NEver any Christian Prince merited of History more solid, serious, and univer­versal Praise than Lewis the 9th [Page 2]of that Name, King of France, fir­named the Saint; and consequently never any Christian Prince hath been so ill treated by the generality of Historians, both French and Fo­reigners, Ancient and Modern, Good and Bad, of all sorts of People, and of all Religions. The Hereticks of latter times haply offended at the Reason he gave for refusing to go to see the Body of Christ become visible in the hands of a Priest, namely, that he had no need of ocular Testi­mony to convince him of a Truth, whereof he was already so well sa­tisfied, have with that prejudice re­presented even the most Heroick of his actions, that, were their Credit valuable, this Prince could certainly be allow'd no better a Character than any of the nine last Kings of the Me­rovingian Race; They will needs have that haughtiness wherewith he treated his Brother Charles of An­jou, who after he was crown'd King [Page 3]of Naples and Sicily let loose the Reins to licence, pass for an Effect of secret Pride and Ambition; they brand with rashness and imprudence the two Expeditions he made against the Infidels, and will have the extra­ordinary Charge he was at in those Undertakings, no other than Pro­fuseness and Prodigality. That Ma­jestick Air which he exprest in all his Actions, and which descended to him from the Queen his Mother, they in­terpret to be only a natural Surli­ness and Austerity of humour in him: and though more Covertly, they for­bear not to censure his frequent Vi­sitations, and regulations of Hospitals The plainness of his habit they attri­bute to a poorness of Spirit in him, and from his aptness to conceal and pass over all private Injuries offer'd him, they are ready to accuse him of Pusillanimity and Cowardice. His Conversation though obliging e­nough, they account too Reserv'd [Page 4]and Morose, considering the Famili­arity and Freedom that had been al­low'd to Courtiers in those times.

They cavil at the sincerity of his Answers both by word of mouth and in writing to foreign Ambassadors, in the Affairs he had to concert with the Crowns of England and Spain; they tax him of too much Severity in the Execution of his Laws, espe­cially, against the Jews, and of too much adhering to particular Justice to the prejudice of the publick in the renuntiations he made to the Dutchy of Guien and Kingdom of Castile.

Nor is this noble Prince and Saint King Lewis better dealt with by the Catholick Historians, though perhaps not with such an apparent and de­sign'd prejudice, and that by Reason (for a more probable cause cannot be guess'd at) of that pragmatick Sanction which came forth under the Name of this Prince, occasion'd by the quarrel he had with the Court of [Page 5] Rome. They look'd upon as Crimi­nal the zealous Concerns he had for the Rights of his Crown, and upon this pretence took upon them to be­spatter all his actions without Limit or Distinction.

Of this last sort of Writers some there are, who not daring to launch out into those high Intemperancies, have yet fallen into another default equally disadvantageous to the glo­ry of this Royal Saint. They have a conceit forsooth that there is no extraordinary Sanctity to be found but in Monasteries, or at least that it is not to be attain'd but by such Mor­tifications of the body as are there in use, and upon this presupposal they carry on the main part of their de­sign throughout all their Writings, so that they make it not so much their buisiness to represent this holy King Lewis such as really he was, but such as in their Opinion he ought to have been, that is to say, in stead of [Page 6]making him a great King as he was they set him forth a very Monk of the most reformed Order. Inso­much that in a Manuscript Imbellisht with curious Figures in Miniature which came to light about 12 years after his death, he is pourtray'd in several Exercises of Penitence, the most severe and bloody that were than practic'd in Cloisters. More­over, one Richard a Monk of the Abby of Enove de Votsge, describes him yielding to the Temptation of a certain Jacobin who urg'd him to take upon him the Order of St. Do­minick, and from which nothing but the powerful and incessant Interpo­sings of the Queen his Mother, Phi­lip the Hardy his Son, and Charles of Anjou his Brother could have di­verted him. Mathew Paris an English Benedictin, an Historian o­therwise the most faithful and best informed of his Time, brings in our Princely St. Lewis at his restitution [Page 7]of Guien to the English, uttering himself in a Speech no less void of Sense then Regal Authority, and gives him a very lame at least impru­dent Character, when he tells us that without fear or respect of the Barons of his Realm he had given up to the English, those other Provin­ces which Philip the August his Grandfather, had alienated from them in the Reign of King John, and reunited to the Crown of France.

But this is not all that hath been vented of unhandsome by these three above mentioned Authors, who all of them liv'd in the very Time of St. Lewis. 'Tis strange to consider how scant they are in recounting the Virtues of this Prince, as to his Qua­lity and Estate, how they bury, if I may so say, in mysterious silence the great Care he took to acquit himself handsomly of all things that belong'd to his Kingly Office? how they smo­ther the best part of all his most [Page 8]glorious Actions, and speak openly of those only which were obscurely ei­ther begun or ended? never consider­ing all this while that David in the midst of all his plenty, and keeping a Court not differing in outward Splen­dor from that of other Kings, was yet a man no less at least, if not more after Gods own heart than Racab, observ­ing the utmost Severities of Life which the old Law requir'd. In fine, as if this Prince were destin'd to be the Mark of all Injustice, the Mo­dern Historians have almost all of them in this point follow'd the Ex­ample of the Ancients, whether it were that they only contented them­selves to copy them out as it were, for want of the Originals by which they were to have been supplyed and mended, or, that they chose rather to take upon Trust what they found in Print, than to bestow the pains and time to search and consult Manu­scripts.

The design therefore of this work is to rectifie and turn to advantage the Mistakes of others, and to remove those Inconveniences that have ensu­ed upon them, at least as far as can be done by touching upon them briefly, not having here time or place to represent all things in their full proportion; and I shall think my self very happy, if without being wound­ed I can handsomly make my way over so many Thorns, since doubtless there can be nothing more condu­cing to the Dolphins Instruction than to be presented with a true Chara­cter of that person among all his An­cestors, whose Life next to that of the Incomparable Lewis, the 14th. it most imports him to contemplate; and if I should be so unhappy as not to succeed, I shall at least gain this Advantage that the Correction of my Errors will instruct others more dex­trous to arrive at a safe Haven.

St. Lewis came into the World [Page 8] [...] [Page 9] [...] [Page 10]the 25th. of April, in the Year, 1215: and those who relate him born of a barren Mother, and make his Birth a Miracle wrought by the Prayers of St. Dominick, are certainly ignorant that he had an Elder Brother call'd Philip, who dyed in his Minority. The Prince his Father liv'd till near 30 Years of Age a private Life, con­tenting himself with the Kings Grace and Favour, and the hopes of suc­ceeding him one day, when the Course of Nature and the Funda­mental Law of the Land should call him to the Crown. He was nam'd Lewis, and the astonishing fierce­ness of his Countenance in time of fight, which increas'd or diminish'd proportionally to the danger he was in procur'd him the Sirname of Lyon, however, he never resembled this Animal but when he was engag'd in Military Affairs, being at other times the most obliging and com­plaisant of all men living; not to [Page 11]mention those his other Excellencies which will afford a noble Character to him that shall undertake to write his Life: but in Relation to what hath been said of him, one Instance of his Moderation cannot be omit­ted, since thereby was divulg'd upon the noblest Stage of Europe his readi­ness to perform the Command of God, who promiseth a Reward both in this Life and that to come, to those who give due Honour and Obedi­ence to their Parents.

King Philip the August after the death of Queen Isabel of Hainault his first Wife, by whom he had Prince Lewis, espoused Angelberge of Den­mark, a Princess without Compare, the fairest and most virtuous Europe could boast of. But the Inconstancy of Man is never so deplorable as in such like Conjunctures, wherein he changes in a moment not only from excess of love to excess of hatred, but which is worse, from the excess of [Page 12]love to the utmost Indifference. Philip, the Morrow after his Nuptials with Angelberge, entertain'd a strange aversion for her. He first excluded her from his Bed, next from his House, He sued out a Process for the disso­lution of the Marriage and found the Bishops ready enough to comply with his Resolution upon pretext of an Imaginary kindred between the two Spouses: upon their Sentence im­mediately ensued another Marriage of the King with Agnes of Tullet, other wise called Mary Princess of Bohemia by whom he had several Children: Angelberge bore her Divorce with a Patience never enough to be applau­ded. She not only not oppos'd the Kings design, but forbore to return into her own Country, for fear her. Presence should animate her Relati­ons to Revenge the Affront she had receiv'd. All the favour she desired was that she might be permitted to reside in France, where she led so ho­ly [Page 13]and retir'd a Life that all her Ene­mies, her Rival her self not excepted, could not but admire her, and pity her Condition.

However, Canute King of Den­mark thought himself oblig'd in ho­nour, though she oftentimes conjur'd him to the contrary, to appear for his Sister Angelberge, and thereupon demanded justice in her behalf of Pope Celestin the 3d. insomuch that his Holiness remonstrated the whole Affair to the King by Cardinal Me­illeur, who not being admitted to a favourable hearing, address'd him­self to the Prelates that attended the Court, to little purpose God knows, for all the benefit he reapt of this Negotiation was a few insignificant Expressions of their Compassion for the Queens Misfortune; and all his Eloquence, though he was accounted the best Oratour of his time, could not obtain one step of advancement toward the reestablishment of this [Page 14]Princess. The Cardinal upon this finding none to second him, return'd to Rome, from whence the Pope, press'd by the continual Importuni­ties of the Danes, sent soon after in­to France as his Legate, Peter Cardi­nal of St. Mary with order to assem­ble the Prelates of France, and to put the Realm under an Interdict, in case the King did not within a time prefixt receive Angelberge again. The Cardinal executed this dange­rous Commission with as much vi­gour as address; and the King not doubting to come off by those subter­fuges that occur in formal Tryals consented to the calling of a Councel at Dijon, the Capital Town of Bur­gundie: the matter was examined to the bottom, and the justest cause became the strongest. Those Pre­lates of the Court Party who had pronounc'd the Marriage of Angel­berge Null, either touch'd with re­morse of Conscience, or finding their [Page 15]Number not strong enough to main­tain it, revok'd their Sentence, and the Council actuated by the Cardi­nal, thundred out an Interdiction, on­ly with this Reserve that twenty dayes respite should be allow'd to the publication of their Decree,

The King in stead of taking this limited Time to consider of a Con­cession, rather laid hold of an advan­tage, thereby to make his Appeal from the Determination of the Coun­cel, and to revenge himself of the Bishops who acted thus, as he pre­tended, with a malicious design of opposing his proceedings; he seis'd upon their Temporals, and to pre­vent the Assistance they might re­ceive from their Relations, for at that time the richest Benefices in France were in the hands of persons of high­est quality, he possess'd himself of the third part of Gentlemens Estates. In the next place, Angelberge was re­mov'd from her present place of So­litude, [Page 16]and confin'd to the Castle of Estampes, where she was sequestred from all Society, but only of such as were the Creatures of her Rival.

There were at that time in France scarce fewer Malecontents than Na­tives, and though Prince Lewis could have no lawful cause for putting him­self at the Head of them, yet never could he have had a fairer and more plausible pretext: He had yet neither Place of Trust nor Profit, neither Government of Town nor Province; all he had to subsist upon was an in­different summe of Money which he receiv'd yearly out of Spain. He could not hope to make his Condi­tion better while he kept himself in the Limits of due Obedience, whereas had he Headed the Malecon­tents, he might have assur'd himself of obtaining by Articles of Accomo­dation whatsoever he could have de­sir'd, for since those People would never have been reduc'd without [Page 17]him, the King must have been forc'd to have given them an entire Satisfa­ction, nor could he have avoided a­bove all things the taking back of Angelberge.

But all this while Prince Lewis re­main'd firm and unshaken in that Faith and Duty which he knew to be owing to his Father, and his King, and own'd himself bound in Ho­nour and Conscience to adopt upon all accounts his Majesties Interests as his own, and shewed a more than or­dinary Submission at a time when all the rest of his Subjects meditated a general Revolt; in short, he gave an Example of Fidelity not to be paral­lel'd in the History of any Nation: Nor was this unexampled Loyalty of his long without a Recompence; for having so generously and virtuously refus'd an Illegal Power he was call'd to the Crown of England by the uni­versal consent of the Estates of the Realm. Three Years he there peace­ably [Page 18]reign'd, and when at the end thereof, the Inconstancy of those that had call'd him in unworthily retract­ed that Allegeance which both their duty oblig'd them to, and his Virtue; Almighty God abundantly repair'd that detriment to him two several wayes, the one was a perpetual Esta­blishment of the Crown of France upon his Posterity from his Eldest Son, the other an Accession of the Crowns of Naples and Sicily with the Earldom of Provence which fell contrary to all Expectation to the youngest of his Sons. But of the worldly Blessings that attended Prince Lewis there was none he made greater account of, or took higher Satisfaction in, than the Wife which God in his most especial Providence bestow'd upon him, viz. Blanch of Spain, the Daughter of Alphonso King of Castile, Sirnamed the Noble, a Princess who in that rude, heavy Age wherein she had the Misfortune [Page 19]to be born, possess'd all those graces which were capable to draw admira­tion from the most accomplish'd La­dies of her time. And as none durst dispute the Prerogative of beauty with her, so it was absolutely taken for confess'd on all hands that she infi­nitely surpass'd them in a Noble and Gallant Meen. The young Age where­in she was Espous'd to Lewis, for she was then scarce ripe for Marriage, render'd her so much the more pli­ant and flexible in conforming to the humours and manners of the French Nation; wherein she made so perfect an Improvement that she could not possibly have been distinguish'd from a French Woman, but for that grave Severity which was too Natural to be easily quitted by her, though at a time when she most resign'd her self up to Complaisance and Fa­miliarity, Her Air as Majestick as it was, had yet never any thing in it of disobliging, being ever attended [Page 20]with words and actions full of Spirit and Vivacity, and a Gaiety of hu­mour that infinitely became her: She enjoy'd so vigorous a health of bo­dy that till that sickness took her which ended her dayes, she never was troubled with any other distem­per than a short quotidian Ague, which argued rather a strong Consti­tution then any Intemperature of hu­mours. Her beauty was not impair'd by Age, nor did the bringing of ten Children into the World any thing diminish the freshness or delicacy of her Complexion. But that which singularly recommends her above all that hath been said is the clear judg­ment and exalted wit which so quali­fied her for business, that she came not short of the most eminent Mini­sters of Spain, either for quick in­sight, or prudent forecast in the weightiest Affairs without the least of that heavy slowness and irresolu­tion which hath been the fault of ma­ny, [Page 21]as she made appear by her ma­nagement of those no less difficult Transactions that hapned during her Regency, then have been known at any time; and with that Ease and dispatch that she was not observ'd to have the least trouble or perplexity of Spirit. Her Piety was neither su­perstitious, nor a Cloak for the car­rying on of any Interest, and it was an excellent saying of hers to her Children when she had their Educa­tion under her Care; That she had rather see them buried than to aban­don that purity of Life to which their Baptism had call'd them. Her Chastity was inviolable, however, that of all the rest of her Virtues was most disputed, both during her Life and after her death. The worst that hath been said of her in any of the most Satyrical Pieces that have toucht her in this tender point is, that she gave too much pretence to Calumny. She entertain'd indeed a [Page 22]Principle more dangerous than could well consist with a Ladies Honour, that is to say, that there are certain junctures which though rarely, might at some time or other happen, in which Ladies might lay aside the out­ward Formalities of Honour, pro­vided they took care to preserve it inviolable in the Main. This I say, Queen Blanch held for a Fundamen­tal Maxim of her Politicks, for Ex­ample, that she might without scru­ple of Conscience endeavour to give Love to any Prince or Potentate that could not by any other means be gain'd to her Interest; especially, when it might prove a means to pre­vent or put an end to a War or any intestine broil, to make an Experi­ment whereof too many occasions will offer themselves in the Sequel of this History; But in the first place, Forasmuch as the Sentiments of the Queen in this matter were no way prejudicial to the Education of St. [Page 23] Lewis, it will he necessary before hand to shew how singular and scrupu­lously exact she was in this matter.

She undertook her self the Office of Nurse to this dear Son of hers, not thinking it safe, (for where most Love is, there is most jealousie and suspicion) he should suck of any o­ther Milk than her own, upon this there hapned a Rencountre, which being not elsewhere to be found, though perhaps purposely omitted as beneath the Gravity of History, can­not handsomly be here pass'd by. One day when she had a violent hot fit of an Ague upon her, which also lasted longer than Ordinary, a Lady of Quality who either to please her Majesty, or in imitation of her, had taken upon her to nurse her own Son, being then present, and seeing the lit­tle Infant cry for the Teat, took up­on her the boldness to give him the Breast, the Queen when the fit was over, call'd for her Child, and of­fer'd [Page 24]him her own Breast, but the In­fant put it by, either, because having suckt so lately he was fully satisfied, or, because the fresh Milk he had lately tasted, made him the more sen­sible of the burning heat of that which his Mother now offer'd him. The Reason was easie to be guess'd, and the Queen her self suspected what had hapned; She pretended an im­patient desire of returning her thanks to the person who had oblig'd her by being so kind to her Child, during her Indisposition; The Lady here­upon expecting no doubt to be a Fa­vourite, own'd what she had done, and told the Queen that the crying of the Infant so sensibly touch'd her, that she could not forbear to give it what Relief was in her power. But the Queen, instead of returning her the thanks she expected, cast a most disdainful look upon her, and thrust­ing her singer into his mouth, forc'd him to give up all he hadreceiv'd [Page 25]from her Breast. This violent Carriage of the Queen gave surprise to all that beheld it, whereupon, not to hold them long in suspence, the Queen told them they ought not to think strange of what they had seen, for that she could not possibly endure that any Woman alive should have a Right to dispute with her the Quality of a Mo­ther; so stedfast her perswasion was that the nursing of Children is a great part of their Education.

Other Particularities of the Edu­cation of St. Lewis are not known, only in general it is not unknown, how great Care was taken to place such persons about him as were most capable to instruct him; but howe­ver these persons were, it may with­out any injustice to them, be strong­ly presum'd their Abilities were not sufficient for the high Province they were set in, it being in an Age when men of greatest Fame for Literature were but very indifferently learned, [Page 26]and in a Kingdom whose Nobility at time lay under the scandal of that gross Ignorance; besides, that St. Lewis came too soon to the Crown to have that leisure and opportunity which were necessary for a serious Applica­tion to study. He was not above twelve years, and about ten dayes o­ver, of Age, when his Father King Lewis the 8th. who had not reign'd in France above three years, resign'd him his place by an accident, whose Circumstances have not been to this day sufficiently made known.

The most potent Feudatary of the French Monarchy, next to the King of England, was at that time Tibault the third, who Matthew Paris calls Henry Earl of Champaign Brie, Char­tres and Blois; the Sovereignty of which Estates had been in his Family above 400 Years, and it was no less then 300 Years since one of his An­cestors got himself immortal Fame by compelling the last King of Burgun­dy [Page 27](for the putting a stop to the per­secution then on foot) to resign his Crown to the Emperor Conrade. This Prince of all the Princes of Chri­stendom of that time, had the grea­test Alliances; his Mother being the Daughter and Heiress of the King of Navarre, his Grandmother Sister of Philip, the August King of France; his great Grandmother, Princess of Eng­land; and her Mother of the Impe­rial House of Suevia. He was of a large Stature, handsome, well made, valiant and active, Especially, at the Exercise of the Lance, which was then an Exercise and Divertisement much in use and Esteem; but withal, he was extreamly subject to passions, which of all others are most incident to per­sons of his Quality and Grandure, and that in so high a degree, that it was hard to distinguish which was most predominant. He was born a young­er Brother, but waited not long be­fore he became the Eldest, his Bro­ther [Page 28]dying without Male Issue, the Orphan Princesses he left behind found their Uncle instead of a Prote­ctor the greatest Enemy and Persecu­tor they had; Nor had he accepted of the Tuition of them, but only to gain an opportunity thereby of in­vading their Estates, which he delay'd no longer to do, then till he had made himself Master of all their strong holds. The pretence he made use of to palliate his Injustice, was too weak to have ever been made use of before in the like Case; Namely, that the Earldoms of Champaign, Brie, Chartres and Blois were Fiefs purely Masculine, that is to say, so firmly entail'd upon the Martial, or Arm-bearing Sex, as not to admit of any Woman whatsoever, though Married to the General of an Army.

No less Criminal was this Earl in his amorous Inclination, nor did this passion of his tend less to evil Conse­quences, the respect he ow'd to Lew­is [Page 29]the 8th. his Sovereign, and the ho­nour he had of being so nearly rela­ted to him, not restraining him from loving Queen Blanch beyond the Li­mits of honour and decency; and whe­ther it were that he gave way to Pre­sumption equally with Love, or, that his Passion was moreover degenera­ted into folly; or, that he had enter­tain'd an Opinion that Secrecy would more avail to the heighthning than suppressing of his Malady; or lastly, that the Queens Virtue had driven him to despair; he not only took no care to hide the fury of his amorous Flame, but on the contrary sought all extravagant ways imaginable to pro­claim it to the World; he spent a great part of his time in making Love-songs, savouring more of a flashy wit than of a true Elegance, or Spirit of Poetry: these he made it his business to get presented to the Queen, he caus'd them to be compos'd to Mu­sick, and sung to all sorts of Instru­ments, [Page 30]and either to keep them from growing out of date, as it generally happens when the Novelty of a thing is over, or, that their Memory of them might survive both the Author and the Princess for whom they were made, he had them grav'd in Cop­per, and expos'd to the sight of the whole world in the Galleries of his Palaces at Troye and Provence, as if he were afraid least future Ages should be unacquainted with his fol­ly, or the time he liv'd in should want a fit Subject for Satyre. Such was the excessive heighth of his Imprudence, which the King was not then in a Condition to chastise, he thought it better to pretend Ignorance, than to manifest his weakness by unprofitable marks of Anger. The English were then in Arms for the recovery of those French Provinces which Phi­lip the August had taken from them, and France could not have hindred, had the Forces which were rais'd to [Page 31]oppose them been disunited: He stood in need of the Aid of all his Feuda­taries; and the revolt of this Count alone had been enough to ruine the whole design. Thus was the King constrain'd to carry himself toward his Rival, as Criminal as he was, and the Event prov'd that his Majesty had taken, if not the most honoura­ble, yet at least the most profitable Expedient. The Earl, who was a per­son sufficiently Valiant, had brought a considerable Addition to the French Army, of choice Troops, all consist­ing of his own Vassals, and fought like a true Lover of that Age, that is to say, he had the Vanity to expose himself to the greatest of dangers for the Love of his Lady; The English whom he was the forwardest to at­taque, were driven to stand upon their desence; and the Towns of Ni­ort, and St. John d'Angeli, which they had lately recover'd, were again ta­ken from them by force; the Town [Page 32]of Rochel, to avoid plundering, sub­mitted to the French; so that at last the English, disheartned by so many misfortunes, were glad of a Truce. The King was the more willing to agree to it, as desirous to lose no oc­casion for the reuniting to his Realm the largest of those Provinces which had been dissever'd from it ever since the declining of the second Race.

Simon Earl of Monfort the great­est and most fortunate Captain of his Age, had gain'd Languedoc from se­veral petty Albigensian Princes, who at that time had possess'd it; but Amaureus his Son could not keep it, the Albigenses recover'd again the best part of it, and Amaureus chose rather to give up the rest for the Constable's Staff of France, than to stand out till he was depriv'd of all without any Recompence. He had yielded up his Right to the most Christian King, and his Majesty being engag'd in this War, as well for his own proper In­terest, [Page 33]as those of Religion, had a Rendezvous in Berry of all the For­ces he could bring together, as well his own as those of his Feudataries, with which he sate down before the Town of Avignon, where the Albigen­ses after they were forc'd to quit the Field, had brought the choice of all their Troops.

There was no want in the Town either of Provision, or any warlike Accomodations which were then in use, nor were the French without In­telligence thereof, yet they desisted not from attacquing the place, but by Reason of the death of the famous Guy Earl of St. Paul, to whom they had been oblig'd for the victory of Bovines, and of the wounding of 4000 of their men, besides, 2000 more slain in the ditches, they were forc'd to change the Siege into a Blockade.

The Besieged for all this were soon brought to a Capitulation, and the King found therein the Keys of all [Page 34]the Albigensian Towns, except those of Tholouse; the Year was too far ad­vanc'd and the Souldiers too much tir'd to begin a new Siege: Besides, it was impossible the French Caval­ry could subsist about Tholouse in re­gard the Albigenses had plough'd all the Meadows thereabout. How­ever, it was thought expedient not to lye at too great a distance from the place, for two several Reasons, the one, to hinder the Spaniards from drawing together those succours which they had promis'd to the Albi­genses, the other, because the French Army consisting chiefly of those Troops which the Feudataries of the Crown had levied, had they been suf­fer'd to march home; the Spring and the best part of Summer (so tardy must their return have been by rea­son of the length of the way) would have been gone before, they could have turn'd to the Siege of Tholouse. Upon this account it was that the [Page 35]King resolv'd to take up his Winter Quarters in the Neighbouring Pro­vinces to Languedoc, and had his Head-quarters at Mont— a Castle scituate upon the Frontiers of Au­vergne. The design was new, there had scarce been any Example thereof, since the Reign of the third Race in France, however, it might have been the occasion of shrew'd Inconvenien­ces, and the Feudataries had infallibly oppos'd it, should the King have gone about to put it in execution, without having first obtain'd their consent in a Council of War.

It was in a full Council that the King discours'd them concerning this Affair, but in such Terms as on the one side represented how absolutely necessary it was for the whole Army to quarter in those places, on the o­ther side, testified the high Satisfacti­on he should take in gaining their Consents, he wanted but little of his desire, all the Feudataries gave their [Page 36]hands except the Earl of Champaign: the Queen then resided at Paris, and the Court was no longer able to en­dure her absence. He thought him­self sure of seeing her within a very short time. And you may well ima­gine how it would relish with the most impatient of all men living, to meet with a fresh Rencountre, that should debar him the sight of his Mistress a whole Year longer. Thus netled therefore as he was, I am not said he, in a full Council, against the Complaisance of the rest of the Feu­dataries, but for my own part, I think it just, to stand so far upon my Rights and Priviledges, as to draw off my Troops into Brie.

This Answer seem'd to proceed from nothing but a haughty, proud Resolution, but the King was not so slow of apprehension as not to pierce into the true Reason. His Majesty had just cause enough of anger against him upon such an occasion, as had the [Page 37]rest follow'd his Example, might have prov'd of fatal Consequence, and left him abandon'd of all; nor could he refrain from reproaching the Earl for this Affront, and threatning him, if he persisted longer in these Expressions, to fall into his Territories with Fire and Sword. The Earl who hated the King no less than he lov'd the Queen, pretended that his Majesty ought to have shew'd some kind of respect toward him, and have treated him rather as an Equal, than as a Vassal, since he was Heir to a Crown; that he ought to take notice of those Menaces as serious, and not words of Course, considering what extremity the Kings obstinate humour had tran­sported him to, he being too exact an observer of his word in such Cases. It was indeed above an Age since Brie and Champaign had been absolutely free from all the Calamities of War, and such was the plenty in general of the whole Country, that the French [Page 38]Army might have found very good Quarters there, had it stood with the Interest of the Kings Affairs. This Crime was the most hainous of any the Earl had been yet tax'd with, but it will appear by what hath been al­ready said, that he was no Novice in committing the blackest of Enormi­ties. Moreover, his imagination a­gitated by the different passions which had got the Mastery of him, began to entertain an Idea of Parri­cide as of absolute necessity at this time.

He could not resolve upon at­tempting the Kings Life by open force, at a time when he had all his Troops about him, nor was the way of Assassination much more safe; It was now many Ages since any of the French Monarchs had been taken off by this way, so ready the Nobili­ty had been to take part with them, and to revenge all designs whatsoe­ver put in practice against. them.

No way was left but poison, and the French, who from the very first beginning of the Monarchy, had had this practice in the greatest detestati­on, began insensibly to have an incli­nation to it, whether it were that they were of late grown more Ingenious in Malice, or that they had learn'd this way of giving their Enemies a dis­patch, either from the Infidels against whom they had born Arms, or from the Greeks with whom they had of late been more than formerly conver­sant. What kind of poison it was that the Earl gave the King was never ab­solutely discovered, but sure enough, for the greater Secrecy of the matter, such a Dose was given him as caus'd a lingring distemper. The King dis­sembled for many dayes the violence of the Feavour which inwardly con­fum'd him, nor did he to the very last so much resent the pain he en­dur'd, as the disturbances likely to ensue as to publick Affairs; Jealousy [Page 40]for its greater Satisfaction finds out peculiar wayes of taking Vengeance. The Earl had the pleasure before he parted to see the King languishing on his death bed, and to foresee that his leaving him in that Condition would augment his grief and vexati­on of Spirit. However, he had the confidence for all this to go and wait upon the Queen, as presupposing that she could hardly suspect the true cause of her Husbands Malady; or at least, if she should come to under-it, she would be oblig'd to conceal her knowledge, because of the need she would have of his assistance in obtaining the Regency; Nor was it long e're the King finding his end to draw near, made his Will, in which he appointed the Queen to be Go­verness of her Eldest Son, and Regent of the Kingdom. He dyed thes­venth of November, 1226, in the 39th. Year of his Age, This last Will and Testament met with no oppositi­on [Page 41]on; whether it were that the Prin­ces of the Blood and Nobility of the Realm were wrought upon by those pathetical discourses which he made to them upon his death bed, to oblige them to pursue his Interests; or, that their wavering minds had not yet fix'd upon those measures which were to be taken for a Revolt intend­ed; or, had they indeed been ready for any such design, they were watch'd too narrowly by the Queen to bring it to Effect; For, notwithstanding she was left a Widow at a Conjun­cture capable of disheartning a Prin­cess, who, though of wit and spirit enough, yet wanted two qualificati­ons which might render a womans Government supportable to the French Nation, that is to say, Credit and Experience; however, she en­deavour'd by all means possible to inform her self of the Genius of a People she was to govern, and eafily apprehended that the best way to [Page 42]prevent what ever designs might hap­pen to be broach'd in France, was to carry with all speed her Eldest Son St. Lewis to Reims, to be there anoint­ed King; and that nothing would so much conduce as this Ceremony to keep within the bounds of their Al­legiance a People, prepossess'd with an opinion of his being hereby made a partaker in the Sovereign Power. The extraordinary haste that was made for the King's Journy into Cham­paign, hinder'd the Grandees and Nobles from accompanying the King with the Splendor and Magnificence usual upon such occasions, notice on­ly was given, that the King was wil­ling to dispence with the trouble and charge of those great preparations, expecting their Attendance in person only without any pompous Train, or numerous Retinue, which in such an Affair as this would be but trouble-some and apt to breed disturbance. This Ceremony was perform'd in the [Page 43]beginning of December 1226, by the Ministry of the Bishop of Soissons, Premier Suffragan of the Archbisho­prick of Reims, whose seat was then vacant. But Philip of France, the Kings Paternal Uncle, first Prince of the Blood, Earl of Boulogne and Clermont, whether it were that he took Exception to see himself pre­ceded by the Peers of France, at the Kings Inauguration, or, because the Regent had not confirm'd the Aug­mentation of his Appenage, which was promis'd him when he gave his con­tent to her being made Regent, what ever it were he repented him of what he had done when it was but just too late to revoke it; He was the first man that labour'd to destroy his own work though no man was more con­cern'd than himself to preserve it en­tire. He came short in deeds of Arms both of his Father and his Brother, but equall'd them both in wit, and sur­pass'd them in Vigour and Address: [Page 44]and though there were no other proofs then the Intreagues hereafter mention'd, they are sufficient to dis­cover him the most subtle, and dex­trous Prince of his Age. He repre­sented, both by word of mouth and by writing, to all the Nobles of the Realm, how they had been circum­vented, how that a Spanish Woman had found a way how to deprive them of the fruit of all their labours, and that notwithstanding those Con­quests which had been gain'd by Phi­lip the August in a War of 50 Years, to avoid falling under the English Power, and the coming off with so much glory in so difficult an Enter­prise, they were now in danger of fal­ling under that Yoke whereof in for­mer times they had so universal a dread; That the Queen whom they had declar'd Regent, was indeed born in a Country which hitherto had nei­ther any Antipathy nor Interest with France, but that she was in Effect [Page 45]English, and neither could, nor ought to be consider'd as others wise, though at a time when she took up­on her the Government of the French. That she was the daughter of Eleanor, Princess of England, and Grandchild of a Queen of the same Name, who had detach'd Guien from the Crown of France to unite it to England. That though she was the daughter of Alphonso (sirnamed the Noble) King of Castile, yet she was not married to the late King Lewis as Infanta of Spain, but as Princess of the Royal House of England, where the Daughters are call'd to the Suc­cession of the Crown for want of Is­sue Male. That this Marriage had been resolv'd on in a solemn Treaty with the English. That the King of England had endow'd her with the Earldom of Eureux, and 30000 Marks of Silver, and therefore had reason to expect from her a Recompence proportionable to the establishment [Page 46]he had setled upon her. That no­thing less could be expected but giv­ing back the Provinces conquer'd from King John Lackland, which would be to the prejudice even of those Children which she had brought into the World.

That it was the Regent's humour to desire rather to be accounted an ill natur'd than an ungrateful Person, that this only consideration was suffi­cient to render her unworthy of the administration of the French Monar­chy; but that there was another al­so no less apparent, nor no less con­siderable which was this: The late King had form'd a design, and put a good beginning to it of uniting Lan­guedock to the Crown, the chief ob­struction to which by reason of his Majesties untimely death, would be the not taking of Tholouse; the Re­gent, besides, that she was uncapable of such an Enterprise, being too much concern'd as a Native of Spain, in op­posing [Page 47]by all means possible the growth of the French Monarchy on the Pirenean side, not to put off the Siege to another time, under pretence of the Minority of the King her Son, when ever she should be constrain'd to undergo the Importunities that must needs be made to her upon this account, that the only Remedy to prevent these two Inconveniences would be to depose the Queen from her Regency, and to put in her stead a Prince who on the one side should have no obligation to the English, and on the other side would be capa­ble of commanding the Army de­sign'd for the taking of Tholouse.

This Harangue which the Earl made use of in the Nature of a Mani­festo, laid down nothing which in the main was not exactly true, but with­al it was enfeebled by a contradicti­on too plain to be unperceiv'd. In the beginning of his discourse, he presupposes her English, designing [Page 48]thereby to raise an Odium against her upon the account of the Aversi­on she must needs have for France, on the contrary, at the latter end, he will have her a Native of Spain on purpose to render her suspected, and uncapable of pursuing the Conquest of Languedock. However, this Ora­tion had almost all the success the Earl could promise himself from it, since thereby he engag'd to his Par­ty the two sorts of People which were then of most Credit in France, that is to say, those who had a more than or­dinary passion for the Grandure of that Monarchy, and those who less soaring in Ambition, pleas'd them­selves, with the thought that this would be a great means of rooting out the Hereticks, and were carried on with wonderful Application to­ward the Conquest of Languedock, as imagining it another holy War; Of this number were the Duke of Burgundy, the Earls of March, St. [Page 49] Paul and Bar; whose Association was of great importance to the Earl of Boulogne, and so much the more for that they thought themselves tied to his Interests by the strongest of humane Bonds to wit, Zeal, no mat­ter whether true orfalse.

Having thus secur'd those who pre­tended to serve him out of pure in­clination, he made it his next business to gain those who act in all things as humour or interest leads them: of this sort of persons the Earl of Cham­paigne was the first he address'd himself to. This Prince found not that return of Love from the Queen which he thought his Services merit­ed, nor was he very much surpris'd thereat, whether it were that he im­puted the Queens Insensibility to those impressions which the surviving Love of her deceas'd Husband had left in her heart, or that he believ'd the case of her Honour oblig'd her to keep within the bounds of exact [Page 50]decorum, at a time when she knew the Eyes of the whole world would be upon her: but he was more throughly convinc'd of the vanity of persisting in his Love, when he saw that the Queen, after she had taken upon her the Regency, treated him no otherwise than common Civility oblig'd her to, and that she neglect-him so far as not to make him a sha­rer in the Government by giving him a place in the Council of State: his im­patient humour stirr'd him up to high complaints of her slighting Usage. Whereupon the Earl of Bologne who was neither ignorant of his Amours, nor his ill success therein, concluded the best way to draw him to a Revolt, would be to heighten his jealousie.

The Pope had sent Legate into France, a Prelate altogether agree­able to that Court: he was call'd Ro­manor, being a Native of Rome of the lowest rank of the Populacy; nevertheless, he was endu'd with such [Page 51]qualities as made him appear a per­son of real Grandure in all places wherever he came: he had an excel­lent shape of body, and for a gallant Meen was not equall'd by any; his de­licate and quick parts made him pass for a Miracle of wit, and the rather for that it was very rare in that Age. In fine, all Europe could not boast so compleat a Courtier: to him France ow'd the Conquests that had been made in Languedock; for it was he that call'd the Council at Bourges, wherein the continuation of the war against the Albigenses was decreed; he that had dispos'd all the Nobility of the Realm to serve in this Expe­dition at their own Charge; he that had excommunicated anew the Earl of Tholouse; he that took off the Fathers of the Councel from shewing him any favour, when he came in as a penitent at a time when they least expected it. This induc'd the Queen to have a particular respect [Page 52]for the Legate, whether mov'd by the meer consideration of his Merits, or thinking her self oblig'd to treat with more than ordinary Civilities a Minister of the Court of Rome, and one whose assistance she mainly stood in need of to compleat the Conquest of Languedock, and to keep the French in subjection and obedience during so long a Mino­rity; She consulted him in all impor­tant affairs, follow'd his advice a­bove all others, and of those passant Civilities he desir'd for any of his friends she deny'd him none; these things added so much to the count of Champaign's jealousie, that the Malecontents could have wisht for no better opportunity to bring him over to their Party.

The Earl of Boulogne represented to him that he ought in reason to disengage his heart from a Spanish woman, who had been so lavish of hers as to part with it to a Priest, [Page 53]and that he could not in honour have any other Sentiments for her, than those of abhorrence and re­venge, for the injury she did to the Memory of her deceas'd Husband. There is nothing a man inclines to. more than to believe things areas he would have them.

The Earl how ever was at a loss, and knew not what to think of her man­ner of treating him; he could not imagine that so young and fair as she was, she could confine her self all her life long to a languishing and discon­solate Widow-hood, having an over­ture, which she might be glad to em­brace, of enjoying in second Nupti­als the Heir presumptive of the Crown of Navarre; ail this while he saw plainly that this Princess had no disposition to make him happy, though to her own advantage; and since he could not dive into the true cause, and was not satisfied with any of those he revolved in his mind; he [Page 54]fix'd upon that which had been sug­gested to him, never examining the probability of it, or considering that it was infinitely more ridiculous than any thing he could imagine beside.

Thus imputing the Queens indif­ference for him, to the love which it was surmised she had for the Legate; upon this sullen supposition he re­solv'd upon the suppressing of a passion, with which he was even rea­dy to burst. Upon this he entred into the Earl of Boulogne's Party, and drew along with him his Brother of Arms, Hugo de Dampmartin, Count of Ponthieu, whose Eldest Brother was Renald, Count of Dampmartin, Auscon, Islebon, and Domfront. He having married the Niece of King Philip the August, took the boldness and Authority upon him, under pre­text of this Alliance to besiege, and having taken it, to rase down to the ground a Castle belonging to the Bishop of Beauvais, a Prince of the [Page 55]blood, and Cousin German to the said Philip the August, who, glad of an occasion to bring down this Count of Dampmartin, whom he knew to be the most turbulent and dangerous person of his whole Realm, took speedy course with him, and confis­cated all his Estate. The Earl thus reduc'd from his former heighth to a dependance upon others for mainte­nance, was forc'd at last to beg the Kings pardon, but in vain; for all the Answer he could obtain of the King was, that though he had no ob­ligation to give an account of his actions to any one whatsoever, yet nevertheless, he was content to re­mit the hearing of all matters in Con­troversie to the Chamber Royal, and the Barons of the Realm.

But this proposal relish'd not at all with the Earl, for besides that he ex­pected no other than to be condemn­ed, if they should proceed to the ut­most rigour against him; he knew [Page 56]well enough the power and credit his Majesty had in that Court where he was to plead. So that seeing no other remedy, he took part with the English, and had the misfortune to be taken with other Prisoners at the Battel of Bovines, where he had lan­guish'd out a long Confinement, though in a spatious Prison, of about 22 Years, his Brother the Earl of Ponthieu not being able to procure his Releasement. And indeed the two last Kings, Philip the August, and Lewis the 8th. and after them the Regent, had ever held it as a sure Po­litical Maxim, that it very much im­ported to keep in durance all his life time, that Vassal of theirs who was most potent and formidable, so long as there was any advantage to he taken without any absolute viola­tion of Justice; so that there was no probability of this Earls deliverance but by force of Arms. The Earl of Boulogne promis'd Ponthieu to act [Page 57]with all the vigour requisite upon such an occasion for the setting his Brother free; and that if it were not done before the Overtures of a Trea­ty of peace, the said Treaty should never be concluded but upon Con­dition he were first releas'd

The Earl of Boulogne being thus assur'd of those Feudataries who were nearest about the heart of the French Monarchy, made it his next design to gain those who were more remote, and more especially address'd himself to Jane Countess of Flanders, and Hainault. This Princess was married to Ferdinand Infant of Por­tugal, and Eldest Son of King Sanchi­us, who according to the Custome of the Cadets of noble Families, had sought his Fortune in France, and behav'd himself like one of those old Knights errant so renown'd in Story; and in truth he lighted upon better fortune than ever he could have hop'd for. Balduin Emperor of [Page 58] Constantinople dying without Issue Male, had left King Philip the Au­gust Tutor to his daughter Princess Jane, with power to marry her to whom he thought fit. The King having a good opinion of Ferdi­nand's Merit; or, else not willing to bestow her upon a French man, for fear of making him too potent, match'd her to this Portuguess, who had not made his pretension to her, but as resolving to stand in Compe­tition with any pretenders whatso­ever, though their hopes were built upon never so much better a Foun­dation. But no sooner was Ferdi­nand by this Match become Master of two Estates, more considerable at that time than the Crown of Portu­gal it self, but he stain'd his Reputati­on by a most horrible Ingratitude. He suffer'd himself to be deluded by the same Renald de Dampmartin, whom we have already mention'd, so far as to bear Arms for the English [Page 59]against his Benefactor; for which de­servedly he had the same fate, being likewise taken Prisoner at Bovines, after he had receiv'd six wounds in the body by the valiant Hugode Ma­revil, a Gentleman of Xaintogne. How­ever, his being taken Prisoner, trou­bled him nothing near so much as the course they took with him after­wards; for the King, who knew him to be the proudest Prince of that Age, knew also what would most touch him to the quick, and bring down the pride of his haughty heart; he caus'd him to be led in Triumph through the Streets of Paris, in which disgraceful march he was saluted with such kind of Language as the Mobile commonly bestow upon per­sons of his Circumstance. After he had been kept for some time with­out any other hopes than of perpetu­al Imprisonment, it was thought fit to give him up a Freeman to the tears and submissions of his Wife, [Page 60]who was come to cast her self at the Kings feet, and to let him live in peace, only all the strong places of Flanders and Hainault were to be ras'd to the ground. Hereupon, he was shortly to have been releas'd up­on Geoffry Son of the Earl of Bra­bant his standing surety for him; but whether it were that Geoffry refus'd to yield to that clause of the Treaty, or, that the King had taken fresh dis­pleasure from any words Ferdinand had let fall since this Negotiation, he was still kept a Prisoner, and his Wife thus frustrated of her hopes of seeing him again at liberty, yielded to the first invitation made to her of entring into the League; The Earl of Boulogne encourag'd by this so speedy and prosperous success, made his next Address to two Brothers Princes of the Blood, viz. Peter Duke of Bretaign, and Robert Earl of Dreux: As for the Duke of Bre­taign, he was no less oblig'd to the [Page 61]Crown of France, then the Earl of Flanders, and his Ingratitude was of no less tendency to the violation of all Right and Justice.

Now for the better understanding of an Entreague which hath not been sufficiently made known, neither in the History of France, nor of any other Nation, it is to be noted, that Rollando, the first Duke of Norman­dy, compell'd by force of Arms, the first Earl of Bretaign, to do him Homage for his Earldom, in the same manner as the Dukes of Normandy have since done Homage for their Dutchies to the Kings of France, that is to say, Bretaign became an arrier-fief to the Crown of France. In this State it continued till the death of Covan—Earl of Bretaign, who left Issue only one daughter nam'd Constance. This rich Heiress was courted by many, but Henry the second King of England pretended, as Duke of Normandy, the Right of [Page 62]Marriage, and partly, by his Authori­ty, partly, by his Addresses of Court­ship, obtain'd her, and had four Sons by her, Henry, Richard, Geoffry, and John. He design'd to leave to Hen­ry the Crown of England, to Richard the Provinces of Normandy, Main, Anjou, and Tourain, which fell to him by Succession from his Father and Mother, and the Provinces of Guien, and Poictou, which he had in Marri­age by his former Wife Eleanor. Be­tween these two young Princes and the two daughters of the most Chri­stian King Lewis the 7th. there was a solemn Treaty of Marriage, and the King of England had Interest enough to bring both to effect. John his 4th Son was design'd for Ecclesi­astical Preferment; so that a Match having been propos'd between the Heiress of Bretaign, and the house of England, she must now of necessity be married, if to any, to Geoffry King Henry's third Son. In fine, the was [Page 63]married to him upon considerations meerly Political, for his person was no way taking with the young Lady; but his death soon deliver'd her, and left her to a second Marriage more to her content; for she her self then made choice of Guy de Thouars, a Knight, the handsomest and bravest person of his Age, by whom she had but one daughter; her first Hus­band had left her big with Child of a Son nam'd Arthur, whose death was the more unhappy, for that he was depriv'd thereby of such an accumu­lation of Successions; that of Eng­land and the French Provinces there­unto appendant, fell to him by the death without Issue of his Fathers two Eldest Brothers; and Bretaign being his at the same time in Right of his Mother, he had doubtless in prospect, had he liv'd, the vastest Monarchy that had been known since the partage of the Imperial Do­minion of Charles the Great; but John [Page 64]sirnamed Lackland the only Uncle, who surviv'd, procur'd his death to get his Estate, and by this means the daughter of Guy de Thouars, became sole Heiress of the Earldom of Bre­taign. Philip the August, who ta­king advantage of the villany of John Lackland, had reunited the Dutchy of Normandy to the Crown of France, pretended that since Henry these cond, King of England, had power as being Duke of Normandy, to dispose of the Mother, he both as Duke of Normandy, and King of France together, had so much the better Title to dispose of the daugh­ter. The branch of Dreux was at that time the most proper branch of the Royal Family: his appennage was small, he had neither Office nor Government, his Alliances had not enrich'd him, and it was to be fear'd he might lose his Rank for want of Estate; as it hapned some time since, to the branch of Cortenai, supposing [Page 65]his publih'd Genealogy be altoge­ther exact. This made Philip the August the more willing to give the Heiress of Bretaign to Peter de Dreux, with this Condition, that Bretaign should henceforth be immediately held of the Crown of France, that is to say, that it should no more do ho­mage, to whoever should be Ma­sters of Normandy, in case that Pro­vince should ever be again dismem­bred from the Crown. The Condi­tion was advantagious to both the new married Parties, since their E­states were now no longer held in arrier fiefs; nor would depend for the time to come upon a single Duke of Normandy, but only upon the first of Christian Kings. Nor did a­ny one receive prejudice by it, in re­gard Normandy was reunited to the Crown. No wonder then if Peter de Dreux and his Wife accepted gladly the Condition, and observ'd it in all particulars. But that soon befel the [Page 66]new Duke of Bretaign which is but too frequent with men of slender virtue, that is to say, he suffer'd him­self to be drawn away, and transport­ed by this flowing Tide of good for­tune. The large Extent of this Coun­try of Bretaign, and its advantageous Situation, gave it a very sufficient Title, and Merit in this Princes opi­nion to an absolute and independent Sovereignty; besides, he was pleas'd to flatter himself with this conceit that his carrying on so high a design, as the shaking of the French yoke, would immortalize his Name to all Posterity: which great undertaking, the better to accomplish, he was real­ly perswaded that his siding with the Earl of Boulogne, and his Party, was as fair an opportunity as he could have wisht for, taking it for granted, that if the Earl succeeded, he could do no less than remit his homage of Bretaign in recompense of his decla­ring for him; In case he did not suc­ceed, [Page 67]the Regent in revenge, that she might oblige those Princes of the blood, who had taken part with him, to desert him, would be glad to con­descend to what ever they should demand of her. Thus the Duke of Bretaign turn'd Rebel upon false sur­mises, with which he fed his fancy; but the most cross and untoward oc­currence in his Revolt, was his draw­ing in upon a quite contrary princi­ple, his Brother Robert de Dreux.

This Person had a Soul so sensi­ble of all benefits, and so prone to grateful returns, that he thought he could not better testifie the high ob­ligation he had to the Duke of Bre­taign, for having left entire to him the Apennage of their branch, than by serving him for, or, against whom soever he desir'd, except the King. Thus he put himself under the Ban­ner of the Malecontents, by a Mo­tive the most excusable that ever was, if any excuse can be admitted in matters of Treason.

The last Prince of the blood that the Earl of Boulogne drew in to his Party, was Robert of Courtenay, whom he found the more pliable to his Temptations by discontent, because, the branch of the Dreux had been preferr'd before his by the Match of Bretaign, and to engage him the more deeply, he had opportunity given him to make himself Master of cer­tain summs of the Kings mony.

Raimond the 7th of that Name, Earl of Tholouse, sirnamed the young, was before hand with the Malecon­tents, to whom without staying for any Invitation from them, he went and joyned of his own accord, upon the first prospect he had of a civil war. His main inducement to this proceeding, for he had none of those pretences which the rest made use of, was only to save himself by fishing in other mens troubled waters. The Court of Rome, whose Thunders ru­in'd without Exception all those pet­ty [Page 69]Princes upon whom they lighted, was altogether inexorable toward this Prince, and would not quit him of those Ecclesiastical Censures which had been pronounc'd against him, though the refusal thereof was the greatest obstacle to the recovery of Languedoc, This Interdiction had so powerful an ascendant upon his Sub­jects minds, that they thought they might be very well excus'd from ac­knowledging him their Prince, with whom they were forbidden to have any Communication or Correspon­dence, insomuch, as all the relief and assistance he could get, was from those infected with the Albigensian Heresie. This sort of people were at that time not so numerous as the Catholicks; and should the Regent take Tholouse, the Capital City of that Country, there would be no possi­bility of the Counts reestablishment. So that by thus engaging himself with the Malecontents, he thought on the [Page 70]one side let the worst come to the worst, he could not be more unfor­tunate than he was in that wretched Estate to which hehad been reduc'd; on the other side, the least success should attend his Party would con­duce to the recovery of his lost Estate. The Earl of Provence, a Prince e­qually considerable, and his Cousin of the house of Catalogue, came in last of the French into the Earl of Bolognes Party, led by Motives which only concern'd him at a distance; for he had no reason to complain either of the most Christian Kings in general, or, of the Regent in parti­cular, against whom he could be no otherwise incens'd, than by those too deep reflections he made upon what might happen for the future, the French as he thought, border'd too near upon Provence, their Neigh­bourhood rendred them suspected to him; when the French had a victo­rious King at the head of them, his [Page 71]fear of being entangled in his Cou­sins Ruine kept him back from aid­ing him against them; but after that this Warlike Prince was taken off by Death, he thought, that though he could not yet with safety pluck off his Vizard quite, and have recourse to open Arms in defence of the Earl of Tholouse, who was yet but half ejected, he might at least securely act under-hand, so as to engage them the sooner in a Civil War, which was in a manner already begun, to the end, he might give Advantage to the said Earl to recover Langue­doc, without being Oblig'd to any one but himself.

The greatest part of the Princes and Nobility of France being thus corrupted by the Artifices above­mentioned, the Earl of Boulogne's Faction was in all appearance strong enough not to stand in need of the help of strangers, yet nevertheless it was resolv'd no Aids should be [Page 72]refus'd, of how little necessity soe­ver; as if it were not enough for France to be torn in pieces by its own Hands, but it must also bor­row those of the most Ancient and Formidable Enemy.

King Henry the Third of England was a great Master-piece of Fortune, that is to say, he was equally an Object of her favourS and her frowns; he had for his Father a Homicide, an Atheist, a Person dethron'd, and under all Ecclesiastical Censures, which followed him so close he could neither get Food nor Harbour but in places and among People where he was not known: The Son had his share in all these Calamities, but they attended him no longer than during the Life of him who had drawn them upon his own Head. God, who, when he goes about to punish Crimes, hath an Eye upon the prin­cipal Actors, took pity on the House of England. As soon as this Mon­ster [Page 73]which it brought forth was cut off, Providence was particularly concern'd for Henry the Third, the Innocent Son of this so Criminal Fa­ther, and settled him in the Throne of England, when there was not the least likelyhood he should ever ascend it; and this Affair, which seem'd altogether impossible by all the Intrigues of Policy, was brought to pass almost in a moment, and that without either Trouble or Mo­lestation, or Expence or Blood.

There remain'd nothing now but to recover those Provinces of France which had been won from England by Philip the August: And Henry thought now to compass that, with­out striking a stroak, which he in vain attempted by force of Arms in the Reign of King Lewis the 8th. viz. the re-uniting those Provinces to the Crown of England, and that by pretending to take part with the Se­ditious French, supposing the Regent [Page 74]finding it impossible to oppose him, and at the same time to defend her self from those that went about to degrade her, would immediately up­on notice of his Landing in France with a puissant Army, seek for an Accommodation, and offer him all that had been taken from the Eng­lish, on Condition he would turn those Arms against the Rebels which he had design'd for their assistance. So that he had no sooner receiv'd the Earl of Boulogne's Message, which was meerly to sift out of him, whe­ther or no he inclin'd to concern himself in the bickerings which were beginning in France, but he rais'd a far more puissant Army than any of his Predecessors had ever led against any of the most Christian Kings; moreover, under pretence of Obliging the Male-contents the more, he undertook to Command the Army in Person, and to be at all the Charges of Levying and Tran­sporting [Page 75]sporting it; but the real truth is, his going in Person was rather to hinder them from Treating with him by Writing, choosing rather by his Personal presence to have an Ear open to such Propositions as he pre­sum'd the Regent would soon make to him. Behold here the whole Foundation of the League concer­ted under the Minority of St. Lewis, never was there any one so Potent, or so cunningly driven on since the establishment of the French Monar­chy; nor can the Abilities of Queen Blanch be any way better understood or express'd, than by the recount­ing of those Intrigues by which she wound her self out of the most trou­blesome Exigences that ever Heroick Vertue was reduc'd to, and made a shift to preserve the Crown in all its lustre for the King her Son.

The Male-contents had carried their Affairs with so much precaution and Secrecy, that the Court had not [Page 76]the least Intelligence of them, and all the suspicion the Regent had, was only grounded upon two actions, subject enough to a dubious con­struction; the one was the great care which the Earl of Bologne took to Fortifie Calais, the Town of his Apennage, and the usual place of Landing for the English; The other was the re-inforcement of the Gari­sons which the Duke of Bretaign had put, at the request of the late King, into the Castles of St. James, Beuron, and Belesm. As there was just reason to apprehend that these two Innovations happened not but upon some Mysterious account, the Regent took an occasion hereupon immediately to bethink her self of her own safety; and not knowing as yet either the number or the quality of those that had combin'd for her Destruction, all that her Pru­dence could suggest to her, was to give Order to those Military Officers [Page 77]who had most eminently testified their Fidelity to her Husband, to raise what possible Force they could. 'Tis hard to resolve, whether it were by Choice or good hap, that mat­ters succeeded according to her wish, but this is certain, that they acquit­ted themselves like Men of Honour in the Commissions she gave them, and brought their Troops timely enough into the Field to save the State, by preventing the Earl of Bo­logne from seizing upon his Nephew the Young King, and by an Action so seasonable, even to finish the War as soon as it was begun.

The Earl thus frustrated of his first Design, fore-saw that it would not be so easie a matter as he first fancy'd to himself to Degrade his Sister-in-Law, wherefore the better to make sure of his Accomplices, he endeavour'd by all means possible to make them irreconcileable with the Regent. He knew where the greatest [Page 78]part of the Kings Treasure was kept, and there it was that he made his se­cond Effort, accordingly he seiz'd on it, and distributed it to those of his Party, with this Condition, that those who were nearest to him should have the greatest share. This done, he led them towards Calais, there to joyn the King of England, who fol­lowing the measures he had taken from the Male-contents, was to make his Descent at that very time. But there is nothing so uncertain as the managing of great Enterprizes, by reason of that general concourse of different Causes whereupon they de­pend for success.

The Regent lost neither her Cou­rage nor her Judgment at a con­juncture when on the one side she had little or nothing to hope for; and on the other, very much to fear. Never was there known to come out of her Mouth either Complaint or Reproach. She knew exactly the [Page 79]bad condition of her Affairs, and used all the Art of Dissimulation she was capable of to conceal what she thought, for fear of discouraging those faithful Persons she had remain­ing about her. She guess'd at the Earl of Bologne's Design from the very moment he took his March, and wisely gain'd her Advantage by the needless stop he made in Eureux, for the hindring of his passage. More­over, as she concluded that France was in all likelyhood inevitably lost if the Male-contents should joyn the English, she had recourse to an Ar­tifice which I cannot but stand a­stonish'd that no Historians ever yet made mention of. There was in England a Person named Hubert de Bourg, so considerable in all respects, that he was equall'd by no Man, ei­ther in Favour or Merit; he had a Wit beyond the Common rate, and his shape was such as what Poets use to attribute to Heroes. He was at [Page 80]once both the most accomplish'd Ca­valier and the most expert Captain of his Nation; and never was there English-man a truer Lover, and more Zealous Patriot of his Countrey: He served both King and Kingdom to that degree, that both had an equal share of Obligation to him. It was by him that the Crown had been preserv'd in the Family of the Plantagenets, and that England had not been made a Province to the Crown of France. He defended to the utmost Normandy and Guien against Philip the August, and had successively in the chief places of both these Provinces held out long Sieges, and by his obstinate Resist­ance ruined whole Armies, never yielding to come to Capitulation till such time as the very Horses were all eaten up. Even the French his Enemies both admiring and honour­ing him for his Valour, thought they could never enough commend him [Page 81]when they saw him here in England; and how just their Commendations were, he ceas'd not afterwards to give them fresh demonstrations, since he alone it was who snatch'd out of Prince Lewis his hands the Conquest of this Island. He it was who by his Gallantry recovered the Town of Dover, and Defended it with that perseverance, that all the French Forces sent against it, were not able to re-take it. He afterwards beat them twice, once at Lincoln, ano­ther time before Bedford. In fine, he it was, who having dispos'd the English to acknowledge him, set King Henry upon his Throne.

And as the Obligation of this King Henry was very great, so His Maje­sties care and study to recompense him was no less; he confer'd upon him all the Principal Offices in the State, except that of High Admiral, for he was Grand Marshal, Lord High Treasurer, and Chief Justiciary all [Page 82]at one time. He bad the Charge of the Transportation of those Troops which were design'd for France, which Trust while he was discharging with his ordinary care and vigilance, he received at that very juncture a Pre­sent of 5000 Marks of Silver with a Letter which neatly and wittily ral­lied upon his Vanity, by insinuating to him, that to make himself the most Illustrious Person that ever England bore, he who had lately settled the Crown of England upon the Head of Young King Henry his Master, maugre all the Force of France, ought now to make it his next bu­siness to set the Crown also upon the Head of the Young King of France, against all the united Forces both of his own Subjects, and of England.

The weakness of Humane Nature never discovers it self more plainly than when in a moment it yields to lesser Temptations, when at other times it hath for a long while with­stood [Page 83]greater. This was the Case of Du Bourg, who after he had been inflexible to the vast Offers of Philip the August and Lewis the 8th. suf­fered himself at last to be overcome with a petty Present and a poor fri­volous bait of Vain glory offered him by a Foreign Princess. He Equipp'd forth but half the number of Ships necessary for the Transpor­tation of the English Army; and when the Noblemen, who had almost all in general provided to attend the King personally in this Expedition, came to Dover to see their Goods dispos'd of on board the Ships, there was not room nor Convenience found for them; nor could it be doubted but that either the Knavery or Negligence of Du Bourg was the cause, whereupon immediately Com­plaint was carried to the King.

Du Bourg was sent for to give an account to His Majesty, but when he came, he made so lame a Defence [Page 84]for himself, that the King incens'd against him, called him Old Traytor, and drawing his Sword, had certain­ly run him through the Body, had not the Earl of Chester, an intimate Friend of Du Bourg, put by the thrust, and given Opportunity to other Persons interested in the For­tune of this Favourite, to interpose in his behalf, and to avert His Ma­jesties displeasure for the present. In the next place, they made him keep out of the way, till such time as they had made his Peace, which was not long; for the King, however touch'd in the most sensible and incurable part, namely, that of Ambition, yet in the end suffer'd himself to be con­vinc'd that the old Obligations he had to this his Favourite ought to weigh with him more than the injury lately committed. He gave him his Par­don freely, and in some time receiv'd him into his wonted Grace and Fa­our.

The Regent encourag'd with the success of her first Project, namely, her obstructing with so much ease the passage of the English Army over into France, put in execution a se­cond Design, as no less bold and difficult in appearance, so also no less advantageous in case it succeed­ed: She was not ignorant how strong and fervent a Passion she had raised in the Heart of the Earl of Cham­paign, and had a shrewd conjecture that the despight of seeing himself treated with so much indifference was the onely cause which induc'd him to engage with the Male-con­tents, and accept of the Supreme Command of their Army. She had moreover too good an Opinion of her Charms, not to believe she could at any time when she pleased re­excite the Earls Love, and by never so small an expression of her Favour, call him back to his Devoir. It was now a fit time to make proof hereof, [Page 86]and the Regent resolv'd to put it in agitation her own way, that is to say, with an Air wherein to appear Obliging, she would nevertheless re­mit nothing of her wonted reserved­ness.

The Message she sent to this doubly Revolted Lover was onely this in short, viz. That she should not be sorry to see him. And this Com­plement, though the shortest and slenderest certainly that ever was in this kind, produc'd an effect the strangest that ever was heard of in the French History in matter of Love. It suffic'd to tie the Earl more strong­ly than ever, to the Chains of his Pas­sion and her Interests, and to make him forget in an instant all the Cold­ness she had ever shew'd toward him; he lost that acuteness of Wit which was so Natural to him, and conspir'd with the Regent to deceive himself. He fancied that all of a sudden she began to have a tenderness, though [Page 87]there were all appearances imagina­ble to the contrary; and this fancy of his was so strongly rooted, that he detach'd his Troops from the Ren­dezvous of those of the League, un­der pretence of going to beat up one of the Quarters of the Kings Forces, and carried them to joyn the Army which he feign'd he was going to set upon.

His Desertion put the whole party of the Rebels into such a disturbance and confusion, that all the Princes and Grandees thereof were not able to compose it. The most expedient way by which they thought to Re­medy it, was immediately to make choice of another General, and they had the good hap to agree unani­mously upon a Person whom they judged worthy to take upon him so important a place; such an ascen­dent hath extraordinary Merit even upon the most Criminal minds. They all fixt their Eyes upon Enguerrand, [Page 88]the second of that Name, Lord of Couci, a Gentleman of Piccardy, of a Reputation too well receiv'd for any one not to submit to receive Orders from him. His Valour sur­mounted the common rate of Hu­mane Actions, and the proofs he gave of it in the Wars of the Holy Land carried a greater semblance of Fable than of Truth, and might, though true, have better pass'd for Romance than what we read in the most Romantick stories. He had both Conduct and Honesty; and doubtless he had preserv'd the Em­pire of Constantinople in the French Line, had they promoted his Mar­riage with that Heiress, instead of Matching her imprudently, as they did, to Peter of Auxerre.

For what reason he entered into the League against the Regent is not known, but certain it is he refused the Command of their Army, and that not either for want of Courage, or [Page 89]despairing of Success. All Men are not easily carried away to all sorts of Crimes; and Heroick Vertue may, like the Sun, be capable of some spots that may obscure it, but never be totally darkned, no more than this King of Stars can wholly lose its Light. Couci moreover knew the vast difference between barely being of a Party in a Revolt, and being the Head or Chief of the said Party; and his Honesty became a­wake, if I may so say, when it saw it self expos'd to the most dangerous of Civil Temptations. He never throughly fore-saw the Consequen­ces of his Engagment till he was just upon the Precipice; that is to say, till he found that the Charge which the Confederates would have con­fer'd upon him was design'd to spur on his Ambition, by lifting him up to a higher pitch than ever he aspir'd to. Besides, he comprehended the sense of those Mysterious words, and [Page 90]the quality of Parricide which lay lurking underneath, startled him; he was afraid of losing, in his ad­vanced Age, that Glory which he had acquir'd in his Youth; and was unwilling to survive himself, by suf­fering those Lawrels to fade in France which he had gain'd in Palestine. He testified so great an aversion for the Generalship, that they durst not men­tion it to him a second time: And since the Memoirs which are extant of this great Personage make no fur­ther mention of him, it is to be sup­pos'd he quitted the League, and im­mediately retir'd to his Castle of Couci, there to spend the remnant of his days in a more innocent and quiet course of Life.

His refusal augmented among the Rebels that Disorder which his ac­ceptance would have compos'd, and in fine, shatter'd them all to pieces. The Earl of Tholouse, who had pro­mised to take the Field, kept his For­ces [Page 91]in their Quarters in the Town which bears that name, and the Earl of Provence forbore to declare him­self till such time as he saw what Re­medy could be apply'd to the making up of these Breaches. His keeping off was no less happy than prudent; for as much as the Earl of Bologne being now convinc'd that these De­signs formed against his Soveraign, could never succeed in the end, ha­ving so untoward a beginning, was the first who quitted that Work whereof he himself had laid the Foun­dation, and made an Accommoda­tion apart with the Regent: What the Conditions were, is not known, but sure enough they were not very Advantageous, since on the one side his Apennage was not at all aug­mented, and on the other side, the Regent had no Money to give him. A little after, the Earl of Dreux re­turn'd to his Duty, obtaining onely the confirmation of the partage made [Page 92]with his Brother the Duke of Bre­taign.

The falling off of so many Persons of the first Rank, one would think, had been enough to have broken the League, nevertheless there were Prin­ces and Gentlemen enough still left to continue it, and the Regent knew well enough that there would be a Party of the Rebels still on foot, so long as there might with ease be sound a way to remove all pretext which should hinder them of a Re­treat in Bretaign and the Low Coun­tries, in case they should chance to be beaten in a Battel. It was a dif­ficult matcer to remove all at once two such grand Refuges; and the Regent, after she had along time exercised the utmost of her Wit and Cunning, effected as yet but half of what she pretended to. The Duke of Bretaign remain'd still inflexible, and Threats wrought now no more upon him than Promises had done [Page 93]before, so that the Regent as much exasperated as wearied out with the Obstinacy of this Prince, turn'd more efficaciously her Policy another way.

It was now about a dozen Years, that the Earls of Flanders and Damp­martin had lyen languishing in Pri­son; and as these two Persons were very near both Criminal alike, it seemed but just that there should be as little difference put in the Favour which was to be shewn them as there had been in their Guilt, and was in their Punishment. But their Tem­pers were not equal; the Earl of Dampmartin was of a Humour so ill contriv'd, that it was not possible to have any kind of Indulgence for him which he would not be apt to abuse. The League wanted a Head, and that very thing was sufficient to obstruct his Deliverance; for had he been let out, he had certainly gone immedi­ately and joyn'd the Rebels. The Earl of Flanders had more of Ho­nour [Page 94]in him, and was not irregular in matters of Generosity, except in such Rencounters where he distin­guish'd it not sufficiently from those Vices which are design'd to pass for it; he had in his Soul a fund of good­ness, which facilitated his return to his Allegiance, however he had been carried away by Passion or Weakness. The Regent being inform'd of the strong part and the weak of this Portuguez Prince, resolv'd to give him that Liberty which she deny'd the Earl of Dampmartin; and as she never attracted so much Admiration as in matters of loud importance, so she particularly accompanied this with so many Obliging Circumstan­ces for the Earl of Flanders, that he not onely remained firm himself to the Interests of his Benefactress, but also accepted of the Leave given him to return to his Wife, meerly upon this very account, that he might take her wholly off, as he did, from the [Page 95]League, and oblige her to call home those Troops which she had sent in­to the Rebels Camp.

The Entreagues of Court were succeeded by the formalities of Ju­stice; the Regent after she had dis­jointed the League, summon'd the principal members to meet in Parlia­ment at Chinon, and afterwards at Tours. The Members summon'd appear'd neither at the first, nor se­cond Citation, but when they were commanded to appear the third time at Vendome, and had but twenty days time allow'd them for their appear­ance; they consulted among them­selves what they had best to do: The most furious of them were of opinion, that they might leave the matter to be judg'd by Foreclusion, and only bring it to a review when the war should be ended; but the wiser sort were of a contrary judg­ment, alledging that it was always a troublesome thing to be cast in Cau­ses [Page 96]of what nature soever, and that an Arrest could not possibly come out against them without leaving a blot upon their memory; Hereup­on they concluded, that it would be necessary to appear by Proxy, and if the Reasons they brought for the de­fence of their Cause, were not suffi­cient to satisfie her, they would at least serve to convince the People, that they were not so culpable as the Regent gave out; but neither the one, nor the other of these Councils were follow'd, and the resolution they took was like the way of all se­ditious Assemblies in this, that they chose the very worst of all Expedi­ents propos'd. It was carryed by the plurality of voices, that the Prin­ces and most eminent Lords of the League, should repair to Vendome, with a very small Train, to perswade the Regent that they had a sincere desire of a reconciliation with her, presuming, that the Regent deluded [Page 97]by this fair pretence, would not fail to bring along with her, or at least send, the King her Son, to Vendome, with a small guard, by reason that on the one side, the presence of this young Monarch would be absolute­ly necessary, on the other side, she would be cautious of giving the oc­casion of suspicion to a People, who testified with so much frankness their readiness to submit to their Sove­reign, which would be obvious, in case they should see him attended with a greater number than was usu­al upon such like Ceremonies; that the Confederates who were Masters of Estampes and Corbeil, might with­out being percei'd draw out of those two places, as many Forces as would be sufficient to carry off the King; and that the Regent having lost him, by whom she held her Authority, would be constrain'd to seek for an agreement with those whom she seem'd before so much to slight.

Who the Author was, of this per­nicious Council, is not certainly known; some Historians say it was the Duke of Bretaign, others, the Earl of March; but from whose brain soever it proceeded, it was so exactly adjusted to the Conjuncture of Affairs at that time, that nothing but Divine Providence which took particular care of the preservation of St. Lewis, could have frustrated the design. The most sagacious wisdom of this world hath its Inter­vals, and sometimes commits such failings as folly it self could not be guilty of greater. Seldom are long administrations without some error, as if the government of States were a kind of Sea, where at one time or other there must needs be Shipwrack. The Regent had hitherto follow'd the Maxims of most exquisite pru­dence, and her Enemies, who felt the sharp Effects thereof, admir'd her no less than her friends, who had the [Page 99]advantage of it, but all was spoil'd at one dash; For whether it were that she hop'd suddenly to conclude a Peace, or, that she rely'd too much upon the judgments of her blind Counsellors; she sent the King her Son to Vendome with a very weak guard.

Never were there civil wars in France, but had this inconvenience attending, namely, that the designs of one party, though never so secretly carry'd, were in a moment known to the other; The Earl of Champaign had excellent Spies in the Army of the League, and never fail'd of be­ing inform'd from time to time of whatever designs were form'd a­mong them, in regard the chief of those who were most privy thereun­to, held correspondence with him, consequently, he had immediately notice of all the particularities of the design laid for seising the sacred per­son of the King. He advertis'd [Page 100]hereof the Regent who was then at Paris; for there the Council of State detain'd her, as supposing the pre­sence of this Princess would discover the correspondences of the Rebels in that great Town.

The Regent was not so much troubled, though heartily angry at her self, for her indiscretion, at the error she had committed, as in pain, till she had found out a way to reme­dy it, nor was it long e're her admi­rable inventive wit prompted her to a way which answer'd her desires. She wrote to the King, who was in the Bourg de Chastres, to secure himself in the Castle of Montleher, till such time as she could send Forces suffici­ent to deliver him, and in regard the Army Royal was at too great a di­stance, she had recourse to the Citi­zens of Paris.

The Queen assembled all the Co­lonels, and other Officers from their respective Quarters, and in a most pa­thetick [Page 101]thetick Speech represented to them the greatness of the danger the King was in, and the more effectually to move her audience, she gave frequent interruptions to her Speech with tears and sobs: and after she had thus mollified their hearts, she prick'd them on with the thoughts of what immortal glory would attend them in being the Instruments of their Monarchs Preservation: Moreover, she gave them to understand how little hazard they would run, provi­ded they made haste, since the Re­bels who design'd to seize upon the King, at the passage of Estampes, would fall into their mouths without going farther, the Colonels then ha­ving assur'd her that they would presently go, and get their Compa­nies together, and hasten their March, she provided experienc'd under-Officers, to order and conduct them. The Parisians arriv'd at Mon­tleher sooner, and with greater [Page 102]force then could have been imagin'd; and having drawn up in a large Bat­talion, they set the King in the midst of them, and brought him back a­long with them to their Town, be­fore the Rebels had determin'd what measures were to be taken to oppose them: But by the same way that the Earl of Champaign came to know their design, they came to know that it was he who discover'd it to the Re­gent. However, the extraordinary desire which they had to be reveng'd of him, did not yet so far blind them, but that they foresaw it would be in­comparably more advantageous for them to make use of the natural in­constancy of this Prince, and to draw him once more over to their Party, than unseasonably to endeavour his present mischief. The Duke of Bre­taign, who had no Children but one Daughter, whose beauty was charm­ing enough to raise the drooping Spirits of an ill treated Lover, had [Page 103]she not been endow'd besides with a Province of large Extent, offer'd the Earl of Champaign, provided he would take part with the League, to put into his possession the Princess of Bretaign, and to permit him either to espouse her himself, or to bequeath her to some other Prince of his house. This offer as advantageous as it was, the Earl refus'd, whether it were that he was not yet perswa­ded, that the Regent consider'd him no otherwise then as a property to be made use of, or, as hoping the two last Services he had render'd her, would produce at length the Effect which he had in vain expected, by all his former assiduities once more; he made his Love tryumph over his Ambition, and all the fruit he drew from these Temptations, was to ad­vertise the Regent thereof, to the end she should be sensible, that if he yielded not, she was the sole cause The Rebels more offended at his re­fusal, [Page 104]than they had been at his de­ertion, conceiv'd so implacable a malice against him, that they left the Regent to her quiet and repose, and resolv'd to turn their Arms a­gainst Champaign; they conspire his ruine by a particular Treaty, and as they foresaw that the Regent was too much oblig'd to abandon him to people whom he had not quitted but for her; they found a pretext so plausible, that she durst not appa­rently assist him, without commit­ting a notorious piece of Injustice.

Divine Providence had not ut­terly abandon'd the two Nieces of the Earl of Champaign, though de­frauded of their Right, by their Un­cle. The Eldest nam'd Alice, had the fortune to be married to Hugo de Lu­signan, the first of that Name, King of Cyprus; The goodness of Henry Father of this Princess, doubtless pro­cur'd her this Match, and the Lord of Joinvile, the most credible of all [Page 105]the Historians that write of St. Lew­is, hath a passage concerning this matter, which it will not be from the purpose here to abbreviate: Hen­ry Earl of Champaign, the Eldest Bro­ther, and Predecessor of Thibault, was of so free and liberal a dispositi­on, to give to all sorts of People, especially the poor, that he was thence sirnam'd the Large, that is to say, large hearted, or bountiful. He had no particular Favourite, only there was one Artaud a Citizen of Troyes, who had insinuated into his familiarity, whether it were, that there was some conformity in their humours, or, that the Earl had the more consideration, for Artaud, in regard he was the richest of his Sub­jects. One day when they were to­gether at Church, a poor Gentleman presented his two daughters to the Earl, and besought him to bestow something upon them to marry them off. They were handsome, and of [Page 106]an Age so fully ripe for Marriage, that in case they stay'd much longer unprovided for, it was to be fear'd their virtue might be in danger. Artaud knew well enough that the Prince his Exchequer was much ex­hausted, and brought low; and as he had many times taken upon him to answer for the said Earl, without being thought ill of for his pains, so upon this occasion he smartly told the Gentleman, that the Earls Libe­rality had already brought him so low, that he had hardly any thing left to give.

There is nothing so ungrateful to the quality of a Prince as Poverty, and therefore nothing so ill to be brook'd by them as the reproach thereof; The Earl now incens'd at the too much liberty, or, to say bet­ter, sauciness of Artaud, told him he lyed, and that he had yet enough to give, if it were but an Artaud; and at the instant of his pronouncing the [Page 107]word Artaud, he made signs to the Gentleman to seise upon the Citizen, and to demand what Ransome for him he pleas'd. The Gentleman ac­cordingly took hold of him, carryed him away to Prison, and there de­tain'd him till he had paid 500 Li­vres, which serv'd for Portions for the two Damsels.

The Rebels took hold of Count Henry's Liberality, to concern them­selves in his behalf to their own ad­vantage, maintaining, that it was a thing not to be endur'd, to see the Eldest Daughter of him who had re­liev'd so many poor People kept out from her hereditary Estate; and ac­cordingly offer'd their assistance to­ward her reestablishment. The Queen of Cyprus took them at their word, and the Champaigneses seing them enter their Countrie with two Armies, one commanded by the Duke of Bourgogne, the other by Hugo de Lusignan, Earl of March, [Page 108]let open the gates of all their Towns, before Earl Thibault could bring up the Army Royal to their succour. The Rebels success gave them oppor­tunity to take new measures, they abandon'd all the pretence they had formerly made use of against the Regent, and declar'd themselves her Majesties most humble Servants, they protested they had taken Arms on­ly to restore the Queen of Cyprus to that Estate she layd claim to, they offer'd to lay down their Arms, as soon as their most Christian Majesties should have beheld with satisfaction and approbation the reestablishment of this Princess, and to decide the difference between her and her Un­cle, by a fair combate, presuming, there were no less than 300 Knights, as well on the one side, as the other. Their Majesties accepted the submis­sion of the Rebels with this reserve, that they were to have the Sove­reign decision of the affair in hand, [Page 109]after they had try'd all ways which their prudence should suggest to them, to bring the Parties to agree­ment, but that above all things it was expected his most Christian Majesty should be invested with the Right of Sequestration, that is, should have the Title of all the Estates in Contro­versie deposited in his Royal hands.

The Rebels who found that this Expedient would not turn to any account to them, rejected it, and the Regent sent Forces enough into Champaign, to dislodge the Earls Enemies. She foresaw in the end, that in pronouncing a definitive Sentence upon so nice a Process, her Authority and Reputation would be much expos'd and brought into dan­ger; for that if her Sentence were favourable to the Earl of Champaign, all the French would be ready to tax he of notorious Injustice, especially if she should make it her business in this affair, to serve her pretended Lo­ver, [Page 110]all the Satyrical wits would be­gin to let fly at her, with more fury than before: on the other side, if she should decree the Queens reesta­blishment in her Estate, of the house of Champaign, she would be liable to be censur'd of Ingratitude toward Count Thibault, to whom she ow'd her Regency at least, if not her Life. In short, which way soever she gave her Sentence, all outward appear­ances conduce to this perswasion, that the Arrest would be subject to a review, because otherwise the Duke of Bretaign, and the rest of the re­volted Peers, would not have been assistant in it; so that the business could not but go well on the fair one's side: and this the Regent brought the better about by a trick, which in brief was as followeth. She represented to the Queen of Cyprus, that the Rebels sending for her, was but to make her endure a long con­tinuance of affliction, after a short [Page 111]flash of joy, for that no sooner should she be put into the possession of her Fathers Estate by their means, but she would be driven out again, and that she plainly foresaw the Re­bels would not be in a capacity of re­storing her the second time; where­fore since her engaging with them would signifie so little to her, there remain'd but one Expedient by which if she would take her advice, she might come off with honour. That she had but one Son, who in regard he was oblig'd to reside in Cy­prus, would not be able to preserve the Inheritance of Champaign any long time, though she her self should leave the peaceable possession of it to him: that her daughters would never find Matches in Cyprus answe­rable to their quality, that therefore it would be much better for her by yielding to an accomodation with Count Thibault, to receive a present summ of mony, and such a portion [Page 112]of Land in France, as would put her into a capacity of matching her daughters into Sovereign houses, than by standing out to be reduc'd to a Condition of having nothing to give them.

The Queen of Cyprus was not without those failings which are usu­al with persons of little or no experi­ence in the World; she despair'd of ever bringing to pass those affairs, in which she was bauk'd at first, and had too much impatience in the midst of ill fortune, to wait the turning of the Tide. She had enter­tain'd a belief that it was not the will of God she should ever be Countess of Champaign, because she had twice in vain made her pretensions to it, and in the heat of this perswasion, she consented to a Treaty, without com­municating the affair to any of those that had been the occasion of send­ing for her over into France: She was contented to accept of 40000 Livres [Page 113]of ready mony, and the Counties of Brienne and Joigni, for all she pretended to of her Fathers and Mothers Estates.

Earl Thibault was not so indiscreet to refuse an agreement which was of such advantage to him, but he want­ed money, and the summ he was to raise was so considerable, that his Subjects harrass'd by the quartering of so great Forces as had lately been among them, were not able to fur­nish him, and no less unable to assist him, were the rest of the Feudata­ries his friends; so that if it were any where to be had, it must be had out of the Kings Exchequer; but the Regent was too prudent to take any thing out from thence, but upon ve­ry good Terms, and what ever ob­ligations she and the King, her Son, had to the Earl, when all things came to be weigh'd in the ballance of Truth, it would easily appear that he had done them as much harm as [Page 114]good, having poison'd the Father of the one, and the Husband of the o­ther. His power too great for any Vassal, gave him the boldness to com­mit this crime, and the only way to be reveng'd on him for it, was to re­duce him to such a Condition, that his Successours should never dare to have any thoughts of the like at­tempts, as not being able to execute them with Impunity. In short, the design in hand was to weaken the house of Champaign, and this present occasion was too favourable to be neglected. The Regent waited the time when this Summ should be de­sir'd of her, and when the business was mov'd, she made answer she was ready to lend, provided such Securi­ty were given for the repayment thereof, as was fit to be accepted by a King's Mother, and Governess. The Earl offer'd her Majesty to engage those Counties he possess'd in the heart of the Kingdom; but it was [Page 115]answer'd him, that this kind of En­gagement would be subject to grand Inconveniences and hazards, both as to the repaiment of Principal and Interest; and the care which was to be had to repair wastes, and make Im­provements; that it became a Go­verness to avoid as much as possibly she could, all kind of Embarasments in the affairs of her Pupil: In fine, if the Earl had a mind to sell, she was willing rather to purchase than to lend mony. The Earl saw well enough that they went about to ru­ine him, in so subtile a manner, as that he should have no certain foun­dation or pretence of complaint; he was a man of too much sense and spirit, not to be troubled to see him­self thus dealt with, and to find by these proceedings, that the Regent was far from ever having any incli­nation for him: but it was no time now to declare his resentment, and he foresaw that in case he refus'd to [Page 116]relinquish a part of his Inheritance, he should be sure to lose all; Upon which he consented to sell the King, his Earldoms of Charters, Blois, and Sancerre, and the Viscountship of Chateaudun; and out of the money of this sale, Her Majesty deducted 40000 Livres which she paid immediately to the Queen of Cyprus,

The Rebels by this Transaction being frustrated of the pretence, they had of treating the Earl as an Enemy, and on the other side, not being able easily to resolve upon forgiving him, found out another Expedient, which was no less advan­tageous to their Party. They laid Treason to his Charge, impeaching him of the untimely death of his late Sovereign Lord King Lewis the 8th. by poyson given him, and offer'd to undergo the severest penalties that could be inflicted upon false accusers, if they did not plainly prove him guilty of two Crimes, which ren­dred [Page 117]him unfit for humane Society, that is to say, of high Treason a­gainst his Sovereign Lord, and of being a Traitor against his Country. This they urg'd with Arms in their hands, and the danger which threat­ned the Crown, from their impetu­ous heat, was thought so considera­ble, that all the grand Ministers of the Kings Council were of Opinion, that the best way would be to give, them some satisfaction. The Count himself was of the same Sentiment for quietness sake, and it was with his own consent, that the Queen up­on Treaty with them, made the chief Condition of their laying down their Arms, to be the Earl of Champaign's taking upon him the Croisada, and setting out immediately for the holy Land, attended with a hundred Knights at least, to be maintain'd at his own Charge.

This was a very notable Expedi­ent, in regard it equally pleas'd both [Page 118]Parties; For on the one side, the Earl found it very advantageous to him, in regard, both his Crime met with a far gentler punishment than it really deserv'd, or he could have hop'd for, had he been brought to Tri­al; and his Reputation was in a man­ner salv'd, by going in a croud of so many innocent persons, as daily went upon this Expedition, upon no o­ther motive than their most ardent zeal. On the other side, the Rebels al­so obtain'd what they desir'd; for, besides that they had a long time of deliverance from their Enemy, and the satisfaction of having put him upon an Expedition, from whence few valiant men live to return; If the accusation wherewith they branded him were not made out in full, it was at least in part, for ad­mitting, there were among the Croi­sado'd Champions many innocent persons, there were also many cul­pable; and as divers Princes and [Page 119]Great men led Armies over into Pa­lestine, merely for the accomplishing of those religious vows they had made for the recovery of the holy places, where Jesus Christ had been conversant, and died for the Salva­tion of mankind; So there were o­thers, of no less grandure, who un­dertook this Voyage, or rather Pil­grimage, as a penance enjoyn'd, and to obtain absolution of those Eccle­siastical Censures, which they lay un­der. And this was the case of Henry the second, King of England, who, for his Assassination of St. Thomas of Canterbury, had this penitential Voy­age enjoyn'd him by Pope Alexan­der the third, which our Earl of Champaign so willingly accepts.

Civil wars and the Defluctions of the body end much after the same manner, that is to say, by discharg­ing themselves all at once upon the weakest part, and throwing on it a greater weight than it is able to bear. [Page 120]The French were almost brought to a right understanding, yet neverthe­less would not easily consent to lay down their Arms; they earnestly press'd to be employ'd in prosecuting the design of Lewis the 8th. and there was reason to fear, lest the re­fusal of their demand might occasion new troubles. Never was there a fairer prospect of the Conquest of Languedoc; the longer the delay, the greater would be the difficulty, and the Interests of State were not to be neglected, so long as they were se­conded by those of Religion. In order hereunto, the Regent resolv'd to drive the Earl of Tholouse to the utmost extremity; and the better to assure her self of the greatest advan­tage possible in all humane appear­ance, she made it her first business to deprive this Prince, whose ruine she design'd, of the surest refuge he had to trust to.

It hath been already observ'd that [Page 121]the Earl of Provence was his Cousin, and a Prince in like manner as him­self, of the house of Catalogue. Lan­guedoc had expectation of assistance more ways than one. Those of Pro­vence were in a Condition to aid them, if not directly, yet at least in­directly, being at that time the most free from war of any people in France, and their Prince the most mony'd man of any Prince in Eu­rope. Mony was the main thing the Earl of Tholouse wanted, and but for the want of which he could not have wanted Souldiers, notwith­standing all the Excommunications thunder'd against him from the Court of Rome. Above all things therefore the Earl of Provence must of necessity be taken off; him the Regent knew to be a sincere man and a most punctual observer of his word; wherefore she represented to him, by secret Messengers, that he was now grown old, and could not, if [Page 122]he regarded his health, and consi­der'd his true Interest, engage him­self in the Earl of Tholouse his quarrel, without drawing an inevitable war upon Provence, let him use all the faution he could. That he had only our daughters, and the Earl of Tholouse but one, so that since the house of Catalonia was drawing to­ward a period, he could not better consult for the honour and advan­tage of his Family, than by making an Alliance with that of France, which beyond all dispute, was the noblest in the world. That the Eldest of the Provencian Princesses could not be more happily matcht than with the young King of France; that this proposal was not so much upon the account of her Estate, as of her matchless beauty, and the charming sweetness of her Nature; and to e­vince to the Earl that this Alliance was not in the least promoted, in re­ference to the uniting of his Estate [Page 123]to the Crown of France, there should be a renunciation made to any such pretension upon the contract of Mar­riage of the King, with his Eldest daughter, and free leave given him to divide all he had among his three younger daughters, or to give it to her of the three, whom he preferr'd before the rest. The Earl of Provence could never have been more easily tempted than by two such soft and obliging Proportions, as the con­cluding his Life in Tranquility, and repose, and the liberty to dispose his Estate as he pleas'd; For besides that, he was much of the temper of those effeminate Princes, who hate no­thing more than business: he was o­vertaken with the vice of those who happen to have Children in their old Age, that is to say, he lov'd the Prin­cess Beatrice his youngest daughter better than any of the other three, to her he design'd to leave Provence, and as a man is apt for the most part [Page 124]to give way to the belief of what he earnestly and constantly desires, he perswaded himself that in preferring the youngest, he should do no wrong to the three Elder daughters, since it was his intention to leave them his Treasures which he look'd upon as treble the value of his Sovereignty.

He fancy'd, if the King of France by marrying of his Eldest daughter, shewd himself an approver of what he had determin'd, who ever should have the two next in Marriage, would not dare to gainsay it; and he had so great confidence in the Regents word, that he doubted not in the least of her promise, however, she deferr'd the Nuptials for some years by reason of the minority of the young Couple. All these Con­siderations dispos'd him so perfectly to a Compliance, that he beheld the ruine of the Count of Tholouse with as much insensibility, as if he had been neither his Relation, nor his [Page 125]Neighbour. In fine, the Regent be­ing well assur'd that the Albigenses could not receive any succours from Provence, and out of fear of any sup­ply to come to them from Spain, in regard the Aragonians and Castilians were at wars together, sent the French Army into Languedoc under the Command of Imbert de Beaujeu, Constable of France, a Captain, whom Simon of Montfort first ad­vanc'd in the war.

The Earl of Tholouse did not all this while lye stil; but whether it were that he perceiv'd the League would not last long, or, whether he grew sensible of the error he had committed in not taking advantage of the perplexity the Regent had been envolv'd in, to recover entire­ly what he had lost, he made haste to take the Field, and laid Siege to the Town of Castel Sarasin, the strongest next Avignon, of all that the French held in Languedoc; he [Page 126]found it well Garrison'd, and a place of too great strength, what ever he had fancy'd, for him easily to take, which was the principal cause of his utter ruine, since the unprofitable attempts he made to take it by Force cost him all his best Souldiers: and thinking it derogatory to his honour not to take it by Storm, he lost so much time in making his approaches and Batteries, that when at last he was driven to accept of it by Sur­render, the besieged were scarce got out before the French Army return'd into Languedoc.

It was no less powerful than that which had been there before, under the Command of King Lewis the 8th; for besides that, scarce any one of the Feudataries was wanting, the Clergy resolving to pluck up Root and Branch, all that was remaining of Heresie in the Kingdom, thought it not enough to send those Souldiers which they were oblig'd to set out [Page 127]by the Fiefs they held of the Crown; their zeal carry'd them yet farther, and the opinion they had, that it was a holy war they were engag'd in, because the Popes Legate march'd with the Cross at the Head of the Army, made them open their pur­ses wider, and they doubled those Companies formerly rais'd. Nor was this their Liberality thought altoge­ther enough to express their Devoti­on, some of the Prelates who were a­ble to endure the hardships of war, put on Arms themselves, as Amelius Arch-Bishop of Narbon, and Foulk Bishop of Tholouse.

The Secul [...] no less encourag'd by this Example then by the plenary indulgence the holy See granted, flock'd from all parts to take the Field, and added by their concourse so much strength and power to the Army, that the Earl of Tholouse was forc'd to quit the Field. The Albi­gensian Towns which rose against [Page 128]the French, at the first report of their divisions; seeing them afterwards so strong repented of their incon­stancy, and endeavour'd to pre­vent the universal desolation where­with they were threatned; the ex­tream rigour which was exercis'd a­gainst the first that stood out, striking terrour into the rest. The Consta­ble no sooner appear'd before any Town, but the Keys were immediate­ly surrender'd, even the Garrison of Castle Sarasin made Proposal to the Burghers of the Town, to come to Capitulation before Summons sent; So that this strong Town which had before endur'd a long Siege, sent their Deputies to the French before they sat down before their Walls. All submitted but Tholouse, and this great Town whose Colonies had for­merly peopled so many Countries of Europe and Asia, was now forc'd for its defence, to admit of a foreign aid, drawn from all the Neighbour­ing [Page 129]parts, even those most infected with Heresie. In the Siege of this place, the French who were become better instructed than formerly, by the Experience they had gain'd be­fore Avignon, order'd their affairs with very much prudence and con­duct: they design'd, 'tis true, to take Tholouse by Storm, but it was by such Methods as Military Discipline taught them. They gain'd ground by degrees, and manag'd their Instru­ments of Battery with wonderful ad­dress; and by their incessant and im­petuous playing made wider Breach­es in the Wall than the besieged, though considerable in number, were able to repair: by which means the Town was reduc'd to inevitable dan­ger of being lost: the Towns men remembred that the Town of Avig­non had been given over to plunder and pillage, and that their's had no reason to expect more favour, as be­ing neither less rich, nor less crimi­nal. [Page 130]Thus not coming to a clear sense of their misfortune, till at a time when it was too late to avoid the danger, they fancy'd it greater than really it was, and their disturb'd Imagination caus'd them in a mo­ment to lose that respect which till then they had preserv'd for their So­vereign, as Criminal and unfortunate as he was.

They form'd a Conspiracy, so much the more dangerous, by how much the better it was regulated. They sent Deputies to their Earl to advertise him, that if he would not that very day bestir himself effectu­ally to treat in their behalf, they were resolv'd themselves to treat the next day without him. The Earls strength in Tholouse was at that time not very great; for though he had a little be­fore the Siege brought into the Town a number of Albigenses out of the Neighbouring parts which were most devoted to him, upon the ac­count [Page 131]that their Goods or Estates, be­ing seiz'd by the Catholicks, their chiefest hopes were in him for re­dress. It was the fate of the greatest part of these Hereticks to be slain ei­ther in the Sallies that were made for the burning of the battring En­gines, or in defence of the Walls; so that the Towns-men who in the be­ginning of the Siege were the weak­est part of the Defendants, were be­come in the end the strongest: and thus the Earl of Tholouse was con­strain'd to take Laws from those to whom he had intended to have gi­ven Laws, and desir'd leave of the Constable to send to the Regent to assure her he was ready to receive what Conditions her Majesty should be pleas'd to impose upon him.

The Constables Interest preserv'd Tholouse from pillage, and all manner of violence, in regard he was promis'd the Government. His power extend­ed so far, as to conclude a Cessation [Page 132]of Arms, and he sign'd the agreement after he had taken such Sureties as were requisite upon such like occa­sions. Here it is that a most proper opportunity offers it self to speak of Queen Blanche's Grand Master piece, in matter of Negotiation; and the Treaty here following, is held to have been one of the best manag'd Treaties that ever was concluded for the advantage of France, since it was first a Monarchy; however, it cannot be here represented entire, since the Regent had but one part in it, the Court of Rome, and the Court of France being both equally concern'd; and the Pope's Interests being neither manag'd with less heat, nor taking up less time in debate than those of the King of France. The same Legate we have already men­tion'd, had here a great opportunity of shewing his vast abilities, and the notable proficiency he had made in the knowledge of the Cabinet: here [Page 133]he laid the Foundation of those ac­quisitions, the holy See soon after gain'd, and to this day possesseth in France.

The more particular mention of the Intrigues of this great Minister of State, will be best reserv'd for a discourse, wherein the Rights of the most Christian King to the Town of Avignon, and the Earldom of Venais­in shall come to be examin'd. Here we shall only observe, that the Re­gent was too prudent to assent to the Earl of Tholouse his Propositions offer'd in Council, or, to conclude an Accomodation with him in that haste he propos'd. She was yet scarce dis­engaged from a civil war rais'd prin­cipally against her Authority; and she was too discreet to imagine, that the readiest way to oblige the re­maining part of the Rebels to lay down their Arms, would be to deter­mine the affair of Languedoc, the greatest affair that had been known [Page 134]in France, since the third Race, with­out the advice of the Barons of the Realm. It was therefore thought fit to invite the Barons to a Confe­rence with the Deputies of Tholouse; and the Town of Meaux was made choice of for the place of Assembly, not only as being most commodious for the Feudataries, whose Residences were almost equally distant from it, but also in respect of its nearness to Paris, by which means the place would be the more easily supplied with such a quantity of Provisions as would be necessary for such an As­sembly, and so great a Concourse of People.

The pleasant Season of the Year viz. 1228. made the Resort of Peo­ple the greater; and such as for their past faults fear'd the Courts displea­sure, obtain'd of the Regent all ne­cessary assurances both as to their coming, their stay, and their return; but it was no very easy matter to [Page 135]quiet their minds as for the time to come, and the Regent her self went a­bout in vain to satisfie them by ordi­nary means. They went, or to say bet­ter, ran to the War of Languedoc, with a Transport of Zeal, which gave them not time to make such Reflections as concern'd their own proper Conduct, till after such time as Heresie was almost subdued. They had consider'd the Earl of Tholouse as an Enemy to the Crown of France, so long as they had their Swords in their hands; but from that very mo­ment that they laid down their Arms, their Aversion so totally ceas'd, that pass'd all at once, and without any Medium from the extremity of Ven­geance, to extremity of pity. It was no extraordinary thing to them to see Rebel Vassals ruin'd, and the Reign of Philip the August had gi­ven sufficient Examples thereof. There was not any of those whose Estates they had seen confiscated, so culpa­ble [Page 136]as the Earl of Tholouse, since be­sides the Crime of high Treason, both as to God and man, which he had more than once committed: he was, if not the Author of a very dangerous Heresie, yet, at least, the entertainer of it from the first broachers, and the cherisher of it, as I may so say, in his bosome: he thought it not enough to hinder Royal Justice from seising on the Persons, and enquiring into the Crimes of those who taught it in his Province; but he himself became a Preacher thereof, contrary to the Genius of the French Nobility, who had at that time an Antipathy both for the Doctrine, and those who were engag'd in it. He alone had per­verted more Catholicks than all the rest of the Albigenses, and to com­plete the measure both of his obdu­rate pravity of Nature, and of the misfortune that attended it, he re­laps'd into the same Heresie he had [Page 137]consented to abjure; which alone was enough to render the Court of Rome irreconcilable to him.

There was now no place left for Excuse or Complaint, and there were such Circumstances in his Degradati­on, as have scarce been known in the Case of any other Criminal. He fur­viv'd a War which had been under­taken chiefly for his chastisement; he submitted himself before he was driven to the last Extremity: he came to Terms in a Town, wherein he might have held out a longer time by much: he pretended to no hopes of Favour, but in the Clemency of their Majesties.

The Indulgences formerly us'd by the most Christian Kings, to the Na­tives of France, bred up in the same Principles, were now no less favoura­bly apply'd to the Earl of Tholouse; for never were Fiefs seen to change their Family; and the Relations, espe­cially the Descendants of Criminals, [Page 138]had alwayes the Forfeitures of the Estates remitted to them, provided on the one side, they were never par­takers with them in their Crimes, and on the other side, were capable of the Homage requir'd. All this while the Earl of Tholouse, his Fief, was by the Female side; for it was well known that a Woman brought it into the house of Catalo­nia. The said Earl had only one daugh­ter, who being but nine Years of Age, could not possibly be charg'd with the least concernment in any of her Fathers Crimes. Languedoc had been possess'd by his Ancestors for 22 Generations, and it would have been thought hard for the misdemea­nour of the present possessor to ru­ine a Family, wherein 21 Persons suc­cessively have been free from all Tainture. In fine, if it were ad­vantageous in one sense, for the Re­gent to augment her Authority, by reuniting to the Kings demeans the [Page 139]Estate of one of the most considera­ble Peers of France, it would be dangerous in another sense, since up­on such an attempt as this, all the rest of the Feudataries of the said Crown, as well in general, as in particular, would be concern'd to hinder it, for fear this one Spark kindled should raise a Flame great enough to catch hold of each of them in their turn, and give them such occasions of dis­content, as must needs incite them to a Revolt; so that in the end the neces­sity of their punishment, would be an inevitable occasion of empairing that Grandure, which at present gave lustre to the Crown.

The French came off handsomly enough, in the declaring of what they had in their mind, and the Regent who had heard them more than once; found a way to satisfie them without neglecting in the main, the Interests of her Son. She agreed with the Earl of Tholouse his Deputies [Page 140]upon Conditions more advantage­ous than he could have hop'd for: she consented that their Prince should be reestablish'd in the possessi­on of Languedoc, upon Condition, only the Fortifications should be de­molish'd: she permitted him the qui­et possession of this large Province as long as he liv'd, and let him know withal, that she design'd nothing less than to keep the Princess his daugh­ter out of her hereditary possession: on the contrary, she would take care to preserve it entire to her Posterity. It was her opinion the Princess could not be better provided for, than by being espous'd to Alphonso of France, Earl of Poitou, being of the same Age with her, neither did she de­mand any other Security for the Earls performance of his word, but that the Princess should be brought up at Court. She insisted indeed, to have the Articles of Marriage insert­ed in the Treaty of peace, and there­by [Page 141]handsomly took occasion to have this one Article slip'd in, viz. that in Case both the young married Per­sons should dye without Issue, Lan­guedoc should be again united to the Crown of France, as indeed it hap­ned. Her pretence for this Article was, that no person might receive a­ny prejudice, since St. Lewis was to espouse the Eldest Daughter of the Earl of Provence, presumptive Heiress of the Princess of Tholouse; and in Truth, she in such fort con­certed this great Affair, which gave jealousie to all the world, that no bo­dy could find any cause to murmur at it.

The Earl of March by this means was gain'd, and his only daughter contracted to John of France, the King's youngest Brother.

Thus the Earl of Bretaign was left alone in the League, whose obstina­cy was, that he chose rather to be ex­pos'd the sole Mark of all the [Page 142] French Forces now united together, than to accept of those advantageous Conditions offer'd him by the Queen. The very Civilities she shew'd him at a juncture of time when all things seem'd to conspire his ruine, exaspe­rated the spirit of this Capricious Person; and because the Conscious­ness of his own guilt represented to him all kindnesses and good Offices done him as Counterfeit, he conse­quently fancy'd what the Regent did to oblige him, to be but meer For­mality, and done only to draw him into a farther snare; and upon this false presumption, he instantly went and treated with England. The Re­gent was soon advertis'd hereof, and resolv'd to lose no time in driving on the business to a Head, the Win­ter began to come on very sharp, and the time was overpast for setting out the English Fleet to Sea, for the relief of Bretaign, which was now brought to do Homage to the King [Page 143]of England, the French encouraged by the presence of their most Chri­stian Majesties, went directly, and af­ter a short Siege took the Town of Angers, which King Lewis the 8th, having taken from the English, had put into the hands of the Bretons.

The Queen had no sooner dis­patch'd what she went about in An­jou, but with the same Expedition and Diligence as she had march'd thi­ther, she return'd and laid close Siege to Belesme, the Capital City of Perch, and the strongest place the Enemy then had. It was thought impregna­ble, but the Rams and other Engines of Battery having at last thrown down the Walls, made it appear to be otherwise. The besieged came to Capitulation, but not till such time as the Besiegers were almost tir'd with continual labour, for they had as hard a task to defend them­selves from the rigours of the Season, as from the Arms of the besieged. [Page 144]the extremity of Cold causing such a Paralytick Distemper among them, that those affected therewith, could hardly escape death, the only way was, to sit basking continually by a good fire side. Thus, through one, or other obstacle, their Majesties found it a difficult matter to march their Army into Bretaign, and this proba­bly was the main Reason, why they sought out another Expedient for the putting an end to the War.

The Regent sent to the Nobility of Bretaign, and represented to them, that their Lands would cer­tainly be laid waste, if they did not immediately put themselves under the Kings Protection, that the dan­ger she warn'd them of, was very near at hand, and that their Duke would not be able to help them: then she made her Address to the Parlia­ment of France, and requir'd to have Bretaign put into the King's hands, the Parliament yielded to her de­mand, [Page 145]and acquitted this Province of their Homage to their Duke, who thereupon, was depriv'd of the principal Refuge he had to trust to, and his Troops now no longer con­sisting of such Gentlemen, as held of him by any Tenure of Land, drop'd away by degrees, and were all dis­pierc'd in a short time; He was dri­ven in fine to this Dilemma, either to keep himself shut up in some strong Town, or, to pass over into England: the first of these two extreams would infallibly bereave him of his Liberty, if not of Life also: the se­cond, by forcing him to quit his Par­ty, would reduce him to a private Condition. Those who by chance or accidentarrive to Sovereignty, more grievously resent a fall, than those whom a natural Title, and the Laws have invested with a power of Reigning. Thus streightned and perplex'd, he resolv'd at a Venture to submit to whatever the Regent [Page 146]would impose upon him; and in Conclusion, came off with the Sur­rendry of the Lands, which the house of Bretaign possess'd in France, besides, the Dutchy; and giving in Security both for himself, and his Heirs, that the said Dutchy should from that time forward, never hold of any but the Crown of France. The firname of Mauclerk stuck up­on him to future Ages, for having so ill taken his measures with the French Rebels, and with the English, that in the end he was left alone to bear the whole bront of the Controversie. And now Queen Blanch had no more to trouble, or, obstruct the quiet ad­ministration of Her Regency, but through the vain Attempts of those that labour'd to oppose Her, was so much the more strongly fix'd and establish'd therein.