IN this LIFE, which I have un­dertaken, The Me­thod ob­served in this Life. I shall use the same Me­thod with a good Projector, when he would give a full View of an Ex­quisite Piece of Architecture, and lay before you a Prospect of it on all sides. One entire Draught, tho never so well contriv'd, would be but imper­fect; because in representing one Part compleat, he must of necessity conceal another: The Front and the Back-Parts will never shew themselves at once. And should I take this Great Man in but one Posture, tho' never so graceful, yet I should rob him of a considerable part of his due Glory, and my Reader of no less a share of Profit; since He was One, that might [Page 2] be a Pattern to any in Four several Respects; as a Private-Man, a Church-Man, a States-Man, and a Declining-Favourite; the most difficult Chara­cter of all to sustain, so as to quit the Stage without a general Hiss. There­fore I shall divide my Work according to these Four Circumstances of his Life, beginning from his Birth, with that short Course he ran in Privacy. And 'tis our Misfortune, that active Bodies very rarely continue long in one Posture, scarce long enough in­indeed for our Imitation; so that we must take them at a Blush, or not at all: So transient, in Truth, is any of those few real Advantages, We have offer'd us; as if Providence design'd we should be always upon our Guard, and ready to catch at Opportunities.

But, to begin: Edmond Williams Esq His Paren­tage and Birth. of Aber-Conway in Caernarvonshire, was the Son of W^m Williams Esq of (5.) Coghwillanne, near adjoyning, and of Dorothy Daughter to Sir W^m Griffith K^t, of Penrhyn. Now this Edmond took to Wife Mary the Daughter of Owen Wyn Esq and by her had Five Sons and Two Daughters. Of the Male Children, John (whose Life we [Page 3] are writing) was the Youngest, born about or upon the 25^th of March 1582, at Aber-Conway, a Sea-Town in Caer­narvanshire.

Williams of Coghwillanne (his The Arms of his Fa­mily. Grand-father) branch'd out his Pedi­gree from the Princes of North-Wales, (6.) in King Stephen's Days, and so con­tinu'd his Coat of Three Saxons Heads (Tree Pen Saix in Welsh) constantly without any the least alteration from Ednevet Vychan, Lord Steward of Wales, in the 25^th Year of Hen. III.

His Descent, his Parentage, and all the Trappings of Birth I am the more particular in, not as tho' he stood in need of such foreign Embellishments to recommend him; but because Sir A. W. and some others, pitifully, as well Co. & Ch. p. 141. as falsly, strove to insinuate his mean Extraction, when they could invent no other likely Scandal to make him odious at Court: A Practice very ge­neral (as may be easily observ'd) when any of the Clergy rise to Places of Dignity and Honour; as tho' a Cassock were no more honourable than a Li­very. But, to proceed:

His Grand-mother, the Lady Grif­fith, Is sent to School. as well as his Parents, took due [Page 4] and timely Care of his Education. And that it might be such as should fit him to promote God's Glory, and to be by that means a Credit to them, they determin'd to make him a Scho­lar. For which End he was sent to the Publick School at Reuthen, for his First Rudiments, in Latin and Greek. Here it was that he first gave some (7.) small Essays of the future Activity of his Mind: always very busie, and in ear­nest pursuit of two contrary Courses. For one while nothing would go down with him but Play, and bodily Exer­cise; another while never without a Book in his Hand. The Master a little surpriz'd, at first knew not well what to make of so strange a Com­position. But, like a prudent Man, upon second Thoughts, seeing the ea­gerness of his Temper, he thought it might not be safe to curb him: so he left him to the swing of his Humour, and the Lad came on a-pace, and soon out-stript all his Fellows. When he had been here for some time close at his Book, and began now to shew himself a little more at large (like a blowing Flower in a forward Spring) It happen'd that Dr. Vaughan (after­ward [Page 5] Bishop of London) coming into Wales, took Reuthen in his way: where he found his little Kinsman John Williams, the Captain of all the School. The Dr. glad to find him come on so Is remov'd to Cam­bridge. well, and willing to further his growth, bethought himself of removing him speedily to Cambridge. And he ad­mitted him there, entring the 16^th Year of his Age, in Saint John's College, under the Tuition of One Mr. Owen Gwin, a Welsh Gentleman, and Fellow of that House, 1598. And by the College Register, I find that in the same Year he was admitted into the Number of the Scholars of the House on the 5^th of November.

At Cambridge his Countrymen re­ceiv'd Is carres­sed by his Country­men, and admired for his Beauty. him with a hearty Wellcome; and that must always be said for their Honour, That they are sincere and cordial in their Affections to one an­other, beyond most People. As they carress'd Young Williams, so likewise did they never cease praising him, and speaking much in his Commendation up and down the University; inso­much that he was soon distinguished, and had a great many Eyes upon him from the very first; and the more, [Page 6] because his Beauty, and the comeliness of his Form were very remarkable. And however some Philosophers may speak slightingly of the Endowments of the Body; yet certainly there is in Physiognomy somewhat more than a great many dream of; and an outward harmony in the Countenance inclines us to a good liking of the Person at first Sight.

There are few of our Welsh Youth Laugh'd at for his Welsh Tone. but at their first coming abroad, would move almost any Man to Laughter with the Native Tone of their Voice, and by pronouncing all their English, as if they spoke it in a Passion. And thus it was with our Youngster, which would often put him to the Blush. Those that knew him at his first Admission, would often tell him, That he came up better stock'd with Latin and Greek, than with good English. And well for him that he did; for this made him the more retired Student, because he was resolv'd to shut himself up from all Company as close as possible, till he had smooth'd his Tongue, and could manage it like others his Com­panions. So soon was he inspir'd with the generous Spirit of Emulation, and [Page 7] was asham'd to be outdone, even in what he was never bred to. And this he practiced the more earnestly, by reason of the strong Ambition he had to be an Orator: so that in a short time he overcame this National Defect of his so far, that when ever he had occasion to speak publickly, his Ge­sture and Pronunciation were as ele­gant as his Invention., and his Man­ner gave a Lustre and Brillant to his Matter.

His Natural Parts were sar above (8.) the common Level; but that which His Parts, and Appli­cation to his Studies. overtopt them all, was his Memory, which was quick and retentive to a Miracle. But yet (in this only like a Miser) he was not satisfied (as too many are) with the plentiful Patri­mony with which Nature had fur­nish'd him; but he was for enlarging his Store, and grasping all he could. So that, altho' his Abilities were such, you'd think they did not need Impro­vement, yet he apply'd himself to his Study, with that Diligence, as if he had nothing else to depend upon; and was (if I may say so) incontinent in his Appetite after Learning. While (7.) he was yet but Under-Graduate, he [Page 8] had read over many Authors in seve­ral Sciences, together with the most considerable Historians and Poets, Greek and Latin. A great deal (you'll say) to be done in so short a Time! But it seems Nature was partial to him, Sleeps but 3 hours in 24. and laid but a small Tax upon his Time; for he was of so happy a Con­stitution, that from his Youth upward he never required more than three Hours Sleep in Twenty-four, to keep him in perfect Health.

This was the large Fund he had to (8.) traffick with, and to become a consi­derable His Reli­gion and Virtues. Man in Time. Now let us see what hopes there were of him as a Christian; since a Defect in this Point is therefore the more inexcusable, because it lies level with all Capaci­ties, and our ignorance is wholly wilful. As for his Religion, he did not make a bustle, a noise and a shew with it, as some Folk do, whom our Saviour assures to their Cost, That they have their Reward. But yet he was very well furnish'd with excellent Morals, and such Vertues as are requisite and commendable in greener Years; for there is a Decorum even in these Mat­ters, and all Vertues suit not so well [Page 9] with all Ages. As in Practice, so like­wise in Opinion, he was careful from the Beginning to avoid all Error; knowing no doubt, that our Thoughts are the Springs of all our Actions, and that in the sight of God they them­selves are Actions. He was constant to the Publick Prayers of the College, and conscientious and regular in his own private Devotions. Modesty is a Virgin-Grace, and therefore more becoming Youth: of this we may conclude he had a large share, in that he was all Submission and Obedience to his Superiours, a never-failing sign of an ingenuous Temper. He was Just to his Word, True to his Friend, and Reconcilable to his Enemy; three Qualifications, that distinguish a great Soul from a poor Spirit, and such as a Monarch may be proud of. From his close Studying you may ga­ther he was no loiterer, no idle Com­panion; and from the very little Sleep he required, that he was no haunter of Taverns, nor in the least intempe­rate either in Meat or Drink. His short College-Commons satisfied him: hence it is that he was Continent and Chaste. Tho' about seven Years old [Page 10] he had a Mischance (if I may call it so) that seem'd to conspire with his Ver­tue, and to oblige him to actual Cha­stity. Being then in his Coats, and His Mis­chance when 7 Years old. taking a Leap from the Walls of Con­way Town to the Sea-shore, he thought that the Wind (which was then very strong) by swelling out his Coats like a Sail, would bear him up, as it did some of his Play-fellows; but contrary to his Expectation, he fell with some force with his Belly upon a big ragged Stone, which caused an Infirmity (to use Bishop Hacket's Phrase) better un­derstood than farther describ'd. And here I must beg leave to correct an Error about this matter in Wilson's P. 197. History of Great Britain; for he says, That he was assured, that the Bishop was born an Eunuch; so that Dr. Hac­ket's Story before-mention'd deserves more credit, who as being Domestick Chaplain to Bishop Williams, might have a truer Information: Besides I find an Account of it, agreeable to this, in a Pamphlet call'd The Obser­vator Observ'd, wrote by H. Lestrange, in vindication of his History of Charles the First. But take it either way, and it is sufficient to clear him and the [Page 11] Countess of Buckingham from the as­persions of some Historians, and to manifest the malice of Sir A. W. the P. 140. Pamphleteer, who would fain perswade Posterity of the Bishop's great Incon­tinency.

But his Sobriety, Temperance and His Pro­fuseness. Chastity, are the more commendable; because he was not, as some of narrow Fortunes are, placed quite below the reach of Temptation; had he been so minded, he had wherewithal to humour any Vice: For all his Friends, (9.) as well as his Father, allowed him very plentifully. But in truth, tho' their Liberality was great, yet his own was greater; the Stream was larger than the Fountain that supply'd it; so that his Pockets were generally empty, for out it went faster than it came in. It was his humour from his Cradle, and follow'd him to his Grave, to be profuse. He spent all he could get, besides some for which he ran a­tick. Not that I propose him for a Pattern to those of his Age, but there­fore I register this small Failing of his; because it may bespeak the Reader's Candour, when he shall hereafter be accus'd of Bribery.

[Page 12] One Instance I have to produce, An In­stance of his Generosity. which discovers in him a charitable, frank and generous Temper; and that so much the more, because what we do when we are Young, and have not learn'd to masque our Inclinations, shews us as we are in our selves. Mr. Edward Lively (Hebrew Professor, and a Worthy Man) was by hard hap re­duc'd to Circumstances so very narrow, that to support himself and his Family, he was put to the sad shift of selling a part of his Library. When Young Williams heard of this, he scrap'd hard to get him three pounds together, and when he had compass'd it, he went to Mr. Lively, and made him a courteous Offer of it. His necessities pleaded so hard, that he accepted of it; and as the only return of Gratitude he could make, he was not ashamed to tell it abroad, to bring his pretty Benefactor into Repute: and much was it talk'd of to his credit, that so little a Hand should open it self, when large ones were shut; when yet if rightly consi­dered, it is but natural: for the longer we live, the stiffer are our Joynts, our Muscles stronger, our Sinews harder, and we ev'ry way fitter for Griping. [Page 13] But to reflect upon our Story; it would be a nice point to determine, whether of the two parties was the most oblig'd; so free and unexpected was the Bounty of the One, so condescending and so grateful were the acknowledgments of the other. But if we compute our Obligations from the Pleasure and Sa­tisfaction we receive from others, I doubt not but Williams was the party indebted.

That so candid a Temper should Gains Ene­mies. have Enemies will be no News to any One, that has experienc'd how easily People are disgusted, and how hardly pleas'd; as tho' we made it our Busi­ness, who should hoard up in his Life­time the largest share of Discontent. He was hasty and passionate indeed, and his Heat had chafed a great many; a National Failure it was (and what Nation without some) and very pre­dominant in the Welsh. The ill will of others he got by beginning so soon to stickle for the Discipline and Ce­remonies of the Church of England: and others took a distaste to him, be­cause he was wont to frequent the Re­verend Mr. Perkins's Congregation: What Reason they had for it, I know [Page 14] not, the Character of Mr. Perkins be­ing Fuller's Holy St. deliver'd down to us for a Learned, pious, and laborious Preacher, who died Minister of St. Andrews Parish in Cambridge.

At the close of Queen Elizabeth's Chosen Fellow of St. John's. Reign, our Student commenc'd Bat­chelour of Arts, and within a few Days after on the 14th of April 1603. he was elected into a Foundation Fel­lowship, for the Diocese of Bangor, as appears from the College Register. Yet for all his Merits, he obtain'd not (10.) this without the Opposition of some of the Seniors, in whose Votes, toge­ther with the Master's, the Power of E­lection by Statute lies. But it seems a Letter from K. James did his Bus'ness for him; for Bishop Hacket refers to One, wrote by him 22 Years after to his Majesty, acknowledging That his Gracious Letters conferr'd the first Preferment upon him. So that this King, as it happen'd, laid the very Foun­dation of his future Greatness, and after built him up to the very Height of it. So true is it, that one Benefit, as well as one Injury, draws on ano­ther. Sits close to his Stu­dies. And now our Young Graduate being set in a convenient posture for [Page 15] Studying, his next care was how he should make the most of the Three Years that lay betwixt him and his Degree of Master: Diligence he con­cluded was the best Husbandry of Time: and so earnest was he at his Bus'ness, that he had constantly some Work a-going forward. Greek and He­brew he ply'd closely, as the best In­troduction to Divinity; and in these he had the Assistance of the most Eminent Men at that Time in Cam­bridge. To master French, he found it a Task of no great difficulty: He dipt into the Elements of Geometry; and found amidst his Bus'ness some leisure hours to soften his severer Stu­dies with Musick; in which, both Vocal and Instrumental, he had attain'd to a competent Skill. To all this add, That he perform'd his publick Exer­cises to that Admiration, that all with­out the Spirit of Prophecy, concluded he was too active for a Fellowship to hold him long: like a generous and High-metled Steed, that disdains to be bounded by a narrow Inclosure, tho' his Pasture be never so rich and flow'ry. So obvious is it to bespeak the future Success of that Youth, that [Page 16] hath a Constitution proof against La­ziness, the very Consumption of a Great Genius, by which it dwindles away into nothing in a short time. For it is with the Soul of Man as with his Body; give it Nourishment, or it will prey upon it self.

In the Year 1605. He went out (11.) Master of Arts, and feasted his Friends Takes the Degree of A. M. at the Commencement, after his extra­vagant rate, (for so I will make bold to call it) being better flush'd with Money, by large Presents from many bountiful Hands, than is usual with our young Graduates. But so it was, his Merits got him Friends, and those Friends furnish'd him with Money. So that his Revenues (and those con­siderable) lay not in dirty Land, but flow'd in to him like the Tribute of a Monarch, from the Good-will of others. And he got not Friends by his Riches (as most do) but got Riches by his Friends; which very few can.

Our Student continues still hot in (12.) pursuit of his Bus'ness; like a Body His Me­thod in Stu­dying. set in Motion upon a Descent, which is so far from having the least Incli­nation to rest, that it gathers fresh Vigour at every Turn. And now he [Page 17] began to enter into the deep and spa­tious Study of Divinity; a Field of extent enough for any Genius, tho' never so unconfin'd. He began (as he has sometime in his riper Years told Dr. Hacket) to read all the Scriptures with the best Commentators. And in his Common-Places and Problems, he manifested his great Industry, so as to wrest Praise from his Seniors, and to merit Thanks from the Juniors, whose benefit it is that such Exercises be care­fully perform'd. Now he summons all his Vigour, and puts his whole Fa­culties upon the stretch: For he sets upon Reading the School-Men, Church History, and the Fathers all together. But how is it possible to methodize such a variety of Studies? Why, every Man has, or ought to have such a Method, as best suits his Capacity; and it seems he had his. ‘My Manner was (says he) to allot one Month to each of these Employments; and Variety was almost as much refreshing as cessation from Labour. This Me­thod I was constant to for 13 Years, until I was called off by my Secular Employments; and when I was dis­charg'd from them, I sell again to [Page 18] run round in my former Circle.’ Over and above, he was an Exact Philosopher, especially in Metaphysicks, the Advan­tage and Use of which he defended publickly in the Schools when he was Proctor for the University. His Ap­plication (13.) to History presupposes his Knowledge in Chronology and Geogra­phy: And I will (says Bishop Hacket, a competent Judge) deliver it confi­dently, that I took him to be the best proficient in Ecclesiastical History of his Age.

Ignorance is not so distasteful as His com­municative Temper. a selfish Knowledge, joyn'd with the fear of making others as wise as our selves: and an honest Beggar's Cha­racter (we know) stands fairer in the Eye of the World, than that of a tena­cious Miser. To possess and yet not to communicate is not the part of a Man, but of the Brute Beast, that has not reason to see the great Advan­tages of a mutual Benevolence. Our (15.) Student, that was in a manner a per­fect Store-house of Learning, was open to all: His Temper commu­nicative, and Discourse free. Which (16.) was so much the more acceptable, because he was remarkable for his [Page 19] Candour and Moderation, and far from shewing any dislike of a Scholar, that differ'd from him in a Theological Debate. Yet this Moderation of his (17.) was called by some Sluggishness, Craftiness, Neutrality, or any thing that might give it a bad Colour. As if the Spirit of Christianity were not consistent with a Disputant, and Rude­ness were better at Syllogizing, than sound Sense, which is an enemy to Passion: or as tho' (to speak with Bishop Hacket) in Points unfunda­mental and unresolv'd, every Man must be a Guelph or a Gibelline.

I have given you a short Scheme of Is imploy'd in Business for his Col­lege. his Studies, by the Prosecution of which he fitted himself for the high Imployments in which we shall find him hereafter. And by his close Application this way too, he began to grow into considerable Repute and Esteem in the College. For, by that time he was 25 Years old, or thereabout, he had the Honour to be imploy'd by his Society in some con­cerns of theirs; by which means upon such occasions, he had admittance A Bp. Ban­croft takes Notice of him: sometimes to speak before Arch-bishop Bancroft. And upon this Reverend [Page 20] Prelate, what with his engaging Wit, and what with his decent Behaviour, he gain'd so far, that two Years be­fore he was Batchelour of Divinity, he sent for him, and of his own free Will, gave him the Advouzon of an Arch-Deaconry in Wales; Cardigan, to the best of Bishop Hacket's Re­membrance.

Another time the Master and Fel­lows, Is sent to Court by the Fellows. deputed him for their Agent to Court, to petition the King for a Mort-Main, thereby to bring an In­crease to their Maintenance. In which Suit he sped; as indeed he did in most Undertakings, being of a ready Wit, (18.) and almost unwearied Diligence. Here The King takes No­tice of him. it is worth Observation, the Notice the King took of him then, for there was I know not what in him, which his Majesty lik'd so well, that he told him of it long after, when he came to be his Principal Officer. These Imploy­ments were so many lucky Hits, as we may call them, and gave (no doubt) the first occasion to his future Advan­cement. For we may reason back­ward thus, and see the disposing Hand in all past Occurrences of Life; but when we come to look forward, the [Page 21] very first Object terminates our sight, and we know not What will follow What; so many different Conclusions can Providence draw from any one Principle, and yet all just and equal.

Thus far have we brought our His Friend Dr. Play­fere dies, and he makes his Funeral Speech. Charge safe through this troublesome World, and fenc'd off all Misfor­tunes. But to secure him wholy had been impossible, even for his Guardian-Angel. And the Reader will find he had his share of Troubles. One single One, like a random-shot in Bat­tle, befel him at this Time, which wounded him to the very Soul: It was the Death of his Reverend Friend Dr. Playfere, in the Year 1608. This was a heavy Blow indeed for the first, and troubled Mr. Williams so much, that when he was requested to grace his Friend's Obsequies with a Speech, he urged his excessive Sorrow in Ex­cuse. But by much importunity, he was at last prevail'd upon, to give that Sorrow a Vent; which he did in such an Eloquent and Moving Manner (as perhaps no Passion has the perswasive Force of Sorrow) that when he ended, and the Assembly brake up, every body said, that Playfere's Eloquence sur­viv'd [Page 22] in his Friend. And he, tho' naturally covetous of a Good Name, yet, I dare say, thought his Reputa­tion now too dearly bought.

Happy and wise too is the Man, that He takes Orders: knows how to make the right use of Misfortunes. We must call in the As­sistance of Religion as well as Philo­sophy, ere we can convert them into Blessings. Thus Mr. Williams, after this, grew strangely indifferent to the World in all respects, except it were to be doing good in it. And the bet­ter to enable him to this (after humbly imploring the Divine Assistance) he gave himself over intirely to the Ser­vice of God, entring into Orders first as Deacon, then as Priest, in the 27 (19.) Year of his Life. After this, that he And the Charge of a small Living. might not lye fallow, and be like the barren Ground, he took the Charge of a small Living, which lay beyond St. Edmund's-Bury, in the confines of Norfolk; Fakenham perhaps, or very near to it. A poor Bus'ness tho' it was, that would hardly defray the cost of his Journeys, yet it took not off his Edge, for it answered the great Ends for which he entred upon it; to teach the Simple, to attain to a readiness in [Page 23] Preaching, and to be acquainted with Compassion (as he us'd to say) towards the hard Condition which his poor Brethren did undergo, that had scarce enough to feed and keep them warm, for all their Labour. It seems he had a Liking for the People; for in his highest Honour, I heard him (says Bishop Hacket) treating with Sir Lionel Talmach, to imploy an hundred pound for him, to buy Land for the Relief of the Poor of that Village for ever.

In a poor Countrey Vicaridge he Preaches at St. Mary's in Cambr. was to condescend to the Capacity of his People, least he might be to them as a sounding Brass, or a tinkling Cymbal. But at St. Mary's in Cambridge, where he had a Learned Auditory, our Prea­cher shew'd his great Skill Anno 1610, in a Discourse upon Luc. 16, 22. And And before the King at Royston. about eight Months after, being listed into the Combination of the choisest Preachers, he was called upon Duty, before King James and Prince Henry at Royston; where he acquitted himself so well, that his Majesty was pleased to speak much in his Commendation; and the Prince not content to let him go off with hungry Praise, looking upon him as an Honour to Wales, [Page 24] assured him, that he would not be un­mindful of his great Merits. But he dying untimely (if there be such a thing as an untimely Death) the Father be­stow'd that Preferment on him, which the Son intended.

The Fame of our accomplish'd Lord Eger­ton takes him into his Service. Preacher came at last to the Ears of the Lord Chancellor Eg [...]. And he wanted not Friends in in that Family to recommend him; to whose Requests the Chancellor only reply'd, Send for him, and let me have him. This was at Midsummer, in the Year 1611. But when he came to London to wait upon his Lordship, after great and humble Acknowledgments of the Honour done him, he intreated, that he might have his Lordship's Consent, to continue one whole Year, or the greatest part of it, at Cambridge; because he was at Michaelmas following to be Proctor for the University, a Place of great Trust and Credit, and some Profit. At this the Chancellor asks him, if his place might not be supply'd by a Deputy? ‘My Lord (replys the Cha­plain) (20.) I must take an Oath upon my Admission into that Office, to oversee the Government instrusted to me, not [Page 25] in general Terms only of Faith and Diligence, but for the due Provision of many particular Branches of the Statutes; and I dare not trust my Oath with another Man's Conscience.’ And he must be a hardy fellow, that dares, since every Man at long Run, is like to answer for himself. Who could refuse so fair a Plea? So he returns to Cambridge, where I must shew him in his Honour of Proctorship, before I proceed any farther with him.

His Reply to the Chancellor shews Is Proctor in Cambr. what strict Notions he had of the Greatness of his Charge; and he was too Honest to act short of his Con­science. To instance only in the Principal Duties of his Office; What care did he take to have the Publick Exercises duly perform'd? Insomuch that at the Afternoon Disputations of the Under-Graduates, he would mo­derate himself; by which means he had an opportunity to encourage the Hopeful and Deserving, inflaming some with his Praises, and inciting others with Rewards: for he was al­ways free of his Money, but especially upon such like Occasions. The Night-Walks indeed he committed sometimes [Page 26] to others; but he perceiv'd there never went more Authority with the Staff, than when he bore it himself. Tho' he reclaim'd several from their loose Courses, yet was he remarkable in this, that he never stigmatiz'd any one with a hard Censure. He knew very well that Affableness, Sweetness and soft Perswasions were more irresistible than Threats; as dealing with Scholars, and not Peasants. And it is but want of Discretion, to think when we are in Office, we may talk big by Authority, and lord it over Gentlemen of a Libe­ral Education, who have no Notion of Slavery, except it be to contemn it.

Next to a conscientious discharge The Duke of Witten­berg comes to Cambr. of one's Office, nothing so much cre­dits an Officer, as when some remark­able occurrences happen during his Office. And two very signal ones gave our Proctor a very fair opportu­tunity of shewing himself. Soon after Christmas, his Majesty sent his Com­mands to the Heads of the University, to give Entertainment, such as might be made ready out of hand, to the Duke of Wittenberg, and his Train. The Duke himself was a Learned [Page 27] Prince: And it was therefore thought most suitable to entertain him with Philosophick Disputations; and so it was determin'd. Mr. Proctor, he sate as Moderator, and managed the Bus'ness with all the Skill and good Address imaginable. For, to compliment the (21.) Prince, he back'd all his Reasons with Quotations from Julius Pacius, Go­clenius, Is very much ta­ken with Mr. Wil­liams. Keckerman and others, that had been Professors within the German Principalities. Which was so highly acceptable to the Duke of Wittenberg and his Retinue, that they would not part with Mr. Williams from their Company, so long as they continued in Cambridge; and when they went away for New-Market, they took him along with them. So much is the manner of acting in all we do, and the right suiting of Things and Circum­stances: which to perform free and unconstrain'd, is the Talent only of a ready Wit, and a sound Judgment; two important Qualifications, and rarely to be found in one and the same Person.

The next Passage is of another stamp, The King displeas'd at the Uni­versity. having more of the States-man, than the Scholar in it. The Earl of Salisbury, [Page 28] Lord Treasurer, and Chancellor of Cambridge dying, May 24 An. 1612. In the Regent House, the Masters of Arts it seems could not agree in the Choice of one to succeed him. The Majority gave their Voices for Henry Earl of Northampton, Lord Privy-Seal: T'other Party, that did not like him, they put up against him the King's Second Son, Charles Duke of York, tho' then but 12 Years old. At this the King was highly displeas'd, that they durst nominate his Son to any Place, before they had humbly crav'd his Royal Assent. And the Lord Privy-Seal, the Chancellor Elect (perceiving himself slighted) shrunk up his shoul­ders, and made Answer, That he was not worthy the Honour they design'd him; as who should say in plain English, I scorn your Proffer. Upon this, the Heads Mr. Wil­liams sent to appease the King. (considering that the Wrath of a Prince is not like that of a Private Man, to be quench'd by Delay) dispatch away Proctor Williams (who tho' he was but the Junior Proctor, yet was im­ploy'd) to present himself with their Letters before the King, now in the Height of his Displeasure. So he came to the Court at Greenwich, and falling [Page 29] upon his Knees before his Majesty, the King, with no pleas'd Counte­nance, demanded what his Bus'ness was. ‘Sir (says he) My self and They who sent me, crave Justice of your Majesty, in behalf of your University of Cambridge, which suffers under your Displeasure, in that sort as I be­lieve never any of your Subjects did before; that Nineteen Parts of a Great Incorporation should be con­demn'd for the Frowardness (and that unpreventable by all the Power we had) of the Twentieth part, and they the meanest of us all. We be­seech you, Gracious Sovereign, to name a Chancellor to preside over us, or suffer us to come to your Ma­jesty upon all Occasions, as unto our Chancellor; not made so by the Suf­frage of poor Scholars (you are far above that) but in the Sublime Title of your Kingly Office, by which you are oblig'd to protect all your People that are unprotected.’ The Speech Obtains his Suit. ended, the King gave the Petitioner his Hand to kiss; saying, He would pardon all that was past. So merciful was the King, and so perswasive was the humble Address of the Proctor. [Page 30] Moreover, he added, That they them­selves (22.) should have Power to choose their own Chancellor; for he would not rob them of their Right of Free-Election: that his farther Pleasure should be signified in his Letters, which came to Cambridge the same Day the Proctor did; and being open'd, the Orders were, That they should forth­with call a Congregation, and resume an Election for a new Chancellor, and that his Majesty would constrain him to hold it, whoever it were, that the Congre­gation agreed upon. Still the Heads continued in a Doubt what to do, be­cause the King was not more particu­lar: And here it far'd with Mr. Wil­liams as it usually does with all that are imploy'd upon any Bus'ness; for they blam'd him for not sounding the matter to the Bottom. But he, whose Explains the King's Letters to the Heads of the Uni­versity. Wit was always true to him at a pinch, warded off their unreasonable Dis­pleasure; by gathering much from a small Hint, which is the very Perfection of Policy. Certainly (says he) there is one Clause in the Royal Letters, that plainly determines our Votes; for no One hath declared a flat Refusal of this Place, but the Earl of Northam­pton: [Page 31] Therefore no One else can be meant in this Passage, That whomsoever we choose, the King will constrain him to hold it. This Intricacy so happily unfolded, the Lord Privy-Seal was chosen. And the King confess'd they had nick'd his secret Meaning: yet not They, but Mr. Proctor; which de­servedly gain'd him a deal of Credit.

There is one thing more which hap­pen'd Dr. Gwin made Ma­ster of St. John's Col­lege by the Interest of Mr. Wil­liams. during his Office; but whether to his Praise or Dispraise, I cannot readily tell. A mixt Action it was, and discovers a great Beauty, shaded with a Blemish, like the Sun in an E­clipse. Dr. Clayton the Master of St. John's College dying, Dr. Morton (then Dean of Windsor, and afterward Bishop of Durham) and Mr. Gwin (one of the Senior Fellows) put in for the Mastership. Now Dr. Morton was a Man incomparable every way, and not only beyond Mr. Gwin, but almost all of his Time, for Piety and Learning. But for all this, his Interest amongst the Fellows (who all when they are Masters of Arts by Statute have a Vote in the Election of a Master) was but small in comparison to Mr. Gwin's; and so much the less considerably, because [Page 32] Mr. Williams appear'd against him. And as he was courting his Friends for Mr. Gwin, amongst others, he made suit to one Mr. Senhouse (afterward Bishop of Carlisle) who gave him this civil Denial: Sir, if you desire my Voice to confer the Mastership upon your self, I will not deny you. I know you, tho' a young Man, right worthy of it; but your Tutor shall never have my Suffrage, while I can say No. But yet Mr. Wil­liams (23.) prevail'd so far with his Interest, that Mr. Gwin, who had formerly been his Tutor, was made Master. To ex­cuse this is more than I can do; and there is but one way by which I can account for his Error, how a Man of his clear Judgment should fall into it. He was High-spirited almost to a Fault; and such Tempers (we know) are at best but very uneasie, when any One is before-hand with them in Obliga­tions. And, no doubt, as a Pupil he thought in all Reason he ought not to be unmindful of his Tutor at such a Time. I need say no more, lest I prevent my Reader's Reflection: But this let me add, When Gratitude and Justice take contrary sides, doubtless in a generous Breast, the Conflict must [Page 33] needs be very sharp. After he had given He repents it after. a Helping-hand to set Mr. Gwin over this Great Society, his Fortunes car­ried him from College; but he heard so much, that he was soon out of con­ceit with his own Work. For, there was at that time a medling Fellow (Mr. Gwin loving his Ease) who mo­nopoliz'd the whole Rule of the Col­lege, and imbroil'd matters at such a strange rate, that all Mr. Williams could do when he knew of this, was to re­pent heartily for what he had done. And he that will set himself out of the Power of his own Actions, and prevent all After-reckonings, had need be very cautious how he makes a Compliment of his Conscience.

Now the Commencement drew on. A Splendid Commen­cement at Cambr. And the Senior Proctor either never having any polite Learning, or having outgrown what he had; the Junior was pitch'd upon to be the Father of the Act, as we call it. This Commen­cement (says Bishop Hacket) was as gay and full of Pomp, by the great Concourse of Nobles and Gentlemen, as ever I saw; most part of which the Acquaintance and Fame of the Proctor drew thither. All these he had the [Page 34] Honour (as is usual for the Proctor) The Pro­ctor's Li­berality. to treat; which he did, not liberally, but profusely. For it was his Temper to be always at perfect enmity with Parsimony. It would have made you smile, to hear the Prevaricator in his jocular way, give him his Title and Character to his Face; Titus Largius primus Dictator Romanorum. I do not commend him for this Quality of his. It was excess of Generosity in him, to think Frugality was but a clownish Vertue at the best: tho' if ever Pro­digality appears with a good Grace, it is certainly upon such publick Oc­casions.

So now the Year, and the Bus'ness (24.) of it is over; and he returns to Chan­cellor Egerton. Yet before I settle him there for good and all, I must fetch him back once again. The King's only Daughter, the Princess Elizabeth The Pals­grave comes to Cambr. being married to Frederick Prince Palatine, and Chief Elector of the Empire, upon Valentine's Day, being the Fourteenth of February 1612. af­ter Stow Chron. the Celebration of the Nuptials was over at Court, the King had a mind, that his Son-in-law the Ele­ctor should be receiv'd with an Aca­demical [Page 35] Entertainment at Cambridge. Notice being given to Dr. Carew the Vice-Chancellor, he with the Sages of the Consistory concluded, there should be a kind of Commencement Extraor­dinary. At this Time Mr. Williams had not been above 7 Months absent, so that being still fresh in the memory, and high in the good Opinion of the Doctors, he was pitch'd upon for one to oppose upon the Theological Questions. Mr. Wil­liams sent for to assist in his En­tertain­ment. Commen­ces T. B. Down they send for him out of hand: and that he might be duly qualified for an Opponent, they make him in all haste commence Batchelor in Divinity. The Questions, which he gave in to defend for his Degree were, 1. Peccata semel remissa nunquam redeunt: 2. Qui sacros Ordines susceperunt, famulari possunt Magnatibus ut fructus Ecclesia­sticos percipiant. In responding to which (in a manner extempore) he shew'd at once the Soundness of his Judgment, and the vast Compass of his Learning. But in the Opponent's Place, upon the Day appointed, on Mar. 13. 1612. he acquitted himself manfully, to the great Satisfaction of the Noble Assembly, and the very [Page 36] great Honour of the University. This done, he retired to his Home; for so Returns to Lord Eger­ton. I must now call the Lord Chancellor's Family. And thus I have brought him safe to the end of the first Stage of his Life: which was in a manner publickly lead, tho' in a private Ca­pacity: For to conceal himself abso­lutely was more than he could do.

THE former Part has shew'd you The Design of this Part. Mr. Williams from his Child­hood to his Manhood: how hopeful he was in his Youth; and how afterwards those Hopes exceeded what they seem'd to promise: how able he became in Learning; and how creditable and useful a Member he was of his College in particular, and of the whole University in general. I come in the next place to consider him as a rising Man in the World; how he made his Fortunes (as we un­gratefully express our selves, when all the while it is the Lord's Doing) and how he behav'd himself in them after. [Page 38] And that we may not confound Cha­racters, I shall first give you an Ac­count of him as a Statesman, and as concerned in Civil Affairs during his Prosperity, omitting for the present all that might belong to him as a Clergy Man.

Now or never was his time to look The means by which he gained Lord Eger­ton's Fa­vour. about him. For he had a very fair Opportunity given him, by entring into the Service of so considerable a Man as the Chancellor was, with the Assistance of Providence to raise him­self; at leastwise to make some Efforts towards it. Therefore as a prudent (27) Man, the first thing he cast in his Mind, was how he might ingratiate himself in the Family; but especially in his Lord's Favour, who he knew was able to reward him. There were at that time in the Family a great many Ladies, and those of Quality, to whom his Address and Behaviour, as well as his Garb, was more courtly than is usual with Scholars. He receiv'd all Strangers with great Courtesie and Civility. And if any Disorders hap­pen'd amongst the Servants, he inter­pos'd with the Gravity of a Divine. Thus he had gain'd the Out-works; [Page 39] and thus far an indifferent Artist might have gone. But to make One's self acceptable to a Man of the Chan­cellor's Gravity and Judgment, shews something of the like Worth in One's self: So apt are we to be taken with our own Resemblance. The Chaplain therefore approv'd himself to his Lord, not only by his good Preaching, but likewise by the sharp and solid An­swers he made to such Questions as were cast in by the By at Table, to fathom his Learning and Judgment. For to take a Man unprepar'd and off his Guard, even in little matters, tries his Strength more, than a formal Dis­pute does, where Warning is given: As, we know, Bills upon sight are never drawn (at least to any purpose) but upon the ablest Men. But what re­commended him more than all this was, that he understood the References and Petitions, that were sent to his Lord from Oxford, better then all his Ser­vants, being newly come from Cam­bridge: And his Opinion was so con­stantly taken in all those Complaints, that Dr. King (the Bishop of London) would sometimes pleasantly call him the Chancellor of Oxford. To this, [Page 40] he wars stor'd with Friends in the Courts of the King and Prince, from whom he gather'd Intelligence worth his Master's hearing; no blind Rumours, but Clouds, that at first rising were scarce so big as an Hand, yet portend­ing mighty Tempests as they fell. Last­ly, to make him every way accepta­ble to his Lord, he had pick'd up some Gleanings (in his own modest words) in the Knowledge of the Common-Laws of the Realm. In this the Chan­cellor (28.) gave him Incouragement to proceed; and was so taken with him, that at his leisure hours, both to di­vert himself and instruct his Chap­lain he would impart to him the Nar­ration of some important Causes, that had been debated in Chancery or Star-Chamber. So fortunate was Mr. Wil­liams to fall under such a Tutor as instructed him in that Bus'ness, to which it pleas'd God after to call him. But neither did he for all this neglect his Studies as a Divine: and Resolu­tion and Diligence carried him through (29.) all. He encou­rages Me­rit, and de­fends the injured Clergy.

And now he was so far in his Lord's Favour, that he was able by his In­terest to procure several Livings that [Page 41] fell into the Chancellor's Presentation, for such as he knew to be able and deserving Scholars; so early did he patronize Merit. And he gave farther Evidences yet of his publick Spirit, when swarms of Scholars came about him, such as were harass'd with tedious and chargeable Law-Suits. If their Cause were good, or if it had a Flaw in it, he would point it out; would shew them where lay the Strength, and where the Weakness; would commend them to faithful Attorneys and able Counsel, work the Officers to an Abate­ment of Fees, and supply them with Mo­ney that wanted it. Especially if the Cause concern'd the Title of their Li­ving, or the payment of their Tithes, he would sweat and bestir himself for his poor Brethren to the utmost of his Vi­gour. So that under his Lord and Master, he was a zealous and successful Abettor of the Rights of the Clergy in general.

To study the Interest of others so earnestly as wholly to neglect our own, may rather be call'd Simplicity than Makes his own Iterest, so that the Lord Eger­ton prefers him. Honesty; and might sound prettily in a Romance, where Honour is Meat, Drink and Cloathing. But certainly, as the World goes, to trust to the Genero­sity [Page 42] of others when we may befriend our selves, is more than is requir'd at our Hands, and much more than Pru­dence will account for. Therefore Mr. Williams, tho' very mindful of others, was not at the same time unmindful of himself; but grounded himself so deep in his Lordship's Affections, that in about five Years Time (which he liv'd with him) he rais'd himself a plen­tiful Fortune by the Assistance of that Bounty, which was so far from denying him any thing, that it commonly pre­vented his Requests; the Politick way of enhancing a Benefit without cost: for a modest and generous Person thinks he pays dear for what he is forced to ask for. But, to be particular, his Patron gave him the Parsonage of Walgrave in Northamptonshire, and by his In­terest got him the Rectory of Grafton Under-wood, in the same County. He was a Prebendary of the Church of Lincoln, and Residentiary, with the Chantorship of the same; he had a (30.) Prebend too in the Minster of Peter­borough, and in the Churches of Here­ford and St. David's: and to these, the Chancellor gave him a Sine-Cure in Wales, equal in profits to any of his [Page 43] other Preferments. By this time I expect my Reader should cry out, Bless me! what a Glut of Preferment is here for one Man! So jealous are we of our own Interest. But when Plenty falls into the possession of a free Heart, 'tis a great Mistake to think we are injur'd, and that too much flows to One. Do we grudge the Sea all those almost infinite Waters, that are perpetually emptying them­selves into it? And the reason is, be­cause we know they lye safe there, as in a common Store-house, ready to supply all places that may want. And what Riches fall into a publick Hand, are not his alone, but Every-body's; and all that is proper to him is the great Satisfaction only of Distribu­tion.

In the Year 1616. in October, the Lord Eger­ton falls sick. Lord Chancellor, worn out, what with the multitude of Bus'ness, and what with Age, began to decline. And in January his Weakness prevail'd more, insomuch that from that time he admitted scarce any Company, but his Chaplain's. What Bus'ness he had with his Majesty, was com­mitted to his Trust and Management: [Page 44] a very considerable Opportunity, which doubtless Mr. Williams improv'd to his own Advantage. The King could not but take Notice of him as often as he brought any Messages to him from his Master: and to be intrusted by so discreet a Man with Secrets of State, was no small Credit to him. And his Majesty thought, that living so long with so great a Statesman, he could not choose but gain considerable Experience himself in such Affairs. These things put together, and added to some advantagious Hints, tending this way before, shew like so many Incidents well prepar'd, to render his following Advancement more pro­bable: from which the Reader will be able to see, by what Degrees his good Fortune usher'd him into the Court, and at last rais'd him to the greatest Dignities.

On the Fifteenth of March, his Dies. Great and Good Patron dy'd in a Wilson. Hist. Gr. Brit. p. 97. Good Old Age, and full of Vertuous Fame. His Chaplain mourn'd for him long after, and attended his Body to Cheshire, where he buried him in a Chappel with his Ancestors.

[Page 45] A little before the Day of his Death, the Chancellor call'd Mr. Williams, and told him, That if he wanted Money, he would leave him such a Legacy in his Will, as should furnish him to begin the World like a Gentleman. Sir (says the Chaplain) I kiss your Hands; you have fill'd my Cup full; I am far from want, unless it be of your Lord­ship's Directions how to live in the World, if I survive you. Well (says the Chancellor) I know you are an expert Workman; take these Tools to work with, they are the best I have. So he gave him some Books and Pa­pers written all with his own Hand. Dr. Hacket says, he saw the Notes; and (31.) that they were that old Sage's Colle­ctions He gave him four Books (says Da. Lloyd, in his Life of the ABp) which he presented after to the King. for the well Ordering the High Court of Parliament, the Court of Chancery, the Star-Chamber, and the Council-Board. So that he had a good Stock to set up with; insomuch that Dr. Hacket does not doubt but that the Marrow of Mr. Williams his Politicks, was drawn from the Lord Egerton's Papers.

The Lord Chancellor Egerton, when Cabal. pag. 236. Wilson Hist. Gr. Brit. p. 97. he grew weak, had desir'd Leave of his Majesty, to retire, and to have [Page 46] time to see how Accounts stood be­tween Sir Fr. Ba­con made L. Keeper. God and himself. Which be­ing granted him, the Great Seal of England was next deliver'd to Sir Francis Bacon, on the Seventh of March (according to Stow) An. 1616. He hearing that Mr. Williams, after the Death of his Master, was preparing to go to his Cure at Walgrave, he made him a very civil Offer to con­tinue with him in that Place, wherein he had serv'd the Lord Egerton be­fore. He declin'd it tho', but in such Mr. Wil­liams re­fuses to be his Chap­lain. an artful and obliging manner, that Bacon did not at all resent it; for they parted very good Friends; and Sir Francis willing to set a Mark of his Favour upon him, made him Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum in Northamptonshire. What should be the reason, why Mr. Williams, a Man that lov'd to be in the Eye of the Pub­lick, should refuse this Offer, I cann't imagine. Whether he were tired of the City, or whether he saw so far into Bacon, as that he was not like to con­tinue long undisgrac'd; or lastly, whe­ther his better Genius prompted him: For, 'tis very likely, had he been his Chaplain, he would hardly have suc­ceeded [Page 47] him in his Office, tho' he might; at least so creditably he could not: Because the World, that ever searches deep into the worst side of things, would have been apt to cry out, that the Servant had undermin'd his Lord.

At this time by the Interest of his Is made Chaplain in Ordinary to the King. very good Friend Dr. James Montagu (after Bishop of Winton) he was made Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty, attending Yearly at Court in February. And he had his Majesty's Orders to wait upon him in his Great Northern Progress, which was to begin in April following: And the King told him pleasantly, That he might expect the Labourers Penny as soon as they that had serv'd him longer. But the Bishop of Winchester obtain'd of his Majesty, that Mr. Williams might stay behind, to take his Doctor's Degree, and to give fit entertainment to Marcus An­tonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spa­lato, who was newly come over into England, and did design to be at Cam­bridge Commencement, in the next July. Here again we may see how Fortune seem'd to Compliment Mr. Williams with an Opportunity of shewing him­self: And he never was to appear any [Page 48] way publickly at Cambridge, but still he brought something about luckily to add to the Splendour of his Perfor­mance. So at this Commencement in (32.) the Year 1617. he was created Doctor. Takes his Doctors Degree. The Questions which he maintain'd for his Degree were, 1. Supremus Magi­stratus non est excommunicabilis. 2. Sub­ductio Calicis est mutilatio Sacramenti & Sacerdotii. You will, I make no doubt, prevent me here, and guess that his Treat (as is the Custom of the University upon such occasions) was very costly and sumptuous: but one (32.) piece of Address I must not forget; how that the Doctor was at no little cost and pains in sending to the Italian Ordinaries at London, and ransacking the Merchants Stores, for such Deli­cacies as he thought would relish best with the Archbishop of Spalato: which Dainties it was observ'd that he never took any Notice of, but preferr'd our English Dishes to them.

And now Dr. Williams having ac­quitted Retires to Walgrave. himself honourably both as to his Act, and to the Entertainment he gave to the Archbishop; he retired chearfully to his Rectory of Walgrave. How he lived, and what he did there, [Page 49] I shall forbear to mention, till I come to speak of him as a Clergy-man. So that at present I will not break the Thread of my Narration, but go on with him directly in his growing For­tunes, till the End of King James's Reign.

In the Year 1619. he preach'd before (35.) the King at Theobalds; his Text taken Preaches before the King at Theobalds out of Matth. 11. 8. His Majesty ap­proving of the Sermon, commanded it to be printed. So that by several Offices and frequent Opportunities, he had now gain'd his Majesty's good Liking. During the time he was at (36.) Walgrave, the Deanery of Salisbury fell by the Death of Dr. Gordon, while the King was in his Summer's Progress in the West. A great many stirr'd for it; and for one of the Competitors, and a deserving Scholar too, the Mar­quess of Buckingham us'd his Interest; but the King putting them all by, sent Is made Dean of Salisbury. for Dr. Williams, who could not be heard of in a fortnight, keeping then his Residence at Lincoln, remote from Court. This was the first piece of Preferment for which he was not be­holding to any, saving the King's own Pleasure; for he had not at that time [...] [Page 46] [...] [Page 47] [...] [Page 48] [...] [Page 49] [Page 50] so much as a Friend to intercede for him; Death having rob'd him of Dr. Montagu, the only Man about his Ma­jesty that he depended upon.

Thus we have pass'd over the Be­ginning or Dawning (as we may call it) of his good Fortune; and he is (you see) in a very likely way of Doing well, as we say when a Man thrives in the World; as tho' Prosperity and Probity were one and the same. Tho' (38.) Dr. Williams was now in great Favour Bucking­ham the King's Fa­vourite. with his Majesty, and he lov'd him better than even the Lord Egerton had done; yet if he had any Designs of ad­vancing himself, it must be effected by that Grand Favourite the Marquess of Buckingham, or not at all. No Man can be so ignorant of the History of those Times, as not to know that he over-rul'd all the King's Affections, and dispos'd of all things for him, even to his very Smiles and his Frowns.

It fell out one time, that the Dr. (41.) was at Royston, attending upon his Ma­jesty, in the Absence of the Marquess. The King abruptly (without any re­lation to the Discourse then in hand) ask'd him, when he was with Bucking­ham? Sir (says the Dr.) I have had [Page 51] no Bus'ness to resort to his Lordship: But (replies the King) wheresoever he is, you must presently go to him on my Message. Which he did accordingly; and the Marquess receiving him cour­teously, invited him with all Affability to come freely to him upon his own Addresses. He gathering from the Hint Williams applies himself to him. his Majesty gave him, that he intended he should seek the Marquess, and do all he could to gain him by all Obser­vance, from thenceforth resolv'd it.

But why must the Dr. be prompted by the King to seek his own Interest? Were not his Eyes open at that time His Rea­sons why he did it not before. of Day, and could he not see plainly, without having it pointed out to him, that Buckingham was the King's Dar­ling? Or did he know all this, but yet wanted Ambition to climb? No; Dr. Williams was a Man, tho' bold and aspi­ring, yet cautious withall: and you shall hear what dissuaded him from court­ing the Marquess. One time (says (39.) Bishop Hacket) making a Repetition of his former Life to me, when he was under a great Sickness at Bugden, he gave me two Reasons, why he mov'd so slow to the Protection of that great Lord. First, he mightily suspected his [Page 52] continuance; the Title of a Favourite being so inauspicious in almost all Ex­amples. And to whom a Man is ob­lig'd for his Rising, it is expected he should follow his Fortunes, be they good or bad: at least every grateful and generous Spirit will think himself oblig'd to do so. Secondly; he saw (40.) his Lordship was very apt to cast a Cloud suddenly upon his Creatures; and rais'd them, as it were, on purpose to have the Pleasure of casting them down after. And from these two weighty Considerations he concluded to give way to others, to seek the Marquess, that might be rash enough to venture. And happy sure had it been for him, had the King's Encou­ragement never diverted him from his own prudent Resolutions; for it led him through much Prosperity to a great deal of Adversity, and Misery in the End. So true is it, That in any thing we undertake, we cannot so much as guess what will be the final Issue of it: and the safest way the most prudent Man can take, to establish his Happi­ness (like the wise Man's House upon the Rock) is, after his own honest En­deavours, to be very well content to [Page 53] leave the Determining cast to the All­wise Disposal of Providence: so much of the Stoick ought every Christian to have.

But to proceed: It happen'd well (41.) Bucking­ham courts Kat. Man­ners. for him at this time to shew his Ser­vices, that the Marquess courted the Lady Katherine Manners, Daughter and only Child surviving to Francis Earl of Rutland. Wilson gives us this History of Gr. Brit. p. 149. Account of the Matter: Buckingham (who was a general Lover) tempts the Earl's only Daughter, carries her to his Lodgings in Whitehall, keeps her there for some time, and then returns her again to her Father: At this the stout old Earl resolves upon Revenge, except he would marry his Daughter, to save her injur'd Honour. Bucking­ham (that perhaps made it his Design to get the Father's Consent this way, she being the greatest Match in the Kingdom) marries her; after which she was converted to our Church by Dr. White: Thus he. Which in the former part of the Story seems to have something of Truth; if compar'd with Bishop Hacket's Relation. Which is, That the motion being set on foot in the beginning of the Year 1620. was [Page 54] retarded, by reason of an Affront the Earl took, in thinking that the lusty Woer made his Advances too fast. But however it was, the Earl (it seems) Dr. Wil­liams for­wards the Match. was angry, and the Duke, he had a mind to the Lady. Therefore Dr. Williams took the Opportunity to go between the great Men, to set matters straight on both sides. Now the Earl had a good Opinion of the Dr. for some former Services, and was therefore willing to admit him to discourse the Point fairly. To cut it short, the Dr. brought the Earl about so dextrously with his Art and pleasant Wit, that his Lordship put it into his Hands to draw up all Contract and Conditions for Portion and Jointure. And now (42.) the Earl being open-hearted with the Joy and Transport of a good Under­standing between him and the Mar­quess; the Dr. nicks the Opportunity, and prevails upon him to settle more upon the Marriage, than the Marquess and his Mother had demanded. Now the Parties were agreed, his Majesty put in his Objection, which must be answer'd, before he would give his Consent. The Lady Katherine had been bred a Papist; and he thought [Page 55] he could not be too cautious, as times went, how his great Favourite wedded with one of that Perswasion, lest it should raise Jealousies amongst his People. Therefore the King lays his Converts the Lady: and writes a little Treatise to confirm her. Commands upon Dr. Williams to con­vert her, or no Wedding should be by his Consent. The Dr. undertakes and performs the Task: so that on the 16^th of May 1620. the Nuptials were celebrated. And the Negotiation of this Match (says Bishop Hacket) the Negotiator told me, was the last Key-Stone, that made the Arch in his Pre­ferment. But lest this new Convert (43.) should slide back into her former Er­rors, the King orders Dr. Williams to draw up the Elements of Orthodox Religion in a litle Manual for her use; which accordingly he did, and just Twenty Copies were printed with no Name, only By an old Prebend of Windsor. The following Letter (since one of the Copies is not easie to be had) sent to the Marquess with the Book, will be sufficient to inform the Curious of his Method and Design in that little Piece.

By the Date of this Letter, you may Is made Dean of Westmin­ster. understand (which I had forgot to tell you before) he was by this time made Dean of Westminster. It was on the (44.) 12^th of July 1620. that he was Install'd; [Page 58] the Marquess bestowing it upon him, who at that time was Patron of it, whom the Doctor solicited for it, by the following Letter, dated Mar. 12. 1619.

[Page 59] His Removal into this Deanery was This Pre­ferment lucky to him. the truest Step he had taken as yet: For within a Year after, the Lodgings of the Dean became the House of the (47.) Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Palace of the Bishop of Lincoln. Now the Scene fills, and the Plot thickens apace, (to speak with our Play-wrights, since I am representing a Life) Incidents begin to turn thick upon one another, and we shall soon launch him into such an Ocean of Bu­siness, that it will be difficult for us to carry on our Story, without being lost in Confusion. But yet, why may not we relate as methodically and clearly as he acted, notwithstanding the mul­tiplicity of Affairs with which he was surrounded, but not incumber'd? The Occasion of his sudden Rising af­forded ample Matter for Wonder, be­cause known but to few. And for an Introduction, to clear the way to my Reader, I must touch at some Passages in those Times, which are sufficiently known to every one.

The Parliament held in the Year (48.) 1613. and the King could by no means hit it. They clamour'd against his Ma­jesty, and buzz'd it about in the Ears [Page 60] of the People, That his Majesty wink'd at the Increase of Popery: upon this, the K. in a disgust dissolves them, and desir'd no more of their Company for 7 Years after. At last, what with the want K. calls a Parlia­ment An. 1620. of Money and other Reasons of State pressing, he resolves to try them once more; and so on the 30^th of Jan. 1620. he with the Lords and Commons met in the High Court of Parliament. Their Demeanour to his Majesty was (49.) (as beseem'd Subjects) dutiful and full of Respect. But they were resolv'd They re­dress Grie­vances. to fall foul upon some Persons, who, they thought, had more regard in their Practices to their own private Interest, than to the common Good of the Peo­ple. It seems the Lord Marquess and the Chancellor were both at this time in Fault; the one by interceding for, and the other by granting Commissions for Monopolies, and other Grievances. The Appeals of the Subject for Justice were very loud in Parliament, but es­pecially against Sir Gyles Mompesson, Sir Francis Michel, and Sir Edward Villers (Half-Brother to the Mar­quess) who, tho' innocent in himself, was yet unwittingly trick'd by some crafty Merchants, into a piece of [Page 61] Knavery. They that were accus'd, Some that were in danger, try to get it dis­solv'd. with a great many others that exspected every hour to be in the same pickle, could invent no other way to escape, but by poisoning the King with an ill Opinion of the Parliament, and so to get them dissolv'd. To this Intent, they terrify the Marquess, who (as was said) had a Hand in these Things, that were so much resented: they insinuate, ‘That it was high time for him to look about him; considering that the King had (as was noted) at the Opening of the Session given Incouragement to the Parliament to redress Grie­vances, and had said openly before all the Members, Spare none, where you Frankl. Annals, p. 52. find just Cause to punish. And if the Two Houses should sit a whole Year, the greatest Advantage that could be hop'd for from them, would be but Two or Three Subsidies at the most; and that it were better for the King to gather such a Sum or greater by his Prerogative, tho' it be a little out of the way, than to wait for the Ex­hibition of a little Money, which will cost dishonour in the End, and the ruin of his most Loyal and Faithful Subjects.’

[Page 62] These Jealousies disturb the King, The Mar­quess at a loss what to do, till the Dean advis'd him. and haunt my Lord Buckingham with all the Terrors and dismal Apprehen­sions imaginable, till the Dean of West­minster with his seasonable Advice dis­pell'd the Glooms, and brought Things to a clear Light; Who address'd him­self thus to the Marquess, (as Bishop Hacket found it in a Breviate of his own Hand-writing) ‘That there was no reason to quarrel with the Parlia­ment for tracing Delinquents; that they deserv'd Praise for their Justice, as well as for their Civil Behaviour towards the King. But your Lord­ship (continues he) is jealous, that if the Parliament holds long in Favour, you may be brought into Question. Follow this Parliament in their Un­dertakings, and you may prevent all: Swim with the Tide, and there's no (50.) danger of drowning. They will be glad of your Favour to assist them. And trust me, and your other Ser­vants, that have some credit with the most active Members, to keep you clear from the Strife of Tongues. But if you assist to break up this Par­liament, now in pursuit of Justice, only to save Villains; you will pluck [Page 63] up a Sluce, which will overwhelm your self. The King will find it a great Disservice before one Year expire. This is Negative Counsel: I will now spread Affirmative Proposals before your Honour, which I have studied and considered. Delay not one Day, before you give your Bro­ther Sir Edward a Commission for an Embassage to some of the Princes of Germany, or the North-Lands, and dispatch him over the Seas, be­fore he be miss'd. Those empty Fel­lows, Frankl. Annals, p. 52. Sir G. Mompesson and Sir Fr. Michel, let them be made Victims to the publick Wrath. Nay, my Sen­tence is, destroy all Monopolies, and Patents of griping Projections. I have search'd the Signet-Office, and have collected almost Forty, which I have hung in one Bracelet, and are fit for Revocation. Damn all these in one Proclamation, and your Lordship will partake of the Applause together with his Majesty. This will con­vince the People that you do not ap­prove of what you acted under a Mis­representation of things, when you were but new-blossom'd in Court, and could not discover the Deformiy [Page 64] that lay hid. And God forbid, the King should be incited to Collecti­ons of Aid, without the Concur­rence of his Parliament. An English­man's Tribute comes not from the King's Exaction, but by the People's free Oblation out of the Mouth of their Representatives.’

These were the Dean's Instructions; The Marq. thanks him for his Ad­vice; and the King approving of it, makes him Privy-Counsellor. for which the Marquess returning him Thanks, said, That hereafter, he would use no other Counseller to ease him at a pinch: and well had it been for the Dean had he continued as good as his Word. Upon this they go both to­gether, (51.) and present these Proposals to the King; who approving highly of them, Things were transacted accord­ingly. And doubtless this piece of State-Wisdom, by which the Dean gave so masterly a stroke of his Skill, recommended him to the Honour soon after confer'd upon him. For the King finding him to be a Man of sound Wisdom, and of a stanch Judgment, he made him one of his Privy Coun­sellors; into which Office he was sworn Stow's Chron. on the 18^th of June 1621.

[Page 65] This Parliament, wearied with long The Par­liament is prorogu'd. sitting, was prorogued from the 27^th of March, to the 18^th of April. The Marquess had a Design in it; thinking that this Interval would give them time to cool, and that it might miti­gate the Displeasure of Both Houses, which at that time was very strong against the Lord Chancellor Bacon. But he was out in his Politicks, it seems; for Accusations, like Malice, grow more inveterate by delay, and Time discovers new Circumstances, instead of wearing out the old. So Bacon is depos'd. the Leisure of three Weeks multiplied a pile of fresh Suggestions against him, and nothing was presaged more certain than his Ruin: and accordingly being accus'd of Bribery, the Great Seal was taken from him on the third of May. Thus fell this Great Man: a Thing (considering the rest of his Character) almost incredible, were it not vouch'd by the universal Consent of the Hi­stories of those Times.

The Courtiers, you may be sure, a The Kee­per's Place much sought for. great many of them were scrambling for the Place. And the most likely to get it was one Sir Lionel Cranfield, then Master of the Court of Wards. But [Page 66] the King, before he would dispose of it, had set Buckingham to enquire what the profits of it might amount to in Justice, and whether certain perqui­sites were natural to it, which some had a great mind to cut off. Sir Lio­nel intreats the Lord Marquess to be quick, and to advise concerning the Matter with the Dean of Westminster, a sound and a ready Man, who was not wont to clap the Shackles of Delay upon a Bus'ness. So, he being spoke to, to draw up in Writing what he thought of the Matter, he return'd a (52.) speedy Answer on the 10^th of May, in these Words.

Away runs the Lord Marquess with The Mar­quess shews it to the King, who pitches on the Dean for that Office.. this Paper, and some other Informa­tions of the Dean's, and presents them to his Majesty, when the Ink was scarce dry: upon which the King, having perus'd the Paper, bolted out these unexpected Words, You name divers to me to be my Chancellor. The Mar­quess pleas'd and surpriz'd at once, re­plies ex tempore, Sir, I am a Suitor for none, but for him that is so capable in your great Judgment. Be you satisfied then (says the King) I think I shall seek no farther. At this Buckingham impotent to contain his Joy, sends a blind Message to the Dean imediately, That the King had a Preferment in the Deck for him. He, ignorant of [Page 68] what had pass'd, mistook the Message, guessing it might relate to the Bishop­rick of London, now void by the Death Cabal. p. 409. of Dr. King, in prospect of which he had been a Suitor before. Thus in speaking for another, he sped for him­self. This is the very Manner faith­fully related, how this Preheminency dropt upon him, that never dreamt of it. And this Account, which I have taken from Bishop Hacket, of Dr. Williams his Advancement, first to the Deanery of Westminster, secondly to be Privy-Counsellor, and lastly to be Lord Keeper; as it discovers nothing in it of dishonourable Proceedings, so is it in it self very probable, and has, be­sides that, the Authority and Word of a worthy Prelate to strengthen and confirm it, and consequently to dis­credit the uncharitable Surmises made P. 138, 139. by Sir A. W. concerning the causes of his Rising; which I shall not trouble my self to transcribe here, but rather choose to refer my Reader to the Pam­phlet it self, if he thinks it worth his while.

But I go on. On the 10^th of July 1621. he was sworn Keeper of the The Dean is sworn L. Keeper. Great Seal of England. And when [Page 69] the Seal was on that Day actually de­liver'd (61.) Rushw. Hist. Coll. part 1. p. 36. to him at Whitehall, he made a Speech to the King, in the Audience of all the Lords of the Council; which because it is but short, I will transcribe.

His Majesty heard him very graci­ously, (62.) and said, That he was well The K. ap­proves of him. pleas'd in his Choice, and that he was [Page 72] confident he would not deceive his Jug­ment. (59.) When it had taken Air, that People sur­priz'd at his Advance­ment. this great Preferment was like to be confer'd upon the Doctor, People be­gan to talk, every one as his Interest or Affections prompted him. Some would not believe it, and cry'd it was impossible, so strange a thing should be; others said it was no Novelty, but an old Custom renew'd, and, God give him Joy of his Office: And the Law­yers, they fretted to have such a Flower pull'd out of their Garland. But why Court and Ch. p. 140. The Seal formerly in the Hands of the Cler­gy. Sanderson Hist. of K. James, l. 2. p. 504. out of Theirs? ‘Did they not know that the Father of the late Chancellor receiv'd the Seal from a Bishop, as well as it came from the Son to a Bishop again? Were they ignorant how former Ages held it more con­sonant to Reason, to trust the Con­science of the Clergy with the Case of Lay-men, they being best able to judge of a Case of Conscience; and anciently the Civil Laws were adjud­ged by the Ministers of the Church; and the Chancery and other Courts of Equity, then in the Charge of a Divine Minister. And had K. James P. 505. liv'd to have effected his Desires, the Clergy had fix'd firm footing in [Page 73] Courts of Judicature, out of the road of the Common-Law: and this was the Reason of Dr. Williams his first Initiation to this Office.’

But to wrangle no longer with the The Dean's Caution to avoid En­vy. Lawyers: Since the Dean was to be the Man, and since Promotion to any Dignity will draw Envy more or less upon any Man, but especially upon one, whose sudden Advancement sur­prizes People; let us see what Methods the Dean took to soften the harshness of Censure, and to qualify Envy as much as possible; which certainly is the Duty of every Wise Man in all his Actions. Therefore, after he had got the Grant (60.) of the Place, he obtain'd of the King, that the Seal should not be taken from the Commissioners, and put into his Custody, before Ten Weeks were over. Thus he thought Popular Dis­course would have leisure to spend it self, and he himself have time to study and weigh the Trust of his Office; and the better to enable himself to discharge it, he kept Sir Harry Finch, a most profound Lawyer, in his Lodg­ings, from May to October following, to advise with him upon all occasions. By this means too, he had time to seek [Page 74] out for honest and able Servants to fill the Chief Places of Trust under him. Add to this, that in the Interim several Things were discours'd of, to his Honour: for when the first Heat of a Rumor is over, then People are apt upon second Thoughts, to reason the Matter candidly and fairly; whereas in the beginning the impetuous bent and current of the Stream is apt to appear even the weightest Judg­ments along with it. Now it began to break out, that this Preferment was not of his own seeking, neither could it then or thereafter be made out, that he had bought his Greatness. Next to this, he shelter'd himself under his Modesty; which, because it is soft and yielding, breaks the force of Envy, the most of any thing; and therefore his (61.) humble Request to his Majesty was, That he would take off from the Grandure of his Place, by such Terms and Conditions in his Person, as might comprize it in a less size, than it was ever before receiv'd in by any. To this intent, he desir'd no Chancellor for the future might continue above three Years; that he should be in the nature of a Probationer for one Year and [Page 75] half; that in the Court of Chancery he might have a Master of the Rolls, of exact Knowledge, to sit with him; and lastly, the constant Assistance of two Judges. What could shew greater Modesty and Caution, the two main Supporters of Men in high Places? But all these Proposals were rejected, and made ineffectual, 'tis likely under­hand by some curious Persons, who might have a mind to try, if the new Lord Keeper could walk alone with­out falling, in so slip'ry a Place. 'Tis (55.) to no purpose to answer the Objections Objections against a Clergy­man's be­ing Lord Keeper, an­swer'd. which some Persons then made (and may make now) against his Entring upon that Office, being a Clergy-man, and set a-part, as it were, for GOD's Service: As if taking Orders did in­capacitate a Man of Abilities from serving his King and Countrey; or as if a Priest were no Subject, and his King had no Right in him. 'Tis true in­deed at first, when the Harvest was great, and the Labourers but few, the Labourers could not well be spar'd out of the Field, any more than a Soul­dier can in the Day of Battle. But now that the whole Nation is gain'd over to the Gospel, and thanks be to [Page 76] GOD, we have able Pastors and Teachers; the Church of Christ may be serv'd and patroniz'd by other means, beside Preaching. And the Clergy have but too great need of some of their own Order in Places of Power and Dignity, to preserve their Maintenance from Sacriledge, and their Persons and Function from Contempt. But what had been a real Objection (56.) could it have been made but true, was, that some should cry out, He was illiterate in the Laws: this scandal va­nish'd soon tho', when the Court had Tryal of his Abilities. And to the Doctor's great Credit be it spoken, that tho' bred a Divine, yet no Man either before or after, acquitted himself be­yond him, and perhaps, not equal to him, in Chancery.

I have been so taken up with the (62.) He is made Bishop of Lincoln, and holds his other Prefer­ments too. Incumbrances of settling his Lordship in his new Office, that I have not had time before to tell my Reader, That, in the same Month he was made Lord Keeper, he was likewise made Bishop of Lincoln. And because the Reve­nues of that Bishoprick were but small, he urging, that the Port and Grandure of the Keeper's Place must be main­tain'd [Page 77] in some convenient manner, and if it might possibly be, without being a charge to his Majesty; his Lordship got a Grant to hold the Deanery of Westminster, which was sought after by several that stood upon the catch at that time, expecting that it would be voided by the Lord Keeper. It was well for him tho', that he had se­cur'd himself in the Deanery as fast as Law could make him, when about five Years after his Enemies strove to out him. By the Indulgence of his Commendam too, he held his Rectory of Walgrave; saying; That the Insta­bility of Humane Affairs, should make every Man look for a Dissolution of his Fortunes, as that of his Body. Upon Cypr. Ang. p. 86. his holding all his Preferments, Dr. Heylyn, I remember, makes this plea­sant Remark; That he was a perfect Diocess within himself, as being Bishop, Dean, Prebend, Residentiary and Parson all at once: To which let me add, That never was there, I believe, a Diocess more compleat, or better fill'd, in all the several Degrees of Dignity and Office.

The Keeper now being high in his (63.) Majesty's Favour, as the King had [Page 78] rais'd him for his, so now he through the King rais'd others for their Me­rits. He got the Royal Grant for the Advancement of four at one time; Dr. Davenant to the Bishoprick of Sa­lisbury, Dr. Carew to that of Exeter, Laudmade Bishop of St. David's by Wil­liams's In­terest. and Dr. Donne to succeed Carew in the Deanery of St. Paul's; at this time too St. David's Bishoprick was void, and the principal among those that put for it was Dr. Laud, a Man of great Learning. But, it seems, both the King and the Archbishop of Canter­bury were much bent against him, judging him to be a Man of too bold and hot a Spirit for those Times. So that there had been but small hopes for him, had not Buckingham set the Keeper on to move in his behalf; who by his great Importunity with (64.) the King, at last prevail'd for him, with much ado: For, says the King to him in a passion, as he went away, Then take him to you, but on my Soul you will repent it: And 'twas ominous, it seems. After this, the Lord Keeper retain'd Laud in his Prebend of West­minster, and about a Year after gave him a Living of about 120 l. per An. in the Diocess of St. David's, to help [Page 79] his Revenue; which being brought to him at Durham-House, beyond his Expectation, by Mr. William Winn, his Expression was, Mr. Winn, my Life will be too short to requite your Lord's Goodness. But how two Men so Great and so good should break out after into open Enmity is a Mystery to me at present. If I can hit upon any pro­bable account, by that time I come to speak of their Differences, the Reader shall have it: Else I shall not, I think, put my Invention upon the stretch, out of Prejudice to either Party: I being wholly unconcern'd as to either of them, any farther than that I am willing, as far as shall lie in my Power, to rescue the Memories of great and worthy Men from such Calumnies, as it is but too often their hard Fortune to be sullied withall: so ungrateful and sacrilegious are we to the Dead, to curry Favour with the Living; who, when their Turn comes (as who knows how nigh his own may be) to quit the World, are like to fare no better; if there be any thing to be gain'd by throwing Infamy, Reproaches, and such heavy Lumber upon their Graves, instead of raising Monuments for them. [Page 80] I would beg my Reader's Pardon for this Digression, but that would but inlarge it.

I proceed now to shew the Lord The Keep­er's Dili­gence in his Office. Keeper in his New Imployment; for I have already kept him longer idle than he would be content to be, were he now living. He was a Man (as we have seen before) of incomparable Na­tural Parts; but alas! under a load of Bus'ness they sink soon; and nothing but Application and incessant Industry can rub through all Incumbrances, and make clean Work. It is almost incre­dible what a perfect Drudge the Keeper was, especially when he first entred upon his Office: for long use and fa­miliarity makes all Bus'ness easy. It (53.) was in the end of Michaelmas Term that he first appear'd in Chancery, and in November the Parliament sate again, in which he was Speaker in the Lord's House: and he had in the Court of Chancery, besides the ordinary Bus'ness, several Causes, which were refer'd in the preceeding Session of Parliament to the succeeding Lord Keeper, to view the Orders of his Predecessor displac'd. And his Bus'ness at this time was so great, that he was forc'd [Page 81] to sit by Candle-light in the Court two hours before Day, and to remain there till between Eight and Nine; then to repair to his Office in the (54.) House of Lords till Twelve or One every Day. After a short Repast at Home, he return'd to hear the Causes in Chancery, which he could not dis­patch in the Morning: Or if he at­tended at Council in Whitehall, he came back towards Evening, and fol­low'd his Imployment in Chancery till Eight at Night, and later. After this, when he came Home, he perus'd what Papers his Secretaries brougt to him, and when that was done, tho' late in the Night, he prepar'd himself for the Lord's House next Morning. And (7.) all that liv'd in his Family, knew that it was ordinary with him, to begin his Studies at Six at Night, and to continue them till Three in the Morn­ing, and be ready again by Seven to attend his Imployment. When I read or hear of such great Examples as This, it makes me think with Re­gret, what a great many precious Hours we squander away; how we forget the great Errand we are sent upon, and let the Bus'ness of the [Page 82] World, and the Welfare of Mankind run all to havock, while we are either lazily stretching our selves in our Beds, or impertinently cutting out our Time into formal Visits, or idle Assigna­tions.

Upon the First Day of the Term, (71.) His En­trance upon his Office. when he was to take his Place in Court, he declin'd all the Pomp of an Inaugu­ration; and setting out betimes in the Morning, attended by the Judges, and some few more, he pass'd through the Cloisters into the Abby, and went with them into Henry the Seventh's Chappel, where he pray'd devoutly on his Knees almost a quarter of an Hour: Then rising up chearfully, he was conducted by his small Train to a mighty confluence, that expected him in the Hall. These he address'd himself to from the Bench of the Court of Chancery: I omit the Speech it self; but the Substance of what he spoke was, ‘To desire, that those Reasons (72.) His Speech. of State, which had thought it con­venient, to change the Governour of this Court from a Professor of our Municipal Laws, to some one of the Nobility, Gentry or Clergy of this Kingdom, might not create him any [Page 83] Envy. And tho' I dare not take upon me (says he) to account for these Reasons; yet peradventure this Court of Equity may be as soon perverted by too much, as too little Law: And the principal Qualifications for the well managing of it, seem to be, great Natural Abilities, and a large com­pass of Learning, with a sincere In­tegrity of Mind, rather than an exact Knowledge in the Quirks of the Law. Then he proceeds modestly to con­fess his own Insufficiency for so great a Place; but since it had pleas'd GOD (73.) and his Majesty to put him upon an Office, which was not of his own seeking, tho' at present he was unfit, yet he would endeavour all he could, to make himself fit; and the better to enable him, he would put his whole Trust and Confidence in GOD. To this he added some few Resolu­tions, by which he design'd to guide his Actions: as First, never to make any Decree that should cross the Grounds of the Common or Statute Laws. Secondly, never to encourage any Motion made at the Bar, which did not tend apparently to further and hasten the Hearing of the Cause. [Page 84] Thirdly, that without special Motives, he would not overthrow the Decrees of his Predecessors. Fourthly, to be as (74.) cautious as possible in referring Cau­ses, because it defer'd the hearing of them. Fifthly, he resolv'd that this Court should be no Sanctuary for un­discreet and desperate Sureties. Lastly, that he would follow the Rules of this Court as near as possibly he could.’

To make good Resolutions is doubt­less the Mark of an ingenuous Temper, His well or­dering of the Court of Chan­cery. but to keep them and practice according to them, shews a Man stanch and of sted­dy Principles. And whatever the Kee­per resolv'd, he had Courage and In­dustry enough to go through with it. When he had been some time in his Place to stock himself with Experience, never was the Court of Chancery bet­ter order'd, than in his Time. For (76.) he made it his Bus'ness to prevent all immethodical Pleadings, to cheek Ex­cursions, and hold the Council close to the Point. Immediately upon the opening of a Bill, he would direct the Pleaders, and suffer them to speak on­ly the very weight of the Cause. And so skilful did he grow in his Bus'ness, that when he had been in Office for [Page 85] two Terms, the Council at the Bar (who were Men of Worth and Judg­ment) approv'd of him very much. After he had spent three Years in Chan­cery, (200.) he was not a whit inferior to the best Judge for Sufficiency, to manage his Place. So that it is a Slander, that His De­crees never cancel'd. his Successor the Lord Coventry, re­vers'd many of his Decrees, and cor­rected his Errors. Let me (says Bi­shop (201.) Hacket) quote a couple of Wit­nesses, what they asserted of him; and they are (continues he) rightly pro­duc'd, as GOD shall judge. The Duke of Buckingham, in the beginning of Michaelmas Term 1624. desir'd the Lord Chief-Justice Hobart, to certify the King, that Williams, by reason of his Inabilities and Ignorance, was not fit for the Keeper's Place; and upon that, he would engage to throw him out, and that he should succeed him. My Lord (replies Hobart) somwhat might have been said at the first, but he should do the Lord Keeper great wrong that should say so now. The next is Mr. G. Evelin, one of the six Clerks, and in his Time the best Head­piece of the Office, who took pleasure in saying (as many yet know) that the [Page 86] Lord Keeper Williams had the most tow'ring, sublime Wit, that he ever heard speak; and that his Decrees in all Causes were just: that the Lord Coventry did seldom alter any thing he had settled before him, but upon new Presumptions, and that he spake of him always in Court very honou­rably. By that time too that he had Masters his Passion. spent three Years in the Court of Chan­cery he had obtain'd a very great com­mand over his Passion, (which was at first objected to him) and he carried all things with a mild and gentle Hand, would chide little, and bear much. How excellent he was for dispatching His great Dispatch in Bus'ness. Bus'ness, take this Account, which he gives of his first Year, in a Letter (74.) to the Lord Marquess: July 10. 1622. In this Place I have now serv'd his Majesty one whole Year, diligently and honestly; but to my Heart's grief, by reason of my Ráwness and Inexperience, very unprofitably. Yet if his Majesty will examine the Registers, there will be found more Causes finally ended this Year; than in all the seven Years pre­ceding: How well ended, I confess in­genuously, I know not. His Majesty and your Lordship (who, no doubt, have [Page 87] receiv'd some Complaints, tho' in your Love you conceal them from me) are in that the most competent Judges. His (75.) Dispatch (it seems) which was his great Excellency, was cry'd out against by some, and that Causes were cut off too soon. But it was not with him as with a corrupt Judge, that will put off a Hearing to a more convenient Season, as they call it.

Before I leave this Court to follow him to the Star-Chamber, I shall de­sire my Reader to laugh a little with me, at a diverting Passage which hap­pen'd about his first Entrance upon Chancery. And here I shall borrow Bishop Hacket's own Phrase, for the better Expressing of the Story. It hap­pen'd once, that one at the Bar (think­ing the Lord Keeper as a Novice, might be ignorant of the Terms of the Common-Law) trouled out a Mo­tion, cramm'd like a Granado with ob­solete Words, thinking with these misty (76.) Phrases, to bassle the new Judge: But he, with a serious Face, answer'd him in a cluster of crabbed Notions pick'd out of Metaphysicks and Logick; as Categorematical, and Syncategoremati­cal, and a deal of such drumming stuff, [Page 88] that the Motioner being foiled at his own weapon, and well laugh'd at in the Court, went Home with this new Lesson, That he that tempts a Wise Man in jest, shall make himself a Fool in earnest.

And now to view him in the Star-Chamber. His Pro­ceedings in the Star-Chamber. Here he kept up the Dignity of the Court, by driving away all those Contentious Squabbles, which might (82.) be better compounded at Home, by Countrey Justices; and admitting here only grave and weighty Causes, as no­torious Examples of Defamations, Per­juries, Riots, Extortions, and the like. Upon which Topicks his Speeches were admirable, and taken in short­hand by several. They were neither tedious nor virulent; for he did not love to heighten the Calamities of the Afflicted. And so pitiful was he in his Censures, that if there be an ex­treme in shewing Mercy, it was his Fault. He would excuse himself from (83.) inflicting any severe Bodily Punish­ment upon an Offender, by saying, That Councils had forbad Bishops from medling with Blood in a Judi­cial Form. So glad was he to have some pretence to be over Merciful. [Page 89] But once he did violence to his Na­ture, and the Occasion was this: One Floud had said, as was prov'd against him, That our Bishops were no Bi­shops, but only Lay-men, and usur­pers of that Title. Floud (says the Lord Keeper) since I am no Bishop in your Opinion, I will be no Bishop to you. I concur with my Lords (the like I never did before) in your Corporal Punishment. In Pecuniary Fines too, his Hand was so light, that the Lord Treasurer Cran­field complain'd against him to the King, for less'ning his Majesty's Fees. And he was as generous too in remit­ting his own; for when Sir Francis Inglefield blurted out before Witnesses, That he could prove this Holy Bishop-Judge had been brib'd by some that far'd well in ther Causes; the Bishop to (84.) clear himself, calls Sir Francis to make good his Words; which he being not able to do, a Fine of some thou­sands of Pounds was laid upon him, to be paid to the King and the Injur'd Party. Soon after, the Lord Keeper sends for the poor dejected Gentle­man, and told him, he would give him Demonstration, that he was above a Bribe; and for my part (says he) I for­give [Page 90] you ev'ry Penny of my Fine, and will beg of his Majesty to do the same. This piece of Generosity so vanquish'd Sir Francis, that he acknowledg'd his Fault, and was afterwards receiv'd into some degree of Friendship and Acquaintance with him. And now my Hand is in, I will give you another little Story, that shews much of his Averseness to Bribery. His Lordship (201.) being retired one Summer to Nonsuch-House, it chanced, as he was taking the Air in the great Park, that he cast his Eye on the little Village of Malden, from one of the Hills; and seeing there a New-built Church, he ask'd at whose Expence it was. Mr. George Minors, that attended him then, told his Lordship, who was the greatest Be­nefactor. And has he not a Suit de­pending now in Chancery? saith the Keeper; the very same, reply'd the other. And the same (returns the Keeper) shall not fare the worse for Building of Churches. When Mr. Mi­nors had told his Neigbour this, the next Morning he sent a Taste of the Fruits of his Orchard, and the Poultry in his Yard, to Nonsuch-House: Nay carry them back George (says the [Page 91] Keeper) and tell your Friend, he shall not fare the better for sending of Pre­sents.

But you'll say, this is but a trifle; and he that forfeits his Honour at so cheap a rate, must be both Fool and Knave. And it is impossible a Man should live at the rate he did, and expend such vast Sums, but he must have some By­way to enrich himself. To this I an­swer, Cabal. p. 409. He num­bers up Nine Pre­ferments, which he had when he was Dean of Westmin­ster. That he was liberal indeed, but then his Income was large by his Pre­ferments, and he knew well how to manage it to the best Advantage. Add to this, that he never feasted the King, and very rarely put himself to the charge of any Entertainments for the Courtiers. But what he did disburse was principally upon poor Scholars, and decay'd Gentlemen, whom he would thank any one to inform him of: And the Prisoners at the Gate-house were the better for his Charity every week. And thus with GOD's Blessing upon his Plenty, he was able to go a great way with his Purse.

Ay, but (says A. W.) Williams ex­ceeded Co. & Ch. p. 139. Bacon in the way of Bribery; answering by Petitions, in which his Servants had one part, himself another, [Page 92] and so was calculated to be worth to him and his Servants 3000 l. per An. a new way, never found out before. And (105.) true it is, that it was objected to him, That he dispatch'd a great many Causes by hearing Petitions in his Chamber; and this he did for the Relief of the Poor, from whom he could make no Advantage, either to himself or to his Secretaries. But he is not the first that has been accus'd for his Good Works. Some at the Bar, 'tis likely, were dissatisfied, because they had not a Glut of Motions. Therefore the Keeper, to secure himself from Mis­representations (the Bane of honest Statesmen) directs two Remonstrances, (106.) the first to the Lord Marquess, Sept. 8. the other to his Majesty, Octob. 9. 1622. In that to the Marquess, he protests, that he is fain to allow twenty pounds a Year to a Youth in his Chamber, to take care of the poor Men's Petitions, the Secretaries did so neglect them. In that to his Ma'esty, he declares, that he had observ'd in all Orders up­on Petition, the Cautions which he had receiv'd from him. Then, says he, I humbly crave your Majesty's Opinion, whether I may go on this way; for [Page 93] what reason have I to over-toil my self, in easing the Purse of the Subjects, if it be objected as a Crime against me, and be not a Service acceptable to your Majesty and the Realms? So the King approv'd of his proceed­ings. (107.) This Slander, as it troubled him very much, so he was diligent to clear himself from it; as appears not only from the Remonstrances, but likewise from a Letter of his at the same time Cabal. p. 292. to the Duke.

It is not sufficient to render an Of­ficer unblameable, that he be proof against Bribery. He must likewise have Courage enough not to dread the Malice and Ill-will of any, so long as he does his Duty; and so much rigid Ho­nesty as to stand out in a just Cause, against the Interest even of his dearest Friends, and greatest Benefactors: for there is one to whom we are all infi­nitely oblig'd more than to all the World beside, and that is GOD; whose Cause therefore can never be forsaken, without the blackest Ingratitude. This, I confess, is the greatest trial of Vir­tue; it being, doubtless, a harder In­junction to Humanity, to forsake our Friends for GOD's sake, than to love [Page 94] our Enemies. How secure the Lord Keeper was from the Wo, so justly denounc'd against them that fear Men more than GOD, the Reader may see from several Instances, extant in Bishop Hacket: And I shall make it evident (70, 71.) enough, if, omitting those Passages, I only mention his Courage, in with­standing Buckingham, when he saw just reason for it; for to be sure if he would not yield to him, that was not only the most powerful Courtier in his time, but likewise his very great Patron, no one will surmise that he stood in Aw of others. And so remarkable was (207.) his Resolution in sometimes crossing of this Great Favourite's Designs, when he saw weighty Reasons for it; that the King when in a pleasant mood would say, That he was a stout Man, that durst do more than himself: For the Duke, it seems, was so great with the Prince, that the King himself was forc'd in Policy to hide his Resent­ments from him. And his Majesty (208.) thank'd GOD in the presence of many, that he had put the Keeper into that place: For (says he) he that will not wrest Justice for Buckingham's sake, whom he loves, will never be cor­rupted [Page 95] with Money, which he never lov'd. And because the Keeper had liv'd fairly for the space of three Years upon the bare Revenues of his Office, and was not the richer by the sale of one Cursitor's place in all that Time; his Majesty gave him a Boun­tiful New-Years Gift, thinking it but reasonable to encourage him by his Liberality, that never sought after Wealth, by the sordid means of Extor­tion or Bribery.

I have given you a full View of the His Con­duct in Parlia­ment. Lord Keeper in Chancery, and in the Star-Chamber. In the next place I shall bring him into the Parliament-House, and see with what Prudence he behav'd himself there; a Station, perhaps, much more ticklish than either of the former. In the first Term that he (76.) came into Office, the Parliament sate Rush. Col­lect. p. 39. An. 1621. in its second Session Nov. 20. at which time by command from the King, he spake to both Houses: of which Speech thus my Lord Buckingham speaks in a Letter to him, dated November 24. I know not how the Upper-House of Par­liament approve of your Lordship's Speech, but I am sure he that called them together, and, as I think, can best [Page 96] judge of it, is so taken with it, that he saith, It is the best that ever he heard in Parliament, and the nearest to his Majesty's Meaning; which, be­side the Contentment it hath given his Majesty, hath much comforted me in the Choice of your Lordship; who in all things do so well answer his Expe­ctation.

Two remarkable occurences hap­pen'd The Keeper gives his Reasons why the Nobility should not swear by their Ho­nour. this Session that more immedia­tely relate to the Keeper. For when the Privilege of the Nobility was de­bated, and almost carried by a Majo­rity, that the Vouching of their Ho­nour should pass with them for an Oath; he prevented it, by the Force (77.) of the following Reasons. That the Word of GOD allows of no swearing in deciding of Controversies, and searching after Truth, but by his Name: That the last Appeal is ever to the highest; And that Vengeance belongs to none but GOD. To this he adds, That Singularities are ever to be suspected, and chanllenges any Man to shew that any other Oath, but in the Name of GOD, was us'd in so­lemn Tryals at that Day, in any Part of Christendom. He advises them to [Page 97] consider too, how loth the Gentry and Commonalty would be to intrust their Freehold to the protestation of Ho­nour. And these Considerations pre­vail'd with most. But the Debate con­tinuing very long that Morning; an aged Bishop, very infirm in Health, desired to be excused if he could not stay it out. With all our Hearts (said The Bishops affronted by some Lords Tem­poral. some Lords, that did not much reve­rence the Order) you may all of you troop Home as fast as you please; and the Earl of Essex, pressing it more passionately than any, desired to know if their Lordships were not content to throw the Doors wide open, and let all the Bishops out, if they would. Upon this, up stands the Keeper, and with a prudent Animosity, reply'd, ‘That if he were commanded, he would The Keeper speaks for them. put it to the Question, but to the King, and not to the House of Peers. For their Lordships, as well Spiritual as Temporal were call'd by the King's Writ, to sit and abide there, till the same Power dissolv'd them. And for my Lords Temporal, they had no Power to license themselves; much less to authorize others to depart from the Parliament:’ and so all was husht, [Page 98] And this very Passage, were there no more of the Lord Keeper remain­ing, is sufficient to shew him to be as Great a Man, as ever spoke in Par­liament.

At this time again the House of (81.) Commons and the King could by no The King and Com­mons dis­agree. Rush. Col­lect. p. 40, 41, &c. Cabal. p. 288. means agree; for they displeas'd him very much with their Petitions and Remonstrances, insomuch that his Ma­jesty in a Letter rebuk'd them severely: The harshness of which Answer, the Keeper advis'd might be mitigated and softned; for he could never bear, that there should be a Misunderstanding between the King and his People, if it were possible to prevent it. Never­theless, the Ferment by degrees work'd it self to such a height, that the King departed from them in his Wrath, and Rush. Col­lect. p. 54. dissolv'd them utterly by Proclama­tion, on the 6^th of January. This trou­bled the Keeper very much, who saw plainly of what dangerous Conse­quence this might be, and how much his Majesty trespass'd against the true Principles of English Policy, by quar­relling with his Parliament. And therefore he did all he could to per­swade the King to make it his earnest [Page 99] Endeavour to unite with them, when they were assembled next.

Upon Michaelmas Eve, Viscount An. 1621. Stow Chr. Mandevile, Lord Treasurer of England, surrender'd his Office up to the King, Lord Cran­field made L. Treasu­rer. and upon the next Day after but one, the Lord Cranfield was set in his place. The Keeper giving him his Oath, (104.) complimented him too with a short Speech at his Admission. So that as yet there was nothing in appearance but Friendship between Cranfield and Williams; tho' the Treasurer had cros­sed him in one or two Suits, which he regarded the less, because he knew him to be a little rough and surly by Nature to all People. But after the Dissolution of the preceding Parlia­ment, some of the Lords of the Council thought it advisable, to take off from the harshness of it, by a Pardon of Grace, for the Benefit of those that were question'd for old Debts and Duties to the Crown. And when the Lord Keeper had just brought it to a Head, in steps the Treasurer, and moves, That such as took out this Pardon, should pay the accustom'd Fees, to such Officers as he should appoint, that so he might at once in­rich [Page 100] the King and himself: which Proposal was laugh'd at, and rejected. Yet still he persisted to burden this Pardon with such Incumbrances, which must needs render it unacceptable; insomuch that it was lay'd aside, and debated no more. This as it got the Treasurer a great deal of Ill-will, so it redounded to the Keeper's Credit, who was one of the main Sticklers for the Pardon. This gall'd Cranfield Cranfield endeavours to ruin the Keeper. sorely, and set him upon endeavour­ing, first to make a Faction at Court against Williams: but having not suf­ficient Interest with the Great Ones, he tries another Trick. So he falls Cabal. p. 292. to Pen, Ink and Paper, and Draws up some pitiful Failings, interwoven with Fiction and Ignorance, against him; from which the Keeper found it a much ea­sier Task to clear himself, than his Ad­versary did at first to invent them. But P. 292. The Keeper clears him­self from his Accu­sations. yet he complains, in a Letter to the Marquess, as very sensible of the In­jury done him; whose Answer to him was, that his Adversary was not be­liev'd, and desired him to consider, that he had to do with one whose Ill­manners would give him no satisfa­ction: to which the Keeper replies, [Page 101] in another Letter, His Majesty's Ju­stice, P. 295. and your Lordship's Love, are Anchors strong enough for a Mind more toss'd than mine is, to ride at. Yet pardon me, my Noble Lord, upon this Consideration, if I exceed a little in Passion, the Natural Effect of Honesty and Innocency. A Churchman and a Woman, have no greater Idol under Heaven, than their Good Name: And they cannot fight, nor with credit scold, and least of all recriminate, to protect and defend the same. The only Re­venge left them is to grieve and to complain. Then he concludes; Whom I will either challenge before his Ma­jesty to make good his Suggestions, or else (which I hold the greater Valour, and which I wanted, I confess, before this Check of your Lordship's) go on in my Course, and scorn all these un­worthy Scandals, as your Lordship shall direct me. But for all this in a Month's space, they wrangled them­selves into very good Friends again; and the Keeper was Godfather to the Treasurer's next Child.

In the Year 1623. in Febr. The Par­liament (175.) met again, his Majesty think­ing A Call of Serjeants. it high time to enter into a Cor­respondence [Page 102] with his People once more. The Lord Keeper, foreseeing (110.) this, gets his Majesty to sign a Writ, for a Call of Serjeants; which accord­ingly was perform'd on May the 6^th. Thirteen of the best Repute being Fifteen, ac­cording to Stow. chosen, who on that Day made their Appearance before the Lord Keeper, sitting in the High Court of Chancery; from whence he saluted them with a Learned and Eloquent Oration, accord­ing to the Relish of those Times, that lov'd to have their Speeches embroi­der'd with Greek and Latin: As tho' the Confusion of Tongues at Babel had been absolutely necessary to compleat the Art of Oratory: But yet a Great Man must condescend to the Follies of the Times he lives in; and perhaps it were no impertinent Caution, to speak generally with the Vulgar, tho' we may think with the Wise. But, to go on with the Parliament: When they were met, and the King had (175.) ended his Speech to them, he was se­conded by the Lord Keeper; and so ended the first Day. On Saturday following, the 21. of the Month, the Keeper again declar'd his Majesty's Mind to the People: And so well was he (179.) [Page 103] approv'd of for a Speaker, that within three Days after, he had work enough, The Keeper desir'd to repeat the Duke's Account of the Spanish Treaty to the Parlia­ment. and too much of that Nature on his Hands. The Duke of Buckingham (it seems) had entertain'd the Lords and Commons in the Banqueting-house at Whitehall, with the whole Story of the Negotiation in Spain, and how well both the Prince and he had ma­naged their Conduct all along in that Affair; when at the same time (if we credit some Historians) the Duke's Behaviour in that Court was all im­prudent. But however (Nature mak­ing every Man Orator in his own Cause) he put a good Gloss upon it, and so tickled their Ears with his Ha­rangue, that they must have it over again the next Day, and the Keeper must be the Speaker. So he rubs up his Memory, draws up his Notes in haste upon three Sheets of Paper, and lays his whole Scheme according to the Duke's Model presented the Day before; for to err from that, he knew, would be no less than Treason. So, when the time was come, he be­gan The Duke is pleas'd with the Narration of it. his Speech, and held it on for four Hours together, without the least Hesitation or Repetition; and every (185.) [Page 104] thing was so methodical, so judicious and so graceful withal, that he never got more Applause in his Life for any thing of that kind: And so acceptable was it to the Duke himself (tho' then but a cold Friend) that he said, He knew not how to thank him enough for it.

I should be too particular should I (186.) The Kee­per's care to preserve Agreement between King and People. make it my Bus'ness to recount how very active the Keeper was in this Blessed Parliament (eminently so call­ed) for the publick good; how he studied to preserve a mutual Agree­ment between the King and his Peo­ple, by keeping up the Prerogative of the one, and maintaining the lawful Liberties of the other; how he would compose Discontents, and mollifie the Refractory, and oblige the leading Voices with Benefits, and what other Favours he thought might win upon them. I shall instance only in two Passages, how very tender he was of admitting the least occasion that might tend towards a Disgust any way between his Majesty and his Sub­jects. The Lord Treasurer Cranfield Cyprianus Angl. p. 123. (you are to understand) had disoblig'd the Prince, when he was in Spain, [Page 105] by disswading the King from those The occa­sion of Treasurer Cranfield's Disgrace. large Supplies, which were requir'd for the Maintaining of his Port in a Foreign Court. And he had lost himself with the Duke, by joining (as was thought) in some secret Pra­ctices, to lessen him in his Majesty's Favour. Now both the Prince and the Duke had sided with the Commons in drawing the King by their conti­nual Importunities to dissolve the Treaty; and the Commons must now take their Parts in prosecuting Cran­field. (186.) This Accident troubled the King mightily, who was then at Greenwich. He had put great Confidence in his Treasurer, and therefore try'd all he could to defend him: he sends for the Prince his Son, and charges him, That he should not be of any Party in either House; but all to no purpose; for the Duke had push'd him on so far, that there was no retreating. So his Majesty sent for the Lord Keeper, and told him plainly, That he would not make his Treasurer a publick Sa­crifice. ‘Sir (says the Keeper) I have The Keep­er's Advice to the King about the Treasurer. attempted amongst my surest Friends, to bring him off fairly: All shrink and refuse me; only the stout and pru­dent [Page 106] Lord Hollis adventur'd upon the Frowns of the Prince and Duke, and gave his Reasons, why Middlesex appear'd to him an Innocent. I were mad, if, for my part, I should not wish him to escape this Tempest, and be safe under the Harbour of your Majesty's Clemency. When I deli­berate upon him, I think of my self; 'tis his Fortune to Day, 'tis mine to Morrow. The Arrow that hits him is within an handful of me. Yet, Sir, I must deal faithfully; your Son the Prince is the main Champion, that encounters the Treasurer; whom if you save, you foil your Son. For tho' matters are carried by the whole Vote of Parliament, and are driven on by the Duke; yet they that walk in Westminster-Hall, call this The Prince's Undertaking; whom you will blast in his Bud to the Opinion of all your Subjects, if you suffer not your Old, and perhaps Innocent Ser­vant to be pluck'd from the Sanctuary of your Mercy. Necessity must ex­cuse you from Inconstancy or Cruelty.’ So with these Reasons the King was The Trea­surer is fin'd and imprison'd. perswaded to yield to the Headstrong Importunities of his Parliament; [Page 107] and the Treasurer was depos'd, fin'd Stow's Chron. a thousand Pounds, and committed to the Tower, on the 20^th of May 1624. But discharg'd thence again on the first of June next following. For, let but a People (like froward Chil­dren) have their Will, when they are bent upon it, and after the Heat is over with them, you may bring them to any thing, nay even to undo what they so passionately acted before. And it must be an inveterate Malice, indeed, that does not relent and grow mild, when the Revenge is over. [Page 108] Great-Seal: But the Lord Keeper looking it over, after he had consider'd upon it, sends it back without the Seal, with his Advice in a Letter, That The Letter is in Bishop Hacket. his Majesty would be pleas'd (if he had no private Reasons to the con­trary to make it, according to the Me­thods propos'd by him, a little more palatable and agreeing to the People, before it was publish'd. And when (110.) the King had read the Letter, and saw how very reasonable the Advice was, he alter'd every thing according to the Keeper's Directions. To this I His Advice concerning the Gene­ral Pardon for the Pa­pists. might add, what occurs to me at this present, his great Care to prevent Jea­lousies amongst the People, when his Majesty (the Treaty then going on with Spain) sent, to have the Great-Seal Cabal. p. 297. put first to a General Pardon of all Offences past, with a Dispensation for those to come, to all the Roman Catholicks: And then, upon that, to issue forth two General Commands un­der the Great-Seal; the First, to all the Judges and Justices of the Peace; and the Second, to all Bishops, Chancel­lors and Commissaries, not to execute any Statute made against them. ‘The General Pardon (says the Keeper) [Page 109] we have pass'd in as full and ample a Manner as they could desire or pen it. The other General and Vast Prohibition I prevail'd with the rest of the Lords to stop, for these Rea­sons. First, because the Publishing of this General Indulgence at one push, might beget a general Discon­tent, if not a Mutiny, but the Instil­ling thereof into the People's Know­ledge by little and little, would not shock them so much. Secondly, be­cause to forbid the Judges and Justi­ces of Peace against their Oaths, who are sworn to execute the Law of the Land, is a thing unpresidented in this Kingdom, and would be a harsh and a bitter Pill to digest, without some Preparative. Thirdly, his Ma­jesty useth to speak to his Bishops, Judges and Justices of the Peace, by his Chancellor or Keeper, and by the Great-Seal; and I can signifie his Majesty's Pleasure to them with less Noise and Danger, especially by declaring unto them the neces­sity of these Proceedings at this Juncture of Time.’ All these Instan­ces laid together, sufficiently manifest [Page 110] his Opinion, That where a King and People disagree, they are like a House divided against it self; for it is impossible, in such a posture, that ei­ther of them should stand long.

Now we have pass'd through the An Ac­count of the Keeper as a Privy Counsellor Bus'ness of Chancery, Star-Chamber, and Parliaments, let us at last retire with him to the Council-Board: A Retirement indeed, such as becomes a Wiseman, and a Philosopher; not Retirement from Bus'ness, but from the Eyes of the Vulgar. This, tho' I mention it last of all, was yet the Office that he was first honour'd with in the State, being made Privy Coun­sellor, before he was made L. Keeper. And here (as Bishop Hacket very well (84.) observes) a great part of the Work is done in secret and behind the Cur­tain, and by consequence escapes our Sight, and very often our Knowledge. So that from what we know, we can­not but imagine, that much greater Matters were transacted, that are to us as tho' they had never been. He, that undertakes the Province of a Counsellor, had need of a Head well stored with Politicks, a Heart steell'd with Honesty, and a Spirit truly Pub­lick, [Page 111] and jealous of his Countrey's Good and Honour: For, as Igno­rance is blind, and therefore but a bad Pilot in a troubled State, so Craft is short-sighted ever, and never looks beyond it self; and a Cunning-man may insnare his Prince, but never can advise. What a great Opinion his Ma­jesty had of the Keeper's Wisdom, as it appears from several other passa­ges, so more particularly from this, that Ludowick Duke of Richmond should tell him, that the King listned to him before any Minister of State: And that he did the oftner, because if his Majesty were moody, or any way out of Humour, the Keeper would bring him to his Lure with some fa­cetious and pleasant Dash of Wit or other. He was likewise judg'd a great Abetter of his Nation's Honour and Interest; which was the Reason, that he was imploy'd by his Majesty more than all the rest, to Negotiate with Embassadors; in which Affairs it is an easy Matter to disgrace one's Coun­trey, if there be wanting either Con­duct or Courage.

Thus you see how well he was qua­lified The Rules he follow'd in Council. for the great Trust of a Coun­sellor. [Page 112] And I find (says Hacket) by his own Confession remaining in some Papers, that he was beholding to the Lord Egerton's Directions, which were these: First, in all Advice to speak from the bottom of the Heart, with­out any reserve: Secondly, when any thing was propos'd, to examine first of all if it were just; for he that will make bold with GOD for Reasons of State, is not to be trusted by Man: in the next place, if it were for the Honour of the King; and lastly, if it were for the Advantage of Posterity, as well as for the present Good. To which he added this weighty Apho­rism, To ripen great Matters by Deli­beration. (85.) And his humble Request to his Majesty was, that Counsels should not be whisper'd by one or two in private, but be deliver'd openly at the Board, by sworn Counsellors. His Advice in General to him was, to fol­low former Precedents in all things, as much as possible: To let private Causes and Actions of Meum and Tuum be confin'd to the Common-Law, and not be admitted to the Council-Board, which his Majesty observ'd at his Re­quest; to call Parliaments often, and [Page 113] to keep in with them; never by his Prerogative to abridge the Sub­jects Liberty, and the Rights of the Laws; and lastly to moderate his pro­fuse Expences, and so to give, that there might be something left for the Prince his Son to give after him: But that (it seems) was a Lesson he could never teach him; tho' he did all he could to make his Admonitions sink into him, by nicking the Seasons for speaking, as particularly before a Sa­crament, and at such times, as he thought his Majesty might be best di­spos'd to receive good Impressions.

I come now to give you a particular The King advises with the Keeper a­bout the Match with Spain. Instance or two, wherein he serv'd his Gracious Master by his great stock of Wisdom, and marvellous Skill in Politicks. And here will naturally fall in what he acted while the Prince was in Spain. The King never advis'd (115.) with the Keeper, nor any of his Cour­tiers before his Son went over; (tho' some then suspected that Williams was privy to it) but when he came from New-Market to Whitehall, which was on the 30^th of March, when first he An. 1623. saw the Keeper, smiling he ask'd him, ‘Whether he thought this Knight-Errant [Page 114] Pilgrimage would be lucky to win the Spanish Lady, and to con­vey her shortly into England? Sir, (says Williams) If my Lord Marquess will give Honour to Conde Duke Oli­vares, and remember he is the Favou­rite of Spain, or if Olivares will shew honourable Civility to my Lord Mar­quess, remembring he is a Favourite of England, the Wooing may be prosperous. But if my Lord Mar­quess should forget where he is, and not stoop to Olivares; or if Olivares, forgetting what Guest he hath receiv'd with the Prince, bear himself haugh­tily, and like a Castilian Grandee to my Lord Marquess; the Provocation may be dangerous to cross your Ma­jesty's good Intentions. And I pray GOD that either one, or both of them do not run into that Error.’ This shews that he understood the Court of Spain at that time, as well as if he had been a Minister there. And the The Keeper furthers it, and be­friends Bucking­ham. King, sensible of this, desir'd his As­sistance in this Business to the utmost of his power; and told him moreover, that if he would serve him faithfully in this one thing, He would never part with him. So the Keeper bethought (117.) [Page 115] himself Night and Day, how to ma­nage this Affair, and what Advice to give; and he sent Letters upon Let­ters The Letters are in Hac­ket, p. 16, 17, &c. to the Duke and Prince. Now Williams was glad that he had an Op­portunity given him of Serving his great Benefactor, and expressing his Gratitude, which glow'd within his Breast. He sent Letters to Count Gondamar, to make Buckingham the (119.) more acceptable in that Court; where­in he desir'd of the Count, That he would do that Justice to the Marquess, as to make his Character known, for a Person of a wondrous deal of Ge­nerosity and Good-nature, with abun­dance more to his Commendation. And upon such Occasions it is that a Man stands most in need of a Friend; for I may speak for another, tho' I cannot with any Modesty for my self. More­over, (117.) he did all he could to preserve his Repute fair, both with the King and People, when in his Absence seve­ral Things were lay'd to his charge; and he would send him a particular Account of all the Occurrences at Court; that so he might not be tre­pan'd, before he was aware: And happy sure are Men in great Places, [Page 116] that are bless'd with such Friends, as perhaps, while they are sleeping secure­ly, like their Guardian-Angels, are ever wakeful, and tender of their Charge, and ready upon all Occasions to dis­appoint the Treacherous and Mali­cious Designs, that are ever forming against the Great. Yet, for all this, after the Prince and Duke came over again, the Keeper declin'd apace in the Duke's Favour; the Occasion of which will be fitter to be discover'd (if so be a true Discovery may be made at all, since the Springs of most Men's Actions are so dark) when we shall come to speak of his Fall, and the Causes thereof.

A little after this, when he had been (208.) The Kee­per's Ad­vice to the King about a Provision for the Palsgrave's Children. now in Office about three Years and an half, he gave another proof of his great Abilities in Counsel. The Trea­ties in Spain being laid aside, and new ones set on foot in France, there was but small hopes of recovering the Pa­latinate; which was the Occasion of a great deal of Concern to his Majesty, because he could no way foresee how his Grand-Children (which were then but young) would be able to subsist, when they grew to be Men, without [Page 117] being very chargeable to England. ‘Sir, says the Lord Keeper, will you be pleas'd to listen to me, taking in the Prince's Consent, of which I make no doubt, and I will shew, how you shall furnish the Second and Third Brothers, with Preferments sufficient to maintain them, that shall cost you nothing. (Breed them up for Scho­lars in Academical Discipline; keep them strictly to their Books, with such Tutors as will teach them not to abuse themselves with vain Hopes upon the Greatness of their Birth. If they fall to their Studies, design them for the Bishopricks of Durham and Win­chester, when they become void. If that happen in their Nonage (which is probable) appoint Commendato­ries to discharge the Duty for them for a laudable Allowance, but gather­ing the Fruits for the Support of your Grand-Children, till they come to Vi­rility to be consecrated. George Duke of Anhault, having Ministerial Gifts, was Ordain'd into that Holy Calling at Madgeburgh, and yet put to no Shifts; as Melancthon is my Author, and many more. The Priestly Office was esteem'd from the beginning fittest [Page 118] for the best Gentlemen, for the First­born, among them that serv'd the True GOD. And the Romans, who serv'd them that were no Gods, (209.) learn'd it at Athens from Theseus, that Citizens of the Noblest Blood, should be train'd up in the Know­ledge of Sacred Things, and be made the Administrators of Divine My­steries. And I aim at another Bene­fit, wherein I praise GOD, that I am assured your Majesty will concur with me, That the Office of a Bishop, im­prudently by many maligned (I might charge them with a worse crime) will be the more Inviolable, when the Branches of your Royal Stock have so great an Interest in it. And such provi­sion is needful against Schismatical At­tempts, both for Religion's sake, and the Publick Weal. For if such great Superstructions should fall, all would come to ruin that is round about them. I will yet go further: If your Majesty think a Bishoprick, tho' of the best kind, too little for either of them, you may be pleas'd to annex to each of them one of your Princi­pal Offices of State, as you find them trusty and discreet.’ When he had [Page 119] ended, As I live (says the King) I will follow this Direction; I thank you heartily for it; and I account, that it will save me more than the worth of a Subsidy. But the Counsel as good as it was, it seems, was never put into execution; which was no fault of the Lord Keeper's.

I proceed now to a very Remark­able Inoiosa's Plot a­gainst the Prince and Duke. Instance of his Policy, that will shew how very vigilant he was to pro­cure Intelligence of all secret Pro­ceedings at Court, and how fit a Per­son he was to be consulted in a Diffi­culty, and to unravel Plots. You must (195.) understand, when the Prince and Duke return'd from Spain, they commented so upon the Proceedings of that Court in the Treaty, that the Parliament was full of Invectives and Resentments against it. Inoiosa, the Spanish Am­bassador at our Court, hearing of this, he sets his Head on work, to make a Breach between the King and his Par­liament; and likewise to set him against the Prince and the Duke, who, he knew well enough, were the main Per­sons concern'd. So with much ado at last, he gets an Opportunity (for he was never permitted to be in private [Page 120] with the King, by reason of the jea­lousy the Prince and the Duke had of him) to convey a Paper privately into There is a a Copy of it in Hacket. his Majesty's Hand, in which were Articles drawn against the Prince and Duke, and ill Surmises against the Parliament. The Prince and Duke's fomenting the Parliament at this time against Treasurer Cranfield, whom the King (as we said before) was very de­sirous to save, might, with some other suspicious Occurrences at this Jun­cture, confirm his Majesty's Jealousies. And so far did this Contrivance pre­vail (196.) The King jealous of the Prince and Duke. upon the King, that he grew sullen and thoughtful, and would entertain the Prince and Duke with no Dis­course, but Riddles and broken Sen­tences, that like flashes of Lightning from a black Cloud, shew'd a Storm gathering within. Immediately they conclude all was not right; and upon Inquiry, they found, that the Spanish Secretary, and Maestro the Jesuit had been with the King, and that some of the Ambassador's House had made their Brags, That they had nettled the Duke, and that a Train would take Fire speedily, to blow up the Parliament. The King amidst his great Anxieties [Page 121] prepares to go to Windsor, thinking perhaps to leave his Cares behind him. So in the End of April, being Saturday in the Afternoon, he takes Coach, and his Son along with him, but makes some slight Pretence to leave Bucking­ham behind, as he was putting his Foot into the Coach. At that Tears burst from him, and he humbly requested his Majesty to tell him his Offence, that he might confess it, or clear him­self: To which the King reply'd only (with a Sigh) That he was the greatest (197.) Wretch living, to be forsaken of those that were dearest to him: which Ex­pressions drew Tears on both sides; but the King drove away for Windsor, and left the disconsolate Duke behind. The Keep­er's Ad­vice to the Duke.

Now the Lord Keeper was a Man that spar'd no cost for the best Intelli­gence he could purchase of Court-Occurrences; and he would often say, That without a deal of Money, it was impossible to be a Statesman. And of this Accident, his Scout had brought the best Account he could from what he saw, for he heard little. So away he goes to the Duke, then all in Sor­row at Wallingford-House; and with much ado, gains admittance to him [Page 122] After solemn Protestations of the great Concern he had for him, and his earnest Desires to serve him, he begs of his Grace, that he would make haste for Windsor, and shew himself to his Majesty, before Supper was over; to carry himself withall the winning Ad­dress imaginable, and to keep Night and Day close to his Person. For the Danger was, lest any one should get the King's Ear, and perswade him to dissolve the Parliament, and upon the Dissolution of it, get his Grace thrown into the Tower, and then GOD knows what might follow. Lose no time, I beseech your Grace (says he) and lock up this Advice in your Breast. The Duke, returning him hearty Thanks, posts away to Windsor, and comes there unexpected. To be sure he ac­quainted the Prince with the Occasion of his coming: So that his Highness The Prince consults the Keeper, who detects the whole Plot. was early next Monday Morning at the Lord's House (before they sate) to speak with the Keeper. And taking him aside into a Lobby, he thanks him for the Counsel he gave Buckingham: ‘And (says he) you that have gone thus far, may receive greater Thanks of us both, if you will spread open [Page 123] this black Contrivance, which hath lost him the good Opinion ofmy Fa­ther, and I my self am in little better Condition. Sir (says the Keeper) let my Soul suffer for Falshood, if I know any more, than that some in the Spanish Ambassador's House have been preparing Mischief, and have infus'd it abour four Days since into his Ma­jesty. But the Curtain of Privacy is drawn before the Picture, that I cannot guess at the Colours. Well, my Lord (says the Prince) if that be the Picture­drawer's Shop, no Counsellor in this Kingdom is better acquainted than your self with the Works and the Workmen. I might have been (says the Keeper) and I am pang'd like a Woman in Travail, till I know what Mis-shapen Creature they are draw­ing. But your Highness and my Lord Duke, have made it a Crime to send unto that House, and they are afraid to do it who are commanded from his Majesty. It is a Month since I have forbidden the Servants of that House to come at me. But, says the Prince, I will make that Passage open to you again without Offence, and en­terprize any way to bring us out of [Page 124] this Wood, wherein we are lost. Only before we part, keep not from me, how you came to know or imagine, that the Spanish Agents have charg'd Buck­ingham to my Father with high Mis­demeanors, or perhaps Disloyalty. I would hear you to that Point, that I may compare it with other Parcels of my Intelligence. Sir (says the Keeper) I will go on directly with you. An­other perhaps would blush, when I tell you with what Heifer I plow; but knowing mine Innocency, the worst that can happen, is to expose my self to be laugh'd at. Your High­ness has often seen the Ambassador's Secretary, Don Francisco Carondelet: I have discover'd him to be a Wanton, and a Servant to some of our English Beauties, but above all to one of that (198.) gentle Craft in Mark-Lané. A Wit she is, and one that must be courted with News and Occurrences at Home and Abroad, as well as with Gifts. I have a Friend that brib'd her in my Name, to send me a faithful Convey­ance of such Tidings, as her Para­mour Carondelet brings to her. All I instructed the Duke in, came out of her Chamber. And she hath well [Page 125] earn'd a piece of Plate or two from me, and shall not be unrecompenc'd for this Service, about which your Highness doth use me, if the Drab can help me in it. Truly, Sir, this is my Dark Lanthorn, and I am not asham'd to enquire of a Dalilah to resolve a Riddle; for in my Studies of Divinity, I have glean'd up this Maxim, Licet uti alieno Peccato; tho' the Devil make her a Sinner, I may make good use of her Sin. Yea, (says the Prince merrily) do you deal in such Ware? In good faith, Sir (says the Keeper) I never saw her Face.’ And so this Conference ended.

Since the Keeper had gone thus far A signal Instance of the Keeper's Policy. in this Intrigue, he was resolv'd to go through with it, and to sift the Mat­ter to the Bottom; which he knew he should never be able to do, except he had an Opportunity of pumping the Secretary Francisco, who had (by the Duke's Orders) been forbid the Keeper's House above a Month since. If he should meerly send for him, with­out any pretence, it would look (he thought) a little suspicious, and then the Secretary would be much upon the Reserve, and not open himself so [Page 126] freely. As the Keeper was musing upon this Difficulty, he chopt upon this lucky Thought: He orders his Pursi­vant Captain Toothbie, to seize upon an English Priest lodging in Drury-Lane, whom Francisco (as the Keeper knew) lov'd intirely. The poor Se­cretary, as soon as he heard of his Friend's Misfortune, was in a woful Taking, knowing the Law, and how severe the Parliament then sitting would be, if he should be brought to his Trial. He had been banish'd the Keeper's House long since, and he knew no body else, that was able to assist him in his Friend's behalf. Prest with these Difficulties, he saw it was no time, in a Matter of so great con­cern, to be over-modest, and to stand upon Punctilios: so he sent an humble Request to the Lord Keeper, to be ad­mitted to him that Day, tho' he should never see his Face again. With a seeming Unwillingness, it was granted him; but then he must be very private, and not venture before eleven at Night, and then to come by the Back-door of the Garden, where a Servant should recieve him. So at his Hour he came, and at first sight of his Lordship breaks [Page 127] out abruptly, That nothing but a Mat­ter as dear unto him as his Life, should have forc'd him to break Rule, to offend his Lordship with his presence. And then in a very passionate manner he begs that he would obtain his Friend's Enlargement for him, who was newly taken up. And would you have me (says the Keeper) run such a Hazard, to set a Priest at Liberty, a Dead Man by our Statutes, when the Eye of the Parliament is so vigilant upon the Breach of Justice, especially in this kind, to the sadding of our Godly Men, who detest them that creep here out of Se­minaries, above all Malefactors, because they come with an Intent to pervert them, who have liv'd in the Bosom of our Church. ‘My Lord (says Francisco) let not the Dread of this Parliament trouble you; for I can tell you, if you have not heard it, that it is upon Expiration.’ By this means the Kee­per was got into the Out-Works of the Project, and play'd so artificially with the Secretary, that he soon took the Main Fortress. He kept him with him till Two in the Morning; by which time he had pick'd out of him the Heads of all the Articles in the Paper convey'd be­fore [Page 128] into the King's Hand. And after this, to gratify him, he calls for the Pursivant (who was at hand) and or­ders him immediately to free the Priest, but upon this Condition, that he should cross the Seas that Day, or the next, that so he might secure himself from danger in what he had done: And then the Lord Keeper and Don Francisco parted with much shew of Love on both sides, each having compass'd his Designs. By this time (I make account) my Reader cannot but smile, to see how dextrously the whole Bus'ness was manag'd; and how prettily and innocently too a Person of neat Wit may carry on his own Interest, when you would think he was earnest a­bout another Man's Bus'ness; so con­sistent are two contrary Motions at the same time in Policy, as well as in the Workings of Nature.

But to make an End of our Story: The Keeper having di­scover'd Inoiosa's Plot, ac­quaints the Prince with it. Cabal. p. 300. Soon as Francisco was gone, the Kee­per fell to Recollecting the whole Conference that had pass'd between them. As fast as it occurr'd, he lay'd it down in Writing, and slept never a wink that Night, nor stirr'd out of the Room till Seven in the Morning; [Page 129] by which time he had drawn up a fair Copy of the whole Matter; which he presented to the Prince immediately in St. James's, and told him. He had the Viper and her Brood in a Box. Upon this the Prince was for posting away for Windsor: Nay, Sir (says the Keeper) let your Highness be pleas'd to take my Peti­tion along with you: Where is it? says the Prince. In my Mouth, replies he: for I humbly beg, that you will conceal me in all that I have done in this Mat­ter; and as you tender my Life, to keep the Knowledge of this from your Father. I have committed two great Crimes in a Sworn Counsellor; First, to search into the King's Counsels, which he would should not be opened; Secondly, when I have found them out, to discover them, tho' to your Highness. So the Prince parting with him, gave him assurance of Secresy; and coming to Windsor, he shews Buckingham the Papers. Af­ter The King is recon­cil'd to the Prince and Duke. which, they both desire immediate Admittance to his Majesty, which be­ing granted, they present the Writing to him. He read it all deliberately, and often stopping, would say, 'Tis well, very well; and an enlivening Spi­rit danc'd in his Eyes. Then he em­brac'd [Page 130] his Son and Buckingham, pro­testing, he was very sorry, that a par­cel of Traytors should ever make him jealous of them; but now that all was right again. And that you may know (says his Majesty) how little you shall pay me for Reconciliation, I ask no more, but to tell me who is your Engi­neer, that struck these Sparks out of the Flint, and lighted the Candle, to find the Groat that was lost. The Prince was silent, and the Duke vow'd he knew not the Author. Well (says the King) I have a good Nostril, and will answer mine own Question; My Keeper had the main Finger in it; I dare swear it was he that bolted the Flower, and made it up into this Paist. Sir (says the Prince) I was precluded by my Promise not to reveal him, but I never promis'd to tell a lye for him: Your Majesty hath hit the Man. And GOD do him good for it (says the King) I need not tell you both what you ow him for his Service; and he hath done himself this Right with me, that I discern his Sufficiency more and more So by this Discovery the Keeper did not only do a signal Service to the Prince and Duke, but likewise to his Majesty; who 'tis ten [Page 131] to one had quarrelled out-right with his Parliament, had he not been thus convinc'd of his groundless Fears.

You may gather from these and some other Passages, in this Part of the Life, how prudent and how service­able a Counsellor he was to his Ma­jesty, and to his great Patron and first Raiser, the Duke of Buckingham. And now I am upon this Part of his Cha­racter, I will give you an Instance or two more of his Services to the Duke: by which put altogether, you may see how little he deserv'd the usage he af­terwards receiv'd from his Hands.

In the Year 1622. the Jesuits had The Coun­tess of Bucking­ham turns a Papist. Cypr. Ang. p. 100. made (what they very much coveted) a Proselyte of the Countess of Buck­ingham; and upon this the People were jealous that there was danger of the Duke's being influenc'd by his Mo­ther, (171.) and so that from the Duke, the Contagion would seize his Majesty, and at last from the King, spread it self among the People. The Lord Keeper saw plainly how these Conclusions af­fected the People, and multiplied their Discontents; which, for ought any one knew, might gather such a Head, as to prove fatal in the ensuing Parliament. [Page 132] Therefore to secure his Majesty, and the Duke especially from being suspe­cted, he advises him thus. ‘It is time (172.) The Keep­er's Advice to the Duke about his Mother. to let your Lordship know, That by the Countess your Mother's Depart­ing from our Church, the Mouth of Clamour is open'd; That now the Recusants have a potent Advocate to plead for their Immunity, which will increase their Number. When this is bandy'd in the High and popular Court by Tribunitial Orators, what a Dust will it raise? Therefore to satisfy the People, your Mother must be invited or provoked to hear Debates between Learned Men, speaking to those Points of Controversy that have stagger'd her. Let her Ladiship bring her Cham­pions with her. Entertain her with many of these Conferences: let them be solemn as can be devis'd, the King himself being ever present at the Di­sputes; and the conflux of Great Per­sons, as thick as the Place will permit. Let your Lordship's Industry and Ear­nestness be conspicuous, to catch at every Twig of Advantage, much more to give Applause to every solid Rea­son, which may bring your Mo­ther Home to a Sound Mind again. [Page 133] If her Ladiship recovers of her Un­stableness by these Applications, you have won a Soul very precious to you, and will raise your self up into the Fame of a sincere Protestant. But if the Light within her be Darkness, and that she frustrate all Hopes of her Reparation, the Notice of your Lord­ship's pious Endeavours will fill the Kingdom with a good Report.’ The Laud, Wil­liams and White dis­pute against Fisher the Jesuit. Duke follows the Advice; the Con­ferences are set on foot, and his Ma­jesty was Superintendent at them. Fisher the Jesuit being the Lady's Champion; he was oppos'd strongly by Dr. White, then Dean of Carlisle, but especially by Dr. Laud (as may be seen by the Controversy publish'd af­ter) Bishop of St. David's; and the Cypr. Ang. p. 101. Lord Keeper (says his cold Friend Dr. Heylyn) put in a Word or two some­times: But if we credit Bishop Hacket, in the Second Conference, the Lord Keeper manag'd a Formal Dispute with Fisher, as White did in the First, and Laud did in the Third. And why we have nothing of his extant con­cerning this Controversy (as we have from both the other) Bishop Hacket gives us no Reason; except we will [Page 134] be satisfy'd with what he says of the Keeper in another place, and upon an­other Occasion; That he never wrote (35.) any thing with Intention to let the World see it, unless necessity constrain'd him. But for all the great Abilities and Learn­ing (173.) of the Disputants on our side, the Lady remain'd still unconverted; ne­vertheless the Duke gain'd his Point, and the Event was as the Keeper fore­told it.

What I am going to mention next, if remembred by my Reader when he comes to the next Part, will give some small Insight into the Reasons of his declining in the Duke's Favour: For tho' it was on the Keeper's side a sin­cere piece of Friendship, yet 'tis a Question whether the Duke took it as such. Buckingham, you know very well, had a Grudge against Spain; to fatisfy which he must needs make War upon it. All that he wanted was Mo­ney, (202.) to maintain the War; and he saw The Keeper disswades the Duke from sell­ing the Crown-Lands. no speedy way of raising such vast sums as he needed, but by compassing the sale of some of the Crown-Lands; which he was resolv'd to endeavour. The Keeper was at this time newly recover'd from a desperate Fever and [Page 135] Flux, and durst not venture Abroad; therefore so soon as he heard what dangerous Courses the Duke was fall­ing into, he sends him the following Letter, dated Octob. 21. 1623.

[Page 137] Nor did the Freedom of the Kee­per's (203, 204, &c.) Advice rest here; for when the The Keeper disswades the Duke from sell­ing Church Lands. Duke was much about the same time (in prosecution of his Designs to raise Money) set on to procure a sale of some Church-Lands, he then came out of his Chamber, to disswade his Lord­ship from it by all means. But altho' the Keeper prevail'd for the present with his Arguments, yet one may rea­sonably conclude, he got but little Good-will at the bottom from the Duke for all his Pains: for Great Men generally take wholsom Counsels, as one would a bitter Draught: We can­not help making sour Faces at it, tho' we know it is for our Good. And thus I have done with the Keeper, consider'd in every Respect as a States­man. And I shall only add a few Things more, that happen'd towards the lat­ter end of King James's Reign, which to avoid Confusion I am forc'd to in­sert here by themselves.

The peaceful Reign of King James (209.) A Treaty of Marri­age with France. drew toward a Conclusion; when the Treaty about the Marriage with France was first set on foot. The Business had An. 1624. gone on for some time, before the L. Keeper's Advice was sought for. Ne­vertheless, [Page 138] as he studied the Spanish Language during that Negotiation, so now he took a Frenchman to be his Servant, and to assist him in attaining the French. And as in the former The Keeper gets our Li­turgy tran­slated into French. Treaty he had order'd a Translation of our Liturgy into Spanish by Taxeda, and printed it at his own cost; so now he got it turn'd into French by Mons. Delaun, Minister then of the French Church in Norwich. The Ambassa­dors (210.) to our Court from France were the Marquess Fiatte, the Great Fin­nancer, and Monsieur Villoclare, one of the Principal Secretaries. They had Audience from the King at Cambridge; who (after their Return to London) sent a Message to the L. Keeper to en­tertain them and their Train, upon the Wednesday following; which (accord­ing to their Computation by the New Style) was Christmas Day with them. So the Keeper sent to invite them to Sup The Keeper entertains the French Ambassa­dors. with him: And the Entertainment was prepar'd in the Jerusalem-Chamber at Westminster College. But before Sup­per, he gave them first an Episcopal Col­lation; for the Ambassadors with all their Attendance were brought in at the North-Gate of the Abby, which [Page 139] was stuck with Torches every where within and without. At the Door of the Quire, the Keeper desir'd their Lordships to go in, and seat themselves for a while, assuring them that nothing should be done that might be in the least offensive to them. So the Am­bassadors with their Train fill'd the Stalls, where they continued about half an Hour, while Choiristers in their richest Habits, sung three Anthems; during which time they all stood un­cover'd, excepting Monsieur Villoclare. While a Verse was playing, the Keeper Presents them with our Litur­gy. presented the Ambassadors, and those of the best Quality that were with them, with our Liturgy in their own Language; saying at the Delivery of the Books, ‘That their Lordships at their Leisure might read in that Book, in what Form of Holiness our Prince worship'd GOD; wherein he durst say, nothing savour'd of any Corru­ption of Doctrine, much less of He­resy, which he hoped would be so reported to the Lady Princess Hen­rietta.’ After this, when they went out, they took all their Books along with them, except Villoclare, and his was brought after him, as if he had forgot it.

[Page 140] There was at this Time present a An Abbot has the Cu­riosity to be present at our Divine Service. Gentleman that held an Abbacy in a Lay-Capacity; who, after he had read over our Prayer-Book, had a great Mind to be present in Westminster Abby, upon Christmas Day in the Morning, that he might see and hear how we solemniz'd that great Feast, for which we were so much blam'd Abroad. Whereas our Common-Prayer (211.) Book, tho' it was not imbroidered so thick with Ceremonies, yet he thought it wanted not such as might give a Decency to our Service. But least he might give Offence to any of his own Party, he desir'd he might be plac'd where no Body could see him, and that he might have an Interpreter of the Liturgy to assist him. The Lord Keeper was forward to meet him in his Request; and a place was contriv'd a-loft for him, with a Lattice and Curtains to conceal him. His Lord­ship perform'd all the Service of the Day himself, that it might be done with greater Decency. And after, And he ap­proves of our Wor­ship. when they came to discourse about it, the Abbot said, he perceiv'd that we had been basely traduc'd, and that all he had heard of us was false. ‘And tho' [Page 141] I deplore your Schism (says he) from the Catholick Church, yet I should bare false Witness, if I did not confess, that your Decency, which I observ'd at that holy Duty, was very allowable in the Consecrator and Receivers.’ So, after some further Conferences (212.) upon these Matters, they parted with mutual Smiles and Embraces. I have dwelt the longer upon this Narra­tion, to shew not only the Credit that was done to our Church and Liturgy by the Keeper, but likewise to let my Reader see, what little Reason there is to suspect him for one that stood not well affected to our Church Discipline.

As the Court of Spain, during the Villoclare petitions for Immu­nities for the Papists. Treaty with them, took the Oppor­tunity of Mediating in behalf of the Papists in England; so likewise now Mr. Villoclare (a great Zealot) was set on by them, to make large and unrea­sonable Demands in Favour of them, and to press the granting of his Requests home, as one of the main Conditions to compleat the Match. The Courtiers (213.) perceiving the Eagerness of Villoclare to obtain his Ends, and being not will­ing to expose themselves to his Displea­sure, shifted him off from themselves, [Page 142] and told him, That they could give no positive Answer to his Demand, till he had spoken with the L. Keeper, whose Duty it was to examine such things upon his peril, which were fit, or not fit for the King's Conscience, Honour and Safety, before the Great Seal were put to any Thing. And this gave oc­casion The Confe­rence is all in Bishop Hacket, p. 213, to 222. to the Famous long Debate be­tween the Keeper and the French Am­bassador, wherein the Keeper gave him such solid Reasons against the Dispen­sing with our Penal Laws against Ro­mish Priests. A Copy of which Con­ference the King order'd the Keeper to draw up for him; which he did ac­cordingly, it being the last Present he (222.) made him in that kind. Which Pa­pers, when his Majesty had perus'd them, gave him (as he us'd to say) more Satisfaction than he could have expected.

The King now perceiving some In­disposition The King falls sick. in his Health, retires to Theobalds for fresh Air, and to divert himself from Bus'ness. On Tuesday, being the 22. of March, the L. Keeper receiv'd Notice in a Letter from the Court, that it was fear'd his Majesty's Sickness was Mortal. Upon this he [Page 143] comes to Theobalds, and presenting The Keeper attends him. himself before the King, he endea­vour'd to divert him, and bring him to chearful Discourse, but all in vain. So he continued by his Bed-side till Mid-night, but found no comfort. And next Morning, after the Consul­tation of the Physicians, he saw no hopes at all left; so that immediately (like a faithful Chaplain) he desir'd of the Prince, that he might acquaint his Father with his weak Condition, and put him in Mind both of his Mor­tality and Immortality. And having the Prince's Consent, he went into his Adver­tises him of his Death. Majesty's Chamber; and kneeling down, told his Majesty, ‘That he knew he should neither displease him, nor discourage him, if he brought Isaiah's Message to Hezekiah, to set his House in order; for he thought his Days to come would be but few in this World.’ I am satisfied (replies the King) and I pray you assist me to make me ready to go away hence to CHRIST, whose Mercies I call for, and I hope to find them. From this time the Keeper watch'd with his Majesty con­tinually, and never so much as put off his Cloaths, to go to Bed, till after [Page 144] his Royal Master's Death; which was visible enough in his Looks, on Sunday Night, when he return'd to West­minster. His whole Bus'ness was Night (223.) and Day (except when the Physicians compos'd his Majesty to Rest) to pray, and read, and to discourse about Re­pentance, Faith, Remission of Sins, Resurrection, and Eternal Life. This was the Preparation on Wednesday, for the Blessed Sacrament on Thursday. Upon Friday his Majesty grew sensi­bly weaker; so that now the Keeper stir'd very little out of the Chamber, and that not only to comfort the de­parting King, but likewise to keep off some of the Romish Church, that crept much about the Chamber-door; whom as a Privy-Counsellor he commanded to keep at greater Distance. Being rid of these, he was now continually in Prayer, while the King linger'd on; and at last his Soul departing, the The King dies. Keeper clos'd his Eyes with his own Hands. Thus died King James at Cypr. Ang. p. 130. Theobalds, on the 27^th of March, being Sunday. From thence his Body was An. 1625. brought to Somerset-House, and car­ried thence in great State, on Saturday the 7^th of May to St. Peter's Church in [Page 145] Westminster, where it was solemnly interr'd: And the Funeral Sermon The Text was out of the II of Chron. c. 9. v. 29. 30. & part of 31. preach'd by the Lord Keeper Williams, and printed not long after, by the Name of Great-Britain's Solomon.

Thus I have at last brought the L. Keeper Williams through great Ho­nours, and much Fatigue and Bus'ness to the Period at once of King James's Reign, and his own Prosperity. And (if the Living Man may with any rea­son complain) well had it been for him too, had he never liv'd to see those Days, which the following Scene will represent to my Reader.

IF so be that outward Things and The seve­rity of the L. Keeper's Fortune. Circumstances (which, because they are not in our Power, should therefore be look'd upon as not be­longing to us) are of any real Force to render a Wise and a Great Man, either Happy or Miserable; I should count him of all Men, the most wretch­ed, that is cast down from the height of Prosperity into an adverse Fortune, there to entertain himself with the ungrateful Reflexion of what (to his Sorrow now) he had once been: And I should think him to be envied for his Happiness, who after much Toil and Trouble in the Beginning, and all unusual Discouragements, did at the last by the meer Force and Strength of his own undaunted Resolution and [Page 147] Courage break (like the Sun from a Cloud) through all Oppositions, and surmount all Difficulties. For the Remembrance of a Danger past, and overcome, must be as grateful to us, as the Apprehension of one to come, is terrible. So that if the Lord Keeper Williams had been a Man capable of being dejected, he lay under all the Disadvantages in the World. For, at his first setting out, from the Time he came to Cambridge, quite to the End of King James's Reign, Fortune seem'd to Court him all along, and to gratify him in every Thing; whereas now (tir'd, one would think, with her over­fondness of him before) she treats him with all the hard Usage, as if she had mark'd him out, to give all Men in him a notorious proof of her great Incon­stancy. But before we give an Ac­count of his Troubles, it will be but convenient to look back a little into the former Reign, and try if we can search into the Springs of Buckingham's Hatred to him, which was the first The Rea­sons of Buc­kingham's Breach with Wil­liams. and principal Cause of his overthrow.

We have had occasion before to hint how fickle Buckingham was, and how apt to fall out with his greatest Fa­vourites: (107.) [Page 148] The Reason of which in all probability was his great Desire to oblige every Body; upon which Ac­count he would often be making such Requests for others, to those he had rais'd to any Office, as they could not grant either in Honour or Justice. And thus he was often wont to trouble the Lord Keeper, who never resisted any of his Commands, when he could safely and honestly obey them; as appears from what he writ to him about the Cause of Sir John Michel, Aug. 8. 1622. GOD is my Witness, I Cabal. p. 291. have never denied either Justice or Fa­vour (which was to be justified) to this Man, or any other, that had the least Relation to your good and most Noble Mother; and I hope your Lordship is perswaded thereof. And the Countess, (108.) his Mother, hath been heard to say, ‘That the Lord Keeper had sufficient Reason sometimes not to comply with her Son: and that she never knew him disagree, but that his Counsels were wise, and well grounded; ever tend­ing to the Marquess's Honour, Safety and Prosperity. But then, that he often offended her Son with Repre­hensions, that were too bold and ve­hement.’ [Page 149] And, indeed, it was his Humour to be very angry with his best Friends, when they would not be perswaded to their own Good. So Wilson. Hist. of Gr. Brit. p. 196. that it was neither height of Spirit, nor yet Pride, that made him odious to those that rais'd him; but rather his Honesty in not permitting them to at­tain to those Ends by him, which they unjustly requir'd of him. And this was the Occasion of Buckingham's Quarrel against him; who before the End of Michaelmas Term in the Year (107.) 1622. (when Williams had not been above a Twelve-month in Office) let fall some Expressions of his Disliking to the Lord Keeper, and was in his Looks very much alter'd towards him. All which the Keeper took no notice of, but prudently affected to seem ig­norant of the whole Matter; for the only way to exasperate an Adversary is to let him know, that you look up­on him as such; whereas if you treat him as a Friend, 'tis possible he may The Occa­sion of the Falling out betwixt Laud and Williams. Cypr. Ang. p. 113. be gain'd upon.

As the Lord-Keeper declin'd in the good Opinion of the Duke, so Bishop Laud, he grew more and more every day in Favour; insomuch that when [Page 150] Buckingham went over into Spain with the Prince, he left the Bishop to be his Agent at Court. These See Whar­ton's Pre­face, and Bishop Laud's Di­ary at Octob 3. 1623. Accidents, together with Mis-und­erstandings, and Mis-representations on both sides from Tale-bearers and Busie-bodies, seem to have gi­ven the first occasion to those Jea­lousies and Heats, that afterwards a­rose betwixt these Two great and unfortunate Prelates. And since we are at best left but to our Guesses in this matter (it being so diversly re­presented, as Passion or Interest sways) it were but Modesty as well as Justice (due to such sacred Memories) in us, at this distance of time, to search no farther, but to be charitable in our surmises, so long as we are certain, from the main History of both their Actions, that they were Men good and serviceable in their Generation. And to what purpose should we keep their Names at Enmity here upon Earth, who we may be sure, are long since join'd in mutual Peace and Love in Heaven; where seeing one anothers Thoughts by Intuition (which pre­vents all Mistakes) they conclude that nothing but this Gross Veil of [Page 151] Flesh could have so disguis'd their Sentiments, as to make them seem at Variance, when at the same time they drove both with all their Might to the same great End, Namely the Glory of God and the Establish'd Happiness of our Church and Na­tion.

But to proceed in our Discovery of the Duke's Resentments towards the Keeper. When his Grace was A further Account of the Duke's Hatred to Williams (147. 150) Cabal. p. 97. in Spain, it is not to be doubted but the Lord-Keeper's Letters of Instru­ction, tho' Well Design'd, were not so well taken: and his often Desiring and Advising him to be Reconcil'd to the Earl of Bristol, (one that he ever hated) and to proceed accord­ing to his Counsels, as being a Most able States-Man, but above all others Experienc'd in the Court of Spain; this went much against the Grain with the Duke, and the Keeper might as well have told him, that Bri­stol was a Wiser Man than his Grace. At this very time too it was told the Cypr. An­gl. p. 113. Duke (but upon what Grounds I find no where) that Williams, his Crea­ture, made it his Business now in his Absence to Undermine him with [Page 152] his Majesty. Whereas the quite con­trary (108) is Evident, in that the Kee­per endeavour'd all he could to ex­cuse his Miscarriages in Spain, and to preserve him Intire in the King's Favour. But indeed he did drive on [18] (148) a Design quite contrary to Bucking­ham's towards the latter end of the Treaty: For the Duke strove all he could to Dissolve it, and the Keeper, according to his Maiesty's Commands, Studied Night and Day how to far­ther it and bring it to Perfection. And in truth the first Accusation that Buckingham laid to his Charge about this Matter was, that his Lord­ship had told the King, who those Gentlemen were, that importun'd his Grace by their Expresses sent into Spain, to break or hinder the Treaty to the utmost of his Power; of which Suspicion the Keeper protested upon his Salvation that he was not Guilty. And when the Earl of Rutland (the Duke's Father in Law) undertook to clear the Keeper from this Ob­jection, the Answer that his Grace return'd was this, Whensoever I dis­agree with him, he will prove himself to be in the Right; and tho' I could [Page 153] never Detect him hitherto to be Disho­nest, I am afraid of his Wit. At which See The Lord-Kee­per's Let­ters in the Cabala. Answer I admire, when I consider, that all the Keepers Letters to the Duke about this time and before, are full of the most sincere and hearty ex­pressions of Love and Service. Let Cabal. p. 286. God (says he) suffer me no longer to be, than I shall be True, Plain, Faith­ful and Affectionately Respectful of your Lordship. And in a Letter Dated Feb. Cabal. p. 298. 2. 1623. he says, I never harbour'd in this Breast one Thought of Opposition to hurt your Grace, from the first Hour I saw your Face: But how Honest and True soever the Keeper might be, yet the Duke was highly Jealous of him; and this the Keeper knew very well, who was assur'd that my Lord Cabal. p. 299. Mandevil had a Letter from Spain, signifying, that the first Action his Grace would Imbark himself in, when he came over, should be to Displace the Keeper. Add to this, that after [18] the Prince and Duke came over into (167, 168, 169.) England, Williams lost yet more of the Duke's Favour, by declaring his Opinion in some Consultations quite contrary to his Grace. And he Vow'd at the same time, as he should have [Page 154] God to be his Protector, that he would suffer all the Obloquy of the World, before he would be drawn to the least Ingratitude against his Lordship; but when the King ask'd his Judgment he must be True and Faithful. For which (168.) Loyalty and rigid Honesty the Duke defied the Keeper to his Face, and Threatned his Ruin in the Presence of Many. And if he promis'd an ill Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 125. Turn to any one he would be sure to make his Words good, if he could. But the King was so Conscious of the Lord Keeper's Worth and great A­bilities, that during his Reign the Duke's Displeasure could avail no­thing to his Ruin, tho' he had seve­ral times attempted it; And his Ma­jesty's [5] Orders were, that they should both Agree and Unite jointly in their Services for him.

There remains unmention'd yet a little accident or two, that perhaps might sharpen the Duke's Resent­ments something more. It was I be­lieve Some other probable causes of the Duke's hatred a­gainst the Keeper. the harshest Expression that his Majesty ever us'd concerning Buck­ingham, (whom it touch'd to the Quick) what he spake to the Earl of Carlile in a Malancholy Mood, That (168) [Page 155] if he had sent Williams into Spain with his Son, he had kept Heart's-Ease and Honour, both which he wanted at that time. And it was taken as no small indignity by his Grace, that, the first time the Lord Keeper came into the King's Pre­sence, after his Highnesse's Return into England (which was a little be­fore Christmas) his Majesty looking Intently upon him, said thus to the Prince, Charles there's the Man that makes us keep a merry Christmas. His Highness looking as if he understood not his Father; Why. 'tis he (says the King) that Labour'd more Dex­trously than all my Servants beside to bring you safe hither, to keep Christmas with me, and I hope you are sensible of it. And after this, in Christmas Time his Majesty of his own accord, without any Solicitation caus'd an Act of Council to be Entred, That the Arch-Bishoprick of York should be Confer'd upon him at the next Vacancy. For which the Lord Kee­per most humbly thank'd his Majesty, That he was Pleas'd to think of him, when his Majesty knew best, that he thought not of himself. This to be [Page 156] sure was not taken well by the Duke, who thinking that Williams began now to rise without his help, was resolv'd, if possible, to pull him down: which we may reasonably conclude, from what this Great Favourite told Sir Fr. Bacon, when he advanc'd him: That Da. Lloyd's Life of Ar. Williams. if he did not ow his Preferment al­ways to his Favour, he should ow his Fall to his Frown.

These are the Principal Reasons, The Kee­per's Ene­mies not able to hurt him in K. J. Reign. that I can meet with, of Buckingham's Breach with Williams, which made him endeavour his Ruin, and set others to effect the same in the Time of King James; but all to no purpose, for (190, 191, 192, 194.) then the Keeper's Interest was so strong at Court, and his Worth so well known, that all Attempts against him were but like High Winds to a sturdy Oak, by the malicious Assistance of which it takes deeper Root. But what Buck­ingham could not compass with the Father, he soon obtain'd under the Son; and that is remarkable in Buckingham Rush. Coll. p. 167. (a thing very rare) that the great Fa­vour he had with the former King, should now be doubled upon him by his Successor. Having thus clear'd my way before me, I go on to what [Page 157] concerns the Lord Keeper in this new Reign.

Our Constitution allowing of no K. Charles proclaim'd King. Cessation in the Government, and for that Reason looking upon the King as Immortal; Immediately upon the Death of King James, Charles the March 27. An. 1625. Frankl. First was proclaim'd King; who in the Evening on the same Day came An. p. 107. from Theobalds to St. James's. And the Day following he sent for the L. Keeper, to him; who found his Ma­jesty [4.] and the Duke of Buckingham in­volv'd in a multiplicity of Affairs; with whom, together with Bishop Laud Frankl. p. 108. the King consulted much in all the great Concerns both of Church and State. At this Time the Keeper was appointed to preach the Funeral Sermon of the Deceas'd King, and order'd too to provide a Sermon for the Coronation; but (it seems) before that Time his Majesty's Mind was alter'd in that Point. But the Chief Object of this The Kee­per's Ad­vice to the King about the Parlia­ment. present Consultation was the Parlia­ment: and the King (desiring to have it sit speedily) was for issuing out no Writs to call a New one, but for con­tinuing that, which met last in his Father's Time, and was prorogu'd till [Page 158] Spring. Upon this the Lord Keeper informed his Majesty, that the Old Parliament was dissolv'd of course by his Death, who first assembled them. Since therefore there must of Necessity be a New Choice, the King comman­ded the Keeper to send out Writs im­mediately, and not to lose a Day. To this the Keeper objected, That if such a hasty Summons were made, before his Majesty's best Friends and Ser­vants had time to make their Interest in their respective Counties, Cities and Burroughs, they might be in dan­ger of not being elected. But the King answer'd, It was high time to The Kee­per's Ad­vice taken ill. have Subsidies granted, for maintaining of a War with the King of Spain, and the Fleet must go forth for that purpose in the Summer. His Lordship durst not venture to contradict any further, because he knew not how it might be taken: But his Approbation of the King's Proposal was utter'd after so cold a Manner, that his Majesty turned away, and gave him leave to be gone. Nor did the King consult the Keeper [5.] at all about the Match now in Hand with France; and the Duke began to draw off from holding any Conference [Page 159] with him. So that from all these Prog­nosticks the Keeper could not choose but foresee, there was a Storm a ga­thering.

But he did not imagine, that his The Keeper apprehen­sive of his Eall. Plain-dealing would turn so soon to his Prejudice; for within two Days after news was brought him, that my Lord Duke had threatned in the pre­sence of several to turn him out of his Office: And the French Ambassadors were some of the first that gave him notice of it. These things plainly in­timated, that his Down-fall was not far off. And so apprehensive was he of it, that he gave warning to those that had any Dependance upon him, to make their Interest elsewhere, for his Service would soon stand them in no stead.

But as yet he kept his Place. And [6.] He is or­dered to pass two Warrants. one of the first things he was imploy'd about was, to send forth his Majesty's Warrant for a suspension of Laws against the Papists, upon the Account May 1. I. Car. of the Marriage with France. The [7.] Keeper saw, that it was not his time either to give his Advice, or to scruple his Majesty's Orders. But yet he made But he stops one. bold to interpose with his Advice soon [Page 160] after this, when he had a Warrant May 23. from his Majesty, to pass a Grant under the Great-Seal, for two Thousand Pounds, out of the Court of Wards, to my Lord Conway, for 21 Years to come. The which I durst not (says he) for fear of infringing my Duty to your Majesty, and drawing some Danger upon my self, pass under the Great-Seal, be­fore I had made to your most Excellent Majesty my most humble Representation of the Thing. So the Reasons he gave [8.] with much ado prevail'd; but he made the Lord Conway his Enemy by this piece of Service.

Now the Parliament meets at West­minster, Rush. Coll. p. 171. June 18. The Parl. meets. and the King makes a Speech to them, About the War for the Reco­very of the Palatinate, wherein the last Parliament had ingag'd his Father; and for the Carrying on of which he wanted their Assistance. After [9.] this, the Lord Keeper Williams made a very pertinent Speech to the same purpose; and not the Lord Keeper Co­ventry, Frankl. & Rushw. as two of our great Collectors have mistaken: for Williams was not displac'd till some time after.

[Page 161] The Plague at this time raging in [13.] London and Westminster, his Majesty was for having the Parliament ad­journ'd to Oxford; and Buckingham was for forwarding this Motion, but Williams appear'd against it; saying, [14.] The Keep­er's Rea­sons for not Adjourn­ing the Par­liament to Oxford. That it was not another Place but another Time, that must do his Ma­jesty's Bus'ness for him. ‘And the Pe­stilence had overspread the whole Land, so that no Man that travell'd knew where to lodge in safety; for which reason the Lords and Gentle­men would not take it kindly to be forc'd abroad in such a mortal Time; and. 'tis likely when they come toge­ther, that they will Vote out of Dis­content and Displeasure. That his Majesty was ill advis'd to give Of­fences, tho' small ones, in the be­ginning of his Reign. In the next place, it is to be considered, that the Parliament hath given two Subsidies at Westminster; and tho' they remove to Oxford, yet it is the same Session: and if they alledge that it is not usual for the House to give twice in a Ses­sion, (tho' I wish heartily they would) yet how shall we perswade them, out of their Custom, if they insist upon [Page 162] it? And it is not prudent in the King to run a probable hazard of a Denial.’ To all this the Duke replied, That pub­lick Necessity might sway more than one He ac­quaints the King of the Duke's E­nemies. Man's Jealousie. Hereupon the Keeper requested, that he might speak a few Words with the King in private; which being granted, he told his Majesty, That the Lord Duke had Enemies in the House of Commons, who had contriv'd Complaints, and made them ready to be prefer'd, and would spend the time at Oxford about them. And what Folly it were to continue a Session, that had no other Aim, but to bring the Duke upon the Stage? But if your Majesty think, that this is like a Hectick, quickly known, but hardly cur'd; my humble Motion is, that this Malady, or Malice (call it which you will) may sleep till after Christmas. For I hope to give such Account by that time, by undertaking with the chief Sticklers, that they shall supersede from their Bitterness against your great Servant; and that Passage to your weighty Counsels shall be made smooth and peaceable. And why do you conceal this from Buckingham? Says the King. Good Lord Sir (says the Keeper) fain I would begin at that End, but he [Page 163] will not hear me with Moderation. This Which ex­asperates the Duke against him. discovery, which the Keeper made, 'tis thought, compleated the Duke's hatred against him, and hasten'd his Ruin; for his Grace now grown very jealous, (as is natural for one in Dan­ger) in Defiance bid the Keeper and his Confederates do their worst; and desir'd that the Parliament might be continu'd, that he might clear him­self. So dangerous is it to shew a great Man his Ruin, tho' he stands just upon the Brink of it; because he looks upon the first Discoverer, very often, as the Author of it.

But the Duke carried his Point, and The Parl. adjourn'd at Oxford. the Parliament met at Oxford, on the first of August. On the very first Morning there was a Complaint made by a Western Knight, that he had seen a Pardon for six Priests, dated July the 12^th: whereas on the 11^th, the L. Keeper had promis'd in the King's Name before them all, that the Laws should be put in Execution against them. And for him, that was a Bishop, to set the Seal to such a Warrant; against his own profess'd Religion, was thought a burning shame. This Thing indeed was at first design'd to [Page 164] insnare the Keeper, but it caught an­other. For the Warrant was brought [15.] twice to him, and he refus'd to pass it: At which the Duke of Buckingham mov'd the King, to command it to be seal'd in his sight at Hampton-Court: which when it came to be known, the Odium was taken off from the The Parl. set against the Duke. Keeper, and thrown upon the Duke. And now the Duke's great places and Eminent Titles glar'd too much; and the People could no longer bear, that one Man should be so over­charg'd with Honours. While the The Kee­per's Ad­vice to him. Parliament bore thus hard upon the Duke, the Keeper, out of his great Fidelity to his Grace, intruded upon him, with the following Advice. ‘My [16.] Lord, I come to you unsent for; and I fear to displease you: yet because your Grace made me, I must and will serve you, tho' you are one that will destroy that which you made. Let me perish; yet I deserv'd to perish ten times, if I were not as earnest as any Friend your Grace hath, to save you from perishing. You have brought the Two Houses hither, my Lord, against my Counsel. My Suspicion is confirm'd, that your Grace would [Page 165] fusser for it. What's now to be done, but to wind up a Session quickly? The Occasion is for you; because two Col­ledges in the University, and eight Houses in the City are visited with the Plague. Let the Members be promis'd fairly and friendly, that they shall meet again after Christmas. Requite the Injury done to you with Benefits, and not Revenge: For no Man, that is wise, will shew himself angry with the People of England. Confer one or two of your great Places upon your safest Friends; so shall you go less in Envy, and not less in Power. At the Close of this Session declare your self to be the forwardest to serve the King and Common­wealth, and to give the Parliament Satisfaction. Fear them not, when they meet again in the same Body; whose ill Affections I expect to mi­tigate: But if they proceed, trust me with your Cause, when it is trans­mitted to the House of Lords, and I will lay my Life upon it, to preserve you from Sentence, or the least dis­honour.’ To this all the Duke re­plied The Duke resents it. was, I will look whom I trust to, and so flung out of the Chamber with [Page 166] Threats in his Countenance. Imme­diately upon this, the Commons of this Parliament were censur'd at Wood­stock, The Keeper begs the K. not to dis­solve the Parlia­ment. for Spiteful and Seditious: and therefore not fit to continue, but to be dissolv'd. The Keeper hearing this, did all he could with Arguments, Tears and Supplications, to put a stop to such Pro­ceedings; desiring his Majesty to re­member, ‘That in his hearing, his Blessed Father had charg'd him to call Parliaments often, and continue them, tho' they might sometimes offend him. But chiefly, Sir (says he) let it never be said, that you have not kept good Correspondence with your first Par­liament.’ And the Keeper had almost all the Lords of the Council of the same Opinion with him in this Point; but Buckingham was against it, and so Rush. Coll. p. 191. the King to preserve his Favourite, dissolv'd the Parliament on the 12^th of August.

The Duke was jealous that the L. [17.] The Duke jealous of the Keeper. Keeper was all along at the Bottom of the Procedings against him in Par­liament, and therefore now he charg'd him with it; and this Suspicion of Baseness and Ingratitude was so far credited by some, that they have not [Page 167] fail'd to deliver it for a truth in Heylyn in his Observ. on the Hist. of K. Char. p. 36. H. Le­strange Reign of K. Cha. p. 20. 21. Writing, to the great Detriment of his Good Name; did not the con­trary evidently appear from a Paper, which he gave his Majesty on the 14^th of August, an Abstract of which I shall give you here.

[Page 169] These Reasons satisfied his Majesty, His Ruin deferr'd. and defer'd his Destiny for Two months longer; tho' strong Interest was made to have it compleated now. Nor do I admire that the Duke should be so very hot in the Pursuit of this Man's Ruin, if what Rush­worth P. 198. Relates be true, that the Kee­per at Oxford should tell Bucking­ham to his Face, That he was Re­solv'd to Stand upon his own Legs: If that be your Resolution (said the Duke) Look you Stand fast. But since my Author quotes no Authori­ty for this, and since all the Keeper's Behaviour otherwise, and his Letters to the Duke are full of the Humblest Submission that can be exprest, and shew not the least Resentments, I leave my Reader to give what Cre­dit he thinks fit to this Narration. But within a Fortnight after, about the End of August, Buckingham at Holdbery in New-Forest cast Williams quite out of his Majesty's Favour; and at Plimouth in the Midst of Sep­tember got an Irrevocable sentence to deprive him of his Office. If the Queen could have befriended him, he had stood still, for he was in [Page 170] Favour with her Majesty, by reason It could not be in May; as Bishop Hacket Mistakes, for she did not Land here till the 16^th of June, says Stow, and others. of the Speech, which he made to her in French at her coming to Whitehall. But it was impossible now for any thing to surmount the Importunity of the Duke, who was busy to invent some Charge to lay to the Keeper, that so he might at least have some Colour for all his Displeasure. And in September, when the King with his [20.] Court came to Salisbury, the Keeper was then at Foxly in Barkshire, Five Miles from Windsor; where he had The Keeper accus [...]d of Treachery against the Duke. notice given him, that after strict Examination of all his Actions since he first came into Office, the Old Matter was Renew'd, about his En­deavouring to set the Parliament a­gainst the Duke; which tho' only a Cypr, An­gl. p. 139. jealous surmise, was yet affirm'd with all the Assurance of a substantial Truth. And to Strengthen it the And of gi­ving ill Counsel to the King. more, they Added to it, that he had given evil Counsel to his Majesty, by Advising him to condescend too much from his Soveraignty, to a Com­pliance with his People. Upon this He clears himself. the Keeper, being hardly recover'd of an Ague at that time, sends a Letter to his Majesty on the 21^st of [Page 171] September, to clear himself from these Imputations; which Letter if con­sulted, The Letter is in Bishop Hacket; but too long to be tran­scrib'd. will satisfie an Impartial Per­son of the Keeper's great Integrity in the preceding Parliament both to the King and to the Duke. And [21.] when the Duke had seen the Letter, he perceiv'd his Accusations were much Invaliated. Therefore to Re­inforce The Duke attempts another Accusation against the Keeper. them, he and his Party thought the most likely way to suc­ceed would be, to acquaint his Ma­jesty, that they could charge the Keeper with his own Words, and what was more, with his Letters: but then before Proofs were made, he must first be Displac'd, for so long as he continu'd in Office, People would be afraid to Accuse him. But But it takes no effect. the Keeper coming himself to Salis­bury about the first week in October, and hearing this, desir'd, the King and the Duke might know, that he would Answer to any Accusation in a Legal way; and that the World would soon see how Preposterous a way of proceeding it is first, to Pu­nish and afterwards to Condemn: That the wrong done to him would soon startle others. For who that [Page 172] had any thing to lose would think himself secure upon such Precedents? And these Considerations made his Adversaries lay their imperfect De­signs aside, and bethink themselves how to Plot better, if they meant to Succeed. After this the best way His Ene­mies not a­ble to charge him with any Thing. Non per­petuus o­lim fuit honor Cancella­rii, sed Trienna­lis, vel qua­driennalis. Spelman. Gloss. See p. 74. they could think of was, not to pre­tend to any Accusations, but to let his Majesty barely recall the Great Seal from his Custody; because it was given to him at first upon a Tri­ennial Trust, and no longer; which was no unusual Thing. And he had himself made such a Request (if you remember) to King James, when he first entred upon his Office, that no Lord Keeper might be continu'd a­bove 3 Years. So that his Enemies could lay no Accusations to his Charge, and all his Crime was their Hatred and Malice. And this Account of the Matter is confirm'd even by that great Dealer in Scandal, whom I Court and Ch. p. 176. have had occasion to mention so of­ten; who says, that Williams's Ruin was determin'd not upon any known Crime, but upon Circumstances and Examinations to pick out Faults com­mitted in his whole Life time. Which, [Page 173] considering the Person it comes from, is more to the Lord Keeper's com­mendation, than if an unprejudic'd Pen had declar'd him wholly Inno­cent; as indeed he was in his Beha­viour both to his Majesty and to the Duke, which was the only Crime pretended against him.

On the 15^th of October, The Lord [22.] The Lord Conway acquaints the Keeper, that it was the King's Order he should give up the Seal. Conway came to the Lord Keeper's Lodgings in Salisbury with this Mes­sage: That his Majesty understanding that his Father had taken a Resolu­tion, that the Keeper of the Great Seal of England should continue but from Three Years to Three Years, and ap­proving very well thereof, and being resolv'd to observe the Order during his own Reign, he expects that you should Surrender up the Seal by All­hallowtide next, alledging no other Cause thereof. And that having so done, you should retire your self to your Bishoprick of Lincoln. ‘To which the Keeper an­swer'd; The Kee­per's An­swer. I am his Majesty's Most hum­ble Servant and Vassal, to be Com­manded by him in all Things what­soever. The Great Seal is his Ma­jesty's; and I will be ready to deli­ver up the same to any Man, that [Page 174] his Majesty shall send with his War­rant to require it: And do heartily thank God and his Majesty, that his calling for the Seal is upon no other Ground. Only this last Clause seem­eth strange to me, that I should be restrain'd to my Bishoprick, or any Place else. And I humbly appeal to A further conference betwixt the Lord Conway and the Keeper. his Majesty's Grace and Favour therein: Because it is no Fault in me, that his Majesty or his Father hath made such a Resolution. Nor do I dispute against it; although the King, that dead is, continu'd me in the Place after the Three Years en­ded; and the King, that now is, deli­ver'd me the Seal without any Con­dition or Limitation of Time. And therefore deserving no Restraint, I humbly desire to be left to my Dis­cretion, which I will so use as shall be no way Offensive to his Ma­jesty. To which the Lord Conway replied; I conceive it not to be a restraint, but only to signify, that his Majesty intends not to employ you at the Table, but leaves you free to go to your Bishoprick. My Lord (says the Keeper) I desire your favourable Intercession for an Explanation of [Page 175] that Point. And I beseech your Lordship to move his Majesty, that I may attend upon him, to present unto his Majesty Two humble Peti­tions, the one concerning my Re­putation, and the other my Main­tenance; which I am the more con­fident his Majesty will admit of, be­cause I vow before God, I am not Guilty of the least Offence against his Majesty, and am ready to make it good upon my Life. And I make the like Protestation for any Un­worthiness done against the Duke; whose Hand peradventure may be in this Business. At parting my Lord Conway spake about the time of Resignation; and I said it was all one to me, sooner or later. Then I ask'd his Lordship if I was re­strain'd from the Board before the delivering of the Seal? his Lorship answer'd, He knew of no such In­tent. And so we parted.’

‘The next day after, waiting on [23.] his Majesty to Church by my Duty and Place; after Sermon was over, at the upper end of the Quire, the Lord Conway told me,’ I have ac­quainted his Majesty how Obedient [Page 176] you were to his Commands, and how willing to resign the Seal without any farther Dispute; and I have pre­sented all your Requests to his Ma­jesty; who answer'd to every particu­lar as follows; concerning your Re­tiring he meant no Restraint of Place; but for some Questions that might be renew'd, and for some Considerations known to himself, he intended not to use your service at the Council-Table for a while. And for your Estate; you had no Wife and Children: And he intended not to Debar you from any of your Church Preferments, until he should provide you better, And he was content to admit you to speak with him when you pleas'd, provided you endeavour'd not to unsetle his former Resolutions.

Upon the 18^th of October, I desir'd The Keeper desires ad­mittance to the King. Admittance to the King; and Mr. Tho. Cary sent me Word, ‘His Majesty would speak with me the next Morn­ing. But after Sermon, the King told my Lord Conway, that I had sent to him; and he was in a long and serious Discourse with him. Then my Lord Conway (the King being gone to dinner) follow'd me into the Cloister, [Page 177] and told me, That he conceiv'd his Majesty was afraid, that I would press him to give his Reasons, why he took the Seal from me, and caus'd me to abstain from the Board. But I an­swered, I should falsify my Word to his Lordship, if I should speak unto his Majesty upon any other Points, than those of my Reputation, and my Means.’ After this, the Keeper gave the Lord Conway a Letter (having first [24.] shew'd it to him) to present unto his Majesty, if he thought fit; wherein was a full Declaration of his Innocency, both with respect to his Majesty and the Duke, which he concludes thus; If all these Informations against a poor Bishop, that so serv'd your Father in his Life, and at his Death, be grounded only upon Suspicion, Malice, or Mis­apprehension, and be cried down (as they needs must be) by all the Members of the one and the other House; pity me, Dread Sovereign; and let me retire with the comfortable Assurance of your Majesty's Favour, that I may spend my Days quietly in the Service of my GOD; in serving whom, as I resolve to do, I shall never fail to serve your Majesty; whom GOD Almighty prosper with all [Page 178] Success in this World, and with all Happiness and Eternal Glory in that to come.

After his Majesty had read the Let­ter, [25.] The King sends for him to come to him. he sent for the Keeper, to make his Petitions, and to speak what he had to say to him. So his Lord­ship presenting himself before the King, his requests, together with his Majesty's Answers, were as they follow. ‘First, he ask'd his Majesty's Grace The Kee­per's Peti­tions to the King. and Favour in General. He granting it, gave him his Hand twice to kiss. 2^ly Says the Keeper, I humbly thank your Majesty for your gracious Pro­mise, to take away none of my Church Preferments, till you have given me better; and I beseech your Majesty to keep the same benevolent Mind towards me. The King replied, It is my Intention. 3^ly I beseech your Majesty to remember your Father's Promise, made before all the Lords, that whensoever he took away the Seal, he would place me in as good a Bishoprick or Arch-Bishoprick as he could: A Promise not only secon­ded, but drawn from your Father first by your Majesty. There is no such Place yet void (says the King) when any [Page 179] falls, then it will be time to make this Request to me. 4^ly I desire that I may not be commanded away from the Council-Table, but that my Absence may be left wholly to my own Di­scretion. I ever intended it so, and never said a word to the contra­ry; says the King) but then, I ex­pect you would not offend by a vo­luntary Intrusion. 5^ly I beseech your Majesty to declare unto the Lords, that I have willingly and readily yield­ed to your Majesty's Pleasure, and that I part in your Favour and good Opinion, and am still your Servant. I will (replies his Majesty) but I look that no Petitions be made for you by any Man at that time, but only for my Favour in General. 6^ly I humbly beg, that your Majesty, when you think fit, would make my Attone­ment with my Lord Duke, either upon, or without Examination of those Informations, which his Grace hath receiv'd against me. It becomes not me, a King, to take up the Quar­rels between my Subjects: and the Duke has never before me exprest any such Enmity against you.’ So he thank'd his Majesty for the last part of his [Page 180] Answer, which reviv'd him not a little. ‘7^ly Whereas by your Father's Dire­ction, I bought a Pension of 2000 Marks per Annum, for 3000 l. I de­sire your Majesty would be pleas'd either to buy it of me for the same sum again, and extinguish it; or assign it to be paid me out of the Tenths and Subsidies of the Bishoprick, as be­fore I had Appointment to receive it out of the Hamper. The King said, Assignments are naught; but I will take order with my Treasurer, either to pay it, or buy it, as shall be found most convenient. 8^ly I desire your Majesty would bestow the next vacant Prebend in Westminster, upon my Library-keeper, as your Father had promis'd me, or let me resume my Books. It is very reasonable, replies the King. 9^ly I petition your Majesty that you would be pleas'd to ratify a Grant made by your Father of four Advousons to St. John's College in Cambridge; two whereof I bought with my Money, and two his Maje­sty gave me for the use of that Society. Says the King, I will ratify the Grant, and give way to amend any Errors in the Form, or in the Passing. 10^ly, [Page 181] I beg Leave to retire to a little Lodge, lent me by my Lord Sandys, where my Lord Conway may receive the Seal, when your Majesty commands it. Which was granted. Lastly, I be­seech [26.] your Majesty not to be offended at me, if upon my Discharge, Re­ports are rais'd of my being discon­tented, which I protest I am not, go­ing off so comfortably in your Ma­jesty's Favour. I will do you that Justice (says the King) and shall lit­tle value Reports.’ So with a pleasing Countenance he gave him his Hand to kiss, and dismiss'd him graciously.

And the Keeper thought he had ob­tain'd The Kee­per's Peti­tions all frustrated. much of his Majesty; but after he went away, so powerful were his Enemies, that they frustrated all the kind Concessions made him by the King; for he reap'd no Advantage from any one of them, excepting the four Advousons confirm'd to St. John's College. After he left Salisbury (which Cabal. p. 114. was the next Day) he could never re­ceive any thing from his Pension, nor to his dying Day could he ever bring it to a Hearing. It was his Expectation too, that after some time he might be call'd again to the Council-Board. But [Page 182] his hopes (it seems) were vain; for he was never so much as thought of, and he was resolv'd not to intrude with­out being call'd. But before five He gives over all hopes of Court Fa­vour. Days were expir'd, he had Intelligence how vehemently the Duke talk'd a­gainst him. Which made him give over all hopes of any Court Favour for the future; and so, knowing the worst, he was the better able to set his Heart at rest; for the greatest Tor­ture to a well-pois'd Mind is, to flu­ctuate betwixt Hope and Dispair.

Upon the 25^th of October, Sir John The Seal taken from him. Sucklin, Controller of his Majesty's Houshould, brought a Warrant from [27.] Fuller in his Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 125. is out by some Months in his Compu­putation a­bout the Keeper. Cypr. Ang. p. 139. Sander­son's Reign of King Ch. p. 24. the King to the Lord Keeper, (who was now at Foxly, near Windsor) to receive the Great-Seal; which accord­ingly he deliver'd, but with no signs of Unwillingness, as one intimates. For the Keeper was glad to hear that so worthy a Person as Sir Thomas Co­ventry, his Majesty's Attorney Gene­ral, was to succeed him: And instantly, giving up the Seal, he put it in the pre­sence of Sir John Sucklin, into a rich Cabinet, inclosing the Key into a Let­ter The Letter is in Bishop Hacket. to his Majesty, seal'd with the Episcopal Arms of Lincoln. Thus [Page 183] did the Duke of Buckingham at last compass his Designs upon his own Creature; in the furthering of which Cyprianus Angl. p. 139. 'tis more than probable that he was assisted by the Lawyers, out of a De­sire they might have to get this Digni­ty once again into their own possession. And now we have done with the Lord Keeper; so that the sequel of this Part will be taken up in giving an Ac­count of the Bishop's Troubles, with Reference to the State, omitting all his Concerns in the Church, till I come to my last Part. Notwithstand­ing that, according to the order of Time, they were in reality mixt and interwoven with the State-occurrences of his Life; yet I choose to separate them, because, as I told you before, I would not confound Characters; that so my Reader might the better see upon a clear View how to form a Judgment of him. Which I am the more desirous he should, because it has been the great Misfortune of this Prelate (as well as it was Laud's) to be represented to Posterity by contrary Parties, under quite different Shapes.

[Page 184] And now the Bishop being dis­charg'd The Bishop retires to Bugden. from his Civil Affairs, he betakes himself wholly to his Epis­copal Charge. And without touching at London, he remov'd from Foxly to Bugden in Huntington-shire, the Bishop of Lincoln's Seat; making the greater haste to be gone, lest now the Malice of his Enemies being fresh he might suffer more from them. For they that could procure the Seal to be taken from him, without accusing him of any Mis-managment, might as well if exasparated have depriv'd him of his Bishoprick: for when once Peoples Wills come to give Rules to their Actions, God alone knows to what they may proceed. But tho' Spies are set over him. his Lordship thought, that now he was retir'd from the sight and out of the Reach of his Enemies, yet in [33.] Sander­son's Reign of K. Ch. p. 24. truth he was not so. For he had spies set over him to watch his Actions, and to insnare him in his Words. And that the rather, be­cause the Bishop was of a free, open Temper, and inclin'd to take that innocent and undesigning Liberty of Speech, which a Man would not be so apt to do, did he think People [Page 185] stood at his Elbow, to make the worst of ev'ry Thing, that was said. But neither was his pleasant humour sometimes without a mixture of Po­licy; for by seeming to open himself, he would often tempt others from being too much upon the Reserve. And he was too wise after the severe warning given him, to speak any thing that with a favourable Inter­pretation could turn to his Disadvan­tage.

The Duke of Buckingham conti­nu'd [64.] still the Bishop's implacable Ad­versary, and vow'd, that of all he had given him, he would leave him nothing. And the better to furnish [67.] A Com­mission of Thirteen sit upon the Bishop's Actions. himself with Accusations to compass his Designs, he had given Order to a Commission of Thirteen to exa­mine ev'ry particular Action of the Bishop's, and to make a Collection of what would bear a Censure in the King's Bench, the Star-Chamber, or the High-Court of Parliament. And this was manag'd with that secresie for some time, that his Lordship with all his vigilance was not aware of it. And the whole result of their Inquiry was, that their Malice shew'd [Page 186] his Innocency still the more. And when they could charge him with nothing else, at last they urg'd, that he Entertain'd such at his Table as bore a Grudge to the Duke; who perhaps upon Old Acquain­tance might make him some Visits, but never upon any Factious Design, that could be prov'd. Besides all [66.] this, the Bishop had notice that he was perpetually Slander'd to his Ma­jesty in Private, and he had Rea­son to suspect that things were worse than they were represented to him.

Now the Occasion of the Duke's [65.] The Rea­son of the continu­ance of the Duke's ha­tred to the Bishop. Resentments growing still more and more vehement, was not the Bishop's Stoutness or Obstinacy, (to which he was but too prone) for he had al­most Cring'd to his Grace in Sub­mission, and stoop'd as low as was possible on this side a Dejected Base­ness: But it was the Freedom of his Advice, that gall'd the Duke. And one would think, the Bishop had had too much Experience of the un­gratefulness of that Office, ever to venture upon it again. But there is nothing so careless and so willful as [Page 187] downright Honesty, which consults not what is most expedient for it self, so much as what may be for the Good of others. And thus when the Countess of Buckingham (his Grace's Mother) and several other of his best Friends advis'd with the Bishop about him, he was so plain as to say, that he approv'd not of his Grace's manner of Magnifying his Services for the King, and that he did not seem to apprehend what a deal of Envy he gain'd by his Vaun­ting sometimes, That he would make his Majesty the greatest Monarch in Europe. And the Bishop too would say that he did not like the Duke's Preparations against Cadis, which he thought would in the End turn to his Dishonour: to disswade him from which, he would often say, That a King must make himself sure in the Love of his own People at home, be­fore he bids War abroad to such a Rich and mighty Nation. Such an Insight had this great Man into all Affairs, that his Counsels were ever for the best; and so faithful and free was he, that he could not endure to disguise his Sentiments. And wise [Page 188] Men have that in Common very often with Fools, that they must be shewing themselves, tho' it be for the most part to their own Pre­judice.

But the Bishop could never be The Bishop suspects not the King to be against him. perswaded that his Majesty had any hand in those Contrivances, that were Design'd for his utter Ruin; and that, [64.] all proceeded in a manner involun­tarily from him, by meer Impulse of such as having too much of his Ma­jesty's Ear, might transport him be­yond his own Merciful Temper. And so confident was he of his own Inno­cency, and of his Majesty's Justice and Favour to him for his former Services, that in his greatest Troubles, he desir'd no more in his own behalf but to be brought before his Majesty to speak for himself, and to repre­sent those things aright, which others had set in no favourable Light. But yet certain it is, that had not the King been disgusted with him, he would ne­ver have wink'd so long at his Suffer­ings. However the Bishop thought nothing of all this; excepting once that he was startled at an expression, that escap'd from the King, within a [Page 189] few Weeks after his Father's Death. One that came from the French Court told his Majesty, That the Spanish Ambassador spake openly there, (when the Marriage with the Princess Mary was to be finish'd) that he could not have Two Wives, for their Infanta was surely his. To which the King replied, there are some English as well as Spaniards, that are of that Opinion. Which when it was told the Bishop, he said with a low Voice, I know of none such; but if he means Me, it will be the worse for me while I live.

The Time for the King's Corona­tion The Bishop desires to assist at the Corona­tion. being now just at hand, the Bi­shop of Lincoln comes to London and writes thus to the Duke of Bucking­ham; Being come hither, according to Cabal. p. 310. Jan. 7. 1625. the Duty of my Place, to do my best Service for the Preparation to the Co­ronation, and to wait upon his Ma­jesty for his Royal Pleasure and Di­rection therein; I do most humbly be­seech your Grace to crown so many of your Grace's former Favours, and to receive a Creature of your own (struck dead only with your Displeasure) by bringing me to kiss his. Majesty's hand, with whom I took leave in no Dis­favour [Page 190] favour at all. But his Petition (it [68.] Cypr. An­gl. p. 144. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 121. seems) stood him but in small stead, if in any at all. For, although the Deans of Westminster have had for above these Three hundred Years last past a particular Place at that great Solemnity, and although Bishop An­drews (who was Dean) did attend at the Coronation of King James as a special Officer; yet when the ap­pointed Day was come, the Bishop Febr. 2. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 123. I believe he is mista­ken there about Wil­liams, to be sure he was not Lord Kee­per at this time. And perhaps was not so much in Favour as to read the King's ge­neral Par­don. Laud's Diar. An. 1625. Jan. 16. & Jan. 17. of Lincoln had orders to absent himself, and to depute one of the Prebendaries in his Place. Now he was resolv'd not to name Bishop Laud, because he took him for his Rival and his Adversary; and to Sub­stitute one of a degree inferior to a Bishop, he thought would be taken ill by the Court. Therefore to avoid being laugh'd at on the one hand, or censur'd on the other, he very prudently sends his Majesty a List of all the Prebendaries and their several Dignities, and leaves it to him to choose whom he pleases; and imme­diately he pitch'd upon Laud, who accordingly attended in the Room of Williams; who insisted not upon his Right, but yielded to the Sequestra­tion, [Page 191] as he call'd it in his Letter to the King.

Immediately after the Coronation The Second Parliam. call'd, Feb. 6. was over, a second Parliament met. And the Duke, fearing the Bishop of Lincoln, makes Interest with the King to have him kept out of the House. Cabal. p. 114. His Lordship being ready to obey his Majesty in all his Commands, was will­ing to absent himself, since it was his Majesty's pleasure to spare him. But The Bishop not sum­mon'd to it. yet he would not forfeit his Right as a Peer, lest he might infringe that of others; and therefore he complains thus to his Majesty; I have not yet receiv'd my Writ of Summons unto the Parliament (denied to no Prisoners, or condemned Peers in the Reign of your Blessed Father) that I might accord­ingly make my Proxy; the which I cannot do, the Writ being not receiv'd. So at last he obtain'd a Writ, and Sits in it by Proxy. made B. Andrews his Proxy. And the Bishop in this Letter to his Majesty, in which he petitions for this Writ, adds these following Supplications. First, Cabal. p. 115. I beg for GOD's sake, that your Majesty would be pleas'd to mitigate the cause­less His Peti­tions at this time to the King. Displeasure of my Lord Duke a­gainst me. Secondly, I beseech your Ma­jesty [Page 192] for CHRIST JESUS his sake, not to believe News, or Accusations against me, while I stand thus enjoyn'd from your Royal Presence, before you shall have heard my Answer to the Particu­lars. Lastly, I supplicate, That in my Absence this Parliament, no use may be made of your Sacred Name to wound the Reputation of a poor Bishop, who besides his Religion and Duty to that Divine Character you now bear, hath ever affectionately honour'd your very Person, above all the Objects in this World, as he desires the Salvation of the World to come. But I crave no Protecti­on against any other Accuser or Accusati­on whatsoever. There are in his Letters several other Protestations of this Na­ture, which are too many to be in­serted into this Life; but the few I have transcrib'd here, and elsewhere, I thought necessary to clear him from the Aspersions of several Authors that agree in charging him with unfair Deal­ings in the preceding Parliament to the King and Duke. And in another [69.] long Letter to the King, much about this Time, he shews his Majesty how grosly he has been abus'd to him by the Duke; and that he will venture [Page 193] his Life upon the Proof of any thing his Grace can urge against him.

Yet for all this, the Bishop was The Bishop advises the Duke not to appear in Parlia­ment. ready at all times to serve the Duke with his Advice: and being demanded, when this Second Parliament was summon'd, by Buckingham's Friends [65.] to tell them what he thought would be most adviseable for the Duke's safe­ty, with reference to this Parliament, he answered; ‘His best way will be, not to come near it; for it will be impossible for him to close with this Parliament, who (contrary to my Ad­vice) offended the former, and broke it up. Let him remove himself by some great Embassage, till the first Session be ended; into Germany, if he will, as far as Vienna, if he dare trust the King of Spain's greatest Friend and nearest Ally.’ But this Advice did not please those of the Duke's In­terest; for rather than send him so far from the King, they would venture him at Home, thinking their Party strong enough to secure him. Nor could the Bishop bring them off from their Assurance: But all that he fore­told came to pass, which inraged the Duke so much the more. The Par­liament [Page 194] grew violent against him, and [70.] See the whole Pro­ceedings in Rushw. part. 1. spent the best part of eighteen Weeks in drawing up a Charge, and prose­cuting it against his Grace. So that it was fortunate for the Bishop that he was not in the House at this time, because he could not have appeared against the Duke, and to stand for him had been to no purpose, and would have exposed him to popular Hatred. But the King perceiving that they Cypr. Ang. p. 151. The King dissolves the Parl. An. 1626. The Third Parl. call'd. wounded him through the Duke's sides, and not being able to divert them from what they were set upon, he dissolved the Parliament on the 15^th of June.

After this, his Majesty designing [72.] to call another Parliament, the Lord Keeper Coventry had orders to write Feb. 17. to the Bishop of Lincoln to disswade him from appearing at it. But the Bishop (with all submission to the The Bishop sits him­self in the House. King) perceiving himself to be tram­pled upon, resolved to stand upon his Privilege as a Lord, and to let it be no longer infring'd. Therefore in his Answer to the Lord Coventry's Feb. 25. Letter, he says; I must crave some time to resolve by the best Counsels GOD shall give me, whether I shall obey your Lord­ship's [Page 195] Letter (though mentioning his Ma­jesty's Pleasure) before my own Right, which by the Law of GOD and Man I may in all Humility maintain. And so resolutely did he persist, that when March 17. An. 1627. the Parliament met, he sate in the House himself, and not by Proxy, as before; and continu'd in it to the last. And he was the more earnest to be present at this time, out of the great Desire he had, if possible, to do his Majesty some Service.

But his Enemies were resolved to The Bishop is censur'd for his Po­pularity. be upon him, and to catch at all Op­portunities to accuse him. So now he is censured for growing too Po­pular [73.] in this Parliament. And indeed it was high time for him to make some Friends, since he was not only dis­countenanced by the King, but strongly opposed by Buckingham and Laud, that had determined his Ruin, if pos­sible. But yet for all his Favour with the Parliament, he departed not from the King's Interest. But did his En­deavour now (as formerly) to ballance things equally between his Majesty and his Subjects.

[Page 196] At this time, the People desiring to The Peti­tion of Right. H. Lestr. K. Ch. p. 76, 77, &c. be assured that their just Liberties should no ways be infringed; Sir Ed. Coke advises that a Petition of Right be presented to his Majesty: which ac­cordingly [77.] was done. The Duke of Buckingham was very much against this Petition, for which the Commons were resolved to be even with him be­fore they parted. But the Bishop of The Bishop is for it. Lincoln was for promoting the Ad­dress of the Commons, only he was for having a Clause added to it, That as they desired to preserve their own Liberties, so they had regard to leave entire that Power wherewith his Majesty was in­trusted for the Protection of his People. Which the Commons would not ad­mit of, but ordered it to be cancelled; and had some Suspicions, as if the Bi­shop had been sprinkled with some Court Holy-water. Whereas all he designed by it was, only to keep up the Dignity of Majesty. And when the King [78.] made his Objections against this Pe­tition, the Bishop answered them all, and shewed his Majesty how agreeable it was to our Laws and Constitution, and no less honourable for himself; for it made him a King of Free-men, [Page 197] and not of Slaves: All which his Lord­ship [79.] did so plainly demonstrate, that the King gave his full Assent to the Petition: upon which the Houses te­stified H. Lestr. p. 81. their Joy by a mighty shout. And it was said that the House of The Bishop admitted to kiss the K. Hand. Lords requested the King upon this Agreement, to receive again into Fa­vour the Bishop of Lincoln, with some other Lords. And the King percei­ving [80.] how ready the Bishop was in this Parliament to serve him, he gave him his Hand to kiss, and he was ad­mitted to talk in private both with his Majesty and the Duke. But so unfor­tunate The first rise of the B. Troubles in Star-Chamber. was the Bishop, that even this Conference which he had at this time with the King, gave the first occasion to all his Troubles afterwards in the the Star-Chamber. For, the King con­juring him to tell him freely, how he might best ingratiate himself with the People, his Lorship reply'd, ‘That the Puritans were many, and strong sticklers; and if his Majesty would give but private Orders to his Mini­sters to connive a little at their Party, shew them some Indulgence, it might perhaps mollify them a little, and make them more pliant: Tho' he did [Page 198] not promise that they would be trusty long to any Government.’ And the King answered, he had thought upon this before, and that he would do so. About two Months after this, the Bishop at his Court at Leicester, acted according to this Counsel resolv'd upon by his Majesty; and withall told Sir Cypr. Ang. p. 172. J. Lamb, and Dr. Sibthorp his Reason for it; That it was not only his own, but the Royal Pleasure. Now Lamb (37.) was one that had formerly been infi­nitely oblig'd to the Bishop; but how­ever, a Breach happening betwixt them, he and Sibthorp carried the Bishop's Words to Laud, and he to the King, who was then at Bisham. Hereupon it was resolv'd, That upon the Depo­sition of these Two, a Bill should be drawn up against the Bishop, for re­vealing the King's Secrets, being a Sworn Counseller. But, that he trespast H. Lestr. p. 152. Sander­son's K. Ch. p. 220. Rush. Coll. p. 421. against Loyalty with his Tongue, is a very great Mistake in certain Histo­rians. This Information, together with some others, being transmitted to the Council-Table, was ordered for the present to be seal'd up, and com­mitted to the Custody of Mr. Trumbal, one of the Clerks of the Council. [Page 199] Nevertheless; the Bishop made shift to procure a Copy of them. And so the Business rested for some Years.

But to return to the King's receiving The Bishop receiv'd in­to Favour by the Duke. the Bishop into Favour again. To set all things straight, and to quit all old scores, his Lorship was kindly re­ceiv'd [80.] by the Duke, and no mention was made of former Unkindnesses, but Williams tendered his faithful Service, and Buckingham accepted of it; and allow'd him to hold up a seeming En­mity, and his Interest with the People, that so he might be the better able to serve him the next Session of Parlia­ment. So they parted in perfect Cha­rity, which was a great Happiness to them both, since they never met again; the Duke dying soon after by the Hand Bucking­ham kill'd. Stow's Ch. Aug. 23. An. 1628. of that Notorious Villain John Felton. And indeed the Duke promised at a private Meeting, two Months before he dy'd, to restore the Bishop into Fa­vour, [65.] and did design a time for the open Profession of it. Which (consi­dering the violent Hatred he bore to him before) to me seems none of the smallest, amongst those several strange Prognosticks, which his Grace had of his untimely End. And now to shew [81.] [Page 200] the Bishop of Lincoln's great Gene­nerosity; immediately upon the first sad Tidings of the Duke's Death, he dispatch'd away a kind Consolating Letter to his Mother, whose An­swer to his Lordship's, begins thus; My Lord, It is true Nobleness that makes you remember so distressed a Crea­ture as I am, and to continue a true Friend in harder Fortunes. You give me many Reasons of Comfort, for which I kindly thank you, for I have need of them all. And he continued to shew Respect, and to do what Service he could to his desolate Relations, which the Countess of Denbigh his Sister did often confess to Bishop Hacket, and speak of to Williams's great Commen­dation and Honour.

This Parliament (which we have Stow's Ch. An. 1628. The Parlia­ment is dissolv'd. been speaking of) continued till the 26^th of June, and then was prorogued to the 20^th of October; and then upon the 20^th of January began again, and so continued unto the beginning of March following, when upon the 4^th The 10 ac­cording to some. of that Month, the King dissolved it utterly. For tho' 'twas thought by [82.] some, that the Death of the Duke might occasion more Quiet, yet the [Page 201] People still continu'd as unruly, and ra­ther more than ever. Insomuch that the K. dismist them in a Passion, and so much in his Displeasure, that he called no Parliaments after this for the space of twelve Years.

The Bishop of Lincoln (who had The Bish. Advice to the King a­bout the Parl. foresight enough to see which way Things were a-going) with sorrow presaged the Ruin of the State, and did his utmost Endeavour to prevent it. And for this End he importuned the [84.] Lord Weston to carry this Message from him to his Majesty. That the Parliament might meet again for all this, and that there might be a conference between them and the Lords, to debate upon Diffe­rences. And that he hoped their House would check, if not censure those Com­mons, that were so very rude; and that they would, being ashamed for what they had done, make Amends by their Submission. But if they were im­penitently obstinate, he did not desire to intercede for them. What the Event of this Counsel might have been, GOD alone knows; but the King would [83.] A Saying of the Bi­shop's about Parlia­ments. not hearken to it. And here it is worth our while, to mention a very common Saying of the Bishop's about Parlia­ments: [Page 202] That Queen Elizabeth's Par­liaments were most tractable, which sate but a short time, ended before they were acquainted with one anothers In­terests, and had not learned to combine.

It happened ill for our Bishop The want of Parl. a great cause of the Bi­shop's Mis­fortunes. that Parliaments were now disconti­nu'd; for he fell into all his future Troubles, chiefly because he was quite out of Favour at Court, and at the [85.] same time wanted the shelter of a Par­liament to skreen him from the Storms that were still a gathering; tho' if there had been any Fair Weather in the Sky, one would think by this time that he had had a sufficient share of the Foul. And now the Duke being laid in his Grave, some perhaps will expect, that all should go well with him. But that's not to be expected so long as Bishop Laud lives; who Rush. Coll. p. 637. after Buckingham's Death grew more and more in Favour with the King, and was about this time made Bishop of London. And as the first Diffe­rences between these two great Pre­lates began by Mis-understanding on both sides, so did they continue in their Mistakes (Time rather increasing them) to the very last, and never had [Page 203] the happiness to frame right their No­tions of one another. For B. Laud ever look'd upon B. Williams as a Man that gave Encouragement to the Pu­ritans, and that hung loose as to our Church Discipline; and on the other hand, B. Williams took B. Laud to be a great Favourer of the Papists. Which we may reasonably conclude from what a Person of Honour tells us in his E. of An­glesey's Mem. p. 336. Memoirs. And as the Opinions of these two Bishops concerning one an­other were different, so likewise were [86.] The Cha­racter of Laud and Williams. their Natural Tempers quite opposite, for which reason there appear'd the less hopes of a Reconciliation. For Laud was a stiff and rigid Asserter of our Church Discipline, and would not yield in the least Punctilios by any means; for his Maxim was, There is D. Lloyd's Ch. of B. Laud. no end of Yielding. Williams was a Man too that lov'd the Beauty and Decency of our Church, as much as any Man, but then his Temper was more com­plying; and his Policy was, to let Necessity govern in Matters of less weight, and to bend his private Incli­nations in such things, to the Preva­lency of the Times. Laud was for Compulsion and the Authority of the [Page 204] Magistrate against the Puritans: And Williams thought Insinuations and Compliances would work the best Ef­fects upon them, and that the surest way would be to catch them by craft. In short, Laud was a Man fit for Pri­mitive Times, but Williams to comply with the Weakness of his own; The One being fit to govern Saints, the Other to deal with Men, the difficul­ter Task by far.

Thus they being Men, both very active in their way, and their Notions of things quite different, it is natural they should be at Variance. And Laud Laud's Di­ary, Anno 1626. Jan. 17. in one main Point was grosly mistaken about Williams, who did always assert [87.] and maintain the Divine Right of Epi­scopacy, tho' Laud affirms he was of a contrary Opinion. But to search no farther into the Reasons of Things, let us now proceed to Matters of Fact, and to give an Account of such cross Accidents as befell the Bishop of Lin­coln, during the Time of Bishop Laud's Favour at Court; which was so great, that in Affairs of State, as well as of the Church he govern'd al­most Orders to regulate the Prea­chers. without Controul. And now one of the first things that he obtain'd [Page 205] of his Majesty was an Order to si­lence all Preaching, or Reading in the Universities, upon the Questions de­cided at Dort. This Direction of his Majesty's the Bishop of Lincoln obey'd, but foresaw that this Restraint would be so far from tending to the Peace of the Church, that it would make the Zealots of each Party the more earnest to establish their Opinion, and that in the End, it would in all pro­bability turn to a general Combustion. And tho' he for his own part did strictly observe the King's Orders, yet because he was not so stirring in them as was expected, he was mark'd out for an Opposer of the King's Commands, and a main stickler for the Adherents to the Synod of Dort.

Now was Prince Charles born; and The Birth of Prince Charles. An. 1630. May 29. to the great Solemnity of his Christ­ning on the 27^th of June, all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal about London [96.] were invited, excepting the Bishop of Lincoln, who was omitted on purpose; which troubled him mightily, that in a Day of publick Rejoycing, when his Majesty's Brow was clear to every body, it should frown upon him alone. Tho' for some time before this, he [Page 206] was quite thrown out of the Privy-Council, and not so much as allow'd the Honour of the Title, more than which he had not enjoy'd these four Years. The Bishop not knowing The main Reason of Williams's Disfavour. what Reason the King had for all his Displeasure against him, made bold to ask the Earl of Holland, whence he thought it might proceed? To which the Earl reply'd freely, That he must expect worse than this, because he was such a Champion for the Petition of Right; and that there was no room at the Table for those that lik'd it. And had not Williams been absolutely A Com­mission for regulating Fees. clear from all manner of Bribery and Extortion, not only during the time he was Lord Keeper, but likewise now in his Ecclesiastical Courts, his [94, 95.] Adversaries had brought him into a Star-Chamber Trial, by Virtue of the Commission for regulating of Fees (set on foot this Year) which sifted him narrowly, but could prove nothing against him.

And now the Bishop declining still The Bi­shop's Trou­bles en­crease. more and more in Favour, a mul­titude of lesser Troubles surround him, and several must needs be pecking at him, tho' it were but to ingratiate [Page 207] themselves at Court. Abundance of frivolous Accusations and little vexa­tious Law suits were brought against him daily; and it was the height of his Adversaries Policy to empty his Purse and clip his Wings by all the meanes they could invent, that so at last he might lie wholy at their mer­cy, and not be able to shift for him­self. Notwithstanding all which, what [89.] with his Innocency and what with his Courage springing from it, he bore up against them all, and never was the Man that shew'd a Grudge or Malice to any of them. But his He desires to know how he may ap­pease the King. Lordship perceiving himself to be thus perpetually harass'd he ask'd the Lord Cottington, if he could tell him, what he should do to procure his Peace, and such other ordinary Favours as other Bishops had from his Ma­jesty. To which the Lord Cotting­ton replied, That the splendour in which he liv'd, and the great resort of Company that came to him, was offensive, and that the King must needs take it ill, that one under the height of his Displeasure should live at so Magnificient a Rate. In the next Place his Majesty would be bet­ter [Page 208] satisfied if he resign'd the Dea­nery of Westminster, because he did not care that he should be so near a Neighbour to Whitehall. As for the First of these Reasons his natural Temper (tho' to be sure he was imprudent in it) would not suf­fer him to comply with it, and to moderate his Expences in House­keeping. And he was not so short­sighted The Bishop refuses to quit his Deanery. as to part with his Deanery upon such precarious Terms. For, (says he) What Health can come from such a Remedy? Am I like to be beholden to them for a settled Tranquility, that practice upon the Ruin of my Estate. and the Thrall of my Honour? If I forfeit one Pre­ferment for Fear, will it not encourage them to tear me Piece-meal hereafter? It is not my case alone, but every [90] Man's: and if the Law cannot main­tain my Right, it can maintain no Man's. So in spight of all their Contrivances to out him, he kept the Deanery till the King receiv'd it from him at Ox­ford, in the Year 1644. But they Contrivan­ces to make him uneasy in it did all they could, since he was re­solv'd to hold it, to make him as uneasy as possible in it. He was not [Page 209] admitted to Preach before the King in Lent (Good Friday being his usual Course) for Four Years; and for Three Years together, when he came to the Chapters, or to the Election of Scholars, he could not rest above a Day or two in College, but Secretary Coke either by his Letters, or by Word of Mouth commanded him from the King, to return to his Bishoprick. So that one time the Dav. Lloyd's Life of Williams. Bishop very resolutely ask'd him, how he durst command a Man out of his Freehold? Which wrought upon the Old Gentleman so far, that he never rested until he had his Pardon Seal'd for it. After this the Arch-Bishop was order'd by the King to press him to Residency upon his Bishop­rick by the Statute, since nothing else would remove him; and this contrivance lost it's Effect too. For [91.[ in answer to this he writes to his Grace thus; I confine my self to those particular seasons, to which the local Statutes of the College and my express Oath do enjoyn me; That is to say, the two Chapters and the great Festi­vals. All which space of Time doth not (being taken in the disjunct spaces) [Page 210] make a Bishop a Nonresident by any Law I know of, nor consequently in­fringe Cypr. Ang. p. 199. his Majesty's Instructions tho' a Man had no Dispensation; which Instructions require only that a Bishop should reside: but We presume that it is no part of his Majesty's gracious In­tention, that they should be confin'd, or as it were imprison'd in their Bi­shopricks.

And here his Vexations about the A Diffe­rence be­twixt him and the Prebenda­ries, An. 1634. Deanery rested for a few Years; after which, Differences broke out between the Dean and the Prebendaries of Westminster, upon which they drew up Six and Thirty Articles against him, frivolous and impertinent in the main, to which the Bishop answer'd with no concern at all. But if you will credit Barnard's Life of Heylyn. p. 160, &c. an Author that has but small affection for his Lordship (upon his Kinsman's Account) the Things alledg'd against him were notorious. So I refer my Reader to him, and to Bishop Hacket, and after comparing of them both to­gether, let him judge for himself: But whether the Bishop were at this time culpable or not, yet he kept his Deanery still. And to be sure his Actions were not like to have an over­favourable [Page 211] Interpretation from Dr. Heylyn, who was one of his chief Ac­cusers, and his profest Enemy, not only upon Bishop Laud's Account, but likewise upon the Account of a Barnard. p. 129. Personal Quarrel he had formerly with Bishop Williams. Justice to be sure ought to be executed indifferently upon all without respect of Persons: But then, if these Persons did heighten [92.] and exasperate their Complaints, nay, or if they stretch'd them to the full Ri­gour, against their Dean, who had been every way so great a Benefactor both to the College and Church of Westminster; we may modestly con­clude, That he receiv'd very hard measure at their Hands; as indeed most of the good Offices and Services he did in the foregoing Part of his Life, brought him in no small share of Evil.

As yet you see the Bishop of Lin­coln has not had the least glimpse of that good Fortune in this Reign, which he enjoy'd all along, without having it so much as once over-cast in the former. And now by this time it was sufficiently known to all People, how much he was out of Favour; so [Page 212] that it was look'd upon as a piece of Merit, to assist in his Ruin. And [96.] this perhaps might be some incitement The Bi­shop un­justly ac­cus'd a­bout the Ship-mo­ney. An. 1636. to what Sir Robert Osborn, High Sheriff of Huntingtonshire, acted a­gainst the Bishop in the levying of the Ship-Money. Williams for his part was very cautious to carry him­self without offence in this Matter; but Sir Robert, laying a very unequal levy upon the Hundred, wherein Bug­den was, the Bishop wrote courteously to him to rectify it, and he and his Neighbours would be ready to see it collected. Upon this, Sir Robert, catching at the Opportunity, posts up to Court, and makes a heavy Com­plaint against the Bishop, that he not only refus'd the Payment of Ship-Money himself, but likewise animated the Hundred to do so too. And yet for all this, when the Bishop after­wards clear'd himself before the Lords of the Council, and they were satis­fy'd, that he had behav'd himself with Duty and Prudence, Sir Robert was not reprehended, nor had the Bishop any Satisfaction given him, nor was the Levy regulated.

[Page 213] After this, was reviv'd the long and The Trial in Star-Chamber against the Bishop. troublesome Trial against the Bishop in the Star-Chamber, which commenc'd 4 Car. upon some Informations (as we hinted before) brought against him by Lamb and Sibthorp. I shall not pretend here to abstract the whole Proceedings, least my Reader might suspect me of Partiality; as indeed the leaving out of any one little Circumstance may give the whole Matter another Face, than what it really has. He therefore that [110 to 127] has so much Leisure and Curiosity Rushw. part 2d. p. 416. to p. 450. may have recourse to those Authors that have made it their Business to be particular in this Point. And af­ter he has compar'd Hacket and Rush­worth (the former in all probability having the clearest Knowledge of the most minute Circumstances) I doubt not but he will conclude that Bishop Williams had very hard Measure dealt him. However, when the Business [135.] July 11. 1637. The Bishop fin'd and imprison'd. came to a final determination, the Bishop was Fin'd 10000 l. to the King, and to suffer Imprisonment during his Majesty's Pleasure, and withall to be suspended by the High-Commission-Court from all his. Digni­ties, Offices and Functions.

[Page 214] And now a Man of moderate His Trou­bles in the Tower. Spleen would think his Adversaries might after this begin to relent and grow mild. But quite contra­ry, they continu'd all the Time he was in the Tower to persecute him, and to bring him to such a wretched condition, if possible, as should make even Themselves to pity him; for he had the Pity of others long be­fore. I should be reckon'd imper­tinent [127.] should I waste Time to tell, how several at this time forsook him and his Interest, since it was no longer their own; so I proceed to an ac­count of his Troubles in his Impri­sonment. His Fine to the King (as [128.] I told you) was a good Round Sum; and he heard that his Majesty would not bate any thing of it. Therefore that the Weight of it might not op­press him quite, he desir'd that it might be taken up by a Thousand pound Yearly, as his Estate would bear it, till the whole were paid; but could not have so small a Favour granted. Upon which Kilvert (the All his Things seiz'd and plunder'd. Bishop's vow'd Enemy) is order'd to go to Bugden and Lincoln, and there to seize upon all he could, and bring [Page 215] it immediately into the Exchequer. Away goes he, glad of the Office, and makes sure of all that could be found; Goods of all sorts, Plate, Books and such like, to the value of Ten thousand pounds: of which he never gave Account, but of Eight hundred. The Timber he feld, kill'd the Deer in the Park; sold an Organ that cost 120 l. for 10 l. Pictures that cost 400 l. for 5 l. made away with what Books he pleas'd; and conti­nu'd Revelling for Three Summers in Bugden House. For four Cellars of Wine, Syder, Ale and Bear, with Wood, Hay, Corn and the like, stor'd up for a Year or two, he gave no Account at all. And thus a brave Personal Estate was squander'd away, and not the least of the King's Fine paid all this while; whereas, if it had been manag'd to the best Advantage, it would have been sufficient to dis­charge the Whole. It were endless to repeat all the Contrivances against his Lordship during his Consine­ment; the Bills that were drawn up, and the Suits that were commenc'd against him, as it were on purpose to impoverish him, and to plunge him [Page 216] over Head and Ears in Debt, that so if he procur'd his inlargement from this Prison, he might not be long out of another: All which you may [128. to 139.] Read elsewhere at large. But this let His Pati­ence in his Sufferings. me add, for an Example to such as may fall into the like Calamities; that this undanted Prelate bore up against all these Afflictions with the Spirit of a Man and something more; which to me is an undeniable Proof of his Innocency; For, a wounded spirit who can bear? And this it was that made his Enemies still more bit­ter against him, to see him smile through all his Misfortunes; that had a stranger seen his Lordship in the Tower, he would never have taken him for a Prisoner, but rather for the Lord and Master of the Place. For here he liv'd with his wonted Chear­fulness and Hospitality, and wanted only a larger Allowance to give his Guests a heartier welcome; for now he was confin'd to bare 500 l. a Year, a great part of which was consum'd in the very Fees of the Tower. He [127.] diverted himself when alone some­times with writing Latin Poems, at other times with the Histories of [137.] [Page 217] such as were noted for their Suf­ferings in former Ages. And for the Three years and a half, that he was confin'd, he was the same Man as else where, excepting that his fre­quent Law Suits broke his studies often; and it could not be seen, that he was the least alter'd in his Health or the pleasantness of his Temper.

But say some, Williams may thank [135.] Conditions of Agree­ment of­fer'd him. himself for his continu'd Troubles, since he refus'd the Terms of agree­ment that were offer'd. But who must he thank for those Terms, which left him, if accepted of, in worse Circumstances than he was in be­fore? If he intends to be free from any farther vexations in the Star-Chamber; First, he must leave his [136.] Bishoprick and Deanery and all his Commendams, and take a Bishoprick in Ireland or Wales, as his Majesty should think fit. Secondly, he must The Holy Table, Name and Thing. recant his Book. Thirdly, secure all his Fine. And lastly never question any that had been imploy'd by his Majesty against him. To this he answer'd, that he was content to lay his Bishoprick and Deanry at his [Page 218] Majesty's Feet, but was not willing to go into Ireland; That he could not recant his Book, which he was ready to justify; that he would pay his Fine, as fast as he was able; and that he would not question any Body. Yet all this was not thought sufficient to attone for him. Then af­ter all, rather than contend with his Soveraign, he offers to resign all he has in the Church, but still to live in England. And as for his Book, he was sorry if any thing in it gave offence to his Majesty. But since he must be stript of all he had in the Church, he desir'd to know how much should be left him of all his Lands and Leases to live upon, that the Fine gatherers might not have all: And whether his Pension of 2000 Marks a Year and the 24000 l. in Arears for the same, should be taken in Part for the King's Pay­ment. The Answer he receiv'd was, That Pensions are not paid to Men out of Favour, as in the E. of Bri­stol's Case. And as for what should be allow'd him out of his own E­state to live upon, he must not know that till he had wholly submitted him­self. [Page 219] Upon this his Lordship writes to the Earl of Dorset (who carried these Messages to and fro) That it were a tempting of God, to part with all he had willingly, and leave himself no Assurance of a Livelihood: That his Debts, if he came out of the Tower, would cast him into another Prison, no better Provision being made for them, than he saw appearance of: That he would never hazard himself into a condition to beg his Bread. And so from this time, he was resolv'd to exercise his Patience, and wait a bet­ter Day.

After this he heard that the Arch-Bishop The Trou­bles of the Nation in­crease. was like to fall into no small Troubles: and his Majesty's Expedi­tion [137.] into the North gave our Bishop some respite from his. And when the Articles of Pacification, made at Berwick, were burnt in London, and Hacket brought the news of it to the Bishop in the Tower, his Lord­ship broke out into these Words: I am right sorry for the King, who is like to be forsaken by his Subjects at home, but far more by all Kings and Princes abroad, who do not love him. But for the Arch-Bishop, he had best [Page 220] not meddle with me; for all the Friends he can make, will be too few to save him. And so it unhappily prov'd in a short time. But do you not hope Sir (says Hacket) that such Concus­sions as you fear will come to pass, will give you your Peace and Liberty? Possibly (says the Bishop) they will. And he had drawn up his Case and [110.] all his Grievances in 20. Sheets of Paper to present it to the Parliament which met now; but it being Dis­solv'd, A Parl. call'd An. 1640. Apr. 13. when it had Sate but Three Weeks, he was prevented in his De­sign. Which sudden Dissolution was [137.] perhaps that which hasten'd the Ruin of all Things; and against which the Lord Keeper Coventry had Caution'd his Majesty the Year before with his dying Breath, desiring that his Ma­jesty would take all Distasts from the Parliament, Summon'd against April, with patience, and suffer it to sit with­out an unkind Dissolution.

On the 3^d of November the Par­liament Another Parl. call'd and the Bishop of Lincoln set at Li­berty. Assembled again; and the Bi­shop of Lincoln Petitions by the Medi­ation of the Queen for his Liberty, and to have his Writ to come as a Peer into the Parliament House; [Page 221] which was oppos'd by the Lord Kee­per Finch (Successor to the Lord Coventry) and Arch-Bishop Laud. But Le­strange's K. Ch. p. 206. the Upper House Petition'd his Ma­jesty for him, and on the 16^th of No­vemb. sent to the Lieutenant of the [138, 139, 140, 141.] Tower to Deliver him to their Officer of the Black Rod, who conducted him to the Parliament, where he sate amongst the Bishops. But he had not been many Hours in the House, before he was amaz'd to see such warm Doings, and such strong and thwarting Interests on foot. The The Bi­shop's Loy­alty. Disloyal Party thought themselves sure of the Bishop, and that a Man of his great Spirit would not be un­mindful at such a time of his great sufferings, little thinking that true Magnanimity is above the Baseness of a Revenge; so that in a Day or Two they perceiv'd they had mista­ken their Man, insomuch that one cry'd out, We have Conjur'd up a spi­rit, I would we could lay him again. For which Adherence of his to the Wilson's Hist. Gr. Brit. p. 197. A. W. Co. and Char. p. 176. King; and closing again when he saw the Axe laid to the Root of Episcopacy, some have snarl'd at him. His Ma­jesty was soon acquainted with his [Page 222] Loyalty, and that he did not refrain to fall sharply upon those Lords, to whom he ow'd his Releasement, for not speaking dutifully of his Majesty, and of his Actions with Reverence. Which when the King heard, he sent for him and had conference with him alone till after Midnight. And to make him some Amends for what was past, he commanded all Orders Fil'd up against him to be cancel'd and eraz'd, that no memorial of them might remain. But for the Bishop to The Bi­shop's Cha­rity to his Enemies, blot such Things out of his Remem­brance, it was the very Perfection of Generosity; and Nature had given him a comprehensive Memory, reten­tive of all Things but Injuries. He was at perfect Charity with all that were so busie and active against him: and when some were set on to try how he stood affected to his Prose­cutors, he answer'd, That if they had no worse Foes than him, they might fear no harm, and that he saluted them with the Charity of a Bishop. And when Kilvert came to him to crave Pardon and Indemnity for all the Wrongs he had done; I assure you Pardon (says the Bishop) for [Page 223] what you have done before; but this is a new fault, that you take me to be of so base a spirit, as to defile my self with treading upon so mean a Creature. Live still by Petty-fogging and Im­peaching, and think that I have for­gotten you.

Thus have I given you a full Ac­count of the Fall of this great States-Man, and have brought him through all his Troubles and his long Confine­ment at last to his Liberty again, tho' not to that Splendor wherein we have seen him in the former Reign. Now he is absolutely Sequestred from all his Offices in the State, being at present not so much as of the Council. So that in the remaining Scene of his Life, his utmost Endeavours must be to maintain the Character of a Pre­late. And what Troubles shall hence forward befall him cannot properly be call'd his, but the Nation's; in which indeed he bore a great share, as an eminent Member of that Church whose Miseries now began to close her in on every side. So that what there remains of his Life I shall refer to my Fourth and last Part.

HAving related his Actions as a States-Man, I proceed now to give an Account of him as a Divine. A Character not so full of Pomp, per­haps, nor so dazling to the Eyes of the People; but yet, if we seriously consider it, more glorious, and of an higher nature than the other. And I call him now from the service of an Earthly Prince, to attend upon the King of Kings, the Lord of Hosts, the Almighty Creatour and Gover­nour of the World.

Some Passages relating to him this A Re­collection of some Things in the first part. way were mention'd in the First, and the Beginning of the Second Part; [Page 225] where when Chancellor Egerton dy'd, we left him, (preparing for his Cure at Walgrave) to carry him on in his Business as in a Lay-Capacity. Now therefore we will resume him here, and trace him in the Church, from the time of his Removal to Walgrave in Northampton-shire, quite down to his dying Day.

After he had taken his Doctor's Dr. Wil­liams set­tles at Walgrave. Degree in the Year 1617. when the bustle of the Commencement was over, he retir'd to his Cure. Where (33.) he had been at the Expence, be­fore he came, of Building, Garden­ing and Planting, so as to make the place fit and pleasant for all seasons of the Year. So that when he came, he had no preparations to make, but immediately to fall to the Enjoyment of his Retirement. And to make this compleat, and to secure himself from Laziness (the Disgrace of most retir'd Persons) he had provided a choice Collection of Books: to which (34.) he apply'd himself so very closely, that nothing but his great Tempe­rance in his Diet could have pre serv'd his Body from the Decay that his too much studying must necessa­rily [Page 226] have brought upon him. Nor was he exemplary to the Countrey-Clergy only as a Student, but was likewise very Religious in the Obser­vance of all the other Parts of his duty. For he read Prayers constant­ly upon Wednesdays and Frydays, ex­pounded the Catechism in Lent and upon all Holy-days, and Preach'd du­ly Twice every Sunday at Walgrave or at Grafton, performing his Turn too at Kettering, a Market-Town hard by, in a Lecture supplied by a Combination of the best Divines there­about. It was a common saying with him, that the way to get Credit from the Nonconformists was to out-Preach them. And so well was he lik'd for (35.) his Preaching, that his Church us'd to be throng'd with Gentry of the neighbouring Parishes, as well as his own.

What was most remarkable of him His Hospi­tality at Walgrave. while he was here, was his generous and open House-keeping, which was indeed very commendable in him. This made him very much visited by the Clergy all about, Rich as well as Poor. The Nobility and Gentry too were fond of him, and resorted fre­quently [Page 227] to his House, not for the sake of his Table, but for the di­verting Entertainment his good Con­sorts of Musick afforded them. For he kept with him the best Voices and Instruments he could get, being one that was mightily given this way himself. As by these means he lay'd His Cha­rity. Obligations upon the Gentelmen, so he purchas'd the Prayers of the Poor by his Charity. If any of his Poor Parishioners were sick, he was very constant in going to visit them, to pray with them and to bless them. And, to help them all that he could in their Afflictions, he would supply them with Money, and very often pay their Physitians himself; and would order something that was com­fortable for them out of his own Kitch­ing, as Broths, and Cordial Decoctions. There are few Instances, I believe, (if any) of those that grew the poorer for their Charity: Dr. Williams I am sure found it otherwise; for at this time, to increase yet his plentiful In­come (as tho' it had been so order'd by Providence to maintain his great Li­berality) he had a considerable Le­gacy fell to him by the Death of his [Page 228] Kinsman John Panton, Servant at the same time with him to the Lord Chancellor Egerton: and immediately (36.) after this he was made Dean of Salis­bury: So true is that observation of Solomon's, the Liberal soul shall be made fat.

But he continued still (tho' Dean) He dis­charges well the Office of a Justice of the Peace. at Walgrave, the Place where he was so universally respected and belov'd. And what made him the more so, was his Office he had there of being Justice of the Peace; which he dis­charg'd with all the Skill and Con­duct, as if he had been bred up to the Law. As he lov'd his Countrey, so he made it his Business to serve and defend it, and that with all the undaunted Courage imaginable; but especially if any of the Clergy were oppress'd, to be sure he was very active and resolute in maintaining their Rights. If any private Quarrels and Bickerings were brought before him, he very rarely granted his War­rant to the Parties to proceed; but did all he could with Advice and fair speeches to reconcile them in his Buttery or Cellar: and rather than fail, he would pay the Damages all [Page 229] or in part, which the injur'd Person demanded. This doubtless is a piece of the most Christian-like Charity, that is to be met with in any Ex­ample; to save his poor Neighbours not only from emptying their purses in vexatious Law-suits, but likewise to keep them from running into those most unchristian and devillish passions of Hatred and Revenge, which (God knows) among such inconsiderate Wretches too often end in Blood­shed and Murder. But he had not follow'd this Practice long, before he was in a great Measure forc'd to lay it aside, when he found how some Rogues would put upon his good Nature, and fall out on purpose, that he might be at the Charge of making them Friends. Which shews that there is not out of Cities so much innocence and primitive simplicity as some have imagin'd, and that there are many shrew'd Countrey­fellows as cunning and politick in their way, as the Courtiers are in theirs.

Thus the Dr. continued at Wal­grave doing Good, and very much [Page 230] esteem'd for above Two years; when He quits the Deane­ry of Salis­bury for that of Westmin­ster. See p. 57. the Deanery of Westminster being at that time void, he requested of his New Patron the Marquess of Buck­ingham, that he might exchange the Deanery of Salisbury for that of Westminster; which was granted to him. Which piece of Preferment he valued so much the more, because it was near the Court, and so the fitter for his purpose, who probably had still an Eye to some farther Advance­ment. His Predecessors here were (45.) Men very eminent in their Time: Two above all were such incompar­able Patterns, that it was the height of his Ambition to emulate them; Dr. Andrews for his great Care and Incouragement of Learning in the School, and Abbot Islip for his vast Expences upon the Minster. As soon Takes care of the School at Westmin­ster. therefore as he was possest of the Deanery, he took the School into his Consideration first: and there was scarce a week (when he was in the College) but he would go to the se­veral Classes and instruct the Lads and take an Account of them, that so he might countenance and incou­rage the most hopeful and those of [Page 231] the best Parts. And seldom it was (even when he kept the great Seal) that he omitted to call out some of them to stand before him at Meal-Times (when he was most at Lei­sure) to give an account of their progress and Towardliness. Which notice of his repen'd the Youth so fast, that the Number sent out to both Universities was almost double to those that were remov'd in for­mer Elections. Thus he had com­pass'd one considerable Part of his Desires. And the next Obect of his (46.) Repairs the Abby. Heylyn in his Obs. on Chur. Hist. of Brit. p. 273. detracts from Wil­liams's Magnifi­cence, but is suffici­ently an­swer'd at [92, 93.] Elumination was Abbot Islip. To give him the better opportunity to shew his virtue this way, he found the Church in a very great Decay. So he began to repair it at the South-East part, which look'd so much the more ruinous because it join'd to Henry the 7^th^'s Chappel, a later Build­ing. In the next place he proceeded to the North-West part, which looks to the great Sanctuary. This was very far gone, and the great Buttres­ses were almost crumbled to Dust through the injury of the Weather; which he rebuilt with durable Mate­rials, and adorn'd them with elegant [Page 232] Statues; among which there was one to the memory of Islip, and another for his good Master King James, as Part. 2. p. 507. Sanderson relates in his Reign, tho' Bishop Hacket says nothing of it. So that in this Work (all of his own cost) he expended 4500 l. After he had taken care thus of the Fabrick of the Church, he bethought himself of the decent performance of God's Ser­vice in it; and to this End he pro­cur'd the best Musick both for Or­gan and Voices, that could possibly be got. After this, he made a very good Library of a waste room in the (47.) East side of the Cloysters, furnish'd it Makes a Library. with Desks, Chains, Books and other necessaries to the value of 500 l. and more. And here he laid his choicest Manuscripts and Parchments. Be­sides these and other Benefits the Col­lege receiv'd from his bounty, he dis­charg'd a Debt of 300 l. for them, which he found, when he came to look into their Accounts, they had contracted by their Entertainments and Treats. Not long after, he foun­ded Founds four Scho­larships. Four Scholarships, the Scholars distinguish'd from the rest by their vio­let Gowns, for whose maintainance he [Page 233] purchas'd Lands. And he did not only share his Riches amongst them here, but likewise, when in those Days a great part of the Liberties of the City were threatned to be cut off by the En­croachments of the Lord Steward of the King's Houshold, and the Knight Marshal, he withstood them manfully (as appears from a Letter of his to the Cabal. p. 283. Duke) and would accept of no Com­position to let them share in the Pri­viledges, which by Right they never had, but preserv'd the Charter of the Place intire in its Jurisdiction and an­cient Immunities. So that he was happy indeed in the Place, but the Place was aboundantly more happy in him.

He had not been Dean long before he was made Lord Keeper, being sworn into that Office on the 10^th of July, 1621. having entred upon his Deanery on the 12^th of the same Month in the foregoing Year. And immediately af­ter the Great Seal was deliver'd to him he was made Bishop of Lincoln, at which time, so great was his Favour with the King, that he obtain'd Three Bishopricks more for those he recom­mended to his Majesty. And at this [65.] July 26. 1621. very juncture of time it was that that [Page 234] famous Accident happen'd of Arch­bishop Abbot's Killing the L. Zouch's Keeper in Bramshill-Park. Which Mischance defer'd the Consecration of these Bishops for some time; and tho' his Majesty (after a long and doubt­ful Debate amongst the Civilians) did at the last assoil the unfortunate and innocent Prelate from all Irregularity by the Broad Seal; yet the scruple [68.] stuck so much upon the Lord Keeper (as he gives his Judgment of the Fact in a Letter to the Duke) and upon the Cabal. p. 284. other Three Bishops Elect, that they besought the King, they might be con­scerated by some other Bishops: and so it was, the Lord Keeper on the Cypr. Ang. p. 88. 11^th of November being Consecrated Bishop of Lincoln, in the Chappel of King Henry, by virtue of a Commis­sion under the Broad Seal, according to the Statute of King Henry VIII. But I cannot see how Dr Heylyn could Cypr. Ang. p. 87. by a favourable Construction gather out of the Keeper's foremention'd Letter to the Duke, that this great Scruple of his proceeded not from his Caution, but merely from Interest, and that he had the Chair of Canterbury in his Eye, thinking (as he guesses) [Page 235] to compass it, by declaring the Arch­bishop Irregular. Certainly when an Historian is left to his Guesses, he should always incline to a favourable Interpretation of the Actions of o­thers.

The Lord Keeper by reason of his [86.] great Imployment in the State, could not be spar'd, to reside upon his Dio­cess and have himself an immediate Inspection over his Clergy. But tho' he was absent in Body, yet was he pre­sent in Mind; and took all the possible Care he could to have a faithful ac­count, from such able and diligent Per­sons as he intrusted, of all Occurren­ces in every Parish: over and above, he had the Name of every Parson and Vicar, could tell what they were all of them, as to their Learning, as well as their manner of Life and Conversa­tion. He did (in short) as much as a Bishop could do, while for the space of almost Five Years his service to his King and his Countrey would not per­mit him to be resident. And they knew not that they miss'd him, till he came to live amongst them, and made a large Amends for his Absence when he set­tled at Bugden. But let his Bus'ness [Page 236] be never so great, he was mindful of his Office as a Bishop, and never neg­lected Ordinations; every Lent too he preach'd before the King at his Chappel, and constantly upon the great Festivals of our Church, at Westminster-Abbey: on which Days he chanted the Prayers, and administred the Sacraments. And, it seems, there was but too great need of such Pat­terns, as the Bishop was, for preaching in those Times: for the King's Indul­gence Wilson. Hist. Gr. Br. p. 198. towards the Papists, and the Treaty with Spain going on at the same Time, made the Pulpits perfectly Declamatory; but above all they rung against the Spanish Match; insomuch that his Majesty silenc'd some, impri­prison'd some, and threatn'd to arraign others for their Lives, had not the Keeper interpos'd to mediate for them; upon which he was set on work by his Majesty to draw up some Directions for the due limiting of the Preachers, in which Bishop Laud too had a hand, Cypr. Ang. p. 97. as Dr. Heylyn says. Which Directions, together with his Majesty's Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury (bear­ing Date Aug. 4. 1622.) you may read Wils. Hist. Gr. Br. p. 198, 199. at large in several Historians. Which [Page 237] Instructions, how a great many mur­mured Cabal. p. 112. against them then, putting an ill Construction upon what was well meant, you may see in Dr. Heylyn; Cypr. Ang. p. 99, 100. to whom I refer you, because at the same Time that he clears the King and Laud, he likewise vindicates Williams, who according to Hacket, [89.] was the principal Contriver of that Scheme.

The present posture likewise of the Frankl. Annals, p. 69. King's Affairs (in the Year 1621.) made him think it convenient, that there should be Favour shewn to the Popish Recusants, and to release the poorer sort out of Prison; which made the People very uneasy. And our Bishop (then Lord Keeper) being imploy'd to copy out the King's Letters in this Affair to the Judges, and to set the Broad-Seal to his Majesty's Writs; he [93.] was traduc'd for a Favourer of the Church of Rome; nay so far, by a Ranting Fellow about the Town, that he was not far from receiving a Cardinal's Cap from Rome for his Ser­vices. When first he heard of this great Scandal, and that one Sadler was the Author of it, he pass'd it by with Contempt, and said only, That the [Page 238] Reporters saw the Oar under Water, and thought it was crooked. Never­theless Frankl. Annals, p. 69. since Offence was taken at this Indulgence to the Papists, the Lord Keeper (to vindicate his Majesty as well as himself) in a Letter to the [92.] Lord Viscount Anan, truly satisfies the World as to the Reasons of it; which Letter is now extant in several Cabal. p. 293. Books.

But let this one passage suffice, to shew how averse the Keeper was to the Romish Church, and how very jealous he was of their endeavouring to establish their Church-Government amongst us: When Buckingham was with the Prince at Madrid, he sends him a Letter, dated August 30. 1623. wherein he writes thus: ‘Dr. Bishop Cabal. p. 298. the new Bishop of Calcedon, is come to London privately, and I am much troubled thereabouts, not know­ing what to advise his Majesty in this posture, as things stand at this present. If you were shipp'd (with the Infanta) the only Counsel were, to let the Judges proceed with him presently, to hang him out of the way, and the King to blame my Lord of Cantuar. or my self fot it. But [Page 239] before you be shipp'd in such form and manner, I dare not assent, or connive at such a Course. It is (my Gracious Lord) a most insolent part, and an Offence (as I take it) against our Common-Law (and not the Sta­tutes only, which are dispenc'd withal) for an Englishman, to take such a Consecration, without the King's Consent; and especially to use any Episcopal Jurisdiction in this King­dom, without the Royal Assent; and Bishops have been in this State, put to their Fine and Ransom for so do­ing, three hundred Years ago.’

Add to this, that some of the Romish [94.] party petition'd my Lord of Bucking­ham for Titulary Popish Prelates in this Kingdom; upon which (not know­ing well what to think of the Matter) he sends to the Keeper for his Advice, who immediately with the strongest Reasons he could urge, put a stop to the Motion. After this, when the Prince [122.] was in Spain, the Keeper was cry'd up afresh for a Promoter of the Popish Interest, thinking (as they falsly urg'd against him) that a Match with the In­fanta would cause a Toleration of that Religion, and then who likelier to be [Page 240] prefer'd than he for his good Services. But a Paper, which at that time he presented to the King to cure Popular Discontents, shall answer for his Inte­grity; which Proposals had been pub­lish'd, had not the long Treaty set in a Cloud. But the Original Draught of them is now to be seen in B. Hacket. And I am apt to believe, had his Book been but publish'd, or the several Ori­ginal Papers in it, before the Histo­rians of those Times wrote; that Bi­shop Williams had escap'd aboundance of groundless Slanders, excepting we can suppose some of them obstinately bent to write for a Party, point-blank against their Knowledge.

And thus I have (I hope) rescu'd him from the Imputation of Popery; a Slan­der, w^ch it has been the hard Fate of our greatest and worthiest Prelates to suffer under, occasion'd all along by the Su­perstition of the Vulgar. But I shall clear him farther yet in this Point, when I shall tell my Reader, That he was by a far Greater Party judg'd to be Puritannically given; for I think [95.] Heylyn's Observat. on the Hist. of K. Ch. p. 137. 138. our Bishop is the only Person of his Order, that I remember aspersed with two such contradicting Characters. And [Page 241] I shall therefore labour the more ear­nestly to clear him in this point, be­cause The Bp. no Puritan: Prov'd from seve­ral Argu­ments. this last Calumny stuck closer to him. And at this very Day there are a great many living, that will hardly be brought over to think, the Bishop was a stanch Church-Man at the bot­tom. So that if I can remove this last Objection, I shall do not only a piece of Justice to his Lordship's Me­mory, but likewise some Service to the Episcopal Order it self: since the World is generally so unjust in its Censures, as to scandalize a whole Profession, if but one of its Members fail. And that I may not be thought to proceed out of Prejudice upon this point, I shall make no use of Autho­rities, and the good Word of such as were known to be the Bishop's Friends, but shall compare the Bishop with him­self, and then leave my Reader to judge impartially what the Result may be; and what Interpretation his Actions will bear, making no Grains of Allow­ance for either Ballance.

First of all then, let me make an First Ar­gument. Observation, which tho' it may at first blush seem but a Trifle, yet if examin'd to the bottom may prove [Page 242] of more force than any thing I know has as yet been urg'd in his behalf. You may remember in the Second Part, that the King had order'd him (when he was then but Dean of West­minster) to write a small Treatise for the use of the Lady Catherine Manners, who being Married to Buckingham, was newly converted from the Romish Church to ours. In the Letter, which he sent to the Marquess with some of the Copies, he tells him, that he translated the Prayers from ancient Writers, that her Ladyship might see, we have not coin'd a new Worship, or service of God. Now 'tis a very fair Conjecture, that, had he been Fana­tically given, he had been apt to be­tray himself at so fair an opportuni­ty, and 'tis odds but the motions of the Spirit (as they blaspheme) had led him from the reasonable sacrifice of the Ancients to some Enthusiasti­cal transports of his own. I leave my Reader to improve this Argu­ment, from the Hint I have given him, while I seek for somewhat else in the Bishops defence. I pass by his Benefactions to St. John's Col­lege in Cambridge, (no favourer or [Page 243] nursery, I am sure, of Puritans) till I shall have time to give a more particular Account of those mat­ters.

How great an admirer he was of Second Arg. our Liturgy, and how forward to pro­mote the credit of it beyond Seas, is evident from the care he took to have it turn'd into Spanish and French, when the Treaties with those two Nations were in agitation. But especially he retriev'd the credit of our Religion with the Spaniards, who before that time took us for perfect A­theists, and thought that we had cast off all Religion when we shook off the Pope; and that we never us'd the Name of God, but profainly. Inso­much Spots­wood Ch. Hist, of Scotland. p. 530. that the Constable of Castile being sent to swear the Peace for­merly concluded with Spain, when he understood the Bus'ness was to be perform'd in the Chappel, where some Anthems were to be sung, he desir'd, that whatsoever was sung, God's Name might not be us'd in it, and then he was content they should sing what they pleas'd.

I may add here as a great argu­ment Third Arg. of his Love to our Church, [Page 244] how earnest he was to disswade the (203, &c.) Duke of Buckingham from the sale of the Church Lands, which was a thing first put into his Head and promoted by Dr. Preston; to satisfy whom Bishop Williams offer'd to give him his Deanery of Westminster, if he would but desist and urge the matter no farther to the Duke. He took what care lay in his power too, that no unworthy Members crept into the Church, and would intercede for Men of Merit with the Duke, even to the incurring of his Grace's displeasure; Dated Dec. 24. Jan. 4. 1624. Cabal. p. 304, 305. as may be seen from Two of his Let­ters yet extant. But to be sure when he prefer'd any himself, they were Men the best qualified for Virtue and (96) Learning, and well affected to our most excellent Liturgy and Church-Government. All which things may for the present serve to take off the Reader's prejudice; not but that as we go on he will meet with several hints, which a Man of Reason may himself improve into so many argu­ments for the Orthodoxy of this Pre­late. His care to keep Fo­reign Reli­gions out of the Nation.

I cannot tell where to insert the Two following passages more pro­perly [Page 245] than here, and that because they seem to have some small rela­tion to what we have just now con­cluded upon. The Braziers among the poor distrest Protestants in Bo­hemia petition'd King James, for leave to come over into England with their Wives and Children; up­on which condition they would bring along with them their Substance, to the value of Two hundred thousand pounds, and submit themselves abso­lutely with all they had to his Ma­jesty's Customs and Taxes. But then they desir'd that they might live in a Body, and have a free Enjoyment of their own Religion apart from us. His Majesty, thinking it might turn to his Advantage, was complying; but our Bishop (who was then Lord Keeper) disswaded him, arguing from the Example of the Dutch and French, who were settled amongst us. Who indeed brought advantage by their Manufacture to the Nation; but then the Discipline, which by vir­tue of their Patent they transplanted too, did far more damage to our Church, than they by their Industry could profit the State.

[Page 246] The next thing I would mention He ap­proves not of the High-Commis­sion Court. is with reference to the High Comis­sion Court, in which after he was Dean of Westminster he always had a Vote amongst others; but so little (97.) did he relish this Ecclesiastical Court, that all the time he was Dean, he ap­pear'd but once at Lambeth when the Court fate. And he would say, that the Institution of the Court was without exception good: and that no harm was to be fear'd from a good Prince in that Court; but then if God should give us a King in his Anger, given to oppression, he had a Statute would enable him to act 1. Eliz. Cap. 1. wickedness by a Law. And besides this he did not approve of the mul­tiplicity of Causes that were brought in here, and the severity of the Cen­sures in this Court. He thought it hard that a Minister should be stript of all he had, if a scandalous Crime were prov'd against him. But above (98.) all (said he) there is nothing of Bro­therhood nor of Humanity in this, when we have cast a Priest out of doors and left him no shelter to cover his Head; that we make no provision for him out of his own for Term of [Page 247] Life, to keep him from the Extremi­ties of Starving or begging, those de­form'd Miseries. And this is all that I find remarkable of him as a Church-Man till such time as the Great Seal was taken from him.

So that now we enter upon a fresh From hence for­ward he has no Of­fice in the State. Scene of his Life, which will hold on quite to the End. For from hence forward we must not consider him in a Mixt Character, because he was no longer in any Office in the State; and tho' yet a while, he had the Title of a Privy-Counseller, yet he was never admitted to the Board. And his Adversaries by their good Will would not so much as let him sit in Parliament; so that had he not had courage sufficient to grapple with them, they had depriv'd him at this time of his Right of Peerage. For (86.) [28.] Four years absent from his Diocess. Four years after his Consecration he had not time, for the multitude, of his State Affairs, so much as to make his appearance in a Visitation amongst his Clergy. But neverthe­less his Government was such as gave content to his whole Diocess. He manag'd all things with the greatest exactness by faithful Substitutes, who [Page 248] gave him a just account of all things: so that he knew even the Name and Character of every one of his Clergy, and took care to encourage the De­serving. And they knew not that they wanted him, till he came now to live at Bugden, and made them a large Amends for his former Absence. He found the House here quite out [29.] Comes to live at Bugden. of Repair and all Order, and the Place it self indeed not very enter­taining, considering that he came here in the beginning of Winter; for it is but a very dirty Countrey for that Season. But in the space of one year he made a good Dwelling out of a ruinous Pile, and the most costly Furniture he had was the curious Collection of Paintings he had made. He beautified the Chappel too with all the Expence it was capable of. After this he planted Woods and Walks, fenc'd the Park and stor'd it with Deer. And he bought in all the Leases belonging to the Demeasns, which through mis-managment were let out to the very Gates. His de­light lay chiefly in the most inno­cent Pleasures of Gardening, so that he was profuse in his Expences this [Page 249] way, in Arbours, Flowers of the choicest sort, Orchards, Pools, Fish-Ponds, with a Walk rais'd three foot from the Ground, of about a Mile in compass pal'd in, and shaded on each side with Trees; for walking was his chief Exercise, which he us'd in fair Weather for two Hours and more every Day.

During the Time he liv'd here, the [30.] Divine Ser­vice de­cently per­form'd at his Chap­pel. Morning and Evening Service at his Chappel was decently perform'd, with the Organ and other Musick, and the best Voices that could be procur'd, the Bishop himself often bearing a Te­nor Heylyn's Observ. on Lestr. Hist. of K. Cha. p. 1 36, &c. Part amongst them. And the Altar here was as in all Cathedral Churches, adorn'd with all things proper, as rich Plate, and other costly Utensils. And this (notwithstanding a worthy Person has put a different Interpretation on his Actions) seems a convincing Argument, if you compare the Bishop all along with himself, that he was in his Heart a great Admirer of Decency in Divine Worship in the highest Degree; how­ever he might think fit in some Parish Churches to comply with the Weak­ness of the People, rather than give Offence to them. And I know not [Page 250] what will become of Charity and good Nature, if a Man must be counted of a Party with all those he carries him­self civilly and obliging to. I am sure if Jews and Infidels, deserve gentle usage from Us, those that have a far neerer Relation to Us, do much more deserve it. But I go on: The Bishop's passion for Musick was so well known, that the greatest Masters resorted to him from London, especially in the Summer-Time; to whom he was very liberal in his Gratifications; to one in particular, a Gentleman of the King's Chappel, he gave a Lease worth five hundred pounds.

The Concourse that came to the His Hospi­tality. Bishop's Chappel was very great; and his Table was for the most part well fill'd with Gentry, insomuch that one, who can hardly find in his Heart to Sander­son's King James par. 2. p. 507. K. Ch. p. 24. give him a good Word, says, That he liv'd at Bugden the most Episcopal of any of his Predecessors. All the great Persons and Nobility that had occasion to travel that way, would call upon his Lordship, from whom they and their Retinue were sure of a hearty Wel­come, and the best Entertainment. All the Neighb'ring Clergy too, nay [Page 251] and the very Yeomanry of Fashion, were free to come to his Table; and indeed he seldom sate down without some of the Clergy. I need not men­tion his Charity to the Poor; for if he was so careful of them when he was Rector at Walgrave, to be sure he did not take less care of them now he was Bishop, and more he could not well take. Of all things he did not love to live sparingly, and seclude himself from good Conversation: And it was his Saying, That he would spend his own while he had it; for he thought his Adversaries would not permit him long to enjoy it. And while some [32.] thought his Magnificence would run him into Debt, he was provident enough to look after his own Concerns, and to keep within Bounds, tho' they were very large ones.

Had the Bishop not liv'd in the His plea­sant Con­versation. Plenty with which GOD had blest him, yet his Discourse and Artful way of suiting himself to his Guests was so very entertaining, that he was not like to be much alone. The Men of Wit and Learning from Cambridge and Oxford, made him frequent Vi­sits, so that very often, take the Com­pany [Page 252] and Entertainments together, Bugden might resemble one of the Universities in Commencement-Time. And when he had Scholars about him, and such Company as could relish his Discourse, he would very often keep them up till Midnight, or later. But I must not forget one Thing of which he was always mindful at his Table. At Dinner a Chapter was read in the English Bible, by one of the Choiri­sters, and at Supper another in La­tin by one of his Gentlemen, for there was none of them but had at least so much Learning.

And this leads me naturally to speak The Go­vernment of his Fa­mily. of the Government of his Family; in which perhaps he was something too remiss, not out of any Neglect, or [37, 38.] that he lov'd Disorder; but because he was not severe enough in punish­ing his Servants for their Faults. For a small Repentance would very often with him attone for a considerable Misdemeanour, which proceeded from a Good-natur'd Opinion he had, that there was some hopes in time even of the worst of Men, and that none were so bad, but that they had some Good in them. Hence it was that he would [Page 253] chide very loud and angrily, but sel­dom proceeded any farther. But yet he discarded one or two that were in­corrigible in their Disorders, and one for his Treachery, in transcribing some of his Letters, which he found in his Study, and sending them to his Ene­mies, to make their Advantage of them. But we must consider that his Lord­ship's Retinue was great, and not a few of them Sons to very good Men, which were prefer'd to wait upon him, not for the sake of Wages, but for the Advantage of being in a good Family. And these would not take it well to be kept under so much as the other Servants. These considerations do alleviate (tho' not excuse) what some laid to the Bishop's Charge, that he knew better how to keep himself blameless, than those he had about Is censur'd for having Plays acted. him. But what some censured him for, was, his permitting a Comedy to be acted once or twice before him in his Hall; nay, and upon a Sunday Heylyn's Obs. on the Ch. Hist. of Brit. p. 243. Evening, upon which he had Ordain'd too, as one affirms; which Circum­stance, if true, I wonder how it came to be omitted by the Author of his Life, who doubtless knew the Bishops private [Page 254] Actions the best of any Man. And he affirms, That Lincoln did no more in recreating himself with such Diver­sions, then he had seen that Grave Prelate Archbishop Bancroft do at Lambeth. And all that B. Williams answer'd, to such as objected against his pleasant way of Living when he was in Disgrace, was, That he knew His Cauti­on to avoid Scandal. not what he had done, to live the worse for their sakes, that did not love him. And we may believe, that if he thought there was any ill, or any real occasion for Offence in what he did, that he would have abridg'd himself in his Diversions; for he was nicely [35.] scrupulous of any thing that he could in Charity suppose might be turn'd into a Scandal: for which reason, being himself Unmarried, he kept only Men Servants in his House. But nothing (36.) Young No­bility edu­cated in his Family. can be said more in praise of the Bi­shop's Family, than that it was the Nursery of several Noblemens Sons: Those of the Marquess of Hart­ford, of the Earls of Pembroke, Sa­lisbury and Leicester, with many other Young Gentlemen about an Age, whereof some were his Relations, and his Countrey-men. These had Tu­tors, [Page 255] of whom the Bishop took an Ac­count, how their Pupils improv'd in Virtue and Learning. And to those that were in a manner fit for the Universi­ties, before he sent them from him, he read himself a brief System of Logick; which Lectures even his own Ser­vants frequented, that were capable of such Instructions. But his princi­pal Care was, that they should be throughly grounded in the Principles of Religion; for which reason he committed not a Trust of so great Im­portance wholly to his Chaplain, but every Lent examin'd them every one from the Person of the highest Qua­lity to the meanest Servant, in the Fundamental Questions of the Ca­techism.

The Magnificence of his Hospita­lity [33.] His Libe­rality. shews that Bishop Williams was free-hearted and generous; but if we add to this his great Liberality to Gentlemen of narrow Fortunes, and to poor hopeful Scholars in both U­niversities, we shall hardly be able to find his equal. For his Disburse­ments this way every year amounted to a Thousand, sometime to Twelve hundred pounds. Wilson's Hist. of Gr. Brit. p. 197. And there is a re­markable [Page 256] Instance in History of his Bounty, which I will insert here. When Monsieur de Molin (a Famous Minister) fled over into England in the Time of the Persecution in France; the Bishop hearing of him, order'd his Chaplain Dr. Hacket to make him a Visit from him. And guessing that he might very probably be in want, he bids him carry him some Money, not naming any sum. Upon which Hacket said, that he could not give him less than Twenty Pound. I did demurre upon the Sum (says the Bishop) to try you: is Twenty Pound a fit Gift for me to give a Man of his Parts and Deserts? Take an Hundred, and present it from me, and tell him he shall not want, and I will come shortly and visit him my self. Which afterwards he did, and was as good as his Word in supply­ing his Wants while he was in Eng­land. Athenae Oxon. Vol. 1. p. 400. I may mention here how great a Patron he was to his Countrey­man John Owen the Epigrammatist, whom he maintain'd for several years; and when he died, he buried him An. 1622. and erected a Monument for him at his own cost. Upon which gene­rosity [Page 257] of his to this little Poet, one Rich. Bruch. Epig. He­caton.. Octavo. Numb. 3. David Lloyd's Life of Williams. Printed with Cleave­land's Poems. of the Fraternity has compos'd an Epigram. There was hardly an in­genious Person in England, but what he encourag'd; and that very wretch that wrote so infamous a Libel on this Bishop, had often experienc'd his Liberality; so that here I must clear Mr. Cleaveland from the scandal of it; for, not to mention that some Authors do acquit him, I am over and above inform'd from a Worthy Per­son now living, who has discours'd with some of Mr. Cleaveland's Friends, that he ever disown'd the Satyr in his Poems against the Arch-Bishop of York.

We have had occasion before to His Ex­pence upon publick Works. mention what vast Sums this Bishop laid out upon Works of Magnifi­cence and Building; but yet we have [34.] not mention'd how he rebuilt the rui­nous Palace of Lincoln, and brought it in Three years Time up to as great Strength and Beauty as it was in at first. And because the Place was re­mote from any helps to Learning, he design'd a Library there; Timber was hewn out, Books bought, and other Benefactions ready, but the Foun­der's [Page 258] Troubles, coming thick now upon him, put a stop to the pro­ceedings; the Books were squander'd away, and the Souldiers took the Timber to make Fortifications. To Wood. Antiq. Oxon. p. 171. these great Works of his we may add, the repairing of one side of Lincoln College in Oxford, where the Bishop of Lincoln is their Visi­tor; and the building of a most ele­gant Chappel for them. All which considering them to be done by the Bishop after his Fortunes began to decline, shew that, had his Power been but equal to his Will, his pub­lick Benefactions had equal'd those of most Princes.

Having spoken of his Hospitality, his Charity and his Magnificence, we will now consider him more im­mediately in his Episcopal Functions. And to mention first the Example [39.] that he gave to all his Clergy by his He Prea­ches fre­quently. Preaching, his great frequency where­in made some set him out to the King as an upholder and encourager of Non-Conformists; which did not at all make him slacken his diligence, for he expected his praise from God, [Page 259] and not from Men. And from this [41.] His Ordi­nations. Principle, I suppose, proceeded the great care he took in his Ordinati­ons, without any respect of Persons, to lay hands only upon such as were duly qualified. Their Morals he could only judge of by the recom­mendations and testimonials of o­thers; but their Intellectuals he would [42.] soon fathom, and measure the Com­pass of their Learning; and he would not admit any so much as to the Of­fice of a Deacon, that was not a Gra­duate with us, or in Ireland or Scot­land, and his Answer to them was, that it was not his Custom. But so scrupulous was he as to their Com­petency in the Knowledge of Divine Matters, that when one that was a Minister, a Mr. of Arts and a Wit too, was presented to a considerable Living, when he perceiv'd the small stock he had of Learning, he would not give him Institution, till he had set him for three Months to read a System of Divinity. In those that he himself prefer'd neither Friends nor Favour nor any other consideration biass'd him. But commonly he was a Patron to such as never sought him; [Page 260] such whose humility obscur'd their Worth.

In the Beginning of King Charles's His mode­ration. Reign there broke out a Division a­mong the great Men of our Church, some approving and some disappro­ving of the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort. Which perhaps would ne­ver have risen to such a ferment, had things been carried with more indif­ferency, and had deserving Men on both sides (without regard to Par­ties) been incourag'd. This was al­ways the opinion of our Prelate, who propos'd for his Pattern Whitgift, Bancroft, Harsnet, Andrews, Barlow, Overal, and such like, who pleas'd all sides indifferently. Hence it is [43.] that he was affable and kind to the Puritans, whom first he won upon by kindness, and then would bring them over by his Arguments. And he told his Majesty too, that he took it to be the truest Policy, to buy over some of the Leaders of that Party to the Church with some good Preferments, that so they might bring their Followers with them.

To bring him now into his Courts; His Courts well or­der'd. his knowledge in the Laws of the [Page 261] Land, the Civil and the Canon Law, qualified him excellently to discharge his duty there punctually. He us'd to lament the narrow bounds the Ci­vilians had for their Practice, and the small Encouragement for their Stu­dies; but then he told them, that unless they proceeded with great in­tegrity in their Courts, their Little would soon come to nothing. He watch'd his Officers narrowly, that they were not exacting in their Fees, and would not suffer them to make Bus'ness expensive hy needless de­lays; nor would he trust his Chan­cellour and Commissaries in a Cause of any moment, but always took it in hand himself. And so willing was [44.] he to right the People and to ease them from all possible Trouble, that he would often ride to those Parts of his Diocess that were farthest from his Home, to keep his Court, where such as had Causes to come on might be at hand to attend them. And he would not suffer the Church-War­dens to be cited about placing the Communion-Table, nor the People for not coming to the Rail to receive the Sacrament. Whereas the Practice [Page 262] of Laud was quite contrary, who requir'd a strict confirmity in all Things.

I shall not dwell here upon his [47, to 61.] Consecration of Churches, nor give a particular Account of his two Vi­sitations His Visita­tions. An. 1629. in this Diocess; in the first of which he discover'd an Imposture, that pretended to Inspiration at St. Ives in Huntington-shire; and in the second it is worth the Readers while (that has so much leisure for his di­version) to see how he was enter­tain'd at a Religious Family of the Farrars at Litle-Giding in the same County, and how kindly he encou­rag'd them to persist in the Service of God. Nor shall I mention here the circumstances of his triennial Visi­tations over the whole Diocess, and the Charges deliver'd by him at such Times; one of which given at Bed­ford, in the end of the Year 1634 you may read at large in Bishop Hacket, together with what things I men­tion'd before. But this let me add be­fore Is much re­sorted to in Differences & in scru­ples of Con­science. I have done with his Episcopal Functions, that there was no Prelate more frequented than he was, to compound Differences, and to make [Page 263] up Agreements, which else might have broke out into expensive Law-Suits; and to settle Cases of Con­science, and those mostly in Matrimo­nial Scruples. And when he thought [62.] the doubting Person would not be sa­tisfy'd with Discourse, he was at the trouble of drawing up his Resolutions at length in Writing for him. Which gather'd together, and digested as I have seen them (says Bishop Hacket) would have made a very handsom Treatise.

And since I have mention'd his Undertakes a Comm. on the Bi­ble. Writing, I will insert here, That al­though while he was immers'd in State-Affairs, he had not the leisure of a Wri­ter; yet when he was retir'd to his Bishoprick, he undertook Two very great Designs for the Publick. The First was a Comment in Latin upon [40.] the whole Bible; at which Work he study'd so hard, as to impair his Health very much. The Notes collected from all good Authors, with the Bishop's own Hand, were formerly to be seen in the Custody of Mr. Gouland, Keeper of Westminster-College Library. And his Lordship knowing well, that to perform such a Task compleatly was [Page 264] above the Abilities of any one Man, he did intend to leave it to be finish'd by Twelve or more of the best Scho­lars in the Nation, whom he had in his Eye, and was willing to give them Twenty Thousand Pounds rather than it should be left unfinish'd. The next And to publish Bp. Grostead's Works, who flourish'd in the Reign of Hen. VII. Athen. Ox. p. 5. Baleus de Script. Brit. Cent. 4. nu. 18. thing he entred upon was to publish the Works of his Predecessor Robert Grost­head, who wrote several Books against the Ambition and Covetousness of the Church of Rome. These being in Manu­script, and scatter'd up and down, the Bishop search'd all the Libraries Foreign and Domestick where he had any corre­spondence, and digested what he could get of them, and wrote Arguments upon divers Parts of them. But whilst he expected more daily of the same Author, his Troubles in the Star-Chamber coming on, they put a stop to both these great Undertakings of his. Of which Troubles we have spoken before, and how at last he was releas'd from the Tower, and how ge­nerously he forgave his Enemies. So that now we fall in again in the order of Time with the Conclusion of the for­mer Part, where we left him in the Year 1640.

[Page 265] It was not now a time for an Honest His Endea­vours to serve the King. Man to busy himself about his own private Injuries, when the publick In­terest of the whole Nation lay at stake; which wholly took up the Bishop's Thoughts. So that he made no delay to practice all the Arts and Contri­vances he could think of, to reduce the murmuring Scots, if possible to some Terms of Agreement. He ap­plies [143.] himself in the first place to James Marquess of Hamilton (whose Ac­quaintance he industriously shunn'd before) and advises with him what Methods were best to make the Scots Loyal. But yet he us'd him sparingly and with Caution, because he did not well know what to make of the Man; only he said, That he found him quite contrary to the Vulgar Opinion, by which he was reputed False and Cun­ning; for he thought him true in his Affections to the King, and so far from being Cunning, that he rather seem'd to want a Reach. In the next place, his Lordship insinuates himself into Henderson, and some of his Crew; he makes Presents to them, feasts them, tenders what Pay the King could afford to their Leaders. But the [Page 266] House of Commons (knowing as well as he what Mettle the Scots were made of) out-bid him quite, and voted such a Sum of Money by way of Brotherly Assistance, as the King was not able to come up to, much less to surpass. Therefore when this fail'd, the Bishop attacks them after another Manner. He desires that they would not quar­rel with the Church of England, but remember what Vows their Kirk had An. 3. Eliz. made, never to molest the Peace of this Nation. And this stagger'd some of that Faction; but the Gold on the other side at last quite overweigh'd his Lordship's Arguments, and ren­der'd them ineffectual. So that now [144.] he tries how he can work upon the Presbyterians, with whom he was more in Favour than any other Bishops. He urg'd his Reasons to them so pru­dently, and wrought upon them with the Spirit of Meekness, in such a soft engaging way, that they could not but have a great Esteem for him, tho' of another side; and they did all they could with the greatest Offers they had, to buy him over to theirs. Some of them (when they saw how candid he was) made their Complaints to [Page 267] him of the Severity of the Eccle­siastical Courts, and of the rough usage they met with from some of the Prelates, upon which he excus'd the Matter; but still pleaded for Episco­pacy, and Church Government. As [145.] far as Charity would allow, he would hear them discourse their Points ci­villy, but when he saw, That they aim'd more at a regulated Crown, than at a regulated Mitre, he would bear no longer with them. But in the Com­mittee [146, 147.] Mar. 1. 1640. Laud's Troub. p. 174. Cypr. Ang. p. 472. Fuller's Ch. Hist, B. XI. p. 174. of Lay and Clergymen for the Church Affairs, where the Bishop of Lincoln had the Chair, he behav'd himself so much to the Content of the Nonconformists, that they admir'd his Conduct and his Curtesy.

While the Affairs of the Nation were in this Disorder, and the Bishop [148, 149.] was daily consulted in Matters of Con­sequence; The Trial of the E. of Strafford. he was at the same time taken up too with some Considera­tions preparative to the Trial of the most Noble, and most Unfortunate Earl of Strafford; which was the most Lestrang. K. Ch. p. 219. Pompous and Magnificent Scene of Judgment that was ever represented in this Island. This Great Man's Troubles gave Lincoln Occasion to [Page 268] shew his Abilities in Two Points: First, about the Circumstance of the Examination of the Cause: Secondly, whether at this Earl's Trial, the Bishops might be admitted to vote amongst the Peers, it being a Case of Blood. To which he determin'd, that Bishops in England might and ought to vote [150, &c.] in such a Case. I omit the Transcri­ption of his Reasons and Arguments upon both these Heads, and leave it to every Man to consult them as he thinks fit. But for all his Opinion declar'd, the Bishops were not present at the Trial.

But it is objected against the Bishop [160.] The Bishop blam'd a­bout the Earl of Strafford. of Lincoln, that tho' he pleaded strongly in Parliament to his own Peril, in behalf of the Earl of Strafford, yet he perswaded the King to consent to his Death. It is my business to relate the Matter briefly and fairly, and let it in all its Circum­stances plead for it self; for if they cannot excuse it, I am sure it is not fitting I should. How much the most [161.] Incomparable Strafford was the Ha­tred of a Turbulent and Mutinous People may be seen in all the Histo­rians that mention him: As likewise [Page 269] how very Clamorous they were for his Life, and how vehemently they thirsted after his Blood. The Commons they were resolv'd their Sentence past upon him should stand, and they would have his Head before they proceeded one step further in the Affairs of the Nation. The very Person of the King was in danger, if he withstood them; nay, and there was a Plot on foot against the Earl, in case the King re­fus'd to sign the Bill for his Behead­ing; for they were resolv'd to have him one way or other. When the Brave Earl heard this, he wrote to the King, That he was well prepar'd for his End, and would not his Gra­cious Majesty should disquiet Himself to save a ruin'd Vessel that must sink. So there appearing no Hopes at all of saving him, the House of Lords send Four Bishops, Usher, Morton, Williams and Potter, to advise his Majesty in this Difficulty, and to deliberate whe­ther in Conscience he might yield to the obstinate Clamours of the People. And they state the Question thus to Heylyn's Resp. Petr. p. 149. &c. the King: Since his Majesty refers his own Judgment to his Judges, and they are to answer it, if an Innocent Per­son [Page 270] suffers; why may he not satisfy his Conscience in the present Matter, that since competent Judges in the Law had awarded, That they found the Earl guilty of Treason, to suffer that Judg­ment to stand, tho' in his own Mind he was satisfied that the Lord Straf­ford was not criminous? The Four Bishops gave their Opinions in the Affirmative, laying the Blame wholly on the Judges; and the Noble Earl was so far from taking it ill, that the Lord Primate assisted him in all his Preparations for a Better Life, and was with him on the Scaffold to the very last Moment of his Life. This is the plain Matter of Fact, so far as I can see, without Surmises on the one side or the other. But a certain Sander­son's K. Ch. p. 415, 416. Historian, that relates things false as often as true, tells us, That the Bi­shop of Lincoln play'd a base Trick, and put a Paper into the King's Hand privately, which did the Earl's Busi­ness Heylyn's Resp. Petr. p. 153, &c. for him: the absurdity of which Narration was sufficiently evidenc'd before; but since there has been a greater insight into the Matter, and [162.] 'tis well known that the Paper, which the Bishop put into his Majesty's [Page 271] Hand, was only his humble Advice, to perswade him not to pass the Bill for a Perpetual Parliament. And but two Days before, he ask'd the King, If his wise Father would have suffer'd such a Thing as an Indefinite Parlia­ment to be demanded, much less have granted it? And, Whether it would be possible for his truest Subjects to do him Service any more? But yet for all On Mon­day Morn­ing the 10. of May, 1641. this, with the same Drop of Ink he sign'd the Bill for this Parliament, and for Strafford's Execution; as if it were impossible his Royal Prerogative should stand, when Wentworth the great Prop of it was fallen.

Now the King prepares for a Jour­ney [163.] Baker's Chron. 6. August. The Bishop advises the K. not to go to Scot­land. into Scotland to appease the Sedi­tious there. But the Bp. of Lincoln in­treated his Majesty to put off his Jour­ney thither for the present; and to consider, That the Scotch would re­veal all he did or said amongst them to their Partners at Westminster, with whom they held a mutual Correspon­dence: ‘That they had been tumul­tuous now for two Years, and that to pacify them on a sudden was a thing impossible in all probability. They have been rebellious so lately, [Page 272] that it is too soon to offer them Courtesy; and they knowing in what Condition your Majesty is, will take it not for Kindness, but for Fear. Keep near to the Par­liament, all the Work is within those Walls; do what you can to win them Man by Man. And Sir (continues he) I wish what I shall tell you were not true;’ Some of the Commons are preparing a Declara­tion to make the Actions of your Go­vernment odious: Stir not till you have mitigated the Grand Contrivers with some Preferments. But is this credible? says the King. Judge you of that, Sir, (replies the Bishop) when a Servant of Pym's (in whose Master's House all this is moulded) came to me, to know of me in what Terms I was contented to have my own Case in Star-Chamber exhibited among other Irregularities. And I had much ado to keep my Name, and what concerns me, out of these Quotations: but I ob­tain'd that of the Fellow, and a Pro­mise to know all they have in Contri­vance, with some Money that I gave him. But the King never regarded the Bishop's Advice: and indeed his [Page 273] Majesty could not endure to be near Westminster, if he could help it; for one of the Bed-Chamber has been heard say, That nothing made him remove so far from his Court and Council, as the tediousness of Intelligence brought to him every Minute, with variety of Glosses and Opinions upon it.

While the King was in the North, [164, 165, 166.] the Miseries of the Church began to The Bishop visits his Diocess in the trouble­som Times. increase. But notwithstanding the universal Contempt of Episcopacy at this time, Lincoln visited his Diocess in October in his own Person; which was the last Visitation, during those unhappy Times, in either Province. He saw there was great need at pre­sent to confirm and to strengthen the People, and to heal the many Divi­sions, that were daily made amongst them. But as soon as he had finish'd his Task, and was return'd again to sit in Parliament, he heard a Murmu­ring against him in the Lower-House, not only for visiting his Diocess, in such unsettled Times, but likewise because he had told the People in di­vers places, That no Power could pro­tect them against the Statutes still in force, that fell into Disorders and De­viations [Page 274] against them. So earnestly did the Bishop urge the People to a Conformity with the Church by Law Establish'd. And to clear himself, at a Conference between the Two Houses in the Painted-Chamber, he justify'd his Visitation and his Endeavours, to silence unlicenc'd Preachers, who were as bold, as if they were subject to no Government at all.

And now on the 26^th of Nov. the King The King returns from Scot­land. came again to London from Scotland; and the Bishop of Lincoln, as at other Times, so now had the misfortnne to have his Foresight of Things confirm'd by the Event. He had forwarn'd his Majesty of ill Designs, and of that Re­monstrance, which the Commons pub­lish'd on the 15^th of December, by the Baker's Chron. Name of A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, wherein all the Trips and false Steps (in their Judgment) committed by his Majesty since he came to the Crown, and before, to that very Time, were represented with most undutiful and malicious Aggra­vations. Besides this, at his coming [167] home, he found his Clergy and his The Parl. set against the Bishops. Bishops in a fair way to be trampled under foot, and the Parliament were [Page 275] resolv'd to sit it out, till they had ac­complish'd their Designs; which were, to seclude the Clergy from all Secular Affairs, and to vote the Bishops out of the Parliament-House. His Majesty saw the Danger of this even to Him­self, and did all he could to patronize the Bishops; and at this Time pre­fer'd some Worthy Men to vacant Bishopricks: and among the rest tran­slated Lincoln to the Arch-bishoprick Bishop of Lincoln translated to York. of York, and gave him leave to hold the Deanery of Westminster in Com­mendam for three Years longer, that he might have a place of Residence near the Parliament; his Majesty ex­pecting that it could not continue much longer than that. But the Par­liament held on much longer, and the Bishop never after one half year saw his Deanery more.

His Grace prov'd all along in this York de­fends the Bishops in Parlia­ment. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. 226. Parliament a stout and an able Cham­pion for the Bishops not with standing the great Affronts and strong Oppo­sitions they met with. And so re­markable was his zeal for them, that when his Majesty once saw him so very earnest to defend Episcopacy then oppos'd by the Parliament, My [Page 276] Lord (says the King) I commend you, that you are no whit daunted with all Disasters, but are zealous in defending your Order. Please it your Majesty (replies the Arch-Bishop) I am a true Welshman, and they are ob­serv'd never to run away, till their General do first for sake them. No fear of my flinching whilest your Majesty doth countenance our Cause. And in [168.] the foregoing May when the Privi­ledges of the Bishops were call'd in Question, Willams in a Committee of the Lords stood up for his Brethren and maintain'd their Cause in a long Speech, which may be seen all faith­fully transcrib'd out of his own Co­py. So that he laid the design of [176, &c.] bringing a Bill against them asleep for five Months, till this time when it began to come again into play. And now about Christmas the Mob Hollis, Haslerig, Hamden, Pym and Strode. was all in an uproar about the King's coming to the House of Commons to demand their Five Members im­peach'd for Treason. After they had The Arch-Bishop de­fends Westm. Abby from the Mob. made a Tumult for some time about Whitehal, the cry went for Westmin­ster, and the general Voice was, Let us pluck down the Organs, and deface [Page 277] the Monuments. When the Arch-Bishop Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 185, 186. of York (who was Dean of Westminster) heard of this, he made fast the Doors of the Abby against them; and when they would have forc'd them open, they were beaten off with stones from the top of the Leads; the Arch-Bishop in the mean time maintaining the Abby with a few more, for fear the Rabble should seize upon the Regalia, which were in that Place under his Custody. But within an hour, after the Multi­tude had been sufficiently pelted with stones from above, a few of the Arch-Bishop's Men open'd a door and rush­ing with their drawn Swords, dis­pers'd them all. But from this Time the Bishops durst not come near the Parliament House either by Land or Water, the Passages were so beset against them, and they so vehement­ly threaten'd by the People.

Upon this the Arch-Bishop with The Pro­testation of the Bishops. Decemb. 27. Eleven more of his Brethren meet the next day in his Lodgings. There he draws up a Petition and Protestati­on, first to crave Protection, and upon want thereof a positive Declaration, that whatsoever was done at the [Page 278] Lords House during their forc'd and involuntary Absence was invalid, and of none Effect. The other Bishops relying upon York's great Knowledge in the Laws, did at his Request set their Hands to it. And the Lord D. Lloyd's Life of Williams. Keeper when he saw it, did profess, That it was the strongest and the fullest of Law of any that ever he saw in his Life: For the Bishop had modell'd it exactly by one of the same nature that he had found in the Records of the Tower, which he studied there, to the no small Prejudice of his Eyes.

On the 30^th of December the Peti­tion The Bishops sent to the Tower. Nalson's Collect. Vol. 2. p. 794, &c. was read in the House, and the Bishops thereupon accus'd by the Com­mons of High-Treason, For endea­vouring to subvert the Fundamental-Laws of this Realm, and the Being of Parliament, by preferring this Petition and Protestation. And upon this Accu­sation, they were committed to the Tower, where they must remain for 18 Weeks. Now the Arch-bishop of Cypr. Ang. p. 492. Canterbury, who had been in the Tower for some time, had a better Neigh­bourhood than he desir'd, but no bet­ter Company than before; for on both sides they were agreed not to converse, [Page 279] lest their Enemies should be exaspera­ted at it, thinking they might plot to­gether. But they often sent to one an­other Messages of Love and Consola­tion. Which mutual Civilities were Laud and Williams reconcil'd. scarce omitted for so much as a Day betwixt the Two Arch-bishops, not­withstanding all their great Differences before. So that whatever the former Scene of their Life was, the conclu­ding Act was nothing but Peace and Love; a signal Instance both in Buck­ingham and in Laud, of the good Pro­vidence of that GOD, which maketh Men to be of one Mind.

Never sure were any Pack of the The Bishops libelled. blackest Villains so servily treated, and so abus'd, as were the Bishops at this Time. Whole Reams of Paper were wasted in Scurrility and Scandal upon them, adapted to the Capacity of the Vulgar. One Notable Ballad among Nalson's Coll. vol. 2. p. 807. the rest, the Reader may see yet ex­tant, which was made for a Newyears-Gift for the Bishops, upon their be­ing committed to the Tower. And Cypr. Ang. p. 492. the Arch-bishop of York in particular was now as deep in the Hatred of the Common-People, as was the Arch­bishop of Canterbury. His Picture was [Page 280] cut in Brass in his Episcopal Robes, with his square Cap on his Head, Bandileers about his Neck, (with re­ference to his Defence of the Abby) and a Musket on his Shoulder, with a Rest in his Hand; and abundance of other Buffoonery, which made him merry with the Conceit of it.

While the Bishops were thus se­cur'd The Bill passes for excluding the Bishops from Parl. in the Tower, and scarce any body left to speak in their behalf, then the Bill against them was brought in, and on the the Sixth of February it pass'd currently in the House of Lords. For which they Themselves after suf­fer'd in the same sort from the Com­mons, as the Bishops did now from them: The Lords Temporal depriv'd the Bishops of their Right, and the Commons they excluded the Lords Temporal from theirs. Which Con­sequence might have been foreseen had they listen'd to the Marquess of Dorchester, who upon the 21. of May ask'd his Peers, Which of your Lord­ships can say he shall continue a Member of this House, when at one Blow Six and Twenty are cut off?

[Page 281] There was nothing now wanting The King signs the Bill. to ratify the Exclusion of the Bishops from the Parliament, and all Secular [181.] An. 1642. Affairs, but the Consent of the King. For which Consent of his several have accounted several ways; some urging Necessity, some the hopes of appeas­ing the Nation by it for the present, till he saw a fitter time to restore the Bishops again. But my Author gives us this Narration of the Matter. When the King went with the Queen to Dover, to see her take Shipping for France, the Queen (whom his Majesty lov'd entirely) would not leave him till he sign'd this Bill against the Bi­shops; and what made her so urgent, was, that she was perswaded into an Opinion by Sir John Culpepper (who attended there for that Dispatch) that the Lords and Commons would press his Majesty no more so much against the Grain, if this one Bill were but sign'd; upon which hopes the King comply'd. And York told me (says Hacket) in the Tower, That the King had sacrific'd the Clergy to this Parliament, by Ar­tifices contriv'd at Dover, a Day be­fore the News was brought to London. Fuller's Ch. Hist, B. XI. p. 195. And this Relation seems to agree [Page 282] (bating the Circumstance of the Place) with one Author more, who says the Bill was sign'd at Canterbury; as like­wise Cypr. Ang. p. 493. does Dr. Heylyn, on the 14^th of February. But upon the 5^th of May P. 498. The Bishops releas'd from Pri­son. the Bishops were releas'd from the Tower, upon Bail, by the Peers, and dismist to their respective Dwellings: [182.] at which Time York went privately away after the King, and never re­turn'd again. So that from hencefor­ward he enjoy'd nothing but Trouble to his very dying Day. Which makes me pity him the more, because his Miseries now took the Advantage of him: For Adversity which is in a manner but necessary to lay a dead weight upon the Extravagancies of Youth, and to Discipline the unexpe­rienc'd, is of no real Advantage to Age, and added to the Burden of Years, must needs prove intolerable.

Now the King was in York, and the The ABp. follows the King to York. Archbishop with several other Lords and Gentlemen, came here to offer their Service to his Majesty; amongst whom no Man was readier than his Grace with his Assistance. This was the first time he had seen his Bishoprick, which was conferr'd upon him about 7 Months [Page 283] before; and wherein he promis'd him­self much Satisfaction, by settling here, and living amongst the Gentry of this County, in the Splendor and Hospi­tality suiting his Dignity. But the common Fate of the Nation grew too apparent, to encourage any such hopes now, and things were so imbroil'd, that he could never settle his Family here. But to proceed with the Affairs [185, 186.] in which Williams was so much con­cern'd; no Man being more active to the utmost of his Abilities, to serve the King in this County.

The King had at Hull a Magazine The King is deny'd Entrance at Hull. of Arms and Ammunition, which was first provided for the late intended War against the Scots, and lay there ever since. His Majesty intended to Baker's Chron. possess himself of this Town, and to make use of his own Arms and Am­munition for his Preservation; but coming before the Gates of the Town, he was deny'd Entrance by Sir John Hotham, who by Orders from the House of Commons had newly taken Charge of that Place. Upon this the King proclaiming him a Traitor, was forc'd to retire, and bear the Indignity, for the Parliament would give him no [Page 284] Redress. But the Hothams the Father and Son, made a Sally out of the Town after, with a Design to take Cawood-Castle, The ABp. at Mid­night makes his Escape from Cawood-Castle. where the Arch-bishop was. Late at Night the sad News was brought to his Grace, that he must remove thence, and leave the Coun­trey, as he tender'd his Life; for Young Hotham was preparing to come with sufficient Force by five a Clock next Morning to take the Castle, and had drawn his Sword in a hectoring manner, with a Vow to cut off the Arch-bishop's Head. Upon this, his Grace knowing the Temper of the Man, and that he had spoke much against him for his Disloyalty, and the Castle being ruinous and unforti­fied, he makes his escape thence after Midnight, with some few Horse, and what Goods he could carry off at so short a Warning, and left the Charge of the Castle to Mr. Roger Nighting­gale, a Gentleman of the King's Chap­pel. Thus was he forc'd to leave his [187.] Diocess, without any Provision for his Journey, without a Sumpter, with­out change of Apparel, and almost without Money; for all he could ga­ther among his Tenants, while he was [Page 285] in Yorkshire, was little enough to fur­nish the King. But he had the good He meets the King in his way. Fortune to meet his Majesty in the way, raising an Army, and beating up for Vo­lunteers, in whose Service the Archbi­shop left the stoutest of his Followers, and kept but a very slender Retinue to follow him. At parting, upon his bended Knee (with Tears streaming from his Eyes, and hearty Prayers for his Majesty, he kiss'd his Hand, and receiv'd a Pass from him, to carry him safe into his own Countrey.

So now the Arch-bishop was come He arrives at Aber­conway in Wales. to Aberconway in Caernarvonshire, from whence he had been absent (except it were an accidental Visit, or so) for [208.] near fifty Years. And never did any People stand in greater need of a Wise and Couragious Person, to advise and to protect them, than the Welsh did at this Time; and no Man more pro­per for such an Undertaking than the Bishop. Who was very watchful in the first place, to detect such as held private Intelligence with the Enemy, several of which he secur'd, and made the rest fly for it. And to procure the Blessing of GOD upon his Endea­vours; he set all North-Wales upon a [Page 286] more earnest practice of their Religion, and order'd that frequent Prayers should be had in all Churches, with Fasting, and that Ministers should preach weekly, and no Man was oftner in the Pulpit than himself. After this, he made it his Business to unite all the Great Families in one common In­terest, whose Emulation otherwise to­wards one another had drawn them off from the Service of the King. And for this Reason, he thought it might be most convenient, if he could get the Countrey all together, to fortify one place, and to appear in a Body, by which means they would be more secure, and more manageable too. Which thing at last he effected, and of which I shall give a plain and faith­ful Narrative, without any Glosses upon it; because it is what makes the greatest noise in our Historians, of all the Actions of the Bishop's Life.

Conway-Castle was the place, that the The ABp. fortifies Conway-Castle. Bishop had pitch'd upon for the gene­ral Defence of the Countrey. And so indefatigable was he in collecting Mo­neys, gathering Forces, repairing the Castle, casting up Works, in writing, sending, and making Interests, that he [Page 287] did as much as all the Adjutants besides, and more than his Health could well bear; which before was ever florid, but [209.] now began to droop, and continu'd from hence forward to decline. All this he undertook at his own proper Cost and Peril, without any Order from, or Notice of the King. But so soon as his Majesty heard of his Loyalty, he wrote often very kind and affectionate Letters to his Grace, of which so many as belong to the Business of Conway-Castle more im­mediately, are yet extant; one of which to give the more Satisfaction to my Reader, I shall transcribe here.

Upon the backside of this gracious Letter, this the Arch-bishop has written with his own hand:

Some time after this, his Majesty The King sends for him to Ox­ford. wanting the Assistance of the Arch­bishop at Oxford, writes to him to come there to him, and to bring along [212.] Decemb. 16. 1644. with him the best Intelligence he could procure of the Condition of his Majesty's Affairs. Upon this he sets out upon his Journey, notwith­standing the Ways were very much beset, and came to Oxford in January, and was kindly receiv'd at the Court; where he foresaw his stay must be but short, for the City was so crouded with Nobility and Gentry, that it could not entertain them long; neither could so many of the King's Trusty Friends be spar'd from their Counties any con­siderable [Page 290] time. His Grace therefore made the most use he could of his Time, in giving Counsel to the best of his Knowledge and Experience to his Majesty. One Prophetical Disco­very which he made to his Majesty at this Time, is worth the remarking: For, he said, That Cromwel, taken in­to The ABp. Advice to the King about Cromwel. the Rebels Army by his Cousin Hamb­den, was the most dangerous Enemy that his Majesty had. For tho' he were at that time of mean Rank and Use a­mong them, yet he would climb higher. I knew him (says he) at Bugden, but never knew his Religion. He was a Common Spokesman for Sectaries, and maintain'd their Part with stubborness. He never discours'd as if he were pleas'd with your Majesty, and your great Officers; and indeed he loves none, that are more than his Equals. Your Majesty did him but Justice in repulsing a Petition put up by him against Sir Thomas Steward, of the Isle of Ely; but he takes them all for his Enemies, that would not let him undo his best Friend: and above all that live, I think he is the most mindful of an Injury. He talks openly that it is fit some should act more vigorously against your Forces, [Page 291] and bring your Person into the Power of the Parliament. He cannot give a good Word of his General the Earl of Essex, because he says the Earl is but half an Enemy to your Majesty, and hath done you more Favour than Harm. His Fortunes are broken, that it is im­possible for him to subsist, much less to be what he aspires to, but by your Ma­jesty's Bounty, or by the Ruin of us all, and a common Confusion. In short, every Beast hath some evil Properties; but Cromwel hath the Properties of all evil Beasts. My humble Motion is, that either you would win him to you by Promises of fair Treatment, or catch him by some Stratagem, and cut him short. All which the King receiv'd with a smile, and said nothing.

After the King had advis'd with his The K. ad­vises with the ABp. and some others. Parliament at Oxford, and saw that little good came of it, but that Things re­main'd much in the same ticklish po­sture; [214.] his Majesty call'd a few able Statesmen to him in private, the prin­cipal among them being the Arch­bishop; who therefore was desir'd to speak first, and freely to declare what means he thought most expedient to [Page 292] bring his Majesty and his Followers out of those Troubles, which the Lords and Gentlemen, that lately un­dertook it, had left no better than they found them. The Arch-bishop excusing himself, desir'd to hear others first whose Experience in those weighty Concerns might be beyond his. But this being not granted, and he being farther prest upon, spoke thus to the King: My Opinion, Sir, will be strange, [215.] The ABp. Advice to the King. and, I fear, unwelcome: If it please not, yet do not impute it to Falshood or Fear, but to Error and Mistaking. Your Militia is couragious, but small, not like to encrease, and then not to hold out. Your Enemies multiply, and by this time your Army hath taught them to fight: They are in Treaty with the Scots, to make a Recruit; and the Princes and States beyond Seas, to their shame, give them countenance. Their Treasurers at Westminster boast, that it costs them large Moneys every Month to keep Correspondence with their Intelligencers and Spies about you. Your Souldiers in their March and Quarters are very unruly, and lose the Peoples Affections every where, by the Oppres­sions they sustain. Out of these Pre­mises [Page 293] I infer, and I engage my Life to your Majesty's Justice, and my Soul to GOD's Tribunal, that I know no better course than to struggle no further, since so it is the Will of GOD, and to refer all to the pleasure and discretion of that unkind and insolent Parliament at West­minster, but with the preservation of your Majesty's Crown and Person, to which they have all taken an Oath to offer no hurt or violence, and have re­newed it in many Protestations: As likewise with Indemnity of your Ad­herents; for we save a Ship with the loss of the Goods, not of the Passengers. If any thing will soften them, it will be this most pacifick and gracious Conde­scension. The Heathen speak rudely, that Constancy in Suffering will tire out the Cruelty of the Gods; but certainly such Sufferance and Self-denial as resigns up your Majesty's Cause and Trust quite unto them, will make the worst of them asham'd of their Pertinacy, and melt the best into a shower of Repentance: But if your Majesty disdains to go so low and will not put the good of the Church and Kingdom upon their Faith, to which Misery, I fear, our Sins have brought us, I am ready to run on in the [Page 294] common Hazard with your Majesty, and to live and die in your Service.

Some there were that concurr'd with his Grace in this Advice, but the King and the Generality dissented, and his Thanks for his free Speaking were but small. So his Majesty being [217.] resolv'd to try his Right by his Sword, the Arch-bishop was likewise deter­min'd to assist him as before. And hereupon he leaves Oxford in the be­ginning The ABp. returns to Wales. of the Spring, having receiv'd a fresh Charge from his Majesty to take Care of all North-Wales, but especially Conway-Castle. So by easy Journeys (guarded most of his way by some Forces that march'd that Road) he came to Conway, which was the last Journey of his Life.

As many in this Countrey as had His Coun­trymen lay up all their things in Conway-Castle. any thing to lose, were very solicitous how to secure their Things. There­fore they desir'd leave of the Arch­bishop to lay up in the Castle all their Plate, Jowels, Money, Writings, valu­able Goods, and such like, each Person having an Inventory of his own share. And some that were suspected for their Loyalty, yet amongst others obtain'd this Favour, which was the ground [Page 295] of much ensuing Mischief; tho' the Arch-bishop consented to it out of Po­licy, thinking by such Hostages as they put into his keeping, to secure these Persons to the Interest of the King. A Twelve-month after, Sir [218.] Athenae Oxon. p. 804. The Castle taken from the ABp. John Owen (a Colonel for the King) coming this way after a Defeat, he obtain'd of Prince Rupert to be sub­stituted under his Hand, Commander of the Castle; and so surprising it by Force, he entred it; notwithstanding that the Castle was before given to the Bishop under the King's own Signet, to possess it quietly, till his cost lay'd out upon it should be re­funded to him, which as yet had been never offer'd: and notwithstanding the Prince himself had back'd his Maje­sty's Pleasure therein, and had by his Letters commanded all Officers by Sea and Land to assist him in it.

Upon this the Arch-bishop sends to his Majesty at Oxford this Remon­strance by the Hand of Captain James Martin.

1 UPon the Ninth of May 1645. He com­plains to the King. Sir J. Owen Governour of Con­way, about Seven of the Clock in the [Page 296] Evening, before the Night-Guard was sent unto the Castle, the possession whereof was placed by the King in the ABp. of York, and his Assigns, upon great and valuable considerations by his gra­cious Letters, and under his Majesty's Hand and Signet, bearing date at Ox­ford August 1. 1643. did with Bars of Iron and Armed Men, break the Locks and Doors, and enter into the said Castle, and seize upon the Place, the Victuals, Powder, Arms, and Am­munition, laid in by the said ABp. at his own charge, without the least contri­bution from the King or the Countrey, for the Defence of the Place, and the Service of the King and the said Coun­trey.

2. That being demanded by the said Arch-bishop to suffer two of the said Arch-bishop's Men to be there with his rabble of Grooms and beggerly People, to see the Goods of the Coun­trey preserv'd from filching, and the Victuals and Ammunition from wasting and purloyning, Sir John in a furious manner utterly refus'd it, tho' all the Company cry'd upon him to do so for his own discharge, yet he would not listen to any reason, but promised the next day, [Page 297] to suffer all things to be inventoried, and the Lord Arch-bishop to take away what he would, Sir John acknowledging all the Goods and Ammunition to be his.

3. The next day he receded again from all this, would not permit at the entreaty of the Bishop of St. Asaph, his own Cousin-German, any of the Arch­bishop's Men to go and look to the Goods, nor suffer his Servants to fetch forth for his Grace's use (who hath linger'd long under a great Sickness and Weakness) either a little Wine, to make him some Cawdles, or so much as a little of his own stale Beer to make him Possets, which all the Countrey conceive to be very barbarous.

4. The said Sir John continueth ram­bling from place to place, and detaineth still all the goods of the Countrey, laid up in this Castle, as conceived to be owned by the Arch-bishop, who was like to be responsal for them; and had duly returned them in other Years: and threatens to seize upon the Plate, and all things else of Value to his own use. Than which no Rebel or Enemy could deal more outragiously.

[Page] [Page] [Page 298] 5 The Arch-bishop desires his Ma­jesty would repossess him of the Right of this Castle, according to his Majesty's Grant made upon valuable consideration. And that if his Majesty's pleasure be that Sir Jo. Owen (or any other Man of more Moderation and less precipi­tancy) should be there, he come under the Arch-bishop his Assignment, as Right requires, and as Colonel Ellis and Mr. Chichely were content to do, and did. To the which the Arch-bishop (as Colonel Ellis and Sir Will. Legg can witness) was ever willing to give way.

6. That howsoever, the ABp. may have all his Goods and Chattels, all his Can­non, Ammunition, Arms, and Powder, Provision in Beef, Beer, Wine, Cheese, Butter Oatmeal and Corn presently re­stored to him. And what is wasted and made away, may be answer'd to him by Sir John: As also that all the Inhabitants of this and the Neighbour Countries, may have their Goods pre­sently out of the Castle, before they be pilfered and imbezled.

7. Or otherwise, that his Majesty, and Prince Rupert his Lieutenant, will graciously permit and suffer, with their gracious Favour, the said Arch-bishop [Page 269] and Inhabitants of the Countrey, to repair with their Complaints to the As­sembly at Oxford, and the Committee there, against these, and many other Outrages and Concussions of the said Sir Jo. Owen, under colour of being Go­vernour and Sheriff of this Town, not warranted by any of his Commissions.

This proved of none effect, and [219.] But has no Redress. procured only delays from Week to Week, till at last Capt. Martin receiv'd this cold Answer, That it should be consider'd at more Leisure. When he return'd thus into Wales, and brought not the least Satisfaction, nor a Com­plimental Excuse to pacify the Arch­bishop he said nothing, lest he should have said too much: but his great Spi­rit was chaf'd with this great Indig­nity.

After this, fifteen Months expir'd, Col. Mit­ton by the Assistance of the Countrey possesses the Castle, ad­vis'd by the ABp. and the Arch-bishop had no Redress; at which time Col. Mitton (a violent Man against the King) coming from Chester (of which he was possest) march'd over Dee, through Flint and Denbishire, quite to Conway Town Up­on this the Arch-bishop consults with some few what was best to be done in [Page 300] this Case, to secure the People and their Possessions. They agree to parley with Mitton (who was sensible enough of his own Strength and their Weak­ness:) They perceiving that the Col. aim'd at the Castle, where all their Wealth was deposited; and seeing moreover, That he was more haughty than covetous, they clos'd by Insinu­ations with him, relating how Sir John Owen had surpriz'd the Castle, [220.] detain'd their Goods, and insulted over them who had born Arms in the same Cause; therefore they offer'd to joyn with him to put him into the Castle, upon Condition that every Proprietary might obtain what he could prove by the Arch­bishop's Inventory to belong to him; and all that was over and above, he should be welcome to it himself. And thus the Archbishop with his Art and fair Lan­guage, got Mitton's Consent; and imme­diately thereupon without the least de­lay the Souldiers, assisted by the Hacket consesses it became not the ABp. to bear Arms, but acquits him in all the other Circum­stances of this Action. Arch­bishop and his Kindred, with other Welsh, forc'd open the Gates, and entred the Castle, which Col. Mitton possest himself of, and kept his Word in letting the Owners take those Goods to which they could prove their Title. [Page 301] And this is a brief Narration of the Matter of Fact, transcrib'd, almost Word for Word, out of B. Hacket; so that if any thing prove amiss, it is no fault of mine, for I knew not where to seek for better Information. If the Reader thinks the Arch-bishop stands in need of a Defence (especially from the black Constructions of some Hi­storians) Sanders. K. Charles p. 889. he may see how B. Hacket has commented upon this Action; or if he has a mind to read an Apology Harmar's Apolog. Lond. pr. 80. 1649. for his Grace in a Piece of neat Latin, there is one extant. So I leave him to his own Judgment; adding only, That if the Arch-bishop had any such Designs as to assist the Parliament against the King, it is perhaps one of the greatest Inconsistencies that is to be met with (considering the whole Tenor of his Actions to this Moment) in any Man's Life; and to think of it Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 227. was the wonder of all Men in those Times. And a certain Author affirms, that a Kinsman of his Grace's told him, That if he might have the con­venience to speak with his Majesty but one half Hour, he doubted not but to give him full Satisfaction for his Be­haviour. We are told too by an­other [Page 302] Hand, That the dreadful Stories of his declaring for the Parliament, was nothing else, but his garrisoning of his own House, and discountenancing some Da. Lloyd. at Pen­rhyn. stragling Cavaliers that did no good, but lye upon the Countreys themselves, and draw thither whole Armies of the Enemy to lye upon it too.

We have dwelt something long upon the Business of Conway-Castle, but it could not be well dispatch'd in less time. Now let us look a little again [222.] upon the melancholy prospect of the King's Affairs, in which tho' our ABp. now had it not in his Power to be active, yet he was deeply concern'd The King leaves Ox­ford. Baker's Chron. all along for his Majesty. Who now seeing Oxford was in danger of a Siege from Fairfax's Victorious Army, began to bethink himself of his own Safety, and was perswaded by Moun­sieur Mountrevile, privily to leave the Town; which accordingly he did, ac­companied Apr. 27. An. 1646. only with two Persons, and not above ten were made privy to it. And the first Tidings of his Royal Person was, that he was at the Scots Camp before Newark. Which when it was told our ABp. he said, What! be advis'd by a Stranger, and [Page 303] trust the Scots! then all is lost. The Treachery of the Scots to his Majesty, and all the unparallel'd Troubles that henceforward attended the King, till that very Hour in which he was en­roll'd amongst the Blessed Martyrs, suffering from the Hands of his own Subjects, all this the Reader is too seek for elsewhere, since it is foreign to my Purpose.

So I return to the ABp. who was The ABp. great sor­row for the Death of the King. extreamly concern'd at the Death of so good a King, whose Character in a Fast Sermon he had once given, That [225, &c.] he was as like Virtue it self, as could be pattern'd in Flesh and Blood. So deep a Sense had his Grace of the Loss of his most Sacred Majesty, and of the Guilt of his Innocent Blood that lay upon the Nation, that from this Time, he rose out of his Bed constantly at Midnight, and without any thing on but his Shirt and Wastcoat, kneel'd upon his bare Knees, and pray'd ear­nestly for a Quarter of an Hour, before he went to his Rest again. And the rea­son why he observ'd the Midnight-Sea­son was, because the Scriptures speak of our Saviour's Coming in the Night; the principal Matter of his Prayers be­ing [Page 304] this, Come, Lord. JESUS; come quickly, and put an end to these Days of Sin and Misery. From this time his Spirit (which no Misfortunes be­fore could touch) was perfectly broke, and he never look'd up again. All his wonted chearfulness, and his plea­sant Humour was quite overcast. No Man formerly more averse than he to Privacy, yet now he thinks no Re­tirement too close and obscure. He shuns Company all he can; his Dis­course sparing, or if he inquires after any News, 'tis after those that try'd the King, especially Cromwel and Brad­shaw, expecting every Hour some signal Judgment upon them. Thus discon­solate [227.] he continued for two Years and almost two Months, no one being able to give an account of any thing he did, but that he pray'd and read all Day, and much of the Night. And now every Month brought on a greater Decay in his Constitution than a Year before. Nor was he without Progno­sticks of his Death (as 'tis said) some time before it: and sometimes, when he had said Grace after Meat, and was rising from the Table, he would say, I am ready for the Lord.

[Page 305] His Death was occasion'd by a sud­dain His Sick­ness and Death. Catarrh, which caus'd a Quinsey, and a shortness of Breath, all which dissolv'd him in the space of twelve Hours. During which time the Vir­tuous Lady Mostyn (at whose House he was) spoke to him of his prepara­tion for another World: Cousin (says he) I am already prepar'd, and will be better prepar'd. So he sent for the Minister that was nearest, and had the Visitation of the Sick read twice over to him, the greatest part whereof (e­specially the Psalms) he repeated di­stinctly himself, and receiv'd Absolu­tion. When the Pangs of Death were upon him, many other Prayers were read, and short Sentences of Devotion repeated aloud in his Ears; and these Words being said often, The Lord be merciful to thee, the Lord re­ceive thy Soul, at that Instant, first he clos'd his Eyes with one Hand, and then lifting up the other, his Lips mov'd, and recommending his Spirit to his Redeemer, he expired. 1649. ac­cording to some. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 228.

[228.] He died aged 68 Years 1650. the Day of his Birth and of his Death being the same; which happening on the 25 of March, it occasioned some [Page 306] dispute, whether his Half-year's Rents (due after Sun-rise) should go with his Goods and Chattels to his Executor, or fall to his Heir. But such was the providence of the Parties concern'd therein, that before it came to a Suit, they seasonably compounded it among His Burial. Athen. Ox. vol. 2. p. 684, 685. themselves. From Glodded (where he died) in the Parish of Eglwysrose his Body was carried to Penrhyn, and there buried in In Welsh it signifies the Church of St. Gay. He left his Heir 1000 l. per An. Da. Lloyd. Life of Williams. Llandegay Church, in a little Vault, at the upper end of the Chancel. Some Years after this, his Nephew and Heir Sir Griffith Wil­liams, erected on the North-Wall of the said Chancel a very fair Monu­ment, with the Effigies of the ABp. kneeling, in white Marble, and a large Inscription under it, made by Dr. John Hacket, his sometimes Chap­lain.

I am thinking whether after this His Cha­racter. full Draught of the Actions of this great Man, it would not be an Abuse to my Reader's Reflection to con­clude with a Character of him: Espe­cially since a great part of this Life is wrote by way of Character, and his Actions very often for the clearer view of him dispos'd under proper Heads, [Page 307] omitting the Series of Time. But then again, since I find in Authors something of his Person, and some­thing of the Qualifications of his Mind, which I have not as yet so fully told my Reader of, I thought it might not be unacceptable, if I col­lected the few following Observations upon him. So singular was the Strength D. Lloyd's Life of Williams; & Fuller's Ch. Hist; B. XI. p. 228. of his Constitution, so strict his Edu­cation, so unwearied his Industry, and so vast his Capacity, that 'tis a hard matter to determine to which of all these he was most indebted, for all his more than ordinary Qualifications. His Learning was copious, his Judg­ment stay'd, his Apprehension clear and searching, his Expression lively and effectual, his Elocution flowing and Ma­jestick.

His Person was proper, his Coun­tenance comely, his Complexion fair and lovely; his Gait so stately, that most People mistook it for Pride, but his Conversation free and familiar to a Fault; Judge of the greatness of his [75.] Spirit, by his refusing the Offers of his Friends, when he was in his lowest Condition in the Tower, saying, That he knew not how to take from any but [Page 308] a King. He was subject to sudden Passi­ons, [63.] but never so as to lose himself, for at such times he would reason with all exactness of a calm Temper. He un­derstood how to nick an Opportu­nity; and would say, That every Man had it sooner or later. When he was to appear in Publick, he took great care about his Preparation; And the greater the Performance he was to un­dertake, the more Liberty and Recrea­tion he took, saying, That we could add nothing to what had been done before, but Method and Perspicuity. Which Judgment of so great a Man I desire may plead for me, in attempting this Performance, after a Reverend and Learned Prelate.

And now having brought so conside­rable a Person (by Honour and Disho­nour, by good Report and evil Report) at Fuller's Ch. Hist. 228. §. 31. last to the Period of a busy, active and troublesom Life; I shall moralize upon the whole, with what his Lordship himself once said to a grave Divine, coming to him for Institution to a Living: I have (said he) pass'd through many Places of Honour and Trust, both in Church and State, more than any of my Order in England these seventy [Page 309] Years before. But were I but assured, that by my Preaching I had converted but one Soul unto GOD, I should take therein more Spiritual Joy and Comfort, than in all the Honours and Offices which have been bestow'd upon me [...]