The new discoverer discover'd by way of answer to Mr. Baxter his pretended discovery of the Grotian religion, with the several subjects therein conteined : to which is added an appendix conteining a rejoynder to diverse things both in the Key for Catholicks, and in the book of disputations about church-government and worship, &c. : together with a letter to the learned and reverend Dr. Heylin, concerning Mr. Hickman and Mr. Bashaw / by Thomas Pierce ... Pierce, Thomas, 1622-1691. 1659 Approx. 883 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 169 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54844 Wing P2186 ESTC R44 12012482 ocm 12012482 52440

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54844) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52440) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 574:16) The new discoverer discover'd by way of answer to Mr. Baxter his pretended discovery of the Grotian religion, with the several subjects therein conteined : to which is added an appendix conteining a rejoynder to diverse things both in the Key for Catholicks, and in the book of disputations about church-government and worship, &c. : together with a letter to the learned and reverend Dr. Heylin, concerning Mr. Hickman and Mr. Bashaw / by Thomas Pierce ... Pierce, Thomas, 1622-1691. [24], 309, [3] p. Printed by J.G. for Richard Royston ..., London : 1659. Includes bibliographical references. Errata: p. 309. Advertisement: p. [1]-[3] at end. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library.

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eng Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. -- Grotian religion discovered. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. -- Five disputations of church-government and worship. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. -- Key for Catholicks. Grotius, Hugo, 1583-1645. Hickman, Henry, d. 1692. Bagshaw, Edward, 1629-1671. Church of England -- Controversial literature. 2003-07 Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

The New Discoverer DISCOVER'D.

By way of Answer to Mr. BAXTER his Pretended Discovery of the GROTIAN RELIGION, With the Several Subjects therein Conteined.

To which is added AN APPENDIX Conteining a Rejoynder to diverse Things both in the Key for Catholicks, and in The book of Disputations about Church-Government and Worship, &c.

TOGETHER WITH A Letter to the Learned and Reverend Dr. Heylis, Concerning Mr. Hickman and Mr. Bagshaw.

By THOMAS PIERCE Rector of Brington.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Arrian. Ep. l. 4. c. 5. Their own Tongues shall make them fall. Psal. 64.8.

LONDON, Printed by I. G. for Richard Royston at the Angel in Ivye-lane. 1659.

A Preadvertisement to the Reader. CHRISTIAN READER,

IF thou desirest to know the Reason, why I begin to Mr. Baxter with more respect than thou allow'st him; whereas I treat him in my Appendix with little more than he deserves, (making almost as great a difference in my stile to him, as is observable in his to me,) be pleased to accept of this hasty, but just accompt.

I was indulgent, in the beginning, to mine own particular Inclinations; but at the end I consulted his greatest Needs. My Inclinations would ever lead me to speak as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Rom. 15.2. pleasingly as I may, but that my Iudgment sometimes corrects them, and makes them give way to my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Rom. 15.2. Neighbour's profit. His bitter Enmity against my person, which he hath sturdily concluded in a state of Damnation, and so by consequence a Reprobate, after his way of reasoning, (though, blessed be God, his Conclusion is not deduced from any premises, save what his Passion and his Fancy have shap d out to him,) I say his Enm ty to my person, did onely move me to forgive, and to use him gently. But when I beheld him a second time, as the bitterest Adversary of Truth, reviling the Fathers of the Church, and the Church herself, more than any Presbyterian I ever met with, (unless I except Mr. Hickman, with whom I shall reckon in due time for his great uncleannesse,) I durst not Gal. 1.10. seek to please men, so as to cease to be the servant of Iesus Christ. And therefore however I have begun my ensuing papers with what was most pleasant for me to write, yet have I suffer'd my self at last to adde such things in the Conclusion, as I found Mr. Baxter had need to read. For if, after my having been very liberal, I find my Client so much the worse; the likeliest method to make him better, is to become for the future but strictly just. He is a different man in his book of Government and Worship, and in the later part of his Key for Catholicks, from what he was in his Discovery of the Grotian Religion, (for so it seems he was pleas'd to word it) and that did make him the fitter for somewhat a different Entertainment. Grot. Rel. r f. Sect. 3. It is not long since he made profession, that if any should gather from his Discourse, my being such my self as he affirmed Grotius to have been, he protested against all such Accusations as no part of his intention: but in his two last Volumes his mind is changed, (or else his Members have prevailed against his mind) so far forth as to accuse me of downright Popery, and of having a hand in the Grotian plot, which (if we may prudently believe him) is to bring Popery into the Land, and together with that a Persecution. He takes it ill that I am suffer'd to have a Key for Cath. p 385, 386. Rectory here in England; and thereupon bewrayes his judgment, that I am fitter for the Key for Cath. p 385, 386. Strappado: which whilst he saith that such as he cannot escape in my Church, (implying me to be one of the bloodiest Papists, (whether Spanish or Italian, he doth not say) he doth abundantly insinuate his kindnesse to me

Had I a heart to return him Evil for Evil, I might fitly proclaim him either a Iesuite, or a Iew. For without question he is either, as much as I am a Papist: but I will not vie slanders with men of Toung, nor try the strength of my Invention to beat an Enemy at his own weapon; for this were onely to be at strife, who should be the most impious. No, let the Rigid Presbyterian take such victories to himself, without receiving the trouble of being contended with at all. I may often times punish, but never wrong him: and when I punish the Malefactor, I spare the Man. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Agape . Diac. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . p. 83. Vengeance is a thing which I leave to God, I being fully content with a Vindication. 'Tis true I prove him to be a See Append. Sect. 5. Papist by fourteen Arguments; but they are Arguments onely ad Hominem, and professedly urged by a Prosopopoeia, and onely in order to his Conviction, that more may be said against him, than he can say against Grotius; and that his injuries to Grotius do onely prove his own hurts. And having thus proved him to be a Papist, I freely Ibid p. 175. professe to believe him none.

I hope his Calumnies of Grotius, and the Episcopal Divines, will now obtaine the less credit with his most credulous Admirers, for that he hath poured out the same (and a great deal worse) against a person of great remarke amongst the Counsellours of State. Compare The Vindication of Sir Henry Vane, with Mr. Baxter's unchristian usage of him in his Key for Catholicks. The Vani or Vanists (for he is pleas'd to speak in both Dialects) are made the burden of his invective in his Key for Catholicks. In his Dedicatory Epistle, (which some have call'd his Court-Flattery,) he make's a grievous complaint against ten sorts of men, of whom he declare's he is very jealous. [The third of these are the Vani, whom God by wonders confounded in new England, but have here prevailed far in the dark.] To explain his meaning in the Epistle, he tell's us Key for Cat . p. 330, 331. plainly in the Book, that the first sort of Iuglers, or Hiders of their Religion, under whom the Papists do now manage their principal design, are the Vani, whose Game was first plaid openly in America in New-England, where God gave his Testimonies against them from heaven upon their two Prophetesses, Mrs. Hutchinson and Mrs. Dyer; the later brought forth a Monster with the parts of Bird, Beast, Fish, and Man. The former brought forth many (neer 30.) Monstrous Births at once, and was after slain by the Indians. This providence (he add's) should have awakened the Parliament to a wise and godly jealousie of the Counsells and Designs of him that was in New-England, the Master of the Game, and to have carefully searched how much of his Doctrine and design were from heaven, and how much of them he brought with him from Italy, or at least was begotten by the Progenitor of Monsters. And lest his Readers should be to seek on whom he fasten's such ugly calumnies, he frequently Ibid. p. 319, 329, 338. nameth Sir Henry Vane, neither regarding the Quality, or Learned parts of that Knight, nor any the least Reverence or Care of Truth.

Of this, and many the like prancks, I am particularly concern'd to take some notice, first because Mr. Baxter hath coupled Ibid. p. 391. the Vani with Mr. P. And both with four sorts of men, by whom the Popish design is kept on foot; to wit the Seekers, the Infidels, the Behmenists, and the Quakers. Next because mine own sufferings have taught me to look with indignation on other Men's, how little soever their principles agree with mine. And though I suppose Sir Henry Vane is very far from being partiall to the Episcopal Divines, (with whom I will rather choose to suffer the greatest hardships, than embrace the Iam s 4.4. Friendship of the world, H b. 11. 5. or enjoy the pleasures of Sin for a season,) yet are we bound to do him right, and to be sensible of his wrongs, and to afford him that deference, which both his Birth and his Breeding have made his due. When St Paul had to do with a person of honour amongst the Heathen, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A ts 26.25. he was so civil as to call him most noble Festus. And he is sure a grosse Christian, who think's it his duty to be a Clown. I cannot tell what judgement that Learned Gentleman may be of; but he hath this commendation (as well as Grotius) that he is hated by Mr. Baxter beyond all measure; and is sufficiently averse to the Presbyterians.

Christian Reader, have the patience to be pre-admonish'd of one thing more. The greatest abuse and the most groundlesse which I have suffer'd from Mr. Baxter (in no less than three distinct Volumes) is his indeavour to represent me, as an Enemy to Purity and pious life. Which however he hath done in as grosse a manner, as if he had tryed to what Extremities both of absurdity and Falshood, depraved Man may be transported by abusing the Liberty of his Will, (which God could never predetermine to such uncleannesse,) yet some at least of his Followers who have never yet seen him without his Vizard, have been betrayed by that confidence (with which he hath written against his Conscience) to incourage his calumnies with their belief. As for reason, or proof, he hath not offer'd any thing towards it, but to supply that defect, he hath thought it enough to declaim against me, for being supposed to have declaim'd against Purit nes, neither naming any one passage in any papers which I had publish'd, nor so much as referring to any page where any such passage was to be found. I received letters of inquiry, [where I had written against Puritanes, that Mr. Baxter should so largely rebuke me for it before the world? My answer was, that I never did it, for ought I was able to remember; and that untill Mr. Baxter could shew me where, I should not believe I had been forgetfull. Indeed I 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ch. 3. p. 75. cited that part of King Iames his Letter, which told the Bishops they had to do with two sorts of Enemies, Papists and Puritanes, and will'd them to goe forward against the one and the other. But it appeare's by these words, not that I, or Archbishop Spotswood, (by whom the Letter is recorded) but that King Iames, who writ the Letter, had sharply written against Puritanes. In so much that Mr. Baxter hath dealt with me, as he hath also dealt with Sir Henry Vane, whom he Key for Cath. p. 331. supposeth to have brought Corrupt Opinions out of Italy, when it appeare's that Sir Henry was never there.

But now admit that I had written against the Puritanes, before his clamour was put in print, (as very possibly I did, though I professe I know not where, and much desire to be inform'd) yet I had done no other thing, than had been donby the most eminent in point of Piety, Learning, Iudgment and Moderation, from the dayes of Queen Elizabeth, to these our own. And if I am an Enemy to Religion for having cited the words of others, what will be said by Mr. Baxter of Archbishop Whitgift, Archbishop Bancroft, Judicious Hooker, Judge Popham, Bishop Andrews, Bishop Carleton, Bishop Hall, Dr. Sanderson, (with divers others, whom I have cited in the first Chapter of this Book) whose just severity to the Puritanes may serve to put Mr. Baxter to shame and silence.

If he means no more than this, that I have cited out of the Writings of English and Scotish Presbyterians, their own ☞See The Sel Revenger exemplified ch. 3. p. 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, &c. Confessions of their own principles and practise too, he should have honestly told his Readers, that I had written no worse of the Presbyterians, than themselves had written of themselves. Nor should he have called them Puritanes, whom I had called Presbyterians, (as themselves in their Writings have call'd themselves) unless he was willing to acknowledge that they were both the same thing. Observe (good Reader) how the Case stands between us. It is confessed by Mr. Knox, that Iames Melvin (with two more) did privately murder the Archbp. of St. Andrews, which the same Mr. Knox doth withall commend for a Godly Fact. This Confession I Ibid. p. 8 observed, and shewed his page where it is printed. Again by 52. Ministers of the Province of London it was confessed (from the presse too) that instead of a Reformation they had a Deformation in Religion, —having open'd the very Flood-gates to all Impiety and profanen sse, &c. This Concession I Ibid p. 81. observed, and shew'd the page where it was printed. That proceeded from the Scotish, this from the English Presbyterians. What may now be the reason, that Mr. Baxter pursues me with so much Rancor? Was it my fault that the things were printed, (without my knowledge or consent) and printed by the Authors from whom I had them? Or may not a man relate a passage, as he find's it printed before his eyes? Which was worst of the two, that Mr. Knox the Presbyterian commended Murder, or that a man of the Church of England did fairly cite his commendation? Let it be judg'd by my writings, and by the Authors whom I produce, whether I am so like an Enemy to Christian purity, as they (who say it) are Friends and Fautors to the most Heathenish Impurity to be imagin'd.

And because I have met with a sort of men, who having been led by blind guides, have stuck so fast in the ditch of error, as to believe the word Puritane is of a faire signification, and import's a man of a pious life, I think it my duty to declare, (before I admit them to read my Book) that whensoever I shall be found to speak severe y concerning Puritanes, (and that in meer satisfaction to Mr. Baxter) I mean no other then have been meant by Bishop Andrewes of blesse Memory, or by the learned and Reverend Dr. Sand •• son, with other persons of renown hereafter mention'd. Puritanes properly are things, which being inwardly full of Filth, do either esteem themselves pure, or would fain by others be so esteemed. And for the very same reason, that Bishop Andrews fasten'd the name of Puritanes on those old Hereticks, the Catharists, I may bestow it on the Ipsi Impuri cùm essent alios à se ut impures arcebant. Sicut Samaritas Geographus Arabs clamass ait, Ne Attingas. Ejus Samaritarum moris etiam ad hunc locum meminit Hieronymus. vid. Grot. in Isa. 65.5. Samaritans, those older Schismaticks amongst the Hebrews; who reckon'd others so impure in comparison of themselves, that if a man drew neer them who was not one of their Faction, they would send him away with a [Ne Attingas] touch me not thou man of Sin. Such like Puritanes were they, whom God himself hath describ'd by the Prophet Esay [A Rebellious people, which walketh in a way that is not good, after their own thoughts: A people that provoketh me to anger continually to my face, that sacrificeth in Gardens, and burneth Incense upon altars of Brick, — which say, STAND BY THY SELF, COME NOT NEAR TO ME, FOR I AM HOLIER THEN THOU. Isa. 65.2, 3, 5.] Yet as Godly, and as pure, as in the pride of their hearts they esteemed themselves, God denounceth them as fewel to the unclean Fire of Hell. For so the Chaldee Paraphrase doth understand the next words. These shall be a smoak in mine Anger, and a Fire that burneth all the day. Ibid. Such again were those Puritanes (for I may boldly parachronize by so great an example as Bishop Andrews) of whom we are told by the Royall Preacher, [there is a generation who are pure in their own eyes, and yet are not washed from their filthinesse. Prov. 30.12.] These are persons the more desperate, and incapable of cure, the more difficult it is to make them feel that they are sick. Continuing pure in their own eyes, we cannot perswade them to 2 Cor. 7. . cleanse themselves from any manner of filthinesse, of flesh, or spirit. Thence said our Saviour to the Puritanes, who thought too well of themselves, to accept of him for their Physitian, [Verily I say unto you that the Publicans and Harlots go into the Kingdom of God before you. Mat. 21.31.]

If when I shew my aversion to such as these whom God abhorreth, and give my inst nce in Mr. Knox, with other rigid Presbyterians, (as the Lord Chancellor Egerton had done before me) adding the reasons of what I do from Notereity of Fact, and commonly too from their own Conf ssions; If (I say) in such case, Mr. Baxter and Mr. Hickman conclude themselves to be concern'd, without so much as demanding whether or no I mean them, they are ipso Facto their own Accusers. It is not my fault, that Hypocrisie is a Sin; nor that I labour to make it odious. If men are conscious to themselves of being Hypocrites, as I am not able to make them less conscious, so neither would I, if I were able. My publick Premonition prefixt to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . p. ult. professions might h ve ufficed, that when my word are general, I ai e at none in particular, unlesse I name them. I such as must acknowledge they were not nam'd, will needes be naming themselves in print, or otherwise make applications where I make none, they themselves must acknowledge, I cannot help it.

And therefore whatsoever unchristian speeches, I may continue to suffer for my Good wil, from such as (in order to their gain) do put on godlinesse for a disguize, I will not cease (Good Reader) to put thee alwaies in remembrance, that the difference is as wide betwixt Purity and Puritanism, as betwixt Holinesse and Hypocrisie. Let Epicharmus his Apophthegm never depart out of thy mind, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . be sober and distrustfull. Let the wisdom of the serpent protect the innocency of the dove. A prudent diffidence is a lesson which is at least as needfull, as it is difficult to be lear t. Take that from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Euripid. in Helenâ. Euripedes; and this from N vi & Artus s pientiae, non temerè credere. Cicero de pe itione Consul. Tully; that not to be sway'd over hastily by the outward Mat. 23.28. appearances of men, is no lesse then the Sinew and strength of wisdome. And therefore however it is natural for Gold to glister, yet remember that Art is the Apc of Nature, and that many things do glister which are not Gold.

Before thou seest my first sheets, be pleas'd to know that they were printed, before I saw the two Volumes to which I speak in my Appendix. If thou thinkst that I have err'd in my civil Expressions to Mr. Baxter, whose incivilities towards me made him unworthy of such a treatment; remember my errors are on the right hand, whilst his are exceedingly on the left. And although I have taken a special care, not to be censur'd in his next Volume (like them that sent him kind Letters) for one of his Note the b •• barous Requital of C v l usage. flattering and fauning Adversaries; yet I conceived it my advantage, to use him better then he deserv'd. But if thou art not of my opinion, and art so rigid an exactor of Arithmetical proportion in every exercise or act of vindicative justice, as not to allow those errors in me, which thou yieldest to be of the better sort; it is but takeing thy Pen and Inke, and putting them all in the Errata.

The general Contents of the several Chapters.

The Introduction. Of David and Peter in Mr. Baxter's Title-page. Of Puritanes and Sequestrations in the same,

CHAP. I. Concerning Grotius.

SECT. I. His Religion and Design. Sect. 3. His English Followers. Dr. Hammond and Mr. Thorndike in his defence. Sect. 4. To calumniate Grotius confessed odious by his Calumniator. Sect. 5. Mr. Baxter's promise of Repentance ex hypothesi. Grotius accused of turning Papist. But proved none by XIX. Arguments. Drawn from other men's Testimonies, and from his own. From his own both private and publick Professions of himself. An Accompt of his Religion from his Animadversions upon Rivet's. From his Annals and Histories. His Notes on Cassander. His Votum pro Pace. His Epistles to the French. His De Imperio Sum. Pot. circa Sacra. His Discussio Apologetici Rivetiani. From the last Act of his Life, his Death, Burial. —Sect. 6. Of his pretended Dissimulation, and how it reflects on his Accuser. Sect. 7. Grotius at last is but a Papist with an if, &c. Sect. 8. Popery disclaimed as well by Grotius and Mr. P. as by Mr. Baxter. Sect. 9. Mistakes in reading Grotius, ariseing from a nescience or hatred of his design. Sect. 10. How much may be offered to purchase peace. Sect. 11. Grotius his Doctrine and Design more Catholical than Mr. Baxter's. Sect. 12. And the terms to which he calls us, less impossible. Sect. 13. Grotius doth not cut off the holiest parts of the Church. Sect. 14. His way is not uncharitable. Sect. 15. It doth not tend to per ecution. Sect. 16. It doth not engage in a way of Sin. Sect. 17. Mens thoughts of Grotius must be esteemed by their words. Sect. 18. The Conclusion, conteining a muster of those Reproaches which are cast on Grotius by Mr. Baxter, and what disadvantage doth thence ensue.

CHAP. II. Concerning Subjects of several Natures.

Sect. 1. Mr. Baxter's acknowledgment of Charity, with his uncharitable Requital. Sect. 3. The title of Arminian unseasonably applied. Sect. 4. Neither Grotius nor any else can be too severe against blasphemy. Sect. 5. What differences are verbal, and what are real. Sect. 6. A material difference indeed. Sect. 8. Of heads of Controversy reconcileable. Sect. 9. Grotius made not uncharitable inferences, but recited onely already made.

CHAP. III. Concerning the state of David and the Godly, whilst yet Impenitent.

Sect. 1. A strange difference between the Godly, and the notoriously ungodly. Sect. 2. The excessive danger of making the greatest sinners to dream themselves into a Saintship. The danger exemplified in a Presbyterian woman Sect. 3. The sins of David with their Circumstances. Sect. 4. Peter's sins very different from those of David. Sect. 5. Of Solomon's state and its uncertainty. Sect. 6. The Reprobates are granted by Mr. Baxter to have grace sufficient. Mr. Baxter's Description of Common Grace and its effects. Sect. 7. Of men twice sanctified. Sect. 8. Concerning the importance of Heb. 6. & 10. Sect. 9. Gods testimony of David twofold, each to be compared with the Rule, Ezek. 18.24. &c. Sect. 10. How far charity was decayed in David; and how hard it is to murder wilfully in love. Sect. 11. Of Davids Prayer Psal. 51. Sect. 12. His being clearly unsanctified by his accumulated sins. Sect. 13. A signall quick-sand to be avoided by all that are ensna ed with the novel notion of perseverance. Sect. 14. Of Faith as a practicall adherence unto God. Sect. 15. David was soberly put to it. Sect. 16. The fallacious use of the word Graceless. Sect. 17. Some are thinkers to their own prejudice. Sect. 18. It is an other quick-sand to be avoided, which leads men to think they are the better for their Hypocrisie. Sect. 19. What it is, and what it is not, to build upon a rock. Sect. 20. The horror of a Doctrine should teach its vassals to disclaim it. The equivocal refuge of being obedient in the maine. Sect. 21. What was predominant in David when he deliberately sinned. Sect. 22. None in adultery and murder can be really good men before the time of their repentance. Sect. 23. The danger of the great error proposed to consideration, what desperate Doctrines have been applauded by some of the ablest Presbyterians, no whit better then those of Wickliff.

CHAP. IV. Concerning Subjects of several Natures.

Sect. 1. A tacite and groundless accusation sadly reflecting on the accuser. Sect. 2. Of condemning brethren. The accuser is the most criminal. Sect. 3. Wants of charity examin'd, and found to be in the accuser. Sect. 5. The accusers character of himself. Sect. 6. His obligation to re ant, if not resolutely mischievous.

CHAP. V. Concerning Puritanes.

Sect. 1. The Puritanes lives no better then their doctrines. Sect. 3. Their partiality to their own Tribe. The contrary lives of Antipuritan s. Sect. 4. The Accusers concurrence with the Iesuite. Sect. 5. Fitz-Simmons his Artifice discovered, and the Puritanes service-ablenesse to the Papists. Sect. 6. King Iames his description of a Puritane. Sect. 7. What Puritane signifies with the Papists. Sect. 8. A mistake of the old Catharists who yet were Puritanes before the word was fitted to the thing. Grotius groundlesly calumniated afresh. Sect. 9, What the Puri anes were with the old Episcopal party. The judgement of Archbishop Whitgift and judicious Hooker concerning Puritanes, Dr. Sanderson's judgement of the same. Sect. 10. Bishop Andrews his judgement of Puritanes in his Sermon of worshipping imaginations, p. 29. A.D. 1592. published by supreme Authority. Sect. 11. Sir John Harrington's judgement of Puri anes. The judgement of Queen Eliz: and her Privy Counsel, and Archbishop Bancroft p. 12.13. and Archbishop Whitgift. ib. p. 7.8. Of Judge Fopham. Sect. 12. The Lord keeper Puckering's judgement of Puritanes by the direction of Queen Eliz: delivered in the House of Lord in Parliament assembled. Sect. 13. The judgement of Dr. R. Clarke, one of the Translators of the Bible, conce ning the then-Puritanes, in his second Visitation Sermon Zech 11.17. Sect. 14. An accompt of Puritanes from the Examen Historicum. Wichliff's new Gospel. Their helping on the Popish interest. Their rebellious Principles. Sect. 15. Bishop Montagues judgement of Puritanes. Sect. 16. Grotius his judgement concerning Puritanes. Mr. Thorndike's judgement of Puritanes; Bishop Hall's judgement of Puritanes in his Latin exhortation to the Synod at Dort, on Eccles. 7.16. Sect. 17. King Iames distinguished the Knaves-Puritane, from the Puritane-Knave. Sect. 18. Of the word Roundhead, and praying aloud in private. Sect. 19. How the Puritanes are the worst kind of swearers. Sect. 20. The tale of drinking a bloody health to the Devil, no less impertinent, then uncharitable. A gross and dangerous falsification in the management of the tale. Men should be taught by their sufferings not to do wrong. A Caveat against Raisers of false reports. Confident corrupting of plain words. Sect. 22. How some Puritanes have excommunicated themselves. The Monopolizer of Censoriousness no good Projecter. Sect. 23. A strange kind of Catholick, who is against the whole Church, yet partially cleaves unto a Sect, whilst he condemn's it. Sect. 24. A wilfull imposture, or else a Patronage of impiety.

CHAP. VI. Concerning the Sequestration of Episcopal Divines.

Sect. 1. Of Episcopal Divines and the Archbishop of Cant. Sect. 2. Sequestrations misliked by their very Abettors. Sect. 3. Sufficient information for such as want and desire it. Guilty men must keep their secrets or not be angry that they are known. Sect. 4. A sad plea for injustice from an opinion that it is good Sect. 5. Sequestrations disowned by their Defender. Sect. 6. Accusations are of no value, when onely general, and without proof. An ill man may have a good title to his Estate, and must not be wrong'd for being unrighteous. Evil must not be done in pretence of good ends. Rom. 3.8. Sect. 7. He who craves help must have the patience to receive it. Sect. 8. The shamefulness of Mr. Whites Centuries, worse were put into livings then the worst that were put out. Sect. 9. Unseasonable bitterness to the Protestants, from one who would not befriend the Papists. The indefinite Accuser brought to his triall by some particulars. A signal Confession, that what is call'd a Reformation was but a change unto the worse. Presbyterian confessions to the advantage of the Prelatists. The National Covenant confessed faul y. Sect. 10. A strange way of arguing in the behalf of Cruelty. Its consequence subversive of all humane society. Sect. 11. Concerning Vsurpers and Restitution. Sect. 12. What sequestrations are misliked, and what not. Sect. 13. Of growing Lu ty on Sequestrations, and self-denial in usurpation.

CHAP. VII. Of the Dort-Synod and the Remonstrants.

Sect. 1. A confessed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sect. 2. The Synodists unexcusable by standing out after yielding. Sect. 3. Of grace which is really, not verbally sufficient. Sect. 4. Austin confessedly against the Synod of Dort. Sect. 5. The extent of grace. Sect. 6. The Synod of Dort parallel'd with the Iesuites even by its own Advocates. Sect. 7. The Deniall of originall pravity falsely charged on the Remonstrants. Sect. 8. How much there is in the will of man. Sect. 9. To convert a sinner no breach of charity. Sect. 10. Who it is that abuseth the choisest of Gods servants. Sect. 11. Made appeare by an example.

The Contents of the APPENDIX. Concerning severall Subjects both in The Key for Catholicks, and in the Book of Disputations of Church-Government and Worship.

SECT. I. The chief occasion of the Appendix Sect. 2. Mr. Baxters charge of Popery attended with self-contradictions. Sect. 3. Made the more hainous in four respects. Sect. 4. He is shew'd his Danger, as well as guilt. Sect. 5. Himself proved to be a Papist by fourteen Arguments, according to his own Logick. Grotius vindicated and cleared from all appearance of Popery (from. Sect. 6. to Sect. 26.) The testimony of Poelenburg opposed to that of Sarravius. Mr. Baxters confounding a Primacy of order with a supremacy of power. And the New Canons of Rome with the antient Canons of General Councils. His many and grievous mistakes in translating Grotius his Latin; whether from wilfulness, or weakness, is referred unto the Reader. Grotius his design had no influence on our English changes. No Church-preferment was offer'd to him. Franciscus à Sanctâ Clarâ had a contrary design. Dr. Bezier cleared from an implicit Calumny. The Popes Primacy allow'd by all sorts of Protestants as well as Grotius; Bishop Andrews, Bishop Bramhall, Dr. Hammond, &c. A conjecture passed upon the letters which Mr. Baxter saith were sent to him of the real presence in the Lords Supper. Material and formal Idolatry. Two sorts of P pists. The granted Primacy a Bulwarke against Popery; Pacificks are not a cause of discord. The Pri acy of the Pope; how it removeth the whole mistake.

Sect. 29. By whom our Breaches were fir t made, and are ever since widened. The wrong sore rubb'd by Mr. Baxter, and Presbyterians gall'd upon the Prelatists backs. The Prelatists beaten for being abused yet are earnest desirers of Reconcilement. The Church of England justified by the Confessions of her Desertors. The Presbyterian separatists apparently unexcusable. They are obnoxious to men of all sides for their sin of schisme. Especially to the Episcopal, whose sufferings have made them the more conformable to the Primitive Christians. Sect. 30. Lay-Elders condemn'd by such as had sworn to assert them. Sect. 31. A Calumny cast upon our Preachers to the sole disgrace of the Calumniator. Once a day Preaching and Catechizing, a great deal better then Prateing twice. The Accuser most criminall. The Presbyterian Readers are many more then the Episcopal. And their Preaching much worse, if we may credit their own confessions. An agreement in point of Raileing between the Quakers and Presbyterians. Sect. 32. A fair Confession how far a Protestant may go, and be still a Protestant.

Sect. 33. Of Bishops and Presbytery. Bishop Hall's censure of the disturbers of setled Government in the Church. The Lord Primate's censure of Presbyterian Ordinations, as invalid and Schismati al; Dr. Holdsworth's sufferings a Declaration of his judgement. Sect. 34. The Presbyterian excuses are Aggravations of their offences. Sect. 35. Bishop Prideaux confessed a Moderate man, though the sharpest Censor of our English Presbyterians. He doth Characterize them by Ravenous Wolves. By ambitious low shrubs conspiring against the goodly Oake. By a petulant Ape on the house top. By the greedy Dog, and the Sacrilegious Bird in the common Fable. By Baltasar and Achan. By the title Smectymnuan, importing a monster with many heads. By the Bramble, consuming the Cedar of Lebanon. Bishop Prideaux us'd worse then any scandalous Minister.

Sect. 36. A vindication of Bishops, and Doctor Hammond's Paraphrase. Sect. 37. A Refutation of the prime Argument for Presbyterian Ordinations. Mr. Baxter proved to be an Heathen by his own Art of Syllogizing. Sect. 38. Presbyterians are not Bishops by having Deacons under them. Sect. 39. Immoderate virulence towards those of the Episcopal way. Mr. Thorndike's judgement of Presbyterian Ordinations.

Sect. 40. A parallel case between the Pharisees of old, and our modern Puritans.

Sect. 41. What hath been meant by the word Puritan by Learned men. The Lord Chancellor Egerto 's judgement of Puritans. Bishop Bramhall's judgement of the same. Bishop Hall of Pharisaism and Christianity.

Sect. 42. The Presbyterian Directory exceedingly abominable. The Kings reasons against the Directory. And his reasons for the Common Prayer.

Sect. 43. Concerning Coppinger and Hacket, and the communication of their Design to the Presbyterian Ministers. Sect. 44. Dr. Steward's Sermon at Paris. And Dr. Heylin's Antipuritanism.

To the Reverend Mr RICHARD BAXTER. Reverend Sir,

Sect. 1. AFter so many of my indeavours to disappoint the open enemies of Truth and Reason, thereby to rescue poor Christians from the worst kind of thraldom, in which too many have been held by the Mythologie of the Turks, whose desperate Doctrine of God's Decrees doth seem to me more terrible then all their Armies, by how much the bondage of a man's Spirit is more to be fear'd then that of his Flesh, (for the effecting of which Rescue, I verily thought you had laboured with me, till what you rais'd with one hand you also ruin'd w h the other; which made me think many times of Penelope's Web,) I pleas'd my self with an opinion that my Disputes were all ended; and that a liberty would be allowed me to pass the remnant of my dayes in my proper Element: I take the words of old Hesiod as if they were spoke unto my self, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For although perhaps I may not say I have as great an averseness to all Contention, as that of the Fish unto the Fire; yet am I not able to indure it, but when I steadfastly believe it to be a Duty. And being perswaded that it is mine, I dare not shrink from a discharge, how much soever it may cost me in self-denials. That alone is the time of my being imployed in my proper Element, when I am studying the Doctrine and Life of Christ, as both are ordinable to practice; when I am preaching the glad tidings of the Gospel of Peace, as one to whom is committed the Word of Reconciliation;2 Cor. 5.19. when I am teaching the Ignorant, admonis ing the Guilty, procuring settlement to the Doubtful, and binding up the broken-hearted; when I am anxiously pressing for Love, and Loyaltie, and Evangelical obedience to every one of Christs Precepts, that the profession of Christianity may not be brought into In nobis Christus patitur opprobriū, in nobis patitur Lex Christiana maledictum, aestimari it aque de cultoribus suis potest ille qui colitur. Salvian de Gubern. lib. 4. † Rom. 2 24. disgrace, nor the name of Christ be blasphemed among the Gentiles, through them who call it their duty to live in a course of disobed ence, and even boast that they have learn'd it in Chris s own school.

Sect. 2. But the opinion which I was of, that it would once more be given me to live in peace, (I speak of peace from without, for mine enemies cannot rob me of peace within,) and to imploy my whole time in those more acceptable indeavours, to which the bent of my soul doth most puissantly incline me, although it was innocent and pleasing, (whilest it was able to stay with me,) yet it appeared upon a sudden to have been a very fugitive and false opinion. For no sooner had I begun to bea my sword into a Plow-share, and to trie if men might be brought into an unity of Love (of which the first-fruits are since made publick) when an unity of Iudgment appeared to be so unattainable; but straight I found my self alarm'd, and bid to stand upon my guard, as being openly defied to a fresh encounter. So little hope is there of peace to one who finally resolves not to have friendship with the world, (I mean that Iam. 4.4. friendship which is enmity with God) that I am not afforded some little truce. I have not onely been assaulted by a su cession of Aggressors, for some years past, but commonly divers of them at once have fallen hastily upon me in the very same quarters; hoping the number of their men might distract my thoughts, when the weight of their Arguments could not be able to o press them.

Sect. 3. Of all those persons who have at any time discharged their Pens upon me, from Doctor Reynolds to Mr. Hickman, (that is, from the worthiest to the unworthiest of my Assailants,) none hath ever more exercised either my joy, or sorrow, or admiration, then your very much applauded and reverend self. First, it was matter to me of joy, that I should now have to do with a susficient adversary; whom (after the reverend Doctor Reynolds) I had esteemed one of the ablest of all that are enemies to the Church. Next, it was matter to me of sorrow, that so famous a Writer as you have been, should call me forth into the field in so poor a Quarrel, and that you made not choice of a fitter subject, which might have made you lesse liable then now you are. But I was taken with admiration, when I found you calling me Arminian, and inveighing against me even as such, when you your self (with as much reason) had been written against as an Arminian, and that by the men of your own dear party: methinks by your own unjust sufferings you might have learnt compassion on them that suffer as unjustly as you can possibly have done. I wish you had taken more Optimum emenda di genus est, si scripta in aliquod tempus reponantur, ut ad ea tanquam nova & aliena redeamus, ne nobis tanquam recentes foetus blandiantur. Quintil. time to weigh the matter you were to write of, then you would seem to have taken to write your book. I wish it for mine own sake as well as yours. Because the greater your failings are, the less you are capable of excuses, for which I should be willing to yield some place. And the easier it is to subdue your forces, I have the less incouragement to strive with you at all; and so the less to rejoice in in my i ployment. But being one of Christs soldiers, and warring under his Barner, I cannot make mine own enemy, or must I chuse mine own ground or way of Castrametation. I am to f ght against Error and Sin in general; and because I cannot o all at once, I am bound to fall on wheresoever I am appointed by my commander in chief, or where mine Adversaries challenge hath made it needful.

O David and Peter in the Title page. Sect. 4. Should I begin with your Title-page, and say as much against that, as that hath given me occasion, my Introduction would be in danger to be as long as your Preface. Which though but almost half your Book, yet it seems to me much more then the whole; at least in my sense, if not in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hesiod. l. . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hesiod's. And the Portal being the chiefest part of the House, puts me in mind of what was said by Diodorus of Sicily, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Diodor. Sicul. l. 20. p. 746. That there are some Historians who have made their whole story a meer Appendix unto their speeches. I will not therefore incur the danger of a voluminous Introduction, by insisting on the unfitness of every part of your Title-page, but onely remove one special stumbling-block, which you were pleased to put in your Readers way.

In the Title of your book, you pretend a vindication of David and Peter, &c. as if you would intimate to your Readers that I had wrong'd them. I might have said with more reason in the Title of mine, that I vindicate the truth of the Holy 2 S m. 11.2, 4, 8, 13, 15, 25, 27. Scriptures, in maintaining that David committed Adultery and Murder, besides his making Uriah drunk, and his foul dissimulation with God and Man. Of which although he repented, 2 Sam. 12.4.9. and writ against, and put his repentance upon Psal. 51. record too; yet before he repented he was impenitent, and that for more then nine Moneths. These (you know) were the things which I denied to consist with the power of Godliness, or with a state of salvation, during the state of impenitence in which he lived. And I had good reason for it, because you h d said in plain English, that a man must be wickeder then David was at his worst, before he could be said to be notoriously ungodly, or in a state of damnation. And considering the ground (or quick-sand rather) upon which you build such killing Doctrine; I thought my self bound to leave an Antidote to defend my poor Countrey-men from being poysoned. For they who can but presume that they are absolutely elected, and cannot possibly fall away, or be in a state of damnation, may be apt to sin greedily, (which is somwhat more then without regret,) at least as far as David is affirmed by some Preachers to have sin'd in safety; and for this they may appeal to several books of Mr. Baxter. I did n t give this Caveat in any ill will to you, Si , much less to David; but in great good will to my weaker brethren, who the more they 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 1 Cor. 10.12. seem to themselves to stand, the more I would have them to take heed lest they fall.

Sect. 5. Hereupon I ask you, Did you promise in your Title-page to vindicate David as an Adul erer, or as a Murderer, or as one who repented of all his wickedn ss? If the former, you are professedly a Pleader for gross impiety; if the latter, you have not spoken to the purpose, nor resisted any thing at all, but what was the fruit of your private fancy.

Sect. 6. The same I may say of S. Peter also. Of Peter, Puritans, and Sequestrations in the Title-page. For I spake against nothing in all his life, except his cowardize, and his perjurie, and his flat denial of the Lord Iesus, for which he hated himself, and did not write a vindication. I onely spake of such Puritans as I described to be hypocrites; having onely a form of godliness, but denying the power of it; the impurest creatures in the sight of God, and good men, as for other reasons, so for this also, that they are the Pro. 30.12. Isa. 65.5. purest in their own. I spake of such Sequestrations as were confessed to be unlawful by eminent Ministers of your own party, and that in print, nay detested by your self, if I may credit your own words, p. 111. Of all which when you profess to take upon you a vindication, I know not how you will free your self from siding with sin on the one side, or from strange impertinence on the other. I will have so fair an opinion of you, as to think you incurr'd this inconveni nce by writing hand over head, as egged on by the heat of your present interest and passion, which gave you not time to consider that you were writing against your interest, and against your intentions of writing for it. If this were the worst, (as it is really the best that I am able to make of so bad a matter) I shall be very glad of it, and hope, that as you have offended through too much haste, so you will make amends for it at greater leisure. I say, I hope it so much the rather, because if you find you are mistaken, you have offered me your promise of recantation.

Sect. 7. You see how willing I am to put the best construction upon your words that your words will bear: which course I wish you would have taken with me and Grotius, in stead of the worst that you could fancy either of his words or mine. I shall hope to overcome you in nothing more then in the measure of my civility and candid usage. And therefore I pray do me the justice, whenever you find your self afflicted with any portion of my Discourse, to consider from whence the affliction riseth. It shall not arise from any such bitterness of words or ce sures, as you and others have poured out against me, (you indeed much less then others) but from the nature of your own matter, from the condition of your own failings, and from the evidence of the conviction which my conscience forbids me to let you want.

Sect. 8. I shall begin with your Preface, and, in that, with your thoughts of Grotius; which lying scattered up and down in many parts of your Book, I shall endeavour to gather up (as far as my leisure will permit, and occasion serve) to be considered by themselves in the following Chapter. I shall direct my speech unto your Reverend self, not upon any other motive then a civil compliance with your example. The former half of your book (which you call a Preface) being onely divided into Sections, and the later h lf being printed with a notification of the pages; I think it will be my easiest way, so to distinguish in my citations, as to note the Sections onely of the former, and onely the pages of the later. It is in order to my ease, that I resolve on this course; and in order to yours, that I take this care to advertise you.

CHAP. I.Concerning Grotius, his Religion and Design.

Sect. 1. IN the entrance of your Preface, [you professe to render m that accompt of your thoughts of Grotius, and his English followers, which I was pleased to demand and make your duty. And that you had much rather have been excused from stirring in this unpleasing business any more. Sect. 1.] I had wonder d that in your Title-page you should say you did what you did at Mr. Pierce his invitation. I wonder more that in your preface you would say you did it at my demand. Truly if I did either, it is more then I know. And I may say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; where, and when, and by whom did I demand any such thing? Two lines in a letter will suffice you to answer this easie Question.

Sect. 2. It is well you call them your thoughts of Grotius, which may be strangely mistake , and yet your thoughts still. It had been more for your interest, if you had not pretended in your Title to an undoubted Discovery of the Grotian Religion, meaning his being turn'd Papist; as you have often explain'd your self. For now we have it under your hand, that you h ve but discovered your thoughts of Grotius. This indeed is a modest and proper speech, because your thoughts are such private and hidden things, that God alone can discern them whilst you are silent: we silly mortalls cannot come at them, but by that discovery which you are plea 'd to make of th m. But Grotius, whilst he was living, was at once a publick and a most Exemplary person: much more are his writings, since his Translation, To make a Discovery of the Sun, who is best discerned by his own Light, were to suppo e the world is Blind, and he alone quick-sighted who undertakes to hew him to all the rest. But to discover what a man thinkes of the Sun or Moon, as to the nature of his substance, his sphaere, and motion, hath nothing in it either of singular, or absurd. It is for want of a better thing, that I content my self with this Resemblance, in comparing Grotius unto the Sun. His works give Light unto the world. They all lye open as well to me as to your self. You are led by some Reasons, to think that Grotius was a Papist; and I have met with many more, which make me know him to have been none.

Of his Engi sh ollowers. Sect. 3. But what do you mean by his English Followers? Hath any English-man of late (either dead or alive) written any Design of pacification between the Protestant and Popish parties? All that can be said is this, that the unwavering men of the Church of England do love the writings of Grotius much more then those of the Presbyterians, and more then the Presbyterians love them. Now if to read his Books and to admire them doth make us fit to be reckon'd amongst his Followers, your self must passe for one of the chiefe; because you tell me (p. 4.) You must i gratitude professe, that you have learnt more from Grotiu , then from almost any Writer in those subjects that ever you read.] Hardly any can speak higher, unless I except Dr. Owen, who saith that Grotius was almost-wise above the pitch of humane Nature, (if that is the meaning of his Latin, ultra humanitatem pene sapuisse) and that in In omni literatura. all manner of learning; insomuch that he thinks there is nothing comparable to him, (if that is his meaning by Quicquam ei sim le esse vix credo.) Yet this Gentleman and you have been so far from avowing the being Followers of Grotius, that ye are the onely men amongst us who have shewed your selves his publick Enemies. Although ye vehemently d ffered between your selves, yet ye agreed in this, that ye were both against Grotius. Nay, in this your Agreement ye differ'd too with a witnesse. For he would have Grotius a Socinian, and you a Papist. Now a Papist and a Socinian are not onely so different, but so utterly irreconcileable, that nothing but Grotius his moderation can afford any excuse to one or other of his Accusers. You have justified Grotius from the Heresie of Socinianism, which you confesse he hath too often been charged with, p. 89. And so you have sided with the Prelatists against the man before mentioned. He again hath freed Grotius from the suspicion of being a Papist, (if no Socinian can be a Papist, as you know none can) and so hath sided with the Prelatists against your self. I mean by Prelatists the unchangeable Divines of the Church of England. Such as those two Reverend and Righteous men, Dr. Hammond and Mr. Thorn ike, whom I onely single out for this one reason, because they have vindicated Grotius from each extreme of the Calumny, which (betwixt you two) hath been cast upon him. And to prepare you for the evidence with which I shall afterwards entertain you, as well as to give you some ground to suspect your own judgment, by letting you see how it differ's from such as theirs, I think it as usefull as it is pertinent to give you some of their words.

There is no colour for this suggestion (of Grotius his closeing with the Roman interest) as far as Grotius his writings give us to judge, Dr. Hammonds words in his second Def nce of Grotius, p. 5. (and farther then those I have no perspective to examin his Heart.) For the Fomenters of the Divisions in Christendom being the onely persons whom he professed to oppose, (the irreconciliabiles, & qui aeterna cupiunt esse dissidia) 'tis consequent, that the pacificatory interest was the onely one by him espoused and pursued most affectionately. And I could never yet discern by any pregnant indication, that this is the Roman interest.

We have seen two men of repute now amongst us censure Grotius his Labours upon the Scriptures. Mr. Thorndikes words in his Epilogue to the Tragedy of the Church of England. Epist. to the Reader, p. 5. The one hath made him a Socinian, the other a Papist. Both could have given us no better Argument that he was Neither, then this, that he cannot be Both. — I do but instance in an eminent person, who must needs be a Papist, though never reconciled to the Church of Rome; who must needs be a Socinian, though appealing to the originall consent of the whole Church. Upon what Termes should there be any such thing as Papists or Socinians? I remember an Admonition of his bitter Adversary Dr. Rivet, that the See of Rome will never thank him for what he writ. And from hence I inferred, as charity obliged me to infer, that the common good of Christianity, and of God's Church, obliged him to that, for which he was to expect thanks on no side. Thi for certain, Grotius never lived by maintaining Division in the Church: whether any body doth so or not, I say not; their Master will judge them for it if they do.

Now Sir, let me tell you, that unlesse you think you have read more, or can better judge in your Reading of Grotius his writings, then the so venerable persons who speak before us, you ought at least to suspend your censure; untill you shall find, by all that follows, upon whose Misadventure you ought to place it. If you shall possibly, say that these are two of the English Followers of whom you speak, you cannot do Grotius a greater pleasure; they having both given blows to the Church of Rome, more then all the whole party with whom you joyne.

To calumniate Grotius confe sed odious. You say, you do confesse it an odious thing to calumniate so Learned a man as Grotius, and all others of his mind and way; and that you must needs rep nt and recant, if you be guil y of so great a Crime. Sect. 1.]

Sect. 4. I would very fain know, which are the men of his way, as that is distinguished from his mind, and seems to signifie his practice. And what way it is which here you allude to obscurely, but do not name. I for my part can think of none, but his not communicating in France with either Papists or Protestants. And amongst us here in England, I know nothing like it, except the way of the Presbyterians, many of whom for diverse yeares have been so averse unto Communions, that in their Churches, the world knows, they have not had any at all: yet even this way of his is sufficient to evidence his being no Papist. As I shall shew most clearly in due time and place.

Repentance promised ex hypothesi. Sect. 5. Because you promise Repentance and Recantation, if you be found to be guilty of so great a Crime, as you call it, to calumniate such a man as Grotius; I will first set down how far forth you have accused him; next I will manifest his innocence of that whereof he stands charged; and then I will leave you to consider whether you ought not to make him some Reparations.

You do not content your self to say,Gro ius accused of turning Papist. he was a Favourer of the Papists, and one who thought not so hardly of them as other Protestants have done; or that he was strongly inclin'd that way, and put the best interpretation upon their Doctrins that they were capable of bearing, that the Peace of Christendom might not seem so impossible as some would make it; or that he stood in a preparedness of mind to reconcile himself unto the Papists, upon condition the Papists also would reconcile themselves unto the moderate Protestants, and the moderate Protestants unto them; (for this had been to say no more then I can say of Thuanus, that he favoured the Protestants on all occasions, although he remained a Papist still:) But you have said in grosse Termes, That he took it for his glory to be a Roman Catholick, Sect. 2. That h turned Papist, p. 11. That he dropt by thi meanes into a deplorable Schism, Ibid. So as if I shall demonstrate that there was never any such thing, and that Grotius did not turn Papist, no, no more then Mr. Baxter himself, (who yet h th been branded for a Papist as well as Grotius; and by an eminent Presbyterian also, that is, by one of your own party;) I shall at once open a way to shew the Nullity of your reasons, and the Necessity of your Repentance, of which you have made me to live in hope. My Reasons o Argume ts are these that follow.

Arg. 1. In his Epistle to Laurentius, Proved to be none by 19. Arguments. G ot. Animadv. in Animadv. Riveti. p. 83. who had written against him as a Papist whilest yet he liv'd, (as you have done after his Death) intitling his Book, Grotius Papizans, he doth ex resly disown the charge, — facile videbis no Grotium Papizare, sed Laurentiadem nimis Calvinizare. Now when I find him expresly disowning Popery, (even after his Notes upon Cassander,) who certainly knew his own mind best; and when I find you declaring, that every man shall by you be taken for that which he professeth to be, (p. 23.) and again, that you would take men to be of the Religion which they professe, p. 98. and that you will believe the profession of G otius (p. 89.) I know not how you can chuse but see your error. But come we from writing to word of mouth.

Arg. 2. There lives a Person of great Honour and of great Romark for his Wisdom, as well as for hi great Learning and Moderation; and the eminent imployments he hath been in, who hath affirmed in my hearing, (and not in my hearing onely,) That being conversant with Grotius during his Embassy in France, he took his time to ask Grotius, why h did not communicate with either party. G otius made him this Answer, That with the Papi ts he could not, because he was not of their mind; with the Calvinists he could not, (not onely because of his Embassy from Swedeland, where they were not Followers of Calvin, b t als ) because he was deterr d by their pernicious: Doctrins of God's Decrees. To this he added, That he would gladly communicate with the Church of England, if his condition of Embassador would well permit, expressing an ample This part will be attested by a Reverend person of our Chur h, Mr. Matthias Turner, who was personally conversant with G otius some yeares in France, and whose excellent skill In Greek and Hebrew did make him the fitter for such converse: so will it also by a great Personage distinct from him in my Text. Approbation of our Doctrine and Discipline, as also heartily wishing to live and dye in that Communion. I do not name that Noble person who is the Author of this Relation, because I have not yet ask'd his leave. If you can must to my integrity, I need not say more; if not, I can prove it by so unquestionable a witness, as I am very confident you cannot but trust. However, you find it to be agreeable to what himself whilst he was living made known in print; and you shall find it agreeable to that which followes. For,

Arg. 3. Many are able to attest, that 'twas the last advice which he though it his duty to give his wife, that she would declare him to dye in that Communion in which he desired than she her self would still live. This she manifested accordingly, by coming on purpose to our Church at Sir Richard Brown's House, (the King of England's Resident them in France,) where from the hands of Mr. Cro de she received the Of this Sir Thomas D r l professeth hims lf an Eye-witness, and that her two daughters •••• ived with her. Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. And this i mediately after her Husband's Death, as soon as Reasons of state did cease to hinder.

Arg. 4. This is agreeable with the reports which I and others have met with in the publick place of his conversation for divers years towards his last. I took my pension in Paris neer Cleromont College, in which P ta •• ius h d then a being: and all I could learn from y inquiry was truly this, that all took Grotius for a person of imparallel'd abilities in every kind, but yet extremely to be lamented, as one who could not be brought into the bosom of the Church, that is to say, they could not perswade him to be a Papist. And I was lately assured by Mr Castiglio, (a learned person, and a religious, and so a very true speaker,) that in a conference which he had with some Augustine Friers with whom he travelled, he found that Gro ius was an heretick in their steem, as much as any other Protestants who were not followers of Calvin. And I am very much mistaken if that which Mr Knott hath cited from Grotius (p. 167.) against Mr Chillingworth, is not purposely ci ed as from one of our own sid . I have also been told (by a worthy person) of a message sent from Groti s to Doctor Cous n [that he should die in the Faith of the Church of England.] But because I want the same evidence of this, which I am sure I have of other things, I do not urge it as any new Argument.

Arg. 5. But it is (to me ) another Argument, and of very great moment, that so judicious an Author as Docto Hammond, Dr. Ham. Cont. of Def. of H. Grot. p. 25. in his Continuation of the Defence of Grotiu , did think he had g ound sufficient to say what follows, viz. That Grotiu had alwayes a sig al val e and kindness for this ou Englis Church and Natio : expressing his opinion, that of all Churches in the world, it was the most careful observer and transcriber of Primitive antiquity; and more then intimating his desire, to end his d •• y s in the bos m and com uni •• of our M r e . Now because it is added by so credible a speaker as Doctor Hammond, that Ibid. of this he wants not store of witnesses who from time to time had heard it from his own mo •• h, whil'st he was Ambassadour in France, and even in his return to Sweden immediately before his death; and because my witnesses (befo e mentioned) are distinct from his, who yet agree in the thing attested; I have added his intelligence as a very good Argument to back mine own, which having said, I proceed to argue as I began, from several testimonies of Grotius concerning himself.

G ot A nal. l. 1. p. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. Arg. 6. As in his Annals (de rebus Belgicis) he strictly censures the corruptions which by little and little the Popes had obtruded upon the Church, and discovers the Need of Reformation into which Christendom had been brought by the power and prevalence of those corruptions; so likewise in his Histories, (which I have reason to believe were some of the last things he perfected) he clearly sides with our Engl sh Protestants against the pretentions of Religion which came from Rome. P aemium addidit sceleri scelerum immunitatem, etiam apud Deum: atque alia id genus ludibria, quae rudibus seculis haud invalida nunc tantùm in spec em dantur, in speciem accipiuntur, &c. Hist. lib. 1. p. 117. Sixtus Q intus (the then-Po e) together with his Anathema's and Indulgences and other tricks of Religion, are exposed both to the Censur and the Derision of all his Readers. He shews himself pleas'd in his observation, th t as the Romanists had impos'd upon the rudeness and simplicity of former Ages, so they had happily been detected by the sagacity of the later. And what is this but to applaud (though not the seditious lovers of change, such as the Annal. l. 1. p. 9. Taylor was at Munster, and the Pictur -drawer at Leyde , yet) the Regular attempters of Reformation?

Arg. 7. In his Poem praefixed before his Notes upon Cassander, he did not onely commend Cassander, and call his writings veracia scripta, for acknowledging the corruptions of the Church of Rome, and favouring the Articles of the Augustan Confession, (which by the way gives answer to one of your princi al objections p. 31. occas on'd by your mistake of veracia scripta) but he magnified very much the pacifick methods of Melanchthon, Quem proedulce juvat stillante Melanch hone Nectar; Qui Wiceli chartas Modrevii que . leg's; Quique putas Regem mul ùm sapuiff B itan um, C sua mādavit s n'a Cas ubonidae; Accipe.. sed nos •• o labor hic si displicet evo, A gra â pretium posteritate feret. Wi elius, Mo revius, the Bishop of Spalato, in his departure from Rome, K. Iames, and Casaubon, (of who e pacifick design King Iames was Author) who being confessed to have been Protestants, and to have meditated the peace of the Christian world without any prejudice to the Reformed parts of it, had not certainly been applauded, without exception to their design or to the mea s they contrived for its attainment, by so intelligent a person as Grotius was, if he had really been a Papist, as you suggest: much less had he reckoned their several purposes and endeavours as so many Standards or Measures by which he hoped Posterity would judge of His. It is true, he set down the Canons of the Council of Trent, as one of the great things to be considered towards an union; but so did he also the whole Protestant Confession agreed upon at Augusta, betwixt which and the other a reconcilement was to be made. If the former spake him a Papist, the later spake him a Protestant. And if at once he was both, he was indeed a great Hocus. But he leads for himself, his having set out the Creed as well of the Protestants as of the Papists (Discuss. p. 7.) as it were on purpose to shew the difference betwixt a making of peace, and a turning Papist.

Arg. 8. In his Animad versions upon Rivet's, he puts a very vast difference between the Synods at Dort and at Augusta; and between the Pag. 4 Protestants who follow either: the want of which observation in all his Concili tory writings, I suppose a main cause of your numerous mistakes. And the supply of that want will serve to shew you the levity of the greatest part of your objections. Indeed the rigid Presbyterians, whose Life and Doctrine proclaim'd them Boutefeus and Rebels, he commonly marks as an implacable and an unreconcileable sort of men, as it were made for the subversion of Church and State; and professed enemies to Peace Quod ta perr se non dicam mihi. sed paci profitetur inf stum (D. Rivetu ) in eo vicit expectationem meam. Animadv. in A imadv. p. 3. it self, as well as to those that dare attempt it. But for Melanchthon and Casaubon, and other such Protestants as did desire to reconcile, not to rule over their brethren, he every where commends them, and joyns himself to them, and professeth he can never Sunt mihi communia cum viris nunquam satis laudatis, ibid. p. 5. enough commend them. Nor could he be any whit more a Papist for speaking fairly of the Canons of Trent; then Bisho Caraffa could be a Protestant for speaking Ibid. p. 4, 5. as fairly of the Augustan Confession. You should therefore have distinguish'd betwixt Protestants and Protestants, (as the rest of the World hath ever done) when you said that Grotius did write against them. For there are Protestants that disgrace, and there are that adorn the Reformation. There are that would have peace, and there are that will have none. Grotius speaks no more kindly of any Papists, then you your self do of some (p. 10.) He speaks no more sharply of the worst Protestants in the world, then you do of the best (p. 113. &c.) So that pelting at him, you have hit your self. To the sons of sedition and disobedience, who look upon themselves as twice-resin'd Christians, our Reverend Doctor Sanderson hath been as severe as any Grotius. But will you say in general terms, that Doctor Sanderson reprocheth Refo mation it self, and that (without a distinction) he writes against Protestants? yet thus p. 73, 74, 76. you use Grotius in divers places; nay in one you use him wo se. For you say, he reprocheth the Reformation, as an impious, tumultuary, r bellious thing (p. 76, 77.) when the Latine which you cite, had you translated it into English, would have made the common people your great admirers. They would have seen (what now I tell them) that Grotius spake not a word of the regular Protestants here in England, nor of such in Germany and France as were of the spirit of Melanchthon; but he spake of those Seditiones, vim contra Princ pes, Imperiorum mutationes x usu suo, mor m frangendiaeces sacras, & bella excitandi & sovendi, sub sancto Evangelii nomine; invenerunt quidam & dogmata in id comparata, ut ho ines de misericordia Dei nimium sibi pollicente , in peccatis indo miscer nt Discuss. p. 16. Incendiaries, who measured the truth of Religion by their distance onely from Rome, and did as well introduce, as cast out Errors; and that not peaceably, but by sedition and sacrilege, and force of arms, by inventing also such Doctrines as might make men presume upon the mercy of God, and so lie snorting in those sins which opened them a way to Wealth and Greatness, by the violation of Gods Law, in pretence of propagating his Gospel. Will you, Sir, take part with such Protestants as these, or write against Grotius as a Papist for writing against such as uphold the Papists by their profaneness? I will not guess at your thoughts when you were writing your 53d Section; nor spread a Net of Dilemma's whereby to catch your true meaning;Insanlentibus Brunistis, & si qui eorum sint similes, &c. ibid. because I would not be more pungent then the subject matter doth enforce. Grotius spake of the Brownists, and of those that like them, as well as of those that are like unto th m. Quibus quis placere, ab eorum veneno intactus, postulet?

Arg. 9. In the same book of Animad versions I find him joyning with the Protestants in what they say touching the Body and Blood of Christ in the Eucharist; speaking of the most moderate, whom he ever concludes the most worthy Protestants. And with them he demonstrates how the most moderate Papists may be agreed; by a commodious explication of words and meanings on either fide. Nor doth he say in that place that the Protestants Article should be conformed to the Papists, but that This should be made to comply with That. Si quiescant Scholasticae Disputationes, quid est cur non verba Concilii Tridentini explicari commode possint, &c. aut etiam recipi illa formula quam ex Actis Possiacenis desumpsi, & quam omnes qui ibi •• m erant Protestantes (excepto un P. Mart.) approbarunt? Animadv. p. 29, 30. Nay he addes expresly, that the whole Protestant Form should be received and accepted, as he had taken it out of the Acts agreed upon at Poissy; where, excepting Peter Martyr, not one dissented.

Arg. 10. After this, when he speaks to the twenty-first Article, he reckons himself with the Protestants, by way of discrimination from all the Papists, comprehending even the French as well as the Spanish and Italian.

[If we should count them all Idolaters who live in Communion with the Romanists, it would extremely hinder our wish'd-for union.Videbam mul um obstare concordiae, si omnes eos qui in communione sunt Romana pro Idololatris haber mus, gnarus Idololatriam esse eminentissimum seculi crimen, ib. p. 43, 44.] This he renders for the reason, why he who laboured a Reconcilement (which would have carried with it a Reformation) was not in reason to accuse the whole Universe of Papists (without exception) of the greatest crime in the world; making them odious to others, as well as implacable in themselves, and most of all with the Reconciler: It being his office, not to widen breaches, but to contract them; nor to imbitter, but emolliate the minds of men, especially of the great and prevailing party. The words of Grotius have this rational importance, [I saw it would hinder out Reconcilement, if we (who are Protestants) should repute for Idolaters even all that are of the Roman Church or Communion, though too many of them indeed are such.] This appears by the word omnes, co pared with habe emus, and with the person's Religion to whom he speaks.

Arg. 11. In his Votum pro pace, he professeth that even the moderate and most peaceable Romanists were of a different communion from that whereof he professeth himself to be.Verti me ad eos legendos qui etsi fuere in Communione diversa, animum tamen magis ad sananda, quàm ad fovenda divortia appulere. Vo. pro pace, p. 9. p. 7, 8, 9. He deploreth the superstition, with other corruptions and abuses, which he saw had invaded the Church of Rome. He saith Cassander's Consultation was commended to him by p. 10 G saubon a famous Protestant. And that his labour thereupon was approved in France ibid. by both the opposite parties. He shews what Prompta sunt in Galliis Hispaniis que Remedia quibus impediantur Papae, e aut Regum aut Episcoporum jura invadant. p. 12. Remedies there are to cure the Popes of their Disease, to put Hooks in their Nostrills, and in despight of their ambition to preserve the just Rights of Kings and Bishops. Nay he acknowledgeth the ibid. Right of the Kings of Britain about all Ecclesiastical both Things and Persons: which for a Papist to have done, would have implied a contradiction. But any thing will be Popery with them that out-act their Master Calvin; who Et illam mutationem, quae Buceri Consilio in Anglia erat instituta, Papismi accusavit. pag. 115. accused that change in the Church of England, which was made by the advice of so known a Protestant as Bucer, of no lesser a crime then downright Papisme: which unreasonable censure of our Church, whether hi passion or his judgement extorted from him, and whether it was not a contradiction to what he spake of her at other times, I leave you to guesse by his large Epistle to the Protector, and that (you know) was in the dayes of King Edward the sixth. But if to accuse were sufficient, it i sufficient that Mr. Calvin was accused of Iudaisme by one; by another, of Turcisme; by a third, Redolens plane Calvini spiritum contumeliosum illú ac turbulentū. Animadv. p. 81. Quum sciam quàm inique & virulente tractaverat viros multo se meliores, &c. ibid. pag. 9. of Fratricide; by almost all the Latherans, of the Arian heresie; and even by Grotius himself, (who hardly ever spake in passion, or without a just ground) of a co tumelious and turbulent spirit, and of virulently handling such men as were much his betters.

A g. 12. In his Epistles to the French-men of either party, he doth so frequently and so clearly discover himself to be a Protestant, that out of them it were easie to write a volume in his defence. To give you an instance in as few as I may, and not in as many as I am able. Epist. 154: Iohanne Cordefio, p. 378. Epist. 166. Eidem, p. 408. He writes against the seven Sacraments (I mean against the number of them, and against four of that number) so tenaciously retained by all Rome. He speaks s arply of the Epist. 154. p. 377. Iesuits, (from his meer humanity to one of the best of which order, you hastily conclude him to be a Papist, p. 86.) and would have the r evil Arts set out to the life; as an anonymous Iansenian hath lately done. If his esteem of Petavius, a lover of unity and moderation, could make you think him a Papist; you must also suppose him to be a Protestant, for disesteeming many more of the very same Order; especially when he reckons that he and they are of two Religions: as indeed he doth in one Epistle;Dubium est, apud meos, an apud Iesuitas magis vapulem, &c. Epist. 14. pag. 36, 37. Hotm. Villerio. where he also calls the Pope the Patriarch of the West, and shews what it is which he would have towards a peace, even the spirit of Melanch hon on the one side, and of Cassander on the other, and a mutual forbearance with one another [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] in things which are not simply necessary. Will not every good Protestant desire the same? yet he went farther, and accounted them of Apud meos quidem, quod illud apud ipfos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 defendo, posse in unaquaque Ecclesia ferri eos qui dissideant in rebus non plane necessariis, bid his party who would not hear of any such thing. Such was his moderation towards that sort of men who had none at all.

Arg. 13. I find that Grotius his desire of helping forward the peace of Christendom was the same in the former as in the later part of his life; and so was his love to the Church of England: In ist's Remediis quae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 medici vocant, parum est auxilii. Neque potest partium unitas, nisi à corpo is unitate, sperari. Non possum non laudare praeclarum A gliae Canonem An. Dom. 1571. &c. De Imperio sum. po. circa sacra, cap. 6 witness his sixth Chapter De Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra, wherein he doth not onely insist upon the same means of union, for which he pleads in his later writings, but exceedingly commends our English Canon agreed upon in the ye r 1571. exactly tending to the very same end. Inprimis verò videbunt Concionatores, nequid unquam d ceant pro Concione quod à populo religiosè teneri & credi velint, nisi quod consentaneum sit Doctrinae Veteris ac Novi Testamenti, quod que ex illâ ipsâ Doctrinâ Catholi •• Patres & Veteres Episcopi collegerint. Because the Scripture is made a Lesbian Rule by a great variety of Professors who are irreconcileable amongst themselves, therefore no Exposition ought to be taken for authentick, so soon as that which hath been made by the Catholick Fathers and Ancient Bishops of the Church. In a word, it doth appear, as well by Casau . Epist. 220. Hu. Gro. 1612 & Epist. 221. &c. Casaubon's and Bishop Overall's Epistles to Grotius, as from his to them, and to Thua us, and divers others, that his desires of union were no other then what were common to him with the soberest Protestants in the World; in particular with Melanchthon, whom he proposeth as his exemplar in all his writings of that affair. Nay in two Epistles to Duraeus (which a learned Mr. Clement Barksdale in his M morials of Grotius. admirer of his Works hath very usefully made English) he is as palpably a Protestant as Cardinal Bellarmin was a Papist; for he clearly justifies our breach with Rome, and heartily wisheth our agreement amongst our selves, however hindered by those who defile themselves with a proud conceit of being holier and purer then their Fathers and Brethren of the Church. He unites his Consultations with both our English Embassadors how our union may be accomplished: to which he exhorts so much the rather, because he observes that our Division doth strengthen Popery, and make Proselytes for Rome. Such were Grotius his Counsels no longer since then in the year of our Lord 1637. And though you confidently say, that He mentions the Protestants with distaste, as pretended Reformers (p. 33.) yet I know the contrary to be a very great truth. Traxit in auxilium sui Reform torum Principes; & Pontificlorum fervidiores meam praesentiam aliis de causis suspectant. Epist. 172. p. 422. A.D. 1635. Fo how severely soever he useth to speak of the rebellious and sacrilegious, who by their Heathenish practises and o inions had put a publick disgrace on the Reformation, (in pretending themselve the Authors of it,) yet of regular Protestants he never speaks without love and reverence, and simply calls them the Reformed, in opposition to Pontificians who stand in need of Reformation. That unavowable sort of Protestants whom he reproves with sharpness, the meek and moderate Look forward on ch. 5. sect. 9. Dr. Sanderson rebuketh as sharply as he hath done, yet he is not the likelier to be a Papist.

Arg. 14. From many places of his Discussio (printed in the year 1645.) as well as from its whole design, his aversion to Papism doth very sufficiently appear. And as that is the book from whence you draw your objections, so from that very book you could not have fail'd of satisfaction, had you impartially either read or considered all. Discuss. p. 10. His desire that the rules of Vincentius Lirinensis might be observed, was common to him with King Iames, Isaac Casaubon, yea with Gregory Calixt s, and Doctor Reynolds against Hart. Nec aliud desiderat Confessio Augustan . Di unt enim qui eam amplexi sunt Principes & Civitates, de nullo Articulo Fidei dissentire se &c. sed paucos abusus à se omitti, qui novi sunt, & contra voluntatem Canonum, vitio Temporum recepti. ib. p. 14. He would not onely have the Canons of the Council of Trent to be commodiously expounded in order to peace, but also in order to reformation; he would have all taken away which evil customes and manners have introduced. In a word, he would have that, then which the Augustan Confession desires no more. And many moderate Papists desired no less. He allowes the Pope no Ibid. p. 1 . other Primacy then is allowed by the Canons of oecumenical Councils, and may consist with the rights of the several Patriarchs of the East; disapproving his usurpations no lesse then Casaubon himself. Ibid. p. 15. He loves to style that Vsurper by the modest name of the Bishop of Rome; and fastens the Primacy (which he allowes) n t so much on the Pope, as the Church of God, for Zanchy himself doth so expresse her.

Arg. 15. To prove he speaks as a Peace-maker (which he was) not as a Papist, (which he was not) he cites the Declarations of some chief Ibid. p. 69. Protestants in the behalf of such a Primacy as he and they have thought due to the Roman Prelate. Not onely King Iames, who granted as much (in a manner) as Cardinal Perron exacted of him, in order to the Unity and Peace of Christendom, nor onely Bucer a moderate Protestant, but even Blondel, the Patron of Presbyterians, and even Calvin himself are brought in speaking to his advantage: (to whom I might adde Franciscus Iunius, and our learned Mountague in his Appeal to Caesar.) The words of Blondel are very remarkable, Non negari à Protestantibus dignitatem Sedis Apostolicae Romanae, neque Primatum ejus super Ecclesias vicinaes, im o aliquatenus super omnes, sed referri hoc ab iis ad jus Ecclesiasticum. Nor can I remember I ever read, that Grotius pretended to any more. For obedience due from all seculars unto the Bishops of the Chur h, he cites the Ibid. p. 70. Augustan Confession. For the want of reformation in the Presbyterian Churches, he cites the Ibid. p. 73. Confession of Mr. Rivet. For the admitting of such words as Transelementation and Transubstantiation, with their convenient explications, in order to Peace and Reconcilement, Ibid. p. 77. he cites Modrevi s and our King Iames. For the Protestants return to the Church of Rome, upon condition that that Church will also return unto the Primitive, he cites the Prayers and Protestation of learned Zanchy, Ab Ecclesiâ Rom nå non ali discessimus animo, quàm ut, si correcta ad priorem Ecclesiae formam redeat, nos quoque ad illam revertamu , & communionem cum illâ in suis porrò coetibus habeamus. Apud Grot. p. 14. apud ipsum Zanch. in Confess. Art. 19. p. 157. who notwithstanding his being a Presbyterian, concluded his moderation like an Episcopal Divine; Ego Hieronymus Zanchiu septuagenarius, cum tota familia mea, testatum hoc volo toti Ecclesiae Christi in omnem aeternitatem The same Zanchy did acknowledge (in the seventieth year of his age,) that the Church of Rome was a true Church of Christ, (however defiled with innovations) because she retained the fundamentals of Christianity. See Zanchy's Preface to his Edit. Neostadii Palat. A.D. 1585. Confession, and compare it with what he saith in the Confession it self, Art. 8. de Eccles. Milit. p. 149. and again with his p. 157. where he doth not scruple to use these words. [Non ab Ecclesiâ Rom. simpliciter & in omnibus defecimus, sed in illis duntaxat rebus in quibus ipsa defecit ab Apostolicâ, atque ad ò a seipsâ veteri & purâ Ecclesiâ; neque alio discessimus animo &c. ut supra. Zanch. ib. p. 157. We have not simply, and in all things made a defection from the Church of Rome, but in those things alone wherein she hath departed from the Church Apostolical, and so by consequence from her ancient and purer self. Nor have we left her (even so) but with an intention to return, as soon as she shall return her self to that pitch of integrity from which she fell.] All which being considered, either let Grotius have been a Protestant, as well as Zanchy and Blondel; or let them both have been Papists, as well as Grotius. No other Primacy to the Popedom did he allow but what Farente Melanchthone, Primatum (secundum Canonas) necessarium esse ad retinendam unitatem, Discuss. p. 255.256. Melanchthon thought necessary to conserve the unity of the Church. Nor would he have all to joyn with Rome as Rome now stands, (which yet you confidently suggest, p. 35.) but upon friendly condescensions on either side; implying Vide (inter alia compluscula) Grot. Animadv. in Animadv. A. Riveti p. 35. Vot. pro pa. 7, 8, 9. Discuss. p. 160.161.18.20. etiam p. 71, 72. Reformation in some particulars, and mutual forbearance in many others. You confesse that Bishop Bramhall allowes the Pope to have his old Patriarchal power, and his Primacy of order, and somewhat else, p. 22. whom yet you take not to be a Papist, p. 23. Nor can I see that Grotius allowes him more. And as Principium unitatis, or Concordiae coagulum, you will certainly allow it as well as Grotius.

Arg. 16. If you compare one passage of his Discussio (p. 256.) with his Epistle to Cordesius (p. 352.) you will find him so steadfastly and pertinaciously a Protestant, that the largest offers of a King could not make him any thing else. You say, the French moderation is acceptable to all good men, you think that many such Papists are blessed souls now with Christ; and you pronounce that Nation an honorable part of the Church of Christ, p. 10. yet all the advantages in the world could never work upon Grotius to have communion even with them, no not at that point of time when the Calvinists had deprived him of his liberty, of his livelihood, Gratias ago summas Regi, quod in me etiam absentem beneficia sua depluere voluerit; & amicis, quod meis commodis tam perseveranter invigilent. Caeterum ego, ex quo Gallias reliqui, nullam cur tali beneficio utar probabilem causam video; ideoque comiter excusari volo. Epist. 143. ad Cordes. p. 352. and (in preparednesse of minde) of his very life. In the depth of his poverty, immediately after his bonds, and banishment, and confiscation of goods, he refused the great offers which daily courted him in France. I pray observe in what words he confuted that calumny which Rivet was bold to cast upon him. Si Grotius, tanto viro invitante, voluisset id promittere, quod eum promisisse fingit D. Rivetus, poterat ille, per malos Calvinistas exutus patriâ, exutus bonis, ampla illa honorum & commodorum promissa adipisci, quae à Rege Galliae nunquam aut habuit, aut speravit, neque illi opus fuisset exire Galliâ, & rebus alterius regni operam suam addicere. Et nunc quoque, cum omnia adferat ad pacem Ecclesia restituendam quae potest, nihil illi dat Gallia, & si dare velit, nihil i le accipiat, Discuss. p. 256. Here you see the great reason why he went out of France, when courted in it; and why he chofe to serve a poorer, because a Protestant State. As he never had been brought to accept of any thing from France, so you see he resolved he never would.

Arg. 17. That Grotius did never once communicate with any part of the Church of Rome, Discuss. p. 59, 60, 61. is a manifest sign he was never of them: and he gives such reasons for his own abstinence from all communion in France (with either Papists or Presbyterians) as could not possibly be pr tended by any Romanist whatsoever; and so they prove him (by consequence) to have been none, for whose excuse or defence they were pretended.

Arg. 18. Whilest you say he turn'd Papist, you cleerly grant him to have been Protestant: it lies upon you then to prove that he renounced the one, in exchange for the other; and you must shew both when and where he did it. For whosoever turns Papist, is ever bound by them to whom he turns, to make an abrenunciation of all other Churches; upon which he is solemnly reconciled, and received into the bosom of that at Rome: of which you have the Queen Christina and the late Minister of Montanba exhibited as examples in the Weekly Newes-book. Had Grotius been such a Convert, (in their language) or such an Apostate, (in ours) the Church of Rome had been proude of it then of a thousand such Queens as now I mentioned, and their Gazetts had told us of it with great ambition. But in the whole that you have said (in a matter of Fact too) you have not pretended any such thing, how unadvisedly soever you have impli'd it.

Arg. 19. Notwithstanding all that I have urged to prove that Grotius was no Papist, I shall adde one Argument from the signal manner of his Death, which will also be much confirmed from the place and manner of his burial: they are both attested by Doctor Quistorp a Lutheran Divine, and so no Papist, at the earnest entreaty of an eminent person, as known a Protestant as Quistorp; and they are published by both, to embalm the memory of that Phoenix of learned men, as learned Quistorp doth fitly call him. Had Grotius been a Papist u on his death-bed, he would not have admitted, much less have sent for, a Protestant Minister to assist him in his last and greatest triall. Nor would the chief Pastor of Rostock, the publick Professor of Divinity, have given his Narrative to the World with so much Eulogie as he hath done, much lesse would he have buried him in the most honorable place of the chiefest Temple; nor would the Protestant Governours have consented with so much readiness as they did, had there been any the least suspicion of Grotius his dying a Roman Catholick. Now though the testimony of Quistorp was printed first at Amsterdam, and again by Merick Casaubon in his De usu verborum, (1647.) translated in part by the very reverend In his Answer to the Animadv. on his Dissert. p. 132. Doctor Hammond, and wholly by Behind his Translation of Grot. de Iure Billi & Pacis. Master Barksdale; yet because the manner of that religious man's end hath been most slanderously reported, and because the true Narrative is not ordinarily known, as well as earnestly desired to be made as ordinary as may be (there being thousands who have not seen it in the books before mentioned) I think fit to subjoyn it in Doctor Quistorp's own words.

Hugonis Grotii P. M. ultima: Quibus Joanni Quistorpio S. S. Theologia D. Professori, Facultatis ejusdem Seniori, & Primarii Templi Rostochiensium Pastori, suum ob peccata dolorem, & spem salutis confessus est.

COntendis à me, N. N. ut perscribam, quem, mundo huic valedicturus, Literatorum Phoenix Hugo Grotius se gesserit. En pauci id habe. Conscenderat ille Stockholmiae navim qua Lubecam ferretur: vehementibus per triduum in mari jactatus procellis naufragium patit •• , & aeg r ad Cassubiae litora appellit. Inde perquam incommodo curru, pluvia tempestate, per sexaginta & plura milliaria, tandem Rostochium nostrum devehitur. Divertit ad Balemanniam. D. Stocmannum Medicum advocari curat, qui aetate, naufragio, incommodis itineris fractas vires adverte s, vitae terminum imminere praesagit. Secundo ab ingressu in hanc urbem die (qui stil. vet. erat 18. Augusti) me horá non •• vespertinâ ad se vocat. Accessi: propemodum in Agone virum constitutum offendi: compellavi, & me nihil maluisse affirmavi, quam ut mihi cum ipso incolumi sermones sociare licuisset. Regerit ille, Ita Deo visum fuit. Pergo; ut ad beatam emigrationem se componat, peccatorem agnoscat, super commissa doleat, moneo: quum que inter loquendum Publicani peccatorem se fatentis, & ut Deus sui misereretur precantis, meminissem; respondet, Ego ille sum Publicanus. Progredior; ad Christum, extra quem nulla est salus, ipsum remitto. Subjicit ille, In solo Christo omnis spes mea est reposita.

Ego clara voce precationem illam Germanicam Germanicè recitabam, Herr Jesu, wahrer Mensch und Gott, &c. Ille complicatis manibu submissa voce me insequebatur. Quum fi ivissem, quaesivi an me intellexisset. Respondit, Probe intellexi.

Pergo illa recitare ex verbo Dei quae jamjam morituris in memoriam revocari solent: Quaero, an me intelligat. Resp. Vocem tuam audio, sed quae singula dicas difficulter intelligo.

Quum haec dixisset, plane conticuit, & brevi post spiritum exhalavit, in puncto duodecimae nocturnae. Habes Catastrophen vitae ab Grotio summo viro actae. Cadaver Medicis post commissum est. Intestina lebeti ah neo imposita, at in Templi apud nos Primarii Mariae Virgini sacri locum h noratissimum reponerentur, à Templi Praefectis facile impetravi. Molliter cineres cubent. Vale. Dabam Rostochii propedie Michaelis, Anno 1645.

Tuus, J. Quistorpius.

My Argument from hence is short and easie. For if Grotius were really a Roman Catholick, he was reconciled to that Church, either 1 before, or 2 at his death, (for after his death, you have onely reconciled him in your opinion, without his knowledge or consent,) or 3. at least he thought himself obliged to call (at his death) for such a reconciliation; and so, voto saltem, at least in wish or desire, (that is, as much as in him lay) to seek the peace of that Church from which he had lived so long divided. Not the first, for then he never would have received the Lutheran Minister as he did; much lesse (as he did) have purposely sent for him. Not the second, nor the third; for then Doctor Quistorp's Testimonial had told us which, and had put the whole matter without dispute. I shall once more mind you of Doctor Owen's pretensi ns, that Grotius was a Socinian; because I since find him disowning the jealousie of Grotius his being a Papist, at least the management of any such thing. If these preten ions have truth in them, Grotius his ghost is delivered from Popery. If they have no truth at all, you must answer to Doctor Owen your having condemned him of calumny, which to do, you confesse, is an odious thing, a great Crime, such as needeth Repentance and Recantation. (Sect. 1.)

Of Grotius his pretended dissimulation. Sect. 6. Notwithstanding all this evidence, whereof the far greater part might have been seen by your self before I shew'd it, you have not scrupled in your Preface to proceed as followeth, viz. [That you joyn with m in charity to Grotius; in that you vindicate him from dissimulation, as I from Popery, Sect. 2.]

Is this then your charity, to call him Papist who was so certainly none? to offer proofs for it by such concluding Arguments, as those must needs be which are brought against this evidence in point of Fact? and then to say, that you vin icate him from dissimulation? I pray Sir tell me, do you take those men for your own Assertors and Hyperaspistae, who in their books against you have cited passages out of your writings whereby to conclude you an Arminian, yea a Socinian, perhaps a Iesuite sometimes, I am sure a Papist, and of the worst sort of Papists (which are the Jesuits) when you professe you are neither? Can those your Adversaries and Brethren be said to have vindicated your person from dissimulation, who are as known a Pr sbyterian as any of them? I am bold to give you that name, because I think you more that then you are any thing else; and because you are vulgarly so accounted, though what you are wholly I cannot learn. Do you not teach an evil lesson against your self? and will your writing a Confession of your particular Faith be able to secure you from Calumniators, whilest this method takes place, that he who calls an honest man what he professeth he is not, doth but vindicate and clear him from dissimulation? I pray bear with me on this occasion, whilest I recount how others have dealt with you, and then how you have dealt with others.

You tell us Disput. 5. of Sacram. p. 484. that Doctor Owen took pains about your person, to prove from your writings you are hypocritically proud, and that he seemed to accuse you of heresie Ibid. p. 486. That in his anatomizing of your pride, he played his af er-game more plausibly then they who before had published abundance of calumnies of you to the world; telling them not onely that you were a Papist, but what books they were that made you a Papist, and what Emissaries you have in all parts of the land. Ibid. p. 487. That you and the Worcester-shire Profession of Faith give too much coun enance to the Socinian abominations. Again Ibid. p. 487. you say, that the hardest measure you had from Doctor Owen, was in his Socinian Parallel in (no lesse then) eleven particulars. Ibid. p. 516. That Master Crandon bestows a whole Epistle to tell the Reader how he detests your BLASPHEMY. Postcript to an Admonition to Mr. Eyre of Sarum. And that the main substance of his Book against your Aphorismes is this, That you are a Papist, and the worser sort of them too.

Now if such men as these, whom you acknowledge to be your Brethren, both learned and judicious, are not hastily to be credited in what they write against you, notwithstanding their number as well as quality; how much less may you look for credit in what you write against Grotius? For first the Advocates for Grotius will except against you as his enemy (vel si de po te dejiciendum) and so not fit to be a Witnesse, much lesse a Iudge. Next you are but a single person. Thirdly, you fasten the name of Papist so very wrongfully upon some, as if you were willing not to be credited when you cast it upon others. For you tell Master Tombes, Dispute with Mr. Tombs, of Infants Church-Membership and Baptism, Edit. 3. . 397. Doctor Taylor no Papist. that if he hath read all the books of Doctor Taylor, he will no more reckon him among the Protestants, having so much of the body of Popery in them. But, Sir, if you have read his Book of Transubstantiation, (which must needs be one of the all you mention) you will find new matter of Retractation. Adde to that his two Letters which do wholly concern the whole Body of Popery; and which as soon as you have read, you will not think his Discourses of Original Sin can (by their single force) become sufficient to metamorphise him into a shape, which he doth not onely disclaim himself, but enable others to disclaim also; and doth antidote some against the contagion of that Disease with which you peremptorily speak him to be infected. One thing comes into my minde (upon this occasion) of which I would be glad to have some account. You say in See your Chr. Concord. p. 49. and compare it with p. 46. of the same book, and with p. 100. of your Grotian Relig. one Book, wherein you speak of Popish Bishops who lurk under the name of Episcopal, That all their Writings or Discourses do carry on the Roman Interest: That in those of them who write of Doctrinals or Devotion, one may find the plain footsteps of common Popery. (You say) You are loth to name men, but you could shew a great deal of Popery in divers such books which you see much in Gentlemens hands, as written by an Episcopal Doctor. In contradiction to one important part of which words, [your being loth to name men] you do name Doctor Taylor in your book above cited. Bishop Wren and Bishop Pierce you also name in that Book in which you professe you are loth to name them, as I shall shew by and by. In the mean time I must challenge you (but in the spirit of love and meeknesse) to make good your words above written, or to retract them. That if Popish Divines do lie lurking under the name of Episcopal, they may be punish'd for their Hypocrisie: Or if it is onely your fiction, that you may make reparation for so much wrong. For again, Christ. Conco d. p 45, 6, &c. your charge of Cassandrian Popery is indefinitely laid against Episcopal Divines, who lie mask'd here in England to do the Pope the greater service. And although you now plead, that you did not intend to raise a jealousie on all the Episcopal Divines (p. 103.) yet I believe you intended to raise a jealousie on the most, because you feared not to name Bish. Wren and Bish. Pierce, as a couple of your fancied Cassandrian Papists, who yet are known to be as perfect persevering Protestants, as you to be a Presbyterian (if yet I may say you are truly such.) And though you judge it unmeet to name even those who (you say) have given you just cause of suspicion, because it may tend to breach of peace, and to the harder censuring and usage of the persons, which (you say) is none of your desire, (p. 100.) yet you have nam'd too many (it seems,) against your own judgment, who gave you no cause at all, and have left your Readers to judge by them of the rest. Nay without exception or dis rimination, you name the Bishops and the Kings Chaplains, and other Doctors. Admit some Papists did lurk amongst them, I hope you will argue nothing from thence, but that themselves were no Papists. For now you openly confesse, that the Papists are crept in among all sects, the Quakers, Seekers, Anabaptists, Millenaries, Levellers, Independents, yea and the Presbyterians also, (p. 99, 100.) Nay you farther make a Confession, (for which I commend your ingenuity) that the Pope and the Italians might very probably have a considerable hand in raising our warres (p. 106.) Nor do you wonder if it be true that the Papists did not onely kindle our warrs here, and blow the coals on both sides, but also that it was by the Roman influence that the late King was put to death, Claud Salm Defens. Regis; c. 10 &c. 11. (p. 108.) When I compare your words with the words of Salmasius, I guesse that the Papists and Presbyterians were both assistants to one another in contriving the mischieves of which you spake.

Sect. 7. You say on in your Preface,Grotius at last is but a Papist with an f, &c. that had Grotius been living, you think you should have had more thanks from him then I, and that if you understand him, he took it for his glory to be a Member of that Body of which the Pope is the Head, even to be a Roman Cath lick, Sect. 2.]

Thus it pleaseth you to speak, though without any tolerable shew of truth; nor is there any proof offered, but that so you think, and if you understand him. Its very strange that the one point on which your machine is wholly founded, (of the Grotian Religion, and the new way in which the Prelatists are involved) to wit Grotius his being a Roman Catholick, should be thus feebly introduced with an [I think, and if I understand him.] An humble begging of the Question were a gentile quality to this. There is hardly any the least of your baffled Adversaries but will be able to say as much in his own defence against your Aphorismes; your Adversaries think, (or else they speak against their conscience) and if they understand you, 'tis thus and thus, you are a Socinian, and a Papist, and the worser sort of them too, as some of your Brethren did think, and if they did rightly understand you. How often therefore are you pleading that they do misunderstand you? And against all their misunderstandings, you write a thick b •• k in qua to for the confession of your Faith. (If the diseases had not been numerous, I suppose you had been sh rter in your prescribing the means of cure.) Grotius his Ghost may well make much shorter work, even by telling you in a word, that you knew not his mind, nor understood his designes in writing Notes upon Cassander, which were onely P cifick, not Apostatick; and so your whole Fabrick is very speedily at an end. And the one remaining Engine whereby to keep up Presbyt rianism, to wit, the jealo sies and feares of the deep Grotian design, (so deep indeed, as not to have the least bottom) in the very same instant doth vanish also.

Popery dis claimed as well by Grotius and Mr. P. as by Mr. Baxter. Sect. 8. You proceed to tell me, that if any shall gather from your words, my being such my s lf as you say you manifest Grotius to have been, you protest against such accusations, as no part of your intention. But you say, I have given too much occasion of them by my vindication, and that 'tis in my power to remove that occ sion, by disowning what in Grotius I dislike. Sect. 3.]

A fair expedient to conclude this controversie, to allow Grotius the same quarter which is given to me as his Advocate. If I shall disown what you dislike, this shall vindicate me from being a Bapist. The like privilege you imply is due to Grotius. First for my self, I declare that I am none. And if Grotius was a Papist, then he and I are of two Religions. But secondly for Grotius, he hath also disowned his being a Papist, as well as you and my self. And that may suffice for his vindication. If you will disown what is disliked by your adverse brethren, you will remove that occasion which they took to call you Papist and S cinian. But you will say, it is enough that you disclaim being either. Grotius was for an Union (so is the Spirit of Peace and Unity) presupposing a Reformation secundum Canones in respect of the Papal power, and presupposing a Reformation of the form of Doctrine according to antiquity and universal Tradition, as the best Expositors of Scripture, where Scripture is not agreed to expound it self. This is according to the Rule of Vincentius Lirinensis, of all the Fathers of the Church, and of the late Acute King in his Dispute against Henderson, who is acknowledged by you to have been no Papist (p. 105, 106.) though calumniated as such, you know by whom. And however you are said to have fought against him, yet I observe that in this, and some other things, you are for th King against the Parliament. But to pursue the thrid of my Discourse; Grotius l ft other things to be reformed and adjusted by Soveraign Princes, with the assistance of their Prelates in their several Kingdomes. Now he that likes this Doctrine and Design, and onely thinks it a happinesse too great for this Age, wherein there are on both sides so many irreconciliabiles, (to wit, Iesuits on that side, and Presbyterians on this) and therefore appeals to posterity, (as Grotius did) i very far from being a Papist in the common acception of the word, (as you do easily pretend Sect. 3.) much lesse is he such in the thing it self. But it is easily foreseen by your close of that Section, how you are resolved to understand it.

Mistakes in reading Grotius, arising from a nescience or hatred of his design. Sect. 9. Now for your manifold mistakes of Grotius his words in his Discussio, arising chiefly from the byasse which had been put upon your judgment, (I know not whether by your nescience, or over-great hatred of his design,) and which you urge as so many arguments to prove that Grotius turn'd Papist; I take such arguments to be answered by the bare removal of such mistakes. Your mistakes are removed by being proved to be mistakes: and they are proved to have been such, by the fifth Section of this Chapter, containing eighteen arguments for a matter of Fact, whereof there are some so irrefragable, that perhaps I may be blamed for adding others: and unlesse you say you are not, I shall comfortably hope that you are convinced. Indeed the writings of Grotius would have convinced you of themselves, if you had read them all, and at leisure, and with those necessary cautions, or remembrancos, which the Reverend Answ. to] Animadv. on the Dissert. touching Ignatius his Epistles, p. 135, 136, 137. Doctor Hammond had timely given. Or had you but weighed what I had told you touching the nature of an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or rather of the way conducing to it, in my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ch. 3. p. 92, 93, 94. of which I see you determined to take no notice (p. 3.) I told you early (would you have mark'd it) that Grotius as a Peace-maker betwixt the Papists and the Protestants, had labour'd to shew his moderation as well to them as to these; and to excuse many things at least à tanto, to which he had not afforded his approbation. For he who attempted a Reconcilement of two great Enemies, was not in prudence to declare a personal enmity to either, but to mitigate the exceptions and animosities of both; and to insist on those things, whether faulty or indifferent, which he desired might meet with (in either party) an interchangeable pardon, and an interchangeable compliance. Melanchthon (I told you) had done the same, and was accused (as well as Grotius) as a slie friend to Popery. The same was done by Thuanus amongst the Papists, who was Io. Baptista Gallus obstinatâ vesaniâ pernegat, Thuanum Catholicae fidei enacissimum & Ecclesiae Romanae &c. vide Epist. Anonym. p. 103. Tom. 5. ad calcem lib. 6. Aug. Thuani de vita sua. accused for his labour of having turned Protestant. Indeed his favour to the Protestants was so much greater then that of Grotius and Melanchthon unto the Papists, that his friends of that Church, as their friends of this, were fain to write his vindication. He might indeed have been a Protestant by the Confession of his Faith in his last Will and Testament, the like to which (I suppose) hath hardly been made by any Papist. And whilest you intimate your opinion that Thuanus was a Papist of a deeper die then either Cassander of Grotius was, (p. 9.) you infer that Grotius was none at all; or else the Writings of Thuanus are strangers to you.

Sect. 10. I find that rigid Presbyterians would be at peace with the Papists, How much may be offered to purchase peace. as the See The Royal L brary, Sect. 4. Num. 15. p. 339. to p. 359. See also the second part of that Collectio , p. 465. to p. 480. especially p. 517. to p. 526. Houses of the long Parliament would have made peace with their King; to wit, if he would comply with them in all things, and they with him in nothing at all: where as if we make a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by mutual Offices of Friendship, and not a Conquest by acts of Force, there must be Abatements and Allowances on either side. They are not worthy to be imploy'd in making Amity or Union, who understand not how much 'tis worth. There are a great many truths of so small importance, that one would part with them all for a dram of charity: and I should think th t to purchase the peace of Christendom, no Protestant Merchants can bid too high, so long as they part not with old Fundamentals, nor do accept new Articles of Faith, nor acknowledge subjection to a power, which whensoever it pleaseth may do both the one and the other. Now by your way of arguing that Grotius turn'd Papist, because in order to reconcilement he offered allowances to the Papists, which he would not yield upon other terms, (as many peaceable Christians will rather part with some petie rights, then perpetuate contention by sutes at Law,) Thuanus also turn'd Prot stant, and so did Cassander, and Hofmiesterus, and hundreds more whom I could name, who did offer at least as much, on the same condition of reconcilement, they for that side, as he for this. This must therefore be considered by all that read his pacificatory writings: and it ought to be esteemed the oblest submission in the World, to part with the utmost of ones own right, Plusquam humanae virtutis est, tantae spei m derari, & velut manibus conclusam fortunam dimittere. that may in conscience be parted with, for the redemption of such a peace as cannot otherwise be purchased. The victorious Emperour Charles the fifth thought good to quit some of his Empire (not driven by necessity, but drawn by love) for the setling of Religion and Peace in Germany; so did Philip his Son, the potent King of Spain, and Arch-Duke Albert his son in Law, make an humble offer of reconcilement to the Hollanders, which for fourty years together they had denied them. By De Ney the Franciscan, by Lewis Verreich the Arch-Dukes Secretary, and even by Spinola himself, with divers others whom Grotius Epist. ad Clariss. Virum N. P. de pace Germanica. Sane in privatis quoque negotiis, transactiones, dato allquo, & aliquo retento, (ut nostri loquuntur jurisconsulti) perficiu tur: quanto magis, ubi de salute publica & pacis incomparabili bono agitur, omnes de jure suo cedere debent? names (as it were justifying himself by way of anticipation,) they even supplicated for peace to their natural subjects. The same Philip the second did even buy reconcilement with Henry the fourth, King of France, when that lofty King would not bid any thing towards it. Yet Lewis his Son, (the Duke of Mant a's Renitency notwithstanding) gave a portion of Monferrat to the Duke of Savoy, as a price laid down in exchange for Amity and Peace. Nay the Emperour Ferdinand the second was content to yield a good part of Hungary, and so to purchase one peace, though it was but to exclude or break another. After all these examples (which do put me in mind of the Christian-like Doctrine in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Hierocl. p. 61. Hierocles, however he was a Heathen, and writ a Book against Christ) let me adde one more, which is neerer home, and more to my purpose then all the rest, and which I shall earnestly recommend to your most serious consideration.

When his Majesty, at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, did offer for three years the confirmation of the Directory, and the Form of Church-Government presented to him, and the leasing out of the Bishops lands as far as 99. years, will you say he was turn'd a Presbyterian? I know you will not; because they were offers upon condition of publick

Nec deerunt rationes, quibus pulsis suâ ditione Principibus satisfieri possit, qui magni beneficii loco habebunt, in partem saltem missarum ditionum restitui. Praeterea compensationibus & mutuâ permutatione res expediri poterit. Idem in E ist. ead.

Potior esse debet s ae saluti , quàm alieni damni, p iorq e conservandi quàm prof r ndi Reg i ratio. Ibid.

peace, not absolute concessions at all adventure. And conditio non impleta non obligat fidem, is a very good rule in the Civil Law. Nor did he offer what he thought best, precisely consider'd in it self, but what he thought to be the fittest in that juncture of time, when he found himself plac'd 'twixt two evils, whereof in great wisdom) he chose the least. For although he offer'd towards the setling of a peace, no less then 100000 pounds, to be raised out of the B shops lands, yet first it was onely towards the settlement of a peace, (and a little of that is worth money;) next it was with a Proviso, That the inheritance and propriety should still continue to the Church; thirdly, the peace being denied him, he also denied to confirm his offer into a Grant. Nor would he ratifie the Directory, no not so much as for a day; wch (for the buying of peace) had else obtain'd for three years. But for the Solemn League and Covenant, as he neither would sign it, or consent to it himself, so would he not have it to be imposed upon the consciences of others; no, not in order to any ends, whether personal safety, or publick peace.

This is just the Case of Grotius, excepting that it differs to his advantage; for he offer'd not so much, and he ask'd for more. Nay farther yet, if Grotius turn'd Papist by seeking to reconcile the Council of Trent with the Protestant Articles of the Augustan Confession, then did Franciscus à Sanctâ Clarâ (by your Logick) turn Protestant, because you Christ. Concord. p. 46. confesse he did endeavour to reconcile the Articles of the Church of England with the Council of Trent. The absurdity of the consequence is in both cases alike. Again, you confe se Ibid. p. 45. a little before, that Grotius his design had many favorites, both of the better sort of Pa ists, and of the colder sort of Protestants: from whence I gather this comfort, that however I am a favourer of Grotius his design, I am yet allow'd to be a Protestant, though one of them whom you call the colder party; that is to say, (as I interpret) I am none of those hot-headed furious men, who not understanding what spirit they are of (on supposition that they are Christians) are for fire from heaven (if not from hell too) upon all that are not of their perswasion. But as your better sort of Papists are sure the colder, so your colder sort of Protestants are sure the better, (it being clear, that by the colder you mean the more moderate:) and it is much for their honour, that they are lovers of Reconcilement the most of any.

Grotius his Doctrine and Design more Catholical then Mr. Baxter 's. Sect. 11. You object against Grotius, That he was not truly Catholick in his designs and Doctrines (p. 11.)

Yet he excluded not any, but onely said who they were that would not indure to be included. He knew that some peace was better then no peace at all. And shall not parties of moderation seek an agreement with one another, because they cannot agree with the two Extremes? Can you name any one person whom he forbad to accept of the terms propos'd? Or is an offer the lesse Catholick, for being made upon conditions to every Creature? You cannot say this, who are for Catholick Redemption: or when you write your self Catholick, and set forth terms of Christian Concord, can you imagine that your design is half so Catholick as his? I cannot imagin that you can. You indeed will be at unity with all the World, if all the World will agree with your Worcestershire combination. But so the World will be at Vnity, if all will embrace the design of Grotius; nay all the World had been at Unity if all had agreed with Iohn of Leyden. Sed nihil hoc ad Iphicli boves. And what you say against Grotius, is gratis dictum.

And the terms to which he calls us, less impossible. Sect. 12. But you stick not to affirm, that Grotius calls us all to impossible terms of unity, as the onely terms, (p. 12.) every whit as impossible as a medicine from the Moon, or the Antipodes, or the brains of a Phoenix to cure a Patient, p. 13.]

1. You seem to forget what you had said at another time, to wit, that Grotius was a man not of great reading onely, and much learning, but that he had also a Christ. C nc. p. 45. mighty judgment to improve it. Nay that you take him for so learned and so judicious a man, as you do not judge your self worthy in any such respect to be named with him, p. 4. Now whether it suits with a man of judgment to prescribe a medicine from the Moon, or what is equally impossible, and to spend so many years in it, as Grotius professeth to have done, I shall onely leave to your future consideration.

2. You are unmindful of the parties to whom the terms of peace were more immediately propounded; even the moderate Papists, who were of the temper of Thuanus, and the moderate Protestants, who were of the temper of good Melanchthon: not the rigidest of the Papists, who were wholly devoted unto the Papacy; nor the rigidest of the Protestants who perfectly doat on the Presbyterie: and yet the onely way imaginable whereby to draw them to moderation, were for those that are moderate to allu e them to it by their example. For whom was it possible to agree, if not for the soberest of either party? nay for whom was it probable, if not for them who desir'd it with so much fervour?

3. You little think how many, or how important persons there have been, who having the same aimes with Grotius, and having used the same indeavours, have expected to reap some better fruit, then meerly their labour for their pains, even Emperours, Kings, Cardinals, Bishops, and divers others as wise personages as the Christian world hath lately had, and as well of the Protestant as Roman party. The words of Zanchy are worth observing, What can be more to be desired by every man that fears God, De Ecclesia Romana jam tum locutus, Quid (inqui Z nchius) p o cuique optatius, quàm ut ubi per baptismu renati sumus, ibi etiam in finem usque vivamus? &c. In Confess. Art. 19. p. 157. then that we live and die in that Church (meaning the Roman, of which alone he there speaks) wherein by Baptism we were born again? yet he was then no Papist, but onely a moderate Presbyterian.

4. You professe not to distaste the pacificatory desires or designs of Grotius, (p. 6.) how much soever you accuse them, (p. 15, 16, 17, 18.) And you say, You are a person of so little worth or interest, that you cannot in reason expect that your endeavours in such a work should have any considerable success. But yet that you will speak and write for peace, though you saw not a man in the World that would regard it, or return you any better thanks then a Reproch, p. 6. Allow to Grotius the same zeal, who was a man of great worth, and great interest in the world, knew (better then you) what peace was best, and which were the best ways to gain it, & was regarded for what he did by the best men in the World, however reproched by the most envious. You have a confident Preface to D sp. of Sacram. p. 15. saying of your own project, to make up the breaches which have been betwixt the Lutherans and Calvinists, the Iesuites and the Dominicans, &c. [That if your Principles propounded shall have an impartial Reception according to their evidence, you will give us security to make good your confidence, that they shall quiet the Christian World hereabouts.] When you have thus set forth your self, you should permit me with patience to speak as highly for Grotius too.

5. But I desire you in special to make reflexion upon a Passage you have printed in your debate with Master Tombes: where having said, in the Defence and Commendation of Erastus, Plain Script. proof of Infants Church-Memb. and Baptism, p. 227, 228. That he was a very learned judicious man in Divinity, Philosophy and Physick, and having justified his medling without the sphaere of his own calling in the business of Divinity, and having also said of him, that some of his book is erroneous, his arguments very weak for mixt communion, and that he seemeth oft to contradict what he there pleadeth for; you proceed in these words, which seem to me very remarkable:

Ibid. For my part, (were my judgment of any moment to others) after my serious study in this point, both in Scripture and Antiquity, (specially the Writers of the three first Centuries) I am confidently perswaded that the true way of Christs Discipline is parcell'd out between the Episcopal, Erastian, Presbyterian and Independents, and that every party hath a 〈◊〉 of the Truth in peculiar— And I verily think that if every one of the four parties do entirely establish their own way, they will not establish the Scripture-way. ]

These are all your own words: and to these you adde more, [That let it be taken how it will, you will acquaint the world with your thoughts of this also, if God will so long draw out your life.] But if you put forth such a work, you will quickly find your self more. No Ishmael had ever more hands against him, for your hand will be against all. And may not your medicine from the Moon with the bruins of a Phoenix, be applied by me against your attempt, as well as you have appli'd it to that of Grotius? Such a design as this is, would make the unity and peace of the Church seem impossible, and our Divisions desperate. Turpe est Doctori, quem culpa redarguit ipsum. It should seem by this, that in your judgment the true discipline of Christ hath been revealed onely to you, or at least, that you onely have found it out by your industry. Nor are you onely a Presbyt rian, but an Episcopal Divine, an Erastian als , and Independent; or if you are not all, you are neither. Nor indeed can you be either in point of Di ci line, unless you are professedly against the Scripture. When you say you would cleave to any party that you could perceive were in the right, (p. 24.) you do but say in effect, that you cleave to none, you having declared your belief, that none of those entire wayes is the Scripture-way. But why was a National League and Covenant both sworn and fought for? and persecutions made use of, for non-conformity to the Covenant? Why were men so expensive of Blood and Conscience for the pulling down of Episcopacy so well establish'd, and for the setting up of a Scotish Presbytery in the room, if the former was partly, and the l ter but partly the way of Christ's discipline? May not the Independents and the Erastians do as much against Presbyterie, as Presbyterians have done against the Prel cy of the Church, and cite your judgment, as one defensative of their own? Of all the Ministers in the land, the Presbyterians who were Preachers within the Province of London A. D. 1647. and See the book int tuled, A t stimo •• to the t u h of I •• us Christ; and compare it with the Covenan , as well as with the •• d rs for To. ra on protested so much against all toleration, which did not well comport with their solemn League and Cove ant, will least of all thank you for your discovery. 'Tis true, you have also your Pacisick De ign: but so little hath it of Catholicism, and so impossible it is to prove effectual, that (after your having accused Grotius) it onely serves to make you fall under your own condemnation. When you say that Christ's and the Scripture way is parcell'd out between four parties, and that every party hath a piece of the truth in peculiar, (that is to say, not common to it with any one of the other three) and so that the whole of the Truth must be compounded of four Ingredients; some of your readers will reflect on the onceit of Tamerlane, that Religion ought to be like a Posie, which smells best, when made up of the most variety. And I have read that Mahomet (of the Tribe of Ishmael) thought fit to make up his new Religion, Celrenus p. 347. Baronius ad A. D. 629, 630. by borrowing (and blending with his Inventions) one parcel from the Pagans, another from the Iews, a third from the Arians, a fourth from the Nestorians, a fifth from the Manichees, that so he might (with the greater ease) reconcile them all unto himself. And (with pardon to the comparison, which is not intended to run on four feet) if in the Medlie which you propose, the component parts will so temper and correct each other, that the whole will be grateful to every party, you will not onely grow famous as the first Discoverer of the thing, but (nature being thus changed and tamed) our Lambs will dwell safely within the neighbourhood of the Wolf, and the Leopard inoffensively lie down with the Kid. You who have given in your 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 after serious study of the point, both in Antiquity and the Scriptures, may speak unexpectedly in your account. But you have left me to wonder, (and I suppose some thousands more) which ingredient of the four shall be praedominant in the mixture, or which shall be the Basis of all the structure, so as to give satisfaction to every party; or whether in the mixture all parts can be equal, and a Structure erected without a Basis. If four distinct parties have the Truth of Christ's Discipline divided betwixt them, unlesse it be equally divided, they will not all own an equal right to the inheritance on every side. Else when the Presbyterian Ministers were so hard put to it by his See Reliquiae sacrae Carolinae, in the Papers which pass d &c. at Newport, p. 275, & 367, 368, 369. Majesty at the Isle of Wight, to give in their Answer to these Queres, 1. Whether there be a certain Form of Government left by Christ or his Apostles to be observed by all Christian Churches; 2. Whether it bind perpetually, or be upon occasion alterable in whole, or in part; 3. Whether that certain form of Government be the Episcopal, Presbyterian, or some other differing from them both, (and we know how shamefully they did again and again decline answering the Queres, though they confessed them to be of great importance) your quadri-partite way might have serv'd their turn, had it not been for their usual boast, that since the times of Christianity their own is the onely Divine Model in the World. To the glory of which priviledge the Episcopal party laying claim, with fairer reasons for their pretension, how will you do for the share of the other two, (the Independent and the Erastian) and reconcile Extremes of so great a distance? If I say not (in civility) that the terms imply a contradiction; yet I know there are of your Presbyterians who will say that the mention of such terms doth carry in the Forehead its own confusion.

Sect. 13. Your following reasons of dislike (from p. 15. to p. 19.) are at least as feeble as your two first, Grotius doth not cut off the holiest parts of the Church. they having nothing to support them but your particular wants of apprehension, if not the strength of your prejudice against Grotius his Doctrine and Design. For first when you say, that in the name of a peace-maker he divideth and cutteth off the holiest parts of the Church on earth, (p. 15, 16.) it is gratis dictum, without so much as a shew of proof; and a pitiful begging of the Question, which no man living will grant you, who is not partially addicted to all you say. You fitly confesse (in a Parenthesis) you do but speak your own judgment. And what is your judgment compar'd with that of immortal Grotius, who knowingly judged those men to be the greatest subverters of Church and State, (and that incessantly by their Principles, as well as frequently by their Practice, even as often as they have power to reduce their Principles into Practice,) whom you affirm without scruple, as without colour of excuse, to be the holiest part of the Church on earth? What you say, and but say, of my reproching Puritans throughout my book, (very politickly forbearing to cite so much as one page or passage) doth not belong to this place, and shall be duly spoken of in a peculiar Chapter. And when you tell me that Grotius doth make the name of the Reformed or Protestants a note of reproch, to those that will not be reconciled to the Pope, you do not onely beg the Question, and speak without an offer of reason for it, but as contrary to truth, as if you had affected its opposition. For I have made it appear, that he did honour the name of Protestant, and reckoned himself with the Reformed. But he noted with a black coal, those rebellious Schismaticks in the Protestant Churches, (if yet I may so speak without implying a contradiction, for they cease to be of our Church, by their separating themselves from our Communion) who usurp'd the title of the Reformed, and help'd to justifie the Papists in all their clamours, by still pretending to be R formers of our most excellent Reformation. I can prove (by your own Logick) that you your self are a reviler of the Protestant name, by throwing such Cart-loads of dirt upon the Regular Sons of the Church of England, who will ever be esteemed (do what you can) the most judiciously-reformed of all the Protestants in the World. Again you dishonour the Pro estant name, by calling the irre oncilia iles, the holiest men; and by pleading so much for Puritanes (as the godliest part of the Protestants) who call a Rebellion, a Reformation, and stick the term of Christian purity on the most palpable hypocrisie to be imagined. For these alone are the Puritanes whom both Grotius, and Bis op Andrews, Bishop Hall, and Doctor Sanderson, and indeed the most renowned of all the Protestants in the World have taught us to know, and to avoid, under that very name. And therefore let me intreat you to be so just for the future, (even to those whom you are pleased to single out for your Adversaries) as to suffer their own words to be the interpreters of their own meaning.

Sect. 14. The next reason of your dislike (p. 16.) is but an uncharitable Assertion (without so much as pretending to any proof) that Grotius his way was uncharitable, His way is not uncharitable. and a trap to ingage the souls of millions in the same. But they that read and understand him do know the contrary, that Peace, and Loyalty, and Obedience, and mutual Love, were all the traps wherein Grotius would very fain have engaged the souls of men. You think not so ill of his design, as your Fathers and Superiours do think of yours: yet i it lay in your power, you would engage the souls of millions in it. And if you may be so zealous in your contrivance, much more may Grotius be allow'd to have been in his; you having confessed you are not worthy to be so much as nam'd with him, and that a small measure of humility may make you serious in your profession, p. 4. And if you fall so very short both of his learning and of his judgment, take my word you fall shorter of his integrity of life, if you will but allow me to take your own. And I shall cite your own words in their proper place.

Sect. 15. As your fourth reason (so called) was the same in substance with your third, It do h not tend to pers cution. so now your fifth (if not your sixth) is the same in substance with the two former. As affirming a tendency in the design of Grotius to engage the Princes of Christ ndom in a persecution of their subjects that cannot co ply with these unwarrantable terms, p. 17. In this you say no more of Grotius, then any man living may say of you, or indeed of any man living. But as you nakedly say it, with a great deal of confidence in stead of reason, so is it known to all the World, to whom the meekness of Grotius is not utterly unknown, that he was as far from such project as he was from being a Pr sbyterian. If to hinder subjects from treading all under their feet, (as well their Soveraigns, as fellow subjects,) must passe with you for a persecution, then was Grotius as guilty as you expresse him; for he indeed exhorted Prin es to beware of those Ministers who taught the people to be rebellious, and to call it by the fine title of setting Christ upon his Throne. He would not have Sacrilege, and Murder, and all manner of Rapine, to be freely exercised and used as the proper means of Reformation. He could not indure that the filthiest fruits of the flesh should be ascribed to the suggestions of Gods good Spirit. And if men are grown to such a pitch of impiety, as not to be satisfied with less then with a liberty of Conscience to cut mens throats, they ought not to call it a persecution, to be happily bound to some good behaviour. What you adde of the attempts of pride, when men have such high thoughts of their own imaginations and devices, that they think the Churches wounds can be healed by no other plaister, but by this of their compounding, (p. 17, 18.) is so unduly appli'd to Grotius, that it hath many reflexions upon your self; for you know you have been a great promissor in your dayes. You mislike the Plaister proposed by Grotius, and that of some late Episcopal Divines, which yet you prefer before that of Grotius (p. 21.) you mislike the l ister of Bis op Bramhal, (p. 22, 25.) and indeed what is there, which (in other men) you do not publickly dislike? But you like your own Plaister, as abundantly sufficient to heal the wounds of the Church; at least, as better then other mens. It appears by what I have cited from you in the twelfth Section of this Chapter, and by what you said in your Preface to your book of Sacraments, Iam. 3.5. and by what you now say in your Grotian Religion, (p. 29.) that though the Tongue is a little member, yet it boasteth great things.

It doth not engage in a way of sin. Sect. 16. You say the sixth reason of your dislike of Grotius his Pacification, and all such as his, is because it engageth the Church of Christ in a way of sin, both in false Doctrine, Discipline, and Worship, p. 18.] still a confident affirmer of what your interest or your passion suggesteth to you, without the appearance of any ground excepting your absolute Decree to reprobate Grotius and his Design. But 'tis enough that I deny, what you think it enough but to affirm; and do know that Grotius his Pacification was as much superiour unto your own, (in all imaginable respects) as you and your Writings are confessedly inferiour to him and his. A little while since you were professing, that you distaste not Grotius his Pacificatory designs, and that if you could find such a heart within you, you would cast it in the dust, and condemn it to shame, and sorrow, and recantation; (p. 18.) yet now you say in plain terms, that you dislike his pacification (p. 18.) nay you vehemently dislike it, as appears by the enormities with which you charge it. It was the Motto of King Iames, who had it out of Christ's School, Beati pacifici, Blessed are the Peace-makers. And therefore Grotius, as a pacifick, was much esteemed by that King. Nor can he be one of Christ's family who doth not love Pacification. But if by that word you mean his Pacificatory de ign, how came you to dislike (at your eighteenth page) what (but twelve pages before) you highly liked? If you say you distinguish his particular way from his design, it seems your qua rel is onely this, that having chosen a good end, he did not jump with your humour in chusing the means of its attainment. But methinks for this you should never have us'd him as you have done, because he knew not you were an Oracle, and so he could not consult you concerning the course he was to take. You do avow your approbation of Pacificatory attempts between us and the Papists, p. 30. where then lay the fault, when Grotius attempted such a pacification with the greatest Industry and Wisdom that God had given him? Had you been as Grotius in point of powe and prudence, (to say no more) you would have taken his course; and so if Grotius had been as you, he would no doubt have taken yours. But Grotius being as he was, one of the wisest and most learned of all mankind, and you continuing as you are, neither the wisest, nor the most learned, what matter of wonder can it be, if he was otherwise advis'd then you would have him? If you do really take Grotius to have been so learned and so judicious as you expresse, (p. 4.) and do as really judge your self unworthy to be named with him, as in the page I now cited you have acknowledged; methinks it is pity that your whole Book should be little else then a preferring your opinion before his judgment, your jealousies and fears before his knowledge, and your fortuitous conjectures before his exact deliberations. Whereas you add, that you abhor their disposition who can despise or violate the Churches. Peace for every pety conceit of their own, which they have called by the name of ruth or Duty, (p. 19.) you oblige your self and your party to do some very severe penance for having violated the Peace of the Church of England, which for so many happy years had been establish'd. The Presbyterian way of Discipline was a pety conceit of their own, as you at least must acknowledge, who have written against it, as hath been Look back on Sect. 12. shewed. The Common-Prayer book (you Look on what shall be said ch. 6. sect. 9. num. 2. confess) was more perfect then the Directory, which was therefore another of the pety conceits, for which the peace of the Church was despised and violated. Nay you complain to Of Inf. ch. memb. and Bapt. p. 122, 123. Mr. Tombs, that plain duties were wiped out, and excellent things taken from us, which we were in actual possession of. Your National-Covenant it self you must acknowledge was a pety conceit of your own, for which you have cause to repent, if we may credit your Ibid. p. 123. own words. Why then did you violate the Churches peace? or if you abhor your self for it, why do you not make us some satisfaction? You are often an admirer of Bishop Davenant, who had told you all in good time, Sent. Daven. ad Duraeum, p. 39. & A hort. ad Pac. Eccl. cap. 11. p. 148, 149. that rather then have troubled the peace and quiet of the Church under which you lived in sub ection, and of which you did profess you all were members, you should quietly have depar ed into some other Church, to which you could have been pleased to yield obedience, or have remained in ours without disturbance. Nay this (said the Bishop) you should h ve done, tho gh you had thought your opinions had been of such moment, as that salvation it self depended on them. How much mo e should you have done it, when the things you stood u on so stifly were pety conceits of your own, and co fessed such at long running, however magnified at your first setting out? I ever ap lauded those dissenting and dissatisfied brethren, who peaceably went into New-England and other parts of America, until I was taught that they intended a very unpeaceable return. Be not angry at your M n r but meekly receive the admonition, not at all for my sake, but Bishop Davenant's. And if according to your own Doctrine, Truth ought to be suspended for love of peace, then be not offended with this consequence, that you must judge the way of Grotius or Bishop Bramhall very much worthier to be followed then your own or Mr. Chillingworths (p. 29.) in case they are likelier to take effect. This I say you must do, unless you can give some better reason then I am able to expect for your refusal.

Sect. 17. Now that you see what you have gotten by the six Reasons of your Dislike, Mens thoughts of Grotius must be esteemed by their words. (for such it was in your power to call them, though not in power to make them such,) be pleas'd to reflect on your profession (p. 9.) that [your thoughts of Grotius are not either bitter, censorious, or uncharitable.] In which profession if there is Truth, why would you write what you never thought? Did you think it was enough to think well of the man, whilest you spake as ill of him as it was possible for you to speak? If your expressions are so bitter when you are full of sweet thoughts, I wonder what words you could have us'd in case your thoughts had been bitter too. Or what advantage could you aim at, in pouring out so many bitter censorious words, and in professing at the same time a contrariety of your thoughts?

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

But perh ps you may deny that there is bitterness in your words, and therefore that shall be tried before I leave you. If you forget what is past, it will be good for your memory to look before you.

Sect. 18. For now I hasten to conclude my Vindication of Grotius. The conclusion. And I hasten so much the rather, because I hear it will be done in an elaborate manner, and ex professo, by a great admirer of his perfections, and because I hope I have said enough to make you sensible of your mistake. For methinks you should not take leasure in trying to make men believe that the learnedst of mortalls at last turnd Papist; or (in case that that is too bold a word) one so richly accomplished with all variety of secular and sacred knowledge, joyned to wonderful endowments of Grace and Nature, but for nothing more remarkable, then acuteness of research, and depth of judgement. Now that a person of such importance should in the full maturity of all these excellencies forsake the Protestant Religion in exchange for the Papist , would be a greater advantage to our adversaries then I am willing to afford them, and I heartily wish you had not done it. For the Roman Catholicks are too apt to take such honours unto themselves when they can find the least ground or occasion for them. Had Grotius really been a Papist, how many Protestants had we lost by the powerful attractive of his example? Nay if Mr. Crandon and others durst call you Papist, and one of the worst sort of Papists, even before you contended for Grotius his turning from us to Rome, how much more will they call you such, if you shall possibly persist (as you have begun) to do the Papists so great a service? I do assure you for my sel , that if it lay in my power to prove an Apostasie of Grotius from us to Rome, although the Pope should reward it with a Cardinal's Cap, I would not yield the Church of Rome so great advantage: so great is my love to the Church of England. I know it is not your meaning to serve and gratifie the Romanists, because you speak as ill of Grotius as if he were not worth having. You say he was Christ. Conc. p. 45. exasperated by his imprisonment, &c. That he was too much Grot. Relig. Praef. Sect. 5. guilty of uncharitable censures; That he was a Ibid. Sect. 2. Dissembler, if not a Papist; p. 11. That he dropt into a deplorable Schism; p. 15, 16. That his way is uncharitable and censorious, woundeth under pretense of healing, in the name of a Peace-maker he divideth and cuts off the holiest parts of the Church on earth; p. 16. That his Design is a Trap to tempt and engage the souls of millions into the same uncharitable, censorious, and reprochful way; p. 17. That it tendeth to engage the Princes of Christendom in a persecution of their subjects that cannot comply with uncharitable terms; p. 17, 1 . That this is the unhappy issue of the attempts of pride, when they have such high thoughts of their own devices, and depart from the word of God and the simplicity of the Faith; p. 18. That his Design engageth the Church of Christ in a way of sin, both in false Doctrine, Discipline, and Worship. p. 73. (You imply that he calumniated the Patriarch Cyril.) You say of him expresly, p. 78. That the injustice and partiality shews the meaning of the man; p. 83. That his Design was Schismati al, Partial, and Cruel; p. 90. That you dare boldly say, he was an unjust man, &c. putting a more odious vizor on the face of the Calvinists Doctrines of Faith, Iustification, &c. then beseemeth any judicious man that understood the state of the Controversies, or the strength of an Argument, and had any Christian charity left. p. 91. You reproch him further, with falshood and abomination of inhumane ca umnies; wi h too high an esteem of his espoused conceits, and too odious thoughts of the contrary way; p. 92. with noise and bitter accusation poured out against the Reformed Churches; with censures running upon meer mistake, and odiously aggravating the opinions that deserve it not, and that were far neerer his own then he imagined; p. 92, 93 with bitter censures, reproches, clamours, and a factions uncharitable way of pacification. Again you say p. 93. he is guilty of his own mistakes, upon which he changed his Church and Religion.

Thus you speak of that holy and learned man, in such a strange and amazing strain, that Mr. Hickman himself could hardly have used a greater virulence. And yet you pretend great honour to him, yea a debt of p. 4. Gratitude which you owe him for the great benefit of his works. p. 5. Yea, that if you might be partial for any man, it were very likely to be for Grotius. Leaving your readers to imagine how vile a creature that man must be, of whom his very partial and obliged and thankful Client (or Disciple) was forced to publish such ugly things. And as if this were not sufficient, you say you ever stopt your ears against the accusation of the blemishes commonly reported of his life, in some points, and suspended your censures of him. (p. 5.) By which unchristian Paralipsis you leave your Readers to imagine that he was a very scandalous ungodly liver, which is accounted by some the very worst way of slandering, where notoreity of Fact doth not excuse it. I therefore shall antidote your Readers (if they are mine) with this short Declaration, That by all I have been able to learn of Grotius, (either from other mens writings, or from his own, or from those excellent persons who had many years enjoyed a friendship with him,) I cannot but value his godly life by many degrees above his learning.

You have done your self a shrewder turn then I could possibly have wish'd you, by writing so bitterly of so good, &c so great a Christian. And though I hope you will ac nowledge that I oppose you (in his defence) without distemper; yet do I heartily wish you had not writ against him, that so I might not have been obliged thus to write against you. That Grotius may be defended, you will not deny, having defended him Append. to Aphor. p. 138. to p. 145. your self against the attempts of a modern Doctor. And as you have defended him in one case, I have but defended him in another.

CHAP. II.

An acknowledgm nt of charity, Sect. 1. YOu very readily acknowledge [ my brotherly and moderate dealing with your self, and you say, you must acknowledge my gentleness and charity, Sect. 4.] I am glad my charity, gentleness, and moderation were so conspicuous in my Writings that you could not but see them; and so undeniable, that you could not but acknowledge them to all the World, even at that very time too, when you made it apparent how willing you were to find faults. For you accuse me (in the same breath) of wanting charity to others, and of making my learning subservient to partial interest or passion. But you name not where, or when, or wherein, or towards whom, I had shew'd such passion or partiality; which had you been able to have done, I am forbid to believe you would have spar'd me. If I was partial to you, Sir, by being more brotherly, more moderate, more charitable and gentle, then you seem to your self to have deserved, you ought in all reason to have 2 Cor. 12.13. forgiven me this wrong. Had others deserved no worse of me then your self had then done, my gentle dealing with others had been as signal. And had you been eithe as slanderous or as blasphemous as others were, the ex re sions of my dislike had been as freely distributed unto your self as to any others with whom I dealt. I must not be unwilling to lear mine own innocence (as to the calumnies c st u on me) much less to clear God from the evil repor s brought up against him, for fear the friend of the malefactors should accuse me (as you have done) of partial interest and passion.

Sect. 2. Nor did you onely say this, W th an uncharitable requ tal. but roceeded to the worst that could be said, even to censure me as a person in a state of damnation, and somewhat worse then so too; (th t is to say) in a wo se state of damnation then David was in before Nathan sp ke to him; Sect. 20.] Before Nathan spake to him, he was in a state of impenitency; and why should you rather chuse to die in such a state, a murder r, adulterer, and an hypocri e, and impenitently such, (at that time) then in the state that I am in, whom you confess to have committed no such sin, (sect. 20.) if you did not think me to be a Reprobate? for if I am one of the elect as well as David, I shall also repent as undoubtedly as David, let my sins be what they can be. Do you think my greatest sin is this, that I am not guilty of such sins as David's? or that Adultery and Murder are qualifications for a Saint? I pray examine your own heart, and be jealous over your self; and say, if my charity towards you (which you acknowledge under your hand) did deserve a requital so void of c arity. I assure you, that by this and some other passages in your book, you have been heavily censur'd, even by many of your way; and utterly lost their good opinion who once admir'd you. If you continue to write much, and so to write as you have done, no man living will have need to write against you. As for your bitterness to me (in this and some other places) I am no more concerned in it, Acts 7. 0. then I ought to be for your sake, and do most earnestly pray, That it may never be laid unto your charge. It is not the least of my comforts, (for they are many) that, when I pray for the repentance of you and others, (by whom I have been most f ulely udged,) I do not ray without Faith, or without sincerity: & though I desire you Luk. 6.37. Mat. 7.1. 1 Cor. 4.5. not to judg, that you may not be judged; yet judge the worst of me you can, I will udge of you the best I may.

You say [I seem, as Grotius, to be too much affected to my opinions, commonly called Arminian, and too much imbitte ed against other mens, Sect. 5.]

Sect. 3. Indeed I was told you meant me, when you flung a side-cast at the Northamptonshire Arminian in your voluminous book of Disputations. The title of Arminian uns asonably applied. And though I would not sustain a double person, by taking an offence where none was given; yet now I conjecture you did really strike at me by that expression, although you fortun'd to hit your self. That I am affected to my opinions, as Grotius was, who was so eminent an example both of Iudgment and Piety, and Impartiality, is by much a greater advantage to me, then I could ever have pretended to have deserv'd. And therefore for this, I thank your bounty. How you your self have been ffected to the very same Doctrines which are as commonly called Arminian also, not a few of your party have made us know by their censures; for which you gave them as just occasion, as either Grotius or I have ever given. Will you own the opinions of Cameron, Amyrald, and learned Daille? If you say no, it will be at your See your Appendix to the best of your ooks, viz. Of Iustification, p. 164. pe ill. I suppose (by what you have printed) you must needs say yes. And then in the judgment of Spanhemius, with other persons of great name, (who are as fit to judge of Amyralds Doctrines, and so of yours, as you can be to judge of mine,) you deserve the name of Arminian, Puccian, Pelagian, Semipelagian, and not onely so, but Socinian also: so easie it is to give men names. You had never (I am perswaded) writ against any man as an Arminian, if you had not forgotten that words have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 H m. wings. And so perhaps you will say, when you shall read my fifth Section.

Sect. 4. Nor are you any whit hap ier in the second part of your accusation. For first, if Grotius and my self have been imbitter'd against the Doctrines of other men, Neither Grotius, nor any else can e oo severe against blasphemy. who have made God to be the Author and Fautor of Sin; and have been so far imbitter'd as to accuse them of blasphemy; you will wrong your self extremely, by saying we are too much imbitter'd, for Doctrines lesse impious are called in Scripture, 1 T.m. 4.1. the Doctrines of Devils. No have the Fathers of the Church, whether Ancient or Modern, been less imbitter'd against the same. (As I have plentifully See Divine Purity defended, ch. 4. s ct 5, 6, 7. snew'd in another place.) Next I conceive that you your self have been much more imbitter'd upon much less ground. For not to speak of your bitterness to the most worthy Grotius and my unworthy self, and to the excellent Tilenus, it seems the men of your way have not escap'd you. Do not you ask God pardon for bitter speeches in your Treatise of Iudgment? I am sure you deplore them in your Sect 68 p. 143, 144. Apology against Mr. Blake, Kendal, Moulin, Eyre, and Crandon, by thi good token, that you are most bitter to Doctor Kendall, whil'st you confess your bitterness to be your crime. Insomuch that Master Hickman hath shewed his bitterness to me by your example to Doctor Kendall. What you have said to the m n who renounc'd his Orders and the Lo d's Prayer I neither know nor will make a search, but I may guess there was bitterness by his to you. How you have used M ster Pemble and Doctor Twiss, I hope I need not put you in mind. I remember your bitterness to such as were S ints Rest, p •• t. 3. sect. 6. p. 57. spruce in their apparel, and delighted in May-games, Morice-dances, Shewes, or Stage-Playes, whom you ea ily adjudge to the pains of Hell. I am no friend to those follies and thieves of time: but had I been of your Counsel, I would h ve advis'd you to speak from Scripture, and to have shew'd your severity to Rebellion rather, or Sacriledge, to Schism and blood-shed, and other fruits of the flesh; of which a See 2 Tim. 3. and compare v. 2, 3, 4. with v. 5. formal godliness is not the l ast, and of which I shall speak as occasion serves. For many strain at those Gnats, who yet can swallow these Camels. Wh t bitterness you h ve used to the wearing of Surplices and Not on ly Processi ns and Perambulations, b t the observ tions of Holydayes, repeating the L tany, th lik form in the G mm n-Prayer, he bowing at the name of Ies •• , receiving the Sacram nt upo th kn e, are reckon d up in the sam p ge. oth r things which are indifferent, (consider'd simply in themselves) but made your duties as well as ours, when commanded by that authority which God hath commanded us to obey, you may see in your Saints Rest, part 3. p. 91. And how severely such bitterness against the Rites established in the Church hath been censur'd by S. Paul, yea by God the Holy Ghost, you have been told by that learned and peaceable Divine Doctor Sanderson, in his fifth Sermon ad Populum p. 291, 292, 293. I pray Sir bear with me, whilest I speak the words of truth and soberness: Remember what it is of which you have accused both me and Grotius. And that in order to your amendment, (which is an act of the greatest friendship) as well as in order to our Defence (which implies the onset to have been made from your pen) I have but warn'd you for the future, to Mat. 7.3. cast the beam out of your own eye, before you say to your brother, ver. 4, 5. Let me pull the mote out of thine eye.

You confess [ you are grown to a very great confidence, that most of our contentions about those points are more about words then matter, Sect. 5.]

What differences are verbal, and what are real. Sect. 5.] So you told that learned person whom you describe by his six Metaphysical Exercitations (in your book of Saving Faith, p. 5.) and by his living in the publick Library at Oxford (p. 6.) that he was indeed your assenting Adversary, and maintained your Assertion by a pretended Confutation; which was strange he should do and be learned still. So you told another who writ against you, as you against him, that you did but angrily agree. (Disp. p. 483.) Indeed it were happy if all the World had got that knack of differing into agreement, and of falling out into perfect friendship. Rebus congruentes Nominibus diffe ebant. Una & consentiens duo us vocabulis Philosophiae forma constituta est. Cicero in Quaest. Acad. l. 1. What Cicero saith of the Academicks and Peripateticks, that agreeing in Things they onely differed in appellations, I wish I could say of all our contentions here in England, in the Points you speak of. You have confidently said it, and so it lies upon you to make it good: 'tis not incumbent upon me who never said it. And first of all you must shew that there are few material differences 'twixt you and me. To which it is consequent, that you have embraced the greatest part of the very opinions which I assert with so much eagerness; not that I have receded from my Assertions, for my adherence unto which you are pleased to call me an eager man. Again it follows from hence that there are few contentions 'twixt me and Mr. Barlee, unless it be about words; or that your self and Mr. Barlee are really differing in opinions. What a fallacy is there in your phrase, [Our Contentions] if you mean your self and me? for you know the eagerness, interest, and passion, which you make the subjects of your rebuke (though of no larger a size then you deal to others) were not dealt against you, as you dilucidly confess (Sect. 4.) but against some of the Consistory, from whom you differ in point of Doctrine, and with whom you agree in point of Discipline. So that the Case in effect lies clearly thus: I have written severely against some rigid Presbyterians, who have written against universal Redemption, and for God's tempting, stirring up, exciting men to sin; and you (a singular Presbyterian) are severe to these Doctrines, as well as I; but think the onely found way whereby to answer an Arminian, is by asserting the Doctrine of universal redemption, and the natural consequences thereof, (that is) by yielding unto me (bearing the name of an Arminian from you, as you from others) one of the chief of my concernments. For this alone being granted, (as by you it is) I shall not contend for any thing else which shall not be consequent and agreeable to this one principle. Yet see and wonder at your own excess of partiality, which hath made you so far consider your fellow-Presbyterians, as to rebuke your fellow-Arminians for their passion and bitterness against those Doctrines, against which you have written with equal keeneness, and so contracted upon your self the odious title of Arminian, which yet to you should be the less odious, because Arminius and his followers were but the better sort of Presbyterians. I cannot but wish you will declare what you are for, and stick to what you shall declare: for he is called a Ecclus. 2.12. sinner, that goeth two wayes at once, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the great fault of the Gnosticks. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Homer, did not better fit Mars then it will fit any man else, who is against what he is for, as well as for what he is against.

A material difference indeed. Sect. 6. Whereas you add so distinctly, [That I and my Antagonist do make our selves and others believe that we differ much You say as much even of Grotius himself, p. 91.92. more about them then we do, Sect. 5.] You do not lessen but raise my wonder: for can there be any two points more different then those in which Mr. Barlee and I have differ'd? our difference stands in those things, which have set the Calvinists and the Lutherans so irreconcileably at odds. Observe the words of that holy and learned man Doctor Iackson, Doctor Iackson in his Marathan Atha, cb. 40, p. 37 11. who having spoken of several sorts of Idolaters, (saith he) Besides all these, I am to give you notice of some in reformed Churches who commit the same error which they so much condemn in the Romanist. The Romanist transforms or changes the nature of the incorruptible God, and of Christ himself into the similitude of earthly Kings and Monarchs, yet not of cruel and prodigious Tyrants. But these Writers whom I mean (as the Romanists object, and the Lutherans prove) transform the Majesty and Glory of God into the imilitude of cruel Tyrants, yea of such base and sordid Pedants, as the meanest among you would disdain should have any authority over your children; (that is) such as delight more in punishing and correcting them, then to direct or amend them in learning or manners. ] Now if so learned a part of the Reformed Churches as the Lutherans by all must be acknowledged, have broken off all League and Amity with the Calvinists, even because they h ve conceived that they did not agree with them in the worship of the same God, or transformed Gods nature into the similitude of his enemy, into hatred and cruelty it self , (as the same Ibid. p. 37 12. Doctor hath it) sure the difference must needs be more then verbal, where one party saith (as I have done) that God's decree of Reprobation is with respect had to sin, which God foresaw from all eternity; and another party saith (as my Antagonists have done) that God's Decree of Reprobation is without respect had to sin. I need not name more Instances of the material differences which pass between us. Or if the difference were more in words then matter, then how much hath that party to answer for, by opposing my notes with so much violence?

You farther adde, (and desire my pardon for the addition) That I do not well understand the true state of the Controversie, or else I would not take the breach to be wider then it is, Sect. 5.]

Sect. 7. Who best understands it, you, or I, neither you nor I must be the Iudge: I pray let our Readers enjoy that Office. You scrupled not to tell that learned person, whom you so far honour as to profess you should have thought it an honour to you to have been one of his Pupills, (of saving Faith, p. 5.) I say you scruple not to tell him, that you would have him understand you, before he confutes you. (p. 83.) Nor do I expect you should use me better. Nay you charge even Grotius with the same mistakes and misunderstandings. p. 90, 91, 92. But what Controversie do you mean? if that which I have managed with several persons who had opposed me, my very Opponents will say, I understood it. Nor do I think that you have read the whole state of the Controversie 'twixt me and them. If you s eak of the Controversie 'twixt me and you in these points, you know that there never was any such. I have shew'd sometimes how you and I are at agreement in many points which they call Arminian. And you confess that most of them are but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . So that if this is the thing which you call a Controversie, I cannot chuse but understand the state of it, whilest I am able to believe that your words have truth in them; and so by a consequence unavoidable that either you are an Arminian, or I am none. You see 'twas fitly done of you, to ask my pardon, Of heads of Controversie reconcileable. and I think it as fit for me to grant it.

Sect. 8. One of the first heads of Controversie, about which you suppose all quarrels will be laid aside (Sect. 5.) is no less then the whole Supralapsarian Doctrine of Pre-destination & Reprobation (and so the Twissian by consequence which so vehemently condemns the Synod at Dort) besides the Doctrine of Christ's dying onely for the elect, together with Physical Predetermination, (which contains the irresistibility of Grace) A second is, all matters unrevealed. Part of the third, about Methods (as whether Prescience be before Decrees, &c.) All which it seems are so far yielded by your self, that you suppose I will consent they never be drawn into dispute, which you have not any the least reason to suppose, unless you readily grant what I assert in these points. For if we differ, how can we possibly agree, as to the things about which we differ? and if we agree in these points, let us go lovingly together against the rigid Presbyterians who will not partake of our agreement. Accordingly you profess (Sect. 8.) to wish no more in this Controversie, then may consist with rational prayers, and thanksgivings for Grace, in which you have my full grant. Nay in a very plain manner, you grant what we call sufficient Grace, in the very sense in which we mean it, to the very worst of them that perish, (Sect. 8.) And then (excepting your Doctrine, that whosoever is once justified can never totally fall away, which I wonder how you can retain) what difference remains 'twixt you and me? nay even here too you yield me one great advantage. For besides that you often seem to waver in your notion of perseverance, and pretend to no more then a probability; your Confession stands upon Account of the controv. of Persev. &c. in setting down the fourth opinion, p. 4.5. Record, That S. Austin was of my mind, and that the Lord Primate said as much in the hearing of Master Kendall. Nor am I out of all hope but that in tract of time you will come over to S. Austin, and so to me in this point also.

Grotius made not uncharitable inferen es. Sect. 9. What you say is not owned by the Synod of Dort, (Sect. 5.) I forbear to exagitate, as well and easily I might, both because Tilenus is only concerned in that subject; and because I should be glad to find it so as you say, and not to dispute against that which I would fain have true. All your Sections which next ensue, from Sect. 6. to Sect. 18. are the sole portion of Tilenus, whom though you call my friend, and seem to suspect him to be my self, yet you know you do not know, that he is so much as known to me. The odious inferences you charge on Grotius, and his uncharitable censures thereupon, of which you affirm him to be too much guilty, having been onely rais'd in your fancy, do onely redound to your dishonour. Grotius did not make loads of inferences, but observe and transcribe them from the printed writings of the Calvinians, by whom the inferences were made. And so the want of charity must lie at your door, you having unjustly censured Grotius, who with very great justice had censured them. I am exactly of your opinion that we differ little, if at all in the point of Free-will (Sect. 5.) For if I discern any difference, I do conceive it to be in this, that some of your expressions concerning the freedom of the will, have look'd more like Pelagian then mine have done. But of this I accuse you not, for nothing can be Pelagian, that looks but like it.

CHAP. III.

Sect. 1. NO sooner are you return'd from Tilenus unto my self, A strange difference between the Godly, and the notoriously ungodly. then you implicitly tax me of injustice in three respects, Sect. 18.]

How swift you are to speak hardly, and to be guilty whilest you reprove, even of that which you reprove, I think I may make your self the judge, if you will but read when you are cool, what you seem to have written, when too much heated. For how could I fail in point of justice, by not noting some difference between the men that are godly, and not notoriously ungodly, when you know your own words did contain this difference, as I had faithfully and friendly set them down out of your book? since your Book lies printed, I (and thousands besides) can declare what you have written, as well as you, which makes me wonder (not a little) at the very strange nature of your put-off. For under the first of the two heads, to wit the godly, See your words by me cited in The Self-Revenger Exemp. ch. 4. Sect. 3. p. 115. and compare them with your pages which there are marked. you reckon up such as have been oftentimes drunk, such as rashly rail, and lie, despise reproof, and defend their sin, guilty of Schism, and disobedience to their Guides, and doing much to the hurt of the Church; yea they that commit greater sins then these, the denial of Christ, Perjury, Adultery, Murder, Incest, Idolatry, as Peter, Lot, David, Remember what you call the opinion of most of your Divines, p. 326. and how you excuse Solomon for his Idolatry, p. 317. in contradiction to the Text and to your self, p. 328. Solomon, are affirm'd by you to be in the number of the godly. For (besides that you give them the stile of godly more then once) you further add, that to be notoriously ungodly, or unsanctified, (which is the second head) a man must be worse then all these. Do but mark your own words: A man must be guilty of more sin then Peter was in denying and for swearing Christ that is notoriously ungodly. Observe I pray Sir, you say not [of as much] but, of more sin then Peter was guilty of, &c. Nor onely of as much, but of more sin then Lot, whose sins you reckon up thus. [He was drunk two nights together, and committed Incest twice with his own daughters, and that after the miraculous destruction of Sodom, of his own wife, and his own miraculous deliverance.] Nor do you say he must be as great, but a greater sinner then Solomon was with his seven hundred wives, and his three hundred Concubines, and gross Idolu ries, when his heart was turn'd away from the Lord God of Israel, which appeared unto him twice, and commanded him not to go after other gods, but he kept not that which the Lord commanded.] Now compare what you say of your godly men, with what you say of the notoriously ungodly, and how wicked you say a man must be to be such, not onely as great, but a greater sinner then all these, (remembring also what filthy Uses some men may make of such Doctrine) and judge what wrong you have done your self, by doing so great a wrong to me, who had done you none.

Sect. 2. I must expostulate again about your second Accusation of my injustice (Sect. 18.) for first did you not say, The excessive d nger of making the greatest sinners to dream themselves into a Saintship. (in the place by me cited) that a man who is notoriously ungodly, i. e. unsanctified, must be a greater sinner then Solomon was? &c. Secondly, Where did you adde, that 'tis the common opinion, as that doth signifie not your own? you are not singular in all you think, the opinion may be common and the more likely to be yours, nor do I doubt but that it is: if I thought it were not, you should hear more from me then now you shall. Thirdly, What if you desired all men to take heed? &c. that is no more then to dig a pit and then to bid men beware that they fall not in. But how can you or I be sure that they who believ what you have taught (to wit, that such sins cannot unsanctifie, or put them into a state of damnation, or make them cease to be Godly,) will abstain from such sins when strongly tempted? O Sir, take heed that you scandalize not your weak, or your wilful brethren: that you strengthen not the hands of evil-doers: rather then so, it were better that you were cast into the Sea. (Mat. 18.6.) Fourthly, This Caution was peculiar to Solomon, not to any of those sinners you nam'd besides. Fifthly, Your supposing the sin of David with an Et caetera, (which must regularly include the sins of Lot and Solomon, the Railing Professor, the Rebel, and the Schismatick, and all the rest which you reckon up in your ample Catalogue) to have been extremely different from the like in a graceless man, will prove a sad principle of all security in sinning to one who doubts not but that himself is a gracious man. For he (poor wretch) will be sure to hope that his Drunkenness is like Noah's, his Incest like Lot's, his Adultery and his Murder, of all the world, like David's, and not at all like the sins of the graceless man. Suppose a man shall be convinced of having been many times drunk, besides a Railer, a Liar, a Rebel, and a Schismatick, may he not plead for all that, he is a sanctisied man, and in the number of the godly, and cannot possibly miscarry when once he hath been sanctified, as he takes it for granted that he hath been? Nay may he not fiercely stand to it, and cite the words of Mr. Baxter in his justification; and what are the words of Mr. Baxter but these that follow? [Disput. 3. p. 329. &c. He that hath oftentimes been drunk may yet have true Grace, and be in the number of the godly. How many Professors will rail and lie in their passion? how few will take well a reproof, but rather defend their sin? How many in THESE TIMES that we doubt not to be Godly, have been guilty of disobedience to their Guides, and of Schism, and doing much to the hurt of the Church? ] If the horrid nature of these sins be pressed home to such a Wretch, he may presently flie out into a greater indignation, and urge (in the words of Mr. Baxter again) Grotian Relig. Praef. Sect. 18. towards the end That his Drunkenness, Perjury, Railing, Lying, Rebellion, Schism, and persecution of the Church, are Grotian Relig. Praef. Sect. 18. towards the end exceedingly different from the like facts in a gracelesse man, in regard of manner, ends, concomitants, &c.

The danger exemplified in a Presbyterian woman: Sir, I cannot but tell you on this occasion, that I have laboured for four (if not five) howers together, (and there is witnesse of what I say) to make a woman in this County (not many miles from this place) asham'd and sorry for her adultery, which she took an occasion to profess unto me she had committed, (naming the person with whom, and many circumstances with which) and that in the presence of others also, who together with my self were much amaz'd at her confidence, we having never seen her face before. She did not believe that the sin had done her any hurt, or any whit lessen'd her in the favour of God. She acknowledged that Adultery was a damnable sin in the Graceless, but not in her who had Grace. And (as she was indeed the most fluent Disputant from Scripture that I have ever met with of either sex, she seeming to have had the whole Bible in her memory, so many chapters and verses came so readily into her mouth,) She urged David and Solomon, (as you have done) with as many more as would make you wonder, in her excuse. She told me how she had been grounded in the opinion she was of by the Ministers of the Lecture which she frequented, naming one in particular of great authority and eminence in that side of the County (whom I shall not name, unless need require, as being more careful of his credit, then his followers have been;) She alledged the great difference between the sins of the regenerate and unregenerate. She said she had learn'd from the Pulpit (of that noted man before hinted) that the sins of the regenerate were ever committed with a reluctancy, and trouble of mind; which reluctancy she had in her commission of adultery; upon which she concluded 'twas but an infirmity of the flesh, not an obliquity of her will, that her temptations were unresistible; and the spirit was willing to be obedient, though the flesh was weak. She made the same perverse use of the seventh chapter to the Romanes, by 2 Pet. 3.16. wresting it just to serve her turn, as the Preachers whom she admired were wont to do. But (by the blessing of God on my endeavours) I convinced her of the danger as well as madness of her opinions, and of the deadly influence they had had upon her practice, and how the Scripture was grossely wrested from its true intent and importance to serve for such vilo offices of which she had had some sad experience. I made it manifest that she had fin'd against conscience, and that her sin was Est actuale mortale, in labente post reconciliationem, actio interior, vel exterior, pugnans cum lege Dei, facta contra conscientiam. Melanchth. de Pecsat. Actual p. 83. aggravated by that, which she had alledged as an excuse and a lessening of it, to wit, the reluctancy of her mind, which shew'd her sin to have been wilful. Now whether this Presbyterian woman (for such she was in all points when first she came into my house) were sent on purpose to baffle me with her command of words, and prodigious memory of the Scriptures, or whether she came of her own accord to hear what I could say in opposition to her Teachers, I cannot tell. But I have witness of her conviction before she went out of my doors (which was about four or five hours from after the time when she came in)and s nce that time I never saw her but once, when meeting me and another walking togeher in my Churchyard (about four or five miles from her own abode) she heartily thanks me for my instructions. Sir, I have told you this great truth with a most charitable intention to you, and others, upon a most pregnant occasion which you have offer'd me from the Press: and had it not been for this occasion, this Narrative might have died in perfect silence. Had I not known that there were Gnosticks in the Apostles times, and what the Ranters in these times are wont to hold, and upon what Principles they ground their Doctrines, and how avowedly they have practised according to what they have believed; nay had I not read some books which I shall cite in due place, and compared my other readings with what I have read out of your own; I should hardly have had the courage to tell a story so strange as might seem to some people to be hardly true. But besides that I have witnesses from within, and without me, I have a witness above me too, for 2 Cor. 11.31. The God and Father of our Lord Iesus Christ, which is blessed for evermore, knoweth that I lie not. Hugon. Grot. Anim. in Animadv. Andr. Riveti, p. 80, 81. Miror vero conscientiam aliorum lacessere eos qui omnem vim conscientiae adimun suo dogmate, cum doceant justificatis five electi suis non imputari, non auferre st tum Gratiae, Adulteteria & Homicidia, ideo quod ea faciant animo reluctante, id est. contra conscientiam. I will shut up this Section (but not this subject) with an useful passage out of Grotius in his Animadversions upon Rivet. I wonder (saith he) that they should vex the con ciences of others, who do enervate by their opinion all force of conscience, when they teach that Murders and Adulteries are not imputed to the justified, or to them whom they call Elect, nor take away from them the state of Grace, and that for this reason, because they do such villa ies with a reluctant mind, that is to say, against their conscience.

The sins of David with their circumstances. Sect. 3. But let us consider the sins of David in regard of manner, ends, and concomitants, and see how they difference his sins from the like in a graceless man, as you affirm Sect. 18.] First David deliberately defiled Bathsheba, 2 Sam. 11.2, 3, 4. Next, to palliate his adultery, he cogg'd with her husband. (v. 8.) Thirdly, finding that would not take, he dissembled with him yet farther, and made him drunk, (v. 13.) Fourthly, Seeing that that plot had failed, he contrived the murder of the Husband, that so he might carry away the wife (v. 15.) Fifthly, when Uriah's death was certified to David, he plaid the hypocrite with the Messenger, and bid him tell Ioab, That the sword devoureth one as well as another, (v. 25.) Sixthly, Uriah being thus basely murdered, David married his Widow, which was to kill him over and over, even after he was dead, (v. 27.) Seventhly, his murder was the more horrible, because he gratified the Ammonites, and caused the murder of a great multitude of his loyal subjects, meerly that Uriah might be murder'd with them, (v. 15, 16, 17.) Eighthly, All this while he plaid the Hypocrite with God, both in his publick and private acts of Religion, lifting up unclean hands, and impure eyes, unhallowed lipps, and a stony heart, by which, how his sacrifice was polluted, I pray (Sir) see, and consider in the first Chapter of Isaiah, v. 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. Add to all this, that David was 1 a King, and should have given a better example; 2 a Prophet, who should have taught whom he perverted; 3 a person of high endowments of Grace and Nature, the abuse of which was the greater sin; 4 One who had women enough at home, both Wives and Concubines, which made his seeking abroad the more unexcusable; 5 One to whom Vriah was an 2 Sam. 11.11. affectionate friend, as well as a faithful and valiant subject; fighting against the Kings enemies, whilest the King was acting enmity to him and his. Besides so many distinct sins, and so many aggravations, which could not but make them Rom. 7.13. exceeding sinful: he lived indulgently in them from month to month; was lull'd in carnal security; and as if his conscience had been 1 Tim. 4.2. seared as it were with a hot iron, he never so much as said, Iorem. 8.6. what have I done? he was not startled with Nathans Apologue, (2 Sam. 12.1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.) untill he was fain to indigitate the moral of it, applying it home unto himself, with a Tu es homo, Thou art the man. (v. 7.) Now if with all that I have spoken of David's guilt, you will compare the whole speech which God sent Nathan to rouze him with, and consider the greatnesse of his ingratitude (from ver. 7. to v. 10.) which is the Homicidae, Tyranni, Fures, Adulteri, Raptores, Sacrilegi, Proditores erunt. Sed infra ista omnia ingratus est. Senec. l. 1. de Beneficiis cap. 10. mihi p. 386. greatest aggravation that sins are capable of; and how great an occasion he had given to the enemies of the Lord to blaspheme, (v. 14.) whereby he became a very scandalous and hurtful sinner. I doubt it will set you very hard, to shew me the difference (of which you speak) between this, and the sin of a gra •• less man, in regard of the manner, ends, concomitants, or what other circumstances soever, the complication of impieties was cloathed with.

Peter's sins very different from those of David. Sect. 4. The sin of Peter I shall not prosecute, as having been (in all points) extremely different from that of David, and much more capable of excuse. For 'twas by sudden surreption that Peter sin'd; his temptation was not onely great, but came upon him by a surprisal: And sudden fear, more then any thing Wisd. 17.12. betrayeth the succours which reason offereth. Besides, he speedily repented with Mat. 26.75. bitter tears, and brought forth such early (that I may not onely say, such ample) fruits as were indeed most Luke 3.8. worthy of repentance. Yet I pray Sir, reflect on your own acknowledgment, you say that Peter as well as David was put by his sin into a present incapacity for heaven (Sect. 18.) which what is it but to say, he was in a state of damnation? for being incapable of heaven, he must needs (at that time) have been capable of hell; unless you will feign him in good earnest, (as the Papists in jest have drawn the picture of Erasmus) to have been in a capacity neither for heaven nor for hell, which being not to be imagin'd, you have granted the thing that I contend for, and blown to the ground with one breath, what you bestowed so much cost and care in building. And why do you adde, [that repentance actual, deep and serious too, was necessary to the recovery & forgiveness of Peter and David] but because you inwardly confessed that without their repentance they had been damned, and that before they repented they were in a state of damnation; for if they were not, in what respect was it needful they should repent? If they could have been saved without being forgiven, then their forgiveness was not necessary to their salvation. Or if they could have been forgiven without having repented, then their repentance was not necessary to their forgiveness: but if both were necessary to both, (as you evidently acknowledge) then whilest they were destitute of both, they were in a state of damnation. And thus you see every way you establish my Doctrine, whilest you resist it. Yet after all I must tell you, that your acknowledging the necessity of repentance to the recovery of the regenerate after their degeneration, will make a very poor amends for the Pit I spake of (in my second section) whilest Perseverance is so See the sixteenth Sect. of your Pr face. taught, as you have taught it.

Sect. 5. Having done with your eighteenth, I now proceed to your nineteenth Section: Of Solomon's state and its uncertainty. where, of Solomon's case you profess you are uncertain, though you know where you said, that a man must be a greater sinner then Solomon, to be notoriously ungodly: but now it seems you are doubtful whether he repented before his death; or if you think that he did, and that he wa one of the elect, then it seems you are doubtful whether some, even of them, may not become so unsanctified, as to be in a state of damnation, till they repent: which uncertainty you mean, I am not certain, and so I pass him over, as you have done. David and Peter are again ill coupled, the one sinning by surreption, and straight recovering; the other deliberately sinning, contriving mischief to Uriah, and plotting how to get Bathsh ba, and continuing in his wickedness no little time, and therefore he is most fit for our consideration. For since you affirmed even of Peter that his sin had put him at that present into an incapacity for heaven, how much rather must you acknowledge the same of David? To your particulars of him, I shall speak in order.

Sect. 6. To your Preparatory praefixed before your Reasons in the entrance of your Sect. 19. I briefly say (in preparation to my answers) that 'tis not said on either side, The Reprobates are granted by Mr. Baxter to have Gr ce sufficient. that David was utterly graceless; nor need it be said by either side; it being frequently your Doctrine, [That even the Reprobates have grace and grace sufficient, Look back on the eighth Section of your Preface. and that this is given to the worst that perish, and that in the notion of the Iesuits; and that this is granted by the Dominicans and the Synod of Dort.] Nor do I say, that he needed any other new birth then Repentance is. Repentance was necessary, which was truly equivalent to new bi th. (and so much you confessed Sect. 18.) It was in order to his repentance that Nathan was sent; and before he had not that special grace; in which respect (if you please] he was unsanctified and graceless. But Grace he might have, as that signifies no more then the gift of God, by which he was sufficiently enabled to repent: such Grace he had, and made use of it when Nathan came, nor do I doubt of his having it long before, whilest yet (we know) he made no use of it at all. Again I will prove from your own Concessions, that he might have some degree of other virtues, and those the effects of the Grace I spake of, and yet be fallen from a regenerate state: my reason is, because this requires an universality of obedience, and is not reconcileable with living in any such mortal or deadly sin, as Adultery and Murder are known to be. Sir, I heartily wish, that whil'st you are writing new books, you will carefully remember what you have written in your old ones. Before I go any farther, I will premise a few things which you have taught in your Treatise of Saving Faith, which you pronounce to be specifically, not onely gradually different from all common Faith, and this in the Ti le-page of your book.

Mr. Baxter's Description of Common Grace and its effects. Now you say (p. 43. of that Tract) That men are sometimes enabled by common Grace to be abased in the feeling of their sin and misery, to be humbled by attrition, to cry out of their sin and folly, and day and night to beg for Grace and Mercy; they like the word and wayes of God, think his servants the best and happiest men, wish that they were such themselves, avoid as much of gross and wilful sinning, and continue as much in hearing, reading the word, enquiring, consideration, as common Grace may bring them to do. They have as much belief of the Gospel, as much desire after Christ, and holiness, and heaven, and as much to God, and the Redeemer, and the Saints, as common Grace can lead them to. They have either a knowledge of their being yet short of true Christianity, or at least are much afraid of it, (which no doubt but common Grace may bring them to) Ibid. p. 44. and therefor are under a prudent impatiency till saving Grace come in, and the Spirit have sealed them up to the day of Redemp ion, and are crying out, what shall we do to be saved?] In a word it seems you take common and special Grace to be so like unto each other, that you profess Ibid. p. 49. to fear very much, lest many learned, civil, orthodox men do take common Grace to be special, and so delude their own soules in the trial of themselves. You farther adde, Ibid. p. 49. That there are many common gifts in man which are no more loseable then saving Grace. You adde in the same Treatise (by way of Postscript to the Reader,) Ibid. p. 91. That an unsanctified man may love the true God, and believe in Iesus Christ the Redeemer. And again, Ibid. p. 94. that by common Grace men may have true Faith and Love. And again, Ibid. p. 96. That we know not in our change just when common Grace left, and special grace began. (where I am glad to find you condemning the practice of the triers.) Again you lay down this Proposition, Ibid. p. 92. [That one and the same man may have two contrary ultimate ends of his particular actions, Look forwards on the twelfth Section of this Chapt. even the pleasing of God, and the pleasing of his flesh.] In your first reason you say, [That the very same heart may be partly sanctified, and partly unsanctified.] You say in your second, [That a godly man when he is drawn to eat or drink too much, doth it not onely as a mistaken means to Gods glory, but ultimately to please his flesh.] Peter and David are your examples, and of them you thus speak. [Peter did not only mischoose a means to Gods glory when he denied his Master. Either David in adultery did desire flesh pleasing for it self, or for some other end; if for it self, then it was his ultimate end in that Act: if for somewhat else as his end, for what? no one will say his end was Gods glory. And there is nothing else to be it.] Having premised these things for several uses which I foresee, I now return to the particulars of your nineteenth Section which lies before me.

Of men twice sanctified. Sect. 7. [You do not find in Scripture, that they or any others were twice regenerate or sanctified, Sect. 19.] But taking Repentance for a Regeneration, you find in Scripture what you say you find not; to wit, that some have twice repented, that is, they have risen by Gods grace to undertake his service, and have fallen after that, and by the Grace of God they have risen again, so saith the Article of our Church. [After we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from Grace given, and fall into sin, and by the Grace of God we may rise again and amend our lives.] Artic. 16. Nor will any deny this, except the Montanists and the Novatians, and the Family of Love, the Catharists, and the Iovinians, and such as are of their kindred. (I wish that no such heresie were still alive.) But I think I may say of the Novatians, that though they would not yield place of absolution in the Church, for such as had fallen, after Baptism, into any deadly or wilful sin; yet for Repentance with God, they willingly yielded them a place. And I am sure the Church Catholick hath alwayes held both.

Concerning the importance of Heb 6. & 10. Sect. 8. You tell me what two passages (Heb. 6. & 10.) do seem to import, Sect. 19.] Wherein you did well to say they seem'd so, for you do more then seem not at all to understand those famous passages of Scripture. It is not absolute impossibility, but an extreme great d fficulty, which there is meant: nor is it any lesse fall, then into wilful Apostacy from the profession of Christianity, which is there spoken of. To shew you the greatness of your mistake, I cannot take a more short, or effectual course, then by referring you to the Notes of the learned and Reverend Doctor Hammond on either place, more particularly, on Heb. 6.4. & Heb. 10.26. And since those places do not serve for your turn, you need not be told how exceedingly much they make against it.

You say that David by Gods own Testimony was one of those hearers (in our Saviours parable) who like the good ground that gives deep rooting to the seed, do not fall away in trial, Sect. 19.]

Sect. 9. Whatever David was before his Adultery and his Murder, Gods testimony of David twofold, each to be compared with the Rule, Ezek. 18.24, &c. or whatever he was from after the time of his repentance, he was not good by God's testimony, in the whole matter of Uriah, or in any part of it. For that is 1 King. 15.5. excepted by God in Scripture, and you cannot but know that this is the David of whom we speak; so that before you were aware (if not on purpose) you have made a Transition ab Hypothesi, ad Thesin. It is true that God hath given a good testimony of David in the place I cited, and with the exception of which I spake. But this was also God's testimony concerning David, [2 Sam. 12.9. That he had despised the commandement of the Lord, to do evil in his sight. That he had killed Uriah the Hittite with the sword; (and not onely so, but) that he had killed him also with the sword of the (prophane) children of Ammon; (nor onely so, but) that he had taken his wife from him to be his own wife.] With this particular testimony you may do well to compare God's general rule. Ezek. 18.24. & 26. That when the righteous turneth away from his righteousness and committeth i iquity, — all his righteousness that he hath done shall not be mentioned. In so much, that David must be confessed, notwithstanding the Parable of the good ground, to have fallen away in time of triall. My way of arguing is, ab actu ad potentiam, which you know is uncontroulable. David fell, therefore he might fall. And against matter of Fact, your way of disputing is most unhappy.

But no Scripture tells us (say you) that David was void of charity, though as to the degree, and act, and sense, it was decayed, and so far David beggs for a recovery. Sect. 19.]

Sect. 10. If no Scripture had so told us, How far charity was decayed in David; and how hard it is to murder wilfully in love. your negative Argument would be of no force. But Scripture tells enough, as I lately shew'd you, when God excepted his dealings with Uriah, that exception was as much Scripture, as any other passage which you can name. The Scripture tells how he continued in his wickedness without repentance, untill the message of Nathan, which was neer a whole year, if not a great deal beyond it, for his child by Bathsheba was See 2 Sam. 12.14, 15. born I know not how long before he repented of his uncleanness, which shews a greater decay, then you acknowledge. And accordingly he prayed, Create in me a clean heart, Psal. 5. .10. O God, renew a right spirit within me. I pray Sir mark it, the clean heart was now to be created, and the right spirit to be renewed; which had certainly been needless, had its cleanness and rectitude continued to him. Besides, Of saving Faith, p. 92. you tell us of David, That he desired flesh pleasing for it self, and not at all for Gods glory, nor is it imaginable he should commit Adultery to please God: and so out of your mouth I do infer his having been unsa ctified, because you say that the same man, by designing to please God, and to please his flesh too, as two ultimate ends of his particular actions, may be partly unsanctified, as well as partly sanctified. Then is not he wholly unsanctified, who intends not the pleasing of God at all? or is he not wholly unsanctified who designes to please God by heaping Murder upon Adultery, and adding Drunkenness to Thirst? The murderous Jews were not, sure, the less unsanctified for killing the Apostles to do Iohn 16.2. God service; nor was Saul the less unsanctified before the time of his conversion, for that he thought it his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . duty to do many things contrary to the name of Iesus. Whatever David's ends were, his sins were such (by your confession) as did put him into no less then an incapacity for heaven. But where was his charity you speak of, when he contrived and effected Uriah's death? To say he murdered a man in love will be of very ill consequence: and he that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen,1 Ioh. 4.20. how can he love God whom he hath not seen? even Injustice and Charity do seem to me irreconcileable. And though there are who have pretended to hate and persecute their neighbours in the fear of God, yet am I assured by an Apostle, That whosoever shall keep the whole Law, Iam. 2.10. and yet offend in one point, (that great point especially of doing his duty towards his neighbour) he is guilty of all. And whereas you said at the beginning of your Section, you believe not that David had wholly excussed the spirit of God: Melanchth. de bonis operibus. p. 179.180. I oppose the belief of the great Melanchthon; Excussit David fidem & Spiritum Sanctum, cùm raperet alterius conjugem, & quidem multipliciter Spiritum Sanctum perturbavit. Primum in corde suo, unde pulsus est in Adulterio; deinde in multis sanctis, quorum aliis scandalum attulit dolorem, aliis fuit occasio exi ii, &c. I need not use this Authority, (having abundantly done my work without it) but think it more then sufficient thus to counterpoise your own.

You urge yet farther [David prayes Psal. 50. That God would not for that sin take his Holy Spirit from him, which implies yet that he had it. Sect. 19.]

Sect. 11. But (1.) he made that Prayer after the time of his repentance, Of David's Prayer Psal. 51. whereas the excussion of God's Spirit was in the commission of his sins. (2.) Nor doth it signifie any more, then that God had been highly provoked by him so to do. And (3.) if God had not utterly withdrawn his grace, but left him what was sufficient to enable him to repent a great deal sooner then he had done, that was the height of God's goodness which inferrs the Rom. 2.4, 5. heightning of his sins, in that he had so long abu 'd it. For I must put you in remembrance, that it is not meerly the having of Grace, (to-wit, the habit) without the actual imployment of it, that will ever stand us in any stead; but on the contrary, Mat. 25.25, 26, 30. a Talent wrapt in a Napkin will evince us to be sloathful and unprofitable servants, whom our Judge will cast into out r darkness.

But say you, [The thing in it self seems utterly improbable, that David and Peter should have no love to God, after those particular sins, Sect. 19.]

Sect. 12. What can be your meaning of [no love to God, His being clearly unsanctified by his a c mulated sins. ] when you See of saving Faith. p. 47, &c. p. 49.91.94.96. confess that the unsanctified have some love to him? Will you prove a man Regenerate in the complication of his impieties, by having that left in him more then which you do allow to the unregenerate? you know what I told you out of your self in the sixth Section of this Chapter. 2. What do you mean by your other phrase, [after those particular sins?] a great while after, he repented, and was no longer that impenitent of whom we both speak. If your meaning is, that immediately after his sins committed, he had some love to God, but in the acts of commission had none at all; you confess there was a time when he was wholly unsanctified, and had less Grace then many, who yet haue not saving, but common Grace. 3. When you adde that his sins were odious, and deserved an utter desertion of God (Sect. 19.) Do you s eak after the Tenor of the Second Covenant, and as God hath threatned every man to reward him Rom. 2.6. according to his works? Then 'tis true (what you say) that the sins unrepented of deserved utter desertion, and so damnation; which is the granting of all that I contend for. But if you mean by utter desertion, God's withdrawing that Grace which was absolutely necessary to his Repentance, then you grant more then I should ever have demanded; not knowing that God in the Gospel hath threatned such sins with such desertion, 'till death hath seized upon the sinner, or the sinner hardened his heart to such a desperate degree as Pharaoh did, Exod. 9.14, 16, 27, 34. However it be, God's not inflicting so sore a punishment is no argument at all, that the sinner was not fallen from Grace, by abusing that Grace which God had given him, and that abuse of Grace given, is the thing which God punishes because he hates; not the negation or want of Grace, which by being not given, cannot be said to be abused.

You say, This sudden prevalen y of sensuality did not so far change the judgment of David, that hereupon he habitually esteemed the creature above God, and valued the pleasures of sin, before the pleasing, and the favour of God, Sect. 19.]

A signal quicksand to be a oided by all that are ensnared with the novel notion of perseverance. Sect. 13. Here you speak of a sudden prevalency, whereas you cannot but know (what I largely shew'd out of the Text) that David was a contriving and deliberate sinner. And I pray Sir tell me, Did not David habitually, (to wit) at least for a year, value the pleasures of sin before the favour of God? Here is a very great Quick-sand which must be carefully avoided, or else a sinner may go-on, in Adultery, Murd r, and other villanies, contenting himself with this Co dial, (but I beseech you give no more such) that he doth not habitually esteem the creature above God. Sir, Your soul is very pretious and dear unto me, and by the interest which I have in the perfect happiness of my Brethren, I shall conjure you to consider, whether such Doctrine hath not been hurtful, as well to your self, as to weaker men. If actually in the time of sinning, sensuality prevailed against the act of charity, then the sin of David being deliberate, (as in Peter 'twas not,) and very long continued in, (as again in Peter it was not,) how can it modestly be denied, but that for so long a time as David lived in his impieties, and as to those species of impieties in which he lived, it habitually prevailed in him? which should you possibly deny, you know what follows. Your pleading that the judgment of David was not changed, would do you no service, if I should grant it: for there is hardly any sinner, who doth judge of the creature as more valuable then God, when asked which he doth value most; nor is a man the less but the greater sinner for deliberately acting against his judgment. And again remember how much you gave to the unsanctified man.

Yet again you say, That David's Faith was not habitually extirpated, nor was he turned unbeliever. Of Faith as a practical adherence unto God. Sect. 19.]

Sect. 14. But neither are they unbelievers, whom you allow to have Faith, and yet deny to have saving Grace, as I shew'd you from your writings in my Sect. 6. But as Faith is a Practical adherence unto God, and implies an uniform obedience to his commands, you know that David wanted Faith; he obeyed not God, by which believing is expressed in holy They have not all obeyed the Gospel. For Esay faith who hath believed our report Rom. 10.16. Scripture. It was not that Faith which worketh by love, which is the fulfilling of the Law, which consisted with so much injury, as the robbing Uriah both of his honour and of his life. To be brief, If Faith be truly inseparable from charity, and David can no more love God and Bathsheba (another man's wife) then Luk. 16.13. God, and Mammon; then must David needs have wanted both Faith & Charity. When you say (of saving Faith p. 92.) that one and the same man may have two contrary ultimate ends of his particular actions, even the pleasing of God, and the pleasing of his flesh, (giving your instance even in David,) you seem to imply a contradiction to the words of our Lord, who saith, Ibid. no man can serve two Masters. Dagon and the Ark cannot dwell under a roof, but that the one will subvert the other. And even he is Mat. 12.30. against Christ, who is not for him. Indeed there are in the world who make a mixture of Religions, like the 2 Kings 17.32, 33. people of Sepharvaim, Chuth, and Hamath, fearing the Lord and serving their own gods. But the former was in Hypocrisie, for it is said in the following verse, ver. 34. they feared not the Lord, which 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or literal shew of contradiction, doth evince the truth of our Saviours words, that no one servant can really and truly serve God and Mammon, for either he will hate the one and love the other, or else he will hold to the one and despise the other. But what kind of Principles those are, which lead the people to such mixtures, and of how dangerous importance such mixtures are, I leave to the guess of the considering Reader.

David was soberly put to it Sect. 15. What you think that David would not have done had he been put to it upon sober deliberation (Sect. 19.) is as little to the purpose as all the rest, and onely needs to be referred to my former answers, or to what I collected Sect. 6. yet here I can adde, that David was soberly put to it, (as having acted deliberately, with a great deal of project and contrivance) yet did he not choose the love of God before the pleasure of sin (as Moses did, Heb. 11.25, 26.) which indeed was contrary to the love of God.

You say, It is not likely that this one act should turn his heart into as graceless a frame, as the ungodly themselves that never were sanctified, Sect. 19.]

The fallaciou use of the word Graceless. Sect. 16. As it is not likely, so it need not be said. For if graceless here signifies or supposeth such a sinner, as from whom God's grace is so far withdrawn, that he hath not left what is sufficient for his return; all unsanctified men are not such sinners as these. Recessutum non deserit antequam deserat Et facit ple •• mque ne deserat; aut etiamsi recessit, ut redear, Prosper. Respon. ad object. Vincent. 14. You affirm that grace suffi ient is given to the worst of them that perish, (Sect. 8.) and therefore you cannot prove that David was sanctified, (whilest impenitently guilty both of Adultery and Murder) for having just as much grace as you allow to Reprobates, whom you will not allow to have been sanctified. Whereas you speak of one Act as unlikely to turn the heart of David, you know that David committed many, and with a manifold aggravation. Nor do I doubt but he had power to have repented sooner then he did, if he had not been wanting to himself.2 Pet . 0, 21. Yet the Scripture having pronounced that the estate of those men who have fallen from grace is much more hardly to be recovered, and worse (by consequence then theirs, who never knew the way of righteousness; certainly more Grace was necessary for the reducing of David (as he was) then if he had never been a sanctified man. Now seeing that David was effectually reduced, and that by Grace, I am obliged to avow, that either more grace was left, or more was given. And for this last, you have my reason. But however it be, it cannot but be to my advantage, it being no extenuation, but an aggravation of his crimes, throughout the time of his impenitence.

You say, you think it was the habit of Grace, which the words of Nathan to David excited, and did bring again to act, Sect. 19.]

Sect. 17. But sure your thinking is no proof of the point. Some are thinkers to their own prejudice. I may rather conclude it was not the habit of Grace excited, if you your self do but think so, for whose interest it is to have it so without question. And if it were as you think, by so much the greater was David's guilt; that having so great a gift of God as that habit of Grace, he acted contrarily to it, in so hainous a manner, and degree. To have an habit of Grace, and not to use it, yea to abuse it by grosse impieties, will no more excuse a man's wickednesse, then the bare haveing of a Talent, and Mat. 25.25. thrusting it into a sink. What you adde of S. Peter is not home to the purpose, and that for those reasons, which I have given Look back on Sect. 4. of this Chapter. already once for all.

It is another quick-sand to be avoided, which leads men to think they are the better for their hypoc isie. Sect. 18. Your verily thinking that David after his sin went on in his ordinary course of Religion, and obedience in all things else, (Sect. 19.) will not stand you in any stead, (besides that again you do but think it,) unless it be to make proof, that many goers to Church, and doers of some things in the service of God, may yet deliberately sin in a hideous manner, and so become liable to condemnation. Many desperate sinners are the more punctual in their outward acts of Religion, and strive to grow eminent for some good deeds, to the end that they may sin with the more security and success, but they are not the better for being Hypocrites, and therefore not the more excusable; this I take to be another great quick-sand, in which because many are swallowed up in these times, I was not at ease with my self till I had publickly given some warning of it in the first chapter of the second part of my Sinner impleaded. And which I do more wish read, then all the thing that I have written. I pray Sir, consider on this occasion, Isa. 1.11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. As for David's daily going unto God, in publick and in private, all the space of his continuance in sin without repentance, it was not joyned with that love of God which doth exclude the love of Mammon; it having been joyned with the love of unlawful pleasures, and by consequence unavailable in the sight of God. You adde that these things are to you improbable: still implying a confession that you are not certain, or assured of what you so zealously contend for. The truth being proved, and demonstrated to lie on S. Austin's and Prosper's side, (both which Fathers, and those others that went before them, you have publickly confessed to be against you) it matters not what may seem improbable, much lesse improbable to you.

You say that David had built upon a rock, and that they who build on the rock, persevere in trial, Mat. 7.25. concluding herewith your nineteenth Section.

hat it is, and is not to build upon a rock. Sect. 19. But his lying with Bathsheba was not building on a rock, much less his murdering of good Uriah; and that he really did both, the Scripture tells us. That phrase of building upon a rock doth not signifie (in general) whatsoever building upon God. (for some build so, and yet but slightly.) But it peculiarly signifies a building firmly, a rooting deep, as that is opposed to building on the sand, to which nothing can be fasten'd. And that David at first did not build thus firmly, doth appear by his falling (even deliberately) in time of temptation. I adde no more, because you conclude, as you began with an ingenuous confession of what you think.

You say you are willing to learn better that Doctrine that is according to Godliness, and to disclaim all that is against it. But I must not take your expressions of the worst that the mercy of God will cover in a man obedient in the main to be your descriptions of godly men, Sect. 20.]

Sect. 20. You have told us over and over what crying sins may well consist with the power of Godliness. The horror of a Doc rine should teach its vassals to disclaim it. That David was not unsanctified or made ungodly by his Adultery and Murder, and other sins. Be pleased to reflect on what I have said in the first Section of this Chapter. And consider within your self, whether men may not be taught, by such expressions as you have used, to believe they may deliberately (as David did) commit Adultery and Murder, with divers other abominations, and yet be godly, sanctified, spiritual men. Can there be any thing in the world more trecherous to their souls then that opinion? since you are willing to learn, I hope the horror of the Doctrine will teach you speedily to disclaim it.

Again, The quivocal refuge of being obedient in the main. I would know what you mean in this place by being obedient in the main. Is it for a man to be obedient in more particulars then those in which he is disobedient? or else in mainer or greater things? O remember the words of our Lord and Saviour: Mat. 5.19. Whosoever shall break one of these least Commandements, and shall teach men so, he shall be called the least in the Kingdom of heaven. And together with these, Iam. 2.10. compare the words of S. Iames, Whosoever shall keep the whole Law, and yet offend in one point, he is guilty of all. They that teach otherwise, are blind leaders of the blind. They cheat themselves and their Disciples. What is it then to be obedient in the main? Is it for the main, that is to say, the greater part of the life? sure that is not it, for we know it is possible a lesser part may serve turn. Or if that be all, then 'tis readily granted that David having liv'd godly before the matter of Uriah, and again very godly after Nathan came to him, he found acceptance with the Almighty. But what is this to the interval betwixt these two? David the Murderer and the Adulterer, is the man we now speak of. David the just and the penitent i of another consideration.

What was predominant in David when he deliberately sinned. Sect. 21. It is true what you adde, that no Act will prove us holy, but a praedominant Habit, Sect. 20.] The reason is, because all circumstances are required to make a thing completely good; But then withall you must grant,Bonum ex Cau â integrâ. Malum ex quolibet defectu. that any deliberate act of sin will pronounce us unholy; Because the want of one circumstance is enough to name a thing evil. And he that offends in one point is guilty of all: but David offended in more then two. Again, the estimation, election, resolution, operation of the Soul cannot truly be said to be praedominant to good, when the deliberate acts are quite contrary, transcendently evil. And a sad continuance in a sinful course (such undeniably was David's) is also as opposite to Habits of Virtue.

None in Adultery and murder can be really good men before the time of their repentance. Sect. 22. What you adde of blind unjust judgment, (Sect. 20.) upon an Hypothesis of your own framing, concerns not me, in any measure. For did I ever speak of judging the whole lives of men, by one hour, or one day, be it good or bad? you know I did not. Yet thus we may judge, that that hour, or that day, wherein a man shall live both in Adultery and Murder, without repentance he can be no good man, nor in the Rom. 8.8, 13. favour of God, whatever he were before, or whatever he may be after. And remember that David had dwelt in sin, for a year and a day, (for ought appears in Holy Scripture) in sin deliberately committed, and not repented of at all in so long a time.

Sect. 23. Now Sir, The danger of the great error propos'd to consideration. your Arguments being answered whereby you have laboured to beget a strong conceit in your ea •• e Readers, that if a man is once sanctified, he cannot possibly be otherwise, notwithstanding all the wickedness that he can possibly commit, (an ample catalogue of which I have recited to you out of your self, in the first Section of this Chapter,) I beseech you to consider in the Spirit of meekness, whether your Doctrine is not as dangerous to the professors of Christianity, as that of Master Pemble, and Doctor Twisse, [Of Christ's immediate actual delivering us from guilt, wrath, and condemnation,] which you Appendix to Aphorismes of justif. p. 164. profess to be the very Pillar and Foundation of the whole Frame and Fabrick of Antinomianism. And as you say a little before, Ib. p. 163. that Socinianism were the soundest Doctrine, that Christ never needed to satisfie, if we were justified from eternity; (to which you adde your confession, that you remained long in the borders of Antinomianism, which you very narrowly escaped;) so I intreat you to examine whether you are not already fallen into as formidable an error, as that is which you escaped.

There is a Book intitled, What despera e Doctrines have been applauded by some of the ablest Presbyterians, no whit better then those of Wickliff. The Marrow of Modern Divinity, which hath dangerously built upon your Foundation, and is publickly commended by some of your way; Master Caryl, Master Burroughs, Master Strong; Master Sprigg, and after all Master Samuel Prittie. Evangelista (in the Dialogue) being a Minister of the Gospel, doth instruct Neophytus, or the young Christian, in these following words:See The Marrow of Modern Divinity, p. 20 Edit. 3. [In case you be at any time by reason of the weakness of your Faith, and strength of your temptations drawn aside, and prevailed with, to transgress any of Christ's commandements, beware you do not thereupon take occasion to call Christ's love to you into question; but believe as firmly that he loves you as dearly as he did, before you thus transgressed; For this is a certain truth, as no good in you, or done by you, did or can move Christ to love you the more, so no evil in you, or done by you, can move him to love you the less.] Upon this bit of marrow (as the Author calls it) an idle Maid was found chewing; The very sight of which would overturn a clean stomach. For what scruple could she make of transgressing any of Christ's Commandements (whether filtching for her profit, or playing the wanton for her pleasure) having been taught before hand, (and having believed what she was taught) that Christ could love her nevertheless: If this is Divinity, the Author did well to call it Modern, for nothing was like it in Antiquity except the Heresie of the Gnosticks, that I can think on. From what kind of Bone that Marrow was pick'd, and whether it had not some hand in the sins of these times, it will be revealed in that day when all hearts shall be opened. There are other things in that book, as Ibid. p. 161. [That the Law of Christ neither justifies nor condemns. Ibid. p. 119. That in the Covenant betwixt Christ and his, there is no more for man to do, but onely to know and believe that Christ hath done all for them; Saints Rest. part. 1. c. 8. Sect. 2. p. 158.] which I suppose you disrelish as much as I, because you hold, that the first sanctification is before justification. For which perhaps some Ignaro's may have thought you a Socinian, (men no better advised then Master Channel) though you are able to cite for it Master Richard Hooker, and Peter Martyr, and the Reverend Doctor Hammond. Nay since I writ my last words, I find you Append. to Aphor. of justif. p. 99. to p. 107. excepting against that Book, as being guilty of hainous Doctrine, of notorious and dangerous mistakes; of denying the plain sense of the Text (Mat. 10.28.) of intolerably abusing the Scripture, and making Paul a legal Preacher. Of shamefully abusing 1 Cor. 6.9, 10. and of many other intolerable errors. In which your just reprehensions, as I fully concur with you, (and in the most that you have written in those your Aph rismes) so I hope, in some time, you will concur in mine also. Had you considered that those Ministers, who so zealously recommended that venemous book unto the people, were some of the noted London-preachers, whom you exceedingly commended, (to wit in your Epistle before your Treatise of Iudgment,) I do not think you would have done it without a discrimination. But now in faithfulness I must tell you, that not a few of those errors which you so worthily have condemned, do seem to flow from the Principles, which you your self have espoused, as well as they. And when the Murderer of his bedfellow was taught by some, to See Poe it. M rd. printed A.D. 1657 p. 10, 11. & p. 23. commend his sin for its greatness, as being a rouzing, awakening, yea a sanctified sin, a sin from which was producible the eternal salvation of his soul, the accidental cause of a good fruit, as that which startled conscience, which would not with the noise of a lesser guilt be awakened; 'tis easie to guesse at the source of so foul a stream. To conclude this subject, I can truly say with learned Grotius, Hostis non sum, nisi eorum dogmatum, quae credo noxia, aut p •• tati, aut Societati humanae; &c. Vot. pro Pace p. 115. that I am not an enemy, unless it be to those opinions, which I conceive to be enemies either to piety or peace. Such I take to be that of Marlorate, a Calvinistical Commentator, [That such sins as David's, to wit, Adulteries and Murders, are not imputed to the elect.] Such I take to be that which you have hitherto asserted, that a man once justified can never fall; That such sins as David's cannot unsanctifie the sinner; That a godly man may be a Murderer, an Adulterer, (and deliberately such) and yet a godly man still, whilest yet impenitent. A man is tempted by such a Doctrine to live as he lists, to commit as many sins as are grateful to him, and at the hour of death to send for a Minister, Quae est illa poenitentia vivere ut lubet, deinde instante morte dicere ministro, nollem factum, & credo justitiam Christi imputari, idque verumesse quia id credo. Cum hoc Viatico statimille in Coelum avolat. Id. ibid. to wish his impious deeds had been undon, to believe the righteousness of Christ is imputed to him, and that so it must be even because he believes it. With this Viaticum (saith Grotius) he flies up instantly into heaven, if he does not go securely, and confidently to Hell. (For that you know must be the meaning of his Antiphrasis.) You well objected against the Marrow of New Divinity, that no unrighteous person, 1 Cor. 6.9, 10. Fornicator, Adulterer, &c. shall inherit the Kingdom of God. David was an Adulterer, and before he repented he was impenitent. Repentance and Reformation must go This you acknowledge in Append. to Aphor. p. 103. before pardon. To be incapable of Heaven is to be somwhat more then capable of Hell. And were David alive upon the earth, he would not endure to hear his sins apologized for in such a manner, as might incourage the greatest sinners to the like Apologies for their own.

CHAP. IV.

Sect. 1. HAving done with the Argument, you fall upon the person with whom you deal. You bid me trie whether in the very omission of some duties to my flock, or condemning of my brethren, &c. I may not have sins that are accompanied with as little love of God, as David's more disgraceful, and (materially hainous sins, Sect. 20.]

A tacite and groundless accusation sadly r fl cting on the Accuser. Had I been a Presbyterian, I do not think you would have dealt so foulely with me, as to have hinted to your Readers some strange omission towards my Flock, when you knew that you knew not my least omission, and what an omission must that have been which could equall the guilt of deliberate Murder and Adultery? Had you known my life to have been any way Reprovable, what Tragical work would you have made, who could not here contain your self from such a groundlesse insi uation? Or who can be so inoffensive, whom you might not have used (or have abused) in like manner? As for the work of my Ministerie, when I consider the weig t of that, how much I owe to the great Shepherd and Bishop of our souls, 1 P t. 2.25. and how strict an account I am to render, I cannot but say I am an unprofitable servant, Lu 7.10. and am forced to take up that Apostolical Erotesis, Cor. 2.16. who is sufficient for these things? But when I consider mine own weaknesse, and my endeavours to serve God with the poor utmost of my ability, and that God will accept according to what a man hath;2 Cor. 8.12. when I examine all by that Rule in conformity to which we are bound to act: I can say to you, and to Master Hickman, (who hath also printed an unhandsome, indeed an unmanlike In his Preface to the Reader, p. 6. insinuation in this kind) what Saint Paul did to Felix, Act. 24.13.14. Ye cannot prove those things whereof ye (tacitly) accuse me. But this I confess unto you, that after the way which some call heresie, (some superstition) so worship I the God of my fathers. And now I pray Sir consider whether I might not with greater reason have turn'd your motion upon your self, since you have given me (in Saints Rest. Edit. 2. part 3. p. 99. print) a perfect knowledge of your failings, in the discharge of your Ministery, whilest you have nothing concerning mine, but in your voluntary surmisings.

You certifie to the world, that you are many times lazy in your performance: your words are these; [ One sheet for the Ministery, p. 13. & 14. It is not a want of abilities that makes Ministers use Notes; but it is a regard to the work and good of the hearers. I use. Notes as much as any man, when I take pains, and as little as any man, when I am lazy, or busie, or have not leisure to prepare. It is easier to preach three Sermons without Notes, then one with them. ] If it is really so, as here you say, that the using of Notes is for the good of the hearers, and for the better performance of Gods work, then indeed I have been guilty of great omissions towards my flock: for in all the course of my Ministery, I never made any use of Notes. But I have this for my excuse, that I was charged not to use them, by very venerable persons, when I was first ordained to be a Preacher. And the reasons given for it were these especially; first because your reading Preachers were more despised at that time, then of late they have been, (and where the Preachers is not valued, the Sermon finds the less attention.) Next because such a Preacher as speaks out of his memory, is better able to speak out of his heart and mind, then one who is often, or altogether forced to look into his book. Not will his work be so lifeless, as when he reads. He will not be so very apt to preach his Auditory asleep, (which you modestly condemn in your self and others.) But since you say the use of notes is for the benefit of the hearers, and since I know they are used by many eminent Preachers besides your self, I begin to suspect my former judgment, and perhaps may change my practice too. For as I never thought the worse of others whom I have known to use Notes, or the better of my self for having never us'd any, so have you given me an occasion to put my self on this question, whether I have not been faulty in bestowing that time to put my Sermons into my memory, which might better have been imployed in making them worthy to be remembred. I am really in a strait, and apt to state it in the affirmative; for he who spends his whole time, in giving weight and worth to his compositions, may make them useful for the publick, and fit to be preached from the Press; whereas the man that is obliged to speak at large upon a little, and to content himself with the sudden effusions of his soul, can attain to nothing beyond the Pulpit, where he speaks little else, then what must perish whilest it is spoken. I do intend (if God permit) to make a trial of your way; and if I shall find it to be the better, will never return unto mine own.

Of condemning brethren. Sect. 2. If you mean by my brethren, the Episcopal men, who have not changed with the times, but (after all temptations to Apostacy) have still contended for the Faith which was once delivered unto the Saints, Iud. 3. you know I never condemned them, but cleared them rather from their Accusers. If you mean by my brethren, the P esbyterians, I have condemnd them no farther then by their printed blasphemies, confessions, and contradictions they have condemned one another, & very often their own selves. I condemn'd them only, whom I caught in the act of many scandalous sins, such as you may see a good account of, both in my See (in particular) Introduct. p. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. and the places there referred to. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .See Ch. 3. p. 73.77. to p. 83. I did carefully distinguish betwixt the Rigid and Moderate Presbyterians: I condemn'd the former out of their Writings; but the later I At the end of my premonition to my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . declared to be of their number, whom I do very unfeignedly both love and honour, which I have also made apparent by my inviolable friendship with divers of the : in a word, I did timely preadmonish my Readers, (and your self as one of them,) That my words cannot reach nto all Presbyterians indiscriminately, but to such and such onely, of whom the Authors by me cited are found to speak. That what I say from the History of Master Knox, I mean of those whom Master Knox himself meant, who was a Chieftain of the Party. That when I name Paraeus, Buchanan, Hacket, and the like, it is plain I mean them. If when no body is named, any one or more persons shall name themselves, (as one in the World hath very publickly done) and apply my words to their particulars, which I had left onely in common, (to be seized on by none but the proper owners) they will be in that case their own Accusers.

And now that you see how I am innocent, The accuser is the most criminal. observe how ill you were qualified for my Accuser. For if you reckon, amongst your brethren, the regular sons of the Church of England, you have condemned them more then any man I ever heard of; and reviled them even for that, for which their Reward will be great in heaven. Mat. 5.12. Luk. 6.23. To repeat your bitterness, not onely to your Brethren, but to your right Reverend Fathers and Superiours, Heb. 13.17. who are over you in the Lord, were to write a large volume in this one Paragraph. It shall suffice me to put you in mind what wants of charity you have shew'd in your Reformed Pastor, in your Christian Concord, and (not to rake into all your books) in your Grotian Religion from p. 109. unto the end; what your charity was to Grotius, hath been shewn already; and what to me, will be seen anon. If you mean by your Brethren, the several Sectaries of the times, you have condemned them all, as they have all condemned you, (the Presbyterians not excepted.) Of very many instances, I shall detain you but with a few. You have condemned Master Colyer, Append. to Ap or. p. 99. Sprigs, and Hobson, for abominable Pamplets. And all the approvers of the Marrow of Modern Divinity. You have highly condemned both Doctor Twiss and Master Pemble, as hath been shew'd. Ibid. p. 163, 164. Nay many of your Divines are condemned by you, for fighting against Iesuites and Arminians, with the Antinomian weapons, and for running thereby into the WORSE EXTREME. Having called Maccovius an excellent Doctor, you yet profess to be ashamed to confute so Ibid. 147. senseless an Assertion as his is. After Master Tombes had condemned you for a Railer, See your history of the Conception and Nativity of your book intitled Plain Scripture Proof &c. you did condemn him also of stark brazen-faced and unconscionable dealing, grosser then you had found in any Iesuite ; Ibid. p. 174. Edit. 1. p. 175. of playing the Devils part, yea worse, yea very far worse in several respects then if it were the Devil that did it; Ib. p. 202, 203. of covetousness, liberty in sinning, and many more things then I have leisure to repeat. You have condemned your own men, (whom you call the Godly) Disp. 3. of Sacram. p. 330. for disobedience to their guides in these times, for Schism, and for doing much hurt to the Church. Nay you have publickly condemned your own long-Parliament, and your whole Assembly of Divines, for the iniquities of their See Edit. 3. of your pla •• Script. proof, &c. p. 120, 121, 122, 123. and Append. to Aphor. p. 107. Solemn League and Covenant, and of their Directory, of their too great enmity to Episcopacy, of their Grot. Relig. p. 111, 112. cruelty and injustice to Episcopal men, of their Plain Scrip. proof. p. 120.122. discarding the practice of Confirmation, and of their contentions for Presbyterie, which you declare against as Ibid. 227.228. unscriptural, in a great part of it, which as I have in part made bare already, so I shall do it more largely in due time and place. Lastly speaking of your Antagonists, who were especially Presbyterians [ Disp. 5. of Sacr. p. 516. You marvel what's the matter that the Wasps of the Nation are gathered about your ears.]

Sir, You see my fair dealing in laying no more to your charge, then I have cited your Writings for; and I have done it so much the rather, because you have charged me in general, without producing the least proof; which was so unhansom a dealing with me, that I have shew'd you (by my example) how you ought to have dealt with your very enemies, of whom you confessed that I was none. Yet mark how you proceed—

[You little suspect that the uncharitable passages in this very learned book of yours, are as probable a symptome of the absence of charity, as the sin of David or Peter was. Sect. 20.]

Sect. 3. Thus again you affirm, Wants of charity examin'd, & found to be in the A cuser. without the least shew of proof, that there is any want of charity in any one the least passage throughout that book; unless you can think it a want of charity to others, that I had some for my self in confuting some calumnies then cast upon me. And I can now evince mine innocence (as to that whereof I was accused) from the very handwritings of my Accusers. But having received some satisfaction (and a little of that will serve my turn when I am wronged) I will not causelessely revive, what I have long since buried with my forgiveness. So little do you oblige me by calling my book very learned, whilest you also call it very uncharitable, that as soon as you have upbraided my wants of charity, you do immediately compell me to tax your own.

For you shut up your Section with these incomparable expressions [If I must needs chuse one of the two, I had☜ rather die in the state of David before Nathan spake to him, (which was a state of Impenitence added to Murder and Adultery) then of Mr. Pierce who hath committed no such sin, &c. Sect. 20.]

Sect. 4. Twice I have told you of this already, but very briefly; and till you seriously repent, you cannot be told of it too often. Yet will I not grieve you with repetition, but onely adde those things which may probably convince you of your unkindness. I cannot better introduce it, then by shewing you first your Look forwards on ch. 5. Sect. 22. partiality, for very remarkable is the difference betwixt your dealings with me, and with other men. I was apparently the friendliest of all the Opponents you ever met with, for you acknowledge my gentleness and charity, my brotherly and moderate dealing with you. Sect. 4.] Yet because you find me an Episcopal Divine, (for what other reason can be imagined) you are pleased to judge more hardly of me, then of the bitterest Presbyterians that have ever rail'd at you. Reflect (if you please) on a few Examples. Disp. 5. of Sacram. p. 487. When Dr. Owen had affirmed in sundry particulars, that you and the Worcestershire profession of Faith give too great a countenance to the Socinian abominations, you said no worse of him then that hi passion had quite conquered his ingenuity. Ibid. p. 489. Your censure of Master Blacke was much less terrible then this of me, when yet you put him i to tears and trembling. Ibid. p. 517. When Mr. Crandon called one of your Principles most blasphemous, and professed to abhor it with greatest detestation, and indignation, you did only call him judi ious Paed gogue. Ib. p. 516. Nay you hope that such men as Mr. Robertson, are justified, whose works (you say) are such as you once hoped no man had been guilty of that had the least fear of God before his eyes. D. Kendal's Answer to Mr. Goodw. ch. 4. p. 143, 144. When D. Kendal jeer'd you for setting so high a price on the Freshmens books, & for being said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as if you scarcely had been bred in either University; and added also to this, that somewhat more of the University would have done you no harm the worst you said of him, was, That you would not come neer him, until his breath smelt sweeter. But a man may be in a present state of salvation, for all his ill-smelling breath; which no man can be thought to be, whose state is worse then David's was, before Nathan spake to him. Yet this is the censure you fix on me, whom alone you had acknowledged, to have dealt very brotherly and gently with you.

The Accuser's character of himself. Sect. 5. If you so very much abhor the dying in such a state as mine, how much less can I be willing to die in yours? for although you have professed, One sheet for the Ministery, p 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eph. 3.8. you take your self to be a Saint, (whilest you say you have reason to take your self for the least; almost as modestly as S. Paul, who thought fit to say, that he was less then the least;) yet you openly Disp. 5. of Sacr. p. 482. confess in another volume, that you are guilty of pride and prejudice; Ibid. p. 486. that you are conscious to your self of being proud and selfish. You say you must and will confess the truth of that accusation from D. Owen; that Ibid. p 484. you were aware of pride and hypocrisie in your heart before he told you of them. So you say to Mr. Tombes (p. 272.281.) that your heart hath pride in every work you take in hand, and that your heart is mortally or desperately wicked. Again you confess (in your Preface to that Book) how loth you were to publish the later part of your third Disputation, which shews what sins do consist with godliness, as knowing how unfit it was for the eyes of the profane, yet you have printed it with a witness, and affirm'd that such sins do consist with godliness, as I have cited out of your text, in the first Section of my third Chapter: worse sins then which, it is hard to name. And notwithstanding you do acknowledge, that Sabbath-breaking i England is taken for a sin inconsistent with grace, Disp. 3. p. 330. yet you positively affirm, that every one is not ungodly, who lives and dies in that sin without particular repentance. You confess in that page, that spiritual pride is worse then common swearing, and you elsewhere confess that you are spiritually proud. You See your Epistle to the poor in spirit prefixt to your directions for peace of Conscienc . confess that you go on in the same fault your self, for wch you had accused the pride and ignorance of others; professing you have no excuse or argument, but those of the times, NECESSITY and PROVIDENCE. Sir, I think the better of you, for ingenously confessing such sins as these, but not the better that you commit them; and heartily pray you to believe that they stand in need of a particular repentance. Concerning me you know nothing, but that I have written against sin, and so (by necessary consequence) against such sinners as patronize it, yet you implicitly pronounce me in a state of damnation. If this is one of those sins wch you will have to consist wch the power of godliness, your danger cannot but be the greater, by how much the likelier you are to fansie that it stands not in need of a particular repentance. Compare your censoriousness in relation to me, with what you are more guitly of in the later pages of your book, & in the pages before cited from out your Saints everlasting rest: though you are clearly a guiltier person then the Episcopal men whom you condemn, yet I will not judge you, as you judge others. I had rather for mine own part, have a Mill-stone tied about my neck, and to be cast into the sea, then take upon me to be a judge of quick and dead, by parting the tares from the wheat before the harvest. Some will justifie the wicked, as vessels of absolute election, because they stick to their party, and condemn the righteous as moral men, for at least as bad, if not a worse reason, which is to interpret God's secret will, in opposition to his revealed on . I will not resemble then so far, as to judge of their end, though I see their way; For secret things belong to God, & spiritus ubi vult spirat. And though late Repentance is seldom true yet true Repentance is sometimes late. It is to their Master they stand, or fall. I judge not of any man, but by his fruits; nor any otherwise by his fruits, but by the Rule revealed.

His obligation to reca t, if not resolutely mischievous. Sect. 6. Your next short Section being nothing but a Reference to what you have said in another Book, I have nothing to do but to circumscribe. Not understanding what you mean by the last words of it, [That that is it you yet stand to.] For if you retract what you have taught in your Disputation concerning Sacraments, and will now stand to nothing but what you have said to Master Tombes, and in the other places which you refer to, (as the Particle [yet] doth somwhat seem to imply,) I shall only intreat you to do it plainer. But if you stand to what you have said in the place by me cited, I also stand to my exceptions, and am not concerned to look out farther. Your judgment cannot be mistaken touching the sins of the godly, when you have told us so very plainly that godly men may be Drunkards, and live a long time in Swearing, yea, in Rebellion and Schism, and other Crimes, and yet you do not doubt of their being godly. You had said enough, had you said no more then that you would rather chuse to die in the state of David (whilest yet impenitently lying in Adultery and Murder, and other deliberate impieties) then in the state of an Episcopal Divine, (naming me) whom you acknowledge to be free from any such sin. Whereby you put me in mind of the aforesaid Nathanael Butler in the N rrative of him, p. 8. Malefactor, who after his Thievery and adulteri s, and deliberate murder of his Bedfellow, did pity the ignorance and blindness of those his Visitants, who offer'd to aggravate his bloody fact, and ask'd him whether the sight of the baggs (for after his Murder he stole two purses, containing 120 l.) were not his first temptation to the murdering of his brother. He did ill requite them for their faithfulness to his soul, who knew it was needful to cleanse the wound with some corrosives, before it could safely be closed up. Their question was very pertinent, for he once confessed the money tempted him, (p. 3, 4.) yet this poor Malefactor (if Master Case hath not wrong'd him) was taught the confidence to bewail his Monitors ignorance and blindness. To which he added (saith Master Case) that they who never had committed such gross and scandalous sins, are accounted as guilty of all sins before God, and as uncapable of heaven, as if they had committed them in the highest degree; these he also bewailed as poor Ignaro's, as if original corruption were more powerful in them who never committed such hainous sins, then in him who had committed them in the very worst manner: or as if their natures were not as likely to have been changed and re ew'd, who had abstained from fulfilling their fleshly lusts, as his who had been so indulgent to them.1 Pet. 2.11. Rom. 13.14. Gal. 5.16. Or as if it were not the Grace of God, (which the Murderer called the restraining power) whereby others are preserved from such foul sins. Its true indeed Master Yearwood did very prudently endeavour to keep the sinner from presumption, (a sin the more to be avoided because it is commonly swallowed down under the notion of assurance, and so dispatches too many souls very comfortably to Hell,) even by seasoning his ears with this great truth, that David himself if he murders, is in danger of damnation, (p. 11.) But now suppose that Malefactor was indeed a true Penitent, and that it was not presumption but saving Faith, which made him say, he did not doubt of his salvation; and so (by a consequence unavoidable) that he was one of the Elect, as well as David; (as for ought we know he was) will you say that his crimson and scarlet sins were no more then the sins of a godly man? and that they could never once place him in a state of Damnation, before the instant of his Repentance? if you say yes, consider whether it tends; if you say no, you yield the cause, and are obliged to publish your Recantation.

CHAP. V.

Sect. 1. I Am now arriv'd at the largest subjects of Discourse, on which notwithstanding I shall endeavour to say the least. My reasons for it are chiefly these, First because I am inform'd that others will handle them x professo, who are qualified for it, by greater leisure then I enjoy. Next because I am called upon to undeceive the admirers of Master Hickman, who may perhaps turn Libertines, if they are not speedily disabused. These especially are the reasons why I shall labour for brevity in all that followes.

You say, Tis strange that in an Age, which knows the lives of those that I am for, and against, I can make it the ground of opposing Puritanes, because their Doctrines lead men to licentiousness, and destroy godliness. And that Grotius saith the same. Sect. 22.]

The Puritanes lives no better then their doctrines. Sect. 2. A thousand to one but it is true, if Grotius saith it, who had one of the soberest and most discerning spirits that the World hath known in many Ages. Nor is truth the less truth by being spoken by me, as well as Grotius. If you include your self in their number, whom you commend for godly living, Luk. 18.11. how differ your words from those of the Pharisee? Lord I thank thee that I am not as other men are. Nay if you speak of those Puritanes of whom I speak, it is just as if the Publican should take up the words of the Pharisee, Vers. 13 instead of those which are fitter for him, Lord be merciful to me a sinner. For the lives of those whom I am against, are well nigh as ill, as the Divel can wish them; Blasphemous, Rebellious, Sacrilegious, Perjurious, Schismatical, and all in publick; what they are secretly, God onely knows: But then the fathering of all these sins on God, and committing them under pretence of Godliness, and the not allowing them to be sins, must needs be the greatest aggravation and heightning of them. And why should not this become a ground, (both with Grotius, and my self,) whereby to conclude of their Doctrines, that they lead to licentiousness, and destroy godliness? Although I cannot call to mind that I branded the Puritanes with those expressions, and had you seen any such words, you should have noted my page wherein you saw them. I think you would, had you been able, or had you thought it for your advantage.

Sect. 3. Whereas you say, Their partialit to their own Tribe. that their lives are so much better, then their Doctrines (Sect. 22.) It is enough for me to say, you do but say it, you offer no proof that so it is. If your particular life is better then others of your party, it is but agreeable to your doctrines, which are (most of them) better then those of your party, and for which they have proclaim'd you a great Arminian. But whether your life is so, or not, I will leave it to God to be determined: of this I am sure, that when you had fastened on Mr. Tombes (one of the authorized Triers) as ugly a character as was possible (throughout your book) and on the men of his way, Pl in Script. proof. &c. Edit. 1. p. 281. yet you professed that those things do not diminish your affection to him. And why so? your reason runs in these words— [Because I find we are all naught, even almost stark naught, and that Saints have less sanctity and more sin in them, then ever I imagined, &c.] Let some men sin never so much, they do not cease to be Saints, but onely grow to be naughty Saints. Let others sin never so little, (as to the eye of the World) they do not cease to be ungodly, but onely grow to be moral and civil men. If it is true (what you have told us) that your heart is desperately, mortally wicked, and that you are conscious to your self of being Proud, and Selfish, and Hypocritical, you doe not well to call your self the least of Saints, whilest you make us believe that you are no Saint at all.

As for the lives of those men, The contrary lives of Anti-puritanes Psa . 15.4. whom I am for, they are such as are for God, and for his persecuted spouse, for the keeping of Promises and Oathes, although it be (outwardly) to their hurt; they are such; whose great learning is far inferiour to their lives; such whose enemies are not able to defame them without calumnie; such, whose converse is so unblameable, that their enemies confess they are moral men, and are fain to tell them they have not grace in their hearts, because they see nothing in their actions which is ungracious. In a word, they are such, who rather chuse to suffer affliction with the people of God, Heb. 11.25. then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season. If there are any who are not such, I never was for them, I never will be; yet scandalous livers may suffer wrong in some cases, wherein 'tis a duty to plead their right.

You say, that Fitz Simmons a petulant Iesuite, divideth us English Protestants into Formalists and Puritanes, and inveigheth against the Puritanes as their greatest enemies. You were sorry that mine did use so much of his language, and that the Iesuite and his formalists should accord about so ad a work Sect. 23.]

The Accuser's concurrence with the Iesuite. Sect. 4. Here you argue against me, and your self, and not at all against me, unless against your self also; for you confess that the Iesuite doth call the men of my way by the name of Formalists, in which calumniating language you do fully close with him. If I must be blamed for using one word, which is also used by a Iesuite, much more must you, Sir, who accord with a Iesuite in another. I say much more, because you do, what you condemn. And is not Formalist as scandalous, as reproachful a title to the Prelatists, as Puritane is to the Presbyterians? nay do not you use it as a word of obloquy? then mark the summe of the whole matter. Master Baxter may freely declaim against Prelatists, (that is, the regular sons of the Church of England,) calling them Formalists, Arminians, Cassandrian Papists, or what he pleases. But Master Pierce must not dare to say there is any such thing, or name, as Puritane in the World. It were better his right hand were used as Cranmer's, (Sect. 24.) It were better he were in the state of David before Nathan came to him, (Sect. 20.) What a priviledge is this, that you must have the inclosing of contumelious language unto your self? If mine were such, you are not fit to be my Reprover, but I have shewed you that mine was none.

Sect. 5. Be it so,Fitz Simmons his Artifice discovered, and the Puritanes serviceableness to the Papists. that Fitz Simmons did rail against Puritanes as his greatest enemies, (though you cite no page where that is visible) what do you mean to prove by it? that the Puritanes are really his greatest enemies? then all is true that Fitz Simmons saith. But if they really are not, Fitz Simmons lies, which sure he may, being a Iesuite, especially if he holds their prodigious Doctrine of Probability. The Iesuists use to say that, which is most for their turn; and tis for cunning mens interest to rail at them most, that do them most service: which the Puritanes certainly have done, in destroying, or suppressing the greatest enemies of the Papists, the unchangeable men of the Church of England. For this I have frequently your own confession: You say the Papists had a hand in asting out of our Bishops, p. 95. and in the killing of our King, p. 106.108. Do men endeavour the destruction of their enemies or their friends? Again you say, that the Papists are crept in among all sects; Quakers, Seekers, Anabaptists, Millenaries, Levellers, Independents, and For this last you cite the News book. Presbyterians, p. 99, 100. To what end, but to cherish and abet each Sect? Do men cherish and abet their greatest enemies, or their friends? It hath indeed been the cunning of certain Papists to pretend great kindness to Episcopal men, nay, to the XXXIX Articles of the Church of England, (of which you have Franciscus de San tâ Clarâ for an Example) nay to whisper among the people, that his Grace of Canterbury was a Papist; nay farther to offer him a Cardinall's Hat, or any thing else in the World, to make it believ'd that the Prelatists were Popishly affected; that as such they might be hated, and so destroyed. Consider how you have help'd them in this design, and then I shall hope you will do so no more. Consider also the insufficiencie of your arguing, and abstain from such arguing for time to come. Your self (at one time or other) have inveigh'd against all, and yet you would be thought to be hardly an enemy unto any. The Iansenians and the Iesuites do inveigh against each other, as much as may be, yet both against Protestants, for both are Papists. Salma us inveighed against our E glish Presbyterians, as the worst creatures to be imagined, and yet himself was no Papist, or Episcopal Divine, but a more peaceable Presbyterian then those against who he had whet his pen. You might have saved me the l bour of this whole Section, had you consider'd what I said on the like occasion in page 98. Chapt. 3. of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

You say, I was to blame that I would not give you my description of a Puritane, that you might know my meaning; & that a Puritane is not the same thing to one man as to another: whereupon you reckon up your several notions of a Pu itane, §. 23.

King James his description of a Puritane. Sect. 6. As you do not cite any page wher in I u ed the word Puritane, so I suppose if you had done it, you could not have spoken what now you speak: for I cannot remember that I ever used that word, when I did not abundantly unfold my meaning, even as much as you have done, when you have spoken of Papists, or Presbyterians, of which you know there are many sorts. How many sorts are there of Independents, of whom you many times speak, without declaring distinctly which sort you mean? Yet it appears by my writings, that I have meant by Puritanes; what was meant by King Iames, with whom you confess that a Puritane was a turbulent seditious Seper tist, or Non-Conformist. But you might have confessed much more, had you been pleas'd, for he 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . called them the unruly, and phanatick spirits among the Ministe y, as bad as Highland or Border Thieves for Ingratitude, Lies, and vile Perjuries. When you say he meant not all Presbyterians, you do infer, he meant some, and more then some I never meant; n y, I often professed I meant not all. But which, and how many Presbyterians were understood by King Iames, you may collect by two Books already printed, my Divine Purity defended, chap. 2. p. 8.9. and my Self-Revenger Exempl. chap. 3. p. 71. to p. 84. of which your Grotian Religion doth take no notice. The truth is, the word Purita e wa brought hither out of Sco land (I think I am not mistaken, though if I am, its no great matter,) and so King Iames was the fittest definer of them, though their name was in the World before his time, viz. Anno Dom. 1564. So that after it was evident I spake of such, what needed the muster of so many other notions? yet to give you satisfaction, I shall speak to each of them.

You say, With a Papist a Puritane was a zealous Protestant, &c. Sect. 23.]

Sect. 7. If that doth signifie a firm, W at Puritane signifies with the Papists. or a constant Protestant, who building upon rational and truly Catholick grounds, is not onely no Papist, but never can be; then the notion of Puritane belongs to no other Protestants then those you commonly call Prelatists and Episcopal men. But if by zeal is meant violence, ignorance, noise and virulence, or calling the Pope the Whore of Babylon; then it belongs to those men who declaim against Bisho s, as Antichristian; and against a publick Form of Prayer, as a stump of Dagon. And so the soberest of the Papists do call them Puritanes who are enemies to Protestants as well as Papists. You know who they are that are thus intitled to the word: and for those of King Iames, I have accompted to you already.

You say, With some Protestants, a Puritane is one of the old Catharists, that thinks a man may be perfect without sin in this life, as Grotius and the Papists do, &c. Sect. 23.]

Sect. 8. But could you not tell us what Protestant hath used the word as you say? A mistake of the old Catharists, who yet were Puritanes before the wo d was fitted to the thing or could you not tell in what writings either Grotius or the Papists have h ld such Doctrine, as that a man in this life may be without sin? you often lay too great a weight upon your private fancy, or bare assertion; perhaps indeed some of the Papists may have said of the ever blessed Virgin, that she was free from all sin in this present wo ld; but she was a woman, and therefore cannot be the man you are pleas'd to speak of. Nay are you sure the old Catharists did ever teach any such thing? I doubt you are not. Bishop Andrews call'd the Catharists, Puri ane , inferring the Puritanes to be a new sort of Catharists; but fo quite other reasons then you here fancy, as I shall shew you at large in my following Sections. The Scripture notion of the word [Perfect] you must acknowledge doth belong to divers men in this life, it being ascribed both to Zachary, and to Elizabeth his wife. But such perfection is one thing, and sinlesness is another.

Grotius groundl sly calum iated afr sh. Your bidding me take heed least by vindicating Grotius I make folks believe I am a Puritane my self, (ibid.) is a most groundless intimation, that all the vindicaters of Grotius do make themselves, or some others, to be without sin, which, what a calumny it is, I need not tell you. At first you bid me take heed, lest by vindicating Grotius I be suspected to be a Papist; if now a Puritane too, my case is hard, especially when Grotius himself was neither,, for the vindicating of whom, I must be suspected to be both. Perhaps your brethren did call you Papist for the very same reason, even because you have appear'd in vindication of Grotius, and taught that the righteousness of a Christian (even in this present life) is either perfect, or none at all. In this you have spoken as high as Grotius, see if you have not, [Aphoris. of justif. Thes. 24. p. 129. & 133. & Thes. 22. p. 122.123. Thes. 27. p. 141. Saints Rest. part. 4. p. 296.] What I have Self Revenge , ch. 1. p. 35, 36, 37. spoken for Castellio, to that I refer for you, and Grotius.

You say, with the old Episcopal party, a Puritane was a Non-conformist, Sect. 23.]

What the Purit •• es were with the old Episcopal party. Sect. 9. And glad I am of the Confession, for 'tis not long, since that party was the prevailing, and so had the Norman loquendi abiding with it: which being granted, what need we more to discover the vulgar use of the word Puritane? If you consider the ill things which Non-conformist doth import, (a schismatick, Boutefeux, a strainer at Gnats, and a swallower of Camels ) you have not spoken much amiss. And as touching the late Prelates, How (good Sir,) doth it appear that they had any other notion? you bring just nothing to prove they had: and I can bring something to prove they had not. For Bishop Carleton could say, (even then when he end avour'd to speak in their favour, or excuse) that Puritanes were This is conf ssed by Master Hickman, p. 40. disquieters of the Church, about their conceived Discipline. p. 99. Master Fuller, to the word Discipline, doth adde Church-Government, from which the Puritanes dissented in former time. And he saith, in probability the word imported Non-conformists. To the other two words you now adde Doctrin ; and what an unruly sort of people must they have needs been, who were ever snarling and disquieting the Church of God (in which they lived) for her Discipline, and Gover ment, and Doctrine too? Our Learned and Reverend Doctor Sanderson you do professed y reverence in very great measure, (p. 2.) and whether you do esteem him a new Prelatist, or an old one, it will equally be to my advantage. First see him P •• face to the fourth Edit. of of his first Sermons, Sect. XXIII. citing the old Prelatists concerning Puritanes, and then together with their judgments, compare his own. [The Reverend Archbishop Whitgift, and the learned Hooker, men of great judgement, and famous in their times, The judgment of Archbishop Whitgift and judicious did long since foresee, and declare their fear, that if ever Puritanism should prevail among us, it would draw in Anabaptism after it. At this Car wright, Hooker concerning Purit ns. and other Advocates for the Disciplinarian Interest in those dayes, seemed to take great offence, &c. but without reason saith Doctor Sanderson: Doctor Sanderson's judgment of the sam . for those Godly men, (meaning Hooker and the Archbishop,) were neither so unadvised, nor so uncharitable, as to become Judges of other mens thoughts or intentions, beyond what their actions spoke them; they onely considered as prudent men, that Anabaptisme had its rise from the same Principles the Puritanes hold, and its growth from the same courses they took; together with the natural tendency of those Principles and Practices thith rward. And that it was no vain fear, the unhappy event h th proved, and justified them, since what they feared is come to passe, and that in a very high degree.] Thus you see that Presbyterians, and the prime of that party, even such as Master Cartwright (in Queen Elizabeth's d yes) were stiled Puritanes, and Disciplinarians by these unquestionable men. And I wish you would read (once at least every week) that most excellent Preface of Doctor Sanderson:See Sect. XVII. and compare it with XXI. where he saith the right English Protestant is in the middle between the Papist and the Puritan. you will find him placing the Church of England, and the regular sons of the Church of England, in the middle betwixt the two extremes, Papists and Puritanes; highly applauding the Episcopal Divines as the greatest enemies of Rome, and converters of Papists from that Church to this, which hardly ever a Presbyterian was known to be. You will find him shewing how your party have been the great promoters of the Roman interest among us, and that by many more waies then one. You will find him confuting your Book of Concord. p. 46. shewing how you and your brethren have hardened the Papists, Sect. XVIII. and betrayed the Protestant cause. Nay how Libertinism it self hath over spread the whole face of the land, by the means of fiery turbulent Presbyterians. Sect. XX. You will find him discovering that dangerous point, wherein the very mysterie of Puritanism consisteth (they are his own words) and from whence as from a fountain so many acts of sinful disobedience issue. How the enemies of our Prelacy are both multiplied, Sect XXIII. and divided into Fractions, and Factions, not more opposite to truth (many of them) then to one another: their opposition to the Truth being the onely property wherein the Factions do all agree. Ibid. Yea you will find him express his fears (which are extremely to be heeded, proceeding from so good, and so wise a man.) that our Atheists are more numerous then either our Papists or our Sectaries, (and perhaps go masking in all their vizors) since the pretended Reformation you so much talk of.Sect. XXIV. To put an end to this Paragraph, you will find him distinguishing, as I have many times done, (as well before, as since he did it,) between the moderate, and the rigid, Scotized, through-paced Presbyterians. The former he professeth to love and honour: but such he saith the madness and obstinacy of the later, that it is vain think of doing any good upon them by Argument. But becau •• you may obje t that Doctor Sanderson is one of the ne Episcopal Divines, or say of him (as you did of Grotius) th •• he is an exasper •• ed man, (as having been cast out of hi own by the barbarous violence of your Reformers) I will ad some judgments, to which you cannot have such exceptions

Sect. 10. Bishop Andrews (of blessed memory) hath described a branch of the old Cathari or Puritanes, Bishop Andrews his judgment of Puritanes, in his Sermon of worshipping imaginations, p. 29. A.D. 1592. published by supreme A th rity. who call themselves Apostolici, for an extraordinary desire (above other men) to have discipline, and all things to the exact pattern of the Apostles dayes. He citeth Epiphanius for the Catharists (Haeres 6 .) so that it seems he thought Puritanes a sort of Hereticks revived. He calls it fitly Cacoz lia, an apish imitation, to retain all in use th n, seeing divers things even then were onely temporary. He also shews them to be a parcel of the Donatists, for pressing all things alike which they found in Scripture. Both which (he tells us) have not a little harmed the Church. Ib. p. 30. He discovers their Hypocrisie and Superstition (so unfit are the Puritanes to accuse others of it) with another riot and licentious liberty, which (he saith) is a great deal worse then the former. In a word, he doth conclude them to be partly Idols, and partly Idolaters; See from p 32 to the end. for besides their vain imaginations touching the Apostles fellowship, (Lay-Elders and the rest of the Presbyterian inventions) to which (he saith) a great number of the de eived people bow down and worship, (p. 34.) and besides their babling after the manner of the Papists, yea, of the Heathen, in their long and (pretendedly) extemporary prayers, (in w h he saith they err no less then either Papists or the Heathens do, p. 37.) He concludes of all their tricks together, wch he condemned in particular throughout his Sermon, [These are of many imaginations, some set up and magnified by some, and by others worshipped and adored, under the names of the Apostles1 Doctrine,2 Government,3 Sacraments,4 Prayers.] In divers others of hi Sermons he sets them out in their proper colours. See his second Sermon of sending the Holy Ghost, p. 610. As mistaking their humours, and misterming them the spirit; calling that the spirit of zeal, wh ch is indeed a hot humour, onely flowing from the gall. Another windy humour they have proceeding from the spleen, supposed to be the wind, Act. 2.3, 4. with which being filled, they term themselves. THE GODLY BRETHREN I wish (saith He) it were not needful to make this Observation. But you shall easily know it for an Humour. Non continetur termino suo; its own limits will not hold it. They are ever mending Churches, States, Superiours, mending all save themselvs; alieno, non suo, is the note to distinguish an humour by Ezek. 13.13. Many follow their own ghost, in stead of th Holy Ghost. For even that ghost taketh upon it to inspire. And Mat. 16.2. flesh and bloud (we know) have their revelations.—Having set up and shrin'd the worldly spirit in their hearts) up sh ll all the golden Calves to uphold the present estate; down shall Christ, ne veniant Romani, that the Romans come not and carry us all away. See his ninth Sermon of the same, p. 694. Again he calls them the Automata, the Spectra, the Puppets of Religion, Hypocrites. Wi h some spring within, the eyes are made to rowle, and their lips to wag, and their brest to give a sob; all is but Hero's Pneumatica,2 Pet. 3.5. a vizor, not a very face; an o tward shew of godliness, but no inward power of it at all.— And are there not somewhere in the World, some such as will receive none other spirit, or Holy Ghost, but their own ghost, and the Idol of their own conceit, the vision of their own heads, the motions of their own spirits? And if you hit not on that that is there in their hearts, they reject it, be it what it will? That make their brests the sanctuary? That (in effect) say with the old Donatists, Quod volumus sanctum est, that they will have holy and nothing else? Men causelesly puffed up with their fleshly mind? Col. 2.18. ib. p. 696. It is an old worn error of the Donatists, and but new dressed over by some f natical spirits in our dayes, that teach in Corners; one that is not himself inwardly holy, cannot be the means of holiness to another. And where they dare too, that, one that is not in state of grace can have no right to any po session or place, for they of right belong to none, but to the true children of God; that is to no e but themselves. And These the Bishop there call's, Fond ignorant men. Again See his tenth Serm on the s me, p 703. Not onely mission, but submission is a sign of one truly called to this business. But — of all pr positions, they indure not super; all equal, all even at least. Their spirit is not subject to the spirit of the Prophets, nor of the Apostles neither, (if they were now alive,) but bear themselves so high, do tam altum sapere, as if this spirit were underling, and their spirit above the Holy Ghost. There may be a spirit in them, there is none upon them, that indure no super, none above them.]

You see how Puritanes were described by that so eminently judicious and godly Prelate, who long before his preferments, had been See a brief view of the Church of England, as it stood in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James, p. 143. earnestly dealt with by a great person (being his Patron) to hold up a side which was even then falling, and to maintain certain state points of Puritanism; but he had too much 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as my Author alludes unto his name) to be either scar'd with a Counsellors frown, or blown aside with his breath: and therefore answered his Tempter plainly, It was against his learning and conscience too. His Patron seing he would be no Fryer Pinkie, (to be taught in a Closet what he should say at Saint Paul's) dismissed him then with some disdain; but after did the more reverence his integrity, and became no hinderer to his ensuing greatness.

Sect. 11. Now since the Author of this Relation was Sir Iohn Harrington of Kelston, Sir John Harrington's judgment of Puritanes. Ibid. p. 7.8. a knowing person in those times, of which he hath left a view behind him, it will be pertinent to observe his private judgement, of those old Puritanes who then disquieted the Church. When the Puritanes (saith he) whom some defined to be Protestants scared out of their wits, did begin by the plot of some great ones, but by the pen of Master Cartwright, to defend their New Discipline, their endeavour was to reduce all, in shew at least, unto the purity, but indeed unto the poverty of the Primitive Church. Ib. p. 150. That is to say, they were sacrilegious. For speaking after of the same men, This (saith he) was the true Theorique and Practique of Puritanism. One, impugning the Authority of Bishops secretly, by such Lectures (as that which was lately founded by a sacrilegious Grandee, and read by Dr. Reynolds) The other impoverishing their livings openly, The judgment of Q. Eliz. and her Privy Counsel, and of Archb. Bancroft p. 12.13. and Archbishop Whitgift ib. p. 7.8. by such leases as would yield good fines to the Procurers.

He inferrs the judgement of Queen Elizabeth and her Councel, in that he saith the learned Bancroft obtained the favour of Queen and State, for his endeavours to s ppress those fantastical Novellers. And 'tis known that his reward was the Archbishoprick of Canterbury. Dr. Whitgift also (though a great Anti-Arminian) was then an eminent Confuter of Cartwright's Writings. And (as a step to his Archbishoprick (was first rewarded with the Bishoprick of Worcester. Of Iudge opham. Nay, Judge Popham, who was unwilling to have them called Puritanes, was yet accustomed to call them seditious Sectaries, which he would not have done, had he not judged them to be such. Having said how the Queen did approve the books of Dr. Bancroft, I did not add the opinion he had of Puritanes, because his two books have done that for me; the one discovering their discipline, the other, their dangerous positions in point of Doctrine, more especially that Doctrine which hath a tendency to the subversion of Church and State.

Ib. p. 118.119. I will not give you my whole accompt of that Author, but onely in brief put you in mind how the Puritanes in Cambridge had courted Dr. Iohnstill to abet that party; and how they reviled him in their pulpits, because he would not joyn with them, (yet he was after made Bishop of Bath and Wells.) How every one made reckoning that the Mannor-house and Park of Banwel should be made the reward of some Courtier, which suspicion was increas'd in that Sir Thomas Henage was said to have an oare in the matter, being an old Courtier, and a zealous Puritane, whose conscience, if it were such in the Clergy, as it was found in the Dutchy, might well have digested a better booty. Ib. 135. in Doctor Herbert Westphaling Bishop of Hereford. How Queen Elizabeth at Oxford had school'd Dr. Reynolds for his preciseness; willing him to follow her laws, and not to go before them. But it seems he had forgot it when he went last to Hampton Court; so as there he received a better schooling.

The Lord Keeper Pu kering's judgment of Puritanes by the direction of Q. Elizabeth, delivered in the House of Lords, in Parliament ssembled. Sect. 12. Very remarkable are the words of the Lord Keeper Puckering, touching the parity of the danger to Church and State which the Puritanes and the Iesuites had brought on both. Remarkable, I say, as having been uttered in Parliament, by the special command of Queen Elizabeth. And here the fitter to be inserted, because they are not to be had, but from his own hand-writing: from which, by the favour of a most noble Gentleman, I got (about a year ago) his following transcript. A transcript, not of the whole, but of as much as concerns the case in hand.

And especially you are commanded by her Majesty to take heed, that no ear be given, nor time afforded to the wearisom sollicitations of those, that commonly be called Puritanes, wherewithal the late Parliaments have been exceedingly importuned: which sort of men, whilest in the giddinesse of their spirits they labour and strive to advance Mark who th y were that were the called Puritanes. a new eldership. They do nothing else but disturb the good repose of the Church, and the Common-wealth; which is as well grounded for the body of Religion it self, and as well guided for the discipline, as any Realm that professeth the truth. And the same thing is already made good to the world, by many the writings of learned and Mark who they were that were so esteemed. godly men; neither answer'd, nor answerable by any of these new-fangled Refiners. And as the present Case standeth, it may be doubted, whether they, or the Iesuites, do offer more danger or be more speedily to be repressed. For albeit the Iesuites do empoison the hearts of her Majesties subjects under a pretext of conscience, to withdraw them from their obedience due to her Majesty, yet do they the same but closely and only in privy corners; but these men do both publish in their printed books, and teach in all their Conventicles, sundry opinions, not onely dangerous to the well-setled Estate and Policy of the Realm, by putting a Pike between the Clergy and the Laity, but also much derogatory to her sacred Majesty, and her Crown, as well by the diminution of her ancient and lawful Revenues, and by denying her Highness Prerogative and Supremacy, as by offering peril to her Majesties safety in her own kingdom. In all which things, (however in many other points they pretend to be at war with the Popish Iesuites, yet) by the seperation of themselves from the unity of their fellow-subjects, and by abusing the sacred authority and Majesty of their Prince, they do both joyn and concur with the Iesuites in opening the door, and preparing the way to the Spanish Invasion that is threatned against the Realm. And thus having according to the weakness of my best understanding) delivered her Majesties most Royal pleasure, and Mark what was wisdom in Q. Elizabeth's days. wise direction, I rest here, with most humble suit for her Majesties gracious pardon in supply of my defects, and recommend you to the Author of all good counsel.]

Here you see the Presbyterians were then the Puritanes, the new-fangled r finers of giddy spirits. The Episcopal persons were then the godly, as well as the learned of the land. O what times do we live in, when a new-named godliness is grown in fashion.

The judgment of D . R. Clerk, one of the Translators of the Bible, concerning the then-Puritanes, in his second visitat. Serm. on Zech. 11.17. Vae Pastori Idolo, p. 251. Sect. 13. In the time of Doctor Richard Clerk, (not a Courtier, nor an Arminian,) to whom with Doctor Saravia the translation of the Bible was committed, as far as from the Pentateuch to the Paralipome a, you may see what judgment was made of Puritanes by several passages of his Sermons. Amongst very many others, take that which follows.

The two Universities, the very eyes of the Realm, being so well able to furnish God's Flock with seeing Shepherds, our Church is little beholding to her Patrons for preferring to the Regiment of her Flock so many unletter'd and unsufficient Priests, either Idols, or Idols fellows. Whose eyes have either a film grown over them, that they see nothing; or a Pin and Web in them, that they see but little. And these are the men, whose tongues are fierie indeed, but not cloven; that is, zealous, but not learned; preach against learning, pull down the Prelacy, to rear up a Presbyterie; Bray-forth intemperate censures against the lawful ceremonies of the Church, as being superstitious, the dregs and reliques of Popery; kneeling at the Sacrament, the repetition of certain prayers in our Liturgie, the singing of Service, the sound of the Organ in Collegiate Churches, the square Cap and Surplisse, the painted windows, marrying with the Ring, and christening with the Cross, and such like: In some of which, were our Prelates as couragious, as our Puritanes re presumptuous, they would be either enforced to order, or turned out of Orders. ] You see the opinion of that both learned and pious man; who tells us who were the Puritanes, and what they were; and that the Prelates were never too cruel to them, unlesse it were in being too kind. Observe what he saith in another Sermon.

Our factious Pharisees joyn with the Herodians, In his 1. Visit. Serm. on Num. 16.3. p. 242.243. and that against Christ. Iudas-like they betray him into the hands of sinners. The pragmatical Presbyterian, preacheth against Prelacy unto Lay-ears. A pleasing Argument unto some Seculars, either Schismatical, or Sacrilegious both men of zeal, passive in the one, The zeal of God, house eat them up: active in the other, They have a zea to eat up God's house: cry with Zeba and Zalmunna, Let us take to our selves the houses of God in possession. 'Twas once Simeon and Levi brethren in evil. 'Tis now Reuben and Levi; Levi must be one. — Our orah's and Dathan's have not risen yet. Not come forth in publick. The wisdom of our Senators hath prevented that they should not swa m. But they have lain out often. They have gathered together, sometimes sixty at once in Corners. Their Classes, Synods, Conferences, have been at least in Moses his moderate term, gatherings together. Their Petitions, Supplications, Admonitions, Demonstrations, what were they but gatherings together? Works but of some one head happly, but of many hands. Their very motions are commotions, penn'd by some one, maintain'd by multitudes. Ib. p. 245. —Some of the Titles which they envy the Bishops, they can be content to assume unto themselves. Right Reverend Fathers; yea Cartwright most This the Title of an Archbishop. Reverend. The best is, Calvin and Beza differ here. Beza's wrong to Bishops Calvin rights, and calls even Archbishops a moderate honour.

Sect. 14. If you would see a great deal in a little time, An accompt of Puritanes from the Examen Historicum. concerning the nature of a Puritan, before he had gotten himself the name, (as well as after,) you may be pleased to consult the l te Exame Historicum, set out by that exact and learned Writer, whom you name without his due title, as if you thought him an under-graduate, although you could not but know him an eminent Doctor in Divinity. p. 91 92. &c. W ckliff's new Gospel. He will shew you a part of Wickliff's Gospel, and what a Protestant Religion he would have brought into the World, fitly said (by that Reverend Author) to contain the lineaments of the Puritane-platform. He will shew you where you may read p. 06. that the Dominicans, with a Puritane, can pass for Orthod x in judgment. p. 109. And they who approve of good works, for Prela ica ly affected. p. 128.129. There you may see a Den of Schismaticks Canoniz'd and Sainted by a Time-serving Historian; whilest Things prescribed by God's Church are Toyes and Trinckets. p. 130. You may read of a Puritan's immortal malice, pursuing the Protestant's Champion into his Bed of Rest, as if the Iesuites had hir'd him to kill their enemy when he was dead. .156.157. Their helping on the Popish I terest. You may see a Puritane defending those scurrilous Libels which Iob Throgmorton, Penry, Fenner, and the rest of the Puritane Rabble, (it is the Authors own word) did publish in rint against the Bishops, having first exclaimed against the Que n and h r Councel, (for being Protestants in their wits, that is, as they phrased it) for opposing the Gospel. Such service for the Papists was then done by the Puritanes, whose Libels were cited and applauded by those of Rome: even Hacket himself hath an Apology made for him, although as execrable a miscreant, as most have been of that paste. p. 256. The libellous Pamphlets of Martin-Mar Prelate (th t early Puritane in Queen Elizabeth's dayes) were urged by the Papists as Authentick Witnesses, and sufficient Evidences fo the disgrace and condemnation of the Protestant-Church. So true was that which I shew'd you f om the Lord Keeper Puckering, that the Puritanes do joyn and concur with the Iesuites.

Th ir reb llious Principles. What p. 138 139. •• 3. Principles of Rebellion were scattered abroad among th peo le by the Puritane leaders in seve al Countrey , uch as Wickliff, Clessel us, Knox, and Winram, that excellent Examen will quickly tell you. p. 178.179. And what Heath ni h Notes the Genevians put u on he B ble. p. 151. How Felton a zealous Puritane com it ed his murder upon th Duke. How Covetous ess and Non-conformity were so married together, that 'twas not ea e to divorce them. p. 153. How an Act of Parliament w s made against Puritanes, 23 Eliz. c. 3. p. 156. And a High-Commission enforced to curb them. p. 158. How mock-ordinations were made at Antwerp, by a mongrel sort of Presbyterians, consisting of two blew Aprons to each Cruel Nightcap. In a word, it will tell you their sabbatizing, their downfall, their essayes to rise, their disappointments, their new attempts by the way of Lecturing, (in which the Iesuites went before them,) their pride without parallel, their malice without measure, and th ir acts of injustice without remorse.

Sect. 15. That irresistible Champion of the Protestant Church against her Adversaries of Rome, Bishop Montague's judgme t of Puritanes. (I mean) the learned Bishop Montague, who was imployed by King Iames to write the Annals of the Church Catholick, and (all along as he went) to reform Baronius on the one side, as the Magdeburgenses on the other, do h often justifie and distinguish the Church of England, no less from the Puritane, then Popish party. He calls them in one place, Religiosi nebulones nostrates Deum & Ecclesiam emulgentes, aiunt, Deum cul u merè spirituali 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Montac. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ad An. Chr. 2. See his Appello Caesarem, art. 2. c. 1. p. 11 .111 112. the sacrilegious hypocrites of our Countrey, who rob God and the Church, under colour of spirituality; saying that God is well pleased with no other worship then what is spiritual. In another place he speaks of them as our Saviour spake of the Pharisees, Ecclesia Anglicana recte, quicquid vacillent Puritani, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , He had long before noted, [That many were arrant Puritanes in heart, who for preferment did conform, holding with the Hare, and running with the Hound. And that many once Puritanes, turn'd often Papists. Fleeting being commonly from one extreme to another. Men of moving, violent, quick-silver, gun-powder spirits, can never rely upon midling courses, but dum furor in cursu est, run on headlong into Extremes. And so I may avow I will not be a Papist in haste, because I never was a Puritane in earnest or in jeast; having found it true in my small Observation, that our Revolters unto Popery, were Puritanes avowed or addicted first. Ib. p. 113.] — A little after, he calls the Iesuites, the Puritane-Papists; and for the Protestant-Puritanes he doth not reckon them as Members of the Church of England, but onely [an overweening-faction, which was wont to be shrowded under the Covert of the Church of England; and to publish their many idle dreams, fancies, and furies unto the World, under pretext of the doctrine of our Church. And our Opposites of the Romish side did accordingly harge our Church with them.] which words when I compare with divers things before mentioned, I am apt to think that many Papists did call themselves of the Church of England, and acted their parts on our English Theater, under the name and disguise of the Puritane-party, that so they might help the real Puritanes to bring our Protestant Church into disgrace and misery.

Sect. 16. To this I will adde some words of Grotius, because he was so great an honour to the true Protestant Religion, Grotius his judgment concerning Puritanes. Serenissimi, & si per Puritanos licea , Potentissimi Regis Britanniarum beneficio, &c. Discuss. Riv. Apol. p. 57. not more for his learning then moderation: who speaking of the King of Britain and of some obligations received from him, thought fit to say [The most serene, and if the Puritanes will suffer him, the most potent King of England.] words most worthy your consideration, as having been written in the year 1645. when you cannot but remember how much his Majesty was promised, to be made the mightiest King in Christendom. It is but seldom that Grotius doth name the word Puritane (although sometimes Rex Iacobus se Puritanis semper exosum fuifse dicit, non alio Nomine quàm quod Rex effe . Ibid. pag. 92. he names it too.) but he gives us so often a just accompt of their Ten ts, which have commonly broken forth into Blood and Rapine, that I need not stay longer upon his exact judgment.

Mr. Thorndike's judgment of Puritanes. In his Epilogue to the Trag. of the Church of England, Con lus. p. 405. Ib. p. 423. I will conclude my whole Catalogue with what I lately met with in my perusal of Master Thorndike. [It is evident (saith he) that Preachers and People are overspread with a damnable Heresie of Antinomians and Enthusiasts, formerly when Puritanes were not divided from the Church of England, called Etonists, and Grindeltons, according to several Countreys, &c. —well had it been had that most pious and necessary desire to restore publick penance, been seconded by the zeal and compliance of all estates , and not stifled by the t res of Puritanisme, growing up with the Reformation of it.—In fine, if any thing may have been defective, or amisse, in that order which the Church of England establisheth, it is but justice to compare it with both extremes which it avoideth. (meaning Popery on one hand, and Puritanisme on another.) If you read his whole Book, you will probably return to the Church of England, by being convinc d that you have left her. If you will read but some part, you will find him shewing what I shall now but say from him: Id. lib. 1. p. 77. viz. 1 That the Scotish Presbyterians have done like them, who oblige subjects to depose their Soveraign, if the Pope excommunicate them; making both subjects and Soveraigns the Popes vassals; Ib. p. 78. Conclus. p. 4 4 them to rule, and those to obey, at his discretion who can excommunicate them. 2 That it is Puritanism, or Popery for subjects to fight against their Soveraign; yea a Branch of Puritanism, which came from Popery. 3 That there is one Principle of some Puritanes, from whence the true conclusion being drawn maketh meer Popery of the whole duty of a Christian. And that the Church of Rome holdeth no error in the Faith, any thing neer so pernicious. What he saith of Presbyteries, as to the sacriledge of Schism in the constitution, and the nullity of Gods' promises in the effect, you may read at large in his conclusion, p. 417.418, &c.

Sir, You have now the conclusion of the whole matter, as far as concerns the whole importance of those two words Non-conformity, and Puritanism. And that however you were pleased to make a difference betwixt the old and new Episcopal Divines, yet in their judgment of Puritanes, there's none at all; Bishop Hall's judgment of Puritanes in his Latin exhortation to the Synod at Dort, on Eccles. 7.16. unless in this, that the old ones were more severe. Our excellent Bishop Hall (now with God) was one of those late Prelates of whom you speak; and what his thoughts were of Puritanes you may judge by his Exhortation in the Synod of Dort. For as in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth (and thence downwards) they were wont to compare the Puritanes to the Papists, so did that Vide Acta Synodi Dordrectanae, p. 57. Sess. 16. excellent Prelate compare the Papists to the Puritanes: and that for no reason more then their pretending to be p rer then others are, or then indeed they are themselves. And this doth lead me to that which follows. For

You say, Among the vulgar, a Puritane (all over England where ever you came) was one that would speak seriously or reverently of God or heaven, or of the Scripture, and that would talk of hell, and the life to come, &c. that would not swear, or would reprove a swearer, or a drunkard, or a prophaner of holy things, &c. Sect. 23.]

King James distinguish'd the Knave's Puritane, from the Puritane-Knave. Sect. 17. If any man living did ever call such men as these Puritanes, (as you do nakedly affirm, but do not prove) he must answer to God, for his having done so like a Puritane himself. It being as unjust to call such Puritanes, as it is now for Mr. Baxter to call the Prelatists, Papists, nay Formalists, nay what he pleaseth, p. 111, 112, 113, 114, 115. But really, Sir, I cannot imagine, with what colour of justice you should first make this the vulgar notion so contrary to that which you confessed to be the King's, the old Episcopal Divines, and the late Prelates (for you know the King's way is the vulgar way,) and that then you should imply it to have been mine, and so against me confute your own fancy, and nothing else. I have ever distinguished (as well as K. Iames) between the Knave's Puritane, and the Puritan-Knave. But we must not be afraid to call Puritans, hypocrites, because there are that are not hypocrites, who yet are called Puritanes. Must not one have his right name, because another hath a wrong? Let every man have his own, though some have that which is anothers. For my use of the word Puritane, I am encompassed about with a cloud of witnesses, that I have used it as I ought. And my witnesses are such, as for greatnesse, wisdome, piety, learning, or whatever else is most lovely, I suppose you will grant beyond exception.

You say, my party gave the Puritanes a new name, and the Puritane was called a Round-head, (a learned invention, intimating that the Puritanes do speak, and not as Long-heads, bark, or grunt,) and when the arrs had given lib rty to the rage of such as hated Puritanes, then ordinarily he was a Puritane, or a Roundhead, that was heard to pray, or sing a Psalm in his house, Sect. 23.]

Sect. 18. Though I have nothing to do with the name of Roundhead, Of the word Roundhead, and praying aloud in private. Petrus Crinitus de b llo Rusticano. nor ever called any so, (that I can remember) by word of mouth, much less in any of my writings, (so as I wonder what you meant in telling me of it without cause,) yet perhaps that title is not so new as you imagin. For Petrus Crinitus could have told you of some soldiers in Germany, above a hundred years ago, Qui Agmen Tonsile, à rotundè detonsis Capitibus, dicebantur. And 'tis better to have the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Hom. long-head of Thersites, then the long-ears of such an Issachar as Midas was. As it is very much better to bark in Is . 56.10. one sense, then to bray in another which things concern not your self, or me. And therefore to speak without impertinence, I would very fain know where that godly man lives who was ever called Roundhead for being godly, or meerly for praying in his house: which I suppose is done even by men of all parties, excepting them who are transported above all ordinances, by the presumption which they have of their absolute election, and their impossibility to fall from Grace. But if he who was HEARD to pray in his house, did pray so LOWD, and so neer the street, that passengers could not chuse but hear him, it was not his praying, but his hypocrisie, which was likely to be reviled. A great deal of naughtiness may be committed, though not in prayer, as prayer; yet in a contrived Pharisaical both length and loudness. When our Saviour did call the Scribes and Pharisees hypocrites, yea Serpents, and generation of vipers, Math. 23.33. (notwithstanding they were esteemed the godly party) it was not meerly because they prayed, nor only because their Prayers were long, but because they made their long prayers for a pretence; vers. 14. that so the Orphans and Widows houses might be swallow'd down the more glibly. When thou prayest (saith our Saviour) thou shalt not be as the Hypocrites are; Mat. 6.5. for they love to pray standing in the Synagogues and in the corners of the streets, that they may be seen of men. And he that prayes in his house to be heard of men, is neer kin to him who prays on purpose to be seen: therefore it follows in the text, When thou prayest, enter into thy closet & shut thy door. — And thy Father who seeth in secret shall reward thee openly. vers. 6.

You say, Sometimes the sign of purgation, by which men must prove themselves no Puritans, was, if they could swear nine Oaths in a br ath. Sect. 23.]

How the Purita es are the worst kind of swearers. Sect. 19. I will not say what hath been said, That this is certainly a Hummer. But I hope i is an untrue report, which if it is, it is prodigiously such. I never heard any thing like it, and you ought to have given some kind of proof that you might not be concluded the Raiser of it. If the Tale hath truth in it, why did you not name the Malefactors, that (for the good of themselves, and others.) they might be brought to some exemplary punishment? such scandalous sinners before these times, would have been paradigmatiz'd in the Bishops Courts. Nor could any thing less then extirpation of Episcopacy, have gained an impunity for such a crime. And now to tell you the very truth, if I may judge of Antipuritanes, by those whom I am acquainted with, they are as free from this vice, as most of the Puritanes are guilty of it. I speak not of swearing nine Oathes in one breath, but of swearing and forswearing, as many times in two breaths (whereof the one is hot, and the other cold) as they conceive to be for their carnal interest. Are there not Puritanes who have sworn, first an Oath of Allegiance, 2. An Oath of Supremacy, 3. An Oath of Canonical obedience, 4. An Oath intitled the Negative Oath, 5. An Oath which was called the solemn League and Covenant, 6. An Oath which was taken by the name of an Engagement, besides their University and Collegiate Oaths? And I have heard they swore an Oath to live and die with my Lord of Essex. Put all together, and you will find them to be Nine, with some advantage: and the Sacrament taken at ordination of Ministers under the Bishops, is the solemnest Oath that can be taken. Much more I could say, but that a word to the wise may seem sufficient.

You say, The way that one Company of the Kings souldiers testified their freedom from this crime, by (as credible impartial witnesses in Somersetshire told you, that saw them do it) was by pricking their fingers, and letting their blood run into the Cup, and drinking a health to the Divel in their own blood, Sect. 23.]

Sect. 20. If this were true, it were not any thing to the purpose as being neither for you, nor against my self. I having spoken of Puritanes in the words of King Iames, The Tale of d inking a bloody health to the Divel no less impertinent then uncharitable. not in words of my framing; and as I found them in an Historian of unquestionable prudence and moderation. Again, I spake ex professo of Presbyterians, and of Puritanes onely by accident. Nor did I speak of them otherwise, then Queen Elizabeth, King Iames, Archbishop Bancroft, Archbishop Whitgift, Bishop Andrews, Bishop Hall, Doctor Sanderson and others had afforded me a warrant from all their stiles. Yet see with what Stories you entertain me, without the least offer of any proof. Nay see if it is not so contrived as if it were purposely intended to pass for incredible with all that read it. For let me put you to a few questions, 1. Was there ever any Company of his Majesties souldiers who were in very good earnest suspected to be Puritans, so as to need a testimonial that they were none? 2. Were they so far suspected of being Puritanes, that nothing less then their own blood, and a Health to the Divel, could satisfie the suspecters, and gain their freedom from such suspicion? when the Tale in it self is so incredible, what professor of Christianity would not suspect the very i n sses, (however professing to be no less then eye-witnesses) who should suggest so strange and so incredible a thing? or who would cite such testimonies in materiâ tamgravi, without the naming of persons, time, and place, and without the specifying of all other circumstances, to free himself from being reckoned a False-Accuser? which of the two is the greater sin, to drink a health to the Divel, or to gratifie the Divel by falsely affirming that some have done it to free themselves from being Puritanes, I leave it to be judged by the indifferent Reader.

But now suppose it to be true, A gross and dangerous falsification in the management of the Tale. that some did swear nine Oaths in a breath, and others drink their own blood at a health to the Divel, must you infer that they did it as a sign of purgation, (as you word it in your first story) or to testifie their freedom from the crime of Puritanism, (as you expresse it in your second?) it were very easie to pay you home in your own coyn, and to load you with more of it then you are able to bear. But I will onely speak of some notorious matters of Fact, to let you see the advantage you now afford me. There was an eminent Mr. Barker of Pitchley. Presbyterian in this County of Northampton, an able Preacher by rep te, and a godly man, who for Incest and Murder was hang'd in the ight of divers thousands, there are thousands now living, who saw it done; his trial and execution were so publick, that I need not tell you from whom I heard it. But how would you take it if I should say that such a Puritane did purposely defile his Niece, and consent to the murder of the child he had by her, and end his dayes upon the Gallows to prove himself free from the Prelatical party? if you find in your self, that you would take it in ill part, then learn not to speak what you would not hear. I could also tell a story of a everend man of the Presbyterie, (of whom it will hardly be believ'd) that taking upon him to be a Fighter, as well as a Preacher in the Army, he killed a souldier of his own Company in the Town of Warwick.

Men should be taught by the r suffering, not to do wrong. But of all the men in the World, you and I should be careful not to speak without ground, of other men's failings, since others have spoken so very groundlessly of you and me. Disp. 5. of Sacram. p. 489. Mr. Robertson (you say) did talk confidently of his discourses with Mr. Hotchkiss, though Mr. Hotchkiss professed he never saw him. And so you say that Mr. Blake hath printed things of your self, Ibid. p. 500. so false and groundless, that he might as well have said, you take your self to be King of Spain. Of Mr. Tombes his Aspersions, you very frequently complain. And you know by whom you have been accused as a Papist, and a Socinian. In all which I am obliged to take part with you by my resentment, and to profess my disbelief of many things I hear of you; I having suffered my self, in the very same measure that you have done. I will not mention mens names in a more publick manner then they do mine; because I am tenderer of them, then they have been of themselves, or me. But this I cannot forbear to say, (upon so pregnant an opportunity) that malicious slanders are raised against me, and unworthily whisper'd from one enemy to another, though most evident Contradictions to the plainest matters of Fact. The Tem ter many times betrayes his Instruments, whilst he Imployes them. As if in very good earnest he had owed them a spight, as we use to say by a kind of Proverb. He puts them upon speaking such ill-made stories, as are not onely false, but Impossible to be true. 'Tis said I did this, and that, which was impossible to be done. Ju t as if it should be said, that I created my Parents, or sq ar'd the Circle. Indeed I have read of Apollonius Tyanaeus, that he could tell at Ephesus, what in that very houre was done at Rome; the Devill was such a Familiar to him. But that I should speak a thing in England, whilst my Body and my Soule were both in France, is the wildest Invention I ever heard of. It is my comfort that I suffer the most Incredible of Slanders, which are as Innocent in one sense, as they are criminal in another: And that I suffer for well doing, even to those very persons, from whom I suffer. But that a Sermon of Love should procure me more Hatred, than All the Actions of my whole Life, would seem as wonderfull a Thing, as that Elijah with water should set the green wood on fire, but that I consider what Age we live in; And that the Fire is more common which comes from Hell, then that which Elijah pray'd down from Heaven. Besides, I know it is part of the Chr stians Lot, which I take in good part, and doe thank God for it.

But it were well if most men would make a Covenant with their Eares, A Cav at. against Raisers of false R ports. not to listen to meer Rumors which doe not bring their warrant with them. And another Covenant with their Lips, not to utter such Rumors without all reason. For through a defect of these two, what Calumnies have been raised upon men of all sorts, which (with one sort or other) have found great welcome, and entertainment? I will give you an Instance in some particulars, which are many wayes pertinent to my present Enterprise. It was dogmatically affirmed by the whole Assembly of Divines, in a Letter which they sent to all the Protestant Churches beyond the Seas, That the King and his party had an intent to set up Popery, and even to extirpate the true Reformed Religion. See Biblioth. R gia part. 1. Sect. p. 58.59. to p. 65. And that they had not onely attempted, but in great measure prevailed for the putting thereof in execution. A thing so far from being true, that the King protested his intentions were directly contrary, and from the Primate of Armagh received the Sacrament upon it, solemnly wishing that that Sacrament might be his damnation, if his heart did not joyn with his lips in that protestation. He also declared the same thing to all the Transmarine Protestant Churches. Nay it was part of his last words, the sincerity of which he also sealed with his blood. And now you publickly confess, (as Mr. Prin had done before you in his Signal Memento, p. 12.) You do not believe he was a Papist, but a moderate Protestant, and that his Conference with the Marquess of Worcester may satisfie men for that. p. 106. By the same excess of injustice, Archbishop Bancroft, Archbishop Laud, Archbishop Usher, Bishop Bramhal, and Doctor Cousins have been exhibited to the people as downright Papists, though as great adversaries to Rome, as Rome hath had since the Reformation. How many others in particular, and the Prelatists in general have been traduced, you know very well, and Doctor Sanderson hath told you with what injustice. It was not onely the saying of Doctor Bernard, Of the judgm. of the late Archbishop of Arm. p. 61. concerning the late Archbishop of Armagh, that some of the simpler sort hearing of a conjunction of Popery and Prelacy, have thought they could not be parted in him; but it was also the complaint of the Primate himself, that exceptions were taken against his Letter, Ibid. p. 19. as if he had thereby confirmed Papism, and Arminianism. Which yet I believe was as far from truth, as what was said by your Adversaries of you; or by you of Grotius, Bishop Wren, Bishop Pierce, and Doctor Taylor; Bolsec. in vitâ Calvini. Pref. to Disp. against Master Tombes. Exam Hist. p. 204. or by Bolsec of Mr. Calvin, that he was eaten up of Lice; or by the Papists of the Waldenses, that they were Sorcerers, and Witches; or by some of Saint Austin, that he was a Manichae n; or by the Puritanes of Bishop Andrews, that he was guilty of superstition; or by the same of Bishop Montague that he was turned unto the Papists; or by Standish of Erasmus, that he denied the Resurrection, and blasphemed Christ's miracles, as d ne by Magick; or by Bellarmine of the same, that he was a friend to Arianism; or by Mr. Hickman of my self, that the printed Doctrines of Zuinglius, &c. (who were dead and buried before I was born) were the meer Chimaera's of my brain. I pray consider these things, and set a guard upon your pen from this time forwards.

You say, I must be supposed to mean by a Puritane, a man that feareth God, &c. Sect. 23.]

Sect. 21. I more admire at this speech, A confident corrupting of plain words. then at all the rest that have fallen from you; for your own conscience is my witness, and so are all my Readers eyes, that my notion of a Puritane hath been ever agreeable with those which I have lately set before you from Bishop Andrews, and Bishop Hall, Doctor Cleark, and Doctor Sanderson, with divers others beyond exception. How can you hope to be believed in what you say of nine Oaths in a breath, and drinking healths unto the Divel, when you can wilfully corrupt the plainest words that can be spoken? And say, I MUST be supposed to mean a man that feareth God: whereas there is not so much as any circumstance of any the least probability that I should mean as you say; but the contrary is as visible as the Sun at noon, that I mean such Puritanes as have a right to that Title. Neither fearing God, nor hating covetouness; neither seeking God's Kingdom, nor the righteousness thereof; but making a stalking-horse of Religion, whereby to come at their carnal ends.

You say, I deviate lamentably from Catholicism, in my uncharitable censures of the Puritanes and Presbyterians. That its no Catholick Church which cannot hold such men as these, or a Catholick Disposition, that cannot embrace thē with that unfeigned special love that's due to Christians, Sect. 24.]

Sect. 22. Still you lamentably beat upon the very same hoof, How some Puritanes have excommunicated themselves. standing still a great deal faster the some can gallop. With unsignificant Repetitions, naked affirmations, and want of any thing like a proof, you are able to advance another Section concerning Puritanes and Presbyterians; not referring to any word, which I had spoken of either; nor to any one page, where my Censure may appear to have been uncharitable. My opinion is, you durst not cite my words or pages; for then your foule dealing had been too vi •• ble to the Reader. Nay then you must have written another book to some purpose; not This, which you know is to none at all. Had you answered my Book, or any little part of it, I must have given you a Reply. But since you still begin with me, I can but answer. And that I can doe very sufficiently, by barely denying what you affirm without proof. But if you will fairly consult my book, you will find I have said no other things of the Puritanes, then I cite them saying of themselves. And are you angry with me, for believing the men upon their words? Or are you so kind to their Rebellions, their Sa rileges, and Murders, (all recorded by some of themselves, from whom you know I have my proofs) as that you have not the patience to hear them censur'd? I know not how you will give me a more colourable accompt, unlesse you confesse in the end (what should have been done at the beginning) That you knew not what I had written, or thought it best to take no notice of it. Now how can Catholicism bind any man, not to censure such Puritanes, as were so rigidly either Scotish, or Scotized Presbyterians? Or how can the Catholick Church hold, what will not indure to be held? The Church of God is like a Net, in which are fish of all sorts, excepting the violent and the slippery, which break out into the Ocean. They who cast out their Bishops, and Jude 19. separate themselves from the Regular way of God's worship, are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in St. Paul's own notion; And T t. 3.10. Rejected by others, for being Ver. 11. condemned of themselves.

The Monopolizer of Censoriousnesse no good Projecter. Again I may ask you, why I may not be Catholick, and censure Pu itanes, as well as you may censure Prelatists, and yet be Catholick: Must none be censorious, except your selfe? Or is it lawfull for Mr. Baxter, to revile his Fathers and Brethren for being constant in their obedience to the most persecuted Pre epts of Jesus Christ? And is it not lawfull for Mr. Pierce, to convince the sons of Disobed enc of their impieties, when he doth it by no lesse then their own Hand-writings? you Sir (sooner or later) have pass'd your cen ure upon all sorts of men; (even th m that draw nearest to your Religion) and will you not allow me to censure One? Compare your selfe with you selfe, and tu ne your eyes inward, and rather repent what you have written, then continue to write what you must repent of. Whereas you question my love to Puritanes, I wish your love to the Prelatists were no whi less . Did I not love their Soules, whose Hypocriticall Sanctity I ought to loath, I would not pray (as I doe) for their Conversion; nor would I labour (as I have done) to make them ashamed of their Simulations. Did I not love them in my heart, I would rather suffer their sinnes upon them, then suffer their hatred by my Reproofes. I will never consent, that men (whose Soules are dearer to me than all the things in this world) shall be carnally secure in a course of sinne, upon a dreadfull supposition that they are Saints, and cannot possibly fall into God's Displeasure, so farre forth as to incurre a reall danger of Damnation. I say I will not consent to such a mischief; no not so much as by being silent: for He that saith,Levit. 19 17. Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thine heart, doth also say, Thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy brother, and shalt not suffer sinne upon him. And yet I know as well who saith,Matth. 7.6. Give not that which is holy unto the doggs, neither cast your pearles before swine. And therefore if the Puritanes shall make me know that they are such (either by barking, or biting, or trampling my Admonitions under their feet) I shall resolve at last, to allow them no more of my Correption; Resting satisfied in this,Ezek. 33 9. that I have freed mine owne soul.

Sect. 23. Having eas'd your self a little of your reproaches against me, you immediately proceed to commend your self. A strange kind of Catholick, who is against the whole Church; y t partially cleaves to a Sect, though he condemns it. For you say [You can say, and that with boldness, that you have attained to so much impartiality in your Religion, that you would gladly cleave to any party, how much disgraced soever, that you could perceive were in the right,— loving all Christians of what sort soever, that may be truly called Christians, Sect. 24.] Yet am I not able to discern by all I have read of your writings, to what party in Christendom you either do, or can cleave; unless by your cleaving you mean your being partial, which is a flat contradiction to your pretended impartiality. A Presbyterian properly you cannot be, though by an usual Catachresis I do afford you that name, for your being so very Look back on ch. 4. Sect. 4. partial to that sort of men. How you declare against their Discipline, I have put you in remembrance by the twelfth Section of my first Chapter. How inconsistent you are with them in point of Doctrine, your Disputings and Apologies, and other writings do evince. What Christians in the World do you not justifie or condemn, as present interest or passion do chance to sway? that out of many sorts of Christians you would faign have one of your picking, is very evident. But if I am ask'd what side you are wholly for, I must profess to believe you are of none. And I can give such reasons, as I do verily think you can never answer, which makes you appear the most partial of any man I ever met with, for turning your Byasse, to those Abettors, who (you confesse) have taken the wrong way. Or if this were otherwise, you could not prove you were impartial. For every Skeptick or Seeker can say as much, nay an Atheist may plead he is not partial to any party, because he professeth to joyn with none. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Athan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . p. 1058. which compare with a Sheet for the Ministery, p. 11. Which things being considered, abstain for the future from depredicating your self, and defaming others. To what purpose is it that you publish you are a Saint (in one Book) and (now in another) that you can boldly say you have attained to an impartiality in your Religion, and again (in the same) that you feel [an excellent affection] to reign within you, and that you will not conceal the work of God upon your soul, and how your soul is inclined when you let your prayers loose, (p. 7.) I say to what purpose does your own mouth praise you, when (if we may take your own word at another time) you Look b ck on ch 4. sect 5. cannot deserve such commendations? How unfit was the same mouth to s eak so bitterly of Gro ius, as I have L ok back on ch. 1. sect. 13. shew'd you have done in another place? By your d alings with him, and the Episcopal Divines, I take the sense of your Conclusion to be but this, that they alone are true Christians, whom you can love. And if you love not Grotius, nor the Episcopal Divines, the reason is, they are no true Christians.

Sect. 24. You say, A wilf ll Imposture, or else a Patr n ge of I pi ty. You had rather your right hand were us'd as Cranmer 's, then you should have written against Puritanes what I have done, Sect. 24.] yet still you name not a page where I have done it, nor a word that I have spoken. Nor do you speak of the Puritanes, of whom I spake; or if you do, you are a Patron of impiety. If you would not have written as I have done, against Puritanes; how much less would I, as you, against Episcopal Divines? Have not I chosen, so well as you? Then follow you your own 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . course, and let me follow mine. If they were Christians in deed, whose works I shew'd you out of their words, the frighted Pagan will cry out, Sit anima mea cum Philosophis. And so perhaps some frighted Protestants, Sint animae nostrae cum Pontificiis. But what will you say of your self, if you have written against Puritanes, at least as sharply as I have done? I know you have not given them that very name, but you have lash'd them shrewdly to whom the word Puritane of right belongs; which shews how little you have been scared with that terrible saying of our Lord, Mat. 18.6. which you apply in such sort, as if you understood not its true importance. For to rebuke men for sin, is not at all to scandalize them, in Scripture phrase, nor in the phrase of any Scholar who knows the English of the word Scandalum. They are rather scandalized who have pillowes sow'd under their Ezek. 13.18. Armholes, who are flatter'd and commended, and soothed up in their sins. He that saith to the wicked, thou a t righteous, him shall the people curse, nations shall abhor him, Prov. 24.24. To offend a little one, in English, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Scri ture-Dialect. If you make men to in by your example, or incourage them in sinning by your instructions, (as by instructing them to believe, that being once Regenerate they cannot pessibly be otherwise, although their sins should be as David's, deliberate Murder and Adul ery, &c.) you are truly said in such case, to offend those little ones in the faith, to scandalize them, to gall them, to make them stumble. See Dr. Hamond hi learned Treatise concerning Scandal, if you are not too haughty for my Advice.

CHAP. VI.

Of Episcopal Divines, & the Archb. of C nt. Sect. 1. THere is little remarkable in your next Section, but what hath been spoken to already; or what may be satisfied with very few words. You implicitely accuse me of injustice i cal ing my book A vindication of Episcopal Divines from Mr. Baxter, Sect. 25. whereas you cannot be ignorant, that I call'd my book by another name, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And that the words which you mentio , er o ly a part of the General Conten s as fa as a Title-page was fit to hold them. You might h ve said as truly, that I call'd my Book A vindicatio of Mr. B xter from Mr. Barlee, fo that was also one part, a your eyes can witnesse. 'Tis true I said in that Book, th t you spake in general against Episcopal Divines, But I also said in your Vin ication, That your words were wrested beyond your me ning (in being applied to my particular) ch. 3. p. 100. But now that I find you so unth nkful for my brotherly dealing, I must tell you that my dealing was much more b o h r y th n you Look back on ch. 1. sect. 6. towards the end deserved. For when your words were so general, as to include the Bishops, the Kings Chaplains, and o her Doctors, who stay in England under the name of Episcopal Divi es to do the Pope the better Service; and when they were also so particular, as to point out for Papists, as firm Protest nts as live, Bishop Wren, Bishop Pierce, &c. I know not how a True Protestant can misse your Censure, if he performes the whole part of an Episcopal Divine, in so avowed a manner as to arrive at your knowledge. Nor ca I think you will deny, that you include those Prelatists, who will not approve of your Association, by allowing a meer Presbyter the Prelatical Power to excommunicate. Which I believe will be allowed you by no Episcopal D vine; And then (forsooth) they must all be Papists.

You forgot your self much, when you directed me for Instruction about the Bishop of Canterbury, to the several writings of Mr. Prin, his most exasperated Enemy, at that time of the day, when his Eyes were not opened, as now they are. But if you will read his Rome's Master-piece, you will see that pious Bishop designed to Death by the Papists (not to be revenged upon his being of their side, you may be sure, but) because they saw him too strong an Enemy to Rome; so far from helping on the Introduction of Popery, that they found it could never be introduced, so long as a Primate of his Wisdome, Vigilance, Zeale to the Protestant Religion, and the Glory of God, was permitted to enjoy both Life and Greatnesse. You talk of I know not what matters of Fact, which you must specifie first, before you prove. And you must doe your poore utmost to make some proof, before you can be fit for a Confu ation.

Sect. 2. You begin your next Section, Sequestrations misliked by their very Ab ttors. I should say in a strange manner, but that it is such as you are used to, and with which you have forced me to be acquainted. For you say [I expresse with reproach and bitternesse my dislike of Ministers living on Sequestrations. And that you perceive I doe it without distinction. Sect. 26.] But you produce not one word of reproach or bitternesse, nor refer to any page, where your Reader may try before he trusts you. Much lesse do you shew that I expresse my Dislike without Distinction. To have quoted my words had been just, but not at all for your Interest. For then your Readers would h ve found, that the See and co sider my Self-revenger, Exem. ch. 3. sect. 1. p. 69, 70. reproachfull expressions were but repeated by me from an Eminent man of your own Tribe. Who went away with my Reproof, for having us'd his own party with so much Rigour. Which yet I have since been sorry for, because he was of my Iudgment in what he spake against Sequestra ions; my Dislike of which i the same with his. And I will say in his words, that to cast a Brother out of his Livelyhood, or to seize upon that which is anothers, is an unneighbourly, unscholarly, unchristian thing. I am far from favouring any Minister, who is so ignorant, or ungodly, as you expresse. And I know there is a time when Ministers ought to be suspended ab officio & beneficio. But even then I must say, as Mr. Barlee hath done, I am for justa justè, and Ecclesiastica Ecclesiasticè. It is a very good Rule in the Civil Law, Quae à judice non legitimo, aut non legitimo modo facta sunt, ea praesumptionem habe t contrase. And such were our late Sequestrations, that although they were made by his beloved long Note, I speak with the vulgar, meaning o ely the two Houses (as Mr. Hickman calls them p. 45.) or rather the Remnant of the two Houses, of which Judge Ienkins hath well inform'd us Parlament, yet M. Hickman himself undertakes not in all things to acquit them. (p. 46.) And Mr. B. did avow in his very last Book, that 'twas a way he was not satisfied with. (p. 52.) Nay a very great part of their proceedings you your self doe disown, even in this very Section; Nay towards the end of your Book you professe your detestation of them (p. 111.) And if you may detest what you haue got so much by, much more may I who have lost no lesse. Not to speak of their losses, who have been very dear to me, and for whose losses I was afflicted, when (I thank God for it) I was not afflicted for mine own; knowing how, and for what, and from what sort of men my sufferings came. Sequestrations are scandalous and sinfull things, when they proceed, and are inflicted, either a non-Iudice, or in non-Reum, or modo non debito or in f •• em non rectum. The particular consideration of which four things, applied to all the Sequestrations which have happened within these eighteen years, would administer matter for a very just volume, had I time sufficient for such a work. Yet should I have spoken more largely then now I shall, (to give you that information which you particularly desire) were I not told of an able Gentleman, who hath sent a Treatise unto the Presse upon this one subject, and addressed it in particular to all your wants.

Sect. 3. Whereas you say [You are d sirous to be better inform'd in this thing, Sufficient Information for such as w nt and desire it. to avoid much guilt, which else you may and doe incurre, if you be mistaken, sect. 26.] I have two or three things to return unto you. First, that as I am glad of your good desire, so I shall also be sorry if you are never the better for my Assistance. Next, for sufficient Information, I had thought it enough that you knew the tenth Precept, Non Concupisces, Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house (much less take it into possession, with all the good land that lies about it) nor any thing that is thy neigebour's, (much lesse All that is thy Neighbour's.) Of the Fundamental Lawes of this land, and the established Canons of the Church, I thought you had a sufficient knowledge. If not, you may when you please. Read but the Works of Judge Ienkins, whom God preserve from all Evil, and reward at last with a Crown of Righteousnesse. Read Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right. And compare with both, You may see a Copy of this in Biblioth. Reg. part 1. ect. 4. num. 10. p. 324. The Proclamation against the oppression of the Clergy by the Insurrection of factious and Schismaticall persons into their Cures, &c. And compare with all Three The Declaration of the Lord General and his Counsel of Officers, shewing the Grounds and Reasons for the Dissolution of the long Parlament, 1653.You will find in the three former [That the Church, amonst others, hath these Priviledges; that regularly no Ecclesiasticall Possessions can be extended, separated, or sequestred, but by the Ordinary. That Distresses may not be taken of Lands wherewith Churches have been anciently endowed, and that Churches presentative cannot be filled, and the lawfull Incumbent thereof removed, but by the Ordinary; nor the Cure of the Incumbents served by Curates, Lecturers, or others, but by their own Appointment; or in their defect, by the Appointment of the Ordinary. Nor are any subjects of the Laity, by the Common Laws of this Realm, capable to take or receive Tithes (which are the Portion of the Clergy) unlesse by Demise from Them, or such as are approp iate, or made Lay-fee, &c. In the 28 year of King Edward the third it was declared and enacted by Authority of Parlament, (which is also ratified in the Petition of Right) That no man of whatsoever estate or condition be put out of his Land, or Tenements, nor taken, nor imprisoned, nor disherited, nor put to death, without being brought to answer by due Process of Law. So by the Statute called [The Great Charter of the Liberties of Engl.] it is declared and enacted, That no Free-man may be taken or imprisoned, or be disseized of his Free-hold, or Liberties, or his free Customes, or be out-lawed, or exiled, or in any manner destroyed, but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land, &c. Note that these are such Laws as are still in force by all confessions; they who have broken them the most, cannot pretend they have been repealed. You cannot object your Scotish Covenant; for you have written Plain S r. proof of Infants Ch. mem. p. 123. which compare with 120, 121, 122. & with p. 274. and with your A en. to Aphor. p. 107. against That. And if you had not, your case were worse. The Remnant of the two Houses you cannot urge, for the very same reasons, and many more. Nay since the writing of these words, those very Houses which did obtrude you upon another man's Living (or Free-hold) do now implicitely stand charged with the Sin of Sacriledge, as well by your self, as by Mr. Vines; as may be seen by his Five Disp. of Ch. Gov. & Worsh. p. 350.349. Letter which you have printed, and by your words thereupon, in the page going before it. From hence consider very sadly, whether they who transgressed so much in one thing, doe not deserve your suspicion in many others. And now I will hope, you are sufficiently informed: if you are not, you shall be before I leave you.

Guilty men must keep their secrets, or not be angry that they are known. But by the way let me tell you, that you were never in my Thoughts, when I expressed my Dislike of Sequestrations. I never knew you had any, untill you told me: Nor had I knowne it to this houre, had you but kept your owne counsell. So little Reason had you to use me with so much Bitternesse and Virulence in divers Books. But worser dealing then from your selfe (though not in print) I have h d from a Minister in this very County, of whose Sequestration I was as ignorant, as yet I am of his Face. I kno him by nothing but his Injuries, and his ist Nam , which I s all therefore in Charity forbeare to publish. I shot but at Rovers; and because by accident he was hit, he was as angry with the Arrow, as if it had been its own Archer, and vainly concluded that he was aim'd at, when (the very truth is) he onely stood in Ha ms way. These things put me in mind of a certain Proverb, which I heard a while since from a worthy man, That 'tis dangerous speaking of a Halter in a jealous mans House, whose Father was hang'd.

Sect. 4. You proceed to tell me, A sad plea for I j •• tice from an opinion that it is good. You must confess it your opinion that the thing is lawfull, and that you take it for one of the best things you can do, to help to cast out a bad Minister, and to get a better in the place, so that you preferre it as a work of mercy before much sacrifice. Section 26.] Thus you say what you think (and whether you thinke as you say, God onely knowes.) But what Transgressor in the world may not say the same Thing? Will you doe that thing upon bare opinion that it is good, when the learnedst part of the Nation professe a Knowledge that it is evil? Let the most learned Dr. Sanderson be heard to speak in this matter, (as exact a Casuist as you can likely name any) and judge by that one person how many thousands and millions will vote against you, It should suffice to deterr you from taking that which is anothers, that the lawfulness of it is still in controversie; and even many of your way are (in this particular) of ours, blessing God with great joy, that they have never had the least finger in what you boast of. Besides you must grant, that it may be possibly a Sinne to deprive a man of his Free-hold; whereas not to deprive him, can be no Sinne at all. And whilest you call it your Formido est de Intrinsecâ ratione Opinionis; quippe cui potest subesse dubium. opinion that you are right, you acknowledg it possible you may be wrong. From whence it also must needs proceed, that you profess to be desirous to e b tter inform'd. But then you should lay down the stake, untill you have found whose reasons win. Not dispossess your Brother first, and then debate whether the action is right, or wrong. That hath too much affinity with Hallifax Law. Again consider how sad an Argument from Opinion to Practise some men have drawn; that whilest your own is no other, you may suspect it. The cursed Jews had an John 16.2. opinion, that in murdering Christ's Messengers they did God service. Having also an opinion, that they were very bad Ministers. But certainly one Injury is no excuse for another. And since I 2 Cor. 12.14. seek not yours, but you (which I also do at your Intreaty) be not offended if I put the case home. Can you take it for one of the best works you can do, to despoile a Brother of his lawfull possession, and then (over and above) to call him a bad man, thereby to justifie, or countenance th Depraedation? Was Mr. Dance a bad man? 'Tis more then all my inquiries could yet discover. He hath a better Report then you can comfortably believe. And is not his That Benefice you now possess? Or if he is a bad man, Are you better then He, who have confessed your own See your Disp 5. of Sacr. p. 484. Hypocrisie, as well as Pride, whilest sincerity and meeknesse are most commended in M. Dance? How many hundreds are cast out from their several Places in the Church, who must be granted (even by you) to be exceedingly good men, at least exceedingly better, then those that are thrust into their Roomes? Who is now in the Canonry of Christ-Church, out of which Dr. Sanderson was rudely cast? Or who hath the Parsonage of Penshurst in his possession, out of which D. Hammond was long since thrown? You would blush if I should tell you what change is made. I do not instance in these two, as being better then all others (I cannot be so injurious to all their Equals) but because I think you may know them. Judge by these of the rest; which I will also name, if you desire it. But they would fill up too many sheets to be writ at this time. And as large as you may think me, I strive for brevity and speed. Let me ask ther fore in short, If M. Baxter in some respects is a better man then some of his Brethren (who are not fit for any Livings, and yet are put into other mens) why not in all things, as well as some? Why is he not better then his Brethren, in absteyning from the Enjoyment of that Revenue, which the Law of the Land hath as truly and solidly made Another's, as any Lay-man's Free-hold is his? Sir, I wish you so well, that I would have you as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Luke 1.6. blameless as good old Zachary: I would not have it in my power, to say an unpleasant thing to you: I long to see you a Bright Example of so necessary a Duty as Restitution. Hundreds may follow, if such a man will but lead. And when Righteousness shall flow as a mighty stream, it will probably carry in the same channell the most desiderated Blessings of Peace and Union. We who have Livings of our own will most readily resign them on that condition; and intercede with our Patrons, that such as give back their Brethren's may be presented. All shall be theirs (by my consent) who most desire to have All, if they will do us but the favour to take it fairly. I would not wish any thing from them, except their Sins. I could wish the Lovers of this world had as much of it as they could wish, could I but have any assurance that they would fa e never the worse in a world to come. Nor should I care by what courses a man grows rich, if Riches could do him any good in the day of wrath. Prov. 11.4 Riches restored when ill gotten, I know to be profitable for ever, to those that want them for a season by such good means. Which strongly tempts me to wish, that I were just in your case (that is to say, In a Sequestration) that so I might be in a capacity of making an eminent Restitution, and of shewing the way unto my Brethren by that Example. Remember what you say of Tithes, when the Quakers accuse you of being covetous; [The same Law of the Land that makes the Nine parts Theirs doth make the Tenth Ours. If we have no Title to the Tenth, they have none to the rest.] The same Law of the Land is as good an Argument against you in the mouth of a Prelatist, as it can be in your mouth against the Quakers. And what was done by one Ordinance against the Lands of the Bishops, Deans and Chapters, &c. may as wel be done against Tithes by some other Ordinance or Order, the Law of the Land being as valid in one case as in another. If Mr. Dance may have a Trial by the Law of the Land, I know not how you can keep his Living.

Sequ strations disowned by their Defender. Sect. 5. But you proceed to tell me, That for the casting out of able, faithfull, godly Ministers, because they are Prelaticall, Presbyteriall, Independent, Arminians, or interested in the Civil Differences, this you utterly disown Sect. 26.]

If you speak in good earnest, how then can you justifie the casting out any, by any means, unless by that very Law, by which it is granted they stood possess'd? Will you say in your defence that the Law is now changed, & that the Committees for Ejection can do the same things now, which onely the Bishops and their Officers could do before? But your Concession disinables you from saying This: For then as many as were concerned in the civil Differences, as opposing this new Law, might be justly cast out by your good leave, which you profess notwithstanding, that you do utterly disown. Nay then even your self must be acknowledged by you self, to be justly expulsible from the Living which you possess, for your disowning and detesting (and that in print) the several Ordinances and Actions of Them that thrust you into your Living. You cannot therefore say that the Law is changed: and being not able to say that, you must confess your Sequestration to be illegall: yo r Predecessor being not ejected, nor you succeeding into his Place by the Law of the Land, which is still in force. And which I have made it appear, you unavoidably confess: I therefore give you my solemn Thanks, for so publickly disowning all those Parliamentary proceedings against a multitude of as learned and as godly Protestant Divines (called common y Prelaticall) as the Ch istian World hath ever had since the Times of Luther. Not onely those holy and learned Fathers of the Church, whom you may possibly call Arminian, but even those who have most of your own Applause (as Bishop Morton, Bishop Hall, Bishop Davenant, Bishop Prideaux, Doctor Oldsworth, Doctor Sanderson, and so the rest) have been all cast out, as the Dung of the Earth, for no imaginable reason, but the Civil Differences you speak of. None were ever ejected for being meerly Presbyterial, that I can think on. It having been quite another th ng, for which Dr. Reynolds was so suddenly cast out of Christ-Church. How Independents may have suffered for being sus ected to be Arminians, you may guesse by the partiall and shamefull dealings of the Triers, whom Mr. Goodwin hath displayed in his book on that subject. And had it not been for an Army which put a Hook into their Nostrils, the Presbyterians (in all likelyhood) had ruin'd All.

Sect. 6. You tell me further, Accusations are of no value, when onely general, and without proof. that the casting out of the utterly insusficient, ungodly, unfaithful, scandalous, or any that do more harm then good, you take to be one of the most pious and charitable works, (supposing a better put in the place) that you can put your hand to, sect. 26.] But who (by name) are the ungodly, and all the rest of the ugly things, which here you call them in a breath? Mean you the Readers of Common Prayer, the Sons of Order and Obedience, who stand fast to their Principles in time of trial, and rather then be perjur'd, will gladly perish? Were I pleas'd to recriminate, perhaps I could make your ears tingle. But this is onely to inveigh against the Prelatists in general, as the Quakers do against Presbyterians; and by such practises as these, you justifie the Quakers against your selves. When you read me writing against the Puritanes, you read my evidences, and reasons, and undeniable proofs, & that from matters of fact which themselves have put upon Record. Consider your own words in their natural consequence; and then suppose that Anabaptists should prevail as much by the sword against your party, as yours hath done against Episcopal Divines; Casting you all out of the Livings, of which at present you are possest; and putting in others of their perswasion. Would they not plead for so doing, as you for the things that you have done? Would they not say that they had cast out the insufficient, and the ungodly, and put better into their places? and that this was one of the most pious works that they could possibly put their hands to? Did not the Puritanes in Saxonie, who threw down Oratories and Churches, and Church-men too, as Antichristian, call themselves the New Ierusalem, A holy people sent from God to deliver his Saints out of Egypt, the spi itual Egypt of Superstition? Did they not enter into a League of Association, to throw down all Scepters at the feet of Christ, that themselves, being the meek ones, might inherit the earth? And did they not begin with greater appearances of Godliness then the men of your party have yet afforded? Or did you ever yet read of any Persecutors in Christendom, who oppressed the just as they were just, and not rather under the notion of the unfaithfull and the ungodly, that so they might seem to set their hands to a pious work? Nay did not the Papists say the same for their casting out the Protestants in the Valleys of Piemont, and the Bohemian Churches in the Kingdom of Poland, which you (who professe to be Catholick) do now alledge for the ruining of English Protestants? It is so easie to find a staffe for the beating of a Dog, and to reproach those persons, who are designed for a Rejection, that I wonder you can write at so low a rate.

A ill m n may have a good title to his Estate, and must not be wrong'd for being u •• ighteous. Again, consider your own Principle: you think you cannot do better then to remove a bad man, that a better may come into his place. As if the worst of men might not have right unto the greatest Estate or Possession, whilest the best have no right, unle s it be unto the least. The veriest Atheist in the world may lawfully come by an Estate, whether by gift, or purchase, or inheritance; whilest godly Lazarus must thankfully enjoy his scarceness, and be content with those crumbs which daily fall from the rich mans table. He must not bid Dives come out of his House, & deliver up his purple, Luc. 16, 19, 20, 21. because they both are too good for so great a Sinner, but meekly stand or lie down at the Great mans Door. And therefore admitting they were ungodly, whom you have helpt to cast out, you should have turned them out of their Rights, before you had medled with their Possessions. Bishop Hall hath told you that God loves Adverbs better then Adjectives, the Benè better then the Bonum: Good Deeds may be abominable, if they are not well done. I am as willing as any other, that every scandalous Minister should be made to reform, or to remove. But if it must come to a removal, let his punishment be legall: let him enjoy the Law whilest he endures it. For even a Murderer, or a Thief hath certain Priviledges and Rights, both in the manner of his Trial, & Execution. It is an intolerable mistake, to think the wicked cannot be wrong'd, because they really deserve to be soundly punisht. And the mistake is no less, to think a man can be godly who wrongs the wicked: If the Devil himself hath any Dues, the Proverb tells us we must allow them; And we know there is a case wherein we may deal with him unjustly.

Again, Evil must not be done in pretence of good ends. Rom. 3.8. let us take another view of your words. If you cast out the bad, and not by Law, your putting in of a better will nothing help you: for you must not do any evil that any good may come of it. God hath much a better way to be served then so;Ecclus. 15.12. he hath not the least need of an unrighteous man, or of any one act of his unrighteousness. Were it lawful to perpetrate an evil act to a good end, we might laudably do wrong, and defraud our Brethren, that (like the true penitent Zachaeus) we might restore four-fold. This indeed would be as charitable and as pious an injury (if an injury can be such) as a man can set his Heart or his Hand unto: for we should make them the richer for having robb'd them. And out of the evil which we do, it is but just that we should draw the utmost good that we are able; which makes it customary to me, whenever I speak of Repentance, to press as hard as may be for Restitution: a point of greater consideration, then some may imagine till they are told. For if we would Covenant with our Hearts, (and be severe Covenant-keepers) to restore no less then fourfold to every man whom we have injur'd, or possibly shall injure from thi time forward, our very fear of being Banckrupt would keep us honest. And such is the crookedness of our nature, (as we have made it) that we had need make use of some moral Arts, whereby to keep it in some due straitness.

Sect. 7. This I say in Intuition of your very next words, to wit [that if you be mistaken in this, He who crave help must have the patience to receive it. you should be glad of my help for your conviction; for you are still going on in the guilt. Sect. 26.] This is now the third time, that you have called for my assistance, and given me encouragement in my attempt. God forbid I should refuse you my best endeavours of conviction, or dare to dawb with untemper'd morter; especially when you urge me to so much Freedome. And indeed, we Shepherds have extreme great need of one another, we are so apt to go astray into richer Pastures then our own. David was a Prophet, as well as a Prince; yet Nathan was fain to be sent to David, one Prophet unto another, nay a lesser Prophet unto a greater, and to rouze him out of his Sinne with a down-right form of Reprehension,2 Sam. 12.7. Tu es homo, Thou art the man. Had I begun thus with you, Sir, you might have called it my Rudenesse, not my Faithfulnesse to your Soule. But it happily falls out, that you have discovered your selfe to me, when I had not the power to discover your selfe unto your selfe. You have said in effect, Ego sum homo, I am the man. And since you publickly avow, you will be glad of my help, I hope you will not be angry that I have helpt you.

The shamefulnesse of Mr. White's Centuries. Sect. 8. Whereas you say, You need not go to Mr. White's Centuries to be acquainted with the qualities of the ejected, Section 26.] I must shew you your Errour before I go a step farther. You speak of Centuries in the plural, whereas indeed there was but one: And that so scandalous a Pamphlet, that its Author was ashamed to pursue his Thoughts of any other. It was the Boast of Mr. White (as I was told by one, who will be as likely to tell you of it) that he and his had ejected 8000 Church-men in four or five yeares. And if one hundred of eight thousand had been as really scandalous, as that matchlesse Pasquiller was pleased to make them, it had not been so strange a thing, as that One of the Twelve should be a Devil, one hundred in eight-score hundred is exceedingly lesse then one in twelve. But Mr. Fuller himself, however partiall to your party, (as our excellent Doctor Heylin hath made apparent) doth take himselfe up with a kind of doubt, that there might want sufficient proof to convict them of that they were accused of: and indeed there was wanting a sufficiency of proof, See Exam. Hist. p. 256. no witness coming in upon Oath to make good the Charge. So that the utmost of that performance was but to treasure up wrath against the Day of wr th, and to make new sport for the Protestants Enemies of Rome, who did not spare to look upon that whole Businesse, as on an act of Divine Retaliation, in turning so many of the regul r and Orthodox Clegy out of their Rights, by the violent hands of our new Reformers, under colour of some enormities of which they were forged to have been guilty; as the Monks and Friars heretofore were turned out of their Cells, with like Inhumanity (say the Papists) by those that founded our Reformation.

But now suppose it were very true, Worse were put into Livings then the worst that were put out. that many Episcopal Divines had been as scandalous Livers, as many more Presbyterians are known to be, they should have had a legal Triall, and have been legally devested of their Preferments, nor should men more scandalous have been commonly thrust into their places. Much less should many swearing and illiterate Presbyterians have been rewarded with these spoyls, which had been taken from pious and learned men. How many Centuries might be made of debauched creatures, who were not onely not punisht, but very carefully preserved, and advanced also, because they could cotton with the Times, and preach the people to Disobedience? Mr. Fuller himself hath paid you home with one Truth, That his Majesty then at Oxf. would not give his consent, that such a Book should be written of the vicious lives of some Parliament Ministers, when such a thing was presented to him. Whereby you see that vast Difference betwixt the Spirit of Majesty, and the impotent spleen of Mr. White.

Sect, 9. You next go on to accuse whole Countreys, out of which the Ejected must all be one of your two Heads, and the best of them profane, Unseasonable bitternesse to the Protestants, from one who would not befriend the Papists. and yet very few esc p'd Ejection. Have you not written against Popery to very good purpose, against which your very sh rpest Discharge was this, That you knew not hardly any Papist, but what was Ignorant or Scandalous, or some way ill? Now behold what you have done, even taken away the force of that your Argument against the Papists, by saying the same and somewhat worse of the Protestant Ministers here in England, who were violently cast out of their Livings, and that by men of their own Profession. Some (you say) never preached, (and if others had never preached, the Church of God had been happier then she hath been by their preaching for Schism & Blood-shed) but read the Book of Common Prayer; (and was not that better then some of your preaching, if you preach no better then you have printed, as you are said to print little but what you preach?) Some (you say) preached worse then they that were never called preachers. (How much worse did they preach, who preached against their own Governours, and blowed the coles of Sedition into a conquering Flame?) You say, and say onely, That some understood not the Catechism, or Creed. (But did they better understand it, who dream'd themselves able to make a better? To depart from such Evil is understanding. Iob 28.28.) You say that many of them lived more in the Alehouse then in the Church, and used to lead their people in Drunkenness, Cursing, Swearing, Quarrelling, and other ungodly Practices, &c. And thus you pour out your passion to a considerable part of your Sect. 26.

The Indefinite Accuser brought to his triall by some particulars. But now it comes to my turn to propose a few things to your consideration. First, did the men of your party cast out none but such as these? Or was it for such things as these, that any Complier was ever ejected, who would but take the Negative Oath, the Scotish Covenant, raile against the King and Bishops, cry [Curse ye Meroz] or raise up good store of loan upon publick Faith? But let us come to some particulars, which may put your Generals out of countenance. I will but give you a Specimen in several kinds. Did Bishop Hall never preach? or Bishop Duppa pre ch worse then they that were never called Preachers? Did not Bishop Davenant understand his Catechism? nor Bishop Morton his Creed? yet how were They spoyled of their Estates, and clapt up Prisoners in the Note, that of the 12. Bishops who were voted to the Tower, Bishop Morton & B. Hall at least were two. Tower, whilest the most ignorant and the most scandalous had both their Livelyhoods and Liberties indulged to them? Of those that preached in the Great City, the first occurring to my mind were Doctor Holdsworth, D. Howel, Doctor Hacket, Doctor Heywood, Doctor Westfield, Doctor Walton, Doctor Featly, and Doctor Rives; Doctor Brough, Doctor Marsh, Mr. Shute, Mr. Hall, and besides, the Reverend D. Fuller, now Dean of Durham; since the naming of whom I think of the Reverend Mr. Udall. These did not live more in the Alehouse then in the Church: The Fame of their Piety and their Learning is long since gone throughout the Churches: yet Mr. Shute was molested and vext to death, and denied a Funeral Sermon to be preacht by Doctor Holdsworth as he desired. Doctor Holdsworth was cast out of his Mastership in Cambridge, sequestred from his Benefice in the City of London, a long time imprisoned at Ely House, and the Tower. Doctor Walton (who hath put forth the late Biblia Polyglotta) was not onely sequestred, but assaulted also, and plundered, and forced to flie. Doctor Rives, Doctor Howel, Doctor Hacket, and Mr. Hall, were sequestred and plundered, and forced to fly for their lives. Doctor Marsh was sequestred and made to die in remote parts. Doctor Brough was plundered as well as s questred, his Wife and Children turn'd out of doors, and his Wife struck dead with grief. Doctor Westfield was sequestred, abused in the streets, and forced to fly. Doctor Featly was sequestred and plundered, and died a Prisoner. Doctor Fuller was sequestred and plundered, and withall imprisoned at Ely House. Mr. Udal was not onely sequestred himself, but his bed-rid wife was also cast out of doors, and inhumanely left in the open streets. Doctor Heywood was sequestred, and toss'd from prison to prison, put in the Counter, Ely House, and the Ships, his Wife and Children turn'd out of doors. Could the Ejection of a few scandalous, unlearned men (supposing them really such, and regularly ejected) have made amends for such Riots, as were committed upon men of so exceeding great worth? Go from the City into the Countrey, and you will find the case the very same: Such venerable persons as Doctor Gillingham, Doctor Hintchman, Doctor Mason, and Doctor Rauleigh, Mr. Sudberie, Mr. Threscross, Mr. Simmons, and Mr. Farrington, and a very great multitude of the like, (whom nothing but want of Time and love of Brevity doth make me forbear to reckon further) were used like Dunces and Drunkards (by your Reformers) though powerful Preachers, and pious Men; men so eminent for learning, and so exemplary for life, that 'tis scandalous to be safe, when su h men suffer as Malefactors. To let you see briefly what it was, by which they were qualified for Ruine, I will tell you a story of Mr. Simmons, the most exemplary Pastor of Rayn in Essex, who being sent for up to the House of Commons by a Pursevant, was told, That being an honest man, he did more prejudice to the good cause in hand then a hundred Knaves, and therefore would suffer accordingly. So he did in great plenty his whole life after. And who should be sent into his place but a scandalous Weaver, who cannot seemingly be nam'd? Do but read that sober and useful Book, entitled Angliae Ruina, and then you will be likely to change your stile. If none had been thrown out of Oxford, but Doctor Sheldon, Doctor Mansell, Doctor Sanderson, Doctor Hammond; or none out of Cambridge, but Doctor Lany, Doctor Brownrigg, Doctor Cosins, and Doctor Collins, Mr. Thorndike, Mr. Gunning, Mr. Oley, and Mr. Barrow, no excuse could have been made for so great a Dishonour to Religion. See Angliae Ruina, r Mercurius Rustic. But above all, let me commend a famous passage to your remembrance. Doctor Stern, Doctor Martin, Doctor Beale, men of eminent Integrity, exemplary Lives; and exceeding great Learning, and Heads of several Colledges in the University of Cambridge, were carried away Captives from thence to London, there thrust up into the Tower, thence removed to another prison; They often petitioned to be heard, and br •• ght to Iudgement, but could not obtain either Liberty, or Triall. After almost a years imprisonment, they were by order from the Houses put all on ship-board; (it was upon Friday Aug. 11.1643.) No sooner came they to the ship call'd The prosperous Sayler, but straight they were put under Hatches, where the Decks were so low, as that they could not stand upright, and yet were denied stools to sit on, yea and a burden of straw whereon to lie. There were crowded up in that little Vessel no less then 80 Prisoners of Quality. Where that they might stifle one another, the very Augur-holes and Inlets of any fresh Air were very carefully stopp'd up. And what became of them after I have not heard. But let these things serve to make up my first consideration.

Secondly, Because you would make the world believe, that you have not onely made a change, but a Reformation, (worth more, A signal Confession That what is called a Reformati •• was but a ch nge unto the worse. you may be sure, then all the Blood of the Christians which hath been poured upon the earth, or then all the money which hath been spent, or then the Widowes and Orphans which have been made, or then the Consciences and Souls which have been ship-wrackt) I shall convince you of the contrary by the publick Confession of your own party, and by your own confession in particular. First the most eminent of your Brethren have unanimously confess'd to all the world. See the Testimony to the Truth of J.C. subscribed by the Ministers within the Province of Lond. That in stead of true Piety and Power of godliness, they had opened the very floodgates to all Impiety & Profaneness; & that after they had removed the Prelatical yoke from their shoulders by their covenanted endeavours, there was a rueful, p. 30. deplorable & deformed face of the affairs of Religion —swarming with noysom Errors, P. 29. Heresies & Blasphemies in stead of Faith and Truth;P. 30. torn in pieces with destructive Schisms, P. 26. Separations, Divisions & Subdivisions, in stead of Unity and Uniformity. P. 31. That in stead of a Reformation, they might say with sighs, what their Enemies said in scorn, they had a Deformation in Religion; and in stead of extirpation of☜ Heresie, Schism, Profaneness, &c. they had an impudent & general inundation of all those Evils.] Can you possibly have more (Sir) against the change in the Church, then here is publickly attested by them that made it? There were no such things in the Bishops times; nay none such could be. Gods Inclosure was then so mounded wi h a Hedge of Discipline and Order; and even the Hedge was so fenced with a double Wall of Law and Canon, that either no uncleane Beasts could enter in, or if they did, they were soon cast out and impounded.. Our Saviour noted him for a Fool, who should begin to build what he could not finish. What then is He, who pulls down what is built, that he may build it up in a better Frame, when he is not assured he shall be able to begin, much less to finish his new Design? You now profess D sp. of Ch. Gov. and Worship. p. 275. &c. you are all for Bishops, but when you had them, you would have none. How very little of your Presbytery had you erected, when (blessed be God) you were restrained by better men then your selves? And yet your Brethren have confessed a good Confession, (they say they do it with Sighs, I would it were with Sincerity) that in stead of Reformation, (which was fairly promised unto the people) a Deformation in Religion is most conspicuous. Agreeable to this, See your Pl. Scr. Pr. of Inf. Ch. Memb. & Bapt. Edit. 1. p. 174. I find you saying to Mr. Tombs [That Satan in these times hath transformed himself into an Angel of Light (Is the Devil himself turn'd Puritane?) And his servants into Ministers of light, and hath deceived men so far, that there is scarce an Error so vile, but is pretended to proceed from Glorious light. I see also that this Cancer is a fretting and growing evil.Note that this you speak of these men whom you call Mr. Tombs his Brethren, who were at first against nothing but Inf. Bapt. Some are zealously preaching against the Godhe d of Christ; and some of them are grown so far, that the Parlament is fain to make an Act lately against them that call themselves God, and that say, Whoredom, Murder, &c. are no sins, but he is likest God that committeth them, &c.—I hope their zeal will at last be raised a little, (you speak this of your own Parlament) to befriend Christ the Mediator, as well as God the Creator; And to put in one Clause against them that shall deny Christ to be come in the Flesh, or deny his Godhead, or that make a scorn of him openly, or that prefer Mahomet before him, or that call the Scripture a bundle of Lies, &c. I hope at last they will not only honour the Father, but kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and they perish in the way.]

Now Sir, Presbyterian Confessions to the advantage of the Prelatists consider what you have said, (and printed in the year 1651.) in recounting these Fruits of your Reformation. Consider what you say of your very Parlament. You hope their zeal will at last be raised, (as is till then it had not been,) and at last be raised a little, (as if till then it were none at all) and to befriend Christ the Mediator, (as if they wanted even a zeal for Christianity it self.) And you hope at last they will honour the Son too, (as if till then they had honoured the Father onely.) Now this being compared with your other Confessions, Ibid p. 120. That many things in the Common Prayer, and Rubrick, and Cano s of the Church, were Excellent and Necessary, and therefore unjustly laid down;P. 123. That plain Duties were wiped out, and the Directory more defective then the Common Prayer;☜ That those [excellent] things were taken from us which we were in actual possession of, P. 123. for that the substance of these was in the Common Pr. That you have cause to repent of your Nationall Covenant, as conteining in it things Politicall and Controversiall; (for this you know is the summe of what you say in those pages, wherein a man would have thought you somewhat Prelatically affected;) Methinks you should easily be perswaded to lay aside your Vatinian hatred of the Episcopal Divines, and allow them to be constant unwavering men. If there were nothing else with me to make me love mine own P inciples, The Notable Mixtures in your Books would force me to it.

Thirdly, The National Cov. confessed faulty. Consider what you have said, as touching Episcopacy in the Nationall Covenant, that it is one of the smaller and controvertible points;Ibid. p. 121. And that you would not have such a Coven rashly imposed upon the Churches. Yet you know very well, both by whom it was taken, and by whom it was imposed, and what they suffered who did refuse it. 'Twas not for swearing, (as you pretended) that men were cast out of their Livings, but chiefly because they would not swear. And now your self have well absolv'd them, when it was said by Cov. with Narrative. p. 12 Mr. Nye, (whom I need but name, Caetera Fama dabit,) That the National Covenant was such an Oath, as for Matter, Persons, and other Circumstances, the like hath not been in any Age or Oath we read of in sacred or humane Stories: his meaning certainly should have been, That it is absolutely the worst that ever was. For if he meant it was the best (even the best we read of in sacred stories) the man was blasphemous beyond Example. And however I do not doubt, but that some Prelatists in judgement were Anti-prelatists in practise, by either quarrelling, or cursing, like any Puritanes; and that some Drunkards might be Episcopal, as well a others Presbyterian; yet I conceive you must yield, that to impose such a Covenant is a greater Sin then to be drunk. And let this suffice to have been spoken to your indefinite Accusations.

A strange way of arguing in the behalf of Cruelty. Sect. 10. To the rest of your Section (as being but a Tautology) I shall return in fewer words. [You think it a charity to Souls, and honour to Christ, and the Church, and Gospel, to cast out these men till they be reformed. And your reason is, Because you are a Christian, and believe there is a God. Sect. 26.] A very fine Argument. Because Mr. Baxter is a Christian, he must be a Ruler and a Iudge, and cast out men (who are his Equals at least) from their undoubted possessions, as well as his Bishops and Superiours, whom God hath set over him. And who was ever sequestred from his Parsonage, or Prebendary, or Fellowship, or the like, untill the time of his Reformation? There was an eminent person cast out of his place for once not taking the Engagement, when yet the taking of it Twice was not sufficient to cast him in. Reform, or not Reform, a man is sequestred durante vit â. And so you speak of Sequestrations; not as they are, but as they should be, in your Opinion.

s consequence subversive to all humane Society. Your reason why others more fit must be put in their Places and have the maintenance, is, because the maintenance is for the Ministry, &c. Sect. 26.] But how comes the fifth part to be allotted for the Owner who is ejected? If he was an usurper, why is he gratified so far? if no usurper, it is his Right. And how doth such a man, by his supposed viciousness lose his Right to the maintenance which once he had? Does any Landlord, by being a Swearer or a Drunkard, eo ipso cease to have a right unto his Manor, or his Rents? Consider well to what this tends. Let a man live never so warily, yet if he is rich he shall be guilty; though if he is poor enough to be safe, he may pass for an innocent, or godly man. I am so weary of this stuff, that I will hasten to a Conclusion. For untill you can take away a right, all you say is worth nothing. Your saying that a mans viciousnesse doth make him cease to have a Right, is very equivocal; and being taken in the most obvious sense, implies an Errour extremely dangerous. For it tends to the subversion of all Humane Society. Every man being so vicious, as to lose his right to an estate, in the judgement of such Neighbours as are willing and able to take it from him. And since you frequently desire to be better informed (implying you want information,Aliud est de possession is justitiâ agere, aliud de personae.— Est hoc inter ea, quae in Wicl fo damnata sunt; & recte sane. Nam si electi ad eas res, quas homines rejecti possident, jus nunc habent, sequitur, ut ea res vindicare possint. Grot. Discuss. p. 93. in as much as you desire it) you must be taught to distinguish between the justice of a Person, and the justice of a Possession. He is no just person who doth not truly serve God; yet a just Possessor of those Things, which he holds by a Title the Laws approve of. The confounding of which things, Grotius tells you, was rightly condemned in Wickliff. For if the Vessels of Election have a right to those things which the Reprobates have in their possession, it followes that the Elect may challenge all as their portion. But then the strongest Arm, and the longest Sword will be sure to judge, and to state the Difference. The weakest, and the most plunderable, will ever pass for the vicious, and so for the reprobated party, who cease from having right to the Creature-comforts, if yet they may be said to have ever had it. For towards the close of your Paragraph

Sect. 11. You profess to think (a strange thing) That so long as the fore-described men did keep their Church-maintenance, Concerning Usurpers and Restitution. they were usurpers before God; and therefore that they are bound, if possible, to make restitution of all the Ti hes or other maintenance that ever they received (while they were such) as truly as if they had broke mens houses for it, or robbed them by the high way. Sec. 26.] This doth prompt me to a Dilemma concerning your own Predecessor, whose sequestred Freehold you have possessed for some years. He was one of your fore-described men, or he was not. If he was, it must be proved, before he can lawfully be condemned: If he was not, with what Conscience can you approve by your practise, what in divers pages you have detested with your Pen? After the utmost enquiry I have been able to make, I hear a much better Character of your ejected Predecessor then of your self. But now supposing him to be one of your foredescribed men, I am to ask you this question. To whom must he make that Restitution of which you speak, for all the years during which he enjoyed his Benefice? You, who lay the Obligation as far as it is possible, (and so by consequence as far as his present fifth part at least will go) ought to have shew'd him the very place in which the payment is to be made; whether in any Neighbour's House, or rather in the Church-porch. You should have nam'd the person also, who is to receive the Restitution; whether your self, who have the profits arising out of his Sequestration, or the several Church-wardens in former years, or the respective Parishoners who pay'd his Tithes, all the while that he did them more hurt then good. (For so you suppose him to have done, whilest you compare him to the Physitian that takes money for killing men by ignorant applications, poysons, or neglect.) Again you should have shew'd, what kind of death such Ministers are bound to die. For if they are bound to restitution, as truly, as if they had broken me s houses, or robbed by the high way, (which is your peremptory assertion,) what can free them from other punishments which bear proportion to their offences? Nay do you not charge your own Committees with great injustice, for allowing such hainous Malefactors a fifth part of that Revenue, even after the time of their Sequestration, of which you pronounce them to have been Usurpers, even before they were sequestred? I perceive you think it not enough, that your Predecessor hath lost what you have gotten into possession, unless you may be freed from paying back the fifth part. Nor can that content you neither, unless he will antedate his Sequestration, and restore all the Tithes that ever he had received, be it twenty or thirty years before the least Accusation was fram'd against him. Nor can you deny what I say, but by denying your willingness that men should repent and do their Duties. For you say they were Usurpers, and are bound to make Restitution. By which it appears what you would have, had you the power of the Sword; and how ill you were qualified to say of Grotius, that his design had a tendency to engage the Princes of Christendom in a persecution of their Subjects, p. 17. I might here examine (had I but leisure) what restitution is to be made by such as have usurped their Neighbours Livings, if you require it so strictly from such as were scandalous in their own. And how you can pay a fifth part to so intolerable a person, as your Book hath concluded your Predecessor. And what Restitution you will allow to the most eminently learned and godly men in the Ministery, who have been cast out of their Houses, and for ever deprived of their Revenues, for nothing else but their care to keep God and a good Conscience. And why you approve of those men who placed your self where you are, whilest you professedly detest so great a part of their Proceedings. And whether the Drunkards (as you call them) might not be some of your Look back on ch. 3. sect. 1, 2, &c. godly men (though none of ours) to whom you have indulged so great a priviledge, as to be worse then Drunkards, yet godly still. Compare your Description of sequestred Ministers with the Characters you have given of godly people, and at least you will wish for a better memory, if you doe not make use of a slower pen.

Sect. 12. To your conclusion I answer, What Sequestrations are disliked, and what not. that I would not have any Minister either ignorant, scandalous, or insufficient, to enjoy the least Benefice within the Church. But 1. I would have them exactly tried before they are censured and condemned, lest the most able and pious men be taken away by a pretence. 2. I would have them severely, but justly dealt with, and precisely according to Law establisht. 3. I would not have the Gen. 18.23.25. righteous destroyed with the wicked; much less that twelve such as Peter, and Iames, and Iohn, (with an humble distance in the comparison) should be cast as dung out of the Church, for one or two such as Iudas, cast as dung out of the same. 4. I would not have even the scandalous or insufficient so ejected, as that others more scandalous, & less sufficient should be obtruded in their Rooms. 5. Much less would I have notorious Drunkards, or Dunces, usurp the Rights of the most pious and learned men. 6. I would have the word scandalous to be duly applied and understood, knowing that many are no Drunkards, who yet are more scandalous then if they were. The Devil himself is no Drunkard; but he is proud, and envious, and hypocriticall, rebellious, sacril gious, and many other wayes worse then a common Drunkard. His frequenting the Church, and transforming himself into an Angel of Light, appearing like a Saint, and putting on Godlinesse for a Disguise, doth make him much more scandalous then he could possibly be, if he could be drunk. Remember what I told you concerning scandall, both the word and the thing. Which compare with Matth. 24.5.24. 2 Cor. 11.13, 14, 15. Lastly, although a Drunkard is so detestable a thing, as not to deserve a toleration in the meanest of the people, much less impunity or connivence in any Priest, yet I would not have him punisht more for his judgement, then his life, (as I can prove many have been) because a Drunkard may be Orthodox, and a dry man may be an Heretick. A Drunkard may be loyall to Gods Anoynted, whilest one who never was drunk may be a Rebell. Nor can I think it praise-worthy, Ad Rempublicam perdendam (aut Ecclesiam) sobrium accedere. And when a Drunkard is sequestred, not at all for being a drunkard, but either for refusing to swear a new Oath (such as was your solemn Covenant) or for somewhat else which is the best thing in him, and for which the holiest men have been sequestred as well as he, I know not how you can excuse it. If the Papists shall condemn a drunken Protestant to the Fire, for meerly refusing to renounce being a Protestant, you will (I doubt not) allow him the Reputation of a Martyr. I pray consider the particulars of this last Paragra h. And when by accident, o choice, you speak confusedly of any subject, doe not take it in ill part, in case I help you to a Distinction.

Sect. 13. Your 27. Sect. which next ensues, O growing lusty on S questrations. hath so little of what is pertinent or materiall in it, and so indecently much of what is personal, that a very short Answer will serve its turn. 1. If you had cited the very page, or at l ast the Chapter, where I spake of some persons who were known to grow Lusty on Sequestrations, you should have had such an accompt, as you had rather have been without. 2. Your Paralipsis was a mark of your greatest policy; because if I h d grown lusty, it had been onely u on mine own. And so for your want of a Retortion I th nk your weakness, but not your will; for even by saying what you will not say, you shew your woulding concerning me, as before you had done concerning Grotius. 3. That you are below some of your brethren, it is enough that you have told me without my asking; I am not concern'd to contradict you. Yet some may say you contradict your own self, because you adde you would presently quit the Place that you are in, if a probable evidence could be given you of a Better supply. Every Usurper may say as much, if he is but well qualified with a haughty opinion of Himself. 4. You tell me what you would do, if you know what is in your heart. But having confessed to Mr. Tombes, that your Heart is desperately wicked, and having confessed to Dr. Owen, that Hypocrisy and Selfishness and Pride are in it, I am not the wiser for what you tell me, unless you can give me some kind of Evidence that you know your own heart. 5. The more you have Declared your being Selfish, the less I can believe of your Self-denialls. How men do value their Sequestrations, 'Tis best to judge by their Actions, and not their Words. If the Flock were in their Eye, and not the Fl eces, less Revenues would content them, then what they are known to have seiz'd upon. Hath not the Richness of the Living been in lieu of Malignancy to the best Divines of our Church, whil'st the Poverty of others hath afforded Pro ection to their Incumbents? 6. Let every man Injoy his own, untill he be legally dispossess'd, and then I doubt not but your Abilities will quickly commend you to a Living, as good as that which you possesse. But how full or how void of Self-deniall your brethren are, I cannot judge by your Example. Nor will I judge of your own, but by your Practice. Men may talk what they please, because their Toungs are their own: But when God hath said plain'y, Thou shalt not covet thy Neighbours House, It cannot enter into my Thoughts, how a man can invade it without Coveting, or how he can covet with Self-deniall, whilst he so far covet's, as to invade it.

CHAP. VII.

A confessed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sect. 1. HAving done with Sequestrations, you interpose in a Controversy, in which (you make your confession, that) you find no Call to interpose. Sect. 28.] But still it seems you have a courage to engage your Pen in those Quarrels, for which you have not a Call, or a Qualification. Had you not caught a kind of Itch at your Fingers Ends, you would not probably have imployd them in such a wilful 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For you having not a Call, I take your word; and you may pleafe to take mine, for your not having a Qualification. How much, or how little you understand of the Synod at Dort, and the several Parties of the Calvinists, who do resolve either to follow, or not at least to contradict it, I should have taken upon me to make you see, if you had not made That the peculiar Province of Tilenus; whose Publication of your Failings coming yesterday to my hands, makes me willing to ridd them of this Employment.

The Synodists unexcusable by standing out after yielding. Sect. 2. If it is true, what you say, That the Calvinists do extend the mercy of God, and the merits, sufferings, and Grace of Christ, as much to All, as I do, (Sect. 28.) And confess that God hath from eternity decreed, that Faith and repentance shall be the Conditions of Life, and that none but the persevering shall be saved, (Sect. 29.) That the sinns of all the whole world were l id on Christ, who procured a grant and offer of pardon and life to all, on condition of Faith and repentance, (Sect. 30.) That all men (who hear the Gospel at least) have so much grace bestow'd from Christ, as that the matter is brought to the choice of their own wills, whether they will have Christ, or not, (Sect. 31.) And lastly that God giveth all men to persevere if they will, (Sect. 32.) Then what excuse can the Synodists and other Calvinists make, for writing so much in contradiction to what they acknowledge to be true? Why do they plead with so much fierceness, that the Decree of Reprobation was irrespective, which they evince to have been otherwise, by their confession that Christ hath purchased a Salvability for all men? Why do they persecute their Brethren under the Notion of Arminians? Why do they Couple them with the Iesuites, by way of contumely and reproach, whilst they acknowledge so neer a parallel betwixt the Iesuites and themselves? How come you and your own Brethren to pursue each other with so much virulence, if you do all agree so fully with the Synod at Dort? Or what meant the Synod in falling so foule on the Remonstrants, for meerly holding such Tenets as were but the sequels of their own, if their own were such as you here describe? If they were not, you must eat your own words, which you will find (in the Digestion) exceeding windy. If they were, I am glad that all our Dissentions are at an end, and admire the Evidence of the Truth which extorts a submission from her Opposers.

Sect. 3. I shall not quarrel with their opinion, who say that God, in giving Grace, gives more to some than sufficient, provided that That which he gives to all be very really sufficient; and that the overplus be not such, as for the want of which no man is able to come in and receive his Saviour: for if it is, it will follow, that none is really and truly sufficient Grace, but what is sufficient and somewhat more. Instead of inlarging u on This, I do solemnly recommend it to your most serious consideration. For here lies the point, at which we are parted from one another. When some men have acknowledged sufficient Grace unto All, (driven to it by the bsurdities which they find would fall on their Denial) They are so terrified with the Thought of going over to their Antagonists, (whom they have customarily b anded wi h the Title of Arminians,) that they interpret the word sufficient into the importance of unsufficient: for they declare it to be im ossible, that sufficient Grace should be available to the receiving and retaining of Jesus Christ, without the addition of somewhat else, which you call the will and perseverance it self, (Sect. 23.) which however it im lies a contradiction in Adjecto, (as that the Grace which is sufficient is not sufficient) yet they resolutely swallow so huge a Camel, because they strain at the Gnat of seeming to be the Converts of their Opponents. They will not be thought to be convinced by Them they Hate.

Again, let it be granted, that whilst all have sufficient, some f w have more; upon condition it be proved from God's own word, that to all his Elect he give's this more; or at least that it be granted, (in default of such Proof) That a man may be saved by Grace sufficient. Let Salvability for all (which you frequently acknowledge) be allow'd to signifie what it does, to wit a possibility that all may be saved. And then let nothing be subjoyned for the placing of any under an impossible, for fear of implying a Contradiction.

Austin confe sedly against the Synod of Dort. Sect. 4. Whereas you grant it to be true, That Augustine thought The Elect onely do eventually persevere, and some who are Sanctified, but not Elect, do fall away, to which you adde, that the Synod do judge otherwise, (Sect. 33.) First I obse ve a good confession, that St. Austin was for that, which you call Arminian, against your Dear self, and the Synod of Dort. Which makes me wish that all Calvinists would either accept of St. Austin, when we urge him s eaking against Themselves; or at least not urge him, when they imagin him speaking to their advantage. Secondly. If the Synod does judge otherwise, as to the former part of St. Austin, they judge that men may be saved who were ne er Elected unto life, or else that men may persevere, and yet not be saved. But if the Synod does judge otherwise, as to the later part of St. Austin; They judge that all who are sanctified are als absolutly elected, from whence they incur this great Absurdity, (in case St. Austin be in the Right) That men may be absolutely Elected, and yet eventually condemn'd. Which also implye's this other Absurdity, That God's Decree can be absolute, yet not immutable. Which again imply's a Contradiction.

Sect. 5. They do not truly extend Grace further, The Extent of Grace. who extend it to fewer then others do. And you know that Grace which here you speak of is onely extended by the Synodists to the smallest part of mankind, which prove's your expression not rightly chosen. (Sect. 33.) I will thank the Synodists, as for a Favour, if they abstein from doing wrong to any. But yet I will aske, by what Toxt they are so liberall to a few. Your two propositions are impertinent to that very end for which you use them. For the Grace of God and his goodness is advanced especially in this, That he is wanting to none, who are not first provokers of him by being wanting unto themselves, and that he give's sufficient Grace to persevere, even to them who are not found to reduce their Ability into Act.

Sect. 6. Whilst you think you may conclude, The Synod of Dort parallel'd with the Iesuites even by them that plead for them. that the Synod give's as much as the Arminians or Iesuites to universall Grace, both in D cree, Redemption, and execution by collation of Grace. (Sect. 34.) Implying how very reconcileable the Iesuites are with either sort of Presbyterians, the followers of Arminius, and Calvin too; I wonder why you beseech me to judge impartially, whether it be Christian dealing to give out, that t ey do by the restraint of Grace, make God a Tyrant, a Dissembler, with abundance of the like, (Sect. 35.) For I call your own Conscience and Eyes to witness, (your Eyes, in case you have read my writings, and your Conscience, if you have not, as well as if you have,) That I never laid any such charge upon those that gran sufficient Grace unto All. For then I should have laid it upon my self. But if they who grant it in one place, do also deny it in an ano her, (as the Gnosticks by turnes did both own, and disown our blessed Saviour as they found it most for their present purpose,) their self-Contradictions must not excuse them. The Absurdities which I charge, I charge on them who deny sufficient Grace unto all, and when I catch them in the Act of their bold Deniall, I cite their words and their pages, and condemn them out of their own Mouthes. Which honest course would you have taken, you could not have publish't so many Books. Every five or six daies may well produce a New volume, from any man of any Trade who dare's to write out of his Fancy. I pray Sir consider the wrong you do me, and how your Readers may be mistaken, concerning me, by your Means. Although I heartily forgive you, yet I beseech you do so no more. But either resolve not to meddle with what I have sent into the light, or at least produce my words and pages.

The Denial of original pravity falsely charged on the Remonstrants. Sect. 7. As to your 36. Section, I perceive you are faln under the Hand of Tilenus, And so I will not oppress you whilst you are sincking. Yet because you call him my Tilenus, (which I take for an honour, h wever you cannot so intend it,) I shall observe a few things which I find he passed by, as not sufficiently deserving his Time and Paper. VVhy do you charge the Remonstrants, or Presbyterian Followers of Arminius, (for they, you know, were the great Adversaries of the Synod at Dort, with the Error of denying Original Pravity? Consult their writings, and then repent of this Rashness. If I am able to sound you, I discover the bottom of your Contrivance. The sufficient Grace that is given, you allow to Adam to have been really sufficient, or to those that are exempted from a state of Depravation. But this is onely a Trick, whereby to reteine the word sufficient, whilst you let go your hold of its signification, which make's you fit to be interrogated afresh. VVhen you say that God hath given sufficient Grace unto All, do you mean it is sufficient to depraved Nature? sufficient for the bringing of every Son of l psed Adam (who shall not be wanting unto himself) into a state of salvation? Else, what did your former Concessions mean? Did Christ dye for Adam whilst yet unfallen, whereby to procure his salvability? Or did he not rather dye for those who were dead in Adam, whereby to restore them to life and safety? If he did it not sufficiently for all mankind, what did he for them? But if he did this sufficiently, your Synodists Opponents desire no more.

Sect. 8. To your Remarkable Question on which you lay a great stress, How much there is in the Will of man. [Is there any thing in the will besides a naturall Power or Faculty, and an Habit, Disposition or Inclination to Act, and the Act it selfe? Sect. 36.] I answer, yes. There is somewhat else besides those three, to wit sufficient strength, or grace given, or at least on God's part ready to be given [non ponentibus obicem] to all that stand not in their own light. But this is neither a natural Power, (for tis a spirituall) nor an Habit of Grace, (for before it can be such, it must be received and rooted too,) Nor yet a bare disposition or Inclination to act, (for that may be without strength to go thorow) nor the Act it self, (For we know it is clearly praecedent to it.) You did therefore say well, that you knew no more. For things may very well be, and yet be seated beyond your Knowledg.

Cannot, and will not, are not one and the same thing, as you affirme (Sect. 36.) For what a man will not is co sistent with what he Can, and thence it is, that wilfull Sins are the greatest. But to say, he cannot do what he can, is to imply a Contradiction.

Sect. 9. How uncharitably soever it pleased your passion to suggest, To convert a sinner no breac of charity. (Sect. 37.) I shut out None from my Peace and Charity, though you and others would shut me out from the Peace and Charity of the world. To endeavour their Conversion, who affirm that God hath a chief hand in sin, And that sin it self (if a positive Entity) must either be God, or God's Creature, will be esteemed by the judicious as the strongest Argument of my Love.

Can you believe it a want of Love, that so unpassionate a writer as I shall be glad to know the Reason, by which you were moved to call him Mine. my Tilenus thought fit to Antidote the Readers of Mr. Bagshaw's two Sermons, supposing the Dedicatory Epistle might hardly be An idote enough? Or was it (think you) his want of Charity either to you, or Mr. Hickman, which made him publish the Impiety of both your Doctrins? I am as confident as of any thing, of which I have not a perfect knowledg, that he had nothing in his Eye but the Publick Good. Yet what you now say of me, you will be as likely to ay of him, and so of our Excellent Dr. Gauden, or indeed of any man else, who either confuteth what you are for, or defendeth what you are against, unless my seasonable Caveat shall work your Cure. Consider how many of your own Brotherhood you have endeavour'd to ex ose to shame and laughter, before you censure those men who give you Examples of Moderation.

Who it is that abuseth the choicest of G d's Servants. Sect. 10. I know not well what you mean by the choicest of God servants; it being become in these Times a most equivocal Expression. If you mean King Iames his Puritans, I have spent a whole Chapter for the Rectification of your mistake. If such as truly serve God, who have also writen against Puritanes, whereof I have given you a speoimen in Bishop Andrews, Doctor Sanderson, and other Episcopal Divines, you know that Those are the men whom I am constantly defending. If God hath any choice servants in any sense, you are certainly the man who have writ against them: for you have writt n even with bitterness against your own Saints, as in your calmer moods you sometimes call them. But your Bitterness to the Bishops, and to the Regular Sons of the Church of England, and to all persons of honour in any part of the Land, who either partake of the Common Prayer, or attend to the preaching of the E isco al Clergy, (I say) your Bitterness o These is so ineffably great, that mo tal man cannot express it, but by re eating your own Termes. I should proceed to shew you your frightful self, from the Ten last pages of your Grotian Rel gion, but that I see you have reprinted the substance of th m, in your Enormous Preface to your New Book of Church G vernment and Worship, which I intend to consisider towards the end of my Appendix.

Sect. 11. It shall suffice in this place to put you in mind of your Malignity to a profound and pious Episcopal Divine, Made appear by an Example: whose Certificate touching the Primate I was constrain'd to make publick. You call him a man of the New Way, (a Grotian-papist 'tis thought you mean.) You say he blasted a good business by an unpeaceable writing, and did not onely foment a Schism, but fomented it by poor Insufficient Reasonings, (p. 118.) Pretty words for a conclusion to your Grotian Religion. But such as will sufficiently put their speaker to Rebuke, as soon as your Readers shall be inform'd that your Bolt was shot at Mr. Gunning. For how can you hope to be believ'd when you shall let flie your Censures of other men, after the liberty you have taken to write so grosly of Mr. Gunning? The world will conclude you extremely incontinent of your Passion, when they shall find you throwing it out in three such palpable Contradictions, as that Mr. Gunning was the Author of an unpeaceable writing, that Mr. Gunning was guilty of Fomenting a Schism, and that any thing poor or insufficient fell from Mr. Gunning. Had you been honour'd with the Advantage of having sate for some years at his learned Feet, you had certainly attain'd a greater measure of Understanding, than to have mention'd his Writing with such irreverence.

AN APPENDIX. Conteining a Rejoynder to Diverse Things, both in The Key for Catholicks, and in The Book of Disputations of Church-Government and worship, &c.

WHilst I was drawing towards an End of what I thought fit to advertise you, The chief Occasion of this Appendix. concerning the principall Misadventures of your Grotian Religion, my Stationer sent me two bookes, at least as bitter, and as irrational, as the worst of that stuff which was laid before me. It seemes my silence was hurtfull to you; And what I intended in my Advertisment (behind my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) for nothing more than a promise that I would Answer you at leisure, with an addition of Reasons for my Delay, you fall upon with as much confidence, (and that in two Bookes at once,) as if you had hope'd that That Promise had been the onely Performance that I had meant you. So very little is my Concernment in what you Intitle a Reply, (wherein you add little or nothing to your Grotian Religion, how much soever you borrow from it,) That I might wel have abstained from giving you the Trouble of this Appendix, by referring you to my Answer, as a sufficient Rejoynder to your Reply, but that I heare you are a scorner, and so unhappily inclinable to flatter your self with your misfortunes, as to think you are fear'd, when you are but pityed, and passed by. Some men must be dealt with, if not for other mens sakes, yet for their owne; if not because they deserve Resistance, yet because they may want it to check their Pride. It being pity (in my opinion) so to despise any mans weaknesse. as to make him dream he is irresistible.

The Patient's acknowledgment of his Disease. Sect. 2. This is the chief consideration, by which I am moved to this Appendix; there being nothing more visible in your two last Bookes, than that you are sick of a shrewd Disease, which having swell'd up to your Throat, and broken out at your mouth, doth serve to justify the charge which was fram'd against you by Dr. Owen, without the Help of your own See your Disp. of right to Sacram. 5. p. 486. Where you also confess you are Hypocriticall. Making bolder with your self, than I should ever have allow'd you by my consent. Acknowledgment, that you are proud and selfish. Very faine would I follow my Inclinations, to treat you as gently in the Conclusion, as in the Beginning of my Book. And what incredible pleasure should I have taken in the present Discussion of Diverse Truths, had you but left me the possibility to be as respectfull towards your self, as you must acknowledg me to have been towards a Couple of your Superiours, (by name) D. Reynolds, and Dr Bernard? But so throughly have you convinc't me, (by your Key for Catholicks from p. 381: to p. 194. Five Disp. of Church Gov. and Worship. Preface. from p. 16. to p. 38. two late Volumes) of the irrefragable Orthodoxie and Truth of what you have put upon Record in another Place (to wit) Disp. 5. of Sacram. p. 486. That your Pride neede's sharper Reprehensions then your friends have ever us'd about you, (I do but Echo your own words,) that I must Cross my Inclinations, and change my stile for no other end, then to serve your Needes. For you give it me under your hand, both that your Malady is dangerous, and that it needs a rough Cure. You are not like Alexander's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Diod. Sic. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . B cephalus, to be subdued with soft usage. My Brotherly Gentleness (you Grot. Rel. Praef. Sect. 4. spake of) hath but inrag'd you; my Moderation (which you Ibid. acknowledged) hath made you Fierce; my Charity towards you (which you Ibid. applauded) hath accidentally Occasion'd your greatest Hatred. For (not to speak yet of your innocent Railing, which I may therefore call Innocent, because it is too gross to hurt me,) mark how desperately you strike both at my Lively-hood and my Life. And that with often-repeated Blowes, even in Book upon Book.

Sect. 3. You do not onely say, An Instance of its malignity in indefinite Termes, [ Praef. to disp. of Ch. Gov. and Wor. p. 6.7.8.32.33. That some of the New Party of Episcopall Divines are of Grotius his Religion, that is, Papists,] Implying me to be one of Them in all that follow's; Nor do you content your self with saying, that we are Papists, or Grotians, (p. 7.) That we teach the Church of Rome to be the Mistress of other Churches, (p. 8.) That we own Grotius his Popery (p. 32.) That we must take heed how we continue Papists, (p. 33.) But Naming me, and me onely, (p. 35.) you proceed to tell us, without Complement, That we have gone far beyond such moderate Papists as Cassander, Hospitalius, Bodin, Thuanus, &c. p. 36. Nay speaking of Grotius his Poperie, you boldly add (even against your clearest light of Knowledg, and against your loudest checks of Conscience, if it is not sear'd with an hot Iron,) Key for Cath. p. 386. That I have defended this Religion, and that you have Rectors in England of this Religion, and that those that call themselves Episcopall Divines, and seduce unstudied partial Gentlemen, are crept into this Garb, and in this do act their parts happily. Again you single me out by Name, and profess to Ibid. p. 391. see by many others, as well as by Mr. P. that the Design is still on foot: And that the Papists that are got so strong in England, under the mask of the Vani, the Seekers, the Infidels, the Quakers, the Behmenists, and many other Sects, have much addition to their strength by Grotians, that go under the mask of Episcopal Divines. Nor does your Fury stop here for, that your Readers may suppose me one of the worst sort of Papists, you say that Ibid. p. 390.391. Grotius, called by Mr. Pierce a Protestant, did far out-goe Them in Popery, whom the same man confesseth to have been Papists. He goe's much further then Cassander: much further then Thuanus, &c. Quite forgetting what you had said in another place, Grot. Religion p. 9. That though you Dissent much from Grotius his Pacification, yet are not your thoughts of Grotius, Cassander, Erasmus, Modrevius, Wicelius, or others of that strain, No Nor Thuanus, and many more moderate Papists, either bitter, Censorious, or uncharitable. There you rank Grotius with Cassander and Erasmus, and imply Thuanus the greater Papist. But now forsooth he out-went them all. So in a fit of humanity, you said that Christian Conc. p. 45. Grotius design'd to reconcile both Parties in a Cassandrian Popery. But now it grieve's you that Grotius should far out-go the Cassandrian Papists, the remembrance of whose Wisdome, Moderation and Charity, is very gratefull to your Thoughts. p. 390. I pray Sir, get you a better Memory, if you will not learn to speak Truth. But what is the Design, which you see, by me and others is still on foot, p. 391? Ibid. p. 46. Even a strong Design laid for the Introduction of Popery, and the five parts of the Plot have taken such effect, as gives it a strong probability of Prevailing, if God do not wonderfully blast it.

In four respects. Sect. 4. Thus you make me not onely a kind of Seminary Priest, but one who hath counterfeited the Protestant in such a Dangerous Degree, as to have gotten into a Rectory where I have daily opportunities to serve the Pope; and so by consequence being discover'd by the subtil Endeavours of Mr. Baxter, I am lyable to die a most shameful Death. An Imputation the more hainous in these following respects.

First, because you had a warning in my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not to Ps. 50.20. slander any man Living, much lesse a Man whom you must reckon to bePs. 50.20. your own Mothers son, if you pretend to be a son of the Church of Engl. much less with a plot to bring in Popery, rather than Iudaism, or Witchcraft, or whatever else is most absurd. For though I earnestly pray for the peace of Christendom, and think as well of the Papists, as an unpassionate Protestant may be allowed, yet do I abhor being a Papist, as much as being a Presbyterian; and will as soon be a Turk, as I will be either. Compare my praemonition before the book above-mention'd, with the beginning of the first Chapter, and with the middle of the third, that you may see the aggravations of your offence.

Next, because it is a groundless, and so by consequence a spiteful, inhuman charge. For where have I ever defended Popery? Or when did I write one word for Grotianism, as you expound it by pag. 381. Popery? Or where did I ever use the word? Name the booke, and the page, and the numerical lines which I have written, if I have written any such thing. Are you an Answerer of Books, whilst you forge, and falsifie, and declaim at random against your Dreams, to which you entitle your Brother's Name, without directing your Readers to any one page, or expression, whereby to give some colour to your Inventions? What unstudied Gentleman have I seduced? or where are the footsteps which I have troden, towards the management of a plot to bring in Popery? for shame do somwhat like a Man, (if not at all like a Christian) either to prove I am a Papist, or to make me at least some Reparations, in as publick a manner as you have wrong'd me.

Thirdly, because your Accusation could not but flie into your Face, and significantly call you a false-Accuser. For you know it never was my profession, that I was of Grotius his Religion, (let his Religion have been what it would) but rather that Grotius was of mine, by being a Protestant and a Peacemaker. If I was mistaken in my opinion, you should have gather'd from thence, that I am fallible; not at all, that I am a Papist; because a man may be a Protestant, and yet be mistaken in his opinion. You are a wilful Deviator from the Thing under Dispute, and shall be made to acknowledge that you are such. For it is not our Question, Whether Grotian Popery is Good; but, whether Grotius (good man) was indeed a Papist. Had I affirm'd the former, I might have been liable to your charge; but you know I onely denyed the latter; and cannot conceive any such thing as Grotian Popery, more then any such thing as Baxterian Paganism. For though you S ints Rest. Edit. 2. part 1. p. 155, 156. favour the Pagans, yet doth it not follow that you are one. Even L ther, and Zuinglius, and I think Paraeus, do hope for Salvation for diverse Pagans, although the two latter were Presbyterians. You are not so thick of understanding, as not to be able to distinguish between a matter of Fact, and a matter of Faith. From whence it follow's that you are wilful, and speak in despight to your understanding, when, the Question being put [whether Grotius de Facto turn'd Papist, or not] you tell the world I am a Papist because I think that he was none. There may be men of both parties of both opinions in point of Fact, whilst yet they retain their Parties too. Nay the Question may be put to a Mahumetan, or a Iew, who retaining their own Religions may judge impartially of a Christian, whether they think he either changed, or changed not his Religion, for that of the Iews, or the Mahumetans. It was lately a Question twixt Dr. Bernard and my self, whether the Primate of Armagh had chang'd his Judgment: wherein though He was of one mind, and I of another, yet I did not infer, that He was a Calvinist, nor He, that I was an Arminian. The Question being not put concerning what we approve, but concerning the Truth of the thing done. So in the Case of Grotius, it is not disputed by you, and me, whether Grotius did well in turning Papist, (for if he turn'd Papist, we both condemn him,) but whether he actually did, or did not turn Papist. And to say he did, when he did not, is not to oppose, but to make a Papist. He look back on ch. 1. p. 11. Arg. 1. affirm'd that he did not, and I believe his affirmation. But it is not Popery, to take a man upon his word; if it is, you are a Papist for the very same reason: for certainly there are Papists, whom you believe when they tell you that they are Papists. Behold the Case in another Colour. The Iansenians do profess to detest the severall propositions, which were condemned by Pope Innocent: but Consulatur Mysterium Iesuit. approving the Pope's Sentence, they deny the Fact, to wit that Iansenius affirm'd the Contrary: (where by the way let it be noted, that either Austin and Iansenius are of the Judgment that I am for, Or their greatest friends and Abettors are no less Oppugners of the Calvinists than the Molinists themselves;) will you say they love what they detest, because they deny that Iansenius said it? you will be hooted at, if you do, as a very strange Creature. And yet you have done as absur'd a thing. For I am a different from a Papist, as any Protestant can be of the Church of England. Yet because I deny that Grotius turn'd Papist, you make no scruple, to call me Papist for my reward. A Calumny favouring of as much weakness, as if St. Basil should have pronounced Athanasius himself to have turned Arian, for conceiving all to be Orthodox in Dionysius his Writings (of Alexandria,) in which, St. Basil was of opinion, that something of Arianism was couched.

Fourthly, your Accusation is the more hainous, because it reacheth to the D shonourning of the Ablest Protestants in the world, who deny that Grotius turn'd Papist, as well as I. In particular Doctor Hammond must needes be One of your Grotian Papists, for having vindicated Grotius from the charge of Popery, although he hath written against the Papists, (O how infinitely better than you have done! and) to much better purpose, than all the men of your way. Another of your Papists is Mr. Thorndike, whose Learned book against Popery and Puritanism together, I pray be sure to understand, before you Answer. Nay Arnoldus Poelenburg the Presbyterian (but one of the learnedst of that way, as being a Follower of Arminius, and not of Calvin,) must pass with you for a Papist, (as you with your fellow Note once for all, that call you Presbyterian, onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Presbyterians,) because he hath lately made it appeare, that Grotius dyed a true Protestant. I shall give you his words in their proper Place.

Sect. 5. Having discover'd to you the guilt, Mr. Grand n's Advantage. I now proceed to acquaint you with the unskilfullness of your Crime. Mr. Crandon you call a Iudicious Paedagogue, from whence I conclude, that he Teacheth School. He was one of those Brethren, who Disp. of Sacram. 5. p. 486. told the world you are a Papist and one of the worst sort of Papists, and what the (particular) Bookes were which had made you a Papist, and what Emissaries you have in all parts of the Land. Now observe the Rod which you have made; and the severall Twiggs of correction out of whic t is compos'd; and how you have put this Rod into the hands of Mr. Crandon; who being a Paedagogue, know's how to lay it o , especially when he finds you so bare and naked. Do no kick at the Expression. For you have told us your needes, and what it is that must do you good. Too much respect it seeme's destroys you. And though it is crosse to my Inclinations, yet I can put on Severity for an hower or two, when I think it may tend to so good a purpose, as to make you for ever cast off your Railing.

The Accuser of Protestants proved a Papist by 14. Arguments, according to his own logick. In the Person of Mr. Crandon, and by the force of your Logick against your self, It will be easie to prove you an arrant Papist in a Disguize. For 1. We have your Confession, that some of the Brotherhood it self have publickly laid it to your charge, who being judicious and godly men, would never have accus'd you of such a Crime, if they had dot had Grounds and Reasons for it. 2. You have not hetherto clear'd your self, as you would certainly have done, if you had been able. For though you have writ against the Papists a great deal more then enough, yet that is no more then a Blindation to escape the rigor of the Law. How could you hold a Sequestrasion, if you did not act the Presbyterian? Dr. Taylor writ against Papists, and yet you know what you have Disp. with Mr. Tombes p. 397 call'd him. Dr. Hammo d and Mr. Thorndike have writ against Papists, But you know what they are for defending Grotius. Archbishop Laud writ against them in an unanswerable manner, And yet you know how you have slurr'd him for having Praef. to Grot. Rel. Sect. 25. befriended the Grotian Plot. Nay 3. Your Bookes against Popery become an Argument to prove you its greatest Friend; Because they are Arm'd with so much weakness, as is a trecherous strength against the Protestant Cause. Some are hired to resist, that they may certainly be beaten, and led in Tri mph. We who know how Caligula did hire the Gaules, an guesse at the use of your Key for Catholicks. Had you intended them any Hurt, you would have left them to the rigor of Abler Pens. For you were told by Dr. Pr f. Sect. 17. Sanderson, That the sufficient Disputants with the Papists are the Episcopall Divines. 4. You have vilified the Protestants of every Sect and Division, and the best in the greatest measure. Neither Bolsec nor Fevardentius have gone beyond you. Look back on Ch. 1. Sect. 12. You have declared in point of Discipline, against the Episcopal, Presbyterian, Independent, and Erastian, as not the Scriptural way, nor the way of Christ. And if all Protestants are reducible to those 4. Heads, (as sure they are,) then 'tis clear that you write against all the Protestants, and make men run into Popery by way of Refuge. Or if you fright them also from thence, by your winding-sheet, or your Key, you leave them to be nothing but Iewes, and Heathens. And I would very fain know, what sort of Christians in all the world, you have not endeavour'd to Disgrace, at one time, or another, either in earnest, or in jest. I do seriously profess, I can think of none. 5. You do exceedingly commend the very same sort of Papists, and with the same kind of Praises which Grotius give's them. You say, Grot. Rel. p. 10. [when you read their publick writings, you think they are now Blessed Soules with Christ. You read them with a great deal of Love and honour to the writers. The French moderation is acceptable to all good men: That Nation is an honourable ☜ part of the Church of Christ in your Esteem. Much more must yo honour the Pacificatory Endeavours of any that attempt the healing of the Church.] Can you blame Mr. Crandon, or any reall Presbyterian, for thinking or saying you are a Papist, when they read such stuffe and compare it with what you say against Grotius? will they not shrug, or shake their heads, with a Totus Mundus exer et Histrioniam? 6. Why should you labor to deceive the vulgar people into a Belief, that the ablest Protestants in the land are Grotian Papists, (in the number of which, I am far from reckoning my self,) unless it were to this end, that the simple ones may flye from such as are Protestants indeed, and shelter themselves under the Papists for feare of Popery? I mean the Papists who march about, eject the Protestants, and succeed them, as well in the profits of their Places, as in the priviledge of their Pulpits, under the Title and Maske of Presbyterians. So very fitly was it said by our Learned and Reverend See his Unanswerable Preface to the second Edition of his first Sermons. Dr. Sanderson, That your Party have been the great Promoters of the Roman Interest among us, that you have hardened the Papists, and betrayed the Protestant Cause. 7. You refuse to joyne with us Protestants in the Publick Liturgy of the Church, and to Communicate with us in the Sacrament of Eucharist according to the prescription of Lawes and Canons; which doth the rather become an Argument of your being turn'd Papist, Because in all such s tatutes as have been made (since the first year of Queen Elizabeth) against Popish Recusants, The refusing to be present at Common-Prayer, or to receive the Sacrament according to the Formes and Rights mentioned in that Book, is expressed as the most proper legal Character, whereby to distinguish a Popish Recusant from a true Protestant. In so much that Use hath been made of that very Character in sundry Acts, since the beginning of the long Parliament, for the taxing of double Payments upon Recusants. Which very Argument was used by Reasons of the present Iudgment, &c. p. 34. the University of Oxford, against the Ordinance for the Directory imposed on them. 8. In that you profess your self a Protestant, and yet declare against all four waies, (Episcopal, Presbyterian, Independent, and Erastian,) giving out that the way of Christ must be compounded of all fower, you help to justifie the Papists in the reproaches which they cast upon our Religion, Ib. p. 5. That we know not what our Religion is; That since we left them, we know not where to stay; and that our Religion is a Harding confut. of Apology part 6. ch. 2. Parliamentary Religion. Would you have done them so great a service, if you had not been of their side? A likely matter. 9. Your not allowing the Civil Magistrate to be Supreme in all Causes, as well Ecclesiastical, as Civil, doth very clearly discover your partialitie to A Pope. The Oath of Supremacy here in England was purposely framed for such as You. 10. It was observed by Bishop Bramhall against p. 5 Militiere, that the private whispers, and printed insinuations of Papists, touching the Church of England's coming about to shake hands with the Roman in the points controverted, was merely devised to gull some silly Creatures, whom they found too apt to be caught with cha f. And That Art which was us'd to begin our Breach, you have craftily continued to make it wider. For intus existens prohibet Alienum, whilst the Episcopal Protestants are kept from being cast out, the Roman Religion can never enter. 11. You are a Papist as much as Grotius, though you should prove as much a Protestant as Grotius was. But you do every where contend that Grotius was a Papist; and so (at least in that Notion) you must needs be a Papist as well as He. 12. You Grot. Relig. profess to approve of pacificatory Attempts between us and the Papists;p. 30. and that you are zealously desirous of it;p. 20. and that you honour the peaceable Dispositions of the late Episcopal Divines. p. 21. Which being duly compar'd with all you say against Grotius, and against the late Episcopal Divines, and this again being compar'd with what you have written both for, and against the Directory, as well as for, and against the Common-prayer, and against the very Covenant which you pretended to be for, and for Episcopacy it self which yet you Covenanted against, may lay a ground of Suspicion that you have gotten a Dispensation, to use your Tongue and your pen as you see occasion: you having been both for, and against the Papists, as well as for, and against the Presbyterians. 13. Whilst you labour to prove that Grotius turn'd Papist, you are doing the Papists a special service, by robbing our Churches of such a prop, and by tempting as many to turn Papists, as do believe that Grotius knew what was best. Whereas the true Protestants (on the contrary) are encouraged to adhere to the Church of England (however disgraced and forsaken by a revolting people) by the Iudgment of Grotius that she was neerest unto the Primitive, in point of purity, and pious Order. 14. The Design which is laid by you and others for the Introduction of Poperie, is driven on by those means which you have See your Christian Concord. p. 46, 47. acknowledged your self to be proper and suitable to the work, notwithstanding you have hid them with other Names. The first part of the plot is, to blow up the sparkes of Schism and Haeresie, that our Church being divided may become odious, and men be prepared for a Remove. The second is, An Incessant Indeavour to infect all persons, especially those in power, Civil or Military, with the opinion of Libertinism, (for which look back on Chap. 3.) that so your Doctrines and Practises may have vent, and exercise. Your third plot is, to get down the learned, judicious, Godly, painful Ministers, (such as by name I lately mentioned Chap. 6. Sect. 9.) at least to take away their publick Maintenance; that the people may take such Ministers as will humour them most, and do their work best cheap. The fourth part of the plot is, to hinder the Union of other Protestants with Episcopal Divines, and the regular exercising of Discipline, or maintaining of Church-Order; that the Papists may say we have no Church, no Government, &c. and that by division we may be disabled from opposing them. The fifth part of it is, to keep afoot a party of learned Men, who under the Name of Presbyterians may keep an Interest in the people, and partly draw them from Unity, and from obeying their Superiours by pretending a Necessity to abolish Episcopacy and Presbytery, and to set up Presbytery in its stead, or somewhat else without a Name, expressed at random by The Scepter and Way of Christ, thereby to widen our Breaches, and so prepare a way for Popery.

The Bishop of Canterbury cleared from his Accuser, & his Accuser from himself. Thus you see how exactly your Satyrs fit you, which you have fram'd against the soundest of all the Protestants in the world, whom you will needs (because you will) call Grotian Papists. If you deny your being a Papist, we are not bound to believe you, in case we believe you when you avow the having Disp. 5. of Sacr. p. 484. Hypocrisie in your heart. When you proclaim your self an Hypocrite, (for so you did from the Press, or I had not read it) you cannot blame me for my Belief. For either your proclamation was true, or false: if true, you are an Hypocrite, because you say it in sincerity: if false, you are an Hypocrite, because you are not when you say you are. Besides, you were not angry with Dr. Owen, although he told you of your Hypocrisie, a little before you told him; much less may your Anger break out on me, for having onely believed what you have told me. Adde one thing more. The Bishop of Canterbury protested before God and his holy Angels, and that upon the fatal Scaffold, even immediately before he laid his Neck upon the Block, that he had never any h nd in any D •• gn whatsoever to bring in Popery, or to al er he R ligion by L •• est blish't. He never told you of any Hypocrisie in his heart, much less at the Instant of his Departure, yet how have you and Mr. Hickman done your worst to desile his spotless memorie? And if you cannot believe Him, nay if you cannot believe me, when I profess to be a Son of the Protestant Church here in England, atte ted to by the Blood of our English Martyrs, (who were Prelates, and Prelatists, not Presbyterians,) How can you hope to find credit, whilst you profess what I have done? Yet in conclusion I must tell you, I do not believe you are a Papist, how much soever some of your Brethren have charg'd you with it. I have onely spoken in this Section by a Prosopopoeia, to shew you the follie of your reasonings whilst you dispute against Grotius, and call us Papists who think him None.

Sect. 6. Now to the Testimonie you Disp. of Ch. gov. and wor. Pref. p. 3 . bring from Claud. Sarravius, Grotius his second vindication: I oppose a better Testimonie from Arnoldus Poelenburgius, a learned Protestant of the L w Count ies in the North part of Holland, a person acquainted with Grotius his Wife and Children, and one who dedicates his Book to William Grotius, an Eminent Lawyer now in Holland, made much more eminent by being Brother to Hugo Grotius. Arnoldus Poelenburg having premised how great a Man in all points this Hugo was; (so great, that This Age hath not brought forth a greater,) H s wonderful knowledge in the Law, His unfathomable Depth in the Things of God, His exact Command of all story both ancient and modern, as well sacred as secular, His Incredible evolution of Books for number not to be reckond, His stupendious Comprehension of all the languages in the world, by which a person of his Importance might be advantaged or adorn'd, His poetical Supere •• inence, His Elo •• tion not to be equall'd, Hi weight of matter and blessed stile, His singular Temperance, and Modesty, and other vertues, His being persecuted at home for sticking to God and a good Conscience, His being sued to from abroad by Kings and Princes and principal persons of the world, and last of all His being envied for his unimitable performances by such as thought him too happy for one single Man as yet in viâ; I say, Arnoldus Poelenburg having premised a page or two to thi purpose, proceeds to vindicate his Memorie from the Aspersion under Debate.

Arnol. Poelent Pastoris Ecclesiae Remon. Hornanae in Epist. praef. Dissertationi Epistolicae. p. 13, 14.Ad Papismi criminationem facilis est Responsie. Nam sicut is, qui duobus viris de possessionum Terminis inter se litigantibus Arbitrum se offert, vix alterutrius odium effugit, quia uterque sibi plurimum vindicat, & quisque suspicatur sibi minus attributum quàm Justitia flagitabat; Ita qui partes in Religionis Negotio dissidentes componere satagit, vix poterit, quin ab alterâ parte pro hoste habeatur, quia in diversae partis homines liberalior fuisse visus est. D. Grotium autem nobis ad extremum us que addictum fuisse satis liquet ex illo posthumo scripto, cui maximè Adversari ejus infensi sunt. Ibi enim D. Vtenbogardi aliorumquè Antistitum nostrorum non sine laudis Elogio meminit. Praeterea Uxor Ipsius, Honestissima Matrona, cùm post fata Mariti ex illo glorioso non minus quàm diuturno exilio Hagam Comitis reversa sedem Do icilii ibi collocaret, statim illa se nostrae Ecclesiae adjunxit, sacram synaxin nobiscum celebravit; denique affirmavit Maritum suum, neque in Galliis UNQUAM, ne que extra Gallias alicubi Templum Pontificiorum frequentasse, aut eorum sacris interfuisse. Puto hoc Argumenti satis esse, quod Defectionem ad Pontificios meditatus non fuerit; Quod nonnulli aut Malevoli homines, aut certè nimium suspicaces opinantur.

His wife his Witness. Here is a witness beyond exception, even the Friend of his Deut. 13.6. Bosom, a very honourable Matron in herself, and therefore fit to be believed, although she had been but a common Friend; whereas we know she was more than a common Wife; for she contriv'd his safety with the utmost hazard of her own. She was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eph. 5.23. Quia uxoris salus à viro dependet, sicut Ecclesiae salus est à Chri •• o. Beza in locum. The Saviour of the Body, in the words, and sense of the Apostle Concerning Husbands. An Individual Partner and Companion in all his Sufferings. One who endeared him to Herself; by her so many great effects of her Love and Loyalty, (which have made her a pattern to other women, and hereafter will make her a proverb too,) that he could not conceal his Religion from Her, whom he had worthily seated so near his Heart. What need we more in so clear a Case? The Wife of Grotius was both a Protestant herself, (as well at her residence in Paris, as at her return unto the Hague) and hath constantly Look back on ch. 1. Sect. 5. p. 12 13. affirmed (to all desirous of Information) that her Husband and herself were never divided in their Religion. That he did never Neque in Galliis unquam, neque extra Gallias alicubi, &c. at any time, Neque in Galliis unquam, neque extra Gallias alicubi, &c. in any part of the world, so much as permit himself to be Aut eorum sacris Interfuisse. present at any papistical Devotions. Never was there a Wife of greate Wisdom and Gravity, and Christian courage, in the esteem of an Husband, than she in his. Never was there a Husband, who left behind him a greater Monument of honour & gratitude to a wife. And could he (think you) be a Papist without her Knowledge? Or could he (think you) turn Papist without his own? He made profession to Laurentius, who writ the Grotius Papizans, (which you are now so unskilfull as to object,) that he was not turn'd Papist, as had been slanderously reported, which having told you of already (ch. 1. p. 11, 12.) I will incourage you to believe whatsoever his Wife hath affirmed of him, by letting you see how much he prized her.

Nos quoque, si quisquam, multum debere fatemur Sylvae Grotian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ad Augusti Thuani Franciscum Filium p. 5, 6 Conjugio. Memini, post tot tua vota precesque, Cynthia cùm nonum Capto mihi volveret orbem, Qualem te primum, Conjux fidissima, vidi Carceris in Tenébris: Lachrymas absorpserat Ingens Vis Animi, neque vel gemitu Te Luctus adegit Consentire malis. Rursus nova vincula, sed quae Te Sociâ leviora tuli, dum milite clausos Nos Mosa & tristi Vahalis circumstrepit undâ. Heic Patriam toties & inania jura vocanti Et proculcatas in nostro corpore leges, Tu solamen eras. Heic jam Te viderat alter Et post se mediâ plus parte reliquerat Annus, Cum mihi jura mei per Te solerte reperto Reddita. Tu, postquam jam caeca acceperat Alvus Dulce o i s, oppos •• s libabas oscula claustris: At que ita semoto foribus custode locuta es. Summe Pater, rigido si non. Adamante futurum Stat tibi, sed precibus potìs es gaudesque moveri, Hoc quod nostra Fides lucem servavit in istam Accipe Depositum, tantisque exolve periclis. Conjugii testor Sanctissima jura, meaeque Spem sobolis, Non huc venio pertaesa malorum, Sed miserata virum: possum sine Conjuge, possum Quamvis dura p ti. Si post exempla ferocis Ultima saevitiae nondum deferbuit ira, In me tota ruat: vivam crudele sepulchrum Me premat, & triplicis cingat custodia Valli, Dum meus aetheriae satietur pastibus Aurae Grotius, & Casus narret Patriaeque suosque. Dixerat, atque oculis fugientia vela secutis Addit; Abi Conjux, neque Te nisi Libera cernam, Quod mea si auderet Famam spondere Camaena, Acciperet quantis virtutem laisdibus istam Posteritas?—

A Rejoynder to as much of the Key for Catholicks as pretend's to be Reply to my old Advertisement. Sect. 7. I now pass on (as you direct me) to the latter part of your Key for Catholicks, of which your Pen hath made great Boast. But every man's cause is not the best, who hath the fondest opinion of his performance. For then there were no disputing with you. You would be constantly in the right, which part soever you undertook. You say, the Business of Grotius is it, upon which you are to meddle with me. p. 382. And first you promise me to yield (what I told you) That for the very same reasons, upon which you conclude that Grotius is a Papist, you must also conclude him to be a Protestant, unless you think as hardly of the Augustan Confession, as you seem to do of the Councill of Tre t; But you will not performe it till the Greek Calends. For you condition with me to prove, That a Protestant is one who holdeth to the Council of Trent, &c. And are you fitted to be a Disputant, whose strength is onely to be sturdy in a meer begging of the Question? welfare th Down-right Dr. Kendal for faithfully telling you in his Book, That A little more of the Vniversity would have done you no harm. See and wonder at your unhappines , (which was Rivet's as well as yours.) You objected against Grotius, his having set out the Canons of the Trent Council in his Conciliatory Design. To which I answered, that he did equally set out the Articles of the Protestant Council at Augusta. So as if that doth prove him a Papist, This must prove him also a Protestant. Whereas indeed they both prove him a Reconciler. You confess it is not Popery to be a Peace-maker; Nay you pretend at least to be one your self. You often wish for peace and union between us and the Papists; But how can Peace be ever made betwixt two Adversary parties, without a mutuall Collation of both their Doctrines? which if they are thought so to differ, as to be quite irreconcilable, who would labour to reconcile them? When At Grotius non eam Bullam — solam edidit, sed & confess nem Augus nam, existimans, com •• dè acceptas Doctrinas Tridentinam & Augustanam inter se non ita pugre, ut multi credidere. Discuss. p. 7. Grotius told Rivet, that he had put forth the Doctrines, as well of the Augustan, as the Tridentine Council, because he believed they differed less than many others did apprehend, he conceived the Papists Doctrines might be made to conforme unto the Protestants, not the Protestants unto the Papists, (meaning not the Presbyterian, but sober Protestan s, such as those at Augusta, remember That,) for in the very same page (as in twenty others which I have met with) He pleads for the Reforming of Popish Errors, (whether the Pope will or no) by Kings and B shops within th ir Bounds. But never yet could I find, that he acknowledg'd the least Error, in either the Discipline or Doctrine of sober Protestants; such as the Followers of Melanchthon, and the unchangeable Sons of the Church of England. The words of Grotius, Ibid. which have open'd shall stop your mouth: Licuerit sanè Regibus, & legitime constitutis Episcopis, intra suos fines quaedam corrigere, quae videbantur corrigenda. There he approves of the Reformation in the Dukedom of Saxonie, and here in England. Ibid. p. 8. At quo jure privati, ubi Ecclesiae erant, Novas constituerunt Ecclesias, nullis ab Episcopis ortas, nullis cum Episcopis cohaerentes? There he condemns the Reformations (so called) which were made by the Scotish, and other rebellious Presbyterians.

To beg the Question must not pass for a Reply. Sect. 8. To the next part of your Reply (p. 383.) I easily give you this full Return. 1. You do not so much as pretend a proof, that you did not mistake the drift of the most excellent Discussio; but poorly aske, if his words are not plain enough; and bid the Readers of his words become the Iudges, Thus you are still an arrant Beggar of the Question; and as to the duty of a Replicant, a meer Tergiversator. Any child might have said the first; and why do you write so many books, if you quit your self manfully in the second? In stead of all your Disputes, you might have appealed once for all to your partial Readers; but then you must not pretend to give any Answer, or Replies. You aske if Grotius his words are not plain enough; thereby implying that they are, when yet you prove they are not; for I have shew'd, and shall shew you your gross mistakes. I am ever as ready, as you can be, to submit my Cause to the indifferent Reader; but I suppose it my duty to plead it first. Indeed to Poelenburg and Mr. Thorndike, and so unerring a person as Dr. Hammond, the words of Grotius are plain enough. Plain enough to let them see that Grotius was but a peacemaker, not a Papist: And it seems they are plain even to me, because I see the same thing. But even for that very reason they cannot be plain enough to you, Sir, because you seem to see from them that their Authour was, what he was not. The printed Judgments of those three above mention'd, are directly contrary to yours. Whether They, or you, are best able to interpret the Words of Grotius, I may very well say, Let the Reader judge. The learnedest persons in all the world (nor onely the learnedest, but the most too) as well of the Romish as of the Protestant Church, do judge of his Words, and his Religion, as I have shew'd you. And could you content your self to say, (when you could say nothing better) — Are not his words plain enough, and frequent enough to open to us so much of his mind as I have charged him with? It is but answering, No, and then where are you? I beg your pardon for my prolixity, when such a Syllable would have sufficed.

2. You craftily omit the chiefest part of my charge; which was that you did either not traslate your Citations, or that you did it so lamely, Note that the later words are those, of which I taxe you for the omission. as to conceal the true meaning from English Readers. You translate so much, as might make him seem to be a Papist, but you forbeared the translating of what would have proved him to be None. Which was (to use King Iames his instance) as if an Atheist should cite those words out of the Psalmist, There is no God, concealing the words going before, The fool hath said in his Heart. Had you translated either all, or none, or as much as had cleared the Authors meaning in the whole, you had not met with a reprehension. And therefore you wrong your self extremely, by saying you purposely omitted to translate the words of Grotius, foredeeming that such men as I would have said they were mistranslated, (p. 383.) For you did frequently translate them, but you did it with partiality, as hath been See my Advertisement p. penult. and compare it with both your books. shew'd. And so you speak against your knowledge in a publick matter of Fact. Having printed your doings, you now deny the things done; as it were lifting up your right hand against your left. If you foredeemed as you pretend, why did you dare to translate a little? if not, why would you say it? and why did you not translate a little more? Happy is the man who condemneth not himself in that thing which he alloweth.

3. Now at last indeed you translate his wish, that the Divulsion which fell out and the Causes of the divulsion might be taken away. The primacy of the Bishop of Rome according to the Canons is none of these, as Melanchthon confesseth, p. 383. But you conceal his next words, which make for his and my advantage, to wit, The opinion of Melanchthon, That the Bishop of Rome's primacy is also Qui (Melanchthon) cum primatum etiam necessarium putat ad retinendam unitatem. Discuss. p. 256. necessary to the retaining of unity. Which opinion, if it made not Melanchthon a Papist in your accompt, (no nor our own Bp. Bramhal who yet is one of your late Prelates) why should not Grotius have been a Protestant, the Melanchthonian opinion notwithstanding? Did you think that Primacy and Supremacy were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , two words for one thing? That Primacy of Order in the Church, is the same for substance, with Supremacy of Power over the Church? learn to think so no more from this day forward. The Primacy yielded unto the Bishop of Rome, is in respect of Order, not at all of Iurisdiction; and that in Grotius his sense, as his next words teach you. Ibid. Neque enim hoc est, Ecclesiam subjicere Pontificis libidini, sed reponere Ordinem sapienter institutum. Which shew's the error of your Confidence in your Grotian Religion, p. 35.

Sect. 9. Whereas you say, you supposed that all you wrote this for understood latin (p. 384.) You do imply your self faulty for putting part of it in English, unless you thought us unable to understand the whole. But you confidently add, you translated none of the sentence, (ibid.) although you translated a part of it, no less than twice in one page. And though you thought it no Injury to give accompt in english but of part, yet I have shew'd it was an Injury, and told you why. If I did not translate what I recited out of Grotius to my Advantage, you should have thank't me for such a favour, as the advancing your Interest by the neglecting of mine own. But if you look on my Advertisement, (as I have done at your appointment) you will find me complaining of your silence, as to the Causes of the Breach, which Grotius did wish might be taken away. I had no doubt translated more, but for the hastiness of the Carrier, which did not allow me so great Advantage. I meant by your silence, your not acquainting your English Readers with that which serv'd to clear Grotius, but onely with that which you thought against him. The Negation of Causes, viz. that of the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome, cannot suffice for your task to prove Grotius a Papist, because for that, he cites Melanchthon. Nor doth the Primacy signify the universall Headship, (as you do wilfully aver, or very weakly, p. 384.) because of the reasons so lately rendred.

Sect. 10. You confess that Grotius doth charge the Papists with the Causes of the Divulsions, (p. 385.) But you add, that he chargeth the Protestants much more. You must distinguish of Protestants, as I have told you over and over. The true and regular Reformers he never chargeth, but onely the subverters of Church and State, who us'd the Title for a pretense. As our Saviour charged the Scribes and Pharisees, not with pouring out prayers, (as if to pray were a sin) but with using them as a cloak (as some have us'd the word Gal. 5.13. Liberty for an occasion to the flesh) to cover their Mat. 23.14. devouring of widow's Houses. If he charged the Papists, but not with Popery, (the second part of your evasion) why doth he frequently complain of the lust and Tyranny of the Pope, and the Corruptions of the Papists in point of Doctrine, as well as manners? exhorting Princes and Bishops, if the Pope will not joyn, to reform without him?

Sect. 11. You say the things were but two, which Grotius found faulty in the Papists, (Vot. pro. Pace. p, 7.8.) And those you lamely represent too, p. 385. Read again, Vidi à Scholasticis —multa introducta dogm ta—non ex Conciliorum Universalium Auctoritate; Dogmata verò in Conciliis stabilita minus ab illis commode, explicata: praeterea inter Ecclesiae praepositos eum invaluisse Typhum & Avaritiam, & mali exempli mores, ut ii and you will find them to be Three: for first he saith, that by the Schoolmen, many opinions were introduced, and that from a liberty of arguing, not at all from the Authority of Generall Councils (Mark the Councils which he was for.) 2. That the opinions established by the Councils were by those very Schoolmen incommodiously expounded. (These are two distinct things, to forge New Doctrins and to misinterpret the old ones, which you have confounded in your Recital.) 3. That Pride and Avarice and manners of ill example had prevailed in such a measure among the Governors of the Church, (of which remember the Pope was chief) that they were neither sollicitous, as they ought, to press upon the people those wholsome Tenets, nor to Reforme those vices [which raign'd amongst them] But rather made use of the Peoples Ignorance, and withall of their Superstition, which, arising out of their ignorance, administred nourishment unto their vices, to promote their [sel ish and sordid [Interest.] Now Sir observe what you have done. You have not onely hudled up the things that are different and distinct, but you have ended with an & caetera, which cut's off the Prime of your Accompt. As if you durst not make it known to your English Readers, how deeply Grotius had charged the Popish Prelates, and Schoolmen, for fear your bitterness towards Grotius should lose its sting, and that in the act of its exercise, or execution. To what purpose do you ask, if the Council at Lateran and Florence did not decree that the Pope is above a Generall Councill, when you knew that Grotius was quite against it? They are the Generall Councils which Grotius had in great Reverence, of which the Lateran and Florentine you know were None, unless your knowledg is less then I would very fain think it. Grotius was constant to the Rules, of Wise Vincentius of Lyra, and adhered to those things which were alwaies, and every where, perseveringly deliver'd in what Church soever he Chan 'd to find them; which whosoever doth not, cannot be a true Christian. He did not hold all in the Council of Trent, (as you often calumniate, but never prove,) but told us what might be done, for the love of Peace, for the Accomodating of that to the Protestant Synod at Augusta.

I thank you for your promise, never to call me an Arminian; but not for making me a Papist in the very next period. If you are grieved, that in these Churches, I and the men of my mind have leave given us to be Rectors, you may ease your self by a Course at Law: For you are never like to do it by writing Books, though 'tis said of you, as of him in Scotland, That you can put them out as oft, as your Belly akes. Whilst you say that such professors, as Master Hickman, and your self, cannot have licence to be Rectors, no nor so much as to escape the strappado in my Church, you either meane you are departed from the true Church of England, or that I am revolted to that of Rome. If the first, you confesse your own Schism; If the second, God will rebuke you for your Slander.

Sect. 12. When you have done with my Advertisement, Compare this with Sect. 14. you have not yet done with me. And for want of new forces, to make a stand against Evidence of Truth and Reason, you repete a great part of your Grotian Religion, as if you thought a Repetition were aequipollent to a Reply. First, you scruple not to say, [That Grotius his Religion is that which is conteined in the Council of Trent with all the rest. p. 386.] Yet in the passage which you translate, there are these things against you. Inveniet ea commode & convenienter, um S. S. tum veterum Doctorum locis ad marginem positis, posse explicari. Discuss. p. 14. 1. He saith that those Acts may be commodiously explained, by the marginall Citations both out of Scripture and Ancient Doctors, not that they ought to be received in gross, without such commodious explications: where by the way you may amend your gross mistake in the Translation, by carrying the adverbs to the verb, which you have link't unto the substantive, mi taking the Ablative, for the Dative Case plural. Quorum Act si quis leget animo ad p cem propenso, Is inveniet, &c. And by this you have perverted the Author's sense. 2. He saith that this may be done in any man's judgement, who hath a mind propense to Peace. In order to the unity and peace of Christendom, all the most favourable Constructions, must be put upon the Doctrins of either party. And by whom is this to be said, but by a Professed Reconciler? 3. So far is Grotius from turning Papist, though such commodious explications should be allow'd him, (as some have taken the Covenant, and Engagement too in their own sence, who would not take it in the Imposers) that nothing less will content him (no not in order to publick Peace) than a Removall and Tollantur ea, quae cum pia ista Doctrinâ pugnant, &c. Abolition of those Corruptions in the Church,Ibid. which had obteined their Introduction by evill manners and customes, not by antient tradition, or the Auctority of Councils. 4. He doth not say he is content with what he hath, but that he H bebit id quo possit e •• e contentus. shall have that wherewith he may be contented, upon this Quod si pr terea tollantur ea, &c. condition or proviso, that Reformation shall be made. 5. He condition's that this be done Quod si, curâ Episcoporum & Regum tollantur ea, &c. by Kings and Bishops in their respective places of Jurisdiction, without taking notice of the Pope, whose consent he thought needless as well as impossible to be had. 6. He add's the chief thing, (which you were pleas'd to take no no ice of unto your Readers, hopeing they would not take the paines to examin Grotius in his Original) Nec aliud desiderat Confessio Augustana Ibid. Ibid. That the Augustan Cenfession doth not desire any thing else, in order to a closure of both the Churches. He add's the Profession (not onely of Zanchie, a single Protestant, but) of the Protestant Princes and Cityes, De nullo articulo Fidei dissentire se ab Ecclesiâ Catholicâ: sed paucos abusus à se omitti, qui novi sunt, & contra voluntatem Canonum, vitio Temporum, recepti. You see that Grotius hath expressed a lesser propensity to the Papists, than the Protestants who adhere unto the Augustan Confession, Et optima est & auctoritate maximâ, quippe in Regnis aliquot, &c. Discuss. p. 15. which of all the Protestant Confessions is judged by Grotius to be the best and of the greatest Authority, as being Received in some Kingdomes, and in some of the greatést Principalities, and in diverse free Cities or Common-wealths. Bucer was one of that Synod, who (you know) was assisting to our true English Reformation.

Now what a hard hap is this, that That must be Popery in Grotius, which is not such in any one else? Let all the Kingdomes and Common-wealths which embrace the Augustan Confession be reckon'd Papistical, as well as Grotius; or else let Grotius be a Protestant, as well as Them. But you are implacable to Grotius, who must be therefore what you will have him, rather then want a staff to beat that Dead lyon, (who can less resist you than a live Dog) you are resolv'd to call it This you do in your. C et. Relig. p. 37. his way to Peace, au per Papae eximiè beni authoritatem, aut Concilium Generale, &c. (Vot. pro pace p. 9.) which, your Eyes have made your Conscience witness, was the way of some other pacifick Persons. Did you not know the true English of vidi eos in id incumbere Omnes—and again, eos sentire ineundas vias—? Besides, of Eas autem esse Tres. ot. p. 9. three waies, you name but two. 1. The Authority of a Pope extremely good. 2. Or a Generall Council, righly call'd during the vacancy of the Popedome, (which later words you leave out.) 3. Or the Conferences of Kings directed by the Bishops with that intent, that the Result of their Thoughts might be brought to the See of Rome, as nothing else but a Coagulum, a kind of cement, and meanes of Concord. This whole third way you would not mention.

Sect. 13. You object against Grotius, Discuss. p. 185. that In interpreting places of Scripture, He professed he would not cross the Rule, which was delivered by himself, and by the Council of Trent. p. 386] But you name not the Rule, nor direct your Reader where to find it. If you knew it not your self, why would you vilify you knew not what? And if you wanted no knowledg of it, why would you argue against your knowledg? Why would you brand him as a Papist for adhering to a Rule, which is the Rule of the Protestants, as well as Papists? I will convince you of your rashness (from whatsoever principle it issued out) by telling your Readers the very Rule, of which you either were ignorant, or else dissembled your understanding. It was Regula prudentissima ejus Synodi de non interpretandâ Scripturâ contra unanimem Consensum Patrum, &c. Discuss. p. 18 . lin. 30. the most prudent [and Protestant] Rule, of not Interpreting Scripture against the [full and] unanimous consent of Fathers. Are you so neer to the Socinians, as to decry such Rules as These? O is eve y thing Popish, for being ap roved by the Council of Trent? Go to Sir, go to; I understand you better and better. The better to make you understand your self, I am to mind you of the stile which Grotius speakes in. Ibid. Nihil fecisset Grotius ne contra Synodum quidem Tridentinam. If you should say of your self in some particular, That in this you do nothing contrary even to the Council of Trent, would any man from hence conclude you a Papist, and not rather the contrary? Consider the force of Ne quidem, and you will know what you have done. Again, the addition of those words (immediately after the place you cite.) Quam multò melius intellexit Alcazar, doth shew a different meaning of the Place, then you were willing to apprehend. He speakes of his own Interpretations of some Places of Isaiah, against which it was objected, that he receded from those of the antient Fathers. But he Non obstat (Regula) quò minus ad loca Scripturae, historica praesertim aut Prophetica, adferatur nova expositio, &c. answers to the objection (p. 182.) That to Places of Scri ture, especially Historical and Prophetical Places, It is lawfull to bring new expositions, so that they be not repugnant to Doctrins antiently deliver'd. And this liberty he cites from the Romanist Alcazar. (p. 183.) adding Maldonate, and others, and so going on, till he concludes, That by the advice of learned men, He will use this liberty; but so as not to crosse the Rule, which Himself hath set unto himself as well as that Council, (to wit the Rule of doing nothing against the joynt consent of the Father;) which Alcazar understood, as well or better than Mr. Rivet. Where it is evident, what he speakes is of the liberty he useth in his Interpreting of Scripture, not of enslaving h mself unto the Council of Trent's Interpretations; but he will use his liberty in such a manner, as not to break his own Good Rule, though it is also the Rule even of that very Council. If our Enemies, the Pa ists, do make a good Rule, or repe e it rather from Vincentius Lirinensis, we may observe it as being good, though not as made or repeted by him, or Them.

D scuss. p. 139. Sect. 14. You adde out of Grotius, That the Augustan Confession commodiously explained, hath scarce any thing which may not be reconciled with those opinions which are received with the Catholicks, by Authority of Antiquity and of Synods, as may be known out of Cassander and Hoffmei ter; and there are among the Iesuites also who think not otherwise, p. 386, 387.] All the weight of this Testimony doth lie on that phrase, Dogmata quae Antiquitatis & Synodorum authoritate sunt recepta. And what injury is it to the Augustan confession, to think it may be so reconciled? reconciled with those Dogmata, which the Catholicks have from Antiquity? If some of the soberest of the Jesuites, such as Pe avius and Sirmondus, would (for the love they bear to peace) subscribe the Augustan Confession, it might be much for the honour, but could not be for the prejudice of our Religion; for if we rejoyce for the Conversion of now and then a Iew, why not for that of a Iesuite also? Again, supposing that Grotius had been able, in his own sense to subscribe the Trent Articles, (in order to the peace and unity of Christendom) it would no more be an Evidence of his being turnd Papist, than of any Papist's turning Protestant, who should subscribe the Augustan Confession. Compare this with Sect. 12. The very utmost of your Objections against Grotius is, that he design'd to deal with the Articles of Trent, as Sancta Clara with the Articles of the Church of England; to wit, by drawing them aside to another Sence, than what is most obvious in the words themselves. And admit it were so indeed; yet 1. He had better grounds for it than Sancta Clara, to wit, the places of Scripture, and Ancient Doctors in the Margin, which may be used as a Key to unlock their meaning when it is Doubtful. And if the meaning of the Text is truely agreeable to the Margin, there is then a just ground of publick peace, in case the Scripture and Antiquity do contain a good meaning, which I hope you will not refuse to grant me. 2. But however you must be minded, that this is a thing which the Papists do most of all blame in our Reconciler, to wit, his assuming so great a liberty, as to misinterpret their Definitions. Just as we who are Protestants do lay a blame upon Sancta Clara, for misexpounding our Articles against our mind. From whence, notwithstanding the Papists were never so irrational, as to conclude that Franciscus à Sanctâ Clarâ turn'd Protestant: Much less may we infer that Grotius turn'd Papist, from his making their Doctrins comply with Scripture, who had wrested the Scripture to serve their Doctrins. 3. If he could find a sense in the words of Trent, which being agreeable to Scripture and to the Protestant Confession, might be by Protestants subscribed to, what hurt were it to us, or gain to them? Even This would evince him to be no apist. For if he were, what need could there be of such commodious Explications? 4. Adde to this, (as I said before Sect. 12.) his Qu d si praeterea,Quod s praetere tollantur ista quae cum piâ istâ Doctrinâ pugnant, &c. But if besides; (not and if as you translate it) noting this to be required yet further towards a peace, (before the peace-Maker himself can rest contented) that all the Errors of the Papacy be taken away: which having never been introduced by Authority of Councils, or ancient Tradition, (meaning no other Councils then what are ancient, agreeable to the Tradition which comes immediately after) he resolves may be Reformed by Kings and Bishops in their several Regions, without the making of any Breach in the Church of God. 5. And once for all let it be noted, That Grotius his use of that Especially taking in an old Tradition, &c. p. 386. phrase, (which you lately perverted to your own ends) is onely to signify against the Romanist's Errors, that they are not introduced by antient Tradition; and therefore wanting that Authority to which they lay a dishonest claim, they are unquestionably fit to be taken away.

Discuss. p. 71. Sect. 15. What you recite out of Grotius in your p. 387. Must receive its true sense from the words of the Author before, and after. You must observe the Resolution both in France, and else where, In e im & in Galliâ & alibi, Duo constare video; neque pro Concilio universali l abendum id quod à Patriarchalibus fedibus aut omnibus aut plurimis est improbatum, &c. That no one Council is to be reckon'd for universall, which is disliked either by all, or by the major part of the Patriarchal Sees. This then must assure us what his Notion is of Councils, when he speakes of them in gegerall without naming which. And for the passage which you cite, I pray Sir, tell me; Hath not France the Scriptures and the Dogmata, (that is the Doctrins, in this place, not the opinions, as you translate it,) explained in the four Oecumenical Councils, and also the Decrees against Pelagius? If so, why do you quarrell? if not, why do you say, that you esteem that Nation an honorable part of the Church of Christ? (Grot. Rel. p. 10.) If you did not strive to deceive your Reader, why did you not faithfully translate the passage, but purposely leave out the speciall words, which would have served to clear their Author? you know his sentence is plainly this. That in those Churches which joyne with the Roman, In Ecclesiis illis,—non Scriptura tantùm manet, sed & dogmata, explicata in Magnis Synodis, Nicaena, Constantinop. Ephesinâ, Chalcedonensi. Discuss. p. 71. not onely the Scripture doth still remain, but the Doctrins also explained in the GREAT COUNCILS, Those of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the Things decreed against Pelagius by the Bishops of Rome. But in your Translation, you neither express the word Great, (which is of vast consequence) nor do you name so much as one of the four Great Councils. As if you were willing that your Readers should imagin, he might meane some partiall and trivial Councils, and lay as much weight upon such as those, as if indeed he had been a Papist. Now concerning the Canons of those great Councils, for Reformation of manners in the Bishop of Rome, (which Grotius call's, for that reason, Egregious Constitutions,) They are also received by Rome it self. And were they put in execution, there could not be any such thing as Popery. Because according to those Canons, the Bishop of Rome must quit his claim to the Universality of his Pastorship, or to his being an Vniversal Iudicial Head, and must leave the Church to be govern'd by her severall Primates. Hence it tis that such wise and pacifick Protestants, as Melanchthon, Isaac Casaubon, Grotius, and Bishop Bramhall, do still exact a Reformation Secundum Canones. Yet this is but one of those many things, for which good Canons have been enacted. And thus you see at every turne, how very little you were qualified to intermeddle in these Things.

Sect. 16. The next passage you translate in as fraudulent a manner as any other. Discuss. p. 48. Read and Repent what you have done. These are the things, which thanks be to God the Catholicks do not thus believe, though many that call themselves Catholicks so live as if they did believe them: But Protestants (so live) by force of their Opinions, and Catholicks by the decay of Discipline, p. 387.] First you omit the word [Quidam] which is of greatest moment to shew the meaning of the Author; as if you had purposely laid a Trap for your illiterate Readers, to make them fall into a hatred of so incomparable a man, for having written thus sharply against Protestants in general; whereas, you know, he onely spake of some Sed Protestantes quidam ex vi Dogmatum, &c. lin. 13. certain Protestants, who live wicked lives by force of their Doctrines or O inions. And do you know any one Protestant, who will not say the very same? 2. You do not take the least notice, what kind of Doctrine his words belong to: Indeed if you had, you had spoiled your own plot: For the passage refers unto the Quomodo vivas, ni il interest. Sine conditione pro paenâ quam ipsi debent satisfecit Christus. Sine Conditione gloriam aeternam ipsis •• t meritus. Ibid. Doctrine of Unconditionall Promises, uncondition l Satisfaction, unconditional Glory. And did he not say very truly, that Catholicks do not b lieve this, though many live as if they did? Did he not as truly say, that (at least) some Protestants do hold these Doctrines, and live accordingly? you see the whole fault i in your tre herous translation. You promise me to translate as well as you can, (p. 383.) If to do it very falsely, is as well as you can, I will not taxe you for breach of promise, But then repent of your gibeing, p. 383. l. penult.

Sect. 17. Your next Quarrel to Grotius is for calling the Roman Church the D scuss. p. 95. Mistress of other Churches, p. 387.] But in this your misfortunes are more than One. For 1. He speaks of the Roman Church, not in her present but ancient state; and this you could not but know, if you knew the English of jam olim senserit. Or if you read as far as those words, quae tempora respiciens Grotius, (p. 96. l. 1.) 2. Zanchy was a strict Protestant, and (which is more against you) a Presbyterian; yet he professeth the Roman Church to have been pure whilst she was ancient, and desires no more for her Reformation, than that she return to her former self. Look back on chap. 1. p. 23. and you will find in my Margin his words at large; words most worthy your meditation. You will find in the same paragraph the affirmation of Blondel, (which being there in Latin onely, I will here give you in English) look back on ch. 1. p. 22. That the Dignity of the Roman Apostolical Bishoprick [or See] is not denyed by the Protestants, no nor her primacy over the Neighbouring Churches, and in some respect over & aliquatenus super omnes. all the Churches, but this by the Protestants is referred to her Ecclesiastical Right. Is this an Argument to prove that Blondel turn'd Papist, who lived and died the chief prop of the Presbyterians? yet this is every whit as good, as any you bring against Grotius. 3. It is the point of Praedestination, which occasions Grotius to use those words, wherein the Arminian Presbyterians do jump with Rome. And when he calls her a a iarum Magistra. Mistriss, (not to tyrannize, but) to teach her Neighbours, he calls her no more than indeed she was; she having been often appealed to by other Churches, as by the African, and the French, when any point of Tradition was called in Question. You Grot. Rel. p. 8. profess your very honourable and grateful thoughts of the Iesuits and Friers for their labours to convert the Infidel Nations unto the Faith, of which you will not deny the Roman Church to be the Mistress. 4. Higher Titles than this have been afforded to that Church by the Apostolical Father Iren. adversus Haeres. lib. 3. c. 3. mi •• p. 232 Irenaeus, who allow'd her no less than a Principality, in regard of which he thought it needful that all other Churches should be conformable to This, as being the greatest and the most ancient, and known to all to have been found d by the most glorious pair of Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul. Ad hanc enim Ecclesiam, propter potentiorem Principalitatem, necesse est omnem convenire Ec lesiam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undi que Fideles; in quâ semper ab his qui sunt undi que conservata est ea quae ab Apostolis Traditio. The reason of this (I suppose may be fitly given out of Eusebius: Euseb. Hist. l. c. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . In a word, if you will know how great a Deference hath been given to the Roman Church, by such as St. Cyprian, Tertullian, St. Ambrose, St. Ierom, St. Austin, Sozomen, and divers others among the Ancients, nay by such as our Protestant King Iames, and learned Bucer, and Mr. Calvin himself; Grotius his p. 68, 69, 70. Discussio will strait inform you. 5. What Grotius saith he will subscribe with a most ready mind, is nothing else but the true Doctrin of Praedestination, and other Doctrines depending on it, which all the Remonstrant Presbyterians are as ready to subscribe, as any Grotius. And what is this to his turning Papist? no more than it is to the D minicans being turned Presbyterians.

Sect. 18. The next passage which you cite from p. 7. (in your p. 387.) is much the same with what you cited from p. 14. and may be sent for its Answer to the 12th. Section of this Appendix, Discuss. p. 7. but yet I will adde, that this makes more to your disadvantage; because it makes it more manifest, how that passage was to be rendred concerning the Scriptures and the Fathers (in the Margin of the Articles) being made a fit medium for a commodious Interpretation.; and so it shew's you the less excusable, that when you had seen both Places, you should yet be guilty of such a misinterpretation. 2. There is added in that place, That Grotius did set out the Augustan Confession, as well as the Bull of Pius Quintus; It being the part of a Reconciler, to compare the Pretenses of either Party, and then to pitch upon a moderate commodius sense, wherein both Parties may likely meet. But remember that the middle cannot be either of the Extremes; and therefore Grotius was aequedistant from a Papist and Presbyterian. The Sy •• d at Dort and Assembly-m n add Articles to those in the Creed. 3. Whereas it is said, that the Bull hath Articles in it besides those of the Creed, But that the Synod of Dort hath more: First I answer that it is True, and therefore blamelesse, as will be acknowledged by any of the Arminian Presbyterians. Next that Grotius did onely use it as a most pertinent retorsion upon the Man with whom he was dealing. Mr. Rivet who approved of the Synod at Dort, had no reason to object against the Bull of Pius Quintus, [its having some Articles besides those in the Creed,] because his own Synod of Dort had many more. Compare with both (if you please) Mr. Baxter's Confession of Faith, and that of the Westminster Assembly, wherein (it seemes) there were added so many Articles to the Creed, that the Parliament thought fit to lay aside a Viz. cap. 30. &. 31. & Sect. 4. of c. 20. & also a great part of cap. 24. great many, yet such a confidence there was in that Assembly, that they posted their Issue into the world, before the Parliament had declared their Resolutions about it. Which though I guessed at before, by the Division I had observed amongst See the Testimony to the Truth of I.C. p. 37. the 52. Ministers within the Province of London, whereof a Party did still waite for the Pleasu e of the Houses, whilst a greater party of the same Tribe would not be patient of such delay; yet I never knew it so fully, as since I saw the Declaration of the Congregational Churches, wherein the Dealings of the Assembly are very usefully Praef. p. 10. & 2.1 exposed to publick view. 4. As for the Novity or Newness of those Articles in the Bul, That must be judged of (saith Grotius) by such a right understanding of them, as is to be taken from the Scriptures and antient Doctors in the Margin. And if it once come to that, they will cease to sound as now they do. How this project can be effected, without forceing and wresting the words of the Coun il, I must ingenuously profess I canno hetherto understand. But Grotius his understanding could reach to see many things, which are above the comprehensions of yours, or mine. Or if he came short of such a way, as to which the Papists would have agreed, then the Peace which he designed was still to continue in his Design. And he would ever have this to object against them, that we Protestants had offered them Termes of Peace, Such, as by their own Margin, (to wit the Scriptures and Fathers there,) they stand obliged to accept of; And so the Blame of our Breaches is to be laid at their dore, who refuse such Termes of Reconcilement.

Now can you think it any dettiment to the Protestant Cause, That we alone are the men, who as much as in us lies would live peaceably with all men? And that others of each extreme will rather continue unreconcileable? If you think it a foolish thing, in so angelical a Person as Grotius was, to propose such Termes as were so utterly unlikely to take effect, To this I answer two Things. 1. He professed to lay-in this Provision for Posterity, to which he maketh his Appeal in diverse places. He hop'd that men in tract of Time would grow to be weary of contending, and place Religion in good life, as now they do in maintaining Parties. 2. You have Grot. Rel. p. 6. professed for your own part, that you will write and speake for Peace, though you saw not a man in the world that would regard it, or returne you any better thanks then a reproach. And though you propose some Termes of reconciling the Protestants with the Papists, Ibid. p. 2 . that the work may not seem to be utterly Hopeless, yet you proclaim in your Title-page to your Key for Catholicks, That your Proposals are made for a hopeless Peace; as if you thought you had the Priviledge (above all other mortals) to approve what you practice, even whilst you practice what you condemn.

Sect. 19. The passage about the Reall Presence in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, The Real Presence in the Lords Supper. (at the bottome of your page 387, isc ss. p. 35.) is placed by Grotius in the midst of many more, taken from writers of all sorts, both Antient and Modern; and amongst the modern, as well Protestants, as Papists; to shew the smalness of the difference, as to that particular. But of this you were resolved to take no notice. 2. He adds another passage of the Council of Trent, to wit that This Sacrament is the spirituall food of the Soul. Another from the Gloss of the Canon Law, a third from Clement the fourth, a fourth from St. Bernard, and then he shew's their affinity to Philip Melanchthon, and the Waldenses, to diverse Protestant Churches, and in a word to Mr. Calvin, who hath said as plainly as any of them, Calvinus: Deum non ludere inanibus signis, sed reipsâ praestare quod per symbola testatur, communicationem Corporis & Sanguinis: —verum substantiam nobis donari: —substantiae corp. & sang. nos fieri participes. p. 36. [That God doth not mo k us with empty signes, but doth really exhibit what he doth testifie by the signes, the communication of his Body and blood. —That the very substance is given unto us, —That we are made partakers of the substance of his Body and Blood.] Will you infer from hence that Calvin also turn'd Papist? or will you say the Council of Trent was as well Protestant as Popish, for saying that Christ in that Sacrament is sacramentally present, and not according to the natural manner of existing? in earnest I know not what should hinder you, could you but think it for your Advantage. 3. As for that which you adde, [And the Council hath found words to express it, that there is made a hange of the whole substance of the Bread into the Body, and the whole substance of Wine into the Blood, which conversion the Catholick Church calleth Transubstantiation,] Gretius (you know) hath nothing like it; nor doth he any way appear to approve of that notion, nor to go a step further than Melanchthon and Bucer, nay the Waldenses and Mr. Calvin. Nay he approves the Diallacticon, which was clearly written by a Protestant. The whole malignity of the passage lies wrapt in your addition about Transubstantiation; which yet you have set in such a manner, as I believe your english Readers will think you have taken it out of Grotius, if they o not observe what now I tell them, That Grotius hath not any such thing; but that all the Addition is your D vice. Your Translation is also faulty in two respects, for the Latin runs thus, Iesum Christum verum Deum at que hominem, verè, realiter, ac substantialiter, sub specie earum rerum sensibilium contineri. Your English thus, Iesus Christ true God and truely man, is really and substantially contained under the form of those sensible things: applying verè to hominem which belongs to contineri. Again, those words in the Latin, assequi possumus, you render thus, we may be certain: of which as I see not any reason, so I verily believe you will shew me none.

Sect. 20. What Grotius saith of the Synod, Material and Formal Idolatry. [that when t e Synod of Trent saith, the Sacrament is to be adored with divine worship, Discuss. p. 79. it intends no more but that the Son of God himself is to be adored, in your p. 388.] he citeth out of the Synods words, which explicates herself, as he hath recited her explication, Sess. 13. C. 6.] And could it be possible for Grotius to do amiss in so doing? was it his fault that he did not lye? or is a man turned Papist, who relates a matter of Fact as he finds it printed before his Eyes? Is any Protestant to be blamed meerly for saying that the Papists do profess to worship none but the Son of God, when accused of Idolatry for yielding worship to bread and wine? Of what a happy Generation were you descended, that you can make a man guilty (though never so innocent) by somewhat less than an Affirmation? But to come from Grotius to the Papists, is it not absolutely necessary that they should make that Excuse, whilst they suppose (as they do) that the Elements are converted into the very body and blood of Christ? For we know in that Case, though what they worship is very Bread, which implie's them guilty of material Idolatry, yet Christ is That which they mean to worship, which free's them from the guilt of being formally Idolatrous. It is not Popery, to do the Papists no wrong. The way to convince and convert the , is to accuse them in measure of their Corruptions. A Puritanical opposition onfirmes a Papist, and make's him conclude he is Orthodox, because he Conquer's.

Two sorts of Papists. Discuss. p. 15. Sect. 21. Your two last passages out of Grotius, (which you sadly translated in your p. 388.) are joyned together in his Discussio, p. 15. and tell us what Papists he understood, when he spake of them in n Epistle. And what hurt can there be in either part? Did not Grotius do well, in calling those men by the name of Papists, who approve of all the sayings and deedes of Popes, and hat without any difference? What a Papist must you be thought, if you will not call such Papists, as well as Grotius? But I perceive, by what you say in your Grotian Religion, (p. 58, 59.) You collect from those words, (or would make your Reader at least believe it) that none were Papists with Grotius, but such as these. [You hope there be few Papists in the world, if th se Onely be Papists, p. 59.] Nor can you mean any otherwise, but by denying that These are Papists. Here then I must shew you as great a wilfulness or weakness in your objection, as was ever committed by any Writer in this kind. For in the page by you cited, Grotius make's a Distinction of two sorts of Papists, (as you have often times done Grot. Rel. p. 9. Sect. 4. your self,) and tell's Mr. Rivet which sort he meant. Not, which he meant in all places, but in illâ, Epistolâ, in that particular Epistle, which Rivet spake of. Marke the end of the period, as well as the beginning.] Papistas Grotius in illâ Epistolâ — eos intelligebat, qui sine ullo discrimine Omnia Paparum Dicta Facta que probant, honorum aut lucri, ut solet fieri, causâ: Non eos, qui, salvo jure Regum & Episcoporum, Papae sive Episcopo Romano eum concedunt Primatum, quem mos Antiquus & Canones & veterum Imperatorum & Regum edicta ei assignant. Here are distinctly two sorts of Papists described to us. In the Epistle spoken of, he meant the former, who promiscuously approve of all that come's from the Pope, right, or wrong; good, or evil; not the later sort of Papists, who allow the Pope such a Note that the later sort of Papists are agreed with in this one particular by Melanchthon, Bishop Bramhall, David Blondel the Presbyterian, and many more. Primacy, as Antient Custome and the Canons and the Edicts of Emperours and Kings do assigne unto him. Did you not know, that the second [eos] was a pronoun Adjective, as well as the first? And that Papistas was the Substantive, with which they did equally agree? Dr. Kendal would have said (in such a case as this is) That a little more of the Grammar-School would have done you no harm. If you shall plead in your excuse, that your offense was committed through want of Charity towards Grotius, not through any the least defect of skill in Grammar, you will enforce us to believe you a better Scholar, than a Christian.

2. But suppose it were, as you affirm it; yet considering what is meant by sine ullo Discrimine, there can be no such ill in it, as you suggest. For they who approve of as many sayings and doings of the Pope, as they discern to have Truth and reason in them, and also disapprove of those, which have no appearance of truth and Reason, (amongst whom you may reckon the Presbyterian Followers of Arminius, who applaud the Decree of Pope Innocent the tenth,) cannot properly and strictly be called Papists. Next, what hurt is there in adding, that they who thus approve of all that come's from the Pope, do it either for honor's, or Lucre's sake? Sure they do it not for God's, or for Conscience sake. And being not on Christian, it needs must be on carnal Grounds. The chief of which in this matter are Gain, and Greatnesse. Some indeed there are or may be, who may do it onely out of Ignorance. But to the consideration of such as Those, he had no occasion to descend in that particular passage of which we speak.

3. The negative part of the whole sentence, which you cut asunder from the Affirmative, and set in lieu of a New Argument against its Author, (whether more wilfully, or eakly, time will shew,) I have shew'd you the meaning of, in the first part of this Section. But here I will add for your behoof, that there are Papists in the world, who are therefore call'd by the name of Papists, because they continue in Communion with the Church of Rome, and yet do concur with many Protestants (as well of the Presbyterian, as the Episcopal way,) touching the Primacy of Order which doth belong to that See. From whence we must not conclude, that Thuanus turn'd Protestant, but that he was a moderate Papist. Nor that Blondel turn'd Papist, but that he was (in this point) a very moderate Presbyterian. Remember the words of Bishop Bramhall See your Grot. Rel. p. 22.23. [Cyprian gave a Primacy or principality of Order to the Chair of St. Peter, as Principium unitatis; so do we.] And yet you profess of this learned Bishop, Ibid p. 23. Sect. 13. that you do not take him for a Papist. If to agree in many things, whilst in many others we disagree, were to be of one Church, or of one Religion; then would the Papists be all Protestants, and all the Protestants would be Papists; when Dr. Owen thought you had inrolled him into the Troop of Antinomians, Disp. of right to Sacram. 5. p. 485. you pleaded fairly for your self, that you reckon'd not all to be Antinomians who held onely some one or few of their Opinions. How then could you resolve to reckon Grotius among the Papists, who came no nearer unto the Papists, than the Papists come to the Protestants? No man living can be a Papist, for this one thing, of allowing the Pope such a Primacy as Grotius speakes of, but denying him the Prerogative of being the universal Pastor, or the Supreme head and Governour of the Catholick Church. And Grotius give's a good reason in his following words. Qui quidem Primatus non tam Episcopi est, quàm ipsius Ecclesiae Romanae, caeteris omnibus praelatae communi consensu; &c. Discu •• . p. 15. Because the Priviledge of the said Primacy was by the common consent [of the Antient Church] ascribed rather to the Church, then to the Bishop of Rome; as having been the most eminent of all the Churches in the world, I say the most eminent in two respects. In respect of the Purity of her Faith, when first she was planted by the two chiefest of the Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul; and in respect of the City Rome, being consider'd as the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vide Cod. Can. Eccl. Vniv. Can. 206. Seat of the Western Empire. So farre is this one consideration from shewing favour unto the Papacy, that 'tis a principal Bulwark set up against it. 1. It follow's unavoidably that the Pope cannot pretend to the granted Primacy, from the words of Christ unto St. Peter, but onely from the common consent of the Church, and so it is not by Divine, but Eccclesiastical right. 2. It is not granted unto the Pope, who may at any time erre, as Liberius did; but to the pure unerring Roman Church, (such as Zanchie the Presbyterian doth acknowledge her to have been,) which when the present Church of Ro e shall appear to be, by such an impartial Reformation of her Corruptions as may reduce her to her Primitive and purer self, we shall be ready to pay her Her Ancient Honour. Nor do we gratify her at all, as now she is, by acknowledging (with the Fathers) that she was Primitively pure; because we are able to demonstrate the several growths of her Corruption. The light and evidence of which, as it doth justify our depar ure, so doth it make us unexcusable, if we preposterously return.

Sect. 22. There is nothing more strange, Grot. his design had no influence on our English changes. Discuss. p. 16. than that from words so innocent as those you cite out of Grotius, (in your p. 389.) you should conclude his Design to have had an influence upon England, in the changes which occasion'd our late civil Wars. For the Book you cite was the last he wrote, and so it was not very far from the final conclusion of all our Wars: or suppose it had been a great deal sooner, yet I am left to admire at what you are willing to infer. Grotius tells us that his Labours for the peace of the Church were not displeasing to many equal [impartial] men, not onely in Paris and all France, In Angliâ non pauci placidi pacisque amantes. Insanientibus Brownistis, quibuscum D.R. quàm Angliae Episcopis convenit, &c. but in Germany, Poland, and England too. And that the men to whom his pains was pleasing here in England, were men of mild Tempers and Lovers of peace. Such as to whom he opposeth the raging Brownist, better suiting with Mr. Rivet, then with the Bishops of England. From hence you conclude, (I wonder why) He had Episcopal Factors here in England. If you mean Factors to bring in Popery, I demand your proof or your repentance; if Factors for Peace, you have my pardon. Tis pity so many sheets of paper as you have written and printed on this one Subject, should all conclude with nothing better than a confident begging of the Question. Yet mark the bottom of the Invention with which you have been so long a brooding. There is a party of Prelatists here in England, who are Factors for Grotius, and so Papists, (this you know is the scope of all,) when first it is apparent that Grotius himself was no such thing. And secondly, the Prelatists are not agreeable to Grotius, in that for which he was most suspected; to wit, his thinking that the Bull of Pius Quintus may (for peace) be subscrib'd in a commodious sense. Wherein, as I am not of Grotius his mind, (I being not able to subscribe it in any sense I can imagin) so neither am I of Mr. Baxter's, that Grotius for this o inion may be concluded an arrant Papist: no, I find great reason to conclude the contrary. For had he been really a Papist, he might have subscribed those Articles without a commodious interpretation. And you have no pretense of proof that he ever subscribed them at all: He onely spake as an Agitator, a studious Contriver of publick peace, for which he made propositions, but all conditional; and shew'd how far he might go to so great an End.

He had no Church-preferment offer'd to im from hence. Sect. 23. Whereas you say, some tell you that Grotius had Church-preferment here offered him, and thought to have accepted it, (p. 389.) you give me occasion to suspect, that either you hear amiss what you are told, or do ill remember what you hear, or imperfectly relate what you remember. 1. At best it is but a hear-say, and such, as if it were true, would prove him a Protestant in grain. 2. But Grotius was not a Church-man, and was a great deal too old to quit his secular imployments for the taking of orders here in England, whereby to be capable of Church-preferment. 3. All that lookes like truth in it, I think, is this; that the King of England having heard of his incomparable Merits, and of his Love to our English Church, did determin to offer him, if ever the times should prove Peaceable, some very honourable condition within this Realm: Perhaps the Provostship of Eton might have been suitable to the purpose, having been given a little before to some excellent persons of the Laity. Sir Henry Savile, Mr. Murrey, and after that, to Sir Henry Wotton. Yet this at most was but a purpose, which was never advanc'd unto an actuall offer.

2. Your conceived objection is not so strange, but your answer to it is somewhat stranger. For what can you mean by the Church of England of the second Edition then in the Press? Dating this (as it must be dated) about the end of the war, a little before the death of Grotius, nor long before the death of the King, I know not what you will do for any good meaning of your words: was the Church of England then Popish, or was she not? if Popish, was she such either in capite, or in membris? I need not tell you your unhappiness, let your answer be what it will. You have Grot. Rel. p. 105.106. freed the King from the suspicion of being a Papist, although you make him much inclined to a Reconciliation. If she was not then Popish, you see how well you have written against your own writings.

3. I never heard that St. Clara was the Queen's Ghostly Father, Franciscus Sancta had a contrary design. nor can I imagin from what Familiar you may have received your Intelligence. I grant he continued a perfect Papist, for all he labour'd to reconcile the Church of England's Doctrine with that of Rome. But then you must grant (by the same reason) that Grotius continued a perfect Protestant, for all he proposed a Reconcilement of the Tridentine Articles with the Augustan. If St. Clara did the former, to draw the Protestants to be Papists, Grotius also did the later, to draw the Papists to be Protestants. Can the designs of Grotius, and St. Clara be both the same, when Grotius endeavour'd so to moderate, and soften Popery, as to rob it thereby of all its poyson? whilst St. Clara made it his business to infuse a poyson into the Articles of the Church of England? Behold a strange partiality. The poor Protestants of England must suffer on both sides. It pleaseth a Papist to interpret our English Articles as a Pacifick, and thereupon our Archbishop must needes be warping towards Popery: An eminent Protestant doth the same by the Romish Articles, which by analogy should infer that the Pope is warping towards the Protestants; But still it must be quite otherwise; this must also become an Argument against the Prelatists of England; who, if they approve of that Protestant's Labours, or but refuse to raile at him for being turn'd unto the Papists, must needes be turn'd Papists as well as he.

4. Why do you say, that I assure you of Grotius his Followers here in England? If you meane here are Pursuers of his pacifick design, I shall confidently challenge you to name One man, who is employed at present in any such enterprise. Not but that we do desire and wish for Peace as much as any; but seeing the Papists are more invasive and more at enmity with us then ever, we find it more needfull to betake our selves to our defence, then either to offer them Termes of peace, or to expect such from them as we can yield to. If you have read the late writings of Bishop B amhall and Dr. Hammond, two impregnable Propugners of the Protestant cause, (and let the Reverend Dean Cosins be ever remembred as a third) you cannot but know that the Prelatists are more the adversaries of Rome, than the Presbyterians.

5. You aske in th se words, [Is it any more proof that Grotius was a Protestant for joyning with them, than that they are Papists who joyn with him? ibid.] Thus whilst you aske, if it is any more proof, you implicitly confess it to be as much: that it must be as much you cannot modestly deny; and even this, Ad Hominem, will serve the turn. For tis plain you make them all Papists who joyn with Grotius, (whilst you call them the Grotian Cassandrian Papists) and therefore according to your reasoning, Grotius who joyn'd with our Episcopal Divines must have been a prelati al English Protestant.

6. What you adde of the late King doth serve to prove him a Protestant, and what you adde of Dr. Bayly doth serve to speak him a Papist, but what of this? Grotius was not that Doctor, any more than that King. Our Episcopal Divines made a discovery of the cheat, and reckon'd Bayly no other than what they found him, rather a man of the sword than a true pacifick. Though twas observed by learned Montague, that our Puritans were the men who did commonly turn Papists, yet he did not conclude they were the likelier to be Papists who never turn'd. Dr. Bezier leared from a implicit C ••• y. No, to argue in such sort is your own peculiar.

Sect. 24. What you cite from I. B. to shew the judgement of those on whom the Iudgment of Grotius had any influence, p. 390.] is every way to your prejudice. For 1. The Author is Dr. Bezier, a French Protestant by birth and by education, not one whit the likelier to have been po ishly affected, for having been prefer'd by the Bishop of Durham to be a Prebend in that Church, the Bishop himself being so contrary, and that in your knowldge. 2. It is more then you know, that the Judgment of Grotius had any influence upon His, or that he ever took Grotius into consideration. Take heed of s eaking things out of your meer Imagination. Dr. Bezier is a person, of whose practice in France I have been an Eye-witness; and that (I know) did evince him a sober Protestant. But 3. Why should not a Frenchman (preferr'd in England) have leave to wish for the ancie t Vnion, so as each injoying their true Liberties, they might reform all Errors in point of Doctrin for Themselves? 4. The design of that Tract being to prove against the Papists, that in casting out the Papacy we are not guilty of Schism or Heresie, urging Barnes his Book as a good Confession on their side, and his monstrous usage for that Confession,) what need was there of more than to clear the Liberties of our Church? 5. Since the Gallican Church had the same Liberties with the British, He could not take a fitter hint to expresse his wish for our Vnion. 6. Si utraque pars absque pre judicio sese mutuò intelligeret, & pars extrema de rigore suo vellet remittere, ea Britannicae Ecclesiae cum Gallicanâ consensio non foret adeo improbabilis, atque primâ fronte videtur Ecclesiam utramque vel alterutram ignorantibus. I. B. de Antiq. Eccl. Britan libert. p. 34, 35. What he speaks in their favour is only this, That if the French Church would u derstand us rightly, and would thereupon remit of her present Rigor, (which you know implies a Reformation) our Agreement would be likelier than appears at first sight, to such as have not a knowledge of either Churche. And will not you say as much as this of that or any other part of the Roman Church? certainly these are to be thought those very tolerable terms, upon which you profess for the French Papists, that you would run with the forewardest to meet them, (p. 390.)

Sect. 25. Your odd Resolution, Pacificks are not a Cause of Discord. that bellum & discordia non sunt nisi à pacificis & propter pacem, (p. 392.) can onely be verified through the wilfulness of the unreconcileable. For Love of Peace, by it self, would never be apt to make war. If any contention shall arise about the meanes of union, that again must be charged on them that di •• ike the mean's propos'd, and yet propose no better, nor more prob ble, perhaps much worse, and more unlikely to take a confortable effect, whereas the Pacifici, if they really propose the very best meanes they can, and do the utmost that in them lye's to live peaceably with all men, as they cannot be blame-worthy for doing no more, so 'tis their co fort, if they miscarry, that they have freed their own soules.

Of the Pope's Primacy. Sect. 26. You seem to forget the thing in Question, when you inveigh against an opinion of the necessity of an universal visible Head, p. 302.] For the Primacy allow'd unto the Pope by the learnedst Adversaries of Popery, (Melanchthon, and Bishop Bramhall, Dr. Hammond, and Blo del, as well as Grotius,) is not an universal Headship, as that signifie's Pastorship, but (at the most) a Patriarchate of the west, which does not imply but exclude a Mona chy, and is exactly reconcileable with an Aristocratick Government of the Church. And even this is but according to the Ancient Canons, by which he is qualified (if he please) to advance the Honour of Christianity, but not to hinder, or obstruct it. Again, this Primacy thus allow'd is not so properly the Proposal, as the Concession of the Protestants, with a proviso that the Pope will require no more. And for the buying of Peace, I told you long since how great a price is to be paid.

How it removeth the whole mistake. Sect. 27. To conclude the whole subject, and to remove the cause of your Mistakes, to make it very hard for you to persevere in your impertinence, or to make you unexcusable in case you do so, I give you warning to distinguish between the New Romish Canons, and the Note, that the four Genera l Councils were confirmed in Engl. by Act of Parlament in the first year of Queen Eliz. as Dr. Featly well observed in his Letter to the late Primate. Ancient Canons of the universal Church; between a Primacy of Order, and a Supremacy of Power; and not to delude your self any longer by fixing your thoughts upon the one, when Grotius and other Protestants do not approve but of the o •• er. You profess to approve of the Pacifick design. It was Grotius his judgement, that the likelyest way to make it take a good effect, is to take from the Pope his universal Supremacy over the Church, and to make him content himself, with a Primacy of Order, a that Principium unitatis (for the peace of Christendom) which Melanchthon, King Iames, Isaa Casaubon, Bishop Bramhall, Dr. Hammond, David Blondel, and all intelligent Protestants have still allow'd him. By this meanes the whole Church should have one Common Regiment, under Bishops, and Metropol tans, and Primates, and Patriarchs; which as it i much cast down, if not destroyed, by the universall Monarchy of the Pope, so it well consists with his Primacy according to the Canons of Generall Councils. Upon these precise termes, an universal peace might be begun, if all Protestants would agree under the Government of Bishops, and the Popes descend from their usurpations; and all other things might be reformed by the Supreme Magistrates, and Bishops, in their respective places of jurisdiction. Now this being the utmost that Grotius pretend's towards a Peace, you are highly injurious, whilst you joyne the Grotians and the French Papists in making the Pope to be the ordinary judicial Head. (p. 380.) For the Ancient Canons make him but one, although the first of five Patriarchs; and allow every Primate to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in his own Province; as Dr. Hammond hath made apparent in his most satisfactory Treatise concerning Schism, which hath been twice or thrice rail'd at, but never answer'd. Dr. Hammond of Schisme Chap. 5. S ct. 6. p. 100. Especially from the Canon of the Ephesine Council, in the particular cause of the Archbishop of Cyprus, over whom the Patriarch of Antioch (though he extended his Patriarchate over all the Orient) was adjudged to have no manner of Power.

I hope you see your obligation to make amends for your Calumny; in which you cannot persevere, without incurring the danger of calumniating others, as well as Grotius, Ibid. ch. . p. 59. even the ablest Supporters of the Protestant cause. For Dr. Hammond hath told us, as well as Grotius, (and sure I am that they were both of the same Religion,) That if we respect order and primacy of place, the Bishop of Rome had it among the Patriarchs, as the Patriarchs among the Primates, that City of Rome being the Lady of the World, and the seat of the Empire. Ibid. ch. 5. p. 100. Sect. 5. Again, speaking of the preeminence of the Roman See heretofore, though he denies her any supreme Authoritative power over other Primates, yet he allows her a precedence or priority of place in Councils, an eminence in respect of Dignity, which is perfectly reconcileable with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and Independence, the no-subordination or subjection of other Primates. Thus our Reverend Dr. Hammond, whom, I am verily perswaded, you will not dare to call Papist, for fear of derision from your most popular Admirers. However you do acknowledge that Bishop Bramhall is a right Protestant, and he hath told you very lately, Bishop Bramhall in his Schisme Garded, &c. p. 4. That the main Controversie, nay (he thinks) he might say the onely necessary Controversie between them and us, is about the extent of papal power. If the Pope would content himself with his exordium Unitatis, which was all that his primitive predecessors had, and it is as much as a great part of his Sons will allow him at this day, we are not so hard-hearted or uncharitable, for such an innocent Title or Office to disturb the peace of the Church. Nor do we envy him such a preeminence among Patriarchs, as St. Peter had (by the confession of his own party) among the Apostles. Ibid. p. 24, 25, 26. Primatus P tro datur, ut una Christi Ecclesia & una Cathedra monstratur. Cyprian. Epist. ad Actonium de Uui ate Ecclesiae. Together with this compare his citation of Bishop Andrews, expressing his own sense, and the sense of King Iames, yea and the sense of the Church of England. To which having added the like sense of St. Cyprian, he doth thus very briefly conclude his own, p. 26. This primacy neither the Ancients nor e do deny to St. Peter, of Order, of Place, of Preeminence. If this first Movership would serve his turn, this Controversy were at an end for our parts.

A C njecture passed upon some L tters. Sect. 28. It is not amiss to take notice of the applauding Letters of which you boast, (p. 393.) and to conjecture at their design, if there were any such things. Some who saw in your Aphorismes (and in some other things which you had publish'd) more of Truth and Moderation, than in other writings of Presbyterians, were willing to pardon many things which they saw amiss in you, for the love of that Truth of which they found you a Patronizer. No doubt but that Charity, which hopeth all things, did make them hope that more study would daily discover more Truth, which (for want of good study) you had not hitherto discern'd, and which as soon as you had learn't might serve to rescue your Inward man from all schismatical and factious wayes. In which charitable hope if they were very much mistaken, theirs was the error, but yours the fault; and you alone are accomptable for having so guiltily deceived their expectations. Their hopes of your Amendment (as well in some things as in others) were very discreet, as well as sanguine: for who could easily have suspected, that the Presbyterians by their Railing (at you and all th t came from you) should more oblige you to their side, than others reduce you into the way by gentle usage? What if some of those Epistlers might write in Latin, (as it is credibly reported) it was not to buffet but to oblige you; and therefore you should not have entertained them as so many Messengers of Satan. Yet since I can but conjecture, I shall address my request to every one of those persons, whom you accuse of their applauding and flattering Letters, (for this you know is the language, with which you publickly requite them for all their favours) that they will clear their Intentions from this Aspersion, and say in the uprightnesse of their Hearts, whether they sent you kind Letters to drive on an Interest of their own, or onely to perfect your Reformation.

Sect. 29. From the second part of your Key for Catholicks, By whom our Breaches were first made, and are ever since widened. I now return to your long Preface before your five Disputations of Church-Government and Worship, where you shew your good breeding to the best part of the Nobility, as well as of the Gentry, and Commons of this land, who still adhere unto the Prelacy so long established in the Church. You say indefinitly to some, that they speak to the shame of their understandings, and uncharitableness, but you beseech them to bear it, if you touch the sore; for your work is healing. p. 2. You charge them all with want of charity to their brethren, meaning thereby the Presbyterians; and you adventure to judge of the reasons why. In some there are confused apprehensions of the case. In some a co-interest and consociation with the Divines of their way. In some as stiffnesse and stoutness of disposition. In too many (miserable soules!) it is meer ungodliness and e mity to that way of piety, which appeares in many they differ from. In the best of them it is (too bad) a remisness of charity, and want of zeal for the Churches Peace, &c. p. 23. Thus you bestow your gentle touches (as you please to call them) upon your honourable, worshipfull, beloved Countrymen, the Nobility, Gentry, and Commons of this land who adhere to Prelacy, p. 1. But they must not presume to take it ill. For you say, they have a sore, which MUST be touch'd, and that you will do it as gently as the case will bear. p. 2.]

The wrong sore ubb'd & Presbyterians gall'd pon the Prelatists backs. 1. Now I pray Sir reflect upon the yeares that are pass'd, and compare them with the state of things at present; consider the Acts of many full Parliaments, and compare them with the Ordinance of less than one; read the Articles and Canons of the Church of England, and compare them with the medlings of the divided Assembly of Divines; remember by whose power your Assembly-men sate, and against whose prohibition they boldly acted, with which compare their proceedings in contempt of that power by which they were called an Assembly; recollect what you have publish'd against the Directory, the Covenant, the Presbyterian-worthies and way of Discipline, and compare it all with your confessions of Disobedience to Governours, doing hurt to the Church, taking excellent things from us which we were in actuall possession of; and when you have done, tell me truly whether (before you were awar) you have not been rubbing the wrong sore, and galled the Presbyterians upon the Prelatist's backs. For since you take in the Clergy of the Episcopal way, and say we separate from you for other men's doing, (p. 10.) I shall desire to know of you, who are the Schismaticks and Separatists and so the breakers of charity, and peace, and brotherly union; We, who continue and persevere in the good old way of the Church of England, in which we were born and baptiz'd, and to which we have vow'd a due conformity and obedience; Or you, and your darling Presbyterians, who have departed from our Assemblies, and separated your selves from our Communions, receded meanly from your subscriptions, and bound your selves by an oath to extirp te your Fathers who were over you in the Lord, whom you had solemnly promis'd you would reverently obey? For brevities sake I refer you to my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ch. 2. p. 50, 51, 52.

2. Again, The Prelatists beaten for being abused, I would gladly be inform'd, which sort of men are most unpeaceable, and injurious: We, who sought not your goods, Or you, who bereaved us of our own? We, who would fain have sate still in Peace, Or you, who ruin'd us (whilst you had power) with the specious stile of Reformation? We, who complain'd when we were wronged, Or you who wro g'd us? For pity do not beat us the first time for noth ng, and then a second time beat us for being beaten. If we did you any injury by having suffer'd extremely without a cause, it was not ours, but your fault. For all we suffer'd was against our wills. We did no more Court, then deserve such usage. We would fain have injoy'd the many and excellent Advantages both spirituall and temporall, which by the Petition of right, and the great Charter, and other Lawes of the Land, as well as by the Statutes and Lawes of God, were as undoubtedly our own, as whatsoever it is which you are able to call yours. And will you hate us so far, as not to be able to forgive us, because you have wrong'd us in such a measure, as that you can never make us amends? When the Fox in the F ble is resolv'd to prey upon the Lamb, he quickly make's it a Malefactor. But when men are sadly beaten, for nothing else but their refusing to break the peace, they cannot certainly break it by being beaten.

3. Once more I would know, Y t are earnest Desirers of Reconcilement. who are averse to a Reconcilement. We, who earnestly desire it, Or you, who widen our breaches, with as little regret as at first you made them? We, who labour to reduce you to your ancient Order and Uniformity; or you, who have improved one single Schism into an hundred? Notwithstanding the hainous and horrid things, which you have done, and we suffer'd, God and the world is our witness, we do not shut you out from our Communion: Our Chappels and Churchdores lye open to you: We contend for your Fellowship, and daily pray for your comming in; if you, by name, should have occasion to pass this way, and present your self, with other Guests, at the holy Supper of our Lord, no man on earth should be more welcome. But if you and your Partners will continue your severall separations, and shut your selves out from our Communion, as it were judging your selves unworthy of the Kingdom of God, and excommunicating your selves, (without our consents, and against our wills, and in despight to our invitations,) we cannot do less than declare, that we cannot help it. We are no rigid exactors of Reparation. Do but return to our Communion, and we are satisfied. Do but accept of our forgiveness, and we are pleas'd. If you cannot agree with us in every act of our obedience to the established Canons of the Church, at least come back to that station from whence you fell, and no small matter shall ever part us.

The Church of England j stified by the Confessions of her Deserters. 4. You profess to be for Bishops, as well as we. (p. 5.) you acknowledge a stinted Liturgy is in it self lawful; and that in some parts of p blick holy service it is ordinarily necessary; and that in the parts where it is not of necessity it may not onely be submitted to, but desired when the peace of the Church requireth it; that the Ministers and Churches which earnestly desire it should not by the Magistrate be absolutely for idden the use of a convenient prescribed Liturgy, &c. (p. 358.359.) Nay farther yet you do acknowledge, That the use of the Surplice b ing commanded by the Magistrate, you would obey him, and wear that Garment, if you could not be dispensed with. Yea though secundarily the whiteness be to signify purity, and so it be made a teaching sign, yet would you obey. (p. 409.410.) Next for kneeling at the Sacrament, you say that as sinfully as this gesture was imposed, you did for your part obey the imposers, and would do, if it were to do again, rather then disturb the peace of the Church, or be deprived of its Communion. (p. 411.) You confess you see no reason to scruple at the lawfulness of the Ring in Marriage. (Ibid.) You say that Organs or other Instruments of Musick in God's worship, being a help partly natural, and partly artificial, to the exhilarating of the spirits for the pr yse of God, you know no argument to prove them simply unlawfull, but what would prove a cup of wi e unlawfull, or the Tune and Meter and melody of singing un awfull. (p. 412.) Again for Holy-daies you confess, That some time for God's worship besides the Lord's-day must be appointed, and God having not told us which, the Magistracy may, on fit occasions. (Ibid.) Nay for the great Holy-daies of t e Church to which you have the most aversion, (such as celebrate the memorial of Christ's Nativity, Circumcision, Fasting, Transfiguration, Ascension, and the like) you freely profess to be resolved, if you live where such Holy-daies as these are observed, to censure no man for observing them, nor would you deny them liberty to follow their judgement if you had the power of their Liberties, &c. (p. 416.) Yea more, if you lived under a Government that per mptorily commanded it, you would observe the outward rest of such a Holy-day, and you would preach on it, and joyn with the Assemblies in Gods worship on it. (p. 417.) For the name and form of an Altar, you think it a thing indifferent, whether the Table stand this way, or that way. The primitive Churches (you confess) used commonly the names of Sacrifice, and Altar, and Priest, and you think lawfully, and you will not be he that shall condemn them. (p. 417.) Last of all for the Cross in Baptisme, which you have most suspected to be unlawfull, you dare not peremptorily say it is unlawfull, nor will you condemn the Ancients and Moderns that use it, nor will you make any disturbance in the Church about it. (p. 418.)

5. After all these acknowledgments (& many more in other places) I wonder how you can excuse your departure from us, The P esbyterian Sep r tists apparently unexcusable. or what should keep you from your return. Will you not live in Communion with us, because we observe the Rites and Orders of the Church, which you confess to be very innocent? Or do you abandon what is innocent, because we use it? Are our Bishops the worse for being derived from the Apostles, as our Reverend Dr. Gauden hath lately proved by an induction? Are they the worse for being in England ever since the first time that Christianity was planted? Or the wor e for being setled by the fundamental Lawes of the British land? They are not the worse for being approved, and contended fo unto the death, by the learnedst part and the most pious of the Reformed Churches, of which our Confessors and Martyrs do make up a great and a noble Army. That our Church was a true established Church (in the year of our Lord 1641.) You have so plentifully granted, that 'tis too late to deny. They that See Bishop Hali's peacem ker Sect. 7. p. 58. flye out from a true established Church, and run waies of their own, raising and fomenting Sects and Schisms amongst God's people, are sent for their Doom (by our late Reverend Bishop Hall) to those notable words of the Apostle, Rom. 16.17, 18. And whether or no the Presbyterians have not thus flown out, judge I pray by the See Dr. Ham. of Schism. ch. 11. p. 178, 181. last Chapter of Dr. Hammond's Treatise concerning Schism. Or let the men of that way but lay their hands upon their hearts. Now when you seem to have profited (not a little) by that excellent Preface of Dr. Sanderson, (wherein you are personally concerned,) in coming up so far, as hath been shew'd, to the most disputable things of the Church of England, what can make you stand off at so great a distance? what kind of answer will you return unto your own expostulations? Shall the breach be healed, or would you have it to continue? If it must continue, tell us why, and how long? Would you have it go with us to Eternity? Do you censure us to Hell? Or will you not goe with us to Heaven? I pray return to us in time, rather than wish you had done it when 'tis too late. Th y are obnoxious to men of all sides for th ir sin of Schism;

6. You cannot charge any sort of men for having separated from you, without incurring the same charge, for having separated from us. When Mr. Cawdry writ against Independency, and gave it the Title of A great Schism, I could not but smile at the retortion which Dr. Owen very speedily and itly made him. Nay it is publickly declared by a great Body of congregationals, Praef. p. 13. That they did not break from the Presbyterians, but the Presbyterians rather from them. You are so far from agreeing with one another, that you can never be expected to be at unity with your selves, unless by being reconcil'd to the Church of England, whose Calamities have obsc r'd, but not destroyed Her. The sin of Schism is contracted (saith the Judicious Dr. Hammond) either by some irregularity of Actions, loco supra citato. contrary to the standing Rule and Canons of this Church; or by Disobedience to some commands of Ecclesiastical Superiours. And then by whom it is contracted I need not tell you. But, Blessed be God (as he goes on p. 179.) the Church of England is not invisible: It is still preserved in Bishops and Presbyters rightly ordained, and multitudes rightly baptized, none of which have fallen off from their profession.

7. To your preposterous Demands then, Especially to the E iscopal, whose sufferings have made them the more co formable to the primitive Christians. why we separate from you, and refuse to go to your Communion, the first and shortest Answer is this, that we are passively separated, because you actively are separatists. We, by remaining as we were, are parted from you; and you, by your violent departure, have made our Difference unavoidable. We are divided by necessity, and you by choice; we from you our Dividers, but you from us, and between your selves. You (like Demas) having forsaken us, and having embraced this present world, it is our lot (as it was Paul's) to be un voidably forsaken. It is God's own Method, to turn away from his Deserters. When the Times are changed by some, and others are changed by the Times, you must at least excuse (if not commend) us, that we Prov. 24. 1. meddle not with those who are given to change. For you to go from us, and then to chide us for being parted, is the greatest injustice to be imagin'd; because it requires us to verifie the two Extremes of a contradiction. A second Answer I shall give you in better words than mine own; even the same which Dr. Hammond once gave the Papists;

S e Dr. Hammond of Schism, p. 180, 181. The Night-meetings of primitive Christians in Dens and Caves, are as pertinent to the justifying of our Condition as they can be of any; and 'tis certain that the forsaking of the Assemblies, Heb. 10.25. is not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 our wi ful fault, (v. 26.) but onely our unhappy Lot; who are forced either not to frequent the Assemblies, or else to incourage (and incur the scandal of seeming to approve) the practises of those that have departed from the Church. That we do not decline Order, or publick communion, and consequently are not to be charged for not enjoying those Benefits of it, which we vehemently thirst after, is evident by the extensive Nature of our persecution; the same Tempe t having with us thrown out all Order and Form, Bishops and Liturgy together. And to that Curstnesse of theirs, not to any Obstinateness or Vnreconcileableness of ours, (which alone were the guilt of non-Communion) is all that unhappiness of the constant Sons of the present English Church to be imputed.

L y-elders condemned by such as had sworn to assert them. Sect. 30. I am glad to find you thinking, that unordained Elders wanting power to preach, or administer the Sacraments, are not Officers in the Church of God's Appointment: and that as far as you can understand, the greater part, if not three parts for one of the English Ministers that we stand at a distance from, are of this mind, and so far against Lay-Elders as well as we; of whom you confess your self one, and Mr. Vines another, p. 4. But I am not glad to find you excusing what you condemn. 'Tis true, ye all swore (when ye took the Covenant) to preserve the Discipline and Government in the Church of Scotland, and to reforme the Church of England in Discipline and Government according to the example of the best Reformed Churches, (of which the Scotish was implied to be the chief) yea to bring the Churches in the three Kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and Uniformity in Church-government, &c. Lay-elders in Scotland were pretended to be by Divine right. The Platforme of Geneva was highly magnified (that I say not blasphemously) for the Pattern shew'd in the Mount. The Scepter of Christ, and Evangelium Regni Dei, were noted expressions of their Device. But since you have printed your own opinion, that ther were no such Lay-elders of God's appointment, you should rather have recanted your having sworn the Scotish Covenant, than have tryed by all means to make the best of so bad a matter. Whilst you believe a fourth part of the Presbyterians are directly against the other three, in thinking Lay-elders of God's appointment, you give us to hope that your Kingdom will never stand. And indeed if you will read but the first 5. Chapters of Bishop Bancrofts Survey of the pretended Holy Discipline, you will find that no Sect hath been more divided against it self. See what is said by Dr. Gauden (in his excellen p. 17. Dendrologia) concerning the Pertness and Impertinen y, the Arrogancy and Emptiness, the Iuvenility and Incompetency, the Rusticity and Insolency of some Ruling and Teaching Elders too; the disagreement that was found betwixt High-shoes and the Scepter of Church-government: especially mark what he p. 18. saith of the Decoy and Fallacy, the Sophistry and Shooing-horn of bringing in Lay-elders by Divine Right; and perhaps when you have done, you will hardly excuse your own Excuses; much less the manner in which you make them, for to excuse the Lay-e ders as men not preaching.

Sect. 31. You say, A Calumny cast upon our Preachers to the sole disgrace of the Calumniator. In that, our Readers are much like them, p. 4. And again you speak of our Ignorant, Drunken, Worldly Readers, and Lazy Preachers, that once a day would preach against doing too much to be saved, p. 16.] But 1. that any have so prea hed, of the regular Clergy, is your ungrounded Intimation, for which you are answerable to God. They have commonly been accused of having preached for the doing too much to be saved. Their earnest pressing for the Necessity of Universal Obedience to the Law of Christ, which carries along with it all manner of good works, hath very frequently procured them the name of Papists, Socinians, Pelagians, Moralists, any thing in the world to express the dislike of your Presbyterians. The Antinomians are the chief men, who preach against doing too much to be saved; and as the Fautors of that Heresie, you your self have accused both Mr. Pemble and Dr. Twisse, who were not Prelatists but Presbyterians. And such were they who applauded The Marrow of modern Divinity, which you have shar ly written against for the like dangerous positions. Nay you your self are more liable to undergo your own censure, than any Prelatist I ever heard of, for teaching the people how greaf a wickedness may well co sist with their being Godly. Of this I have given so many Examples, that I shall adde but one more: You put the Question, W ether if men live many years in swearing or the like sin, See Disp. of right to Sacram. 3. p. 330. it is not a certain sign of ungodliness? To which you answer in these words, A godly man may long be guilty of them, as 'tis known, some well-reputed for Godliness are in Scotland. Reputation doth much with many even that are godly, to make sin seem great or small. With us now a swearer is reputed so great a sinner, that he is reckon'd with Adulterers and Drunkards. But Censoriousness, Backbiteing, Church-division, Disobeying those that rule over us in the Lord, (I pray let that be remembred) spiritual pride, &c. which are greater sins than swearing, do not so brand a man, nor make him odious with us. This again deserves your notice.

Once a day preaching and Catechizing, a great deal better than prateing twice. 2. That Preaching once a day, and once a day Catechizing, is better than prating twice a day (without either Preaching or Catechizing) will be granted by all, who shall consider the meek saying of the most eminent Preacher, Bishop Andrews, that when he Preached twice a day, he prated once. And what dishonour hath been done both to God, and his Church, by turning the whole publick worship into two Sermons upon a Sunday, you may collect at your leisure from Mr. Thorndike. It is a proverbial observation, that two Sermons (of the new mode) do seldome differ more from one, (excepting the labour of lips and lung ) than two distinct sixpenses from one whole shilling. And though (since the departure of my assistant) I have also preached twice a day, yet I think not the better of my performance.

3. Your lazy Preachers are they who will not take the paines to meditate; The Accuser mo t criminal. and onely make up in the number of their Sermons, what their hearers would rather receive in weight. That you your self sometimes are a One sheet so the Ministery, p. 14. lazy Pre cher, you have publickly confessed in your odd sheet for t e Ministery. Which make's it the more unseemly for you, to be an accuser of your brethren.

4. And as unseemly for you it is, The Presbyterian Readers are many more than the Epis •• pal, to upbraid them so much with their being Readers. For the notorious Readers of their Sermons are the eminent men of your way. I do esteem Dr. Reynolds as the most learned and the most eloquent of all your Preachers. Nor do I value him the less for being a Reader, but rather the more for his resolution to preach no more than he can write. Not to tell you of Mr. Mant n, and all the rest of that party, let it suffice that Mr. Hickman is observ'd to be one of your lazy Readers. And if he preacheth, as he hath printed, the printed language and matter of English D . Heylin, Mr. Goodwin. Mr. Morrice, Mr. Prinn, &c. writers (not onely not acknowledging, but) defaming and reviling the severall owners, it is not an honour to your party, that he is one of your chief men. Nay since you told us from the Press, that ubi supra, p. 13. you use notes as much as any man, I and others have thought you a Reading-preacher. And so you see your misfortune in this other part of your accusation. There are twenty Readers of your way, for one of ours.

5. Because you are not afraid to add, And their preaching much worse, if we may credit their own Confessions. [That in abundance of our most applauded Preachers, the things of God were spoken with so little life, and seriousness, as if they had not been believed by the speaker, or came not from the heart, (p. 17, 18.) I must put you in mind of that publick Pennance, which both your Person and Party were condemn'd to do in your Saints rest. Where (and to speak one syllable from common fame, or from known experience,) when you had reckon'd up many and great faults in the dispensation of the word, Saints Rest. part 3. Sect. 5. p. 99. you shut up the Bill with these expressions, [the Lord pardon the great sin of the Ministery in this thing, and in particular mine own.] And what were those aggravations which made your sin so exceeding sinfull? Even as many as you had mustered in several pages going before. Such as— your seldom fitting your Sermons, Ibid. p. 98, 99. ei her for matter or manner to the great end, your people's Salvation, your Sacrificing your studies to your own credit, or your peoples content, or some such base inferiour end, your formal frozen lifeless Sermons, your handling sins gently, your tender dealing with careless hearts, your telling the people of Heaven and Hell in such a sleepy tone and slighty way, as if you were but acting a part in a Play. In a word, your want of seriousness about the things of heaven, which charmes the Soules of men into formality, and that brought them to that customary careless hearing which undoe's them. ] With these and many other things you charge your brethren in general, as well as your self in a peculiar manner. So very ill were you advis'd in your indefinite accusation of our Episcopal Divines, for being guilty of but one of those many faults, which you discover in your self, and your Presbyterians.

An agreement in point of Railing between the Quakers and Presbyterians. 6. That Ternary of Epithets which you disgorge against the Prelatists. [Ignorant, Drunken, Worldly,] I shall onely leave you to lick up again at your leisure, and intreate you, for the future, to leave your railing. The Quakers may thank you for joyning with them, in bringing the Priesthood into disgrace. But sure you will not thank the Quakers, when they shall rationally demand, [if some of the Prelatists are so unworthy, how extremely much worse are the Presbyterians?

7. I will shut up this Section, concerning Preachers, with a certain passage in your Epistle before your Treatise of judgement. Which though I could not but observe without a prompter, yet I should not at present have told you of it, had not another observ'd it, as well as I; and also taken it so unkindly, that you should Court the rich Citizens, whilst you seem to contemn the poorer Inhabitants of the Country, as to desire I would give you some Item of it. Your words I allude to are briefly these. Epist. Dedic. p. 10. [Let us in the Country have the honest raw young Preachers, and see that you have chief Fathers, and Pillars in the Church.] An honest Husbandman in my Parish was much offended at this expression. And having ruminated upon it, took occasion to tell me his Meditations. He thought the Soules in all Countries (within this Island) were both as many and as pretious as those at London, and every way as d ar to God. He thought it as much pity, for young Preachers to be raw, as for old ones to be rotten. He could not but put the Question, (if I may help express his mind) in which of those two ranks Mr. Baxter did reckon himself to be. If he thought himself one of the raw young Preachers, why did he take upon him to censure the eminentst Preachers in the Church? If he thought himself a Father and Pillar in it, why did he give so gross a Hint, that he would fain be sent for up to London? He doth not deserve a Country Pul it, who thinks himself too good for it. Besides, the right Reverend Bishops are the chief Fathers, and Pillars of the Church, of which the Dioeces of London can have but one. And so the plain Country-man doth no exactly understand you.

Sect. 32. Whil'st you say that some Protestants, A f ir Confessi n how far a Prot stant m y go and be still a Protestant. as Bishop Bramhall and many more, do hold the Pope may be obeyed by the Transmarine Western Churches as the Patriarch of the West, and be taken by us all to be the Principium unitatis to the Catholick Church, and the Roman determinations still may stand, except those of the last 400. yeares, and those, if they obtrude them not on others, (p. 7.) You help your Reader to conclude, that Grotius might well have been a Protestant by the very allowance of his accuser. And supposing my Reader to be intelligent, I shall make no other use of your large Concession.

Sect. 33. You very confidently say, Of Bish ps nd Presbytery. that in the pulished judgments of Bishop Hall, Bishop Usher, Dr. Holdsworth, Forbes, and others, they would have all Presbyters to be Governours of the Churches, one of them having a stated Presidency or Moderatorship, and this will content them. p. 9.] I know not what they have declared in other parts of their writings, which I have never yet seen. Nor am I sure I know your meaning (by the word Presbyters, Presidency, and Governours of the Churches,) much less am I sure that you your self do know theirs. But I know what Bishop Hall hath done and suffer'd for that Episcopacy, which had been established in this land with Christianity it self, and had also been confirmed by 32. Acts of Parlament, (nor need I tell you how much an Act doth differ from an Ordinance,) and was abundantly provided for by Magna Charta, which by statute is 25. of Edw. 1. ch. 1, 2. declared the Common L w of the land. I say, I know what he hath done against the many-headed Smectymnuus, in which are compendiously represented the chiefest s icklers for the Presbytery, as Dr. Gauden hath expressed in that crooked low shrub, which ambitiously supplanted the well-grown Cedar. Again I know what he hath suffered by his imprisonment in the Tower, where yet the reason of his imprisonment made it a comfortable restraint. I farther know what he was for, when he writ his Peace-maker, See Bishop Hall's Peacemaker, p. 48, 49, &c. to wit the Primitive Government universally agreed upon by all antiquity, for which he refers you to the writings of Clemens, and Ignatius. He makes use of the Confessions both of Camero, and Beza, of Marlorate, and Calvin, that in Calvin Inst. l. 4. . 4. very City there was chosen one Bishop, least an equality in th Clergy should engender strife. That the Bishop was indeed the very Marlorat. in Apoc. 2. Prince of the Clergy. That he was above the Presbyters in point of Beza de Grad. Minist. Evang. order. That being chosen by the Colledge of the Presbyters, he was to be their President, and that not without some I. Camer. Myroth c. in Tim 4 14. Authority over the rest. Now though the Bishop doth consent, that he be call'd a Moderator, a President, a Superintendent, an Overseer, or by any other such name, if the name of a Bishop is displeasing, (as thinking it pity that words should break square where the things are agreed,) yet, saith he for the fixedness, or change of this person, Bishop Hall, p. 50. let the antient and universal practice of God's Church be thought worthy to oversway. And he had said a little p. 48. before, that the President must be constant, as well as o e. Now had you sworn, in taking the Scotish Covenant, to change the name of a Bishop, and there had stopt, you might have cited the Peace-maker with much more reason than now you do. But you swore to endeavour the extirpation of the thing, of Church-Government it self, by law establish'd. For that you might not be mistaken, you explain'd the word Prelacy by the word Church-Government, &c. by a good token, that in conclusion, you superstitiously held it for Anchristian. And because you often take the confidence to cite that Treatise of Bishop Ha l, as if it had yielded you some fig-leaves to cover the shame of your undertakings, I pray observe your concernments in his Epistle before the book. I will but put you in mind, when the Book was first printed, (to wit in the yea 1647.) and who were the very first men who did quieta movere, and then I will give you his Golden Paragra h.

It is felony by our Municipal Lawes for a man to burn but the frame of a Building intended for an house;B shop H ll's ce sure of the D stu bers f s tled Gove nment in the Church. how hainously flagitious shall the God of heaven account it, to set fire on his complete spirituall House, the Chu ch, whereof every believer is a living stone? Doubtless how slight soever the world mak's of the e spiritual distempers, it shall be easier in the day of judgement for Theeves, and Whoremongers, and Adulterers, then for the breakers of publick Peace. Never was there any so fearfull vengeance inflicted upon any Malefactors, as upon Corah and his Combination. Surely if we consider the sin it self, other offenses had been far more hainous; but in that it was a presumptuous mutiny, tending to the affront of allowed Authority, to the violation of Peace, and to the destruction of community, the earth could not stand under it, hell only is fit to receive it.

Now (Sir) consider with your self, both what you have done in these times, and with what success. You did not open your mouthes wider against Moses and Aaron, (pretending they had taken too much upon them,) than all the people of the earth have open'd theirs against you: Presbytery (like Corah) was swallow'd up quick. If the Bishops you were against, did differ so little as you pretend, from those very Bishops which you are for, why was the publick peace broken for private interesses and ends? Let me tell you in the words of the right Reverend Bishop Hall, th t you and others of your way, who were born and bred under Authority Ubi supra, p. 93, 94. [should have contented your selves to be Disciples rather than Iudges, and have entertained reverent thoughts of those that were set over you; not more for the Gravity and Wisdom of their persons, then for the Authority of their Places. Even Timothie's youth may not be contemned. — Hereupon it was that holier antiquity (even from the daies of great and gracious Constantine) thought it very conducible to the good success of the Gospel, to put respects of honour upon the sacred Messengers of God. Damas. Epist. de Chor piscopis. It is too true an observation of Damasus, where the name of Church-Governours is grown contemptible, the whole state of the Church must needs be perturbed.] Could you expect any thing less from the common people, than that they should pay you in your own Coin, and say yee took too much upon you, and that all the Congregation was at least as holy as themselves? Had your spirituall Superiours been more venerable in yours, yee had not certainly been so vile in the Peoples eyes.

Th Lord Primate's censure of Presbyterian Ordinations, as I valid, and Schismaticall. Published by Dr. B. p. 125.126.2. Next for his Grace of Armagh, (whom I can never find you calling by a higher Title then Bishop Usher,) I shall but mind you how he hath pleaded for the Prelacy of England in other workes; and onely recite his words at length out of that very piece, in which you seem to have taken the greatest pleasure. For even there he hath concluded your Ordinations by Presbyters to be invalid, in as much as they were made, where Bishops might have been had; there being nothing but necessity (in case Bishops cannot be had) which in the judgement of the Primate can make such valid. And that you may not flatter your self, his Grace intended such a necessity, as against all reason you sometimes offer to pretend, you shall read him subjoyning these following words.

Holding as I do, that a Bishop hath Superiority in degree above a Presbyter, you may easily judge that the ordination made by such Presbyters as have severed themselves from those Bishops unto whom they had sworn Canonical obedience, cannot possibly by me be excused from being, Schismaticall. ]

You see what necessity the Primate admitted for an excuse, and in what respect you are unexcusable. For, besides that you are not under any necessity of ordaining Presbyters without a Bishop; no necessity can happen, but what will be of your own making; and such an home-made necessity will but aggravate the wickedness of them that made it. I make no doubt but you will say the same thing, if a power succeeding shall deal with you, and your Function, as you have dealt with your Superiours. I shall not add more of the Primate now, than that the Reduction of Episcopacy is a posthumous work, and yet pretend's to no other modell than what may stand with the preeminence both of Bishops and Archbishops.

3. Dr. Holdsworth's Iudgement is as well known,Dr. Holdsworth's sufferings a declaration of his judgement. as what he suffered for his judgement, during the memorable Reign of the Presbyterians. Which puts me in mind of what was said by that learned Gentleman Mr. Morrice, The N w-inclosures broken down. Sect. 1. p. 212. the digladiations about Discipline have laid open Doctrin to those destructive wounds it bleed's under; the discountenancing and depressing of so many learned Champions of the truth, hath been the leaving [the Church] without a Guard. When you were swearing and fighting to level the Bishops with the ground, for want of merit and su ficiency to seat your selves among the Bishops, you had not the patience to consider, or not the prud nce to believe, that you were laying out your strength (as blinded Sampson did his) to pull down a house upon your heads by laying your hands upon its Pillars. Iudg. 16.29. But now you are taught by sad experience, that what you covenanted against was even the glory and support of your own profession, you will I hope be so just as to blame yourselves, if you shall live to suffer, as heavy things as you have done.

Sect. 34. Whereas you say in your excuse, The Presbyterian excuses are aggravations of their offences that some of your party did not swear obedience to the Bishops, or did not disobey such Bishops as Bishop Vsher assureth us were the Bishops of the Antient Churches, and that the Schism is not such, as makes men uncapable of our Communion, and that since Bishop Prideaux dyed, there hath been none in his place, (p. 12.13.) I briefly answer, first that you speak against your knowledge, unless you know not what you did, when admitted into the Priesthood. And that I may not repeat two or three pages of what I have said in another book, I refer you for a sight of your great and manifold obligations to obey your Ordinary with reverence, and other chief Ministers unto whom the Government and Charge was committed over you, to acknowledge the order of our Church (as then it stood) to be according to the will of our Lord Iesus Christ, to approve of Bishops and Archbishops, to use the Common prayer, to observe the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church, and all according to the Lawes of this Realm, I say I refer you for a sight of your great and manifold obligations, to my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ch. 2. p. 51.52, 53. Next I must mind you that the Lord Primate did onely speak of Communion with the Transmarine Protestans in France and Holland, upon this supposition, that he were in those Countries. But our English Presbyterians were under another consideration. He never received the blessed Scrament at any one of your hands, nor would he ever hold Communion with any one of your Revolting Scotizing Churches. But if you return to our Communion, from which you fell by transgression, both our Armes and our hearts are alwaies open to receive you. And that you may do it so much the sooner, let me admonish you of the disorder, which the Lord Primate wonder'd at in your late Presbyterian ordinations. A disorder so great, that it sufficeth of it self (without your other imperfections, to say no harder things of them,) to make a nullity in the things that you most confide in. See the Primates judgement of Ordinat. by Pres. set out by Dr. Bern. p. 136.137, 138, 139. [To give the Seal of Ordination (as some are pleas'd to call imposition of Hands) without any express Commission annexed, or Grant of Authority to the person, the Primate was wont to say, seemed to him to be like the putting of a Seal to a blanck.] Your Presbyterian Ordinations he judg'd no better: and the reasons of it at large you may find in those pages which I have cast into the Margin. What Bishops there were in the Antient Churches, or what the Primate thought of them, it matter's not. Your disobedience was not the better, for being acted against those to whom you had promis'd to yield obedience. And those alone are the Bishops, which here tis pertinent to speak of, for they alone were the Bishops, to whom the men of this Age had sworn Canonical obedience, through the Non performance of which obedience, you had extorted from the Lord Primate that heavy censure. If, since the Death of Bishop Prideaux, none hath succeeded in his place, remember what I said lately of self-created necessity; and do not imagin your Sin is lessen'd by a principall part of its aggravation. Add to this, that there are Bishops, though not perhaps in your County. And where Bishops are to be had, you were forbid by the Primate to ordain without them.

Sect. 35. Whereas you say of Bishop Prideaux, Bishop Prideaux confessed a moderate man, though the sharpest censor of our English Presbyterians. See his Fascic. Controv. Epist. Ded. [that he was one of th Antient and moderate sort. p. 13] I heartily thank you for the Confession, than which, I could not have wish'd you had made a greater. For he was undoubtedly one of them, whom you covenanted against, and under whom you should have lived in due obedience. How much he abhorred your Scottish-Covenant, and all your Covenanted attempts, especially those against your Bishops; how severely he censured the Smectym uan sawciness, and ambition; how zealously he asserted the established Government of the Church by Archbishops, and Bishops, Deanes, and Chapters, &c. How very heavily he sate upon the skirts of the Presbyterians, both for their Schism, and Sacriledg, and immoderate railing against their Bishops; and how by these very courses he thought them assisting unto the Iesuites in bringing an odium and disgrace upon the Protestant Religion, and Rome at last into Britain; I pray be pleas'd to see at large in his remarkable expressions which now ensue.1. He doth in print Characterize them by Ravenous Wolves.

Rapaces Lupi non tantùm irruunt ex vicinis spelaeis, sed ebulliunt ex nobis ipsis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Nostis quis praedixit, & quid nos sentimus.

Sub patulae cujusdam Quercus tegmine Arbusta nonnulla olim latitantia, 2. By ambitious low shrubbs conspiring against the goodly Oake. putabant se fuisse impedita, per adumbrantium ramorum stilli idia, ne in altunt (quod ambiebant) crescerent; Iovem igitur implorant ut quercus averuncetur. Dictum, Factum; quid sequitur? Ingruunt procellae brumales, solo penitùs aequantur, succedit aestivale incendium, & stirpitùs exare scunt. 3. By a pe ulant Ape on the House-top. Intelligentibus non opus est Oedipo.

Simia in tecto praetereuntibus tam diù capita diminuat, donec ipsa ab irritatis tandem deturbetur.

4. By the greedy Dog, and the sacrilegious Bird in the cōmon Fable. Canis umbrae inhians extentiori amittit quam in faucibus possidebat offam; & notum est, quomodo frustulae sacrificii ab altari direptae adhaesit pruna in nidi aquilini & pullitici vivicomburium.

Deus noster ignis consumens est. Non impunè feret Baltassar temerata Temp i vasa; & lingua aurea è consecratis per Achan subducta, 5. By Baltasar and Achan. Sacrilegium in Anathemate maranatha eloquetur.

6. By the Title Smectymnuan importing a Monster with many Heads. Atque hic inter caetera mirari subit, cur Episcopi titulus (quo tamen Salvatorem nostrum insignitum esse legimus) adeò recentioris censurae Smectymnuanis sudes esset in oculis, ut necessariò characterem Bestiae fronti inustum manifestaret. Num Cranmeri, Latimeri, Ridlei, & ejusdem classis symmist , Antichristiani tandem audiant proxenetae? Et Juelli, Whitgifti, aliorumve ejusdem Hierarchiae scripta aut facta Antichristianismum redolent? Quin de vivis (ut un que conculcatis) illud spondeam; delectum inter se habeant hi nostri Demagogi, & proferant primipilos suos in aciem: accinctiores, valentiores, aut constantiores, contra quoslibet Orthodoxorum hostes, quàm ex evessis Episcoporum & Decanorum pharis, Duces aut Triarios profectò vix inveniant.

7. By the Bramble consuming the Cedar of Lebanon. Norunt hoc, qui turmis Protestantium turbatis, se latenter immiscent versutissimi Sinones Loiolitici, ideo que nil punctiùs urgent, quàm ut per flammas erumpentes ab hujusmodi rhamnis seu cynosbatis, Cedri Libani absumantur, quo faciliùs in Britanniam Roma redeat.

8. By Papal and Antichristian Arrogance. Memini me olim puero, in depictâ quadam tabulâ, ad nomen [PAPA] hunc Acrosticum legisse; (P) Pastorum (A) Ambitio (P) Peperit (A) Antichristum. Quis autem esset major, lis erat jamdudum inter Apostolos inchoata, sed determinante Salvatore, nunquam acquieverunt posteri. Dominari volunt omnes, nemo (ut oportet) obtemperare; sic ut tandem fiat hoc non gladio oris, sed ore gladii decidendum problema, An suprematus PAPALIS habeatur potiùs ANTICHRISTIANUS quàm PRESBYTERIALIS, aut Enthusia ticu .

En quàm modicum Ambitionis fermentum totius Christianae humilitatis corrumpat massam! 9. By uncle n Separatists and Animals puff d up. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 igitur & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Apostolica ista sunt nobis, & nobis fratribus inculcanda, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Gal. 5. Cavete canes, cavete malos operarios, cavete concisio em, Phil. 3. Siquidem qui seipsos segregant sub cu uscun que afflatus pretextu, inflati ta dem animales, & Spiritum Sanctum non habentes invenientur, Iudaever. 19. Gustus etiam distinguet inter vinum vetus & novum (quod jamdudum indicavit Salvator) & certò pronunciabit, ve us esse utilius, Luke 5.

In these several particulars you have partly the History, and compleately the Character of our late English Smectymn ans or Presbyterians. And you have it from Bishop Prideaux, who is one of the ancient and moderate sort. It is at last become a Question (saith Bishop Prideaux) not to be otherwise decided than by the Mouth of the Sword, Whether Papal Supremacy is to be reckoned Antichristian, rather than the Presbyterial or Enthusiastical.] And thi he tells you in an Epistle, wherein you were personally concerned, if you were one of his Diocces A. D. 1652. He also tells you in that Epistle, (I pray observe it as from a Bishop who is both of the Ancient and moderate sort,) That Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline in every well-ordered Church, are Alwaies and by All to be looked upon with a Religious eye. That the first is contained in the 39 Articles, the second in the Liturgy and Liturgick Monuments,Ista premun •• expendunt, defendunt Insequentia 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the third in the Cano s and Constitutions of the Church: which being piously, and providently, and prudently consigned and delivered down to us from the purest fountains of Antiquity, and in especial manner by the Reformed Bishops, He thought it his duty to defend in the several Controversies and Questions which there ensue. Bishop Prideaux us'd worse than any scandalous Minister I ever heard of.

2. I pray, Sir, think on these things, and one thing more, that neither his Piety, nor his Learning, nor his approved Industry, nor yet the Reverence of his Years, no nor his being of the Ancient and moderate sort, could prevail for a protection from being banished from his Books, and sequestred from his studies, and presbyteri nly despoiled of that subsistence, which by God's and Man's Law was undisputably his own. Many scandalous Mini ters h ve been preserv'd by your party, and many too have been exal e into the best mens Rights by wrong and violence. But Bishop Prideaux, and Bishop Hall, and Dr. Holdswor h, and Dr. Hammond, and whatsoever was most conspicuous for heighth of Piety or depth of Learning, (of whi h sort it were easie to name some hundreds) were all exposed by the Presbyterians (at least as far as in them lay) to the utmost extremities of want and beggery, without the least Mercy or Moderation. Had they been Heapers up of Riches (as Presbyterians and Iews are observed generally to be) you might have squeez'd them as spunges without much harm. And if the men of your party (upon the present shifting the scene of things) shall be forc'd to feel what they inflicted, (as some have presaged whilst they were reading your two Dedicatory Epistles, wherein you are subscribed a Faithful Subject, and wherein you complain of the Epist. Ded. before K y for Cath. p 10. Democratical Polititians, who were busie about the change of Government,) they will feel it so much the less, by how much the greater the Treasures are, which their Avarice and Rapine have raked up for them against their Winter.

A Vindication of B shops and D. Hammond's Paraphrase. Sect. 36. Your principal Argument against our Bishops, by law established in England, which you urge from Scripture and Dr. Hammond's Paraphrase (from p. 22 to p. 27.) I do the rather think fit for my consideration, because I think it not fit at all, that so learned a person as Doctor Hammond should ever take it into his own. Its pity a Person of his employments should descend to a taske of so little moment. And whilst he is doing those things, which cannot be done but by himself, let me have leave to do that, for which your Argument's inability hath made me ab e.

You know the summe of it is this; that Preaching, Confirming, Discipline, Care of the poor, Visiting the Sick, Baptizing, Congregating the Assemblies, Administring the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, guiding the Assemblies, Blessing the people, Absolving the Penitent, and more then these (p. 27.) are the works of the Antient Episcopall Function. But no one man can now performe all these to so many hundreds of Parishes as are in one Dioecess; Ergo our Dioecesan Bishop is not the same with the Antient Bishop.

This being the summe of your chiefest Argument, may be enlarged (by my consent) in the Major Proposition, to the utmost pitch of advantage, to which your own heart can wish the difficulty improved; to wit by urging that the Bishops were at first invested by the Apostles, with all manner of Ecclesiasticall both Power and Office. And so the Bishop in every Dioecesse, being lineally the successor of that numerical Bishop who was ordained by the Apostles, is by consequence invested with all this power. From whence there flow's another Sequel as unavoidable as the former, that not the least part of this Sacred power can be possibly received but from the Bishop.

3. All which being granted as very true, and my thanks being returned for your service to the truth whilst you resist it, (for Presbyterian Ordinations are hence evinced to be null,) I shew you the vanity of your Minor by putting you in mind of a plain distinction, [per se, aut per alium, mediatè, vel immediatè,] your meer forgetfullness of which (for ignorant of it you could not be) made you imagin there was a force where you will speedily acknowledge there can be none. For what a Bishop is not able to do by himself, he may very well do by the help of others, ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .) There is nothing more obvious, then that when Moses is Exod. 18.18, 22, 26. overtask'd, he should take in others in partem Curae, and yet lose nothing of his Preeminence. And even for this very reason had the Bishops all power, as well as power to communicate it either in whole, or in part, that what they could not perform alone, they might by Proxy, whether by Presbyters, Deacons, Subdeacons, Arch-Deacons, Chancellors, Officials, (I will add Church-Wardens, and Overseers of the Poor,) what is done by their Delegates is done by them.

4. Now that this was the case in the earliest times of the Church, our learned and Reverend Dr. Hammond hath irresistibly Consulatur Summi viri. Disse t. 4. p. 210, 211. evinced. And had you first been well acquainted with his four Latin dissertations, you had not stumbled at the light of his English Paraphrase. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Clem. Rom. Clemens Romanus would have told you, that in the Regions and Cityes where the Apostles had preached and gathered Churches, they constituted Bishops to Rule those Churches, and likewise Deacons to be subservient to those Bishops. Why no Presbyters as yet, Epiphanius would have inform'd you out of the oldest Records. For whilst there was not (saith he) so great a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Epiph. Haer. l. 3. t. 1. multitude of believers, as to need the ordaining of any Presbyters, (between the two above said orders Bishops and Deacons,) they contented themselves with the Bishop onely; who together with his Deacon, whom he could not conveniently be without, did then abundantly suffice for so small a Diocesse. But when believers did so increase in the single Diocesse of a Bishop, as that there needed more Pastors, and fit men were to be had, then they admitted into the Priesthood (I do not say into the Prelacy) that other sort of Church-Officers whom we now call Presbyters. And I conceive that such Presbyters were ordained in Asia by St. Iohn, because Ignatius (in Trajan's time) throughout his Epistles to those Churches of Asia, doth distinctly make mention of all three orders. If then the Primitive Bishops did thus communicate of his power to Inferiour Pastors, and still reserve unto himself the super-intendency over all, what should hinder their Successors from doing according to their example? And why should any man presume to take any power unto himself, but he whom the Bishop hath first ordained unto the office of a Deacon, (a kind of secundary Presbyter,) and after that, to a Cure of soules, (which belongs to a Presbyter plenarius,) and after that too, to the Episcopal Office of Ordination?

5. Having shew'd you the full agreement betwixt the Ancient and modern Bisho s, I hope you see your Inadvertency, and acknowledge the vanity of your Argumentation. For (1.) In the Infancy of the Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & . Epiph. l. 3. t. 1. none were worthy to be made Bishops in diverse places; and in such, the Apostles did all themselves; at least the place remained vacant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Id. Ibid. (2.) Where need requir'd, and worthy persons were to be had, in such, the Apostles ordained Bishops. But (3.) Whilst the Churches were so thin, as that the Bishops (with their Deacons) could well discharge the whole work, Epiphanius tell's us expresly (and that from the eldest of the Church Histories there was not yet a constitution of single Presbyters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. And of this we have the first instance in Iames the Bishop of Ierusalem, to whom were added seven 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Act. 6.1, 2, 3, 4, Deacons, without the least mention of any Presbyters. Yet (4.) Many meer Presbyters were ordained, (not with a priviledge to ordain, but to di •• ense the Word and Sacraments,) as soon as the number of Believers had made it needfull. And I pray (Sir) forget not to take due notice, that what is spoken by Epiphanius is against the Heretick Aerius, the very first Presbyterian that ever infested the Christian Church.

6. After the levity and unfruitfullness, consider the danger and unlawfulness of thi your arguing. It being just as much against all the Monarchs, as against any one Bishop throughout the world. For 'ti the duty of every King, and of every other supreme Magistrate, (let his Dominions be never so large) to reward, to punish, and to protect, to deale out Justice to every subject, whether corrective, or distributive, as their merits or offences shall seem to challenge. Now comes a Disputant like your self, who first displayes the severall parts of the Magistrate's Office; next he proposeth to consideration, how many hundreds of Parishes, and how many Myriads of Men may probably be found in his Dominions; and then conceiving it impossible that any one Mortal should know them all, much less be able to perform his several offices to each, he presently sends the chief Magistrate his writ of ease; and then forsooth in every Parish, one or other of his subjects, who thinks himself able to be a Ruler, must take upon him to play Rex within that Territory or Precinct: Never remembring or regarding the famous Division of the Apostle, much less his Precept with which the division is introduced. Submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Supreme, or unto 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Governours, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. 1 Pet. 2.13, 14, 15. From which words I intreate you to make this pertinent observation, that as a single supreme Magistrate may well be qualified and fitted for the largest Taskes of the widest Kingdom, by all those Emissaries and Envoyes, who are deputed to act by his Commission; so (with a greater force of reason) is every Bishop in his own Diocess very sufficiently enabled for every part of his office to every person, by the assistance of those Presbyters, and other officers under them, who are [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] by him sent out into their several charges.

7. You see how unhappy you have been even in that way of Arguing, in which you seem to have taken the greatest pleasure; there being less force in it against the Bishop of a Diocess, than against that person to whom you dedicated your Book, and acknowledged your self a faithfull subject. May you be faithfull to those Superiours, who are not onely permitted, but appointed and Authorized to Rule over you in the Lord. You see the people of this Land will no more be ridden by your Presbyteries. For though you found amongst them some patient Beasts for a while, who lov'd the novelty of their Riders, (if nothing else,) yet rideing them (as you did) with switch and spur, as soon as you got into the saddle, you provoked your tamest creatures to reprove the 2 Pet. 2.16. madness of the Prophets: Saying implicitly to your selves as you did frequently to them, (and with every whit as much reason) remember them which have the rule over you, Heb. 13.7. That is to say (saith our learned Paraphrast) set before your eyes the Bishops and Governours that have been in your Church, &c. Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit your selves, v. 17. that is, be subject unto the Bishops, as St. See the Note of Dr. Ha . on Heb. 13.7. A resutation of the prime Argument for Presbyterian Ordinations. Chrysostom and the said Paraphrast do well explain it.

Sect. 37. As this may serve for a specimen of your voluminous medlings against our Bishops, in which you say little against them, which your enemies may not say with greater reason against you, and with as much pretense of reason against the Ministry it self, and with much more reason against their maintenance by Tithes; so it sufficeth for a specimen of what you plead in the defence of your Schismaticall Ordinations (to use the word of the Lord Primate) that I acquaint you with the absurdity of your first and chief Argument. In your second Dispute of Episcopacy, ch. 7. p. 199. l. 8, 9, 10, &c. You strive to prove, your Ordination is by Scripture-Bishops. (Meaning your titular Ordination without Dioecesan Bishops,) whose Episcopal Office you sacrilegiously invaded. And you think you prove it by this sad Syllogism. The Scripture-Bishops were the Pastors of particular Churches, having no Presbyters subject to them. Most of our Ordainers are such Pastors: Therefore most of our Ordainers are Scripture-Bishops. The major of this Syllogism you prove from Dr. Hammond, and the minor from Mr. Pierce. At least you are confident that you prove it; though I shall prove you prove nothing, except your forgetfulness of Logick, and somewhat else to your prejudice, of which anon.

2. First for your Syllogisme, by the disposition of the medium it appeare's to be in the second Figure; and yet (which is wonderfull) it consist's of three affirmative Propositions, which the second Figure cannot indure, any more than the First can admit of three Negatives. And so again you are obnoxious to the publick assertion of D. Kendal, that a little more of the university would have done you no harm.

3. Next to know what you have done, by disputing thus in figure, without all mood, observe the Conclusiveness of your Syllogism, by an other just like it in all respects. Suppose (in the person of Diogenes) you were to prove that a Cock with his Feathers strips from him alive, is a Man as well as Plato, though not as able to teach School; you may thus argue for him, as you have done for your self. A man is a living Creature with two feet and without Feathers- A Cock deplumed (like that of Diogenes) is such a living Creaturo: Therefore a Cock deplumed (like that of Diogenes) is a man. But then you have taught an ill Sophistry against your self. For the plainest person in all your Parish may prove you to be an arrant He athen by the very same Logick which you have err'd by. An arrant Heathen is an Animal indued with reason Mr. Baxter is an Animal indued with reason: Therefore Mr. Baxter is an arrant Heathen. The major at least must be as true, as that which you take from Dr. Hammond. The minor infinitly truer, than that which you take from Mr. Pierce. And you know the conclusion is undeniable. For if the premises are true, Falshood cannot flow from them by any regular Deduction. And if the Deduction is irregular, why is your dealing the very same, to prove your irregular Ordinations exactly regular?

4. Come we now from the Form, to the matter of your Syllogism. Your major is proved from the words of Dr. Hammond, that the See the whole Annotation on Act. 11.30. B. p. 406. to p. 409. Title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in Scripture times, belonged principally, if not onely to Bishops; there being no evidence that any of the second Order were then instituted. Which words, (if you observe them) do not deny, but suppose, that as soon as any of the second order were admitted into the Church, they were immediately subject unto the First; that is to say, to the Scripture-Bishops; there having been given him in Scripture a twofold power; first a power of ordaining inferiour Presbyters, next of Governing or Ruling them, when so ordained. Had you but fairly transcribed the Doctor's whole Period, you must have added to your Citation these following words, [though soon after, even before the writing of Ignatius Epistles, there were such instituted in all Churches:] And had you read unto the end of that excellent Annotation, you would have found Epiphanius for Bishop Timothy his power (or jurisdiction) over Presbyters, from 1 Tim. 5.1, 19. Where whatever the word Presbyter may be concluded to import, whether a single Priest (in the common notion of the word Presbyter) subjected to the Bishop, or a Bishop subjected to the Metropolitan; it equally make's against you, that Bishop Timothy had power to rebuke, and to receive an Accusation against a Presbyter, which no meer Presbyter can pretend to have over another. This would imply a contradiction, to wit, that an equall is not an equall (because a Ruler and a Judge) to the very same person to whom he is an equall. The same use is to be made of what is cited from Theophylact concerning Titus, Ibid. to wit that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iudgement, as well as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ordination of so many Bishops was committed to him. And I pray Sir remember one special Emphasis, which evidently lye's on the Doctor's words. Which do not run thus, the Title of Presbyters in Scripture times belonged onely to the Bishops; but if not onely, yet at least Principally to them. And therefore however the case might be, (whether onely, or not onely,) all the course of his arguing will be equally cogent and unresistible.

5. Now for your minor, [that most of your Ordainers are such Pastors] you prove it by saying, first they are Pastors. But this is petitio principii with a witnesse, to say they are, because they are. And 'tis a gross transition ab Hypothesi ad Thesin, to say they are such Pastors, because they are Pastors. The word Pastor in our dayes doe's commonly signify a Priest, to whom is committed a Cure of Soules. And when I have lately so us'd it, it hath been onely in complyance with that vulgar Catachresis. But in the use of Scripture and antient Writers, Pastor signifies him, to whom the charge of the Flock is Originally intrusted; whereas our English acception of the word Rector (which is not the Scriptural or antient stile) is wholly extended to a deputed or partiary Government in the Church, to wit, a Government over part of the Pastors Diocess, which Pastor (in the old stile) hath the plenary charge committed to him. Your error therefore was very great, in confounding the Pastors with the Rectors of the people, unless you spake with the vulgar 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; and supposing that so you did, you spake completely besides the purpose. And whereas you say in your Margin, [Mr. T. P. call's himself Rector of Brington.] I know not what you can mean by it, unless an unkilfull intimation, that I arrogate to my self somewhat more then is my due. And therefore to undeceive either your self, or your Readers, I must tell you that in all Records which concern this Church, or its Incumbent, in all Leases, and Compositions, and Iudgments of Law, in all Directions and Orders, which have ever been sent by Supreme Authority, the Church hath been stiled the Rectory, and the Incumbent the Rector of it. You may gather the reason from Mr. Sparrow's Learned Rationale upon the Book of Common Prayer. The chief Rector o a Parish (called the Cardinal Priest of old, quia incardinatus in Beneficio) was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the rest under him his Clerks.—Where there were Chantries, as there were in most Churches of England, their assisting the Rector of the Church made up that Form of speech, the Priest and Clerks. And Brington being a Parish consisting of five distinct Members hath occasion'd the Rector in all times to be at the charge of an Assistant. I have told you what I mean, whensoever I write my self Rector of Brington. If Mr. Cawdrey hath meant more, when he hath written himself as publickly, the Rector of Billing, I leave him to give you a Reason for it.

Having done with your Argument, and with your perso all reflection, I shall observe but one thing more; to wit that whilst you say most of your Ordainers are such Pastors, as Dr. Hammond spake of in Scripture-times, (which yet I hope you will retract) you imply a confession, that some are not. Nor can I see by what meanes you will excuse your selves unto your selves, for having admitted of such Ordainers. As for your second and third sentences in your Sect. 5. p. 199. You have an answer included in what went before; and so you will have in that which follows. For,

Sect. 38. In your seventh Chapter, Presbyterians are not Bishops by having Deacons under them. p. 203. Sect. 18. You again pretend to fetch an Argument from the words of the Reverend Dr. Hammond. Your naked affirmation is express'd in these words. Where there are no such Presbyters with a President, it is yet enough to prove him a Bishop, that he hath Deacons under him, or but one Deacon. Your pretended proof of this assertion is from the words of Doctor H. which now ensue. [When the Gospel was first preached by the Apostles, and but few converted, they ordained in every City and Region no more but a Bishop, and one or more Deacons to attend him, there being at the present so small store out of which to take more, and so small need of ordaining more.] Reduce this proofe into a Syllogisme, which may serve your interest in any measure, and it will be like your former, most dishonourably false. For thus you must form it, (do what you can) if you intend to make it in imitation of a proof.

A primitive Bishop had no more then a Deacon or Deacons to attend him: A Presbyter hath no more then a Deacon or Deacons to attend him: therefore a Presbyter is a Primitive Bishop.

Here you see are three affirmatives in the second Figure. And by an Argument so form'd I will prove you to be anything (either Fish, or Fowle,) with which you have any the least Agreement. Reduce your proof then (a second time) into a syllogisme truly made, and your case will be alter'd, but nothing mended. Your fall into the Fire will indeed be regular, but you will get no more by it, than if you continue in the frying-pan.

For your truly form'd Syllogism will be but thus, whosoever hath none but a Deacon or Deacons to attend him is a Primitive Bishop: A Presbyter hath one but a Deacon or Deacons to attend him: Therefore a Presbyter is a Primitive Bishop.

Here the matter is as untoward, as the Form was before. The Major proposition being admirably false. For though a man may be a Bishop who hath no more, to attend him, when no more are to be had; (and that because no more are needfull, which is the thing that Dr. Hammond hath often taught you) yet his having no more, doth not prove him to be a Bishop, which was the thing to be proved from Dr. Hammond. When Ignatius reckons the Three Orders, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, 'tis as impossible for him to meane, that Priests are Bishops, as that Deacons are Priests. For though every Bishop is a Priest, it can no more follow that every Priest is a Bishop, than it can possibly follow that every Animal is a man, because it is true, that every man is an Animal. A Primitive Bishop and a meer Presbyter may have a Conversion per Accidens, and another conversion by Contraposition, but a simple conversion they cannot have. To say they can, without proof, is but the begging of the Question; which being sure to be denyed you, I shall advise you to beg no more.

I will conclude this subject with a remarkable passage of Mr. Thorndike. And I will do it so much the rather, because the weightiness and the price of that excellent Volume may probably keep it from the perusal of vulgar Readers, who onely meddle with the cheapest Bookes.

Mr. Thorndik's judgement of Presbyt: Ordinations, &c. In his Epilogue to the Tragoed. Of the Ch. of Engl. Concl. p. 408. The Presbyterians, sometimes pleade their Ordination in the Church of England, for the authority by which they ordaine others against the Church of England, to do that, which they received authority from the Church of England to do, provided that, according to the order of it. A thing so ridiculously senseless, that common reason refuseth it. Can any state, any society do an act, by virtue whereof, there shall be right and authority to destroy it? Can the Ordination of the Church of England, proceeding upon supposition of a solemn promise, before God and his Church, to execute the ministry a man receiveth, according to the order of it, inable him to do that which he was never ordained to do? Shall he, by failing of his promise, by the act of that power which supposed his promise, receive authority to destroy it? Then let a man obtaine the Kingdom of Heaven by transgressing that Christianity, by the undertaking whereof he obtained right to it. They are therefore meer Congregations, voluntarily constituted, by the will of those, all whos acts, even in the sphere of their ministry once received, are become voide by their failing of that promise in consideration whereof they were promoted to it. Voide I say, not of the crime of Sacriledge towards God, which the usurpation of Core constituteth, but of the effect of Grace towards his people. For, the like voluntary combining of them into Presbyteries and Synodes, createth but the same equivocation of words, when they are called Churches, to signifie that which it visible by their usurpation, in point of fact, not that which is invisible, by their authority, in point of right. For want of this authority, whatsoever is done by virtue of that usurpation being voide before God; I will not examine whether the form, wherein they execute the Offices of the Church which they think fit to exercise, agree with the ground and intent of the Church, or not. Onely, I charge a peculiar nullity in their consecrating the Eucharist, by neglecting the Prayer for making the elements the dody and blood of Christ, without which, the Church never thought it could consecrate the Eucharist. Whether, having departed from the Church, Presbyteries and Congregations scorne to learne any part of their duty from the Church, least that might seem to weaken the ground of their departure; or, whether they intend, that the elements remaine meer signes, to strengthen mens faith, that they are of the number of the elect; which they are, before they be consecrated, as much as afterwards; the want of cons cration rendering it no Sacrament that is ministred, the ministring of it upon a ground destructive to Christianity, renders it much more.

Immoderat vi ulence towards those of the Episcopal way. Sect. 39. I now returne to your long Preface, from whence I stept into your book, that the things of one Nature might be consider'd together in one Head. That for which I am next to complain of you unto your self, is your immoderate bitternesse to the Episcopal way, and to the men of all qualities who dare to own it. Many Gushes of it there are, of which I will here transcribe a few. Praef. to Disp. of Church-Gov. p. 17. We see that most of the ungodly in the land, are the forwardest for your waies. You may have almost all the Drunkards, Blasphemers, and Ignorant haters of godliness in the Country, to vote for you, and if they durst, againe to fight for you at any time. — The spirit of prophaneness complyeth with you, Ibid. and doteth on you, in all places that ever I was acquainted in, Grot. Rel. p. 113. should one of you now pretend to be the Bishop of a Diocess,— you would have a small Clergy and none of the best and the people in most Parishes that are most ignorant, drunken, prophane, unruly, with some civil persons of your mind, &c.P. 114. The cause of their love to Episcopacy is, because it was a shadow (if not a shelter) to the Prophane heretofore, and did not trouble them with discipline, and because they troubled and kept under the Puritanes, whom they hated. But if you did not exercise Discipline on them, your Churches, would be but the very sinks of all other Churches about you, to receive the filth that they all cast out, and so they would be so great a reproach to Episcopacy, that would make it vile in the eyes of sober men: So that a Prelatical Church would in the common account be near kin to an Alehouse or Tavern (to say no worse.) . 11 . So that for my part, were I your enemy, I would wish you a toleration; but being really a friend to the Church and you, I shall make a better motion, &c.

Whilst you rail at this rate, not onely without but against all reason, nor onely beside but against your own knowledge, (as if it were your design to be voted for an ill man, and never more to be heeded in what you say) you do but shew us your Doctrin thus breaking out at your Fingers ends. For it is part of your Doctrin, Disp. of right to Sacram. p. 330. [That many professors do rashly rail, and lye in their passions, whom yet you doubt not to be Godly.] Not considering that a Railer is yoked together with an Idolater, a Drunkard, an Extortioner, and the like, 1 Cor. 5.11. for it is also your Doctrin Ibid p. 3 9. [that a man may be a Drunkard, and yet have true Grace, and be in the number of the Godly.] Nay according to your ☞look back on ch. 3. Sect. 1. & 2. p. 62.63, 64. Doctrin, Godly men may be worse, even Murderers, Adulterers, Incestuous persons, Perjur'd, R bellious, Schismatical, Deniers of Christ, of which I have shew'd your own words in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . c. 3. p. 115. another place. So as in case it were true, that the men of our way are such as you would fain have them, they would be better than the most of your Godly men. But if the Apostles had been alive, you give us to guesse ho ou would probably have used them, by your bitter 〈◊〉 of those persons, who have not fallen from their principles, nor broken their oaths, nor receeded from their subscriptions, nor changed with every turn of Time, nor invaded any mans possessions, but have ever made it their choice (with Heb. 11.25. Moses) rather to be on the suffering, than on the persecuting side. When I and others have been pungent in our expressions of such as you, we have said no more than we have proved by undeniable mediums, and commonly out of your own writings. From whence it is we stand justified on every side, and free from all violation of Christian Charity or Candor. But you, in revenge of such honest dealing, content your self with many naked and groundless general Affirmations concerning the men of our way, without so much as an appearance of Reason for it. We do approve of a severe, but we cannot indure a false Accuser, who never considers what is likely, much less what is true, but giddily throws out the dictates of Pet and Rancor. VVhen our Lord and Master was lying in torment upon the Crosse, He was not onely Mar. 15.29. railed on by them that passed by, but even one of the Malefactors (who suffered with him on the Cross) did Luk. 23.39. railingly vomit up his gaul against him. Thus you deal with his Spouse, and his younger Heb. 2.1 . Brethren, who have not been ashamed of the Cross of Christ, which you and others have laid upon them; and who do pray for your persons, whilst they reprove your wayes. Nay since the Downfall of the Presbytery, your self are one of the Malefactors, who justly suffer with those Innocents at whom you rail. Innocents I mean, as to the Presbyterian Calumnies, upon which their sufferings were heaped on them. But there are some of your own party whose eyes are opened, and now do justifie the Prelatists, whom they had formerly condemn'd. These will be ready to Luk. 23.40. rebuke you, (like that other Malefactor who was Verse 39. hanged together with our Lord,) and probably bespeake you in these very words. Verse 40.41. [Dost not thou fear God, seeing thou art i the same condemnation? And we indeed justly; for we [Presbyterians] receive the due reward of our Deedes; but these men [the Prelatists] have done nothing amiss.] I pray consider what you have done, and do so no more if you are wise. Either forbear your Accusations, or bring your Proofes along with them. For this you know is my method; and if you will follow my example in my Self-Revenger exemplified, (ch. 3. from p. 77. to p. 85.) Where I prove, as well as accuse, the Presbyterian Principles and Practise, (and that from the chief of your own Champions) your Accusations will be such as become a Christian.

A parallel as between the P arisees of old, and our modern uritanes. Sect. 40. As in your Grotian Religion, so again in this Preface, you pleade the cause of the Puritanes, and boldly say, they were taken for men seriously Religious where e're you came, and thereupon you run on in your usuall way of defamation, p. 18.19.] But first suppose it were so indeed; could it be possibly any fault in all those holy and learned men, who have sharply written against the Puritanes, that they did not rre with th vulgar, with whom alone you were conversant? Tis true, the Puritanes with the Puritanes have ever pass'd for serious Christians; and you say in effect, that your whole Conversation hath been with Puritanes, whilst you say how very highly you have ever found them to be reputed. Mark how ill it fare's with you by a parallel case. Bishop Hall' of Pharisaisme, & Christianity. p. 373, 374. Bishop Hall hath told you of the Pharisees, that they prayed often and long; they read the Decalogue at least once every day; the holiness of their carriage was such, as they avoided every thing that might carry any doubt of pollution; they paid Tithe even of all, that is, of more than they needed; God would have a Sabbath kept, and they overkept it. — The poore Iewes (saith the Bishop) were so besotted with the Admiration of these two [The☜ Scribes, and the Pharisees,] that they would have thought, if but two men must go to Heaven, the one should be a Scribe, the other a Pharisee. It was not the person of these men, nor their learning, nor wit, nor eloquence, nor honour they admired so much, but their righteousness. — Herein they seemed to exceed all men. Do but think how the amazed multitude stared upon our Saviour, when they heard this Paradox, except your righteousnesse exceed the righteousnesse of the Scribes and Pharisees, yee shall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. Exceed the Pharisees in righteousness? It were much for an Angel from Heaven; What shall the poor sons of the earth do, if these Worthies be turn'd away with a repulse?

Now, Mr. Baxter, apply the case. Was our blessed Saviour to be reviled as an Enemy to the Saints, for pronouncing so many woes to these Scribes and Pharisees, and for calling them Hypocrites, Mat. 23.13, 17, 24, 33. blind guides, Fooles, Serpents, Generation of Vipers? Was he (I say) to be reviled, for setting them out in these colours, because (forsooth!) the Common people did think them Saints? Or did our Saviour forbear to acquaint the world with their Hypocrisies, for fear their Favourers & Abetters should cal him a Wine-bibber & a Glutton, a foe to the Godly, but a Friend to Publicans & Sinners? was Bishop Andr wes a slanderous person, for preaching and writing against our Pharisees, and setting them forth by the name of Puritanes, because Mr. Baxter is of opinion that the Puritanes were Godly and holy men? Or dare you say that Dr. Sanderson did play with the Apple of God's eye, (as you unconscionably word it, p. 19.) When he writ so much against Puritanes and Puritanism, in that incomparable Preface where you are personally concerned? yet such as these are the men, at whom you thrust through my sides. Its true that now I have largely spoken concerning Puritanes. But when you first of all rail'd against Antipuritanes, I had not written upon the subject, unles •• it were in a Citation, and that by chance. And therefore all your former bitterness was poured out against others, (of whom I reckon Bishop Andrews and Dr. Sanderson with the chief) although your latter evomitions have partly lighted upon my self.

What hath been meant by the word Puritan by learned men. Sect. 41. You make an excellent Confession, that in the Vniversities, and other intelligent Auditories, the no ion of a Puritane was so far understood, (as I and others do understand it) that though you have heard before the King many a Sermon against Puritans, which you judged impious, yet it had this excuse, that much of the Auditory partly understood, it was not piety as such, that was directly reviled. p. 19. But then you add, that it was not so among the common people through the land; ibid.

It were worth a man's knowledge, from whom you heard those many Sermons, which you impiously professe to have judged impious. Whether it were from Bishop Andrews, who preached more against Puritanes than any Bishop I ever read; or whether it were from Bishop Hall, from Doctor Sanderson, or fro whom. Or whether you ever heard a Sermon before the King. I do not think it the liklier, because you say it. The most I have learnt from your writings, is to beware how I believe you. For you know where you have told me such things as these — that it was safer in all places that ever you knew, Grot. Relig. p. 109. for men to live in constant Swearing, Cursing, and Drunkennesse, then to have instructed a man's Family on the Lord's day. — Well said Mr. Baxter. If you are not confuted by your own sayings of this kind, you never shall be by my consent.

But be it so, that the common people do understand the word Puritane as you would have them; yet give me leave to understand it with the Universities you speak of, with Bishop Andrews, and Dr. Sanderson, and all the rest of those glorious lights, whose judgment of Puritanes I have elsewhere recited. It is for us to instruct the seduced people, not to cherish them in their errors, and misunderstandings of Names, or Things. I wish that all the common people would read that Preface of Dr. Sanderson, so much commended by all good men; that so they might know the word Puritane, as well as he. I wish them as knowing in this point, The Lord Chancellor Egerton's judgement of Puritans, in the Case of the Post-Nati p. 99. Apud Antidot. Lincolniense p. 35.36: as the Lord Chancellor Egerton; who speaking of a dangerous rebellious Doctrin, affirmes it never to have been taught, but either by Traytors, or by treasonable Papists, or by seditious Puritanes and Sectaries. He gives an instance of the first, in Spencers Bill in Edward the second's time. Of the second, in Harding's confutation of the Apology. Of the third, in Buchanan de jure Regni apud Scotes, Penry, Knox and such like. By these (saith the Lord Chancellor) and those that are their followers and of their faction, there is in their pamphlets too much such Traiterous seed sown. Upon which Dr. Heylin doth thus infer, the Puritanes are, I see, beholding to you for lending them so faire a Cloak to hide their Knavery: Directing this speech unto the Lincolnshire Minister, who had too much favoured the Puritanical Faction. I wish the people were as knowing,Bishop Bramhals judgem nt of Puritanes. In his Answer to Militiere. p. 46. as the right Reverend Bishop Bramhall in this particular; who call's it no lesse then a damnable slander, and also the venom, which the Puritan Faction infused into the hearts of the people, that the King and Bishops had an intention to reestablish the Roman Catholick Religion. I wish the common people would yet consider (though it is late) that Luk. 23.27, 28. whited Sepulchres appear beautifull outward, but are within full of dead men's bones, and all uncleanness. Even so yee also (saith our Saviour Blessed for ever) appear outwardly righteous unto men, but within ye are full of Hypocrisy and Iniquity. And the outward appearance of Righteousness notwithstanding, our Saviour's Erotesis is very no more terrible, then it is just. Ve se 33. How can yee escape the Damnation of Hell? Sir, I wish you would consider the damning nature of Hypocrisy, and how far D. Owen hath charg'd you wi h it nay how far you were moved to charge your self. And boast no more (as now you do p. 29.) How many there are in your own charge, who make a shew of the fear of God. The Scribes and Pharisees made a shew, beyond the best of our English outsides. Those Citizen-Puritanes made a shew of the fear of God, whom yet our Excellent Bishop Hall did entertaine with these words.

Bishop Hall, of Pharisaism and Christianity. p. 38 . How many are there of you, that under fair faces have foul Consciences? — All is good save that which appeare's not. How many are there every where, that shame Religion by professing it? Whose beastly life makes God's truth suspected: for as, howsoever the Samaritan, not the Iew, relieved the distressed traveler, yet the Iew's Religion was true, not the Samaritan's; so in others, truth of causes must not be judged by acts of persons; yet, as he said, it must needs be good that Nero persecutes; so who is not ready to say: It cannot be good that such a miscreant professes? Woe to thee Hypocrite: Thou canst not touch, not name goodness, but thou defilest it; God will plague thee for acting so high a part: See what thou art, and hate thy self; o (if not that) yot see how God hate's thee; he that made the heart, sayes thou art no better then an handsome tombe; the house of death. Behold here a green turfe, or smooth marble, or ingraven brasse, and a commending Epitaph; all sightly: but what is within? an unsavoury, rotten carcasse. Though thou were wrapt in gold, and perfumed with never so loud Prayers, hol semblances, honest protestations; yet thou art but noysome carrion to God: Of all earthly things, G d cannot abide thee; and if thou wouldst see how much lower yet his detestation reacheth, know that when he would describe the torments of Hell, he calls them (as their worst title) but the portion of Hypocrites. Iam. 4.8. Wherefore cleanse your hands yee sinners, and purge your hearts yee double-minded: For unlesse your righteousness exceed the Hypocriticall righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees, yee shall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven.

Sect. 42. You express your displeasure to me for saying, The Presbyterian Directory exceedingly A ominable. that I was and would continue (by the grace of God assisting me) free from the great Abomination of the Presbyterian Directory. And aske what Papist would talk as Mr. P. doth, and not be able to name one thing in it that is abominable. p. 33.] Perhaps the Papists have kindness for it, as tending to the disgrace of the Protestant name; and acting here in Disguizes, might likely have instigated your brethren to that work of Schism and Disobedience. But to all sound Protestants 'tis an Abominable thing, as you must needes have known by your experience, if you know but the English of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or of the easier word Abomination. Twas an Abominable Directory, for all those reasons to be collected. First from Mr. Hooker's Ecclesiasticall Polity, the writings of Archbishop Whitgift, Bishop Bilson, Dr. Cosens, Bishop Buckridge, Bishop Morton, Dr. Burges, before the Directory was made, of which you are minded by Dr. Heylin, P. 64, 65. by whom you lately had the Honour to be exceedingly well instructed. Secondly and chiefly, from Dr. Hammond's view of the Directory, unanswered and unanswerable. Thirdly from the Preface of Dr. Sanderson so often cited. Attempt an answer if you are able. Fourthly from Dr. Heylin his History of Liturgies. Fiftly from a large Preface before a Liturgy, very commonly thought to be Dr. Taylor's. (How truely or falsely I cannot tell) wherein amongst thirty one Enormities justly imputed unto the Directory, it is observed to be composed to the dishonour of the Reformation, accusing it of darkness and intolerable inconvenience. A Direction without a Rule. A Rule without restraint. A prescription leaving an indifferency to a possibility of licentiousness. Into which Heresie and Blasphemy may creep without prevention Which still permit's children in many cases to be unbaptiz'd. And suffer's them not to be confirm'd at all. Ioyne's in Marriage, as Cacus did his Oxen. Will not do piety to the dead. Never thinks of absolving Penitents. Recites no Creed, but entertain's Arians, Macedonians, Nestorians, Manichees, or any other Sect for ought appeares to the contrary. Consigns no publick Canon of Communion, but leaves that as casual and fantastick as any other lesser offices. Never thanks God for the Redemption of the world by the Nativity, Passion, Resurrection, Ascension of our Lord, but condemns the memoriall even of Scripture-Saints, and that of the miraculous blessings of Redemption of mankind by Christ himself; wi h the same accusation it condemns the legends and portentous stories of the Roman Calendar. Leaves no signa ure of piety upon the Lords day, and yet its Compilers do in oyne it to a Iudaical Superstition. Implicitly undervalues the Lords Prayer, as never injoyning, and but once permitting it. Without Auctority, and never establish'd by act of Parlament. But it is farther yet abominable, for being made, and put in use by a spirit of opposition to the best Liturgy in the world by Law establish'd; for being highly Schismatical, and so far perni ious to the Soules of men, as it beguiled them of the nourishment which their Mother the Church had provided for them, and which by Law unrepealed became their due. Again, Abominable it was, by being a work of Disobedience to the Supreme Governour of the Land, who by a purposed Proclamation did most strictly command the publick use of the Common Prayer, and as strictly forbid the use or Admission of the Directory. (Of which anon I may tell you more.) Farther your Directory was abominable for the Reasons given in against it by the University of Oxford. Sect. 9. p. 32.33, 34. And for those of Mr. Thorndike in his Epilogue to the Tragoedy of the Church of England; and for what your self (Mr. Baxter) have writ against it. Which I do not here recite, because I have done it Look back on ch. 6. p. 147. elsewhere.

See Biblioth. Reg. Sect. 4. p. 335336.2. Having mention'd a Proclamation set out against the Directory by the then-confessed Supreme Magistrate, I will in order to your conversion, and for the benefit of them who may chance to read me (and may also need such information) set out the Reasons which are there rendred for the prohibition of the Directory, and for the constant use of the Common Prayer. The Reasons against the former are no more then fiv .

I. It is a meanes to open the way, The Kings Reasons against th Directory. and give the liberty to all ignorant, factious, or evil men, to broach their own Fancies and Conceits, be they never so wicked and erroneous, and to mislead people into Sin and Rebellion, and to utter those things even in that which they make for their Prayer in their Congregations, as in Gods presence, which no conscientious man can assent to say Amen to.

II. And let the Ministers be never so pious and religious, yet it will break that uniformity which hitherto hath been held in God's Service and be a meanes to raise Factions and Divisions in the Church.

III. And those many Congregations in this Kingdom, where able and religious Ministers cannot be maintained, must be left destitute of all help and meanes for their publick Worship and Service of God.

IV. No reason is given for this alteration, but onely inconveniency alledged in generall (and whether pride and avarice be not the ground; whether Rebellion and Destruction of Monarchy be not the intentions of some, and Sacriledge and the Churches possessions the aimes and hopes of others, and these new-Directories the meanes to prepare and draw the people in for all, we leave to him who searches and knowes the hearts of men.)

V. And this alteration is introduced by colour of Ordinances of Parliament made without and against our consent, and against an express act of Parliament still in force; and the same Ordinance is made, as perpetuall binding Lawes, inflicting penalties and punis ments; which was never before these times, so much 〈◊〉 pretended to have been the use or power of Ordinances of Parliament, to which we are to be parties.

On the contrary the Reasons for the book of Common Prayer are eight or nine in that pr clamation. The Kings Reasons for the Liturgy.

1. It was compiled in the times of Reformation by the most pious and learned men of that age. 2. Defended and confirmed with the Martyrdome of many. 3. Was first established by Act of Parliament in the time of King Edward the sixt. 4. And never repealed or laid aside, save onely in that short time of Queen Marie's Reign, upon the return of Popery and Superstition. 5. In the first year of Queen Elizabeth it was again revived and established by Act of Parliament. 6. The repeal of it then was declared by the whole Parliament, to have been to the great decay of the due honour of God and discomfo t of the professors of the truth of Christ's Religion. 7. Ever since it hath been used and observed for above four-score years together, in the best times of peace and plenty that ever this Kingdom enjoyed. 8. It contains in it an excellent form of Worship and Service of God, grounded upon the holy Scriptures, and is a singular mean and help to Devotion in all Congregations. 9. That, or some other of the like Form, is simply necessary in those many Congregations, which cannot be otherwise supplied by learned and able men, and keeps up an uniformity in the Church of England.

Adde to this the confession of the Parliament-Commissiners at the Isle of Wight, that if his Majesty would See Biblioth. Reg. Sect. 4. p. 353. not agree, which depended meerly upon his will, no other Government could be set up, and by consequence no other Liturgy, or any thing else in lieu of it. Adde to that also their protestation, p. 354, 355, 358. not to offer the least violence to his Majesties Conscience. Who also protested it was his Conscience which enforced his Denial of their petition in that point. I say petition, because their stile was no other, than p. 354. We humbly beseech your Majesty. p. 355. Adde to all, his observation, that his Conscience concurred fully with all other Parliaments (except that One) since the Reformation: and that if he should give way to remove all Ecclesiastical Sanctions which by Law are exercised, p. 356. by that rule even the Presbyters themselves might be taken away. For questionless (saith he, and I pray Mr. Baxter observe his reason) the Civil Sanction gives the legal acting power to all Divine Institutions; otherwise the Christian Clergy would now be in little better case than they were before they were Christians.

3. How Abominable your Directory hath appeared to all Protestants beyond the seas, you may partly judge by a little Book intituled A Character of England, sent (it seems) by a French Protestant (residing here in England) to a Nobleman of France. Your Party is all along concerned from p. 12. to p. 23. But I took the more notice of what he saith p. 16. That the Religion of England is preaching and sitting still on Sundayes, because our learned Mr. Thorndike hath often touched on that string: shewing what care there hath been taken that there should be Mr. Thorndike's •• . to the Trag. of the b. of Engl. Conclus. p. 420. which compare with p. 405. two Sermons a Sunday, with a prayer at the discretion of him that preaches; provided nothing be done to signifie that humility of mind, that reverence of heart, that devotion of Spirit, which the aweful Majesty of God is to be served with. And he adds in that place, (what I beseech you to lay to heart) that even the frequency of preaching, which was the outside of the business (even granting it to be by the true rule of Faith) hath been so visibly so pitifully defective in the performance, that he must have a hard heart for our cōmon Christianity, who can think that there is wherewith to defend it from the scorn of Vnbelievers, had they nothing to do but to mind it.

4. Let me conclude this subject with that signal prophesie of the holy Martyr Hippolitus, That in the dayes of Antichrist Liturgy shall be extinguish'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Bib. Patr. Gr c. Tom. 2. p. 357. Psalmody shall cease, Reading of the Scriptures shall not be heard. In which three (saith our Reverend and Religious Preface p. 5. before his parap rase and Annot. on the Psalmes. Dr. Hammond) as the publick service of God was by the Ancients thought to consist; so the destroying of all and each of them must needs be a branch, if not the whole body of Antichristianism; a direct Contradiction to Christ, who, by his own prescription or practise of each of these, impress'd a sacred character on each, Concerning Coppinger & H cket and the communication of their Design to the presbyterian Ministers. Luke 11.2. Mat. 26.30. Luke 4.17.

Sect. 43. I now proceed unto the last, which is withall the most desperate instance of your Impiety, Rashness and wilful Railing; for which you are utterly unexcusable, whether you spake in the dark, or quite against your own Light, concerning the Presbyterians Ministers in Queen Elizabeths time, whom I had affirmed from Bishop Bancroft, (as he from letters which ass'd between them, as well as from Messages and Confessions publickly taken in the Star-chamber) to have been privately made acquainted with the bloody design of Mr. Hacket, Coppinger, Arthington, and the rest; of which you say they knew no more than either Augustin or Luther; and that I might as honestly have said the One as the Other. Nor doth your Daringness rest there, but you (or rather your furiousness, for you could not certainly be your self, when you flung about you in such a manner) affirm, I could not have u tered more falshood then I had done, if satan had dictated to me. Thus you precipitate your passion, not so much against me as against Archbishop Bancroft, from whose Authority I spake, and whom you fear not to call The most violent persecutor of the Puritans, p. 34, 35.]

Now (Sir) cool your self a little, and honestly answer to my Dilemma. Did you know the business whereof you spake, or did you not? If you knew it, why did you write against your knowledge in so plain a matter of Fact? or why did you not attempt to prove your Negative, to wit, That Cartwright and Traverse and the rest were not privy to the plot? Why did you not consult with Bancroft's dangerous positions, to which I referred in my Margin, naming his chapters and his pages, and specifying the year in which 'twas printed, that you might not be capable of an Error by any mistake of the Edition? Nay why would you say in plain terms, That you know not, nor much regard what I have read in Bancroft? as if you should have said, [you were resolv'd to give Mr. Pierce the Lie, and to compare him with satan right or wrong, without examining his Citations, without knowing what he hath read, and without regarding what is written by Learned Bancroft, or upon what kind of Evidence that Book proceeds.] Do not you think there is a God? or do you imagine he cannot see you? or do you hope he will not judge you according to your works? what should make you thus fearless, I can never sufficiently admire, if you knew the business whereof you spake. And if you shall say you knew it not, how durst you say at all adventure, that if satan had dictated to me I could not have uttered more falshood? I for my part had a perfect knowledge of what I writ. And since the reading of your b ldness (which I could not have thought possible, but that I have read it) I have called the eyes of others to bare witness with mine own. And in my necessary Defense, I am enfo ced to discover you to all that read me, first, by desiring them to compare my Self-Revenger Exemplified, ch. 3. p. 73. with the pages of my A thor referred to in the Margin. Next, by directing all my Readers to a later Edition of Bancrofts Dangerous positions, much more easily to be had, as having been printed no longer since than the Year 1640. by R. Young and R. Badger. Thirdly, by pointing them to the pages wherein the Narratives are to be seen, and that from the Letters partly, partly from the Mouthes of the Malefactors themselves, partly from their hand-writings, partly from witnesses upon Oath in an eminent Court of Jurisdiction, with a perfect knowledge of all which, that equally prudent and pious Autho had been abundantly furnished and instructed, towards the making of that elaborate and usefull Book. Viz. Chapter VI. p. 144. Their Fast was kept at Mr. Lancaster's house a School-master. Then p. 145. Coppinger wrote of his Instigations to some Preachers in the Realm, by name to one Gibson in Scotland. Then p. 146. He sent a letter to Mr. Cartwright. The effect of which follow's p. 147. Especially p. 149. Twas dated Peb. 4. 1590. And began, Right Reverend Sir, your most wise and Christian Counsell, together with offer to take knowledge by writing from me, &c. It mention'd the number of his Fasts, his severall Callings, and his writing to some Preachers within the Realm, as well as without. Then p. 150. Mr. Cartwright sent a message to Coppinger, that he should attempt nothing but by Advice, that he should be wise and circumspect. And a time for conference was appointed. Then p. 151. It appeare's, that Coppinger sent Letters also to Mr. Clark, Mr. Traverse, and Mr. Egerton. Then concerning the appearance in the Star-Chamber, his Letter to Mr. Udall, Mr. Carthright's resolving some Questions for him, the eight Preachers fasting and praying for Coppinger's successe, see Chapter 8. p. 156.157. Especially p. 158. For his Letter to Mr. Chark, July 9.1591. and to a Preache not named, and Penry's Advertisement out of Scotland, see Chap. 10. p. 163.164, 165. That this Conspiracy wa for Discipline, see Chapter 12. p. 168, &c. And how far the Ministers were accessary, see Chapter 13. and Chapter 14. from p. 171. to p. 176. Lastly see how Hacket's Treasons, had they but prosper'd, had been defended by the Disciplinary Doctrin, ch. 15. p. 176. to p. 182.

Now, Mr. Baxter, consider sadly, and repent in such a measure (of your uncharitable speeches) as to beware what you speak, much more what you write, much more what you publish to your indeleble dishonour. Consider what you have printed of Sir Henry Vane, and the Vanists, and compare your Author (if you have any) with the Wisdome, Learning, Piety, Renown, and Archiepiscopal See of our incomparable Bancroft; who was dese vedly advanced by Queen Elizabeth, and King Iames, for having contributed so largely to the timely preservation of Church and State, as well from the Papists on the one side, as from the Puritanes on the other. Could you not think it was crime enough, to deny the Sun's shining, when we behold him in his Moridian, (I mean a truth as bright as that) but you must bitterly raile against him that say's it, with a Cochlaeus, and a Bolseck, and a slanderous tongue, imposed on him? This (you know) is the language, with which you treat me for speaking truth, p. 35. l. 1.2, 3. and which doth most of all reflect upon the memory and fame of Bishop Bancroft. O do not suffer your eyes to sleep, nor the Temples of your head to take any rest, till in the bitterness of your afflicted repentant soul, you have sought to God for a Remission of this impiety.

I shall not now handle your other Calumny, whereby you make me an arrant Papist, (p. 36.) Because I have told you enough of that, in the beginning of this Appendix. What I said of the Presbyterians, their bloody Principles, and Practice, you do so far confirm, as you appeare to have nothing to say against it. And hence I rationally conclude, that you are not so stupid, as not to see your Enormities; but so desperately stomachfull, as not to mend them.

Sect. 44. After your Preface, Of Dr. Steward's Sermon at Paris, and Dr. Heylin's Antipuritanism . there come's a Postscript. Wherein you do not at all discharge, but poorly sneake from a duty incumbent on you. The end which was clearly aimed at in recommending the Sermon of Dr. Steward to your consideration, you might have seen (had you been pleas'd) in the last part of the Preface. For that Sermon having been preached by so eminent a Prelatist and Antipuritane, in defence of the Protestants against the Papists, and that to an Auditory of Prelatists in the chief City of France, become's an Argument not to be answer'd, that such Episcopal persons as Dr. Steward (who yet was one of the highest straine and as near the Archbishop as it is possible to imagin,) had not any design to introduce the French Popery, as you in severall publick writings had most uncharitably suggested. Now of this one thing, which was most pertinent, you were resolv'd to take no notice. Whereas you say that Dr. Heylin disclaimeth Grotianism, you either lamentably aequivocate, or speak against your own Conscience. For as I take the word, the Reverend Doctor doth espouse it as much as I. And as you scandalously mistake it, I disclaim it as much as that Reverend Doctor. The name of Grotius import's a Protestant, a Peacemaker, an Antipuritan and a Prelatist. In which sense (if you please) we all are Grotians; and Dr. Steward as much as an . In that you call Dr. Heylin an Antipuritan, you do him very much Right; for that hath gain'd him the favour of God and good men. But in that you say he is a hot one, you do your self as much wrong, because you give him an uncivil and sawcy Epither. And well it were if this had been the worst of your dealings with him. Remember the quality of his person, the universality of his Learning, the dignity of his place in the Church of God, and the honour due unto his sufferings for Conscience sake, and you will find it agreeable to a man of your pitch, rather mannerly to bow down your knee before him, than contumeliously to lift up your fist against him. You confesse that he sent you a moderate Letter, and that Grot. Rel. P aes. Sect. 4. my dealing with you was moderate, brotherly, charitable, and gentle. What then should move you to use us worse, than the severest of them that have writ against you, unlesse you thought that our Civility was onely an Argument of our Fear? you told Mr. p. 281. Tombes you have a spirit of keennesse in you. But it see es that spirit was exorcized for a season, when you deal with that person whose very See your Tract of saving Faith, p. 14. Scholar had told you, you could not speak congruously; and whom you affirm to have call'd you Ibid. p. 87. unlearned Scribler, tyring the Presse with your impertinencies, if not with impious and monstrous Heresies. You answer'd as calmely to these expressions, as if you had purposely reserved your whole stock of virulence for whosoever should happen to use you gently. Dr. Heylin and I (whilst you were capable) did use you as gently as you could wish. You have acknowledged our Candor, and put it also upon Record. Yet in how prodigal a manner have you bestow'd your whole stock upon him, and me? allowing me onely a treble portion, for having most of all exceeded in my expressions of Love and Moderation. Compare my first behaviour towards you, (which had something in it to oblige, but nothing at all to provoke you,) with your acknowledgments of the same in the first addresse which you made unto me; and call your self to an accompt, what it was which could ingage you in such an uncharitable Requital. You made Confession to p. 281. Mr. Tombes of your guilt in this kind; But pleaded too in your own excuse, Ibid. p. 274. that you had not the twentieth part of Mr. Calvin's keenness to Baldwin and Cassander; Ibid. p. 281. and that you are less Censorious now then ever. Is this to the credit of Mr. Calvin, that he was twenty times worse then Mr. Baxter, in point of railing? Never did Bolsec revile him more. And if in your last three Volumes you have shew'd us the fruits of your amendment, we do earnestly desire you to mend no more. But if you meditate an answer either to me, or to any else of the Church of England, do not addict your self to Calumny, and think it sufficient to call it keenness. It was not keenness, but Falshood, which made me think it my duty to change my stile. If it shall prove to do you good, I shall change it again in your Commendation. Deal but Faithfully with me, and shew your Favour to whom you please. For if you bring but Truth with you, your greatest Freedom will ind most welcome.

For the Reverend and my much respected Friend Doctor Peter Heylin at Lacies Court in Abbingdon. REVEREND SIR,

HAving so far comply'd with my inclinations, as to begin with the second part of your Certamen Epistolare, wherein you have excellently cleared our Common Mother from the Historical part of a dishonest Rhapsodie, which Mr. Hickman the man of scorn (as you have fitly P. 19 . describ'd his Nature by the signification of his Name) had most dishonorably purloined from those two Ordinary Collections, [Mr. Prinn's Antiarminianism, and his Canterburie's Doom,] in which your pertinent observation you have many men's eyes to bear you witness, (who had long since observed as much in private, as you have now made P. 149, 150. known in print,) and having read it quite over with as many degrees of satisfaction, as our deplorable Filtcher hath done with grief, I hold it my duty to send my thanks in as publick a manner of conveyance, as that by which I received my obligation.

My obligation would have been weighty, although it had lain upon me no otherwise, than upon every true Son of the Church of England; and even so you might have challenged my hearty thanks. But that you were pleas'd to P. 116. consider the multiplicity of my Employments, and (in that consideration) to bear a part of my Burden, that you were pleas'd to chastise so inconsiderable a Scribler, and to do it chiefly at my inc tement, (notwith tanding my being a stranger to you) this I take to be a favour, for which it is not sufficient to pay you thanks, unless I also de •• re your pardon.

I say, your pardon so much the rather, because I knew the Disparity between your persons; I well consider'd it was below you, to o pose your strength to so much weakness; I knew the man was unworthy of so much Favour, as to fall under the weight of so Grave a hand. Nay (not to conceal any thing from you which stand's in need of an excuse) I did esteem him the meanest Disputant, that I had ever yet dealt with in these affaires. I found Mr. Barlee some Formes above him, and wonder'd why he made use of so poor a hel er. Nay though I alwaies intended (and still intend) to call his Rhapsody to account, not so much for the weakness, as the extreme great wickedness of the thing, yet did I intend it as nothing el e, but a resolute act of my Cond scension, to which (for the safety of his Disciples) I shall cheerfully stoo , as my Leisure serve's me.

But being engaged with Mr. Baxter, before Mr. Hickman had put his name to the English writings of other men, (as I shall manifest hereafter in greater me •• ure then you imagin ;) and timely foreseeing i would be late, before my manifold Employments of greater moment would give me leave to descend to so mean a taske; and having been importun'd by diverse persons, to let out the wind of that Bladder which popular breath had puff'd up to so great a Bigness; and verily thinking it unsafe, (as well for him, as his poor Admirers,) to let him prosper in his impiety and pride himself in his unhappiness, untill I could have leisure to m ke him humbler; and conceiving that Mr. Prinn was a Learned person, (as well as a person of yeares, and Quality,) who could not cease to be the Author of all those Arguments of which Mr. Hickman is the Transcrib t, by their being reprinted in any Plagiarie's Name; and knowing well that those Arguments might very usefully be answer'd, though not as filtch'd by Mr. Hickman, yet as belonging to Mr. Prin; and calling to mind the great Readiness, as well as exactness of your Conceptions joyn'd to the zeal which you had shew'd for the Church of England, and your personal concernment in diverse Calumnies, and slanders, which the Brasier (as you call him) had cast upon you; I took upon me so great a Confidence (how unhappily soever a stranger to you) as to sollicite you to ingage against the Historicall way of arguing, which yet (you know) I did acknowledge too much below you.

As for the part which is remaining, concerning the positive entity of Sin, in which alone I am peculiarly concern'd, and which you tell me you P. 149. leave to my sole management, (making me also a greater Complement, then either my Modesty or my Merit is any way able to support,) I make no doubt but I shall publish such an accompt of that affaire, as will no faile of your approbation. 'Twere easie to do it in a few pages, so as to give satisfaction to men of Learning; but then it would not be so easie to vulgar Readers, whom I do chiefly consider in what I publish, that they may not be in danger to think that Sins are God's Creatures, by thinking God is the Creator of all things reall. And it being my purpose, not onely to humble and put to silence, but to Convince and convert so bold a Libertine, I shall contentedly be as large in my intended enterprise, as needes I must be, to be p rspicuous. For Truth to some Readers is nothing worth, if it is not brought to them with light and plainness. And if I shall prove it as bright a Truth, that Sin is positively something, as that the parts of the Circumference are aquedistant from the Centre; or that equal parts being taken from equall parts, the parts remaining must needes be equall; I hope the scorner himself will be my Convert. And indeed when I consider his several grosse Contradictions; his being forced to confess (in a lucid interval) what he doth stomachfully deny, whensoever he think's it a shame to yield; his most deliberate mistaking the thing in Question, that he may have what to say, though not to Answer; his wilfull Omissions to speak at all to the greatest part of my many Arguments, and his not attem ting the force of One by any thing like unto a pertinent and fair resistance; when I consider with what R •• uotanc he proceeds at last to that subject, in which (and in which alone) he was particularly concern'd; with how many and long P efaces transcrib'd verbatim from Mr. Prinn, and other late English Writers (whom I shall name in due season) he hath labour'd to hide his main cause from his Reader's eyes, posting it over in a few pages, towards the end of his Hotch-Potch, or Gallama frie; I think I have reason to suspect, that the man is exactly of my opinion, (as to the positive entity of Sin) but onely remember's I am a man whom they call a Prelatist, and he is a rigid Presbyterian, (thatis) a Puritane in grain, and so he will seem to resist me, as far as slandering and Railing come's to, for fear his Abettors should apprehend that I have wrought a change in him.

I must therefore endeavour to overcome his perversness as well as to dissipate the error which he pretends to. That if he shall finally persevere in his present course, and write against his own light, the common people may clearly see, he is rather obstinate than erroneous, or else affectedly erroneou by being obstinate. And in order to the attaining so good an end, I intend to satisfie their Objections, which Mr. Hickman by adoption hath made his own; and which for want of apprehension, or something else, he hath not managed as he ought to his best advantage. I am not ignorant of the Quiver, out of which he hath taken his heaviest Shafts, and which I shall choose so much the ra her to break in shivers before his eyes, that he may hurt himself no more with such leaden weapons, as he shall f n by xperience he cannot weild.

The man conf sseth in his Conclusion, that in the body of his Book there are certain See the Book Edit. 2. p. 108. l. 3. & 4. rom th bottom. sore places; by this good token th t h so bids me to stick upon them: but what he means by so e pl ces, or where they lye, he has the policy not to tell me. Again he confesseth (in the same page) that there are several Ibid. sick and weak parts of his Discourse; by this good token I am forbid to fall on them: but he conceals what parts are understood by himself to be sick and weak, for fear I should carefully avoid them, and onely fall upon that which he thinks is soundest, and thereby leave him without excuse. For this expresly he tells his Reader, that if I shall stick onely upon a sore place, and fall on the sick and weak parts of his Discourse —he will vindicate himself onely with contempt and silence. And so by this he hath compell'd me to undertake his main Body, and to charge it quite through, (whether sick or sound) because he hath not afforded a mark of Difference. For if I am left to mine own judgment, I shall pronounce his main Body (as he ridiculously calls it) to be nothing else but a great sore. All the parts of his Book (if yet you will allow me to call it His) do seem to me to be extremely both sick and weak: so as according to that condition, upon which he threatens contempt and silence, I am not to meddle with him at all, as being sure that I shall fall upon a sick and sore part.

For if I begin with the Hateing of God, A Fore-tast of Mr. Hickman's condemnation of himself for the worst of Blasphemies. which he first confesseth to be an Action, and secondly confesseth to be a Sin, and thirdly confesseth to be a Sin of that nature, that it can never be any thing else, by any circumstance of Time or Place, and fourthly confesseth to be a positive Entity, and fiftly confesseth to be a whole Sin, and sixtly confesseth to be complexum Quid, (as I had often affirmed and he denied) and seventhly confesseth by unavoidable implication, that half a sin is not a whole one, and that it was a whole sin which was the subject of our Debate, and that one part alone cannot make up the whole which is confessed to consist of two parts together: and if I shall aske him hereupon, whether the Divel's Hateing of God, which he once confesseth to be a sin and a positive entity, is taken by him and his Abettors to be one of Gods creatures or God himself, (as every positive entity hath been affirmed by him to be;) I say, in case I shall begin to shew him the Blasphemy of his Doctrin, and to shew it out of his own Confessions, the man will be apt to require me with contempt and silence, for sticking so fast (at the beginning) on such a very sore place. For he confesseth to the Lecturers to whom he dedicateth his book, that the making God the Author of sin is not onely the sin of Blasphemy, but the worst sin of the kind too; yet he teacheth in his book, that God is the Author of the Divels hat ing of God, which is the worst of all sins. And such himself doth confess it in down-right terms, that I may do him no wrong, (which he will be ready to object, how much soever Note his fraudulent intimation that I had not instanced in the bateing of God, (p. 93.) w en yet I had done it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ch. 2. p. 83. and elsewhere. against his Knowledge) I will set down the pages and the lines, in which I find him affirming these following things.

Mr, Hickman's conf ssions of what is Truth. 1. That the hateing of God is the very worst, and most intrinsecally evill of all actions, p. 93. l. ult. and penult. 2. That such actions are c lled intrinsecally evil, both because they are evil an ecedently to any positive Law, and because they are evil ex genere & objecto, and not meerly through the want of some circumstance, p. 94. l. 6, 7, &c. 3. That the hateing of God is such an action, as no circumstanee of time or pla e can make lawful, p. 94. l. 16, 17. His u avoidable guilt of Blasphemy. 4. That it belongs to the universality of the first Cause to produce not onely every Real Being, but also the real positive Modifications of Beings, p. 95. l. ult. and penult.

His Inconsistencies with hims lf. Now I would know of Mr. Hickman, (and require him to give me a Categorical Answer) whether for Satan to hate God is a sin or no sin: if he shall answer it is no sin, he will not onely declare himself to be a down-right Libertine, but directly contradict his own confession in the first affirmative of the four which I have just now cited. If he shall answer, it is a sin, and the very worst of all sins, I would demand a second time, whether that Hateing of God (which he thus confesseth to be a sin) is a Real Being, or not? if h shall answer that it is, then he concludes it to be produced by God himself, the First cause, unless he will eat his own words in the fourth affirmative I just now cited. But if he shall answer th t it is not, he will not onely contradict the concordant Judgments of all Mankind, but l tly deny his own words in the third affirmative of the four, which I have just now cited. For there he saith it is an action, which he must grant to be a Real Being, which is somewhat more than a real positive Modification of Being, of which he also makes God to be the Author.

I say the Author for this good reason, How he m •• es God the Author of sin in a way of expression more unexcusable. because he must needs be the Author of every thing which he produceth, and he must needs produce every thing, which it belongeth to him to produce: and Mr. Hickman is express in his fourth assertion above cited, that it belongeth to the universality of the first Cause to produce every Real Being, &c. Hereupon I would aske him, which is the worst of the two, the saying of God, that he produceth the Devils hateing God, or that he is the Author of it? Both are fearfully blasphemous, but yet the former is more horrid, and the later more capable of a comparative ex use, however in it self it is unexcusable. For to say, he produceth, implies him to be the efficient Cause; whereas the word Author doth often signifie somewhat less; as I have made appear from Classick Writers ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ch. 3. p. 188.)

Again I would know of Mr. H. which of these Blasphemies is the worst; His ther way of expression the most horrible of all. to say that God is the Author, or that he is the Creator of the Divel's hateing of God, which he confesseth to be an act at once intrinsecally and essentially evil. To say he is the Creator, is the more formidable expression, and that for the Reasons which I have rendered in my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Yet of this formidable Blasphemy this wretched Caitiff must needs be guilty, unlesse he will timely renounce his most irrational Dichotomie, (which was the very first cause of our whole dissension) to wit, that every thing positive must either be one of God's Creatures, or☜ God himself; there being no medium (saith he) inter Deum & Creaturam; meaning Creaturam Dei, as he hath often expl in'd himself. For when I told him that those Sins which were positive things (to wit, such Sins of Commission, as Adultery, Blasphemy, and the hateing of God, were neither God, nor God's Creatures, but onely the Creatures of men and Devils, abusing the Liberty of their wills by such acts of Rebellion against their Soveraign, who could not possibly produce them against himself; the man of Prov. 1.22, 25, 29, 30. scorn betook himself to mock and laugh at my instruction. And yet he appeare's to be asham'd of his Blasphemous Dichotomie, in that he doth not twice mention it (for ought I am able to remember) throughout the whole Progress of his defense. And yet he knew that that alone was made the Apple of Contention, in the 18. Section of the third Chapter of my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to which he knew he was obliged to shape his Answer.

Perhaps (Sir) your leisure may not have serv'd you, to have read any more of Mr. Hickman, then what you had read in Mr. Prinn, before Mr. Hickman, could have affix'd his Name to it; I mean the Narrative and Historical part, which hath not any thing to do with the positive entity of Sin. At least you may not have had the patience to compare particulars with particulars, as being resolv'd to leave that to be performed by my self, to whom indeed it doth belong as a peculiar Province. And hence I think it the less impertinent, to entertain you with a few more of the man's Assertions; that by his mixtures of Truth and Falsehood, his Confessions of what he denies, and denials of what he confesseth, you may see how inconsistent he is with himself, and how (before he is aware) he is forc'd to stoop and bow to me. His assertions I mean are these that follow.

Another taste of his Contradictions and Blasphemies. 1. That sin is an abstract word, and doth not in its signification connote, any subject. p. 53. l. 4, 5. Nay that sin is so perfectly an abstract, that if we conceive not of it as an abstract, we conceive not of it as sin. p. 54. l. 9, 10.

And yet he as peremptorily asserteth,

2. That the hateing of God is Complexum Quid, and must not be spoken of as if it were one. p. 95. l. 14, 15. Nay that there is a material part of sin & a formal part of sin, and odisse Deum is totum Complexum. (p. 94. l. 20, 23, 24.) And that in evil works there are two things considerable: The works themselves and their pravity, of which the works are from God p. 96. l. 6, 7, 8.

He further Add's,

3. That sin and sinfulness are Synonymous to him and therefore he may use them promiscuously, mea ing by them, what the Latines do by Peccatum, pravitas, malitia. p. 53. l. 3. from the Botom. &c. p. 54.

And yet he peremptorily saith,

4. That the hateing of God is an action, which no Circumstance of time or place can make lawfull. p. 94. l. 16, 17. And that it is an act intrinsecally and essentially evil, — because evil antecedently to any positive law, and because evil ex genere & objecto. p. 94. l. 6.7, 8, 9.

And yet again he affirmeth,

5. That in the hateing of God, the vital action of hatred is a thing positive, but the terminating of that act to such an object which is altogether lovely, that's the sinfulness of the action, and not positive, but privative, p. 95. l. 16, 17. &c.

After this he saith expresly,

6. That all positive things are from God. p. 96. l. 9, 10. And

7. That their pravities add no new entities to them, Ibid. l. 11, 12.

Now (Sir) not to take notice of his not knowing any difference between a Logicall, a Physicall, and a Metaphysicall abstract; nor to course him (as in the Horse-faire) for making hatred to be an action, which every Sciolist know's to be a quality, as if he knew not yet the difference betwixt odium and odisse, and had not so much as a taste or tincture of Aristotle's well; it were too easie to write a volume, in numbring up and displaying the many Absurdities, Blasphemies, and self-contradictions, which this Reviler of the Archbishop (and of all that is venerable or sacred) stand's guilty of in his Adventures. — 1. Sin is perfectly an abstract; and yet it is Complexum Quid. 2. We cannot conceive it as it is sin, unless we conceive it as an abstract; and yet it consists of two parts, or two things are considerable in it, (as Doctor Twisse, Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Barlee, and indeed his whole party, have still distinguish'd, as well as he.) 3. The hateing of God is essentially evil, and yet it is (forsooth) from God. For it is an action, and so a positive thing, and all positive things (he also saith) are from God. 4. The hateing of God must not be spoken of as one; and yet he confesseth, some do but feign that such an act i separated from its pravity (p. 94. l. 26.27.) 5. In the hateing of God, he saith the action is positive, and so God's Creature, (according to his division of all positive things) and so exceedingly good; and yet he saith the hateing of God is an act or action essentially evil, evil intrinsecally, evil antecedently to any positive Law, evil ex genere & objecto. 6. The determinating of that act to a lovely object he call's the sinfulness of that action, and yet that action of hateing God is a sin, yet sinfulness and sin are to him Synonymous. 7. To hate God is a sin, and yet an action, the pravity of which he saith is the sinfulness of the action, yet sin is perfectly an abstract, and the same with sinfulness. 8. He saith that sinfulness is meerly privative, and yet he calls it the determinating of the act to the object, and to determine such an act is the positive action of the will, and so the positive must be privative because 'tis positive. 9. In the hateing of God he doth di tinguish two things, the one good, the other evil; and yet confesseth 'tis wholly evil; and must confesse it (in despight of his obstinacy) because hatred not fasten'd upon God, is not hatred of God, and so it is not the thing in Question. 10. To hate God is an evil work, a work of darkness and of the Devil. Yet in all evil works, Mr. H. saith the work it self is positive and from God. 11. If he thinkes it a sin to hate God, he thinkes that sin an evil work, and a positive action, and so grants what he denies. But if he reteineth his opinion, that all positive things are from God or Gods creatures, then he denies what he gran s, that to hate God is a sin; or else it is clearly his o inion, that the sin of hateing of God is one of Gods creatures, and by consequence that God is the Author of it, which he confessed in his Epistle to be the worst of all Blasphemies. 12. To conclude, if he will stand to what he hath printed, that the hateing of God is an action, and so a positive thing, and so from God, and so no sin, then be it known to all the world that Mr. Hickman is a Libertine in the most desperate degree, for as much as he believes it no sin to hate God.

And now we need no longer doubt, How his principles run out into practise. whether he thinks it a sin to hate his Neighbours, especially them whom he hath injur'd both by railing, and slandering, and filching too. Had he not sinn'd against you (Sir) in all three kinds, against the Bishop of Lincoln, Mr. Morrice, and Mr. Prinne in the last, and against Mr. Goodwin both in the first and the last: Had he not sinn'd in the second kind, by slandering the late Archbishop of Canterbury, and our Reverend Dr. Hammond, both as conspicuous as the D y for their exceeding great Learning, and for the spotlesness of their Lives. And had he not added to all this, his contempt and scorn of Tilenus, calling him Scribler, Aethiopian, a poor Fellow, and objecting to him a piece of Impudence; and had he not provoked me yet infinitely more, by dishonouring that God, for the passionate Love of whose Glory we ought to hate our own Souls; I had not treated the Malefactor with so much strictness as now I do. Nebuchadnezzar made a Decree, That whosoever should speak any thing amiss against the God of Shadrach, Dan. 3 29. Meshach and Abednego, they should be (forth-with) ut in pieces, and their houses be made a danghil: Had Mr. Hickman but spoken what he hath printed at the critical time of that Decree, he had infallibly been cut in pieces. The God of Shadrach is the God whom I serve; and though I know too well what spirit I am of, to cut mine Adversary in pieces, yet I will choose my self to be cut in pieces, (as by slanders and forgeries I have sufficiently been) rather than suffer the poor people to be perverted into Libertines, whilst I am able to hope that I may possibly prevent it. Had I but one drop of Inke in my disposal, I would imploy it in the Cause, in which by Conscience I am engaged. For if the people be brought to think, that Adultery and Murder are the works of God, (as even Zuinglius and Dr. Twisse, men exceedingly superiour to Mr. Hickman, have taken the boldness to affirm and defend) nay, if the Divel's hateing God is confessed to be a positive thing, by the same Mr. Hickman who also teacheth, that all positive things are either God's creatures, or God himself, and if as many as do mistake him for a good schollar, or a good man, shall by the help of the tempter embrace the Doctrine, alas how greedily will they run into sin and hell? supposing that sin is nothing more than a term of policy, invented by Ch rchmen and Politicians to keep their people in good obedience; and that all real Beings must needs be good, as being produced by the first cause, (saith Mr. Hickman) or else that blasphemies, cursings, and hatreds of God, if they are not good and produced by God, are no real Beings, and that will serve their turn as well. When the people cannot separate, nor so much as distinguish the hateing God from the sin of hateing God, and also find it to be the judgment of the learnedst Divines in all the world, that the Act and the obliquity (in the hateing of God) are so inseparably united, as that the Author of the one must needs be the Auhor of the other, how can they keep out of the snare which Mr. Hickman hath laid before them, unless we make them see clearly, that Mr. Hickman is a blind and deceitful guide? The more the man is esteemed by certain short-sighted souls, who discern not the difference betwixt Purity and Purita ism, or betwixt a Preacher and a Divine, by so much the more (like 2 Kings 10.31. Ieroboan ) he h th the miserable priviledge of making Israel to sin; and so by a consequence unavoidable, the greatest charity to his soul, is to make him less scandalous, by making him vile in the people's eyes; or rather by proving him as vile, as he and he onely hath made himself.

See his Pr f. Ep st prefixt to his Calvinists Cabin t Unlockt. Tilenus Iunior hath said enough to stay the stomach of the scorner, and I hope in time he will cast it up. In order to which I shall indeavour (at my next time of leasure) to make him hate his constant Fallacy, A rectè conjunctis ad malè divisa, in his pleading for sins being meerly privative.

I can very hardly hold back my hand from setting down more of his assertions concerning the sin of hateing God, and shewing the manifold impieties, of which his own words do prove him guilty. But having already too much exceeded the usuall bounds of a Letter, and made a greater excursion than I intended, I shall not speak of this subject, untill I shall do it ex professo, and once for all. It appeares by this little (thus accidentally spoken of) that Mr. Hickman will be apt to except against me, for having stuck thus long on so sore a place.

But what then can I do for the escaping of his contempt, The •• ter impossibility of escaping his Cont mpt. wherewith he has threaten'd to entertain me? If I shall call him to account for what he hath written of Risibility, of the intellect, and the will, and the subject of inhesion to whatsoever either proper or common accident; and shall prove him a man of the greatest ignorance in the things of Logick and Philosophy, or the greatest Contemner of God Almighty in writing wilfully and studiously against h s Knowledge, of any pretender to Grace or Wit that in all my life I ever heard of; and shall manifest that his Trophies are most ridiculously erected where his own Misadventures are most remarkable, as if he had purposely intended to make his shame the more signal, by mocking himself with an Ovation in being worsted; if (I say) I shall examine him concerning such things as these, he will be ready to cry out, that these are the parts of his Discourse which I ought not in mercy to meddle with, in regard of their being so sick and weak. So again if I demonstrate by many more than an hundred conspicuous Instances, that he hath affixed his own name, and so dishonestly pretended to be the Author of the Wit and Language of other men, (which any Boy might have done who was but able to write and read) and if besides I shall observe, how he hath not onely not quoted (or acknowledged with thanks) but bitterly rayl'd at some persons, out of whose writings he hath stolne both words and matter, notwithstanding the Authors are still alive, to give notice of his robbery and railing too, and to pursue the bold Felon with Hue and Cry, the man would certainly exclaim (at least in the presence of his Abettors) that I have stuck like a flie upon very sore places, and unmercifully faln upon his sick and weak parts. So well is he armed cap a pe by this one Declaration of his Infi mities. The sad mark of a desperate Patient.

And here it is pertinent to deplore the sad estat of this Patient, being of kin to that wound which Ier. 15.18. refuseth to be healed. He is conscious to himself of having very sore places, and loudly complains to his Physitian, that there are sick and weak parts in the body of his D scourse; and yet he preferrs the peccant humour before the pain of being cur'd. To all the rest of his maladyes he hath added this also, that he is faln in love with his Diseases, and hates the means of his recovery. D. Prosperi R sp. ad Ca itul. Gallor. Ob. 6. p. 320. Prosper gives it as the character of an unregenerate and graceless man, Quòd amat languores suos, & pro sanitate habet quòd aegrotare se nescit, donec prima haec medela conferatur aegroto, ut incipiat nosse quòd langueat, & possit opem Medici desiderare, quâ surgat. We see the condition of him is sad, who does not know that he is sick; and is not his a great deal sadder, who proclaims his sick and sore parts with his utter averseness to have them touch'd? I find a Horse with a gall'd back is less difficult in the dressing, than such a rigid Presbyterian wi h a gall'd Conscience and a gall'd Cause. I did but move towards the former (I mean the gall'd Conscience) and point at it as with a finger, when yet he fell a wincing beyond all measure. Its true, I rubb'd the later (I mean the gall'd Cause) and so for his biteing I must not blame him. If at last he will stand fair, and indure a dressing of the sore places of which he warns me to stand aloof, (groaning sometim s, but never grumbling) I shall not scruple to warrant a p rfect cure. At least by abstersive and cleansing medicines I shall hope to keep the sore places from putrefaction, that they may not infect his over- asie and catching Readers; who may really be in danger of the contagious disease, which hath been lately call'd Rantism, unless the noysomness and stench of his sorest places shall make them stand at a wholsome distance.

No remedies too ro gh in order to his Recovery. I suppose, Sir, I need not desire your pardon for any Roughness in my expressions, though you are pleas'd in much humility to p. 192. desire my pardon for your own. Could I believe you had offended in your austerity to the Scoffer, I would not have followed your example in this praevious execution of punitive Iustice. Whatever language you may have given him, I can easily justifie to all your Censors, that is, to all of his incurable Scotized Sect, (as our Reverend Dr. Sanderson hath very fitly See his Preface to the last Edition of his first Sermons, S ct. 24. p. ult. characterized them.) Its true, you call him a p. 131. man of Brass, but do you not prove him to be such, by his making you worse than any Tinker, when you had never so much as named him in any kind? Its true, you p. 132. compare him to the Cuckowe, but I know not how you could avoid it, when he had taxed you so unmannerly for defiling your own Nest, whilst he was laying his Ordures in other mens, and also guilty of the rapacity which there you mention. Its true, you admonish him of his p. 134, 135. Sacriledge, but first you prove it, and you prove it out of his mouth. For when you had but accused him of a lesser Robbery in the Colledge than he committed, he scoffed at you for your mistake, and prov'd his Robbery to be greater than you imagin'd. Its true, you compare him to p. 144. Aesops Dog in the Manger, but himself had made the resemblance extremely neer; neither affording the Archbishop a good word himself, nor suffering others, without snarling, to do him right. Its true, you parallel his p. 145. p. 9 Railing with his Brother Burton's, and affirm his Language to be p. 145. p. 9 libellous, but you abundantly make it appear by that Scandalum Magnatum, of which I should think his very Favourers would find him guilty. And they would do it so much the rather, because (as you very well p. 133. observe) whilst he excuseth them of Rapine, he condemns them of Perjury. Nay if Sennacherib is affirmed in Holy Writ to have sent Letters to 2 Chron. 32.17. raile on the Lord God of Israel, because he wrote against Gods Omnipotence, how very fitly may Mr. Hickman be said to have railed against the same, by teaching the people to believe, that all things positive (and all Blasph mies by consequence) are either Creatures of God, or God himself? For hath he not See his p. 96. l. 8, 9. expresly taught, that in all wicked works (such as the hateing and cursing God) the works themselves are positive and from God, as all other positive things, (such as the loving and blessing God?) And what is this but to write against the purity of God, with a pen as much worse then that of the Heathen King Sennacherib, as it is more puritanical, and against greater means of Light? Its true, you charge him with p. 141. slander too, but so no doubt will his Abettors, if they will read what you have writen. For (not to speak in this place of what he hath vented against your self) the slander he rais'd on the Right honourable and most Reverend Father in God, My Lord of Canterbury his Grace, you have evinced to be such out of his own hand-writing. And in stead of a recantation he hath dared to offer at an Excuse. But 'tis an excuse so unexcusable, that (as you have said very well) it may justly render him contemptible to the silliest School-boy. 'Tis so extravagant an impiety, to say of so wise, so learned, so great and holy a Divine, that He was turned out of the Schooles, that (to speak my opinion in your words) the foulest mouth (except his) could never raise so lewd a slan er. Its true, you call him a p. 184. Filcher, and say he hath made things his own, as some unhappy boyes make Knives when they do but steal them. p. 150. Could you have possibly done less, than to detect a Robber of such sturdiness, as that he thinks it a little thing to take the purse, unless he may fly in the very face of him that follows the Hue and Crie? If you had not known in what manner he plunder'd other men Treasures, you had enough to prove against him for having ri led one of your own. One of the very best pieces of wit and language to which he hath put his own name, (in hope to injoy the honour of it for a season, till his works of darkness should come to light) he hath stoln verbatim from your Antidotum Lincolniense. Which I say so much the rather, because although in your late book you take some notice of the stealth, yet you name not the Treasure from whence the Margarite was stoln, (for such tis thought by those persons who think it his) and perhaps you knew not so well as I; at least I am sure I first observed it, meerly by dipping into the book without design. But whereas you say p. 147, 148. you are able to trace the steps of this young Serpent in all the cliffs and precipices of the Rock upon which he glideth, so as to follow him not onely in his proofs and Arguments, but many of his phrases and flourishes also, some who are partial to the Purloiner do think you have done him great wrong; or at least they say what they do not think, that those are onely Citations which you are pleased to brand with the name of stealths. And truly the principal inducement to this my present Publication, is to vindicate your Honour in this particular, and to stop the mouths of the Snarlers, who speak so much either against or without their knowledge of the Fact; and who may say with as much reason, that Achan did not purloyn, but onely borrow the wedge of Gold; and that Rachel did no more than take the Teraphims of Laban without his leave, though she is branded in Scripture for having stoln them. Had Mr. Hickman's whole book been onely a heap of Citations, you would no more have condemn'd him in the notion of a Filcher, than you condemn Mr. Prinn for his Anti Arminianism, or Grotius himself for his Annotations on the Gospels, which are as full of Citations as can be wish'd, and much the better for such a p. 150. Fulness. But when you said that Mr. Hickman had taken all his Arguments from Mr. Prinns Anti Arminianism and his Canterbury's Dooms-day, (which had been long ago observed by many more than your self, who are minutely in a readiness to make an ocular demonstration) you fitly added that he did it without acknowledging his Benefactor, (that is to say in plainer English) without citeing the places from whence he stole them; for stoln them he had not, had those been cited.

Now Sir be pleas'd to take notice, that the Filtcher (as you call him) deserves that name, in greater measure then you imagin. For as it appeares by a Collection lately put into my hands by a Neighbour-Minister (a person of very good note for life and Learning) whose exact notification both of the pages and of the lines is attested unto by my Amanuensis, (and for a great part of them mine eyes are witnesse) I say it appeares by that Collection, that not only all his ablest Arguments and Proofes, with some of his flourishes and phrases, (as you imperfectly discover) but even all his flourishes and fancies, all his Sarcasmes and j eres, all his all sions and si •• ile's which have any appearance of smartness in them, yea all his sentences and phrases which savour of Wit and Ingenuity, are most shamefully and grosly (and word for word in most places, if not in all) transcribed by him in his Hotch-Potch, from a few of our late English Writers, whom he partly doth not name, and partly rayle's at, but never once cites for the things I speak of.

Had he been but as honest as Theodectes, and owned other men's writings by a grant of Liberty from the Authors; or had he commended the proper owners with the spoiles of whose Pens he had been enrich'd, I think you would not have shew'd him in so naked a manner as you have done. But to steal a Goose (as the proverb speakes) and not to set up a feather, or to set it up onely for a Reproach to the proper owner, did seem to you a greater Crime, than he could safely be suffer'd to prosper in. It is not certainly for nothing, that the word Plagiary should signifie (in Classick writers) a stealer of other folkes children, and of other folkes Wit; the fruit of the body, and of the brain. And you know what grievous punishments were inflicted on the former by the Flavian Law. The fittest punishment for the later, and that which tend's most to the Malefactors Reformation, is (in the judgement of Martial) to tell it out among the people, and make the Plagiary asham'd. It being probable that his shame will be Gentleman-Usher to his amendment.

Mart. l. .Hoc si terque quaterque clamitâris, Impones Plagiario Pudorem.

And this I take to be the reason, why St. Paul took care with his Thessalonians, that some sinners should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 2 Thes. 3.14. noted, and as if it were mark'd with a black cole, and that to the end they might be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 2 Thes. 3.14. ashamed. Besides it ought to be considered, that a looker on may be Psal. 50.18. Paena peculatus (Furti scilicet pecuniae Publicae) inprimis fuit pecuniaria in Quadruplum, postea fuit de por atio. accessary to another mans stealth, by knowingly concealing his ill gotten goods. And when the very same person who is accused of a Plagium, is convicted at the same time of a Peculatus, (for which his Restitution should be no lesse then four-fold as I have somewhere read in the Civil Law) I know not how you could do lesse, then draw up an Indictment, and I am bound to assist you to bring in Evidence.

But here I am in some strait what kind of course I shall take to make the evidence irresistible. Should I use that brevity which you thought best for your Readers ease, and nameing one or two Proofs, referr my Reader for all the rest to the severall Authors, (without a notification of lines and pages) I might suffer from the incredulous, as you have done in my hearing. And yet to give in an Inventory of all particulars in my power, were not onely in effect to reprint the Rhapsody, but twice at once to reprint it. Once, as I find it in Mr. Hickman; and again, as I find it in the true and just owners. To avoid prolixity on the one side, I shall omit the many passages which he hath taken verbatim out of the two common store-houses, Mr. Prinn's Anti-Arminianism and his Canterburies Doom; both because it would fill up some whole sheets of paper; and because it is matter of many mens talk and observation, as well as of mine and my neighbour-Ministers; and because you have already p. 150. assur'd your Readers, that from thence he hath taken all his Arguments, except that of Gabriel Bridges and Mr. Simpson, and perhaps these also: which in case Mr. H. sh •• l adventure to deny, there are many who can prove it, besides your self. And yet on the other side to attain the chiefest end of my present writing, which is the silencing of them who open their mouthes for Mr. Hickman, and say you wrongfully represent him in the ugly shape of a Purloiner, I shall (as briefly as may be possible) give such a Catalogue of his Gleanings, as I suppose lesse obvious to common notice, and which I have reasons to believe hath escape'd your own. Onely my Catalogue shall begin with a signal instance of his Audacity, which however it hath not escap'd your notice, yet you name not the Book much lesse the page where it is printed, nor do you set it so fully as now I shall. Next shall follow Mr. Morrice, because himself hath observed how his Book hath been pilfer'd. My method shall be, to set the Author on the right hand, with the Purloiner on the left; observing the pages and lin s of each; not every line, (for that would be troublesome, and needlesse too) but one or two at the most, by which it will be easie to find the rest.

Mr. Hickman.

Onely I will make bold to deal with him, as Alexander did with his Bucephalus, take him a little by the bridle and turn him to the Sun, that other men may see how he lay's about him, though himself will not. Book. p. 7. l. 19, 20.

Dr. Heylin.

Onely I will make bold to deal with you as Alexander did with his Horse Bucephalus, take you a little by the bridle, and turn you towards the Sun, that other men may see how you lay about you, though your self do not. Antidot. Lincoln. ch. 1. p. 5. l. 3.4, &c.

Mr. Morice of Werrington his New Inclosures broken down.
Mr. Hickman.

The importunity of friends —the common Vouchee for publications. Epist. p. 1. l. 18, 19.

As did the heathen persecutors by the primitive Christians, putting them into beasts skins. ib. p. 2. l. 11.

So coursely and undecently dealt with as I have been. ib. p. 9. l. 11.

Seasonable Counsell which Galba gave to Piso, Nero à pessimo quoque desiderabitur, mihi & tibi providendum est, ne etiam à bonis desideretur. ib. p. 9. l. penult, &c.

Notwithstanding all his Bustle and Ratlings, impartial and judicious men may discerne, he is but like that Goth in Procopius, who though he fought fiercely, had the mortal Arrows sticking in his Helmet, whereof he soon after fell. Book. p. 2. l. 2, &c.

I am faln into an age in which I have learn'd to admire nothing, not so much from any knowledge I have attained unto, of the causes of things, as from the multitude of strange effects. Pref. p. 4. l. 1. &c.

That commune Dei hominum que odium, Mr. Hobbs. Book p. 7. l. 1, &c.

As Ithasius, who having no other virtue but his hatred to the Priscillianists, &c. ib. p. 8. l. 3, &c.

That I might wel say with Ierome, Qui non ignoscit ingenio, ignoscat tempori. ib. p. 16. l. antep.

A blasting of all graces, and an alloy to all endowments; as if it might be sai'd of his opinion, as Austine speaks of discretion, Tolle hanc, & virtus vitium erit. ib. p. 17. l. 18. &c.

I have the thousand witnesses to attestate. ib. p. 22. l. 12.

The desires of my soul are to receive — a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, not as concurring with me, &c. ib. p. 22. l. 13 &c.

My cordiall affections to — are as well known, as I my self am. ib. p. 22. l. 18.

To inodiate. ib. p. 22. l. 26.

Professe, as a precise and measured truth. ib. p. 23. l. 18.

Judgement often varieth with interest, and things acquire a price, not so much for what they are in themselves, as for what they are relatively to our ends and purposes, — no good money when he should take it, is currant coine when he should pay it. ib. p. 59. l. 20, &c.

An Essay of the Spartan's valour, who being struck down by a mortal blow, used 〈◊〉 stop their mouthes with earth, that they might not be heard to quetch or groan, thereby to affright their fellowes, or animate their enemies. ib. p. 3. l. 6.

Cannot fall down and worship the idols, which these men have set up, they must expect to be thrown into the fiery furnace, nay they are tormented in it already in Austine's sense, who calls the mouth of an angry adversary by that name. ib. p. 31. l. 15, &c.

Seeing the heat of these epidemicall controversies hath produced more writers, then (to use Plautus his similitude) an hot summer brings forth buzzing flies. ib. p. 107. l. 24.

Hath made a Coward fight for once. ib. p. 108. l. 1.

Neither can I undergoe the judicious tryal of the learned, nor am I willing to hazard the passionate censures of the ignorant. ibid p. 108. l. 3.

But if his reply shal be seasoned with the salt of Momus, not of Mercury: or if it be stuffed and coloured onely with an ignorantia Elenchi, defending that which is not impugned; or if he shal like the flies seek for, and stick onely upon a sore place, fal on the sick and weak parts of my discourse, and never attempt to charge through the main body, I shall vindicate my self onely with contempt and silence. ib. p. 108. l. 20.

Nor have I observed, that many have been healed by going into the troubled waters, though moved by the best Angels of the Church. ib. p. 108. l. 6, &c.

Nothing — which hath weight enough in it, to turn those scales at Sedan of which Capellus saith, that they would break with the four hundreth part of a grain. ib. p. 68. bot.

Have the same quarrel with me, that Fimbria had with Scaevola, because he did not totum telum in se recipere. ib. p. 93. l. 21, &c.

Who drew the Scheme of their opinions after that Bishop Land was Lord of the House. And I think it no uncharitablenesse to say, that some of later times, in making their judgments, had very great respect to the stars that were culminant. ib. p. 25. l. 6, &c.

Mr. Morice.

The importunity of friends, the common vouchee to warrant publications. Epist. p. 8. l. penult.

As the persecutors lapt the primitive Christians in beasts skins. Book. p. 194. l. 5.

So coursely and indecently dea t with as I have been. Preface. p. 22. l. 16.

Seasonable Counsel which Galba gave to Pico, Nero à pessimo quo que desiderabitur, mihi & tibi providendum est, ne etiam à bonis desideretur. Book. p. 93. l. 29.30, &c.

Notwithstanding all their Bustle and Ratling, impartial and judicious men will discerne, they are but like that Goth in Procopius, who though he fought fiercely, had the mortal Arrows sticking in his Helmet, whereof he soon after fell. ib. p. 149. l. 13, &c.

We are lapsed into an age, &c. (and so forward, with some transposition, untill those words) — the multiplicity of strange effects. Preface p. 11. l. 2, &c.

That commune odium Dei at que hominum, the Anabaptists. Pref. p. 19. l. 19.

Like Ithasius, who had no other virtue but his hatred towards the Priscillianists. Book. p. 43. l. 43, &c.

That I might plead with Jerome, Qui non ignoscit ingenio, ignoscat tempori. Pref. p. 3. l. 7.

A blasting of all graces, or an alloy to all endowments, as if it might be said of this, as St. Augustine speaks of discretion, Tolle hanc & virtus vitium erit. Book p. 159. l. 31.

I have the thousand witnesses to attestate. Pref. p. 15. l. 32.

I desire, to receive a Prophet, in the name of a Prophet, and not a concurrant, &c. Book p. 166. l. 1.

My affectionate respects, to — are as well known as I am. ib. p. 165. l. 21.

For inodiating. ib. p. 165. l. 29.

Professe it, as a precise and measured truth. Pref. p. 9. l. 34.

Iudgement often varieth with interest, and things acquire the price, not so much for what they are really in themselves, as what they are relatively to our ends and turns;—no good money when they should take it, is currant coine when they should pay it. ib. p. 113. l. 31.

An Assay of the Spartan valour, who being struck down by a mortal blow, used to snatch their mouth full of earth, that they might not be heard to quetch or groan, thereby to affright their fellowes or animate their enemies. ib. p. 256. l. 17, &c.

Cannot fall down and worship the image, that — hath set up an occasion to bring me into the fiery furnac (as Saint Augustine calls an adversaries angry mouth.) ib. p. 30. l. 8. with p. 67. l. 16.

When the heat of those epidemical controversies hath produced more writers, (to use Plautus his comparison) then an hot summer brings forth buzzing flies Pref. p. 10. l. 24.

Have made a Coward fight. ib. p. 11. l. pen.

As I cannot undergoe the judicious trial of the learned, so I am not willing to hazard the passionate censures of the ignorant ib. p. 12. l. 6.

But if any reply be seasoned nigro sale Momi non sale candenti Mercurii; or if they shall stuffe and colour it onely with an ignorantia Elenchi,— defending that which is not impugned;— shall like flies seek for, and stick onely upon a sore place, and falling upon the sick or some single parts of — without charging through the main body; I shall vindicate my self onely with contempt and silence. Pref. p. 25. l. 29. & p. 26. l. 3.

Very few are healed by going into the troubled waters, though moved by the best Angels of the Church. ib. p. 12. l. 27.

They will not turn those very scales at Sedan, which Capellus tells us would break with the four hundreth part of a grain. Book p. 153. l. antep.

Their quarrel against them like that of Fimbria against Scaevola, totum telum non recipit. ib. p. 256. l. 17, &c. Compare also Pr. p. 4. l. 4. & B. p. 292. l. 27.

(This is out of Mr. Morice exactly, the words only transposed) when they draw the scheme of—, they observe who are Lords of the House, they have chief respect to the stars that are culminant, and accordingly make their judgment. Book p. 43. l. 11, &c.

There are many more Instances to be given in from Mr. Morice, which for brevities sake must be omitted.

Mr. John Goodwin. Triumviri.
Mr. Hickman.

Nonnulli citiùs volunt exagitate quod non intelligunt quàm quaerere ut intelligant: & non fiunt humiles inquisitores, sed superbi calumniatores. Aug. de Tem. Serm. 72. Title-page.

Solent veritatis hostes suis jactantiis etiam de nihilo theatrum quaerere. Calvin. in Mar. 9.14. ib.

I cannot but recall what I have often read from Gilbertus Cognatus, of a man with an Ulcer in his face, who passing over a bridge, where the passengers were to pay a certain piece of mony for every alady of body found upon them, was required to pay the accustomed tribute for the Ulcer in his face; but he refusing to pay it, the Officer pulls off his hat, intending to keep it for a pawn; his hat being taken off, another malady appears in his bald head; now Sir (saith the Officer) I must have a double tribute of you. Nay (saith the Traveller) that you shall not, and begins to struggle with the Officer: who being too strong for him, gave him a foyl, by means whereof there was a rupture perceived under his coat. Now (saith the Officer to him again) I must have a treble tribute of you. Book p. 106. l. pen. &c.

Truth is so lovely and beautiful, that they who imbrace falshood, will needs have it to be truth: and because they are unwilling to be deceived, they will not be convinced that they have been deceived. ib. p. 108. l. 10.

Debasing me to the dunghil of doltisme. Pref. p. 1. l. 5.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . P ut. Book p. 14. marg.

At whose name Mr. P. is wont to rise up in an * extasie, of ad iration. ib. p. 27. l. 27.

Rhetorick dropt from his pen in the absence of judgment and conscience. ib. p. 3. l. 3.

He hath alwayes a flood of vilifying words at command, and if he meet with a hard and stubborn argument, he oaks it in that liquor so long, &c. ib. p. 75. l. 14.

Having with the Badger bitten till his teeth meet, he lets go. ib. p. 13. l. 4. a fin.

Was there ever a man ab nbe condito. ib. p. 13. l. pen.

The best crowers are not alwayes the best fighters. ib. p. 90. l. ant p.

Resolving— never more to come so near him, untill his breath be sweeter. ib. p. 106. l. 24.

Mr. Goodwin.

Nonnulli intelligentes citiùs volunt exagitare quod non intelligunt quàm quaerere ut intelligant: & non fiunt humiles inquisitores, sed superbi calumniatores. Aug. de Temp. Serm. 72.

Preface § 8. p. 11. in marg.

Solent veritatis hostes suis jactantiis etiam de nihilo theatrum quaerere. Calvin. Harm. in Mar. 9. 14. Book p. 211. so p. 194. marg.

He calls to my remembrance a story reported from Gilbertus Cognatus, of a man with an Ulcer in his face, who passing over a bridge, where the passengers were to pay a certain piece of mony for every malady of body found upon him, was required to pay the accustomed tribute for that Ulcer in his face; but he refusing to pay it, the Officer pulls off his hat, intending to keep it for a pawn; his hat being taken off, another malady appears in his bald head: now Sir (saith the Officer) I must have a double tribute of you. Nay (saith the traveller) that you shall not, and begins to struggle with the Officer; who being too strong for him, gave him a foyle, by mean s whereof there was a rupture perceived under his Coat: Now (saith the Officer to him again) I must have a treble tribute of you. ibid p. 225. l. 6.

Truth is loved, but upon such terms, that whosoever loves that which is otherwise will needs have this to be truth: and because they are unwilling to be deceived, they will not be convinced that they have been deceived.

Sic amatur veritas, ut quicun que ali d amant, hoc quod amatur velint esse veritatem: & quia falli nollent, nolunt convinci quòd falsi sunt. Aug. Confes. l. 10. c. 23. Pref. Sect. 64. p. 105. l. 10.

Abaseth me to the dunghil of doltism. Book p. 211. l. 3.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Plut. ib. p. 168. marg.

At the sound of whose names— are wont to rise up in an * extasie of veneration. ib. p. 95. l. 27.

Composed by the Rhetorick of— in the absence of his judgment and conscience. ib. p. 60. l. 7.

Compare this with Pref. p. 27. Sect. 16. l. 13. and 24. ending in these words —steeping it thoroughly in this liquor.

With the Badger he hath bitten til his teeth meet, & now he lets go. Book p. 210. l. 21.

There was never such— ab orbe condito. ib. p. 210. l. 26

The greatest crowers are not alwayes the best cocks of the game. Pref. p. 29. Sect. 16. l. 5. a fin.

Resolution, not to come any more so near him, untill his breath be sweeter. Book p. 371.

Dr. Francis White. Way to the True Church, Edit. 1614.4 .
Mr. Hickman.

Who (Memnon) hea ing a mercenary souldier with many bold and impure reports exclaim against King Alexander, lent him a blow with his Launce, saying, that he had hired him to fight against Alexander, and not to rail. Book p. 17.

Dr. White.

Memnon, when a certain mercenary souldier did with many bold and impure reproches exclaim against Great Alexander, lent him a blow with his Launce, saying, that he had hired him to fight against Alexander, and not to rail. Epist. to Read. bot. of p.

The (reputed) Bishop of Lincolne. The Holy Table Name and Thing.
Mr. Hickman.

This poor fellow makes himself an adversary out of his own fancy, and driving him before him from one end of the Book to the other, shoots all his arrowes at this man of ugly clouts of his own framing. Book. p. 21. bot.

Hath so slipt and glided into all the several parts of his Book, that it is almost impossible to refute them without committing as many tautologies, as he himself, &c. ib. p. 89. l. 2, &c.

I must therefore fall a picking of them up like so many daisies in a bare common, here and there one where I can find them. ib. l. 7.

Tumble in his ugly tropes, and rowle himself in his rayling eloquence. ib. p. 4. l. 9.

Mentis aureae verba bracteata. Pref (1. Edit.) p. 31. l. 10.

Bishop of Lincolne.

This poor fellow makes himself an adversary out of his own phantasie, and driving him before him from one end of the Book to the other, shoots all his arrowes at this man of clouts of his own rearing. Ch. 1. p. 2. l. 9, &c.

Having slipt and glided — into all the several parts of this Libell, so as it is impossible to refute them without committing as many Tautologies as he useth himself. ib. ch. 3. p. 60. l. 20.

I must therefore fall a picking of them up, like so many daisies in a bare common, here and there one where I can find them. ib. p. 61. l. 4.

Tumble in your tropes, and roll in your Rhetorick. ib. p. 77. l. 19.

Mentis aureae verba bracteata. ib. ch. 2. p. 59. l. 11.

Philophilus Parrhesiales. Enthusiasmus Triumphatus.
Mr. Hickman.

Concerning the story out of Acosta touching the Peruvian Doctor of Divinity, who would affirm, that he should be a King and a Pope: The Apostolical See being translated to those parts; See Book p. 45. l. 17, &c.

Philophilus Parrhesiales.

This story we have at large in the above-mention'd Treatise, p. 38, 39. Wherein some of the words are — that he would affirm that he should be a King, yea and a Pope too, the Apostolical See being translated to those parts.

Now (Sir) however it may suffice for your vindication that Mr. Hickman is thus evinced to have wrapp'd his own Talent (if he hath any) in a Napkin, and to have swagger'd for a time by spending freely on others men's; and though I shall purposely omit, to send you the many and large passages, which you know he hath plunder'd from Mr. Prinn, even because they are so very many, and withall so very large, that to recite them would make a Volume; yet to the end you may be able to grasp them all at one view, and to find them with ease, if need require; I shall briefly set down a Directory both to the pages and to the lines.

Mr. Prinne. Canterburie's Doom.
Mr. Hickman.

Concerning the English Jesuite's Book inscribed a Direction to be observed by N.N. See Epist. Ded. p. 6. l. 3, &c. along for 2. pages.

Concerning Bishop Montagues Visitation-Articles; See Pref. p. 3. l. 3, &c. along for about 16. lines.

Concerning Bishop Lindsey. See ib. p. 10. l. 5, &c. along for about 11. lines.

Concerning the Church of England's (supposed) holding the Pope to be Antichrist. See ib. p. 11. l. 4, &c. along for several lines.

Concerning Dr. Abbot's Sermon at St. Peter's. See Book. p. 65. l. 8. along for 34. lines.

Concerning the Jesuite's Letter to the Rector at Bruxells. See ib. p. 63. l. 20. along for about 11. lines.

Concerning the Historical Narration, &c. intituled to Cerberus, and Champneys. See ib. p. 18. l. 14. along for 43. lines.

Concerning Dr. Holland's (pretended) turning Dr. Laud out of the Schooles, upon the score of Presbytery. See ib. p. 23. l. 19, &c.

Concerning Archbishop Laud's Letter to Bishop Hall about Presbytery, and the forrain Churches. See ib. p. 24. l. 1. along for 10. lines.

Concerning Episcopacy being an Order, or degree, in Bishop of Exon's Letter. See ib. l. 15.

Concerning Images (pretended to be) forbidden in our times by the Homilies See Pref. p. 8. bot. The Image of God the Father, &c. along for 7. lines.

Concerning Mr. Sherfield's case. See ib.. For taking down a glasse window, &c. along for about 6. lines.

Concerning a Gentleman's telling Mr. Hickman of the Archbishop's justifying the picturing of God the Father, &c. See ib. p. 9. along for about 5. lines.

Concerning Mr. Palmer of Lincolne-Colledge being coursely handled by the Regius P. and called Appellator, &c. for citing Bishop Montague's Appeal, &, Concerning Mr. Damport. See p. 45. l. 8, &c. along for about 14. lines.

Concerning Mr. Pym's Report to the Commons about Mr. Montague's appeale. See ib. p. 24. l. 1, &c. That he had disturbed the peace of the Church. &c. along for 10. lines.

Concerning the Commons Declaration about the sense of the English Articles of Religion. See ib. l. 16, &c. along for 12. lines.

Concerning Mr. Montague's Appeale almost strangled in the wombe, and such as wrote against it. See ib. p. 23. l. 14, &c.

Concerning Dr. Bray's expunging a clause against worshipping of Images ta'ne out of one of the Homilies, out of Dr. Featlye's Sermons. See. ib. p. 10. l. 18, &c.

Concerning the calling-in of Dr. Downhams Book of perseverance. See p. 47. l. pen. &c.

Concerning the censure of Mr. Ford, Thorn, Hodges. See ib.

Mr. Prinne.

Ibid p. 114. l. 1. so on to the end.

Ibid p. 177. l. 4. so on to the end.

Ibid p. 360. on to the end.

Ibid p. 542. l. 28. & 278. bott. & 276. l. 38. ib. l. 17. & p. 275. l. 24.

Ibid p. 155. l. 24. so on to end. See also p. 410, 411. ib.

Ibid p. 159. l. 39. so on to the end.

Ibid p. 167. l. 37. &c. & 168. l. 38, &c. & p. 169. l. 35. & 170. l. 17, &c. ib. l. 39. & p. 508. l. 7. à fin.

Ibid p. 389. l. 20, &c.

Ibid p. 274. l. 22. so on to the end.

Ibid p. 275. l. 25, &c.

Ibid p. 102. l. 7, &c. Who in this window had made no lesse then 7, &c. so on to the end, & ib. l. 24, &c. The image of God the Father, &c. so on to the end, and p. 103. l. 18, &c.

Ibid p. 103. l. 11, &c. so on to the end.

Ibid p. 157. l. 28, &c. From, An Renati, &c. on to the end.

Ibid. p. 158. l. 41, &c. 1 That he had disturbed, &c. so on to the end.

Ibid. p. 163. l. 18, &c. We the Commons, &c. so on to the end.

Ibid. p. 157. l. 15. &c. p. 159. l. 20, &c. ib. l. 7, &c.

Ibid. p. 08. l. 25, &c.

Ibid. p. 171. l. 30, &c.

Ibid. p. 174, l. 175.

Mr. Prinne. Anti-Arminianism.
Mr. Hickman.

Concerning Dr. Iohn Bridges's Book called a Defence of the Government, &c. and about his opinion, that falling away is not grounded on our 16. Article. See Pref. p. 45. l. antep.

Concerning Tyndall s, Frith's, Barnes's works preserved, put forth by Iohn Day, and prefac'd by Mr. Fox. See ib. p. 13. l. 19, &c.

Concerning Bishop Ponet's Catechism imposed by K. Edw. 6. on all Schools. See ib. p. 16. l. 13. &c.

Concerning Questions and Answers about Predestination at the end of the Old Test. of Rob. Barkers Bible. See ib. p. 17. l. 16.

Concerning the English Articles agreed, confirm'd, &c. in several Reigns. See ib. p. 14.

Concerning Dr. Iackson's Questions in Vesper; and concerning Dr. Frewen s Questions. See ib. p. 28. l. 28. &c.

Concerning Bishop Carletons saying, That albeit the Puritans troubled the Church about Discipline, yet they did not so bout Doctrine. See Book p. 42. l. 7. &c.

Concerning the University of Cambridge s Letter to the Chancellour for suppressing of Baro's Opinions. See p. 66. l. 18, &c.

Concerning our Articles being Anti-Arminian, because composed by such as were disciples of Bucer and Martyr. See Pref. p. 18. l. 6. &c.

Concerning K. Iames's hard words of the Remonstrants. See Book p. 39. l. 5. &c. ib. l. 11. &c.

Mr. Prinne.

Ib. p. 202. l. 8. &c. See also p. 6. l. 23. &c.

Ib. p. 79. l. 3, &c. ib. l. 18. and ib. l. 20.

Ib. p. 48. l. 31, &c. see just before two leaves of the said Catechism, from f. 37. to f. 41. see ib. p. 48. l. 28, &c.

Ib. p. 51. l. 1, &c. and p. 54. l. 6, &c.

Ib. p. 4.

Ib. p. 249. l. 12. and p. 250. l. 11, &c.

Ib. p. 262. l. 18, and p. 263. l. 7. ib. l. 16.

Ib. p. 256. l. 18, &c. see p. 253. l. 27, &c. and p. 256. l. 18.

Ib. p. 12. l. 3, &c.

Ib. p. 214. and p. 205. l. 26, &c. and 206. l. 3, &c. see also p. 89. l. 13.

Having thus far discovered the greater Rapines, it will cost me no labour to adde the lesser; which yet I would not have done, but that they are put into my hands by the Neighbour-Minister I spake of, who thinks they may follow, though they might not lead. One Lock of Wool doth not merit a consideration, but many of them put together will make a Todd; and you know who was slain for an accumulative Treason.

Mr. Hickman.

Non partis, &c. Advertisemint fin.

Dr. Heylin.

Non partis, &c. Preface to Exam. Histor. fin.

Mr. Hickman.

Book p. 14. l. 4, &c.

Ibid. p. 36. l. penult. &c.

Ibid. p. 58. l. antep. &c.

Ibid. p. 105. l. 22.

Preface p. 39. l. 1.

Book p. 13. l. 19.

Ibid. p. 89. l. 5. à fi .

Ibid. p. 2. l. 11, &c. outface their defeats.

Pref. p. 7. l. pen.

Book p. 60. l. 2.

Mr. Morice.

Book p. 218. l. 15, &c. s e also Pref. p. 25. l. 28.

Ibid. p. 252. l. 10, &c.

Ibid. p. 35. l. 24, &c. and p. 42.7, &c.

Ibid. p. 333. l. 11. Pref. p. 1. l. 6. ib. p. 26. l. 27.

Ibid. p. 79. l. 37.

Ibid. p. 64. l. 11.

Ibid. p. 128. l. 4, à fin.

Ibid. p. 217. l. 29, &c. outfaced their defeat.

Ibid. p. 258. l. 6. sic alibi semel.

Ibid. p. 211. l. 29.

Mr. Hickman.

Preface p. 39. l. 1, &c.

Book p. 71. l. 8.

Ibid. p. 7. l. 14.

Ibid. p. 84. l. 5.

Pref. p. l. 5. à fin.

Mr. Goodwin.

Preface p. 24. l. 17.

Ibid. p. 94. Sect. 46. l. 15. so p. 98. Sect. 59. l. 21.

Ibid. p. 110. Sect. 66. l. 23. so Book p. 20. l. 27. p. 134. l. 4 à fin. p. 194.

Book p. 108. l. 10. p. 110. l. antep. p. 114. l. 7. p. 123. l. 19. p. 136. l. 32. p. 189. l. 25.

Ibid. p. 211. l. 11.

Mr. Hickman.

Pref. p. 4. l. 7.

Ibid. p. 46. l. pon.

Ibid. p. 47. l. 19.

Mr. Prinne's Doom.

Ibid. p. 106. l. ult, &c.

Ibid. p. 156. l. 22.

Ibid. p. 171.

Mr. Hickman.

Ibid. p. 16. l. 5.

Ibid. p. 16. l. 11.

Ibid p. 38. l. 19.

Ibid p. 18. l. 11.

Ibid p. 43. l. 16. & l. 25.

Ibid p. 33. l. 5, &c.

Ibid p. 31 top.

Ibid. p. 25. l. 13. & l. 16.

Ibid. p. 46. l. ult. & p. 47. l. 1.

Ibid. p. 22. l. 11.

Book p. 19. l. 12.

Ibid. p. 35. l. 7.

Pref. p. 43. l. 8 &c.

Anti-Arminianism.

P. 21, 22.

Ibid. p. 27, &c.

Ibid p. 93. l. 9, 11.13.

Ibid p. 86. l. 9, &c. & p. 96. l. 12, &c.

Ibid p. 97. l. 5.

Ibid p. 89. l. 22, &c. In Marg. Featlye's Pelag. Rediv. cited. See p. 98. l. 10, &c.

Ibid p. 204. l. 35. & p. 205. bot.

Ibid. p. 252. l. 6. & l. 11. & p. 271. bot.

Ibid. p. 246. l. 22. & p. 247. l. 16. & p. 250. bot.

Ibid. p. 271. bot. See also Epist. to Parl. p. 11. l. 12.

Ibid. p. 85. l. 24.

Ibid. p. 93. l. 16. & p. 100. l. 17.

Ibid. p. 90. l. 21. & p. 7. l. 12. & p. 9. l. 19, &c.

Now, Sir, if any of these figures shall come imperfectly into your hands, by any oversight of the Printer, or ill correcting of the Presse, be pleas'd to remember what now I say, that every one of the Citations have been strictly compared by several witnesses apart. And if any thing be amiss through inadvertency in the conveyance, the Collector in an instant can set it right. That some of these are Quotations either of Latin or Greek Authors, is well consider'd by the Collector, who therefore hath not accused Mr. Morice, or Mr. Goodwin, for having fetch't them from their several Fountains, (he rather gives them his Commendation) but he accuseth Mr. Hickman of h ving filtch'd them out of the Cisternes, (and you know who saith, stoln waters are sweet,) without acknowledging the Cisternes, to which they are evidently due, (as may appear by his formes of Introduction, his way of rendring, and applying, besides his Robberies ve batim, before, and after,) and pretending vainly to have drank from the Christall Spring. Its true he varies from Mr. Goodwin in two particulars of Remarke. For whereas Mr. Goodwin hath truly written out of Plutarch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Book p. 14. in Marg. l. 2 & 7. Mr. Hickman most grossely thought fit to write thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Of this I should not have taken s ch publick notice, had he committed the fault but o ce, or had he put it in the Errata, or had he mended the matter in his second Edition. But since it hath passed with him for currant in both Editions of his Farrago, I judge he meant to correct Mr. Goodwins Greek; and so I may better say of him, then he of Postscript p. 1 you, he hath but done like some Tinkers, who in stopping one hole, are wont to make many. That Mr. Goodwin was his Plutarch, you may conjecture even from hence, that amongst many other things of which I have given you an account, he hath illustriously stoln in one place no less than twenty good lines together, word for word from Mr. Goodwin, although in case of no greater moment, then the telling and applying a pretty tale. And therefore in that he saith, [he hath often read from Gilbertus Cognatus] his meaning infallibly must be this, that he hath often read in Mr. Goodwin's Triumviri, what Mr. Goodwin hath related from Gilbertus Cognatus; he having managed the story, not in the words of Gilbertus Cognatus, but in the words and phrases of Mr. Goodwin. Instead of his Thanks to Mr. Goodwin for that and many more Favours, (which Mr. G. hath done him without his knowledge) he brand's him with Va ity, and Arrogance, and Impudence hardly to b equall'd, and Intitle's him the Ishmael in Colem in street. And in a manner not much unlike, he hath requited your self for the credit he got by stealing from you, however he lost it by your Discovery; and is now to lose more, through the very same meanes by which he gain'd it.

During the space of some months, he made a shew in the world, and was thought (by some of his party) to have had a good stock of Wit, and Learning. But full well is it known to your self and others, how poor a writer e would be, if every man had his own. It was not onely unworthily, but cruelly done in Mr. Hickman, (like the Tyrant Mezentius) to joyne the living with the Dead. For if you take away the Lively and florid things which he hath stoln, there will nothing be found to be his own, except the putrid and noysome Carkasse. I may say of Mr. H. as our Reverend Doctor Walton hath lately said of his Considerator, applying the words of Apollodorus to Chrysippus his writings; take away 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whatsoever is not his own, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , his paper will be empty and void of matter. For words of Calumny and Railing must passe for wind. Prometheus could make a man of Dirt, and that Minerva allow'd him to call his own; but even the Poets would not suffer him to wear the honour of a Creator, because the Life of his workmanship was cunningly stoln from the Sun; and he was punish'd for his impiety by all the Ills that brake forth of Pandora's Box.

Hesiod. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

And however Mr. Hickman may have laugh'd for a season, (as Prometheus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Ib. ver. 55. did untill detected,) yet I am not sure that he will ever laugh more, unlesse it be with a Sardonick Laughter; or at least hath attain'd to that worst of Faculties, which is to hug his own Misery, as well as Guilt.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

Had he timely considered the Roman Non semper erunt Saturnalia. Proverb, that the longest play-dayes will have an end, he would a little have suspended his Mirth and Boasting, fo fear of heaping up a Treasure of shame and sorrow. Out of how many mens Gardens, how many Flowers hath he transplanted, to try how happily they would live amongst the weedes of his Dunghill? When in his Tenpenny triflle (as you rightly terme it) I observed strange Mixtures of stile and matter, methought I found my self assaulted (like Bishop Hall by Smectymnuus) with a kind of polykephalous Lernaean Monster. But little at first did I expect, that Dr. Heylin, and Mr. Morice, and Mr. Goodwin, and Mr. Prinn, (much lesse that Bishop White, and the reputed Bishop of Lin ol e should be conjur'd up out of their Graves,) and made to write against me in the name of Hickman; much lesse yet could I imagin, that they should all be compell'd without their knowledge, (and some I am sure against their wills) to fill up the Maxime, qui tanti mensuram nominis imples, &c. Ovid. Trist. measure of Mr. Hickmans name, which you observe to betoken a man of scorn, or one who sits down in the Scorners Chaire, yet I observed diverse things, which did alienam olere officinam, whilst yet I knew not from whence he had them. And as there are who are examin'd how they come by their Estates, when they are seen to spend freely, however of a late, and a low beginning; so I employ'd a worthy Person (whose Love I knew would make him stoop to so meane an office) in making a very short Search into some English store-houses; and so to try if my suspicion were not very well grounded. That if his Drole y was his own, I might afford him the more of my affection and respect, for having so handsomely abus'd me in diverse places. Or that if it were stoln (which I exceedingly suspected) I might so far endeavor to make a Discovery for his good, as it should happen to be for his humiliation. What account my Friend gave me, (the Neighbour-Minister I spake of) in how many str nge instances, and in how very few daies, I hardly dare tell you, for fear it should seem a thing incredible.

Well fare Mr. Hickman for one good turn, I mean for putting me in mind of what I might otherwise have forgotten, as having learnt it long agoe in the Grammar School. I meane the Apologue of the Crow, which had sliely impt his own wings with many other Birds Feathers of various colours, and so had pass'd (for some time) as one of the Beauties of the great Volary. But when his thievery was discover'd, and every Bird that had been defrauded began to challenge his own Feathers, then the poor Crow would fain have flown out of himself (at least by wishing it had been possible) to escape the contempt of the other Birds, which now came purposely to behold him in his own Naturall Deformity. And may I not say of Mr. Hickman, (what his Sawcinesse Pref. p. 52 adventur'd to say of the Reverend Dr. Heylin) that he is a Bird of the same Feather? May I not liken him to the Crow in this one respect, as you your self in another have fitly resembled him to the p. 132, 134. Cuckow? Sure if all above cited shall deplume and denudate this Bird of Prey, by taking from him but as much as he took from them, he will remain as unhandsom as Aesop's Crow. Methinks Mr. Hickman appeares in prose as filtching Celsus appear'd in verse, when Horace spake of him to Iulius Florus.

Horat. Epist. l. 1. Ep. 3.Quid mihi Celsus agit? monitus, multum que monendus, Privatas ut quaerat opes, & tangere vitet Scripta, Palati us quaecunque recepit Ap llo: Ne si forte suas repetitum venerit olim Grex Avium plumas, moveat Cornicula Risum Furtivis nudata coloribus.—

Tiber. Donat. in vitâ Virgil. p. 9.10. Bathyllus was to be shent, for taking upon him to be the Author of Virgils Distich, though Virgil himself had never own'd it. How much more is Mr. Hickman, for taking upon him to be the Author of such Conceipts, as your self and many others had put your Names to? Sed nemo gratis malus est. Bathyllus, for a time, got the favour of Augustus by Virgils Distich. But when Virgil appea 'd against him with an Hos ego versiculos feci, tulit Alter Honorem, Sic vos non vobis Vellera fertis Oves,

Nothing in Rome was so ridiculous as the late celebrated Bathyllus. Thus it hath fared with Mr. Hickman; who by his Praedatory Pen and by railing at the Archbishop procur'd an ill gotten fame from the little people of his pitch, who cannot distinguish a Linsy-wolsy from an entire piece of cloth. But the young Serpent (as you call him by way of Simile) will now be a hissing even to them, who applauded his hissing at his Superiou s. And as his Partisans have boasted, that he hath laid the Arminians upon their backs; so they will grieve at least as much, to see him creeping upon his belly.

It hath been bruited far and wide by certain thorow-pac'd Presbyterians (as the most moderate Dr. Sanderson hath fitly term'd them) that I am the Author of a Book, which they were pleas'd to intitle [A dark room for Mr. Hickman] and they have labour'd to make it credible, as well by word, as by Epistle, from Northamptonshire to London, and thence to Oxford. But whether the Copies were brought up before I was able to hear of any, or whether (which I suspect) there was never any such thing, (save in the fancies and mouthes of the Presbyterian ,) sure I am, I am as free from being the Author of any such Title, much less of any such Book, as Mr. Hickman himself can be thought to be. I cannot repro h any man living with bodily distempers, or with infirmities of the mind which he cannot help. No friend of Mr. Hickman's can wish him mo e then I shall do, me tem sanam in corpore sa o. It is my duty to convince him of all his scandalous offences, in as publick a manner as he commit's them. But with his guiltless frailties, or his misfortunes not to be help'd, I have never once medled in any kind.

Had I not known that this invention was sent to London in a Letter, by one and the same Presbyterian, who took some care to have it thought, that I had published a Defence of women's painting, in a Book intitled [Of Auxiliary Beauty,] and from whom I have reason to believe I have suffer'd more, then from the hastinesses and heates of my quondam-Enemy Mr. Barlee, whose credulity was but abus'd by such underhand-dealers as this I speak of; I should have thought that Mr. Bagshaw had been the Master of the Mint. Who, (how perfectly soever a stranger to me, and a person upon whom I had never so much as bestow'd a thought, much less an unkind or unci il word) hath twice reviled me from the Press in a barbarous a manner, as such a person may be supposed. When first he nibbled at my name, and did but nibble at my writings, I can truly say that I had never heard of him; it was beside my knowledge, that there had ever been any such thing in nature as Edward Bagshaw M. A. and student of Christ-church. Nor is it likely his printed Sermons would have come to my notice, as they did, if it had not been for their Dedication. I knew my Bookes were none of the first, whose outward leaves had been bitten with Rats and Mice. Nor did I think that such vermin deserv'd mine Anger, for meerly doing after their kind, I should rather have rejoyced in that Diversion, could it have kept them from nibling at better things. But it seemes Mr. Bagshaw was so desperately bent to be known for something, and took it so very much to heart, that I would not be moved at his abuses, (as if I had done him a great injury by not returning him evil for evil, and had not been to be indured for resolving to suffer in peace and silence,) that he determin'd to use me worse, for having suffer'd so much wrong, than he had formerly us'd me for doing none. But being des itute of an occasion to wreak his Malice upon a Man, who would not gratifie him so far as to yield him any, he resolv'd for once to lay aside modes y, and manners, and humanity it self, to deposite the consideration of God and conscience, and judgement to come, and so to set forth a Narrative against his Master, Mr. Busby, (whom he had injur'd too highly to be able to forgive,) that so in a Preface to his Narrative he might give himself ease upon Mr. Pierce.

And here I am confident you are wondring, (before you read me quite through) with what kind of colour or pre ense he could indite such a Preface to such a Narrative. How he could nter into Scurrility on no occasion; and against a person, with whom he had never any Commerce, and by whom he had never been provoked, by word, or writing. Truly his colour was no more plausible, then a perfectly Occasionless and Groundless Falshood. He tells his Reader with as much confidence of Mr. Pierce his Reflections on his Discourse, as if he verily believ'd there was great reason for it, whilst yet he does not attempt to give his Reader the very least. It seemes he hath absolutely Decreed, that I shall be taken to be the Author of the Calvinists Cabinet unlock'd, lately published in Defense of Tilenus Iunior, against the medlings of Mr. Baxter. In the Conclusion of which Book, I find indeed some Reflections on Mr. Bagshaw's two Sermons, shewing the shallowness and the danger both of the one, and the other. I mean the danger of the Doctrin, and the shallowness of the reasoning with which he hath labour'd to defend it. In the beginn ng of those Reflections, one is made upon his Practice, to which the lewdness of his Principles might seem to lead him. But what was this to Mr. Pierce, who was no more the Author of Tilenus his Apology, then of his Examination before the Triers? The Author of the Apology was doubtless the Author of the Refl xions; and very confident I am, that the Author of both was Tilenus Iunior: who is meant by Tilenus, or where he live's, or who was the Author of the Apology, or who of the Reflexions, Mr. Edward doth either know or he doth not. If he doth, it is a wonder he will not name the right Author, but raile it out against me, for his having been gibbetted by another. If he doth not, it is a wonder he will resolve to raile at me at all advent re, without the patience to consider what will happen in the conclusion.

This hath happen'd to him already, that the impiety of his Preface confute's his Book. For after so palpable a falsity, upon which he begins with Mr. Pierce, what honest man will ever heed him in what he add's of Mr. Busby? Nay if his passion and his Pet can so transport him out of Reason, as to make him inveigh in great measure against I know not what Calumnies, Incivilities, and Slanders, committed against him by a person who never stood in his way, or beheld his face, or contributed in the least to his ejection out of the School, or ever printed any thing of him which he so sturdily pretends; what will he not say of his Master Busby, who accidentally hath hurt him, though he hath done him no wrong? Can he be carefull of the Truth whilst he is in his Paroxysme, who will not regard it in cooler Blood? When the Boy in Horace was found a lyar, truth it self became incredible whilst it proceeded out of his mouth.

I am a stranger to Mr. Busby as much as to Grotius in his Grave; and if Mr. Busby were in his Grave I would vindicate him further than now I shall. For though I think it a thing below me to slatter the greatest man alive, yet I am freest from the suspicion, when I am liberal to the Dead. I should not otherwise have taken such pains for Grotius, but that I am sure he cannot thank me, and have also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Heb. 11.26. respect to a greater Recompense. But I have heard of Mr. Busby as well as Grotius; and I cannot choose but resent what he hath suffered, so far forth as to rejoyce in whatsoever aspersions are cast upon me, by which Mr. Busby shines forth the clearer. I have been told of the depth and great variety of his Learning, but that which gained him my reverence was the greater Sanctity of his life; the effects of which had been told me long before Mr. Bagshaw appeared against him. Some of his well-natur'd Scholars have long since been of my acquaintance; and knowing our Teachers are to be honoured next to our Parents and our God, I have esteemed them so much the more, the more they have given me the pleasure to hear them speak of his goodness and gracious living. Light and Darkness are not more opposite than Mr. Busby and Mr. Busby, as represented by Mr. Bagshaw and men of worth. The Narrat. p. 22. l. 3. from the bottom. male-content Mr. Bagshaw hath drawn him out in strange colours, painting him covetous, and cruel, and void of Conscience, violent, dissembling, corrupt, ambitious, tyrannnical, oppressive, and what he pleaseth; but all manner of persons of worth and quality (that I can hitherto meet with) are ready to censure this sawcy Censor, as one of the sillyest in the kind they ever heard of: He having written as precisely against the evidences of Truth, and the daily experience of all about him, as if he had thought it a fine thing to be found a Railer, and never more to be credited in what he utters. I still professe I am acquainted with nothing else of Mr. Busby besides his Fame, and from thence I can attestate, that for his mastery over his Pass ons, and his diffusiveness of his substance as well as of himself, (to all, at least who are deserving as well as needy) I have heard few persons commended more. And in relation to his Scholars, such I have heard hath been the Wisdom, the Gravity, and the Obligingness of his Carriage, that the ingenuous part of them had rather suffer his Rod than his displeasure. What I have heard of his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Father like both care and kindness to his Disciples (I mean his care to instruct them in Rules and Principles of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Living, as well as in the Elements of Human Learning) hath made me compare him in my thoughts to Homer's Phoenix, whom Plutarch sets as an Exemplar for all Educators of Youth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Plutarch 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . How much was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 due from Mr. Bagshaw to so deserving a Master (to whose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . school I know an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Herodian. lib. 2. mihi p. 37. Emperour who would very gladly have sent his son, had he been living in these dayes, or had there been a Mr. Busby at least in his.) I wish Mr. Bagshaw had been instructed by what you have written to Mr. Davis, who was (it seems) your own Master at Burford School, and to whom you dedicate (with your self) your Ecclesia Vindicata, with all your seasonable labours therein conteined.

That Mr. Busby had been his Master, Mr. Bagshaw hath oftentimes confessed; that Mr. Busby had been kind and friendly to him, yea zealous and earnest for his preferment to the Vshers place in that School, Mr. Bagshaw also doth acknowledge in the first pages of his Narrative. Tam bene apud memorem veteris stat Gratia facti. Mr. Busby's merit and discretion Mr. Bagshaw doth not deny. That Mr. Busby was at the charge of Repairing and Improveing the publick School, and was careful that his Scholars might not lose the least benefit, which they might gain by his Assistant maintained also at his expense, Mr. B. himself hath well informed us; Why then doth Mr. Bagshaw lay such loads of foul language (exceedingly much worse then he layes on me) on so obliging a Master, and so venerable a man? Narrat. p. 4. p. 28. Why must so excellen a person be charg'd with Perjury, & Treachery, and violation of Conscience, yea with abuses of such a vile and unmanly nature, that Mr. Bagshaw himself, without blushing is not able to think of them? Truly as far as I can guess by Mr. Bagshaws own Narrative, the Reason of it was chiefly this, Mr. Busby desired an Assistant without the favour and consent of his Quondam Scholar: nay he desired it of the Governours, although he had not first asked his Scholar's pleasure. The Governours knowing that the Master was growing apace into years, gave him the liberty of a Cru ch at his own peculiar cost and charges, without so much as asking the Vsher's leave; all was displeasing to Mr. Bagshaw the under-Teacher of the School. The affront was such as he could not bear, (and yet upon the post-fact he Ibid. blesseth God for having endued him with patience in so extraordinary a measure.) Hence his p. 14, 15. Rebellion against his Master, and (by a consequence unavoidable) against the Governors of the School. Mr. Busby (the Master) makes a Petition to the Governors to defend their Order and his Right against the Ushers Insurrections; the Articles of the Petition the Usher partly confesseth and partly mollifies: but all not sufficing to free the Usher from a suspension, he after p. 23. at the bottom. falls upon the Governors for resolving to gratifie Mr. Busby by a removal of Mr. Bagshaw, (right or wrong) notwithstanding the conviction which Mr Bagshaws speech had wrought upon them. And though he saith they were p. 24. many and honourable porsons who stood in favour of Mr. Busby, yet they Ibid. l. 4, 5, 6. concluded on the removal of (so innocent an Usher as) Mr. Bagshaw, even before it could be resolved (saith the Usher himself) upon what ground to bottom such a proceeding. And so we see his main charge doth wholly lye against the Governors, whose proceeding and sentence was their own proper act, although in favour of Mr. Busby, whose fault it was not if he was favour'd, much less was it the Governors to do him right.

Mr. Bagshaw p. 22, 23. professeth his great unwillingness to give his Enemies the pleasure of seeing him troubled. And yet he professeth that p. 22. at the bottom. no man is more inwardly discontented. He also told the very Governours, p. 19. he had not yet so much as modestly complained, as if his complaints before going were too immodest to be denyed. He hath printed his Commendadation from three of the p. 2. nearest of his Acquaintance affirming his abilities to be great and unquestionable in point of Learning, and his life, to their knowledge, is very Godly. What his abilities are for Learning, I will not by any means determin, no will I speak to his prejudice in any kind without ground. But had he vindicated his Sermons from Tilenus his Reflections, I suppose Tilenus would have appeared in vindication of the Text and his own Reflections. As for his life and Conversation, I am fittest to judge of that as far as the guilt of his Preface comes to. And Mr. Busby can best measure him by the Enormities of his Book.

Whereas he saith of Mr. Calvin, and three more of his Followers departing from him, (as he doth often from himself) that they lie under the same contempt and obloquy; I must needs affirm, he is prodigiously mistaken. For never were they taxt of shewing ingratitude to their Masters; nor were their persons ever contemn'd, in that their Arguments were confuted. If so, I am sure they were much contemn'd by one another. To say that Mr. Calvin ascribeth Sin to Gods impulse, and that Dr. Twisse defendeth Zuinglius, affirming God to be the Author of Adultery and Murder, and to cite their pages wherein their words are to be seen, is to discover their Doctrines, and no farther to meddle with the men. When the most learned Mr. Hales, (even whilst he was a Calvinist, not yet converted by See Mr. Farindon's Accompt prefixt to Hales his Remains. Episcopius,) told in one of his Letters t Sir Dudley Carleton, how Gomarus pleaded for this po ition, See Mr. Hales his Letter of Decemb. 12.1618. p. 47. that God did predestine men to Sin, we cannot say that Mr. Hales did load that Synodist with obloq y, by relating the story with his dislike, and saying he mended the Question, as Tinkers mend Kettles, making it worse then it was before.

But what can be possibly so absurd, which Mr. Bagshaw will not dare to put in print when he is Angry? He sayes I seem to be enamour'd upon my numerous issue, when yet his very Calumny implies his self-Contradiction. For he conclude me the Father of the severall Reflections o his Discourse, although he knows I never own'd them. And could he think it my Issue, upon which I was enamour'd but would not own? Had I indeed been the Author of all those Bookes, of which by enemies and friends I have been suspected, Mr. Bagshaw might have call'd it a numerous issue. And of some of those many he might suppose me to be enamour'd, could I have had but the madnesse to think them mine. I have disowned so many Bookes, (since Oxford was visited with the Plague) not because I conceiv'd them unworthy of me, but because I would not be overvalued, nor offend like the old, or the new Bathyllus. Perhaps indeed I am the Author of as many things which shall be namelesse, as those to which I have put my name. But doe's it follow I am the Author of those Reflections, for which Mr. Bagshaw hath rail'd against me, as if I had really been one of his Quondam-Masters? I deny that sequel; and let him prove it if he is able. Or can I seem to be enamour'd of a numerous issue, who would not be thought to be the parent of as many as I may, but of as few, as I think I must?

But I am probably to be blam'd, for taking notice (so much at large) of so lewd a writer. Whose inhumanity towards me, without the least shadow or shew of reason, (I having never provok'd him in any kind, unlesse it were by my peaceable and passive silence) as it hath antidoted the venome which he hath spit at Mr. Busby; so to be hated by such a person, with such a person as Mr. Busby, will (I doubt not) procure me his Readers Love.

Having now done with Mr. Bagshaw, I bid him heartily Farewell. Nor do I say it as a complement, or word of Course; but as wishing him Repentance and change of Life. Of the other Oxonian I take no leave, as having given him no more then a Salutation, and as supposing he may deserve a more elaborate entertainment. If Sir I have tyr'd you with too much length, I will not detain you any longer, than whilst I may humbly desire your pardon, and very heartily commend you to the special guidance of the Almighty, in whom I am and shall be ever,

Your sincerely affectionate and humble Servant, THOMAS PIERCE. Brington. Iuly. 7. 1659.
THE END.
ERRATA.

PAge 3. l. 36. for •• r. nor p. 12. l. 8. r. France p. 19. l. 29. after all r. of p. 21. l. 32. for Mr. r. D . p. 28. l. 28. for concluding r. unconcluding p. 37. in m rg. l. 5. for missarum r. amissarum p. 41. l. 7. r. brains p. 42. l. 11. r. conceit p. 49. l. 34. for leasure r. pleasure p. 56. l. 26: for was r. twas p. 57. l, 16. after agree r. not p. 93. l. 32. dele to p. 100. in marg. l. 5. r. p. 40.41.42. p. 108. l. 16. r. Dr. Iohn Still p. 111. l. 8. r. zeal p. 117. in marg. l. 7 after R sticano r. p. 209. H nnoviae Edit. A. D. 1611. p. 120. l. 6. after w re r. both p. 147. in ma g. l. 6. for p. 123. r. 22. p. 170. l. 20. for do r. not p. 217. l. 21. after Them begin the Thirty first Section p. 219. l. 29. for and r. not p. 221. l. 15. for no. r. not p. ••• . l. 17. for very r. every p. 228. l. 7. r. pullitiei.

Books Printed for, and sold by Richard Royston.
Books written by Dr. Hammond.

A Paraphrase and Annotations upon all the Books of the New-Testament by H. Hammond, D. D. in fol. the second Edition enlarged.

2. The Practical Catechism, with other English Treatises, in two volumes in 4.

3. Dissertationes quatuor quibus Episcopatus Iura ex S. Scripturis & Primaeva Antiquitate adst uuntur, contra sententiam D. Blondelli & aliorum, in 4.

4. A Letter of Resolution of six Queries in 12.

5. Of Schism. A defence of the Church of England against the exceptions of the Romanists, in 12.

6. Of Fundamentals in a notion referring to practice, in 12.

7. Paraenesis, or a seasonable exhortation to all true sons of the Church of England, in 12.

8. A Collection of several Replies & Vindications published of late, most of them in defence of the Church of England, now put together in four Volumes. Newly published, in 4.

9. The Dispatcher Dispatch'd, in Answer to a late Roman Catholick Book, intituled Schism Dispatch'd in 4. new.

10. A Review of the Paraphrase and Annotations on all the Books of the New-Testament, with some additions and alterations, in 8.

11. Some profita le directions both for Priest and people, in two Sermons 8. new.

Books and Sermons written by J. Taylor D. D.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , A Course of Sermons for all the Sundays of the year; together with a discourse of the Divine Institution, Necessity, Sacredness and Separation of the Office Ministerial, in fol.

2. The history of the Life and Death of the Ever-blessed Jesus Christ, third Edition in fol.

3. The Rule and Exercises of holy living, in 12.

4. The Rule and Exercises of holy dying, in 12.

5. The Golden Grove, or, A Manuall of daily Prayers, fitted to the daies of the week, together with a short Method of Peace and Holiness, in 12.

6. The Doctrine and Practice of Repentance rescued from popular Errors, in a large 8. newly published.

7. A Collection of Polemical and Moral discourses, in fol.

8. A Discourse of the Nature, Offices and Measure of Friendship, in 12. new.

9. A Collection of Offices or forms of prayer fitted to the needs of all Christians, together with the Psalter or Psalms of David after the Kings Translations, in a large octavo newly published.

10. Ductor Dubitantium, or Cases of Conscience, fol. Now in the Press.

Books written by Mr. Tho. Pierce Rector of Brington.

1. THe Sinner impleaded in his own Court, wherein are represented the great discouragements from sinning, whi h the Sinner receiveth from Sin it self, in 12. new printed.

2. The Badge and Cognizance of Ch ists Disciples, preached at S. Pauls Church before the Gentlemen of Wiltshire, 4.

3. The Christians Rescue from the grand error of the heathen, touching the fatal necessity of all events, in 5. Books in 4. new.

The new Discoverer Discover'd by way of Answer to Mr. Baxter, with a rejoynder to his Key for Catholicks and Disputations about Church-Government.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or the Church of England defended, in two Treatises against the Fabulous and Scandalous imputations cast upon her in those two Points. Of Succession of Bishops and Schism, wherein the fable of the N gs-head-Ordination is detected, and the accusation of Schism retorted By Iohn Bramhall D. D. Bishop of Derry.

The Law of Laws or the excellency of the Civil Law above all other humane Laws whatsoever: shewing of how great use and necessi y the Civil Law is to this Nation. By Robert Wisem n. Dr. of the Civil Law. 4. new.

The Grand conspiracy, by Master I. Allington, in 12.

The History of the Church of Scotland by Dr. Spotswood Archbishop of S. Andrews, in fol.

Etymologicum parvum, in 8. by Mr. Gregory School-master of Westminster.

The contemplation of heaven, in a descant on the prayer in the garden, in 12.

The Magistrates Authority, a Sermon by Master Lyford, in 4.

The Quakers wild questions objected against the Ministers of the Gospel, by Master R. Sherlock, in 4.

The Communicants Guide, by Master Grove, in 8.

The plain mans sense exercised, by Master William Lyford, in 4.

Anglicisms Latiniz'd by Mr. Willis, in 8.

The persecuted Minister, written by Mr. L ngly, Minister of the Gospel, 4.

Lyfords Legacy in 12.

The Catechism of the Church of England paraphrased, by Richard Sherlock. 3. Edition.

An Apology for the Ministry by William Lyford.

The Examination of Tilenus, before the Triers in Utopia, in 12. newly published.

The Calvinists Cabinet, unlocked, in answer to Mr. Baxter, by Tilenus Junior. New in 12.

Examen Historicum, or a discovery and Examination of the mistakes, falsities and defects in some modern Histories, 8. by P. Heylin D. D. New.

Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae, The works of that Great Monarch and Glorious Martyr King Charls the first, both Sacred and Civil, together with a short view of his Life and Reign.

Certain Considerations of present Concernment, touching this Reformed Church of England by H. Ferne. D. D. in 12.

A Compendious Discourse upon the Case, by Henry Ferne, in 12.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ecclesiae Anglicanae Suspiria. The Tears, Sighs, Complaints, and Prayers of the Church of England: setting forth her former Constitution, compared with her present condition; also, the visible Causes, and probable Cures of her Distempers, in four Books, newly extant in fol. By Iohn Gauden, D.D. of Bocking in Essex.

Certamen Religiosum, or a Conference betwixt the late King Charles and the late Lord Marques of Worcester concerning Religion.

Royalists defence printed at Oxon. 4.

Mercurius Rusticus or the Countrymans complaint against Lieutenant Generall Cromwells plundering, and defacing Cathedrals printed at Oxf. 8.

The Regall apology printed at Oxon.

Bishop Bramhalls faire warning to take heed of the Scotch Discipline. 4.

Sacro-sancta Regum Majestas, written by the Archbishop of Tuam.

Doctor S uards Answer to Fountains Letter.

Episcopacy and Presbytery Considered by Henry Ferne, D.D.

A Sermon before his Majesty at the Isle of Wight by Henry Ferne, D. D.

Iudicium Universit tis Oxoniensis de Solenni lége & foedere, Iuramento Negativo, &c.

Fifty Sermons preached by the Learned and Reverend Iohn Donne, D.D. Doctor Cozens Devotions, &c.

The End of the Catalogue.