away with him into Countries far remote, where a golden Scep­tre appeared to him, upon which he rested himself securely, freed from all fear and trouble: and soon after Nicogenes made use of this invention to send him away.

[Page 412] The barbarous Nations, and amongst them the Persians especially, are naturally jealous, clownish and morose towards their Women, not onely to their Wives, but also to their Slaves and Concubines, which they keep so strictly that never any one sees them abroad, even at their Meals they are shut up within Doors; and when they take a journey, they are carried in close Coaches, or put under a little Tent or Covering shut close on all sides, and set upon a Waggon; such a travelling Carriage being prepared for Themistocles, they overwhelmed him, and hid him in it, and carried him on his jour­ney; and told those whom they met or discoursed with upon the Road, that they carried a young Grecian Lady out of Ionia to a Noble-man at Court.

Thucydides and Charon of Lampsachus report that Xerxes being dead, Themisto­cles discoursed with his Son: but Ephorus, Deinon, Clitarchus, Heraclides and many others write, that he came to Xerxes, and though the chronological Tables do better agree with the relation of Thucydides, yet they are not exactly compiled with that undeniable certainty, that they should be thought to be built upon unshaken and im­movable Foundations.

When Themistocles was come to the criti­cal Comes to Artabanus. point, he applyed himself first to Arta­banus [Page 413] Commander of a thousand men, tel­ling him, that he was a Grecian and desi­red to speak with the King about important affairs, concerning which the King was extremely solicitous; Artabanus answered him, Stranger, the Laws of men are diffe­rent, and some esteem one thing honou­rable and some another, but it is honou­rable for all men to observe and commend the Laws of their own Country; it is al­lowable for you Grecians to admire liberty and equality, but amongst our many ex­cellent Laws, we account this the most glorious, to honour the King, and to wor­ship him, as the Image of that great Deity that preserves and protects the Universe; and if you can accustom your self to our Laws, and fall down before the King and worship him, you may both see him and speak to him; but if your mind be other­wise, you must make use of others to inter­cede for you; for it is not the national cu­stom here for the King to give audience to any one that doth not fall down before him: Themistocles hearing this, replied, Artabanus, I that come hither to encrease the power and glory of the King, will not onely sub­mit my self to his Laws, since it hath plea­sed God to raise the Persian Empire to this greatness; but will also cause many more to be worshippers and adorers of the King, [Page 414] Let not this therefore be an impediment, why I should not communicate to his Ma­jesty what I have to impart, Artabanus as­king him who must we tell him that you are? for you seem to be no ordinary per­son, Themistocles answered, no man must be informed of this before the King himself. Thus Phanias relates it; to which Eratost­henes in his Treatise of Riches, adds, that by the means of a Woman of Eretria who was kept by Artabanus, he was brought acquainted with him, and obtained this fa­vour from him.

When he was introduced to the King and He is brought before Xer­xes. had paid his due reverence to him, he stood silent, till Xerxes commanding the Inter­preter to ask him who he was? he replied, I am Themistocles the Athenian, banished and persecuted by the Greeks, I flie to thee for refuge mighty Monarch; the evils that I have done to the Persians are easily to be forgiven, in consideration of the many at­chievements accomplished for them, when I hindred the Grecians from pursuing the Medes after the fatal Battels of Salamis and Plataea, when having freed my Country and placed the Greeks in safety, my ambi­tion led me on to greater enterprises; in which being successfull, I gratified the far extended Persian Empire, and performed ser­vices acceptable to the greatest Prince on [Page 415] earth; since which all things having con­spired to augment my present calamities, sutable to such a condition, I come hither, hoping to receive mercy from a gracious reconciled Sovereign, who hath laid aside his anger, and is no longer mindfull of for­mer evils; humbly imploring you, that ta­king the Greeks for witnesses of the services I have done for Persia, you will make use of this occasion to shew the world the nobleness of your vertue, rather than to fulfill your wrath, or satisfie your indigna­tion, hereby you will preserve an humble suppliant; if otherwise, you destroy a ser­vant of the Persians, and a publick enemy of the Greeks. Besides this, he related the manner of the Vision, which he saw at Ni­cogenes's House, and what was directed him by the Oracle of Dodona, where Jupiter commanded him to go to him that had a name like his, by which he understood, that he was sent from Jupiter to Xerxes, seeing that they had both the name of mighty Kings; and he knew no other great sacred powers but Jupiter, and the Persian Emperour.

The King heard him attentively, and though he admired his understanding and courage, gave him no answer at that time, but when he was with his intimate Friends, he rejoyced in his great good fortune, and [Page 416] esteemed himself very happy in this, and prayed to his God Arimanius, that all his enemies might be ever of the same mind with the Greeks, to provoke, abuse and ex­pell the bravest men amongst them. Then he sacrificed to the Gods, and presently fell to drinking, and was so well pleased that in the night in the middle of his sleep, he cried out for joy three times, I have The­mistocles the Athenian.

In the morning, Xerxes calling together the chief of his Court, had Themistocles brought before him, who expected no good would come of it, especially when he saw the Guards were fiercely set against him as soon as they knew his name, and gave him ill language; and as he came forward to­wards the King, who was set down and the rest kept silence, passing by Roxanes a Com­mander of a thousand men, he heard him sigh and whisper softly to him without stir­ring out of his place, You subtile Greek Ser­pent, the Kings good Genius hath brought thee hither; yet when he came into the presence, and fell down, the King saluted him, and spake to him kindly, telling him, he was now indebted to him two hundred Talents; for it was just and reasonable, that he should receive the reward which was proposed to whosoever should bring Themi­stocles; and promising much more, and [Page 417] encouraging him, he commanded him to speak freely what he would concerning the affairs of Greece, Themistocles replied, that a man's Discourse was like to a rich Persian Carpet variously wrought and figured, the beautifull Images and proper Figures of which are best represented when they are clearly and fairly opened; but when they are contracted and folded up, they are ob­scured and lost, and therefore he desired He learns the Persian Language. time to learn the language perfectly, in which he was to express his mind, and un­fold his secret services. The King being pleased with the comparison, and bidding him take what time he would, he desired a year, in which time having learnt the Persian Language sufficiently he spake with the King by himself without the help of an Interpreter: and those who were at a distance thought that he discoursed onely about the affairs of Greece; but there happening at the same time great alterations at Court, and removals of the King's Favourites, he drew upon himself the envy of the great ones; who imagined, that he who had this great liberty might take the boldness to speak many things concerning them: for the favours shewn to other Strangers were nothing in comparison of the honours con­ferred on him; the King inviting him to partake of his own pastimes and recreati­ons [Page 418] both at home and abroad, carrying him with him a-hunting; and made him his intimate so far, that he permitted him not onely to come into the presence of the Queen Mother, but also to wait upon her often, and converse familiarly with her. And besides this, he heard the Discourses of the Magicians, by the King's especial command; and was instructed in the secret Philosophy and Magick of the Persians.

When Demaratus the Lacedemonian, be­ing ordered by the King to ask whatsoever he pleased, and it should immediately be granted him, desired the Royal Diademe, and that being lifted up on high he might make his publick entrance, and be carried in state through the City of Sardis with the Imperial Crown of Persia upon his head, after the manner of Kings; Mithropaustes Nephew to Xerxes, taking him by the hand told him, that he had no Brains for the Royal Diademe to cover; and if Jupiter should give him his Lightning and Thun­der, he would be ne'er the more Jupiter for that; the King also repulsed him with scorn and anger, resolving never to be re­conciled to him, but to be inexorable to all supplications on his behalf; yet Themi­stocles pacified him, and prevailed with him to forgive him: and it is reported that the succeeding Kings in whose Reigns there [Page 419] was a greater communication between the Greeks and Persians than formerly, when they invited any considerable Grecian into their service, to encourage him they would signifie to him by Letters, that he should be as great with them as Themistocles was with Xerxes. They relate also how Themisto­cles when he was in great prosperity, and courted by many, seeing himself splendidly served at his Table, he turned to his Chil­dren and said, Children, we had been un­done if we had not been undone. Most Writers say, that he had three Cities given him Magnesia, Myus and Lampsacus, to maintain him in Bread, Meat and Wine. Neanthes of Cyzicus and Phanias add two more, the City of Percotes to provide him with Clothes, and Palaescepsis with Bedding and Furniture for his House.

As he went down towards the Sea side to provide against the attempts and prac­tices of the Greeks, a Persian whose name was Epixyes Governour of the upper Phry­gia laid wait to kill him; having for that purpose provided a long time before a crew of Pisidian murtherers, who were to set upon him when he came to reside in a Ci­ty that is called Lyons-head: but Themisto­cles The Mother of the Gods appears to him. sleeping in the middle of the day, the Mother of the Gods appeared to him in a Dream, and said unto him; Themistocles, [Page 420] never come at the Lyon's-head, for fear you fall into the Lyon's Jaws, for this advice I expect that your Daughter Mnesiptolema should be my servant. Themistocles was much astonished, and when he had poured forth his prayers, and made his vows to the Goddess, he left the great Road, and taking a compass about, went another way, chan­ging his intended station to avoid that place, and at night took up his rest in the Fields; but one of the Sumpter-horses which carried part of the Furniture for his Tent, having fallen that day into a River, his Servants spread out the Tapestry which was wet, and hanged it up to drie it: in the mean time the Pisidians made towards them with their Swords drawn, and not discerning exactly by the Moon what it was that was stretched out to be dried, they thought it was the Tent of Themisto­cles, and that they should find him resting himself within it; but when they came nigh, and lifted up the Hangings, those who watched there fell upon them and took them. Themistocles having escaped this great danger, was in admiration of the goodness of the Goddess that appeared to him; and in memory of it he built a Tem­ple in the City of Magnesia, which he dedi­cated to Cybele Dindymene Mother of the Gods, wherein he consecrated and devoted [Page 421] his Daughter Mnesiptolema unto her service.

When he came to Sardis he visited the Temples of the Gods, and observing at his leisure their Buildings, Ornaments, and the number of their Offerings, he saw in the Temple of the Mother of the Gods the Sta­tue of a Virgin in Brass two Cubits high, called the Water-bringer, or she that brought the Water back again into its right Chanel. Themistocles had caused this to be made and set up when he was Surveyor of the Aquae­ducts at Athens, out of the Fines and For­feitures of those, whom he had discovered to have taken away the Water, or to have turned it out of its due course, by other Pipes fitted for their private use: and whether he had some regret to see this fair Image in Captivity, and the Statue of a Grecian Vir­gin kept Prisoner in Asia; or whether he was desirous to let the Athenians see in what great credit he was with the King, and what authority he had in all the Per­sian affairs; he entred into discourse with the Governour of Lydia, to persuade him to send this Statue back to Athens, which so enraged the Persian Officer, that he told him, he would write the King word of it: Themistocles being affrighted hereat, got ac­cess to his Wives and Concubines, whom he gained with money, and by their means mitigated the fury of the Governour; and [Page 422] afterwards carried himself more reservedly and circumspectly, fearing the envy of the Persians; and gave over travelling about Asia, and lived quietly in his own House in Magnesia, where for a long time he pas­sed his days in great security, as Theopom­pus writes, being courted by all, and pre­sented with rich Gifts, and honoured equal­ly with the greatest persons in the Persian Empire; the King at that time not minding his concerns with Greece, being incessantly busied about the affairs of the upper Pro­vinces.

But when Aegypt revolted, being assisted by the Athenians, and the Grecian Galleys roved about as far as Cyprus and Cilicia, and Cimon had made himself master of the Seas, the King turned his thoughts, and ben­ding his mind chiefly to resist the Grecians and to hinder their increasing power against him, raised Forces, sent out Commanders, and dispatched M [...]ssengers to Themistocles at Magnesia, to put him in mind of his pro­mise, and to incense him and irritate him against the Greeks; yet this did not in­crease his hatred nor exasperate him against the Athenians, neither was he any ways elevated with the thoughts of the honour and powerfull command he was to have in this War; but either imagining that this undertaking could not prosperously be car­ried [Page 423] on, nor the King easily compass his designs, the Greeks having at that time great Commanders, and amongst them Ci­mon wonderfully successfull in the affairs of Greece; or chiefly being ashamed to sully the glory of his former great actions, and of his many Victories and Trophies; he de­termined to put a conclusion to his days su­table to his former great deeds, and to make an end agreeable to the whole course of his life: he sacrificed to the Gods, and invited his Friends, and having kindly entertained them, and shaked hands with them, he drank Bulls Bloud, as the general report goes; but some say he took poison which He drinks Bulls Bloud. dispatched him in a short time and ended his days in the City of Magnesia, having lived sixty five years, most of which he had spent in the State and in the Wars, in go­verning of Countries and commanding of Armies. The King being informed of the cause and manner of his death, admired him more than ever, and continued to shew kindness to his Friends and Relations.

Themistocles left three Sons by Archippa Daughter to Lysander of Alopece; Archep­tolis, Polyeuctus and Cleophantus. Plato the Philosopher mentions the latter as a most excellent Horseman; but relates no­thing else of him worthy of memory: of his eldest Sons Neocles and Diocles, Neocles [Page 424] died when he was young by the bite of a Horse, and Diocles was adopted by his Grandfather Lysander to be his Heir. He had many Daughters, of which Mnesiptole­ma, whom he had by a second Marriage, was Wife to Archeptolis, her Brother-in-law by another Mother; Italia was mar­ried to Panthedes of the Island of Scio; Sy­baris to Nicomedes the Athenian. After the death of Themistocles, his Nephew Phrasi­cles set sail for Magnesia, and married his Daughter Nicomachia, receiving her from the hands of her Brothers; and brought up her Sister Asia the youngest of all the Chil­dren.

The Magnesians possess the splendid Se­pulchre His Tomb at Magnesia. of Themistocles placed in the middle of their great Piazza, and it is not worth the taking notice of what Andocides writes to his Friends, concerning the Reliques of Themistocles; how the Athenians robbed his Tomb, and threw his Ashes into the Air; for he feigns this to exasperate the Nobility against the people; and there is no man living but knows that Phrasicles is mistaken in his History, where he brings in Neocles and Demopolis for the Sons of Themistocles to incite or move compassion, as if he were writing of a Tragedy: yet Diodorus the Cosmographer writes in his Book of Sepulchres, but by conjecture ra­ther [Page 425] than of his certain knowledge, that near to the Haven of Piraea, where the Land runs out like an Elbow from the Pro­montory of Alcimus, and when you have doubled the Cape and passed inward where the Sea is always calm, there is a vast Foun­dation, and upon this the Tomb of Themi­stocles in the shape of an Altar; and Plato the Comedian seems to confirm this in these Verses,

Divers honours also and privileges were granted to the Kindred of Themistocles at Magnesia, which were observed down to our times; and another Themistocles of A­thens enjoyed them, with whom I had a particular acquaintance and Friendship in the House of Ammonius the Philosopher.

AMong the many remarkable things that are related of Furius Camillus, this above all seems most singular and strange, that he who for the most part was in the highest commands, and had per­formed the greatest Actions, was five times chosen Dictatour, triumphed four times, and was styled a Second Founder of Rome, yet ne­ver was so much as once Consul. The rea­son whereof was the state and temper of the [Page 428] then Commonwealth; for the People being at dissention with the Senate stifly refused to return Consuls, but in their stead elected other Magistrates called Military Tribunes, who though they acted every thing with full Consular Power and Authority, yet their Government was less grievous to the People, by reason they were more in num­ber: for to have the management of affairs entrusted in the hands of six persons rather than two, was some ease and satisfaction to those who could not endure the Dominion of a few. This was the condition of the times when Camillus flourished in the height of his actions and glory, and although the Government in the mean time had often proceeded to Consular Elections, yet he could never perswade himself to be Consul, against the good-will and inclination of the People. In all other his administrations which were many and various, he so be­haved himself, that when he was alone in Authority, his power was exercised as in common, but the honour of all actions re­dounded intirely to himself, even when in joint Commission with others; the reason of the former was his moderation, com­manding without pride or insolence; of the latter, his great judgment and wisedom, wherein without question he excelled all others. And whereas the House of the [Page 429] Furii was not at that time of any conside­rable quality, he was the first that raised himself to honour, serving under Posthumi­us Tubertus, Dictatour, in the great Battel against the Aeques and Volsces; for riding out from the rest of the Army, and in the charge receiving a wound in his Thigh, he for all that gave not over the fight, but plucking out the Dart that stuck close in the wound, and engaging with the bravest of the enemy, he put them to flight, for which action, among other rewards be­stowed on him, he was created Censor, an Camillus made Censor. Office in those days of great esteem and authority. During his Censorship one ve­ry good act of his is recorded, that where­as the Wars had made many Widows, he obliged such as had no Wives, some by fair perswasion, others by threatning to set Fines on their heads, to take them in marriage. Another necessary one, in causing Orphans to be rated, who before were exempted from Taxes, the frequent and chargeable Wars requiring more than ordinary expen­ces to maintain them. But that which pinched them most was the Siege of Veii The Siege of Veii. (some call them Venetani.) This was the head City of Tuscany, not inferiour to Rome, either in number of Arms or multitude of Souldiers, insomuch that presuming on her wealth and magnificence, and priding her [Page 430] self in the variety of pleasures she enjoyed, she had fought many a fair Battel with the Romans, contending for Glory and Empire. But now they had quitted their former am­bition having been weakned and brought low in many notable encounters, so that having fortified themselves with high and strong Walls, and furnished the City with all sorts of Weapons offensive and defensive, as likewise with Corn and all manner of Provisions, they cheerfully endured the Siege, which though tedious to them, was no less troublesome and vexatious to the be­siegers. For the Romans having never been accustomed to lie long abroad in the heat of Summer, and constantly to winter at home, they were then first compelled by the Tribunes, to build Forts and Garrisons in the Enemies Country, and raising strong Works about their Camp to joyn Winter and Summer together. And now the se­venth year of the War drawing to an end, the Commanders began to be suspected as too slow and remiss in driving on the Siege, infomuch that they were discharged and others chosen for the War, among whom was Camillus then second time Tribune. But at present he had no hand in the Siege, his lot being to make War upon the Fali­sces and Capenates, who taking advantage of the Romans being busied on all hands, [Page 431] had much spoiled their Country, and through all the Tuscan War given them sore diversions, but were now reduced by Camillus, and with great losses shut up with­in their Walls.

And now in the very heat of the War an The strange accident of the Alban Lake. accident happened to the Alban Lake no less wonderfull than the most incredible things that are reported, and by reason no visible cause could be assigned, or any natural be­ginning whereto to ascribe it, it became matter of great amazement. It was the beginning of Autumn, and the Summer be­fore had neither been very rainy, nor in ap­pearance over troubled with Southern winds, and of the many Lakes, Brooks and Springs of all sorts wherein Italy abounds, some were wholly dried up, others drew very little Water with them. But all the Rivers, as they constantly used in Summer, ran in a very low and hollow Chanel. But the Alban Lake that is fed by no other waters but its own, being compassed about with fruitfull Mountains, without any cause, un­less it were Divine, began visibly to rise and swell, increasing to the feet of the Moun­tains, and by degrees reaching to the very tops of them, and all this without any vio­lent tossing, or agitation of its Waves. At first it was the wonder of Shepherds and Herdmen, but when the Earth which like [Page 432] a great Dam held up the Lake from falling into the lower grounds, through the quan­tity and weight of Water was broken down; and that in a violent stream it ran through the plow'd Fields and Plantations, to dis­charge it self in the Sea; it did not onely strike terrour in the Romans, but was thought by all the inhabitants of Italy to portend some extraordinary events. But the greatest talk of it was in the Camp that besieged Veii, when once this accident of the Lake came to be known among them, and as in long Sieges it is usual for parties of both sides to meet and converse with one another; it happened that a Roman had A subtile fetch of a Roman Souldier. gained much confidence and familiarity with one of the besieged, a man well versed in ancient learning, and had the reputation of more than ordinary skill in divination. The Roman observing him to be overjoy'd at the story of the Lake, and to mock at the Siege, told him that this was not the onely prodigy that of late had happened to the Romans, but that others more wonder­full than this had befallen them, which he was willing to communicate to him, that he might the better provide for his private affairs in these publick distempers. The man greedily embraced the motion, expec­ting to hear some wonderfull secrets, but when by little and little he had drill'd him [Page 433] on in discourse, and insensibly drawn him a good way from the Gates of the City, he snatched him up by the middle, being stronger than he, and by the assistence of others that came running from the Camp, seized and delivered him to the Comman­ders. The man reduced to this necessity, and knowing that destiny is not to be avoi­ded, discover'd to them the secret counsels of his Country. That it was not possible the City should be taken, untill the Alban Lake, which now broke forth and had found out new passages, was drawn back from that course, and so diverted, that it could not mingle with the Sea. The Se­nate Ambassadours sent to Del­phos. having heard and deliberated of the matter, decreed to send to Delphos to ask counsel of that God; the Messengers were persons of the greatest quality, Cossus Lici­nius, Valerius Potitus and Fabius Ambustus; who having made their voiage by Sea, and consulted the God, returned with other answers, particularly that there had been a neglect of some of their Country Rites re­lating to the Latine Feasts. As for the Al­ban Water, the Oracle commanded, that if it was possible, they should draw it from the Sea, and shut it up in its ancient bounds; but if that was not to be done, then they should bring it down into Ditches and Tren­ches into the lower grounds, and so dry it [Page 434] up; which message being delivered, the Priests performed what related to the Sa­crifices, and the People went to work, and turned the Water.

And now the Senate in the tenth year of the War taking away all other Com­mands created Camillus Dictatour, who chose Cornelius Scipio for his General of Horse; and in the first place he made Vows unto the Gods, that if they would grant a happy conclusion of that War, he would celebrate to their Honour the great Sports, and dedicate a Temple to the God­dess whom the Romans call Matuta the Mother, but from the Ceremonies which are used, one would verily think she was Leucothea, for leading a Servant-maid into the secret part of the Temple they there buffet her, and then drive her out again; and they embrace their Brothers Children, more than their own; and in the matter of Sacrifices use the same ceremonies as to Bacchus his Nurses, and what is customary in the sad case of Ino in remembrance of the Concubine. Camillus having made these Vows, marched into the Country of the Falisces, and in a great Battel overthrew them and the Capenates their Confede­rates; afterwards he turned to the Siege of Veii, and finding that to take it by assault The continua­tion of the Siege of Veii. would prove a difficult and hazardous at­tempt, [Page 435] he cut Mines under ground, the Earth about the City being easy to break up, and allowing as much depth as would carry on the Works without being discove­red by the Enemy. This design going on in a hopefull way, he without, gave as­saults to the Enemy to divert them about the Walls, whilst they that worked under­ground in the Mines were insensibly, with­out being perceived, got within the Castle, under the Temple of Juno, which was the greatest and most celebrated in all the City. It is reported that the Prince of the Tuscans was at that very time at his Devotions, and that the Priest after he had looked into the Entrails of the Beast, should cry out with a loud voice, That the Gods would give the victory to those that should finish those Sa­crifices: and that the Romans who were in the mines hearing the words, immediately pull'd down the Floor, and ascending with noise and clashing of Weapons, frighted away the Enemy, and snatching up the Entrails carried them to Camillus. But this may look like a Fable. The City being ta­ken by storm, and the Souldiers busied in pillaging and gathering an infinite quantity of Riches and Spoil, Camillus from the high Tower viewing what was done, at first wept for pity; and when they that were by, congratulated his good success, [Page 436] he lift up his hands to Heaven, and broke out into this Prayer. O most mighty Jupi­ter, and ye Gods that are Judges of good and evil actions, Ye know that not without just cause, but constrained by necessity we have been forced to revenge our selves on the City of our unrighteous and implacable Ene­mies. But if in the vicissitude of things, there be any calamity due, to countervail this great felicity, I beg that it may be di­verted from the City and Army of the Ro­mans, and with as little hurt as may be, fall upon my own Head. Having said these words, and just turning about (as the cu­stom of the Romans is to turn to the right when they worship or pray) he fell flat to the ground, to the astonishment of all that were present. But recovering himself pre­sently from the fall, he told them, that it had succeeded to his wish, a small mis­chance in recompence of the greatest good fortune.

Having sacked the City, he resolved ac­cording as he had vowed to carry Juno's Image unto Rome; and the Workmen be­ing ready for that purpose, he sacrificed to the Goddess, and made his supplications, that she would be pleased to accept of their devotion toward her, and graciously vouch­safe to accept of a place among the Gods that precided at Rome: They say, that the [Page 437] Statue answered in a low voice, that she was ready and willing to go. Livy writes that in praying, Camillus touched the God­dess, and invited her, and that some of the standers by cryed out, that she was willing. They who stickle most for this Miracle, and endeavour to defend it, have the won­derfull fortune of that City on their sides, which from a small and contemptible be­ginning attained to that greatness and pow­er which it could never have done, with­out those many and great manifestations of God upon all occasions appearing for it. Besides, they produce other Wonders of the like nature, as the often sweating of Sta­tues, and that they have sometimes been heard to groan, as likewise the turning aside of some, and nodding and approving of others, as many of the Ancients have reported; and we our selves could relate divers wonderfull things which we have heard from men of our own time, which are not lightly to be rejected: but to give too easy credit to such things, or wholly to disbelieve them, is equally dangerous, by reason of humane infirmity, which hath no bounds or command of it self, but is some­times carried to superstition and dotage, otherwhile to the contempt and neglect of all Religion. But moderation is the best, and to doe nothing too much. But Camil­lus, [Page 438] whether puffed up with the greatness Camillus's deportment upon the sack­ing of Veii di­stastfull to the Romans. of the action to have won a City that was competitour with Rome, and had held out a ten years siege, or exalted with the flat­tery of those that were about him, assumed to himself more than became a civil and le­gal Magistrate. Among other things was the pride and haughtiness of his Triumph, dri­ving through Rome in a Charriot drawn with four White Horses, no General either before or since having done the like; for the Romans esteem that carriage to be sacred and peculiar onely to the King and Father of the Gods. This alienated the hearts of the Citizens from him who were not accu­stomed to such pomp and bravery.

The second pique they had against him, was his opposing the Law by which the City was to be divided; for the Tribunes of the People preferred a Law, that the Peo­ple and Senate should be divided into two parts, one of which should remain at home, the other as the lot should give it remove to the new-taken City. By which means they should not onely have much more Room, but by the advantage of two great and fair Cities be better able to maintain their Ter­ritories, and the rest of their plentifull For­tunes. The People therefore who were now grown rich and numerous, greedily embraced it, and in great crouds, began [Page 439] to tumult in the publick Courts, deman­ding to have it put to the Vote. But the Senate and ablest Citizens judging the Pro­ceedings of the Tribunes to tend rather to the destruction than division of Rome, yet unable to bear up against it themselves, flew to Camillus for assistence, who fearing to come to the open encounter, yet by con­tinual flinging in new occasions to busy and employ their heads, made a shift to stave off the Law. For these things he was disre­lisht by the People. But the greatest and most apparent cause of their hatred against him, arose from the tenths of the Spoil, the multitude having herein, if not so just, yet a plausible pretence against him. For it seems, as he went to the siege of Veii, he had vowed to Apollo, that if he took the City, he would dedicate to him the tenth of the Spoil. The City being taken Camillus un­mindfull of his Vow. and sacked, whether he was loth to trouble the Souldiers at that time, or that through multitude of business he had forgotten his Vow; he suffered them to enjoy that part of the Spoils also. Some time afterwards, when his Authority was laid down, he brought the matter before the Senate, and the Priests at the same time reported out of the Sacrifices, that the anger of the Gods was portended, and that they were not to be appeased without expiation and offe­rings. [Page 440] The Senate decreed the obligation to be in force.

But seeing it was difficult for every one to produce the same very things they had taken to be divided anew, they ordained that every one upon oath should bring in­to the Publick the tenth part of his gains. This seemed very severe and grievous to the Souldiers, who ceased not to murmur, that poor men, and such as had endured so much labour and travail in the War, should be forced, out of what they had gained and spent, to bring in so great a proportion; Camillus being assaulted by their clamour and tumults, for want of a better excuse, betook himself to the meanest of defences, by confessing he had forgotten his Vow; but they complained that he that then vow­ed the tenth of the Enemy, now levied it out of the tenths of the Citizens. Never­theless, every one having brought in his due proportion, it was decreed that out of it a Bowl of massy Gold should be made and sent unto Delphos. But there was great The free con­tribution of the Roman Ladies to pa­cify Apollo. scarcity of Gold in the City, and when the Magistrates were considering where to get it, the Roman Ladies meeting together and consulting among themselves, out of the golden Ornaments they wore, contributed as much as went to the making the Offe­ring; which in weight came to eight Ta­lents [Page 441] of Gold. The Senate, to give them the honour they had deserved, ordained that funeral Orations should be used at the obsequies of Women, as well as Men, it having never before been a custom that any Woman after death was publickly praised. Chusing out therefore three of the chief of the Nobility for Ambassadours, they sent them in a fair Vessel, well man'd, and sumptuously adorned. It was winter, and the Sea was calm, however, it is remarka­ble, that being brought almost to the very brink of destruction, beyond all expecta­tion, they escaped the danger. For hard by the Isles of Aeolus, the Winds slacking, the Gallies of the Liparians came upon them, taking them for Pirates. But when they held up their hands in supplicant man­ner, the Liparians forbore violence, onely fastned their Ship and towed her into the Harbour, where they exposed to sale their Goods and Persons, adjudging them to be lawfull prize. But by the vertue and inte­rest of one man Timesithius by name, who was Governour of that place, and used his utmost persuasion, they were with much adoe dismissed. Besides, he himself joined some of his own Vessels with them, to ac­company them in their voyage, and assist them at the dedication: for which he re­ceived honours at Rome according as he had [Page 442] deserved. And now the Tribunes of the Peo­ple War against the Falisces. again resuming the Law about the divi­sion of the City, the War against the Falis­ces luckily broke out, giving liberty to the Nobility to chuse what Magistrates they pleased, who thereupon chose Camillus mi­litary Tribune, with five other Associates; Affairs then requiring a Commander of au­thority and reputation, and one well ex­perienc'd in War; when the People had ra­tified the Election, Camillus marched with his Forces into the Territories of the Falis­ces, and besieged Falerii a well-fenced City and plentifully stored with all necessaries of War: And although he perceived it would be no small work to take it, nor little time spent about it, yet he was willing to exer­cise the Citizens, and keep them doing abroad, that they might have no leasure, idleing at home, to follow the Tribunes into faction and sedition. Which remedy the Romans constantly used, like good Physi­cians, to disperse abroad those violent Hu­mours that disturb the Commonwealth. The Falerians, trusting in the strength of their City, which was well fortified on all sides, made so little account of the Siege, that beside those that garded the Walls, the rest as in times of peace walked the Streets in their common Habits. The Boys went to School, and were led by their Master to [Page 443] play and exercise about the Town-walls; For the Falerians, like the Grecians, used one publick School, to the end, their Chil­dren being brought up together, might be­times learn to converse and be familiar with one another.

This School-master designing to betray The treachery of the Fale­rian School­master. the Falerians by their Children, led them out every day under the Town-wall, at first but a little way, and when they had exercised brought them home again. Af­terwards by degrees he drew them farther and farther, till at last by practice he had made them bold and fearless, as if no dan­ger was about them; at last, having got them all together, he brought them to the Out-guard of the Romans and delivered them up, demanding to be led to Camillus. Where being come, and standing in the middle, he said, That he was the Master and Teacher of those Children, but prefer­ring his favour before all other obligations, he was come to deliver up his Charge to him, and in that the whole City. When Camil­lus had heard him out, he was struck with the horrour of so treacherous an Act, and turning to the Standers by, he said, What a sad thing is War, which is begun and en­ded with much unjustice and violence! But to good men there are certain Laws even in War it self, and victory is not so greedily to [Page 444] be hunted after as not to refuse the assi­stence of wicked and unrighteous actions; for it becomes a great General to rely on his own vertue, and not the deceit and treache­ry of others. Which said, he commanded His deserved Punishment. his Officers to tear off his Cloaths, and bind his Hands behind him, and give the Boys Rods and Scourges, to punish the Traytour, and drive him back to the City. By this time the Falerii had understood the trea­chery of the School-master; and the City, as in such a general Calamity it must needs be, was full of lamentations and crys, the honourable Men and Women running in distraction about the Walls and Gates, when behold the Boys came whipping their Master on, naked and bound, calling Camillus, their Saviour, their God, their Father; Insomuch, that it struck not one­ly into the Parents, but the rest of the Ci­tizens that saw what was done, such an ad­miration and love of Camillus his Justice, that immediately running into Counsel, they sent Ambassadours to him, to resign whatever they had to his disposal. Camillus sent them to Rome, where being brought into the Senate, they spoke to this purpose, That the Romans preferring Justice before Victory, had taught them rather to embrace submission than liberty; that they could not confess themselves to be so much inferiour in [Page 445] strength, as they must acknowledge them to be superiour in vertue. The Senate remit­ted the whole matter to Camillus, to judge and order as he thought fit. Who taking a sum of Money of the Falerians, and ma­king a Peace with the whole Nation of the Falisces, returned home: But the Souldiers, who expected to have had the Pillage of the City, when they came to Rome empty­handed, railed against Camillus among their Fellow-citizens, as a hater of the People, and one that maliciously opposed the inte­rest of the Poor. Afterwards, when the Tribunes of the People again proposed the Law for dividing the City, Camillus of all others most openly appear'd against it, spa­ring no pains, but inveying with all bold­ness against the Promoters of it; so that forcing and constraining the multitude, they dismissed the Law, though contrary to their inclinations. But against Camillus they had an implacable hatred. Insomuch, Camillus labours under two sad disa­sters. that though a great misfortune befell him in his Family (one of his Sons dying of a di­sease) yet the commiseration of his case could not in the least make them abate of their malice. And indeed he took this loss with immoderate sorrow, being a man na­turally of a mild and tender disposition; even that day, when the accusation was preferred against him, he kept house, and [Page 446] was shut up a close Mourner with the Wo­men. His Accuser was Lucius Apuleius. The Crime, Fraud in the Tuscan Spoils; and accordingly it was given out, that there were found with him certain brass Gates part of those Spoils. The People were exasperated against him, and it was plain they would take hold of the least pre­tence and occasion to condemn him. Where­fore gathering together his Friends and fel­low Souldiers, and such as had bore com­mand with him, a considerable number in all, he besought them that they would not suffer him to be unjustly crusht under false accusations, and left the mock and scorn of his Enemies. His Friends having advi­sed and consulted among themselves made answer, that as to the Sentence they did not see how they could help him, but that they would contribute to whatsoever fine should be set upon him: Not able to endure so great an indignity, he resolved in his an­ger, to leave the City, and go into Exile. Wherefore having taken leave of his Wife, His voluntary banishment, and his Son, he went silently to the Gate of the City, where making a stand, and turning himself about, he stretched out his Hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the Gods, That if without any fault of his own, but merely through the malice and violence of the people, he was driven out into banish­ment, [Page 447] that the Romans might quickly have cause to repent of it; and that all mankind might visibly perceive, that they needed his assistence, and longed for his return. Thus, like Achilles, having left his imprecations on the Citizens, he went into banishment; so that neither appearing, or making de­fence, he was condemned in the sum of fif­teen thousand Asses, which reduced to Sil­ver makes a thousand five hundred Drach­ma's; for an Asse was a little piece of Mo­ney, ten of which in Brass made a Penny. There is not a Roman but does believe that and its con­comitant ca­lamities. immediately upon the Prayers of Camillus, a sudden Judgment followed at the heels, and that he received a sufficient revenge for the injustice done unto him; which though we cannot think was pleasant, but rather grievous and bitter to him, yet it was very remarkable, and noised over the whole World: For such vengeance fell upon the City of Rome, and such dismal times suc­ceeded, as drew along with them all manner of dangers and deaths, accompanied with dis­grace and infamy: Whether or no it fell out by chance or fortune, or it be the office of some God not to see injured Vertue go un­revenged. The first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensue, was the death of the Censor in the Month of July, for the Romans have a religious reverence [Page 448] for the office of a Censor, and esteem it a sacred thing. The second was, That just before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Ce­dicius, a person of no great quality or of the rank of Senatours, but esteemed a so­ber and creditable man, reported to the Mi­litary Tribunes a thing worthy their consi­deration. That going along the Night be­fore in that Street which is called the new Way, and being called by some body in a huge voice, he turned about but could see no body, but heard a voice bigger than a Man's, which said these words, Go, Marcus Cedicius, and early in the morning tell the Military Tribunes, that suddenly they are to expect the Gauls. But the Tribunes made a mock and sport with the story, and a little after Camillus his business fell out.

The Gauls are descended originally of the Celtae, and are reported by reason of The Gauls, their original and progress. their vast numbers to have left their Coun­try not able to sustain them all, and to have gon in search of other places to inha­bit. And being many thousands of them young Men and able to bear Arms, and car­rying with them a greater number of Wo­men and young Children, some of them passing the Riphaean Mountains, fell upon the Northern Ocean, and possessed the ut­termost bounds of Europe; others seating [Page 449] themselves between the Pyrenaean Mountain and the Alpes, for a long time lived near to the Sennones and Celtorii. But after­wards tasting of the Wine which was then first brought them out of Italy, they were all so much taken with the Liquor, and transported with the unusual delight, that snatching up their Arms, and taking their Parents along with them, they marched di­rectly to the Alpes to find out that Coun­try which yielded such Fruit, esteeming all others barren and unpleasant. He that first brought Wine among them, and was the chief instigatour to draw them into Italy, is said to be one Arron a Tuscan, a man of Arron instru­mental in bringing the Gauls into Italy. noble extraction, by nature not evil, but happened to be in these untoward circum­stances: he was Guardian to an Orphan, one of the richest of that Country, and much admired for his beauty, his name Lucumo; From his Childhood he had been bred up with Arron in his Family, and now grown up, he left not the House, pretending to take great delight in his conversation, thus for a great while together he secretly enjoy­ed Arron's Wife, corrupting and being cor­rupted by her. But when they were both so far gone on in their passions, that they could neither refrain their lust or conceal it, the young Man seised the Woman and openly carried her away. The Husband going to [Page 450] Law, and overpower'd in multitude of Friends and Money, left his own Country, and hearing of the state of the Gauls, went to them, and was Conductour of that Ex­pedition into Italy. At first coming they presently possessed themselves of all that Country which anciently the Tuscans in­habited, reaching from the Alpes to both the Seas, as the names themselves witness; for the North Sea Adria is so called from the Tuscan City Adria, and that which lies on the other side to the South is called the Tuscan Sea. All the Country is well planted with Trees, has pleasant and rich Pasture, and well watered with Rivers. It had eighteen fair and stately Cities, excel­lently seated for industry and Trade, and plentifully provided for all pleasures and de­lights. The Gauls casting out the Tuscans seated themselves in them: but these things were done long before.

But the Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium a Tuscan City. The Clusians sent to the Romans for succour, desiring them to interpose with the Barbarians by their Letters and Ambassadours. There were sent three of the Family of the Fabii per­sons of the greatest quality, and most ho­nourable in the City. The Gauls received them courteously in respect to the name of Rome, and giving over the assault which [Page 451] was then making upon the Walls came to conference with them, where the Am­bassadours asking what injury they had re­ceived of the Clusians that they thus invaded their City, Brennus King of the Gauls smi­ling made answer, The Clusians doe us inju­ry, Brennus's satyrical re­ply to the Ro­man Ambas­sadours at the Siege of Clusium. in that not able to till a small parcel of ground, they must needs possess a great Ter­ritory, and will not communicate any part to us, who are strangers, many in number and poor. In the same nature, O Romans, for­merly the Albanes, Fidenates and Ardeates, and now lately the Veiens and Capenates and many of the Falisces and Volsces did you injury; upon whom ye make War if they do not yield you part of what they possess, ye make Slaves of them, ye waste and spoil their Country and ruin their Cities, neither in so doing are ye cruel or unjust, but follow that most ancient of all Laws, which gives the things of the feeble to the strong, beginning from God and ending in the Beasts, for all these by nature seek, the stronger to have advantage over the weaker: Leave off there­fore to pity the Clusians whom we besiege, lest ye teach the Gauls to be good and compassio­nate to those that are oppressed by you. By this answer the Romans perceived that Brennus was not to be treated with, so they went into Clusium and encouraged and stirr'd up the inhabitants to make a sally [Page 452] with them upon the Barbarians, which they did either to try the strength of the Clusians, or to shew their own. The sally being made, and the fight growing hot about the Walls, one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, being well mounted, and setting Spurs to his Horse, made full against a Gaul, a man of huge bulk and stature, whom he saw was rode out a great distance from the rest. At the first he was not perceived through the sharpness of the encounter, and the glit­tering of his Armour that hindred the sight of him; but when he had overthrown the Gaul, and was going to gather the Spoils, Brennus knew him, and invoking the Gods Brennus by what incens'd to make War with Rome. to be witnesses, that contrary to the known and common Law of Nations, which is ho­lily observed by all mankind, that he who came an Ambassadour should act hostility against him, he drew off his men, and bid­ding the Clusians farewell, led his Army directly to Rome. But not willing it should look as if they took advantage of that in­jury, and were ready to embrace any slight occasion and pretence of quarrel, he sent a Herald to demand the man in punishment, and in the mean time marched leasurely on. The Senate being met at Rome, among ma­ny others that spoke against the Fabii, the Priests called Feciales were the most violent prosecutours, who laying Religion before [Page 453] the Senate, advised them that they would lay the whole guilt and expiation of the fact upon him that committed it, and so acquit the rest. These Feciales Numa Pompilius, the mildest and justest of Kings, constituted the Conservatours of Peace, and the Judges and Determiners of all Causes by which War may justifiably be made. The Senate referring the whole matter to the People, and the Priests there as well as in the Senate pleading against Fa­bius, the multitude did so little regard their authority that in scorn and contempt of it they chose Fabius and the rest of his Bre­thren Fabius chosen Tribune in the expediti­on against the Gauls. Military Tribunes. The Gauls hea­ring this, in great rage would no longer delay their march, but hastned on with all the speed they could make. The places through which they marched, terrified with their numbers and such dreadfull prepara­tions of War, and considering the violence and fierceness of their natures, began to give their Countries for lost, not doubting but their Cities would quickly follow; but contrary to expectation they did no injury as they passed, or drove any thing from the Fields, and when they went by any City they cried out, That they were going to Rome; that the Romans onely were their Enemies, and that they took all others for their Friends. Thus whilst the Barbarians [Page 454] were hastening with all speed, the Military Tribunes brought the Romans into the Field to be ready to engage them, being not in­feriour to the Gauls in number (for they were no less than forty thousand Foot) but most of them raw Souldiers and such as had never handled a Weapon before; besides Neglect of re­ligious du­ties, and multiplicity of Officers extremely prejudicial to the Roman affairs. they had neglected to consult the Gods, as they ought and used to do upon all difficul­ties, especially War, but ran on without staying for Priest or Sacrifice. No less did the multitude of Commanders distract and confound their proceedings; for before up­on less occasions they chose a single person called Dictatour, being sensible of what great importance it is in times of danger, to have the Souldiers united under one Ge­neral, who had absolute and unaccountable power in his hands. Add to all that the remembrance of Camillus his case was no small hinderance to their affairs, it being grown a dangerous thing to command with­out humouring and courting the Souldiers. In this condition they left the City, and en­camped by the River Allia about eleven miles from Rome, and not far from the place where it falleth into the Tyber, where the Gauls coming upon them, and they shame­fully engaging without Order or Discipline, were miserably defeated. The left Wing was immediately driven into the River and [Page 455] there utterly destroyed: the Right had less damage, by declining the shock, and from the low grounds getting to the tops of Hills, from whence many of them afterwards drop'd into the City; the rest as many as escaped (the Enemy being weary of the slaughter) stole by night to Veii giving Rome for gone, and all that was in it for lost. This Battel was fought about the Summer Solstice, the Moon being at full, the very same day in which formerly hap­pened that sad misfortune to the Fabii, when three hundred of that name and Fa­mily were at one time cut off by the Tus­cans. But from this second loss and defeat, the day got the name of Alliensis, from the River Allia, and still retaineth it. But con­cerning Remarkable occurrences relating to the observati­on of particu­lar days. unlucky days whether we should esteem any such or no, or whether Hera­clitus did well in upbraiding Hesiod for di­stinguishing them into fortunate and unfor­tunate, as one ignorant that the nature of every day is the same, I have discoursed in another place; but upon occasion of this present subject I think it will not be amiss, to annex a few examples relating to this matter. On the fifth of June the Boeotians happened to get two signal Victories, the one about Leuctra, the other at Gerastus, about three hundred years before, when they overcame Lattamyas and the Thessali­ans, [Page 456] and asserted the liberty of Greece. A­gain on the sixth of August the Persians were worsted by the Grecians, at Mara­thon, on the third at Plataeae as also at My­cale; on the twenty fifth at Arbeli. The Athenians about the full Moon in August got a Sea Victory about Naxus under the Conduct of Chabrias; about the twentieth at Salamin, as we have shewn in our Book of Days. April was very unfortunate to the Barbarians, for in that Month Alexan­der overcame Darius his General at Grani­cum; and the Carthaginians on the twenty seventh were beaten by Timoleon about Si­cily, on which same Day and Month Troy seems to have been taken, as Ephorus, Cal­listhenes, Damastes and Phylarchus have re­lated. On the other hand the Month July was not very lucky to the Grecians; for on the seventh day of the same they were defeated by Antipater, at the Battel in Cra­non, and utterly ruin'd; and before that in Chaeronea they were defeated by Philip, and on the very same Day, same Month and same Year, they that went with Archidamus into Italy were there cut off by the Barbarians. The Carthaginians also observe the twenty seventh of the same Month, as bringing with it the most and greatest of their losses. I am not ignorant that about the Feast of Mysteries Thebes was destroyed by Alex­ander; [Page 457] and after that upon the same twen­tieth of August, on which day they cele­brate the Mysteries of Bacchus, the Atheni­ans received a Garrison of the Macedoni­ans; on the self same day the Romans lost their Camp under Scipio, by the Cimbri­ans, and under the conduct of Lucullus over­came the Armenians and Tigranes. King Attalus and Pompey died both on their birth days. I could reckon up several that have had variety of fortune on the same day. This day called Alliensis is one of the unfor­tunate ones to the Romans, and for its sake other two in every Month, Fear and Su­perstition as the custom of it is more and more encreasing. But I have discoursed this more accurately in my Book of Roman Causes.