[Page] THE ANTIENT RIGHT OF THE Commons of England ASSERTED; OR, A DISCOURSE Proving by Records and the best Historians, that the Commons of England were ever an Essential part of Parliament.

By WILLIAM PETYT of the Inner-Temple. Esq.

Non nulli taedio investigandae veritatis cullibet opini [...] potius igna [...]i succambunt, quàm explorandâ veritati pertinaci diligentiâ perseve­rare volunt.

Min. Foelix.

Inter [...]ericula veritatis & libertatis [...] [...].

LONDON, Printed for F. Smith, T. Bassett, J. Wright, R. Chiswell, and S. Heyrick, 1680.

To the Right Honourable Arthur Earl of ESSEX, Viscount MALDON, Ba­ron Capell of HADHAM, Lord Lieutenant of the County of HERTFORD, one of his Majesties most Honourable Privy-Coun­cil, and First Lord Com­missioner of his Majesties Treasury.


THere have been Au­thors of modern times, who have in their Writings, concerning the Government of this Kingdom, published [Page] to the World, That the Commons of England (as now phrased) were no part of the antient Commune Conci­lium, or Parliament of this Nation, before the forty ninth Year of H. 3. and then in­troduced by Rebellion.

A Position when seriously weighed, equally wounds the Peerage of England, since the same Authors say, that there is no formal Summons of the Lords to Parliament, found upon Record before that time.

After I had often consi­dered so great a point, and having often read of the [Page] freedom of this Nation, that no Englishman could lose his right or property but by Law, the Life and Soul of this so famous and so excel­lently constituted Govern­ment, the best polity upon Earth (which when united in all its parts by prudent Coun­cils, made always the people happy at home in Peace, and the Crown ever Victorious abroad in War) I did re­solve to take pains to search, if matters thus represented to the highest disadvantage and prejudice of the people of Eng­land, were true or false; which I have industriously and [Page] impartially endeavoured, and hope with that clearness, that will evidence to all unbiassed judgments, the unsoundness of those Opinions.

When I had so done, be­ing unwilling my labour should be to my self alone, and not to those who search after knowledge in these mat­ters, to disabuse and pre­vent others from building upon such mistaken and dangerous Foundations, I thought it not unseasonable to publish this Discourse, wherein there is no Record cited, but (in my opinion) equally asserts the right of [Page] the Peers of this Kingdom, as well as of the Commons, and therefore have taken the boldness to send it in­to the World under your Lordships Protection, whom I know to be a great Lover of Truth, To which all man­kind ought to pay Allegiance. I should have had great satis­faction, if before it had been put to the Press, it might have received your Lord­ships judicious corrections and approbation, whose knowledge and industry in venerable Antiquity, and all other useful Learning, is well known unto the World.

[Page] But this happiness I could not reasonably expect, your Lordships time being so much taken up in the service of the Crown, whereof your Lordship is so eminent, and so great a Pillar, as your Honourable Imployments both at home and abroad, do sufficiently demonstrate. I most humbly beg your Lordships Pardon for my presumption in this Dedi­cation, which fault I hope may be extenuated by the relation I have to your Lordship in my Profession, and being deprived of other means, publickly to shew [Page] my humble gratitude for the many favours your Lord­ship has been pleased to con­fer upon,

My Lord,
Your Lordships most humble, most faithful, and most obedient Servant, W. Petyt.


MY principal design in this following Dis­course, is impartially to vin­dicate the just honour of our English Parliament from the calumnies and reproches of some late Authors who have asserted,

1. That an essential part of that Great Council, viz. the Commons of England, represented by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parlia­ment, [Page 2] were introduced and began An. 49 H. 3. by Rebellion.

2. That before that time the Commons were ne­ver admitted to have any Votes, or share in the making of Laws for the Government of the Kingdom, nor to any Communication in affairs of State.

To discover and refute the unsoundness of the second Po­sition, and that the contrary may appear to be true, I shall before I come to answer the first, consider the second, and endeavour to prove, that du­ring [Page 3] the Brittish, Saxon, and Norman Governments, the Freemen or Commons of England, as now called and distinguished from the great Lords, were pars essentialis & constituens, an essential and constituent part of the Wittena Gemot, Commune Concilium, Baronagium An­gliae, or Parliament, in those Ages.

1. Under the Brittish Go­vernment.

THE Brittons called their Commune Con­cilium, or Parliament, Kyfr-y­then Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 34. [Page 4] then, because their Laws were therein ordained; and upon K. Lucius his Letter to Pope Elu­therius, to send him the Roman Laws, the Pope who could not be ignorant of the consti­tution and frame of the Brit­tish Polity, writes back to him, Habetis penes vos in Regno Erac Beltaunia viginti & octo Civitatibus quondam no­bili [...]imis in­signita praeter Casteila innu­mera quae [...] ipsa muris, tur­ribus, portis ac seris eraut in­structa [...]rm [...] ­simis. [...] Er [...]l. H [...]t. [...]. [...] C [...] [...]. utram (que) paginam, ex illis Dei gratia per Concilium Regni vestri sume legem, & per il­lam Dei potentia vestrum rege Britanniae Regnum But what their Laws and parti­cular Government were, is very uncertain, by reason that Scripta Patriae (as Gildas sayes) Scriptorumve Monu­menta [Page 5] (si quae fuerint) aut ignibus hostium exusta aut Civium exulum classe longi­us deportata non comparent. The Histories of our Country (if there were any) are not to be found, being either burnt by the Enemy, or carried be­yond the Seas by the banished Brittons. Yet this is certain, and not to be denied, that [...] their elder time, the People or Freemen, had a great share in their publick Council and Government. For Dion Cas­sius, Xiphilin. è Di­one Cassio p. 601. impress. Basiliae. or Xipniline out of him in the Life of Severus assures us, Apud hos i. e. Britannos populus magna ex parte prin­cipatum tenet.

2. Under the Saxon Go­vernment.

IT cannot be doubted but that the Saxons who made themselves Masters of the Brittish Nation, brought with them their Country Laws, and Government; and that the Commons were an essential and constituent part of their Commune Concilium, Taci­tus tells us, De minoribus rebus Principes consultant, de majoribus omnes, ita tamen ut ea quo (que) quorum penes ple­bem arbitrium est, apud Prin­cipes praetractentur.

[Page 7] After the Saxon Govern­ment became united and fixed under a sole Christian Mo­narch, they still continued and kept their antient Wittena Gemots, or Parliaments, as now phrased, wherein they made Laws and managed the great affairs of the King and Kingdom, according to the Plat-form of their Ancestors. Many Authorities might be given to evidence this, I will instance in three or four.

1. then, We have that fa­mous Sp [...]m. Con [...]. To [...]. 1. p. 126. Parliament summoned by King Ethelbert, An. 605. which my Author calls, Com­mune Concilium tam Cleri quam populi.

[Page 8] 2. About the Year 712. Idem Tom. 1. pag. 219. King Ina assembled a great Council or Parliament, where­in he made Ecclesiastical Laws concerning Marriages, &c. and did other things, ad concordiam publicam pro­movendam per Commune Concilium & assensum omni­um Episcoporum, & Princi­pum, Procerum, Comitum & omnium sapientum seniorum & populorum totius Regni.

3. And we read elsewhere, [...]ed. Eccles. Histor. lib. 1. that the grand League and Union between the Brittons, Saxons, and Picts, was con­cluded and confirmed, Per Commune Concilium & assen­sum [Page 9] omnium Episcoporum, Procerum, Comitum & om­nium Sapientum seniorum & populorum & per praeceptum Regis Inae.

4. Anno Dom. 905. Pleg­mundus Antiquit. Bri­tanniae, p. 75. Cantuar. Archiepi­scopus unacum Rege magni­fico cognominato Edwardo Seniore Concilium magnum Episcoporum, Abbatum, Fi­delium, Procerum & Populo­rum in Provincia Gewisorum (in illa parte Angliae quae in plaga australi sita est Flumi­nis Thamesis) convocant, &c. unde salubriter constitu­tum est in hac Synodo ut Parliamentum Synodus mag­na nuncupatur. Somn [...]i [...]. pro duobus Episcopis quo­rum [Page 10] unus Wintoniae, alter Si­reburniae sedem habuit, quin (que) crearentur antistites, ne grex Domini pastorum cura orba­tus luporum lanienae & vora­citati subjicerentur; and there were several other Laws then made.

William of Malmsbury Malme [...]b. lib. 3 p. 56. l. 24. expresseth the Saxon Witte­na Gemott thus, Generalis Senatus & Populi Conven­tus & Edictum.

Sir Henry Spelman: Con­venere [...]m. Gloss. [...]. Gemotum, [...]ol. 261. Regni Principes tam Episcopi quam Magistratus liberi (que) homines, consulitur de communi salute, de pace & bello & de utilitate publica promovenda.

[Page 11] Camden thus: Quod Sax­ones Camd. Britan. in 8o. impress. 1586. fol. 63. olim Wittena Gemot, nos Parliamentum, & Pan­anglicum recte dici possit, summam (que) & sacrosanctam authoritatem habet in Legi­bus ferendis, confirmandis, an­tiquandis, interpretandis & in omnibus quae ad Reipubli­cae salutem spectant. And so we find Edward the Confes­sor reforming and confirming the antient Saxon Laws, and making new ones, and that done à Rege, Baronibus & Lambard de priseis Anglor. Legibus Cap. 8. sol. 139. Populo, as particularly in the Law de Apibus, how Tythes ought to be paid of them, and other things.

[Page 12] Hence it is apparent and past all contradiction, that the Commons in those Ages were an essential part of the Legislative power, in making and ordaining Laws, by which themselves and their posterity were to be governed, and that Bracton [...]. 134. Coke 12. Rep. sol. 65. Plou­den. Commen. sol. 236, 237. the Law was then the golden metwand and rule which measured out and allowed the Prerogative of the Prince and Liberty of the Subject, (and when obstructed or denied to either, made the Kingdom de­formed and leprous.) That great Monarch Aethelstan, in his Prologue to his Laws, made per Commune Concilium [Page 13] Regni, thus declared and ad­mitted; Ea mihi vos tan­tummodo [...] Con­ [...]ilia pag. 39. 397. Chron. [...]o [...]an­nis Br [...]pton, Col. 841. comparatis velim quae juste ac legitime parare possitis. Ne (que) enim mihi ad vitae usum quicquam injuste acquiri cupiverim, Etenim cum ea ego vobis lege vestra omnia benigne largitus sim, ut mea mihi vos itidem con­cedatis.

I have past over the Da­nish Government, because I do not find that there was any great mutation, either of the Council or Laws of the Eng­lish Nation. It is true, King Knute obtained the Diadem or Dominion of England; but [Page 14] 'tis as true he did not govern more Victoris, as may evi­dently be proved, 1. From I [...]er Commu­ [...] de Term. S [...]ae [...] [...]. 7 [...]. 2. p [...] R [...] Domini The­saur. in S [...] ­ca [...]io rema [...]. Cha [...]a Regis [...]. the form of penning his Laws, they being ordained and con­firmed, Cum consilio & De­creto Archiepiscoporum, E­piscoporum, Abbatum, Co­mitum, aliorum (que) omnium fi­delium, words of a large com­prehension. 2. From his ge­neral Law, or Declaration of Right to the English thus delivered to us by a faith­ful Historian, William of will. Malm [...]b. de Gestis Reg. Anglor. l. 2. pag. 4 [...]. b. [...]. 16. Malmesbury, who lived near those times. Obtestor & praecipio meis Consiliariis quibus Regni Consilia credi­di, [Page 15] ne ullo modo aut propter meum timorem aut alicujus potentis personae favorem, aliquam injustitiam, amodò consentiant vel faciant pul­lulare in omni Regno meo. Praecipio etiam omni­bus Vicecomitibus & Prae­positis universis Regni mei sicut meam volunt habere amicitiam aut suam salutem, ut nulli homini nec diviti vel pauperi vim injustam infe­rant, sed omnibus tam Nobi­libus quam ignobilibus sit fas justa lege potiundi, à qua nec propter favorem Regi­um nec propter alicujus po­tentis personam, nec prop­ter [Page 16] mihi congerendam pecu­niam ullo modo deviant; quia nulla mihi necessitas est, ut iniqua exactione pecunia mihi congeratur. After which the Historian sayes: Omnes [...]g. 42. l. 21. enim leges ab antiquis Regi­bus & maxime ab Anteces­sore suo Ethelredo latas sub interminatione Regiae mul­ctae perpetuis temporibus observari praecepit, in quarum custodia etiam nunc tempore bonorum sub nomine Regis Edwardi juratur, non quod ille statuerit sed quod obser­vaverit.

3. Under the Normans.

King William the First.

THough William the Conqueror got the Im­perial Crown of England, and introduced several Arbitrary Laws, as new tenures, &c. yet did he never make such an absolute Conquest, nor did the Kingdom receive so universal a change, as our English mo­dern Authors (as it were by a general Consederacy, without examination of truth) have published to the World, who father upon this revolu­tion all the alterations which [Page 18] their conceits or fancies can imagine and suppose. Thucy­dides Lib. 1. saith, Men receive the report of things, though of their own Country, if done before their time, all alike, from one as from another, without any examination; In like manner have those our Historians been mistaken, by transcribing and patching out their Histories one from ano­ther, so that in conclusion, with their own additions or comments, truth in many things is utterly lost.

1. The word Conquestor or Conqueror, did not in that Age import or signifie what [Page 19] our late Authors by flattery have since made it; nor did it carry with it the enslaving of the Nation, after that William had obtained the Vi­ctory against Harold, there being no more in the Denomi­nation of Conqueror, than that after William had made claim to the Crown from King Ed­ward the Confessor, and Harold opposed him, he was forced to get his right by Bat­tel against King Harold; and as to the word Conquestus or Conquest, Mat. Paris writes, Mat. [...]. pag. [...]. Rex Angliae ex Conquestu dicitur tamen, quod beatus Edwardus, eo quod haerede [Page 20] caruit, Regnum legavit Wil­lielmo Bastardo Duci Nor­mannorum. Sir Henry Spel­man [...] in his Glossary sayes, Willielmus primus Conquestor dicitur quia Angliam con­quisivit, i. e. acquisivit, pur­chased, non quod subegit. And Sir John Skene Clerk of the Register Council, and Rolls to King James in Scotland, in his Book, De verborum significatione, pag. 39. writes Conquestus signifies Lands quhilk ony person acquiris, and possessis privato jure, vel singulari titulo vel donatione vel singulari aliquo contractu. And therefore the learned [Page 21] Knight, Sir Roger Twi [...] ­den, who well understood the force of the word Conquestus, in his Preface before that Kings Laws, sayes, Non ex­istimo A [...] Lamber­dum. Willielmum primum de omnium Anglorum terris ad voluntatem suam & pro libitu in modum absolutae do­minationis disposuisse.

All which is most plain and justified infallibly by Doomes­day Book, made in that S [...] Review of his History of Tythes. Sir [...]oh [...] Da­ [...] Reports, in his C [...] of [...] [...] 4 [...]. Kings Reign, and in other subsequent Records, where the title and claim of many common persons to their own and Ancestors possessions, both in his time and in the time of [Page 22] the Saxon Kings, are clearly allowed; but if King Wil­liam had made an absolute and universal Conquest of the Realm in the modern sense, how could such Titles have held, or who would or durst have made such claim, even against the King himself? would he not have seized all into his own hands, and gran­ted the Conquered Lands to others? and his grant could not have been avoided by any Englishman who had the in­heritance and possession, and lived in peace before and at his coming in, and no title could be derived but from or [Page 23] under him, at least none could have been maintained against his Grant. But that the con­trary was true, will evidently appear if we consider, 1. That it is recorded in Doomesday Book, that King William had certain Lands in Demesne, viz. the Lands which were in the hands of King Edward, and entitled Terrae Edwardi Regis, and other Lands, which were forfeited to him by those who took part with Harold, entitled Terrae Re­gis. 2. William the first ha­ving given away Sharnborn Camd. Britan. in Norfolk, to Warren a great Favourite, one of his [Page 24] Normans; Edwinus de Sharnborn, being an Eng­lishman, and true owner of the estate, demands his right in open Court, before the King, upon this reason of Law, that he never was a­gainst the King, either before or after he came in; where­upon the King, vinculo ju­ramenti astrictus, gave judgment of right against the Norman, and Sharnborn re­covered the Lordship. Sir Spelmans Glos­sary verbo Drenches, pag. 184. Henry Spelman out of an antient Manuscript concern­ing the Family of the Sharn­borns in Norfolk, hath it thus. Edwinus de Sharborne [Page 25] & quidam alii qui ejecti fue­runt è terris suis, abierunt ad Conquestorem & dixe­runt ei quod nunquam ante Conquestum, nec in Conquestu nec post fuerunt contra ipsum Regem in consilio & auxilio, sed tenuerunt se in pace. Et hoc parati sunt probare quo modo ipse Rex vellet ordi­nare. Per quod idem Rex fecit inquiri per totam An­gliam si ita fuit, quod qui­dem probatum fuit: propter quod idem Rex praecepit ut omnes qui sic se tenuerunt in pace in forma praedicta, quod ipsi rehaberent omnes terras & dominationes suas adeo in­tegre [Page 26] & in pace ut unquam habuerunt vel tenuerunt ante Conquestum suum. This is cited almost as the only case or act of favour the Conqueror did; but that is a great mi­stake, for many other in­stances I could give of this nature, all acts of Justice and right, as appears in Doomesday Book; much more may be said upon this subject. I will only add the Judicious assertion of a great Lawyer and Judge in Edward the Thirds time, admitted and agreed as a rule of Law and truth, by the Judges, and transmitted to posterity. [Page 27] Le Conqueror (saith he) ne Sha [...]d. in Ca [...]. in [...]tin. Temp. E. 3. fol. 143. b. Johannes Shar­delowe unus Justi [...]. de Ban­co. Rot. Pat. 16 E. 3. Par [...] 1. m. 2. vient pas pur ouster eux, qui avoient droiturell possession, mes de ouster eux que de lour tort avoient occupie as­cun terre en desheritance del Roy & son Corone. It was spoken upon an objection made in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough, concerning a Charter granted by King Edgar to that Ab­bey, which the Kings Coun­cil would have avoided upon this pretence for want of a better, because by the Conquest all Franchises were devolved and come to the Crown.

2. King William claimed [Page 28] the English Diadem, Jure hae­reditario, from Edward the In ore gladii (saith he) Reg­num adeptus sum, Anglorum devicto Haral­do Rege cum suis complici­bus qui mihi regnum cum providentia Dei destina­tum & benefi­cio concessio­nis Domini & cognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwardi con­cesa [...] conati sunt a [...]s [...]rre, &c. Chart. [...]. in in­spex. Part. 7. 1 [...] E. 4. membr. 26 Confessor, which both his own Laws, Charters, and the Charters of his two Sons William and Henry, do fully prove: There are some indeed that mention that he obtained the Crown, ore gla­dii, but that must be under­stood quod jure belli contra Harolaum ipse acquisivit, as a Manuscript Historian sayes. MS. penes me­ipsum.

3. He did not make an actual Conquest by his Arms (when he came in) of the fifth part of the Nation, for the Pope having sent him a con­secrated Banner, and a Bull [Page 29] of Excommunication against the Bishops and Clergy, if they opposed him in adhering to King Harold, and he ha­ving got the Victory at Hast­ings, and the Clergy with several of the Nobility (whom he had purchased to his part, both by money and great as­surances of preferment and other advantages) basely and treacherously deserting Edgar Etheling, a soft and weak Prince, yet right Heir to the Crown; at length upon Wil­liams declaring that he would confirm the Laws of Saint Edward, he was electus à Clero & Populo, and with [Page 30] all the Ceremonies and Solem­nities then in use, was Crowned at Westminster, the whole Nation submitting to him. But hear what the Historians of those times say.

Londoniam convenientibus [...]. Francis & Anglis (ad Nati­vitatem Domini) illis (que) om­nibus concedentibus Coro­nam totius Angliae & Do­minationem suscepit. Die [...]. ordinationi decreto locutus ad Anglos condecenti sermo­ne Eborac. Archiepiscopus sapiens, bonus, eloquens, an consentirent eum sibi Domi­num coronari inquisivit, Pro­testati sunt hilarem consen­sum [Page 31] universi minime haesi­tantes, ac si coelitus unâ men­te datâ unâ (que) voce Anglorum voluntati quam facillime Normanni consonuerunt ser­mocinato apud eos a [...] senten­tiam percunctato à Con­stantini Praesule, sic electum consecravit Archiepiscopus, imposuit ei Diadema ipsum (que) regio solio, &c.

Ante Altare S. Petri A­postoli [...]. coram Ciero & Po­pulo jurejurando promittens se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias & Rectores illarum defende­re necnon & cunctum Popu­lum sibi subjectum juste & regali providentia regere, re­ctam [Page 32] legem statuere & tenere, rapinas injusta (que) judicia pe­nitus interdicere. Exacto Main [...]sh. de Gest. Pontif. pag. 154. b. prius coram omni populo jurejurando quod se modeste erga subditos ageret & aequo jure Anglos & Francos tra­ctaret.

Pursuant to all which, and to fix himself more sure in that his new-got Chair of Soveraignty, he by his Magna Charta, or Great Charter, grants and confirms the Laws of Edward the Confessor. [...]. Concil. Tom. 2. pag. 3 [...]1, 342. [...] Pi­ [...]is [...] saith, Pag. [...]8. nulli Gallo datum quod Anglo cuiquam inju­stè sterit abla­tum. Willielmus etiam Rex cui Sanctus Edwardus Regnum contùlit, leges ipsius Sancti servandas esse concessit, saith [Page 33] Sir Henry Spelman. But now S [...]ldeni ad Ead­m [...]rum Spice­leg. pag. 190. we will set down a branch of the Charter, which runs thus. Volumus etiam ac firmiter praecipimus & concedimus ut omnes liberi homines totius Monarchiae Regni nostri prae­dicti habeant & teneant ter­ras suas & possessiones suas bene & in pace, libere ab omni exactione injusta & ab omni Tallagio. Ita quod nihil ab eis exigatur vel ca­piatur nisi servitium suam liberum quod de jure nobis facere debent & facere tenen­tur & prout statutum est ets Net. & illis à nobis datum & concessum jure haereditario im­perpetuum [...] [...] [...] Conquest. [Page 34] per Commune Con­cilium t [...]tius Regni nostri pr [...]di [...]i.

From all which it must necessarily be granted, 1. That this Statute or Law, was made per Commune Conci­lium totius Regni. 2. The Magna Charta of W. 1. H. 1. King Stephen, H. 2. and King John (the last of which sayes, Nullum scuta­g [...]um [...] pag. [...]5, 257. v [...] [...]xilium ponam in Regno nostro [...] per Com­mu [...] Co [...]silium Regni [...]stri, the same in substa [...] with the Great Charter of William [...].) was but [...] resti [...]on and de­claration of the antient Com­mon [Page 35] Law and right of the [...] Kingdom, and no Law in­troduced de novo, or forced upon King John at Running­mead, to the disinberison of the Crown, and which by their several sacred Coronati­on Oaths they had so solemnly sworn inviolably to observe and keep.

'Tis true indeed King William the First gave away the Estates of several of those who were in Arms against him, to his Adventurers and followers, but the rest of the English (as well by his Coro­nation Oath, as by a solemn ratification of St. Edwards [Page 36] Laws in a Parliament in his S [...]ns Titles of Honor, pag. 580. fourth year) were to enjoy their Estates and the benefit of those Laws; but that being not done in the general, and the English (who declared à [...]em pag 523. majoribus didicisse aut liber­tatem aut mortem) being op­prest by the King and Nor­mans, begun to be very un­easy under his Government, so that things were brought, to that pass, that he vehemently feared, ne totum Regnum Mat. [...] in [...]ta Sanct [...] [...] Abbat [...], pag. 48. turpiter amitteret etiam tru­cidatus; to obviate which mischiess in the seventh year of his Reign, (for so I take it,) by the policy of Lanfrank [Page 37] Archbishop of Canterbury, serena facie vocavit eos, i. e. the English, ad pacem sed subdolam, who meeting at Berkhamsted, post multos disceptationes, both parties came to a second-compact, and the King to give them satis­faction, reiterated his Coro­nation Oath, and swore upon the Holy Evangelists and Re­liques of St. Alban, bonas Mat. Pare in vita [...] Abbat [...] [...] l. 3 [...]. & approbatas antiquas Reg­ni leges quas sancti & pii An­gliae Reges ejus Antecessores & maxime Rex Edwardus statuit, inviolabiliter obser­vare, & sic pacificati ad pro­pria laeti recesserunt. Rex [Page 38] autem caute propositum su­um pallians, perswaded many of the principal of the Nobility and Gentry to attend him into Normandy, where Civita­tem Hoviden pars prior pag. 260. quae Cynomannis, & Provinciam ad illam perti­nentem maximo Anglorum auxilio quos de Anglia se­cum adduxerat, sibi subjuga­vit, the rest that remained here, he suddenly set upon apàrt, which he durst not attempt when united, multos Mat. Paris in [...]a S. A [...]bani Abbatum, pag. 48. eorum trucidando, exhae­redando & quamplures proscribendo, leges violans memoratas, & spoliatis An­glis pro libitu ac sine judicio [Page 39] Curiali depauperatis suos Normannos in suorum homi­num Anglorum Naturalium. natalium qui ipsum sponte sublimave­runt, provocationem, locuple­tavit. So that after this time, 'tis plain, he bore a heavy hand upon the English, and increased his severity to acts of high injustice and barba­rous cruelty, and so gave occa­sion to Historians in future Ages, to say, that when he came in, he totally subdued and crushed the Nation, Nobi­lity, and Gentry. Yet notwith­standing the great power he took, we meet with some ge­neral Councils or Parliaments [Page 40] in his Reign, whereby it ap­pears, that the Freemen or Commons of England, were there, and had a share in ma­king of Laws; for what could the promised restitution of the Laws of Edward the Con­fessor signifie, if their Wit­tena Gemot, or Parliament, the Augustissimum Anglica­rum libertatum Asylum & sacra Anchora, was destroyed and broken?

For one of the fundamen­tal and principal ends of Par­liaments, was for the redress of Grievances, and easing the Oppressions of the People. The Mirror of Justices, an antient Mirror of ju­stices, Chap. 1. pag. 9. [Page 41] and learned Treatise of the Law, saith, that Parliaments were instituted, pur oyer & terminer les plaintes de tort de le Roy, de la Roigne & de lour Infans, & de eux specialment de queux Torts lun ne poet aver autrement common droit, To hear and determine the Complaints of the wrongful Acts of the King, the Queen, and their Children, and especially of those per­sons against whom the subject otherwise could not have com­mon justice.

And Knighton (one of De Eventibus Anglia Lib. 5. sol. 2681. Col. 1, 2. our best Historians) writes, Quod ex antiquo Statuto & [Page 42] Consuetudine laudabili & approbata, &c. That by an antient Statute and Custom, laudable and approved, which no man could deny; the King was once in the year to convene his Lords and Commons to his Court of Parliament, as to the highest Court of the whole Realm. In qua omnis Ae­quitas relucere deberet abs (que) qualibet scrupulositate vel nota, tanquam sol in ascensu meridiei, ubi pauperes & di­vites pro Refrigerio tran­quilliratis & pacis & Repul­sione injuriarum refugium infallibile quaerere possent, ac etiam errata Regni reformare [Page 43] & de statu & gubernatione Regis & Regni cum sapien­tiori Concilio tractare; ut Inimici Regis & Regni in­trinseci & Hostes extrinseci destruantur & repellantur, qualiter quo (que) onera incum­bentia Regi & Regno levi­us ad Ediam Communitatis supportari poterunt. In which Court all Equity ought to shine forth without the least Cloud or Shadow, like the Sun in its meridian glory; where poor and rich refreshed with peace and ease of their oppressions, may al­ways find infallible and sure refuge and succour, the grie­vances [Page 44] of the Kingdom re­drest, and the state of the King and Government of the Realm debated with wiser Councils, the Domestick and Foreign Enemies of the King and Kingdom destroy'd and re­pell'd, and to consider how the Charges and Burthens of both may be sustained with more ease to the people. But to re­turn.

An. D. 1070. which was in the third and fourth year of William the I. at a General Council, or Parliament, Lan­franc was chosen Archbishop [...]e [...]a [...] Dorob. Act. Pont. Can­tuar. p. 1653. [...]. 5. of Canterbury, Eligentibus eum senioribus ejusdem Ec­clesiae [Page 45] cum Episcopis ac Prin­cipibus Clero & Populo An­gliae in Curia Regis in As­sumptione Sanctae Mariae. Another Author relates it thus. Rex mittens propter Relat. [...] primi ad [...] tractat. de [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] pag. 194. illum in Normanniam fecit eum venire in Angliam, cui consensu & consilio omnium Baronum suorum omnium (que) Episcoporum & Abbatum totius (que) Populi Angliae com­misit ei Dorobernensem Ec­clesiam.

Anno 1072. The King [...] Ti [...]. of Honor, pag. 58 [...]. summoned a General Council, or Parliament, at Pinneden in Kent, to examine and de­termine the great cause be­tween [Page 46] Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, and Odo Bishop of Bayeux, Earl of Kent, because the first, li­bertatem Ecclesiae Cantuari­ensis invaserat, yet Judgment went for the Archbishop, which Mr. Selden sayes, was confirmed totius Regni assen­su, or as Eadmerus, stipula­tione totius Regni.

In the fourteenth Year of Ex Car [...]lario Coenobii [...] in Bibliotheca C [...]tton. sub E [...]i­gie [...], A. 3. this King, at a General Coun­cil, or Parliament, held at Westminster, the King by his Charter confirmed the Liberties of that Church after he had subscribed his own name, with the sign of the [Page 47] Cross, adding many of the great Clergy and Temporal Nobility, instead of, Cum multis aliis, hath these words, multis praeterea illustrissimis virorum personis & Regum Principibus diversi Ordinis omissis qui similiter huic con­firmationi piissimo affectu te­stes & fautores fuerunt. Hii autem illo tempore à Regia potestate diversis Provinciis Provincia, [...]. Co [...], [...] Ti [...]. of Ho­nor, pag. 2 [...]. [...]. Glo [...]. Ti [...]. Provincia, pag. 4 [...]. Parlia [...]ntum Synodus [...] [...]g­n [...] [...], S [...]. [...]. & Urbibus ad universalem Synodum pro causis cujusti­bet Christianae Ecclesiae au­diendis & tractandis ad prae­scriptum celeberrimum Sy­nodum quod Westmonasteri­um dicitur, convocati, &c. In [Page 48] the margine of the Book I find writ this note, Nota hic hos omnes convocari à Rege sua auctoritate ad causas Religio­nis tractandas tam Nobiles de Clero quam Principes Regni cum aliis inferioris gradus, Conventio quorum videtur esse Parliamentum. And in the Year-Book of E. [...]. 3. fol. 60. 3. above 330. years since, in a Case touching the exemption of the Abbey of Bury from the Bishops of Norwich, we have mention of a Parliament held, en temps de W. Con­queror à son Parlement.

King William the Second.

KIng William the First Eadm [...] [...] vita [...]. 2. sol. 13. l. 5. An. Dom. 1187. being dead, William his second Son, then living, succeeded him in the King­dom; who designing to prevent his elder Brother Robert of the Crown, finding Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury not altogether consenting with him therein, to the compleat­ing his desire, and fearing lest the delay of his Consecration might prejudice his desired ho­nor, he begun by giving large gifts and rewards to the peo­ple, and as well by himself as [Page 50] all others whom he could en­gage, fide sacramento (que) Lanfranco promittere, by his Faith and Oath to promise unto Lanfranc, Si Rex foret, Justitiam, aequitatem & mise­ricordiam se per totum Reg­num in omni negotio serva­turum, he would in all actions observe and keep Justice, E­quity, and Mercy, through the whole Kingdom; that he would defend the Peace, Li­berty, and safety of the Church, against all men, and also, that he would in and through all things obey the Precepts and Counsels of the Arch-Prelate; thereupon, in Re­gem [...] [Page 51] eligitur & consecra­tur.

But not long after Odo Hoveden pars prior pag. 264. Bishop of Baiox, Earl of Kent, Geffrey Bishop of Constance, Robert Earl of Morton, Roger Earl of Shrewsbury, and the greatest part of all the Norman Pre­lates and Nobility in England, entred into a Conspiracy to make Robert King, and to deliver King William to his Brother alive or dead; and thereupon they took Arms: the King hearing these things, and foreseeing his inevitable ruine if the English power did not preserve him, caused the Eng­lish [Page 52] to be assembled together, and shewed them the Treason of the Normans, and intreats and begs them to help and de­fend him, upon this condition, that if they would be faithful to him in that his necessity and distress, he would grant them better Laws which they should chuse, and would forbid or in­terdict all unjust Scotts, Taxes, or Tallages, and grant to all persons their Woods and Hunt­ing. Upon which assurance and promise the English did faith­fully assist him, and by thier power valiantly overthrew the Normans, and preserved and fixed the Crown upon Willi­ams [Page 53] head. But whatsoever he promised he kept but a short time, the words of the Author are. His auditis Rex fecit Lin. 40. b. congregari Anglos & osten­dit eis traditionem Normanno­rum & rogavit ut sibi auxilio essent, eo tenore ut si in hac necessitate sibi fideles existe­rent, meliorem legem quam vellent eligere eis concederet, & omnem injustum Scott [...]m interdixit, & concessit omni­bus sylvas suas & venatio­nem. Sed quicquid promisit, parvo tempore custodivit. Angli tunc fideliter eum ju­vabant [...] ruined [...] [...]. 1..

'Tis therefore evident from [Page 54] hence, that William the Se­cond did not claim the Crown jure gladii, by the power of the Sword, nor did he affirm, that he had a despotical right to make or change Laws, ad libitum suum sine assensu Regni or Parliament. And 'tis a great observation to me, that from the pretended Conquest to this day, I never read of any King of England that decla­red and publickly owned any such prerogative or right, but only that miserable and unfor­tunate Prince Richard the Second, which the Parliament Roll thus expresseth. Item, Idem Rex nolens justas leges Rot. Parl. 1 [...]. 4. Art. 1 [...]. [Page 55] & consuetudines Regni sui servare seu protegere, sed se­cundum suae arbitrium vo­luntatis facere quicquid desi­deriis ejus occurreret, quan­do (que) & frequentius quando sibi expositae & declaratae fuerant leges regni sui per Ju­sticiarios & alios de Concilio suo & secundum leges illas petentibus justitiam exhibe­ret, dixit expresse vultu au­stero & protervo quod leges suae erant in ore suo & ali­quotiens in pectore suo, & quod ipse solus possit mutare & con­dere leges regni sui; & opi­nione illa seductus quamplu­ribus de ligeis suis justitiam [Page 56] fieri non permisit, sed per mi­nas & terrores quamplures à prosecutione communis ju­stitiae cessare coegit.

But far different were the sentiments and Judgment of his Grandfather Great Ed­ward the third, who tells us: Because, that by divers Com­plaints Pultons Stat. 20 E. 3. sol. 137. made to us, we have perceived that the Law of the Land, which we by our Oath are bound to maintain, is the less well kept, and the Execution of the same distur­bed many times by mainte­nance and procurement, as well in the Court as in the Country; We greatly moved [Page 57] of Conscience in this matter, and for this cause desiring as much for the pleasure of God, and ease and quietness of our Subjects, as to our Conscience, and for to save and keep our said Oath, We have ordain­ed, &c.

And wise King James King James's first Speech to his first Parlia­liament in Eng­land. Pulton Stat. 1 Jacobi, cap. 2. sol. 1157. saith, That not only the Royal Prerogative, but the Peoples security of Lands, Livings, and Priviledges, were preserved and maintained by the antient fundamental Laws, Priviledges, and Cu­stoms of this Realm, and that by the abolishing or al­tering of them, it was im­possible [Page 58] but that present con­fusion will fall upon the whole state and frame of this Kingdom.

And his late Majesty of King Charies the First's De­claration to all his loving Sub­jects, published with the ad­vice of his Privy Council. Exact Collecti­ous of Declara­ [...]ons, pag. 28, 29. ever blessed memory, was of the same mind and opinion, when he said, The Law is the Inheritance of every Sub­ject, and the only security he can have for his Life, or E­state, and the which being neglected or dis-esteemed (un­der what specious shew so­ever) a great measure of in­felicity, if not an irrepara­ble confusion, must without doubt fall upon them.

Henry the First.

AFter the Death of King Mat. Par. A. D. 11 [...]0. pag. 55. l. 20. In [...]itio ne qui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seu aliqua al [...] no­tabi [...]s persona transeat ad partes trans­marinas. Ro [...]. C [...]aus. 3 E. 2. m. 1 [...]. dor [...]o. Sie igitur ist [...]. modo Willi [...] ­ [...]o [...]ortuo [...]rtas frater [...] in [...] contra ini­micos fibi in­festos in guer­ra sua occupa­tus est, in co­dem tempore i [...]te Ro [...]s semper contra­rius & adeo innaturalis ex­titerat Baroni bus Reg [...] Ar­glie quod plenario consensu & consilio totius Communi [...]s R [...]g [...] impo­suerunt ei illegitimitatem quod non fuerat procreatus de legitimo Th [...]r [...] willielmi Conquestoris, unde unanimi assensu suo ipsum recutarunt & pro Rege omnino recusaverunt & H [...]nricum fratren in Regem [...]. Henr. de Knighton, Coll. 2374. Cap. 8. l. 14. William, the Magna­tes Angliae, not knowing what was become of Robert Duke of Normandy, Eldest Bro­ther of the deceased King (the said Duke having been absent for five years in a Voyage to the Holy Land) were afraid to be long without a King, which Henricus fratrum ul­timus & juvenis sapientissi­mus cum callide cognovisset, congregato Londoniis Clero [Page 60] Angliae & Populo universo promisit emendationem le­gum quibus oppressa fuit An­glia tempore patris sui & fra­tris nuper defuncti, ut animos omnium in sui promotionem accenderet & amorem, ut il­lum in Regem susciperent & patronum; to which it was generally answered, That if he with a willing mind would grant, and by his Charter con­firm to them, illas libertates & consuetudines antiquas, which their Ancestors enjoyed in the time of Edward the Confes­sor, in ipsum consentirent & in Regem unanimiter conse­crarent.

[Page 61] Henry willingly granted this, and taking an Oath, that he would perform it, conse­cratus est in Regem, at Westm. upon Lady day, fa­vente Clero & populo, and so forthwith he was Crowned by Maurice Bishop of London and Thomas Archbishop of York. After such his Corona­tion, he granted and confirmed to the Nation, for the ad­vancement of Holy Church, and preservation of the peace of his people, a Charter of their antient Liberties.

The Charter the Reader may find in that industrious Revivor, and Restorer of de­cayed [Page 62] and forgotten Antiqui­ties, LL. Guli [...]ni primi, Lamb. sol. 175, 176. Hac etiam Carta habeatur apud Mat. Pa­ [...]is. An. Dom. 1118, and 1213. Mr. Lambard, as also in Matth. Paris. Where it appears, that the Archbishops, Bishops, Barons, Earls, Vi­counts, or Sheriffs, & Optima­tes totius Regni Angliae, were Witnesses to the Charter.

And that at the Coronation Carta modera­ [...]ioni. [...]odi magni si [...]lli Anno [...] [...]a­hannis. Ex ve­te [...] Registro in Archivis. Cantuar. Ar­chiepiscopi. Rot. Pat. [...] H. 3. m. 12. Cake 2. Instir. sol. 79. Rastals Stat. 1 E. 3. of the King, those Laws were made, de Communi Consi­lio & assensu Baronum Regni Angliae, by the common ad­vice and assent of the Barons of England. It being usual in succeeding ages, at the Coro­nations of our English Kings, to confirm, make, and ordain Laws, De assensu Baronum [Page 63] Regni, per Commune Conci­lium Regni, or Parliament.

I shall from hence observe two things.

1. That these Laws were granted and confirmed, assensu Baronum Regni, or Barona­gii Angliae, there being a clear difference between Barones Regis, and Barones Regni, as appears in the very bowels of LL. G [...]ni primi L [...]. sol. 175, 176. those Laws and elsewhere; for the K. Saith, Si quis Baronum nostrorum, &c. but who were comprehended under those first phrases, Mr. Camden will Camd. Britan­in 8. De or­din. Angli. e, sol. 61. tell us, Nomine Baronagii Angliae omnes quodammo­do Regni ordines continen­tur, [Page 64] and so the Commons as we now call them, were there and assented to those Laws.

2. Clero & Populo uni­verso Angliae congregatis. We read King Stephen assensu Cleri & Populi in Regem An­gliae W [...]. Malmesb. Histor. No­vel, lib. 1. pag. 101. l. 15. b. Hoveden pars posterior, pag. 282. l. 13. MS. vita Tho [...]e Archiepiscopi Cant. in Bibl. Cotton. electus, & per Dominum Papam confirmatus, 10 H. 2. Congregato Clero & Populo Regni, or as Fitz-Stephens, Generali Concilio, the King made the Assise or Statute of Clarendon, which Council the learned Selden calls a full S [...]l [...]e [...]s Titles of Honor, fol. 585. Carta modera­tionis seodi magni sigilli. Parliament. King John was Crowned mediante tam Cleri quam Populi unanimi con­sensu & favore. Anno 50 [Page 65] H. 3. Per providentiam Car­dinalis, Mat. West [...]. pag. 397. l. 57. meaning the Popes Legate, apud Kenilworth Clerus & Populus convocan­tur, which the Patent Roll of that year thus confirms. The King a le request de ho­nourable Rot. Pat. 50 H. 3. m. 3. dorso. Rastalls Stat. pag. 12. pier Sire Ottobon Legat d'Engleterre son Par­lement eust sommons à Ke­nilworth; where the Statute or Dictum de Kenilworth, was made between the King and his Communante, or Parlement. Rex primo, post­modum Mat. W [...]m. sol. 393. l. 1. Clerus & Populus juraverunt quod Dictum in­violabiliter observarent. Thus have I at length, I hope, fully [Page 66] ascertained and explained the Historians phrase, Clerus & Populus, and proved it to be a Parliament from the Pat. Roll of H. 3.

Yet I do not think that the Lords Temporal only were the Populus, nor the Lords Spiritual the Clerus; for I agree with Dr. Heylyn, that D [...] H [...]ylins stumbling Block, pag. 189. there is no Record, either of History or Law (which I have observed) in which the word Clerus serves to signifie the Archbishops, and Bishops, exclusive of the other Clergy, or any writing whatsoever, wherein it doth not either sig­nifie the whole Clergy gene­rally, [Page 67] or the inferior Clergy only, exclusive of the Arch­bishops, Bishops, and other Prelates; and 'tis my opinion as far as I can find, that the word Populus following Cle­rus, was, Thema universale in significando, and compre­hended as well the Commons as the Lords, and indeed the subject matter of the Histori­ans speaks it. William the Second, Henry the First, King Stephen, and King John, were to be elected and created Kings of England, having no here­ditary right, 'twas but rea­sonable then, and according to the Laws and precedents of [Page 68] other Countries in like Cases, Quod omnes tangit ab om­nibus approbari debet, and so was the solemn Resolution of both Lords and Commons in the Parliament, 40 E. 3. Rot Parl. 40 E. 3. n. 78. That neither King John, nor any other, could put the Realm or people of England into sub­jection, sanz assent de eux, without their assent, or as the Parliament 29 H. 3. de­clared, Mat. [...]. An. 1245. p. 191, 197. sine assensu Regni, or as Malmesbury says, in vita Malmisb. lib. [...]. pag. 56. Willielmi primi, abs (que) gene­rali Senatus & Populi con­ventu & Edicto.

But now to close the Reign of Henry the first, I will out [Page 69] of that excellent Historian Matthew Paris transcribe the Oratio Regis Henrici ad Anglos. Oration, or Speech of that King to the Common Coun­cil or Parliament, in the se­venth year of his Reign, his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy, then claiming the Crown of England, and ready to invade this Nation with a great Force; the Speech of the King, the learned Monk thus delivers to us.

MAgnatibus igitur Regni ob hoc Mat. Paris in vita H. 1. pag. 62, 63. Inhibitio nèqui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seualiqua alia Notabilis persona transe­at ad partes transmarinas. Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. dorso. Londoniam Edicto Regio convocatis Rex talibus alloquiis mel & favum oleum (que) mellitis & mol­litis blandiens dixit: Amici & fideles mei indigenae ac naturales, nostis [Page 70] veraci sama referente, qualiter fra­ter meus Robertus electus & per Deum vocatus ad regnum Hiero­solymitanum foeliciter gubernan­dum, & quam frontosè illud infoe­liciter refutaverit, merito prop­terea à Deo reprobandus. Nostis etiam in multis aliis superbiam & ferocitatem illius; quia vir bellico­sus, pacis impatiens est, vosque scien­ter quasi contemptibiles & quos desides vocat & glutones conculcare deside­rat. Ego vero Rex humilis & pacificus vos in pace in antiquis vestris libertati­bus, prout crebrius jurejur ando promisi, gestio confovere, & vestris inclinando consiliis consultius ac mitius more mansueti principis sapienter guber­nare, & super his (si provideritis) scrip­ta subarata roborate & iteratis jura­mentis praedicta certissime confirmare, omnia videlicer quae sanctus Rex Ed­wardus Deo inspirante providè san­civit [Page 71] inviolabiliter jubeo observari, ut mecum fideliter stantes fratris mei immò & mei & totius Regni An­gliae hostis cruentissimi injurias po­tenter, animose ac voluntarie pro­pulsetis. Si enim fortitudine Anglo­rum roborer, inanes Normannorum minas nequaquam censeo formidandas. Talibus igitur promissis, quae ta­men in fine impudenter violavit, omni­um corda sibi inclinavit, ut pro ipso contra quemlibet us (que) ad ca­pitis expositionem dimicarent.

This Speech to me is another strong Confirmation and Argument against the Norman Conquest, for 'tis luce clarius, 1. That King Henry the First did not pretend to hold the Crown Jure Victoris. 2. That the English were not totally sub­dued and destroyed by his Father Wil­liam the first. 3. That the Son [Page 72] (as well as the Father) had several times solemnly sworn to the inviolable ob­servance of the Laws of St. Edward or of the Saxon Government. 4. King Henry does not depend on the Nor­mans that came in with his Father, no, it was upon the English Common Council, or Parliament; nor did he call them Vassels and Slaves, but Amici & Fideles mei naturales, in them he fixt his only hope and as­surance, both for their Fidelity and Courage, and believed that they would (as indeed they did) preserve and defend his Crown and Life against the great Power and Policy of his and the Kingdoms most bloudy Enemies, who were ready to Invade both with a mighty Army; it being then Prudentially and Politickly resolved unanimously in Par­liament, not to permit, or suffer the Duke to land here, but to fight him in his own Country, which the Eng­lish [Page 73] then did (forty years after the coming in of William the first) and at one Battle not only totally conquered and overthrew the Normans, but took Robert their Duke Prisoner, and thereby put a period to the dangers and fears of King Henry the first, and in despite of the French Power, set the Ducal Crown of Normandy upon the head of King Henry an Eng­lish-man: and after Robert had re­mained for some time in Prison, at last to conclude the Catastrophe of his un­happy life, he had his eyes burnt out of his head, and so by a sad fate left all to the English King.

From all which Authorities and Reasons, under correction, it is suf­ficiently evidenced, that in the Brittish, Saxon, and Norman Governments, the Commons (as we now phrase them,) had Votes, and a Share in the making and en­acting [Page 74] of Laws for the Government of the Kingdom, and that they were an essential part of the Commu­ne Concilium Regni, Wittena Gemot, or Parliament, before and after the supposed Conquest by King William the First.

Having thus concluded my Preface, I shall now diligently apply my self to discuss that grand point touching the introduction of the Commons in­to our great Council, or Parlia­ment, as represented by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, being in­deed the principal work I intended, and was finished before this Preface; the difficulty of which cannot be well judg­ed of but by those who have undertaken subjects of like intricacy; for I have at a great charge, and expence of time, and without any mans assi­stance or help, out of the dark and [Page 75] neglected paths of Antiquity, en­deavoured to make truth publick and general, and (with submission) I hope it will appear, that I have rescued from the force and power of a dan­gerous growing errour, the just and ancient rights and priviledges of our Ancestors, in a matter of the high­est moment and concern, which is impartially debated in the ensuing Dis­course; a subject, whereof (to the best of my knowledge) no Author hitherto hath so particularly treated.

A DISCOURSE Wherein is proved, That the Commons of England were an essential part of the Parliament before the 49th of Hen. 3.

SEveral great and learned Au­thors of our Age having in their works and writings frequently published, and asserted to the world this Position as an unquestionable truth,

That the Commons in Parlia­ment (as distinguished from the Lords) compounded of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, had their first birth and beginning by Rebel­lion, An. 49 H. 3. and that too af­ter [Page 2] the Battle of Lewes, when the Barons had the King and Prince in their power as Prison­ers, and exercised Regal Authori­ty in his name:

The consideration and conse­quents thereof raised in my mind a great desire seriously and impar­tially to enquire into so important a point of Antiquity; and the bet­ter to satisfie both my own judg­ment, and the judgments of some of my Friends, I have run over many Records, and Historians, both Ancient and Modern, in Print and Manuscript, but cannot find any authority or reason to give a colour to so harsh an as­sertion.

I shall therefore, under an hum­ble submission to so eminent Anti­quaries, endeavour to disprove this notion of 49 H. 3. by these fol­lowing Arguments.

[Page 3] 1. From the Claim and Prescrip­tion of the Borough of St Albans in the Parliament of 8 E. 2. to send two Burgesses to all Par­liaments, sicut caeteri Burgenses Regni totis retroactis temporibus, in the times of E. 1. and his Progenitors; if so, then in the time of King John Grandfather to E. 1. and so before H. 3.

2. From Records Ano 15o Johan­nis Regis, wherein the Citizens and Burgesses (not so numerous then as after, and now) together with the Earls, Barons, & Mag­nates Angliae, were to give Consili­um & Auxilium ad honorem Regis & suum & statum Regni, who shortly after met at London, Con­vocatum Parliamentum de toto Clero, & tota secta laicali, and so within the express prescription of the Borough of St. Albans.

3. From the solemn resolution [Page 4] and great judgment of both Lords and Commons in the Parliament of 40 E. 3. against the Pope, That if King John had Ano 14o of his Reign (which was three years before the grant­ing of his Magna Charta) made the Kingdom tributary to the Pope, he had done it sanz lour assent, which must be under­stood to be without the con­sent of the Lords and Com­mons, and therefore void.

4. From several Records, inter alia, de Annis 28, 32, 37, 42, 48 H. 3. mentioning Parlia­ments then held, and their pro­ceedings, in some of which the word Commons is expresly men­tioned, as well as the Prelates, and Magnates, to be part of those Parliaments.

5. From an act of Parliament 2 H. 5. that famous Prince, [Page 5] where it is declared and admit­ted, that the Commons of the Land were ever a part of the Parliament, and so consequent­ly were part of the Parliaments Annis 16, 17 Johannis, 28, 32, 37, 42, 48 H. 3. all within the prescription of the Borough of St. Albans.

6. From the form of penning of Acts of Parliament, and expres­sions in Records in 49, 51, 54 H. 3. when it is granted that the Commons were a part of the Legislative power, which agree with the phrases of Re­cords of Acts of Parliament be­fore that time.

7. From the defect and loss of the Parliament Rolls of H. 3. and E. 1. and from the univer­sal silence of all Records, and our antient Historians contem­porary and succeeding 49 H. 3. till our days.

[Page 6] 8. From the various opinions of learned men, in and since H. 8. time, who never dream­ed of any such origine, nor was ever heard of, till of late.

9. From comparing of the anci­ent Generale Concilium, or Parlia­ment of Ireland, instanced Ano 38 H. 3. with ours in England, wherein the Citizens and Bur­gesses were, which was eleven years before the pretended be­ginning of the Commons in England.


From the claim and prescription of the Borough of St. Albans, in the Parliament of E. 2. to send two Burgesses to all Parliaments, sicut caeteri Burgenses Regni totis re­retroactis temporibus, in the times of E. 1. and his Progenitours, if so, then in the time of King John Grandfather to E. 1. and so before H. 3.

1. THE Burgesses of St. Albans Rot. Parl. 8 E. 2. n. 233. Pro Burgenses de San [...]o A [...]. Who sent Bur­gesles to Parli­ament 28 E. 1. 35 E. 1. 1 [...]. 2. 2 E. 2. 5 E. 2. P [...]'s 4. part of Parliamen­tary Wri [...]s, pag. [...]. in their Petition to King E. 2. Ano 8o say, that they, sicut [...]eteri Burgenses Regni ad Parliamentum Regis (when it should happen to be sum­moned) per duos Comburgenses suos venire debeant, prout totis retroactis [Page 8] temporibus venire consueverunt, tam tem­pore domini Ed. nuper regis Angliae pa­tris regis, as well in the time of E. 1. the Kings Father, & Progeni­torum suorum, as in the time of E. 2. semper ante instans Parliamen­tum, and declared that the names of such Burgesses coming to Parlia­ment were always inrolled in the Those Rolls lost, or destoy­ed. The Sta­tute of Articuli Cleri made the next year after this Record cells us that there were di­virsa Parlia­menta tempori­bus Progenito­rum suor [...] Re­gum Ang [...]. Coke 2. Instit. [...]. 618. Rolls of the Chancery; notwith­standing all which the Sheriff of Hartford at the procuration and fa­vour of the Abbot of St. Albans and his Council, refused Burgenses prae­dictos praemunire, seu nomina eorum re­tornare prout ad ipsum pertinuit, &c. and therefore they pray remedy.

Respons. Scrutentur Rotuli, &c. de Respons. est per Concilium. Cancellaria, si temporibus Progenitorum Regis Burgenses praedicti solebant ve­nire vel non? & tunc fiat eis super hoc justitia vocatis evocandis si necesse suerit.

I do not think there needs much [Page 9] enforcing this Record, since the prescription of sending duos Combur­genses ad Parliamentum Regis, sicut cae­teri Burgenses Regni did, is, that they and their Predecessors were always accustomed to send two Burgesses to Parliament in all for­mer Ages, not only in the time of E. 1. but his Progenitors; there­fore in King Johns time, his Grand­father at least, and so before H. 3.

And though the answer to the Petition, which in that Age was given in Parliament (per Concilium, or all the Judges of England, and others the Kings Learned Council) say, Scrutentur Rotuli, si temporibus progenitorum Re­gis Nota, Rolls of Summons to Parliament, were extant this very Parliament, Rot. Claus. 8 E. 2. m. 25. Selden's Titles of Honor, fol. 604, 605. It appears by the Patent Roll of 26 E. 3. that there were Parliamenta, and Sum­mons to Parliament, tempori­bus Progenitorum, & ante an­num 49 H. 3. Rot. Pat. 26 E. 3. Pars 1. m. 23. (which may go to the whole Reign of King John, as before) Burgenses praedicti solebant venire, vel [Page 10] non; yet that grave and wise Coun­cil do not in the least scruple, but clearly admit and confirm the ge­neral prescription, that there were Boroughs that sent Burgesses to Parliament, temporibus E. 1. & Pro­genitorum suorum, which goes high­er than H. 3. his Father; and it cannot in common reason be sup­posed, much less believed, that the Burgesses of St Albans, or the Law­yer or Pen-man of the Petition, should dare to tell the King and Learned Council, in the face of a Parliament, a Novelty so great and ridiculous, and that Recorded to Posterity by the Council, that they and their Predecessors, in the time of E. 1. and his Progenitors, had sent two Burgesses to every Parliament, when all the World then knew (if the modern opinion be true) that there was never any Election of any Burgesses to Par­liament [Page 11] before the 49 H. 3. which was but 50. Years before 8 E. 2. and at the time of the Petition fresh in their own memories.

No, surely the Burgesses of St Albans did not ground their Peti­tion of Right upon a general alle­gation, or an affirmation in nubibus; but the justice and certainty of their claim, as they themselves very well knew, so they prayed it might be examined and tried by uncontroul­able Witnesses, Records, the Rolls of Chancery. The Chancellor and the rest of the Council, did no less know there were such Rolls, and therefore order the search; but if the Petition had been notoriously false and idle, instead of recording it to future Ages, they would with contempt and scorn have rejected it, nor would the great Abbot of St Albans, his Council, and the She­riff of Hertford, against whom the [Page 12] Petition was exhibited, have been wanting in their own defence, to have shewed and proved that this antient prescription was a meer Chimaera, and fable; no, they all were well satisfied, that the Bo­rough had sent two Burgesses to every Parliament, in the time of E. 1. and his Progenitors, and there­fore it was in vain to oppose or contradict their just and antient right, according to their prescripti­on; all which appears clearly by this, that both before the time of the Petition, and ever since, they have sent two Burgesses to every Parliament.


From Records An. 15 Johannis Re­gis, wherein the Citizens and Bur­gesses, (not so numerous then as after, and now, together with the Earls, Barons, & Magnates Angliae,) were to give Consilium & Auxi­lium ad honorem Regis & suum & statum Regni, who shortly af­ter met at London, Convocatum Parliamentum de toto Clero & tota secta laicali, and so within the express Prescription of the Borough of S. Albans.

I Am not ignorant that some have dated the origine of the Commons being a part of the Parliament, from the Parliament of Runningmead, 17o Reg. Joh.

[Page 14] It may therefore be worth our pains to observe this great Record following, and to consider whe­ther from thence may not be pro­ved this Conclusion:

That [...] great Cities and Bo­ro [...]s of the [...]ingdom (not so [...]merous then as after and now) in the 16o of King John, before the granting of his Magna Charta, or [...] confirming the antient Laws in his 17th year, at Runningmead, did send their Proxies and Repre­sentatives, to the Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament; for it can­not be supposed in reason, that every individual Citizen and Bur­gess could come, no more than every Parson of a Parish to a Con­vocation, or to a meeting of the whole Clergy of England.

The Record saith, That the Rot. Pat. 15 Joh. Pars 2. m. 2. King being in partibus transmarinis, writes

  • [Page 15]Majori & Baronibus London.
  • Majori & probis hominibus
  • Winton.
  • Northampt.
  • Lincoln.
  • Ebor.
  • Oxon.
  • Glouc.
  • Heref.
  • Exon.
  • Worcestr.
  • Cantebr.
  • Hunt.
  • Bristol.
  • Norwich.

And all the great Boroughs of the Demesnes of the King, giving In the antient Subsidy Rolls we often meet with the Te­nants in anti­ent Demesne in Parliament, and giving Sub­sidies, and it is the opinion of my Lord Ho­bart, sol. 48. that by continuance of time they were discon­tinued, and it may be one reason thereof was, that it was an ease gran­ted them by the King in favour of their labour of the Earth. Vide Rot. de 20. & 15 Ed. 2. apud Northampton, An. Regni sui primo à Laicis concessis. Rot. de 15. Burgorum Regi E. 2. an. Regni sui nono apud [...] [...]. à Laicis concessa. In Custodia Clerici Pipae in Sc [...]ccario remanen. them account of his proceedings and successes in his War against the French, and that the Pope had by his Letters released the Interdict, under which the Kingdom then lay, which the King had then sent to Peter Bishop of Winton, Chief Justice of England; and therefore desired that they would believe what the Bishop should speak to them, that Consilium & Auxilium [Page 16] vestrum ad honorem nostrum & vestrum & statum Regni nostri in melius com­municandum efficaciter super hoc appona­tis, and that majori festinatione expedi­retur, Teste apud Rupellam 6o die Martii.

In the same manner he writ to Rot. Pat. 15 Joh. Pars 2. m. 1. Inhibitio ne qui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seu ali­qua alia nota­bilis persona transeat ad par­tes transmari­nas. Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 19. dorso. William Earl Marshal, and to all the Earls, Barons, & Magnatibus Angliae, &c. Teste apud Rupellam 8o die Martii.

In order therefore to our proof of a Parliament from these Re­cords, let us make two observati­ons.

  • 1. Negative.
  • 2. Affirmative.

Though the Writ be general, 1. Negative. and mentions not any time or place for meeting or coming to Parliament, or the great Council (the King referring that I suppose to his Regent or Chief Justice here) yet it cannot be intended that Peter [Page 17] Bishop of Winchester, being then Chief Justice of England, should go from County to County, City to City, Borough to Borough, or as our Church-Wardens do, from House to House, rogare Consilium & auxilium (the proper business of a Parliament) to desire and entreat for their Counsel and Aid, for the Honour of the King, their own, & statum Regni, and the safety of the whole Kingdom; surely that had been an imployment fitter for the wandring Jew, or Johannes de Temporibus; and such counsel must needs have been of a very diffe­rent and various nature, and both agreeing very ill with the words majori festinatione, and urgency of the contents of the Writs.

Let us then enquire what were the effects and consequents of these Writs, and that brings me to the second observation.

[Page 18] King John began his Reign 6o 2. Affirma­tive. Aprilis, the Writs bear date 6o & 8o Martii, which was the Close of An. 15o. It may be the Winds were very cross, or for some other rea­son the Letters might not so spee­dily be brought over, or published here, or after the summons there might be above forty days before they met. But sure it is, in the be­ginning of July, (after that March) being the sixteenth Year of his Reign, we find:

Nicholaus Tusculanensis Episcopus Mat. Paris An. 1214. pag. 249. l. 27. & Apostolicae sedis Legatus per nuntios memoratos Domini Papae Authenticum acceperat. Rex Anglorum erat in par­tibus transmarinis, sed quoniam idem Rex in recessu suo ab Anglia Legato jam dicto & Willielmo Marescallo vices suas in hoc negotio commiserat, idem Legatus in urbe Londinensi apud Sanctum Paulum grande con­gregavit Concilium, ubi congregatis Ar­chiepiscopis, [Page 19] Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prio­ribus, Pau [...]is evolutio di [...]bus congre­gantur apud Londoniam Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abba­tes, multarum (que) Ecclesiarum Praelati cum Co­mitibus & Ba­ronibus totius Regni ut negotia Regni & Ecclesiae pertractarent cum Theobaldo Cantuar. Archiepiscopo Apostolicae sedis Legato, eidem Concilio praesidente. Mat. Paris in vita Rob. Abb. S. Albani An. Dom. 1155. pag. 72. l. 26. Comitibus, Baronibus, & aliis ad hoc negotium Interdicti (the very business of the Writs) spectantibus proposuit coram omnibus formam restitu­tionis.

And the Great Selden the Ho­nour Selden's Titles of Honour, Part 2. sol. 587. of the Inner-Temple, or rather as the Learned Grotius, Honos Bri­tanniae, to drive the nail home, saith, But we know by what is already shewed, that divers former Parlia­ments were in this Kings time (mean­ing before the granting of his Mag­na Charta, An. 17 Joh.) though the Laws made in them be lost. And in the year before the Charter also (which was An. 16 Joh.) the Author of Eulogium sayes, that Convocatum est Parliamen­tum Londoniis praesidente Archiepisco­po cum toto Clero & tota secta laicali, wherein per Domini Papae praeceptum [Page 20] illa obligatio quam Rex Domino Papae fecerat cum fidelitate & homagio rela­xatur omnino, vii' die Julii.

Having thus proved a Parliament in the 16th of King John, and that the Citizens and Burgesses had their Summons to it, which is remarka­ble by a Writ particular and di­stinct from that of the Lords, viz. the Earls, Barons, & Magnates Ang­liae, I will conclude this Argument with the Statute of 5 R. 2. Cap. 4. where it is enacted by the assent of the Prelates, Lords and Commons, That all and singular persons and Communalties, (be he Archbish­op, Abbot, Prior, Earl, Baron, &c.) which should have a Summons to Parliament, should come from thenceforth to the Parliaments in the manner as they were bounden to do, and had been accustomed within the Realm of England of old times; and if they did absent [Page 21] themselves, and came not, he and they should be amerced, or other­wise punished according as of old times had been accustomed to be done: from hence I shall observe,

1. That there were Summons to Parliament of old times, as well to the Commonalties, that is, the Citi­zens and Burgesses; as to the Arch­bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls and Barons; and so the Statute may seem to affirm the prescripti­on of St Albans, that saith, that they had sent Duos Comburgenses sicut cae­teri Burgenses regni did to every Par­liament totis retroactis temporibus be­fore E. 1. and his Progenitors.

2. That the phrase of old times is in point of prescription and an­tiquity applied equally, and with­out distinction or limitation, as well to the great Lords, as Commons; But if the first had of old times, as our modern Authors write, been [Page 22] the only constituent parts of the Parliament, it might in reason and prudence be thought, they would not have consented to have admit­ted that Summons to Parliament; for the Commons was Coeval with theirs; nor would they have ratifi­ed and confirmed by a solemn Act the protestation or declaration of Right of the Commons of England in the Parliament, 2 H. 5. n. 10. That the Commons had ever been a member of the Parliament, and that no Statute or Law could be made without their assent. 3. That if the Lords and Commons absen­ted themselves, and came not to Parliament, they should be amer­ced, or otherwise punished as of old times had been accustomed to be done; this branch plainly a­grees, 1. With the Modus tenendi Parliamentum, Written as Mr Sel­den saith tempore E. 3. That the first [Page 23] day the Burgesses and Citizens should be called, and if they did not come, they should be amer­ced; and so Mr Prynn mistakes in Mr. [...] A­nimadversions on the Lord Cokes Fourth Inst. pag. 3. his Animadversions, when he saith, that no absent Lord was fined be­fore 31 H. 6. 2. It appears, Ex vi terminorum, of old times it had been so accustomed to be done; that this prescription may well be applyed to the Parliament of 16 Joh. and long before; for the Sta­tute of Magna Charta, 17 of that King, saith, Civitas London habeat omnes libertates suas antiquas; by force and vertue of which word, antiquas, their old or ancient Li­berties and Customs (not only confirmed by the Magna Charta of William the First, but used even in the Saxon times, and before) were in Parliament ratified and con­firmed.


From the solemn and great Judgment of both Lords and Commons in the Par­liament of 40 E. 3. against the Pope, That if King John had An. 14. of his Reign, which was three years before the granting of his Magna Charta, made the Kingdom tri­butary to the Pope, he had done it sanz lour assent, which must be understood to be without the consent of the Lords and Commons, and therefore void.

KIng John An. 14. of his Reign Mr. Paris An­no 1213. pag. 236. An. Regni Ioh. 14. made himself and Crown tributary to the Pope.

But Anno 40 E. 3. The Prelats, [...]. Parl. [...] [...]. 3. n. 7, 8. Dukes, Counts, Barons, and Com­mons; [Page 25] upon their full deliberation in Parliament, resolved with one accord, that neither the King, nor any other, could put the Realm nor people thereof into such subje­ction, sanz assent de eux, without their assent, viz. as well of the And with this agree the Scottish Laws. Et idem Rex Scotiae dicit si­cut prius quod de aliquo Reg­num s [...]m con­tingente non est a [...]s nes potest hic respondere inconsultis probis hominibus regni nostri. Placita Parl. inter Johannem Re­gem Scotiae & Magdulphum. 21 E. 1. pag. 157. Item ad rolorandum consederationem quondam initam inter ipsum Fran [...]orum Regem ex una parte & dictum Johannem de Balliolo ac Praelatos & Nihil [...]s & Universitates & Communitates Civitatum & villarum dicti Regni Scotiae pro ipsis & eorum haeredibus & successoribus ex altera parte. Ex Rot. in Turri London. Prynn's 3. Tom. of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, 28 E. 1. Commons, as of the Lords: and that it appeared by many Eviden­ces, that if he had so done, it was done sanz lour assent, and contrary to the Coronation Oath.

And if the Pope attempted any thing against either (having at the instance and sollicitation of the Rot. Pat. 15 Johannis Pars 2. m. 8. Inter­dictum, quod vulgariter ut­lagatio nuncu­patur. French King, threatned to inter­dict or out-law both) King and Kingdom; They would oppose [Page 26] and resist him, ove tout lour puis­sance.

The observations I shall make from this great Judgment shall be two.

1. That above 300. Years ago, there was not the least scruple or fancy, that the Commons of Eng­land, Nam cum sub Edwardo ter­tio in ordinum consessu quaestio habebatur de donatione illa decantatissima Johannis Regis sacta Innocen­tio Papae tertio & successoribus ejus, unde Urba­nus Quintus tum annum in­de natum mille marcarum Ang­liae & Hiber­niae simul no­mine censum sibi tunc solvi pete­hat, &c. Ordines universi id (que) tam generis [...]ieratici (quod mirere) quàm Proceres seu Senatus populus (que) in Comitiis illis solenni inita deliberatione re­sponderunt unanimes irritam plane fuisse Johannis donationem illam utpote tam sine Ordinum assensu quam Juramento ejus inaugurali adversam. Johan­nis Seldeni ad Fletam Dissertatio. Cap. 10. fol. 552. of which the Citizens and Burgesses were then undoubtedly a part, ought not, and were not to be present in the Commune Concili­um Regni, or Parliament of King Johns Reign, and to have assented to that Kings resignation, An. 14. to make it legal and valid, as well as the Prelates, Earls, and Barons.

2. If the Commons had never been a part of the Parliament be­fore [Page 27] 49 H. 3. but that the King and great Lords only made Laws, and had an inherent power (as some of our Modern Writers say) to tax the whole Kingdom, de alto & basso ad libitum suum jure repraesenta­tionis; surely they would not have left recorded to posterity so great a testimonial of the antiquity and right of the Commons of England (then so distinguished from the great Lords) as is expressed in the Roll: May it not then be admit­ted they spoke nothing but what was an undisputable truth, in diebus illis, unless we must believe, that the great and learned Authors of this Age, better understand the constituent parts of the Communia Concilia, or Parliaments of King Johns time (and so upward) above 460. Years since, than the whole Par­liament of 40 E. 3. the Parlia­ments of their Grand-Fathers time, [Page 28] as was the Reign of King John.

And indeed this famous resolu­tion was no other than a Declara­tion of the antient Common Law of the Land before the Norman Duke gained the Imperial Crown of England, as appears by King Harolds Answer to his Ambassa­dors, requiring the performance of the Kings Oath to take the Dukes Daughter to Wife, and to preserve the Crown for him.

De Regno addebat praesumptuosum fuisse, quod abs (que) generali Senatus & populi Conventu & Edicto alienam illi haereditatem juraverit

Which is recorded by William of Malmsbury, Lib. 3. p. 56. l. 24. in vi­ta Williemi I. an Author without all exception, who flourished in the time of H. 1. and therefore could not be ignorant where and in whom the Legislative Power of England did reside, there being but [Page 29] 33. Years from the coming in of the Norman Duke till the Reign of that King, and of this Histori­an the learned Balaeus gives this Eu­logium, Vir erat suo seculo in omni ge­nere bonarum literarum plene eruditissi­mus, & in eruendis antiquitatibus in­genio, diligentia & industria singularis Angliae nostrae nationis studosissimus illu­strator.

Upon the Death of Arthur Duke of Bretaign, the Annals of England tell us, that King John was Sum­moned by the French King, as Duke of Normandy to appear at his Court, and judicially to answer the pretended murder of Arthur his Nephew; whereupon the Bishop of Ely, and Hubert de Burgo, after Earl of Kent, and Chief Justice of England, nuntii solemnes & prudentes, were sent to the French King, to whom the Bishop thus spake, Do­mine Mat. Paris. pag. 283, 284. Rex non possit Dux Normanniae [Page 30] ad Curiam vestram venire, nisi veniret Nomine Barona­gii Angliae om­nes quodammo­do Regni Ordi­nes contineren­tur. Camd. Bri­tan. in 4. De Ordin. Angliae. fol. 61. Rex Angliae, cum una persona sint Dux & Rex. Quod non permitteret aliquo modo Baronagium Angliae, etsi ipse Rex hoc vellet. So careful was the Baronage or Parliament to preserve the antient rights, safety, and honour of the King and King­dom, An. 3 Joh. before any diffe­rence happened between him and his Subjects.

Anno 29 E. 1. the King sent Am­bassadors Ex Chronico Adam Meri­mouth in Bib­liotheca Cot­toniana sub Effigie Cleo­patrae. A. 16. p. 67, 68. An. Dom. 1300. 29 E. 1. to the French King, ut quid de truga, de guerra, & de pace deliberasset, nunciaret, and was an­swered, se non posse sine duodecim pa­ribus qui occupati fuerunt circa novam guerram tam ardua tractare, but that he expected their coming in fif­teen daies. Quo tempore transacto, ipsis consentientibus, they declare that they could not determine thereof, incon­sultis secum Scotis. Whereupon those Ambassadors returned. Igitur con­vocato [Page 31] Parliamento Londoniis, recitatis (que) frustratoriis dilationibus & falsis machi­nationibus praedictorum, Ambassadors were again sent, and received this answer: Quod Rex Angliae adveniret Rot. Claus 3 E. 1. m. 9. in Schedula. De­liberationem habere cum Prae­latis & Proce­ribus (i. e.) Par­liamento sine quorum commu­nicato consilio Sanctitati ve­strae super prae­dictis non possu­mus respondere, & Jurejurando in Coronatione nostra praesiito sumus astricti quod jura Regni nostri servabimus illibata, nec aliquid quod Diadema tangat Regni ejusdem abs (que) ipsorum requisito Consilio faciemus. personaliter, & inter duos Reges de op­tima pace conveniretur: Whereupon the King of England, Aliud habuit Parliamentum, in quo talia recitata dis­plicuerunt, & ex totius Regni Concilio (or Parliament) definitum est, Regem pro aliquo mandato vel suggestionibus ab Anglia egredi non debere.

From what hath been said, the Reader may easily observe, 1. That the weighty and great affairs which concerned the King and Kingdom, both in the Saxons time, and after, were by a fundamental principle and law of the Nation to be consul­ted of, and resolved in the Communia Concilia, or Parliaments, and that [Page 32] no particular person or order of men did take upon them such power, sine consensu Regni: and this H. 3. and his Council well knew, when he told Otto the Popes Nun­tio, Quod solus non potuit definire, nec Mat. Paris. pag. 325. l. 45. 9 H. 3. debuit negotium, quod omnes Cleri [...]os & Lai [...]os generaliter totius Regni tange­bat, which E. 1. and his Council in the 23th Year of his Reign thus confirms, Quod omnes tangit, ab omni­bus Rot. Claus. 23 E. 1. m. 3. dorso. approbetur. 2. That the Gene­ralis Senatus, & Populi Conventus, & Edictum, or Saxon Wittena Gemott, the Baronagium Angliae, in King Johns time, and the Concilium Regni, or Parliamentum, in the Reign of E. 1. were verba synonyma, differing in phrase, but one and the same As­sembly in substance.


From several Records, inter alia de An­nis 28, 32, 3 [...], 42, & 48 H. 3. mentioning Parliaments then held, and their proceedings, in some of w [...] the word Commons are expresly mentioned, as well as the Prelates & Magnates, to be part of those Par­liaments.

THE general Council at Run­ningmead, [...] [...]. held 17 J [...]. is 29. Years after, and 20. Years before 49 H. 3. called Parliamentum de Runemed.

Memorandum quod in Parliamento a [...] die Pasch. in tres septimanas Anno Regni Regis H. 3. 28. London celebrato negotium Crucis in Anglia una cum col­lectione decimae benefi [...]rum Ecclesias [...] ­corum [Page 34] Domino Regi in Subsidium terrae Sanctae à sede Apostolica deputat. was treated of.

An Utlary against William de Rot. Claus. Pat. 32 H. 3. m. 13. dorso. Hastingcott, was reversed, and he restored to all he had lost thereby, and this done Coram Rege & toto Parliamento.

Inter Communia Hilar. 17 E. 3. Rot. Claus. 32 H. 3. m. 12. dorso. Rex [...]. [...] E­p [...]po, &c. in [...]o Par­liamento no­ [...]o quod suit [...]. penes Rememoratorem Domini Regis in Scaccario, It appears in a Plea be­tween the King and the Prior of Coventry, that 29 & 32 H. 3. quae­dam subsidia per Magnates & Communi­tatem Regni spontanea & mera volun­tate Regi concessa (or as Bracton phra­seth Bracton Lib. 2. cap. 16. fol. 37. it, Ex consensu Communi totius Regui, being one and the same with Magnates & Communitas,) to­wards the marrying of the Kings Eldest Daughter, and also the Kings Sister to Frederick the Em­perour, which was done in Parlia­ment; for the Close Roll of that [Page 35] Year tells us of a Parliament, Con­sideratum Rot. Claus. [...] H. 3. m. 13, dorso. fuit in Curia nostra & toto Parliamento nostro, &c.

In a Parliament 37 H. 3. (for Rot. P [...]. 3 [...] H. [...]. m. [...]. dorso. At this Parlia­ment was the dreadful Sen­tence or Curse published in the great [...] it [...]. by the Clergy gainst the breakers of Mag [...] [...] by consent of Parliament. [...]tals St [...] 15. so Mat. Westm. calls it, pag. 352.) Rex, Magnates & Communitas populi protestantur publice, that they would never consent to any thing in the grand and terrible Excommunica­tion then to be pronounced by the Clergy against the infringers of Magna Charta, contra consuetudines Regni antiquas & usitatas, In cujus rei testimonium & imposterum veritatis te­stimonium, as well the King as the Earls of Norff. Heref. Fssex ad Warwick, as Peter de Sabaudia, at the instance and desire aliorum Magna­tum & populi praesentium scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt.

Rex &c. Cum nuper in Parliamento Rot. Pat. [...]2 H. 3. m. 3. n. 9. De inquisitio­nibus faciendis per singulos Comitatus Angliae. Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 4. Henr. &c. Saches que pur le profit de nostre Rea [...]me & a la requeste de noz ha [...]s [...] [...] [...]omes e du Comun de nostre Reaume. nostro Oxon. communiter fuit ordinatum [Page 36] quod omnes excessus & injuriae factae in Regno nostro inquirentur per quatuor milites singulorum Comitatuum, ut cog­nita inde veritate facilius corrigantur, &c.

I have an Abridgment or ab­stract of the Rolls of this Parlia­ment, writ by the hand of Mr. El­sing, late Clark of the Parliament, who saith, my Lord Coke had it; and some of the proceedings there­in mentioned, I have found in the Exchequer enrolled at that time.

The Articles of Peace à Domino Rot. Pat. 48. H. 3. pars unica m. 6. dorso. Forma pacis in­ter Regem & Barones. Rege & Domino Edwardo, Praelatis & Proceribus omnibus & Communitate tota Regni Angliae communiter & concordi­ter approbata, were sealed by the Bishop of Lincoln, the Bishop of Ely, Earl of Norff. Earl of Oxon, Humphry Bohun, Will. de Monte Ca­nisio & Major London in Parlia­mento London Mense Junii, Anno Do­mini 1264. de consensu, voluntate & [Page 37] praecepto Domini Regis, nec non Praela­torum, Baronum ac etiam Communitatis tunc ibidem praesentium.

And not only so, but that Re­cord tells us, Quod quaedam Ordinatio facta in Parliamento London habito circa festum Nativitatis Sancti Johan­nis Baptistae proxime praeteritum pro pace Regni conservanda.

And we read in another Re­cord,

Rex &c. Cum super praeteritis guer­rarum Rot. Pat. 4 [...] H. 3. m. 4. dorso. discriminibus in Regno Angliae subortis, Quaedam ordinatio seu forma pacis de nostro Praelatorum, Baronum & totius Communitatis Regni praedicti una­nimi voluntate & assensu provida deli­beratione inita fuerit, &c. [...]n cujus rei testimonium huic Scripto nos Rex Ang­liae, Comes Leyc. & Glouc. Jo. filuis Johannis, Johannes de Burgo Sen. Will. de Monte Canisio, Henr. de Hastings, & Gilbertus de Gaunt, pro nobis & caeteris Baronibus & Com­munitate [Page 38] Regni Angliae Sigilla nostra apposuimus. Dat. apud Cantuar. die Jovis proximè post Festum Nativitatis beatae Virginis, Anno 1264.

And therefore those that hold Rastals Stat. p. 987. Stat. 3 & 4 E. 6. Cap. 3. where in the Parliament holden at M [...]r­ton in the 20 H. 3. that there were no Commons, or Citizens and Burgesses in Parlia­ment before 49 Hen. 3. would do well to define and ascertain, who the Communitas were after the words Praelati, Barones & Magnates, in the before-expressed Records.


From an Act of Parliament, An. 2 H. 5. that famous Prince, where it is declared and admitted, that the Com­mons of the Land were ever a part of the Parliament, and so conse­quently were part of the Parliament Annis 16, 17 Joh. 28, 32, 37, 42, 48 H. 3. all within the pre­scription of the Borough of S. Al­bans.

THE Commons of England, up­on their claim or protesta­station, had, as their undoubted and unquestionable right, and in­herent priviledge, allowed and admitted in Parliament, that they had ever been a member of Parlia­ment: [Page 40] then were they a member of that 16 Joh. before-mentioned, of 17 Joh. 28, 32, 37, 42, & 48 H. 3. and that no Statute or Law could be made without their as­sent.

The Record says, That so as Rot. Parl. 2 H. 5. p. 2. n. 10. Nota. This me­morable Re­cord amongst several others as remarkable, is entirely left out in the Ex­act Abridg­ment of the Parliamwnt Rolls, publish­ed under the name of Sir Ro­bert Cotton, by Mr. Pryn. hit hath ever be their liberte and freedome, that thar should no Sta­tute, ne Law, be made of lass then they yaffe therto their Assent, con­sidering that the Commune of your Lond, the which that is and ever hath be a membre of your Parlia­ment, ben as well Assentirs as Peti­tioners.

Yet was the affirmation of the Commons no other than a reno­vation or memorial of the ancient Law of the Land, as is proved be­fore, and more fully explained and confirmed by the Petition to the [...] King and his Learned Council, and answer thereto in the Parliament [Page 41] of 8 E. 2. The Record is not un­worthy of a serious perusal. Er­cheves (que) Eves (que) Prelatz, Counts, Ba­rons, & autre gentz de la Comunyalte Dengleterre que tiegnent lour Manoirs en chief de nostre Seigneur, as well within the Forest as without, to which Mannors they had Gasz (Wast) appen­dant, dont les Seignourages avantditz arentunt, by the acre, half acre, & per rode en approvaunt lour Manoirs. Whereupon the Ministers of the King made seisure thereof, Pur ceo qu' eux ne unt la licence le Roy d'entrer. Therefore they pray, that they may approver leur Manoirs & le povre pue­ple eyser, &c. Responsum in dorso, Il ne put estre fait sanz novele ley la quele chose fere la Comunalte de la terre ne vult my uncore assentir, infra, Coram rege.

From hence I make these Ob­servations.

1. It proves that the Law could not be altered without consent of [Page 42] the Commons of England, though in a case particular to the King, as this was, for the Petition was co­ram Rege; nor could the King and Commons, without the Lords. For Rot. Parl. 22 E. 3. n. 30. E. 3. per avys des Prelatz & Grauntz de la terre fist respondre as les petitions des Communes touchantes la leye de la terre, que les leyes eues & useez en temps passez, ne le processe dycelle useez cea en arere, ne se purrent changer sanz ent faire novel Estatute, which as then they could not attend, but shortly would.

2. That they ought to agree to all new Laws, and that no Statute could be made without their assent. It is then remarkable, 1. That the Commons of England, as now we stile them, gave their suffrage and vote in the enacting and making of all Statutes and Laws in the time of the Progenitors of H. 3. which taken extensivè, is a very large pre­scription [Page 43] of right, for that King by the Statute of Assisa panis & cervi­siae, Pulton Stat. made after 49. when it is pre­tended the Commons began, viz. An. 51. tells us, That at his Par­liament Rot. Pat. 1 H. 3. m. 13. Rex Archiepis­copis, &c. Mi­liti [...]us & libere ten [...]ntib [...]s & omnibus fideli­bus s [...]s per Hi­bernia [...], &c. quod in sig [...]m fidelitatis [...]e­str [...], &c. liber­tation Regao no [...]tro Angliae a [...] vostro & no [...]is concessis de gratia nostra & dono in Reg­no Hiberniae ga [...]deatis, &c. held the first year of his Reign, he had granted that all good Statutes and Ordinances, made in the time of his Progeni­tors, and not revoked, should still be held. 2. But admitting the word Progenitors be restrained to two, which I conceive was never intended by the Law-makers, yet it cannot be denyed but that the Statute of Magna Charta, for so it is called 5 H. 3. Fitz-herb. Abrid. tit. Sed non si [...] Ang­liae Stat [...]ta ori­ri possunt dum nedum Princi­pis voluntate sed & tot [...]s R [...]gni ass [...] ipsa cond [...]t [...]r. Fortescue, cap. 8. pag. 40. Mordaunc. n. 53. and by Fleta, Lib. 1. Cap. 28. and all other Statutes made at least, temporibus Johannis & Ricardi I. Father and Uncle of Henry the Third, had the assent of the Commons in Parliament, to make them Laws.

[Page 44] Now the word Progenitors in the Statute, must I conceive go higher than Ric. 1. for Bracton a Learned Judge, who flourished in the time of Henry the Third, and so by a reasonable computation of time, may be supposed to have li­ved in the latter end of the Reign of Ric. 1. or beginning of King John's, after he had declared to po­sterity that he had bent his mind, ad vetera judicia perscrutanda diligenter non sine vigiliis & labore, and what­soever he found Notatu dignum, he reduced in unam summam perpetuae memoriae commendanda, concludes this Bracton. Lib. 1. cap. 1. fol. 1. Inhibitio nè qui Magnates, viz. Com [...]s, Bar [...], Miles, sea ali­qua alia nota­bills persona transeat ad par­tes transmari­nas. Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. dorso. point thus. Cum legis vigorem ha­beat quicquid de consilio & de con­sensu Magnatum & Reipublicae communi sponsione authoritate Re­gis sive Principis praecedente justè fue­rit definitum & approbatum.

And so just and excellent was the ballance of the Constitution of [Page 45] our legal Government, in prevent­ing any order or rank of the Sub­jects, to impose upon or bind the rest without their common con­sent, and in conserving as it were an universal liberty and property to every individual degree of men, from being taken from them with­out their assent, as the County Pa­latine of Chester, ab antiquo were not Kings Vale Royal of Eng­land, fol. 9, 10, 11. subject to such Laws to which they did not consent; for as well before the Conquest of England, as after, they had their Commune Concilium, or Court of Parliament, by authori­ty of which the Barones, Milites & quamplures alii (Rot. 44 H. 3. m. 1. dorso) Barones liberi homines & omnes alii fideles (Rot. Pat. 3. E. 1. m. 6.) or as the Supplication to H. 6. saith, The Abbots, Priors, [...] [...] Which Supp [...] ­cation, though it be not that I know of upon Record, yet I have seen very many Copies thereof, and particularly I have a Copy of it my [...] which was written in the year MDLxxxxii. Ex li [...] [...] The [...] [...]aring Cestrensis Baronet [...]i ad me m [...], Anno Dom. [...]. [Page 46] Clergy, Barons, Knights, Esquires, and Commonalty, did with the consent of the Earl make or admit Laws within the same, such as should be thought expedient and behoveful for the Weal of the In­heritors and inheritance of the said County, and no Inheritors or Pos­sessors within the said County were chargeable or liable, or were bounden, charged, or hurt of their Bodies, Liberties, Franchises, Lands, Goods, or Possessions, unless the said County (or Parliament) had agreed unto it. And I dare under submission affirm, that neither this County Palatine, nor Durham, were ever subjugated to have their E­states given away, at the good will and pleasure of the Earl or Bishop, under any notion or fan­cy in those days of being their re­presentatives in the Commune Concili­um Regni, or that being dependant [Page 47] Tenants, their consents were in­cluded in their Lords assent: and if the Commune Concilium Cestrense, or Parliament, was deduced from Records, it would be of greater use to shew us as in a Mirror the Government of England in antient days, than what I have yet seen published by any Author.

3. That the Answer of the King to the Petition penned and made by all the Judges of the Land, his Council in Parliament cannot be supposed to be ground­ed upon a modern usage of 59. years from the time of 49 H. 3. till then, if the Tenants in Capite jure repraesentationis, made the Parliament as some hold, but was a Declara­tion of the ancient Custom and right of the Nation.

4. That it was not in the pow­er of all the Tenants in Capite of England, or the greatest part, who [Page 48] were the Petitioners, though with the Kings consent, to bind and ob­lige others, or to make or alter a Law, sine assensu Communitatis Regni, who had votum consultivum, and de­cisivum, an Act of Authority and Jurisdiction, as well in assenting to spiritual Laws as Temporal, as may appear for an in [...]tance, in their Declaration or Protestation to E. 3. in Parliament.

Que nul estatut ne Ordenance soit fait Rot. Parl. 51 E. 3. art. 46. Le Convocation n'ad ascun pow­er a faire ascun chose a lier le Temporaltie. 20 H. 6. 13. Et issint le Rule 44 E. 3. 19. [...]t [...]ray q' n [...]l [...] oblige le poe­ [...]e [...]; c [...] q' est fait par con­s [...]nt del poeple. Davis Rep. fol. [...]. ne grante au Petition du Clergie si ne soit per assent de voz Communes, ne que vous dites Communes ne soient obligez per nulles constitutions q'ils font pur lour avantage sanz assent de voz dites Com­munes: Car eux ne veullent estre obligez nul de voz Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz lour assent.

Fortescue cap. 8. pag. 40. tells us, Sed non sic Angliae Statuta oriri possunt dum nedum Principis voluntate sed & totius Regni assensu ipsa conduntur. [Page 49] Et si Statuta licet tanta solennitate & prudentia edita, efficaciae tantae quantae conditorum cupiebat intentio, non esse contingant; Concito reformari ipsa pos­sunt & non sine Communitatis & Procerum Regni illius assensu quali ipsa primitus emanarunt. And that this was the antient Law and Right of the Kingdom, appears by the answer of E. 1. ano 22. of his Reign to the Petition of the whole Clergy of England; for the Clergy ha­ving given the King medietatem om­nium Henr. de Knighton de Eventibus Angliae lib. 3. pag. 2502. l. 24. An. Dom. 1294. 22 E. 1. bonorum tam temporalium quam spiritualium, complaining that the Immunity of the Church laesa fuit & violata, petiit à Rege quosdam Arti­culos (Rege jubente) jussit enim Rex postquam votis ipsius paruerant (in gi­ving the Subsidy) ut ipsi ab eo pete­rent remedia quae vellent. Et petierunt im­primis ut Statutum de manu mortua, quod in praejudicium Sanctae Matris Ec­clesiae fuit editum, deleretur Cui quidem [Page 50] Articulo respondit Rex, quod idem Sta­tutum de Consilio Magnatum suorum (so phrased by the Historian) fuerat editum & ordinatum, & abs (que) eorum Consilio non erat revocandum: but a more certain authority tells us, that the Statute was made, per Commune V [...]. Coke 2. Insi. fol. [...]5. Concilium Regni, or Parliament, as appears by Rot. Claus. 7 E. 1. m. 5. dorso. Rot. Pat. 10 E. 1. m. 13. and then the Commons were unquestion­ably an essential part, and joined in the making the Statute.


From the form of penning of [...] of Parliament, and expressions in Re­cords in 49, 51, 54 H. 3. where it is pretended the Comm [...]ns first be­gan to be a part of the Legislative Power, which agree with the phrases of Records of Acts of Parliament before that time.

THE King writes to the Bi­shop [...] of London, and to the rest of the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, that his heart was wounded [...]to dolore, that the Earl of Gloucester, and other Re­bels, had by crafty perswasions circumvented, pro [...]r! Prince Edward, & ad partem suam proditori [...] [Page 52] a [...]axe [...]unt proprii contemptu Sacra­men [...], contra formam de nostro & ejus­dem silii nostri, Praelatorum, Magnatum & Communitatis Regni nostri unani­mi assensu & voluntate nuper London. provisam.

The King per le conseil & l'assente­ment Rot. Pat. 51 H. 3. m. 16. Pro [...]ce inter R [...]g [...]m & Com. Glouc. Nota, [...] Earl of [...] ­wal, w [...] E­lected King of H [...]ngary, or Almain. Ibidem. Coke 2. Instit. sol. 599. Articuli C [...]i ex fragmenta. Rot. Parl. An. 51 H. 3. le Rei de Alemain & de Countes, & de Baruns, & del Commun de la terre, pardoned and released the Earl of Gloucester, and all his Com­pany, &c.

And the King per le Conseil & Pas­sentement le Rei de Alemain, & les Cuntes, & de Barons, & le Commun de la terre, pardoned and released the Londoners, totes maneres de ire & de rancour & de male volente, &c.

The King and Prince having Rot. Pat. 54 H. 3. m. 7. in­tus. D [...] signo [...]. undertaken the Crusado, for the Holy Land, quia tamen Praelatis, Magnatibus & Communitati Regni non videtur expediens ne (que) tutum, that [Page 53] they should be both out of the Kingdom, istis temporibus, it was agreed the Prince should go, and a Subsidy was granted to the Prince by the Parliament.

If one should shew the Au­thors of the novel opinion, only these Records, and thereupon ask them who the Communitas, men­tioned in these Records, after the words Praelati, Barones, & Magnates were, I doubt not but they would say, Knights, Citizens, and Bur­gesses, because they are after the pretended inception of 49 H. 3. but then I desire to know what authority they can shew, why the Communitas in 29, 32, 37, & 48 H. 3. should not be a part of the Parliament as much as of 49, 51, 54. of that King, since the words or phrases of both are alike in the Records.

[Page 54] For I do not think it a true way of reasoning, That because the no­tion of 49 H. 3. is generally pub­lished by our now Historians, and so believed: Ergo, it unquestion­ably was so, and has always and in all ages been distinctly known and believed.


From the defect and loss of Parliament Rolls of H. 3. and E. 1. and from the universal silence of all Records, and our antient Historians contem­porary and succeeding 49 H. 3. till our days.

IT is true indeed for any thing For all Pa [...]a­ment [...]ls of the time of H. 3. are l [...] [...] [...]me [...] in the Parl [...]ment [...]t O [...], in 44. of the [...]ame King, which I have hereto­fore used by the favour of an honoura [...]le p [...]rson that [...]. yet appears, the Parliament Rolls of H. 3. are all lost or de­stroyed, though references are made to them by several Clause and Patent Rolls of H. 1. and H. 2. yet no direct Writ of Summons ad Parliamentum, is extant of that time, either of the Lords or Com­mons (so Mr Pryn) till the Dorse of the Clause Roll 49 H. 3. in a [Page 56] Schedule affixed thereto, where there are Writs for Electing and sending to a Parliament at London, two Knights, Citizens, and Bur­gesses, and Barons for the Cinque-Ports, and likewise Summons to the great Lords.

But if that Roll of 49 H. 3. and Rot. Claus. 22 E. 1. had been de­stroyed as many others of that time were, then had there been no footsteps or testimony left us on Record, yet discovered, of any formal Summons to Parliament, of [...] first Part of [...] Writs, [...]ol. 16 [...]. [...], sol. 33. them or the Prelats and temporal great Lords, till 23 E. 1. though several Parliaments were in the in­terim, no less than twelve as the Printed Statute Books tell us. And P [...]'s Stat. [...]. 1 [...], 18, 2 [...], [...], 43, 44, 46, [...], [...], 71, 73. the Commons expresly said to be present at some, and implyed in all, if the Phrase of Commune Conci­lium Regni implies so much, which [...] think is unquestionable when [Page 57] compared with the Statute of Vide the Writs upon the Sta­tutes of [...]m. 1. 3 E. 1. Glo [...]. 6 E. 1. de mer­catorio [...]s, 13 E. 1. de Va [...]o, 20 E. 1. declare they were made per Com­mune Concilium Regni. Coke 2. Instit. sol. 156. Westm. 1. made 3 E. 1. which was not eleven years after 49 H. 3. wherein the constituent parts of the Commune Concilium Regni, are enumerated and expressed, the Statute being made Per l'assentements des Archievesques, Evesques, Abbes, Priors, Countes, Barons & tout le Comminalty de la terre illonques summones.

Now because from that one Re­cord of 49 H. 3. (being the only Roll as yet found out) it should be wonderfully observed, and from thence infallibly concluded and nicked, and by an ominous and influential Asterism of Rebellion and Treason marked, that the ve­ry All the antient­est Writs of Summons of our Temporal Lords to great Councils, being utterly lost through negligence, or pe­rished through the rust or consumption of time, the very first Writ of Summons to them, and Kalendar of their names, now remaining, is that of 49 H. 3. Prynns Register of Parliamentary Writs, Part 1. sol. 160. [...]t to point out who they were (viz. B [...] mai [...]res) that had their first rise by Writ of Summons until 22 E. 1. and afterwards, pasteth my skill, there being no publick Record that doth make mention of them till then, excepting that of 49 H. 3. D [...] Pres▪ to his Ba [...] Angliae, Tom. 1. first Writs (whereby the great [Page 58] Lords are said to be also first Summoned) to send two Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses for each County, City, and Borough, [...] Parliamentum, in Octabis San [...]ti Hil­larii, were made in this very year, at that very Crisis of time, nay te­sted on such very days, when the rebellious Barons (after the Battel of Lewes) had the King and Prince in their power, and exercised Re­gal Authority in his name, under good favour seems not at all satis­factory and convincing to me, un­til they give more certain and greater testimonials and evidence, and answer these few Records.

If the Epocha of the Knights, Ci­tizens, and Burgesses, or Com­mons (as now called and distin­guished from the great Lords) be­ing first admitted a part of the Parliament and Legislative Pow­er, had such a Creation and Ori­gine, [Page 59] it is more than a wonder, though the Parliament Rolls be destroyed, that the Lieger Books, Charters, or Historians of that time, either National or Foreign, of which there are not a few, or our antient Lawyers, Bracton, Britton, Fleta, and Hengham, had not a­mongst many Narratives of far less moment and weight, given po­sterity a remark, or some short hint or memorial of so suddain, so great, and so universal a change or Catastrophe of the whole con­stitution and ancient frame of the English Government, as that must unquestionably be admitted to be, or some subsequent Chronologer had not so much as dreamed of it till of late, or that branch in the ancient Coronation Oath of our Kings, demanded by the Archbi­shop, had not been omitted, or ne ver administred, which runs thus.

[Page 60] Concedis justas leges & consuetudi­nes Ex MS. [...]s Honorabile [...] Dominum Bar. de Hollis. esse tenendas, & promittis per te esse protegendas, & ad honorem Dei corrobo­randas quas Vulgus elegerit secundum vires tuas. [Respondebit Rex, Concedo & promitto.]

The word Elegerit, being ad­mitted to be of the praeterperfect tense, it certainly shews, that the peoples Election had been the foundation and ground of antient Laws and Customs; and the term of justas leges, seems to allow a liberty of debate, reason, and argument, so much as might be of efficacy and force, to demonstrate and con­vince, that the Laws so required by the Commons of the King, were just and reasonable; the debate and consideration of which certainly was never, nor ever could be in­tended to be done in the diffusive capacity of all the Commons of England, separatim, but in an intire, [Page 61] or in an aggregat body, that is, in their Communia Concilia, or Par­liaments.

And with this agrees the Statute of Provisors, An. 25 E. 3. which saith, Whereupon the Pulton's Stat. sol. 99. 25 E. 3. It is considered and declared by the whole body of this Realm now represented by all the Estates of the same assembled in this present Par­liament, that the Kings High­ness, before Almighty God, is bound as by the duty of a good Christian Prince, for the conservation and preser­vation of the good Estate and Common-wealth of this his Realm, to do all that in him is, to obviate, repress, and redress the said abusions and exactions of Annates, or First­fruits. Apad Capell. Rotulor. Rot. Parl. 23 H. 8. n. 33. said Commons have prayed our Soveraign Lord the King, that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to his Realm, he ought and is bound by his Oath, with the accord of his people in his Parlia­ment, thereof to make remedy and law, and removing the mischiefs and damage which thereof ensue. (And this they say) sith the right of the Crown of England, and the Law of the Realm was such.

Nor indeed can I apprehend any colourable pretence, much less a probable reason, that if the Ba­rons had 49 H. 3. usurped the So­veraign power into their hands, [Page 62] they should 1. So easily and spee­dily divide and share it with the Commons, constitute a new Court of Parliament, and make them essen­tial and coordinate with themselves in the Legislative Power: sure we know it is natural for all Courts, ampliare & non diminuere Jurisdictio­nem. 2. That at that Parliament the numerous Barons (as they stile them) should but summon 23. of their own Order, when the Arch­bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Deans, made 120, if we must be concluded by the Records. If there were then two Houses of Parliament, and that the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, did not sit with the Lords, the Prelates ha­ving so great advantage of the Temporal Lords in their Votes, were very unkind to the Crown they made not use of their over­ballance for the delivery of the [Page 63] King and Prince, then said to be in Custody. 3. Nor have I yet met with any reasons given, why when the Government of the whole Kingdom was at this Parlia­ment of 49 H. 3. to be setled af­ter so long and bloody a War, the Barons being then so victorious and numerous, as our modern Au­thors say, they would by their ab­sence hazard and endanger the loss of all by entrusting the Prelates and Commons with the over-bal­lance. Many remarkable observa­tions might be raised upon this Record, both as to the Lords and Commons, but I will now pass to my eight Argument, con­cluding this with Mr Pry [...]s opini­on, Mr Pry [...]n's Pre­face to S [...] Ro­b [...]rt Cotton's A­bridgment of the Records i [...] the Tower. how the Parliament Rolls be­fore E. 3. came to be lost or de­stroyed. I will use his own words. That there are no Records at all in the Tower (except some few an­tient [Page 64] Charters or Exemplifications of them) antienter than the first year of King John, all the rest from William the first his Reign till then (except some few in the Exchequer not relating to Parliaments) being utterly lost, the first Parliament Rolls yet remaining are these, 5, 8, 9, and 19th of King E. 2. the Statute Roll of H. 3. E. 1. E. 2. containing some Statutes made in their Reigns, a Parchment Book of some Pleas in Parliament during the Reigns of King E. 1. and 2. and a few Bundles of Petitions in the Parliaments of 6 E. 1. and 1, 2, 3, and 4 E. 3. none of which are here abridged (viz. in the A­bridgment by him published) only I find in the Clause Patent Charter and Fine Rolls of King John, H. 3. E. 1, and 2. some Writs of Sum­mons, and some memorials of Acts, Ordinances made, and Aids, [Page 65] Subsidies, Dismes, Quindisms, Cu­stoms granted in Parliaments, held during their Reigns, the Rolls whereof are perished and quite lost, either through the negligence of the Record Keepers, or the In­jury, Iniquity of the times during the Civil Wars between the King and Barons, in the Reigns of King John and H. 3. and betwixt the two Houses of Lancaster and York, Rot. Pari. 1 [...] 4. n. 8. [...] Richard [...] [...]it Rot [...] Pa [...]a­m [...]nti [...] [...] suo [...] & d [...]i. for the Title of the Crown, where­in (it is very probable) the pre­vailing King's parties, by their In­struments, imbezled, suppressed such Parliamentary Records and Proceedings, as made most against their Interests, Power, Preroga­tives, Titles; or through the de­fault of our Kings great Officers and Attornies, who sending for the Parliament Rolls out of the Tower, upon special occasions, ne­ver returned them again for rea­sons [Page 66] best known to themselves, by means whereof, those Parliament Rolls being no where to be found, their defects must be supplied only out of such fragments and memo­rials of them, as are extant in our other Records and antient Histori­ans, especially in Matthew Paris, Matthew Westm. William of Malmes­bury, Henry Arch-Deacon of Hun­tingdon, Roger de Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, The Chronicle of Brompton, Radulphus de Diceto, Ra­nulphus Cestrensis, and Thomas of Wal­singham, who give us some ac­compts of their proceedings and transactions, which else had been utterly buried in oblivion, as well as their Rolls wherein they were at large Recorded, as is evident by the Parliament Rolls yet ex­tant.


From the various opinions of the learned men in and since H. 8. who never dreamed of any such origine, nor was it ever heard of till of late.

IT would be tedious to set down the various and wan­dring opinions and reasons of our modern Authors in English, touch­ing the beginning of our Parlia­ments, and constituent parts there­of, especially of the Commons, as now called and comprehended in the Knights, Citizens, and Burges­ses in Parliament: I will but in­stance in a few eminent Authors, and leave the Croud behind.

The great Antiquary, Mr. Lam­berd [Page 68] holds, that they were before Lamberd Ar­chion. sol. 246. the time of William the First, and there are other learned men who give their assent to that as a great truth.

Mr. Prynn saith, By all the anci­ent Prynns Truth Triumphing over Falshood, Antiquity over Novelty, sol. 69. Parliamentum Synodus mag­n [...] nun [...]r Somneri Gloss. Presidents before the Conquest, it is most apparent, That all our Pristine Synods and Councils were nought else but Parliaments; that our Kings, Nobles, Senators, Al­dermen, Wisemen, Knights and Commons, were usually present, and voting in them as Members and Judges.

Polydore Virgil, Hollinshead, Speed and Martin, are of opinion, that the Commons were first summon­ed at a Parliament at Salisbury, An. 16 H. 1.

Sir Walter Raleigh in his Trea­tise of the Prerogative of Parlia­ments, thinks it was Anno 18 H. 1.

[Page 69] My Lord Bacon in a Letter to Cabala sol. 65. A [...]. 1621. the Duke of Buckingham, asks, Where were the Commons before H. 1. gave them authority to meet in Parliament?

Dr. Heylin finds another begin­ning, [...] [...] of the [...] World. [...]. and saith, that H. 2. who was Duke of Anjou, was the first Institutor of our High Court of Parliament, which (being an Anjo­vian) he learned in France.

But I cannot find that any of those ever supposed the Commons were first introduced in Parlia­ment 49 H. 3. by Rebellion.

Nor was this opinion entertain­ed by any Author I can meet with, Anno 1529. 21 H. 8. for in an an­swer of that great and excellent person Sir Thomas More, Lord Sir [...] Mor [...] 's Works, sol. 296. Chancellor of England, in his sup­plication of Souls against the sup­plication of Beggers, discoursing about King Johns making (in the [Page 70] 14th year of his Reign, and three years before his granting Magna Charta) the Realm Tributary to the Pope, declares his Judgment without any doubt or hesitation, and therein as I take it the univer­sal tradition and belief of all learn­ed men of that and precedent times:

That the Clergy and all the Lords and Commons of the Realm made the Parliament in the age of King John, and that never could any King of England give away the Realm to the Pope, or make the Land Tributary without their grant; whose Book, and so his opi­nion we find approved of and pub­lished by a grave and learned Judge of the Kingdom, Mr. Ju­stice Willtelmus Ra­stall S [...]rviens ad lige [...] constita­tus Jast [...]. de [...]. Tesre Rege apud [...]. 2 [...] Octo­br. [...]. Par. [...] [...] 61 [...] & [...] Rastall, and dedicated to Queen Mary her self, An. 1557. not much above a Century ago.


From the comparison of the antient Ge­nerale Concilium, or Parliament of Ireland instanced An. 38 H. 3. with ours in England, wherein the Citizens and Burgesses were, which was eleven years before the pretended beginning of the Commons here.

AS great a right and privi­ledge surely was and ought to be allowed to the English Sub­jects as was to the Irish before 49 H. 3. and if that be admitted, and that their Commune Concilium, or Par­liament, had its Platform from ours, as I think will not be denied by any that have considered the Histories and Records touching that Land, we shall find the two [Page 72] ensuing Records, An. 38 H. 3. clearly evince, that the Citizens and Burgesses were then a part of their great Council or Parlia­ment.

That King being in partibus Rot. Pat. [...] H. [...]. 4. [...]. transmarinis, and the Queen being left Regent she sends Writs in the Kings name directed Archiepiscopis, [...]. Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comi­tibus, Baronibus, Militibus, liberis Comi­nibus, Civibus & Burgensibus terrae s [...] Hiberniae, telling them that mit­timus fratrem Nicholaum de Sancto Neoto, fratrem Hospi [...]i Sancti Jo­hannis Jerusalem in Anglia ad par­ses Hiberniae ad exponendum vobis (together with I. Fitz Geffery the Kings Justice) the State of his Land of Vascony endangered by the hostile invasion of the King of Ca­stile, qui nullo jure sed potentia sua con­sisus terram nostram Vasconiae per ip­sius fortitudinem à manibus nostris au­ferre [Page 73] & à Dominio Regni Angliae se­gregare Inquisitio facta ad Parliamen­tam de Tristel Dermond die Mercurii prox­ima post Festion Sanctae Trini­tatis An. 48 H. 3. Coram Do­mino Ricardo de Rupella Ca­pitali Justicia­rio Hiberniae & co [...]am Domi­no Hugone de Tachmone E­pi [...]po Midensi tane T [...]s [...]ra­ri [...], &c. Ex Re­g [...] Archit­pi [...] Dublini­ensis. Parlia­ment in Ire­land, A [...]. 48 H. 3. proponit. And therefore universitatem vestram quanta possumus affectione rogantes quatenus nos & jura nostra totaliter indefensa non deserentes nobis in tanto periculo quantumcun (que) poteritis de Gente & pecunia subve­niatis, which would turn to their everlasting honour, concluding his nostris angustiis taliter compatientes quod nos & baeredes nostri vobis & hae­redibus vestris sumus non immerito ob­ligati. Teste Regina & R. Comite Cornubiae apud Windesor, 17o Die Februarii, per Reginam.

The other Writ somewhat va­ries, Ibid. [...]. being a Commission touching the Chief Justice Fitz Geffery, to be as an Assistant or Co-commissio­ner with Father Nicholas, to hold the Parliament, to declare to them the State of Gascony, & pericula nobis imminentia, & ad tractandum vobis­cum super auxilio nobis faciendo, against [Page 74] the King of Castile, desiring they would give Faith to what the Chief Justice should say to them there­upon.

Rot. Pat. 5 E. 1. m. 13. we Rot. Pat. 5 E. 1. m. 13. read: Rex Archiepiscopis, Episco­pis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, & omnibus aliis Anglicis de terra Hiberniae, &c. vobis mandamus quod ad cer­tos dies quos ad hoc provideritis, vi­delicet citra Festum Nativitatis bea­tae Mariae Virginis, in aliquibus locis opportunis conveniatis, & diligen­tem tractatum inter vos habeatis, utrum fuerit praejudicio vestri & li­bertatum & consuetudinum vestra­rum, that the meer Irish should use and enjoy the same Laws and Customs in common as the English there, and to send their Judgment and Counsel, un­der the Seal of the Justice of Ireland. And in the twentieth [Page 75] Year of this King, Magnates & Rot. Pat. 28 E. 1. m. 15. De 151 Regi in Hi­bernia con [...]essa taxand. Inhibition ne qui Mag [...]atis, vi­delicet Comes, [...], Milis, s [...] ­ali [...]ua alia no­tabilis person [...] transeat a [...] par­tes transmari­nas. Rot Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. 19. dorso. probi homines Terrae Hiberniae quint amdecimam partem de bonis & catallis suis concesserunt gratiose to the King, which certainly was done in the Generale Concilium, or Parlia­ment, and that the general phrase (probi homines) did include and comprehend the Citizens and Bur­gesses to be part of that General Council, for Rot. Claus. 7 H. 3. m. 7. dorso, the Citizens of Dublin are called Probi homines nostri Dublyn.

From hence may be observed, 1. That by the Patent Rolls of 38 H. 3. the Citizens and Burges­ses were summoned to meet at the great Council or Parliament, as well as the Prelates, Earls, Barons, Knights, and Free-holders, and equally desired to give the King a Subsidy of men and money.

2. That though in the Writ of E. 1. the Citizens and Burgesses [Page 76] are not mentioned eo nomine, the phrases of directions in Writs be­ing in those Ages very various, sometimes more general, and some­times more particular; yet the words omnibus aliis Anglicis after Ba­ronibus & Militibus, must compre­hend the Citizens and Burgesses, who were to meet and diligently to treat with the Archbishops, Bish­ops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, and Knights and Freeholders, whe­ther it would be in prejudice of their Liberties and Customs, if the meer Irish should enjoy the same Laws and Customs as they of the English extraction did, and they were to join in giving their judg­ment and counsel with the rest of the Parliament. And reason it self speaks it, since the admission of the meer Irish into equal priviledges and rights with themselves in their Cities and Towns, would be of so [Page 77] great a consequence to them; for upon the Kings granting by Char­ters to several Irish Families, the benefit of the English Laws, great disputes arose, so that Rot. Claus. 10 E. 2. m. 28. intus, upon a Peti­tion to the King, he granted that semel in anno tene [...]tur Parliamentum to redress their grievances touching the Irish and English Laws, and so the word Parliamentum ascertains what those Councils were in the Patent Rolls of 38 H. 3. and 5 E. 1. before-mentioned.

And now I will close my Argu­ments, declaring under the good favour of so eminently learned Au­thors, that their resolves and opi­nions which they have published to the World, that the inception and original Election of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, or the ad­mission of the Commons of England (as now phrased) into Parliament [Page 78] by Rebellion and Treason, Anno 49 H. 3. are not at all satisfactory and convincing in my judgment, unless they give more certain and greater testimonials than yet I have met with, and answer these few Re­cords against their so severe Position. A Position, believe me, that like a tempestuous Whirlwind, not only rends off and dismembers an essen­tial branch, but shakes the very Root of the right and honour of our English Parliament, and equal­ly wounds both Lords and Com­mons, because these learned Au­thors themselves do agree, that there is not yet discovered any for­mal Summons of the great Lords (no more than of the Commons) to any Parliament before the said 49 H. 3.

And here I must beg the favour of the Reader of adding a supple­mental Argument, which at first I [Page 79] confess was not intended, and it is this.

If in the General Councils, or, in our present Dialect, Parliaments, for instance, 1. Of France, 2. Spain, 3. Portugal, 4. Den­mark, 5. Sweden, and 6. Scot­land, the Cities and great Towns or Boroughs, have from time im­memorable, both de jure and de facto, had their Delegates or Re­presentatives:

Upon what authority or reason can it be believed, that so universal a Nor­thern Custom or Law, did not obtain and was never practised in England before 49 H. 3?

1. FOR France we find their Paul [...]s Aemili­us Hist. Franc. Lib. 9. Conventus ordinum, or L'as­semblie des Estates, consisted de Sacer­dotio, Nobilitate & plebe, of the Cler­gy, Nobility and Commons, this [Page 80] is evident by the Parliament Roll Rot. Parl. 9 H. 5. n. 14. Pars 1a. Approbatio pacis inter R [...]g­na Angliae & Franciae nuper conclusae. Rot. Parl. 11 H. 7. n. 40. in consimiliforma. 9 H. 5. which takes notice of the peace made between England and France, that the same was confirm­ed in France, per tres Status regni, viz. Praelatorum & Cleri, necnon Pro­cerum & Nobilium ac etiam Civium, The last of which, being the Citizens and Burgesses, appeared by their Repre­sentatives or Delegates. Burgensium, Civitatum, Villarum & Communitatum dicti Regni Fran­corum, ipsi tres Status eandem pacem & omnia & singula contenta in eadem APPROBARUNT, LAUDARUNT, AC­CEPTARUNT & AUCTORIZARUNT. It seems by this that the French Kings were not so despotical and ab­solute by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom, as their Successors have by acts of power since made themselves.

2. In Spain their Curia or Cortes del Reyno, is compounded (as Dr. Heylin cites out of the learned Bo­din) of the Clergy, the Nobility, and the Commissioners of the Pro­vinces and antient Cities.

[Page 81] 3. The Portugal Cortes or Parlia­ment The Portugal History. Im­press. An. 1677. pag. 279. consists of the Bishops and Prelats, the Nobiles majores & mi­nores, and two Procurators or Bur­gesses from every City, who have a deliberative voice, which they call definitive.

4. In Denmark, Pontanus saith, P [...] in Hi­ [...] the Bishops, the Nobility, & Civi­tatum Delegati, the Deputies or Commissioners of Towns and Cities, made up their General Council.

5. For Sweden, it does not much Th [...]anus Hist. Lib. 131. fol. 1108. Tom. [...]. differ from the Government and form of Denmark, their Common Council consisting of the same Estates and degrees of people, that is to say, Proceres & Nobiles, the greater and the less Nobility, Epi­scopi & Ecclesiastici, Civitates & U­niversitates, the Cities, Boroughs and Villages.

I might here if it were needful, [Page 82] shew how great a share and inter­est the Hanze or free Towns in Germany have by their Deputies in all Ages had in the Diet or Gene­ral Council of the Empire.

6. But now at last we are come to Scotland, Sir John Skene in his E­pistle Regiam Maje­statem Scotiae. Dedicatory to King James, before his Scottish Laws, writes thus. Intelligo tuas tuorum (que) Majorum Leges quae cum Legibus Regni tui An­gliae magna ex parte consentiunt; and then in his Book shews, that Wil­lielmus cognominatus Leo, who as is said, begun to Reign in 1105. and reigned 49. Years, so as he was King of Scotland 510 of our Henry the first, held his Assise or Parliament at Apud eundem Statuta Wil­helmi Regis, pag. 3. cap. 7. Perth, where several Laws were ordained, to the observance where­of, Episcopi, Abbates, Comites, Barones, Thani & tota Communitas Regni te­nere firmiter juraverunt.

[Page 83] King Alexander began to Reign [...] Statut [...] Alexandri [...], pag. 2 [...]. [...]. 2. Anno 1214. which was the six­teenth Year of our King John, and Reigned 35. Years, so as he died an. 38 H. 3. he made his Laws de Consilio & assensu venerabilium Patrum Episcoporum, Abbatum, Baronum ac proborum hominum suorum Scotiae. And R [...]. [...]. [...] [...] 2. [...]. 2. [...] [...] Exon. Wor [...] Hunt. [...]. &c. what the Communitas Regni in King William's Statutes, and the prob [...] ho­mines in King Alexanders, were, the League made between the French King and the Crown of Scotland, Anno 28 E. 1. clearly shews, be­ing Ex [...] in [...]ri London. 28 E. 1. ratified and confirmed in their Parliament, per Johannem de Balliolo, then King, ac Praelatos & Nobiles & Universitates & Communitates Ci­vitatum & Villarum dicti Regni Scotiae; and the constant practice ever since hath been, that the Ci­ties and Boroughs have sent their Proxies or Representatives to the Par­liaments of that Kingdom.

[Page 84] It may therefore seem very strange, that when the Cities and Boroughs in all the Kingdoms of Europe, de jure and de facto were ab antiquis temporibus, even in times coeval with the Government, an es­sential part of their Common Councils or Parliaments, that England should not be under the same constituti­on, being but descendants from Gaul, or the more Northern Coun­tries; if so,

1. Was it because in the Britton, Saxon and Norman times, there were no Cities or Boroughs, or if there were, were they so poor and in­considerable, as they deserved no observation in the eye of the State? or,

2. Was it because, by a strange and unheard of fate, peculiar and proper only to them, they were not fit or capable to give or hear reason, as well as the Delegates or [Page 85] Representatives of the Cities and Boroughs of France, Spain, Por­tugal, Denmark, Sweden and Scot­land? or,

3. Had they no property or right in their Estates? Certainly, in my opinion, none of these Objections can be admitted, allowed, or pro­ved; for

In the Brittons time, venerable [...] [...] [...]. lib. 1. cap. 1. Bede tells us. Erat Britannia viginti & octo Civitatibus quondam Nobilissi­mis insignita praeter Castella innumera, quae & ipsa muris, turribus, portis ac seris erant instructa firmissimis. Nor were they of less reputation in the Saxon or Norman times, when they were thought so necessary and pro­per for the safety of the Govern ment, preservation and defence of the Laws, that it was ordained by William the First, and the Common [...]. Council of the Kingdom; That no Market or Fair should be permit­ted [Page 86] to be held, nisi in Civitatibus Regni nostri & in Burgis ubi consue­tudines Regni & Jus Commune & dig­nitates Coronae nostrae deperiri non pos­sunt nec defraudari nec violari, sed omnia recte & in aperto & per Judicium & Justitiam fieri debent, &c. ad tuitionem gentium & populorum regni & ad de­fensionem Regni. And if in the Brit­tons times the Nation was so strong in Cities and Castles, surely it can­not be imagined but that in the Saxon and Norman times, when the Nation became to be more civili­zed and considerable in the World, the Estates or Degrees of the In­habitants [...] [...] [...] spi­ [...]. [...]od. de [...]. Lib. 1. Cap. 3. would easily part with these Liberties and Priviledges, which their Ancestors, though less knowing and powerful, did claim and enjoy.

Having thus concluded my Ar­guments against the Position of 49 [Page 87] H. 3. I have thought it not alto­gether impertinent, to add some brief Observations for the better un­derstanding of antient Records, and Historians in their various Lecti­ons and different expressions. I shall therefore consider,

  • 1. The different application of the words Commune, Communitas, or Plebs.
  • 2. The several Denominations by which our antient General, or Com­mon Council or Parliaments, were expressed.
  • 3. The various acceptation of the word Baro, and that under the Phrase of Baronagium Angliae, both Lords and Commons were com­prehended.

Observation I.

The different application of the words Commune, Communitas, or Plebs.

THere lies a main Objection Objection. Eum [...]go Pl [...]b [...] [...]m vo [...], qu [...]m leges nostrae [...]o­minem leg [...]m appellant, saith a learned man, a Lawyer and Privy Councel­lor to the fa­mous Queen. T [...]. S [...] de Rep [...]. A [...]. 1. cap. 23. fol. 43. Di p [...]s. And the Arch­bishops Que­stion to the King in the Co­ronation Oath runs, Si liges & cons [...]s ab antiquis justis & deo devotis Regibus P [...]bi Anglorum [...]as. T [...]i Mag [...]a Charta, fol. 164. against me, for some Au­thors say, that the words Commons, Communitas, or Plebs, is not to be met withal in any antient Authors or Records; ab ingressu Willielmi Primi us (que) ad excessum H. 3. and therefore conclude, they were ne­ver a part of the Commune Concilium, or Parliament, before 49 H. 3. be­cause not mentioned eo nomine.

Admitting the Objection true Answer. (which I conceive otherwise) yet it is no Conclusive Argument, for before the Statute An. 3 R. 2. cap. 3. R [...]s Stat. pag. 135 [...]p. 3. [Page 89] I cannot find the appellation of Lords Temporal, nor before the 13th of that King cap. 2. the phrase Lords Spiritual and Temporal in our Ibid. pag. 156. Printed Statute Books; Ergo, from thence it follows by a necessary consequence, according to their Argument, that they were not any part of the Generale Concilium, or Parliament, before those times, be­cause not expressed by that name. I suppose this Conclusion will not be admitted true.

But as I am well satisfied, that the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and Priors, who were often ex­pressed by, and comprehended in the word Praelati, and who in after times constituted the Lords Spiri­tual, and the Earls and Barons, as now differenced, the Lords Tempo­ral, were ab antiquo undoubtedly a part of the Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament; so it may be proved [Page 90] if insisted upon, That the Milites and libere tenentes de Regno or An­gliae, the Knights and Gentlemen, or Freeholders of England (licet nonnun­quam diversis & variis appellationibus expressi & inclusi, in which those qui de Rege tenuerunt in capite, or Ba­rones Reges Antiqui cùm in Chartis mentionem sa­ciant de Baro­nibus, saepe sub­jungunt, posses­sivum meis vel nostris, id est Re­gios Barones sic distinguant à Baronibus, Epi­scoporum, Comi­tum, Abbatum, &c. Spelm. Gloss. Tit. Baro fol. 69. Anno 3 H. 3. Fitz-Herbert Abridgment. Tit. Prescrip­tion 56. fol. 102. Rot. Claus. 24 H. 3. m. 10. Pro Hawisia quae fuit uxor Johannis filii Alani. Glanvile lib. 8. cap. 11. Et hoc debet Domi­nus Rex de jure Baronibus suis, scilicet quod ob talem causam possunt sui Baro­nes Curias suas sic in Curiam suam ponere. Regii, or Regis, to difference them from the Barones Regni, were comprehended) were à Crepusculo temporis, a constituent and essential part also, although by Historians and Records they are often men­tioned by, and included in titles, which in late times import more honour, and are now of an higher acceptation, and had not the name of Commons fixed, or generally stamped upon them as in after Ages. Sed haec obiter.

[Page 91] 1. As to the word Communes (or 1. Observation. Communitas) I have in my enquiries observed it to be used in six senses.

1. To comprehend the whole Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament.

A le commune Dangleterre: Here Coke 2. Instit. fol. 539. Arti­culi super Char­tas, cap. 1. Commune is taken for people, so as tout le Commune is here taken for all the people, and this is proved by the sense of the words, for Magna Charta was not granted to the Commons of the Realm, but generally to all the Sub­jects of the Realm, viz. to those of the Clergy, and to those of the Nobility; and to the Commons also. And that [Commune] in this place signifieth people, it is proved by the preamble, for there the great Charter and the Charter of the Forest, are rehearsed to be gran­ted Note, before 9 H. 3. Magna Charta was granted and confirmed several times. Rot. Pat. 1 H. 3. n. 13. Rot. Claus. 2 H. 3. m. 11. dorso. Of which last there are several antient transcripts. MS. penes praenobilem Will. Pierpont. MS. penes Sam. Baldwin Militem Servientem Domini Regis ad Legem. MS. penes Johannem Cook gen. de interiore Templo. MS. penes meipsum. 3 H. 3. Hist. Ecclesiae Angl. apud Foxum Vol. 1. pag. 335. Ex MS. Domini Scales. Rot. Pat. 3 H. 3. m. 6. by King H. 3. to his people, and [Page 92] here they are said to be granted [A le Commune] and see before 25 E. 1. Confirm. Chart. cap. 1. & cap. 6. for this word Commune and Commi­naltie: so as [A le Commune] here signifieth not to the Commons of the Realm, but to the people of the whole Realm; and herewith agree our Books, for that a common nusance which concerns le commune on le commi­naltie, le suite serra done au Roi, where [commune] and [commi­naltie] include all the Kings Sub­jects.

2. To comprehend the Commu­nitas Rot. Pat. 48 H. 3. Pars 1. m. 8. dorso n. 10. Praelatorum & Baronum.

3. To comprehend the genera­lity of all that came to Parliament, after the particular enumeration of the Orders of the great Lords, viz. Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones.

The Statute of Westm. 1. made Cok [...] 2. Instit. fol. 156. Rastall's Stat. 12 E. 2. sol. 59. 3 E. 1. eleven years after 49 H. 3. [Page 93] saith, per l'assentements des Archieves­ques, Evesques, Abbes, Priors, Counts, Barons, & tout le Comminalty de la terre illonques summones.

The Statute, de asportatis Religio­sorum, Statutum de as­portatis Religi­osorum, 35 E. 1. Placita Parl. sol. 314. Coke 2. Instit. fol. 580. 35 E. 1. though made Anno 34o saith, That Dominus Rex post deliberationem plenariam, & tractatum cum Comitibus, Baronibus, & aliis Nobi­libus & Communitatibus Regni sui habitum in praemissis de consensu eorum unanimi & concordi, ordained, That it should be observed: but upon the producing the Roll in the Parlia­ment 17 E. 3. it is said, That the Petition for the Statute was per Countes, Barones & Communes du Roy­alme, and so under the word Com­munes, the alii Nobiles are inclu­ded.

4. The Communitas Comitatuum Rot. de XX1 [...] XV1. Regi Ed. se [...]do apud Westm. à [...]l­cis concess. ann. Regni sui Octavo, apud Clericum Pipae. Ibidem consimile anno septimo. Consimile anno nono. Communitas Comitatuum. Placita Parl. pag. 416, 417. Regni, or Universality of the Coun­ties [Page 94] of the Kingdom represented by the Magnates, Chivalers, or Grandz of the Counties; of which appel­lations I shall give some few in­stances.

Inter communia Brevia de Termino Rex &c. quia ex querela mul­torum intellexi­mus, quod non­nulli Magnates, cives & Bur­genses & alii in libertatibus suis à Progeni­toribus nostris Regibus Angliae & nobis eis concessis easdem libertates frequenter excedunt, & sub velami [...] libertatum illarum pluribus dampna non modica de die in diem infer [...]nt. Rot. Claus. 2 E. 1. m. 3. De libertatibus in manu Regis re [...]inend. Sanctae Trin. S. Mich. ano 34o E. 1. penes Rememoratorem Domini Thes. in Scaccario, The Milites Comitatuum and Barones Quinque Portuum, are cal­led Magnates.

Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. dorso. In­hibitio ne qui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seu aliqua alia Notabilis persona transeat ad partes transmari­nas.

Ex libro Statutorum Impress. lingua Gallica penes meipsum, 15 E. 3. Cap. 4. Rastalls Stat. pag. 85. Item que les Prelats, Countz, Barons, Chivalers & autres Grandes de chescun paiis.

[Page 95] Statutum de servientibus 25 E. 3. per assent de les ditz Prelatz, Countes, Barones, & autres Graundes de la dite Communalte illonques assemblez.

MS. penes meipsum. Stat. 27 E. 3. Statutum Stapulae. Grantz des Counties.

5. Applied to the Communi­ties or Societies of the Cities and Boroughs.

Rot. de Superioritate Regis An­gliae in Regno Scotiae, Anno 19 E. 1. Omnes & singuli tam Episcopi & alii Ecclesiarum Praelati, quam Comites, Ba­rones, Magnates, Proceres Civitatum & Burgorum Communitates.

Rot. Parl. 17 E. 3. n. 8. Chivaliers des Countees & Communes.

Rastall's Stat. 27 E. 3. fol. 102. Statute Staple, whereas good delibe­ration had with the Prelats, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and Grandes des Coun­tees Ex veteri libro Statutorum in lingua Gallica penes meipsum. Nota, The Ordinances of the Staple were made by a great Council, but confirmed and made a Statute in the Par­liament, 28 E. 3. Cap. 13. [Page 96] de chescun Countee un pur tout le Countee, and of the Commons of the Cities and Boroughs of our Realm of England.

6. To the Commune or genera­lity of the body of the Clergie in Parliament.

Monstre la Commune de la Clergie, & Ex Bundell. Pet. Parl. 8. R. 2. n. 1, 2. Rot. Parl. 25 E. 3. n. 69. per la ou diverses Abbes, Priores, Es­glises Cathedrales & Collegiates, & au­tres gentz de Seinte Esglise ount diverses rentz.

Observation II.

2. The several Denominations by which our antient General, or Common Council, or Parliaments, were ex­pressed.

IF any man will be at the ex­pence of so great a charge and trouble, as to compare the various lections of Historians and Records to­gether, and the manner and phrase of words and speeches, proper to particular ages and times, he may satisfie himself what those Coun­cils were, and their constituent parts, whom the antient Historians mean, when they say,

  • Convocati, or Congregati fuerunt
  • Nobiles Angliae.
  • [Page 98] Omnes Regni Nobiles.
  • Nobilitas totius Regni.
    Nobilitas [...]t d [...]lex, superior & inferior. C [...] 2. Instit. sol. 583. Nobiles minores sunt E [...]ites si­ve Milites, Ar­migeri & qui [...] [...] & Gentlemen [...]. Camd. Brit. sol. 123. Mills de Nobi­litate politica & civili, [...]ol. 42, 43. Nobilitas cau­satur ex lo [...]o, quoniam ci [...]is [...]x [...] [...]plendi­da ori [...]us no­bilis est. Chas­sene [...]s C [...]ralo­gus Gloriae mundi, Pars 8. consid. 18. Causatur etiam ex Cl [...]ra, [...]o quod quis est [...] [...]i­citur Nobili [...]. Ib. Consid. 26. Pr [...] [...]p [...]os Ur­bi [...]m, Vicorum & C [...]stillorum Magistratus P [...]i [...]a [...]s [...]isse dictos. Camd. Brit. [...]ol. 602.
  • Tota Nobilitas Angliae.
  • Totius Angliae Nobilitas.
  • Magnates Angliae.
  • Totius Regni Magnates.
  • Proceres Regni.
  • Proceres & fideles Regni.
  • Universitas totius Angliae Nobilium.
  • Universitas Regni.
  • Barones Angliae Terrae or Regni.
  • Universitas Baronagii, or Barnagii Angliae.
  • Baronagium, or Barnagium Regni, or Angliae.
  • Regni totalis universitas.
  • Pontifices & Principes Anglicani.
  • Primordes & Magnates Regni.
  • Principes Regni, Praesules & Principes Regni.
  • Optimates totius Regni, or Angliae.
  • Primates Regni.
  • Majores Regni, Majores Angliae.
  • Assisa Regni.
  • [Page 99] Discretio totius Regni.
  • Generale Placitum.
  • Clerus & Populus.
  • Communitas Regni.
  • Generale Concilium Regni. Concilium Regni.

And such like expressions and phrases, varying in several Ages, till at last they fixed on the word Parliamentum.

To demonstrate all which will require a longer discourse than I here intend; however, having be­fore touched upon the Parliaments of 17 Johannis, and 37 H. 3. I will give instances how they have been named in Records and Hi­stories.

Anno 17o Regis Johannis.
  • 1. Archiepiscopus C [...], Epi­scopi, Barones & Magnates.
  • [Page 100] 2. Generale Concitium.
    Rot. Pat. 17 Joh. m. 17. dor. Rot. Claus. 17 Joh. m. dorso.
  • 3. Barones & liberi homines totius Regni.
  • 4. Barones & liberi homines Dominii
    Rot. Claus. 17 Joh. m. 23. dorso.
  • 5. Magnates.
    Mat. Paris. A. Dom. 1215. pag. 255. l. 39. Mat. Paris. pag. 255.
  • 6. Fuerunt autem quasi ex parte Regis Stephanus Cantuariensis & H. Dublinensis Archiepiscopi, &c. il­los quo (que) qui ex parte Baronum affue­runt qui innumerabiles fuere, non est necesse numerare, cum tota An­gliae Nobilitas in unum collecta quasi sub numero non cadebat.
  • 7. Barones.
    Mat. Westm. p. 273. l. 48. Claus. 28 H. 3. Pars u [...], m. 12. dorso. I [...]id [...]m. Mat. Paris. p. 920. l. 32. 40 H. 3. Rot. Parl. 15 E. 3. n. 50. dorso. Pulton's Stat. 15 E. 3. Cap. 1. pag. 81.
  • 8. Parliamentum.
  • 9. Barones Angliae.
  • 10. Baronagium Angliae.
  • 11. Enprimes est accorde & assentu q' le franchise de seinte Esglise & la grand Chartre & la Chartre de la Forest & les autres Statutes faitz per nostre dit Seignour le Roy & ses [Page 101] Progenitors Piers & la Commune de sa terre.
Anno 37o H. 3.
  • 1. Tota Nobilitas Angliae.
    Mat. Paris. An. 1253. 37 H. 3. [...]ol. 865. l. 43. Mat. Westm. fol. 302. [...] 58. Fleta lib. 2. cap. 42. D [...] [...]tia [...] Statutum. fol. 93. Rot. Pat. 3 [...] H. 3. m. 12. dorso.
  • 2. Parliamentum.
  • 3. Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Pri­ores, Comites, Barones, Milites, & alii Magnates Regni Angliae.
  • 4. Magnates & Communitas Po­puli.
  • 5. Anno 1253. 37 H. 3. Hoc anno
    Ex Chro­ [...] MS. in Bibliotheca [...]odleiana inter Co [...]s Willi­elmi A [...]i­scopi Cantuar. 4. K. 84.
    H. Rex Angliae ad instantiam Prae­latorum, Comitum & Baronum Car­tas duas eis concessit, unam de liber­tatibus quae Magna Charta dicitur, & alia quae dicitur de Foresta, pro qua concessione Communitas Angliae concessit Regi quintam decimam par­tem omnium bonorum suorum mobili­um per totam Angliam.
  • Baronagium.
    Mat. Paris. f [...]. 970.

[Page 102] In the Parliament at Oxford 42 Mat. Paris. pag. 970. l. 45, 53. an. 42 H. 3. H. 3. Parliamento autem incipiente so­lidabatur Magnum Propositum & Con­silium immutabile exigendo constantis­sime ut Dominus Rex Cartam Liberta­tum Angliae quam Johannes Rex pa­ter suis Anglis confecit & confectam concessit, quam (que) idem Johannes tenere Nota, King John swore to observe Magna Charta, and the Barons did him homage. Rot. Pat. 17 Joh. pars unica [...]n. 23. n. 3. juravit, fideliter teneat & conservet, quam (que) idem Rex Henricus multoties concesserat & tenere juraverat, e­jus (que) infractores ab omnibus Angliae E­piscopis in praesentia sua & totius Baro­nagii horribiliter fecit excommunicari & ipse unus fuerat excommunicantium. So as the Excommunication here meant, being that of 37 H. 3. then made in the presence of the King, Great men, and Communitatis Populi, is here said to be done in praesentia to­tius Baronagii Angliae. And for the Honour of Magna Charta, I will con­clude this head with an Act of Par­liament. That Valiant and great [Page 103] Prince, E. 4. after the overthrow Rot. Parl. 12 E. 4. n. R [...]s Stat. 12 E. 4. cap. 7. of his Enemies, and peaceful pos­session of the Crown, assisted with the Judges of England, Archbish­ops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, his Dukes, Earls, Viscounts, and Ba­rons, with the great men or Knights of the Counties, and Commons in full Parliament, hath left this recorded to Posterity. They call this great Charter the Laudable Statute of Magna Charta, which Statute was made for the great wealth of this Land, upon which Magna Charta, the great Sentence and Apostolique Curse, by a great number of Bish­ops, was pronounced against the breakers of the same; and the same Sentence is four times in the year openly declared, according to the Law of Holy Church; and in affir­mance of the said Statute, of the said great Charter, divers Statutes have been made and ordained.

[Page 104] And great reason certainly they had to put so high a value on that so famous Charter, since the sub­stantial part of the Laws thereof were no less than the great results, decrees, and judgments, ordained by the prudence and justice of the Brittish, Saxon, and Danish Dynasties, founded upon two grand and prin­cipal Bases or Pillars, Liberty and Property, which like those two brasen ones called Boaz and Jachin, supporting the Temple of Solomon, upheld the tottering Frame and Fa­brick of our antient Government, though often by evil men designed to be overthrown.

A Charter, empta & redempta, [...]. purchased and redeemed with vast treasure of the Nation, and the effu­sion of a Sea of Christian blood. A Law published and established with fearful execrations, and terri­ble Curses, against the infringers [Page 105] and breakers thereof, and all done with that religious solemnity, and profound Ceremony, as it may seem inferior only to that of the Commandments of Almighty God given to the Jewish Nation.

All great Ministers of State and Rot. Parl. 15 E. 3. n. 10. 37. Justice were at their entrance into their Offices, solemnly to swear the observation thereof, and great reason there was for the making of this Law, both for the preservation of the King, and also the Kingdom; for that Parliament well knew the woful confusions in the Reign of Edward the Second, who being se­duced by his two Minions the Spen­cers, for want of observing the good old Laws and Customs of England, cut off the head of Thomas Earl of Lancaster his Uncle, that being the first act of shedding the sacred Royal blood by colour of Law I ever met withal in History; they usurped [Page 106] Royal Power, they sent the Queen and Prince (afterwards great Ed­ward the Third) beyond Sea, and prevailed with E. 2. to declare the Queen and Prince Traytors. They Monopolized the Kings Eyes, Ears, and his whole Understanding, so that the King nothing did, or would do, but what they did counsel him, Rast. Stat. 1 E. 3. pag. 64, 65. were it never so great wrong; and if any had the courage to com­plain against them, or so much as fetch a loyal sigh, or lament the hard fate of the King then impo­sed upon by those Favourites; they were branded with arraigning the Government, striking at the foun­dation of State, and being guilty of Treason, and what not.

The consequences of whose un­happy Counsels and Policies, are too well known in History to have been the ruine both of the King and themselves.

[Page 107] The Priests and Confessors were Pupilla oc [...]li, fol. 50. cap. 22. De sen [...]entia lata super Mag­nam Chartam. strictly commanded to frame and direct the Consciences of the peo­ple to the observation and obedi­ence of the Great Charter, and they did so, not like the Sibthorps and Manwarings of later times, who by their Flatteries of Prerogative for their own promotion seek to ruine the Subjects property.

Observation III.

The various acceptation of the word Ba­ro, and that under the phrase of Ba­ronagium Angliae both Lords and Commons were comprehen­ded.

AS to the word Baro, it was Observation 3. not much more in use be­fore Camd. Britan. sol. 121. Sel­den's Titles of Honor, in 4••. Parte 2••. fol. [...]73. William I. obtained the English Diadem, that I can find, than the word Communes, Baro Britanni pro suo non agnoscunt in Anglo-Saxonic is legibus nusquam comparet nec in Alfrici Glossario Saxonico inter dignitatum vo­cabula habetur. For the English Sax­ons called those in their own Lan­guage [...]al [...]epmen which in Latine were named Comites, and the Danes Earls, but of so extensive an im­port in its signification, as we read [Page 109] of Aldermani Regis, Aldermani Comi­tatus, Spelm. Gloss. Tit. de Alder­manis, & mul­tipl [...]ci Magi­strata apud Anglo-Saxonis, sol. 24, 25. Civitatis, Burgi, Castelli, Hun­dredi, sive Wapentachii & novem de­cimorum, so according to the strict word they had whole Regiments of Earls. The greatest title of which, N [...] [...]t Cantii Comites suo or­dine percense­am (omissis Saxonibus God­wino & aliis) qul non haeredi­tarii sed offici­arii Comites erant. Camd. Britan. Canti­um, fol. 248. Spelm. Gloss. Diatriba de Ba­ronibus, fol. 64, 69, 70, 71. seldom, if at all, descended here­ditarily till the Confessors time, and after Will. I. became King, the word [...]al [...]epman began to change and vary its signification, and in room of Aldermani Regis, we find Barones Regis; for Aldermani Comi­tatus, Barones Comitatus; for Alder­mani Civitatis, Barones Civitatis; for Aldermani Burgorum, Barones Burgo­rum; for Aldermani Castellorum, Ba­rones Castellorum; for Aldermani Hun­dredorum, Barones Hundredorum sive Wapentachiorum.

Sir Henry Spelman saith, that sim­plices Spelm. Gloss. in [...] Baron [...]s, fol. 69, 70. villarum Maneriorum Domini de quocun (que) tenentes qui sacham & socham habent, were antiently called Barones.

[Page 110] And all Freeholders, hoc est tam Ibidem. Barouiae pluri­mae in Nor­thumbria, tum (que) omnino Marti se quasi consecrarunt, non est inter cos quispiam melio­ris notae qui su­am turriculam aut munimen­tum non habeat, & in quamplu­rimas Baronias divisa suit quarum Domini olim ante Ed­wardi primi tempora Barones vulgo dicti. Camd. Britan. in sol. 658. in Soccagio quam per servitium militare, had the Title of Barones; and in his species of Barones Comitatus, saith, Proceres nempe & maneriorum Domini nec non libere qui (que) tenentes, Anglice Freeholders, had that appellation. Notandum autem est libere hos tenentes nec tam exiles olim fuisse nec tam vul­gares ut hodie deprehenduntur.

The great Selden in his Notes Johannis Sel­deni ad Ead­merum & notis & spi [...]leg. fol. 168. upon Eadmerus upon the word Ba­rones, saith, Vocabulum nempe alia no­tione usurpari quam vulgo, ne (que) eos dun­taxat ut hodie significare quibus peculia­ris ordinum Comitiis locus est.

And the learned Camden writes, Camd. Britan. in 8. Di ordin. Angliae, fol. 61. Verum Baro ex illis nominibus videatur quae tempus paulatim meliora & molli­or a reddidit; nam longo post tempore non Milites sed qui liberi erant Domini & T [...]inorum enim d [...]o [...]rant gene­ra, majores quos Theinos Regis appellabant, nos Barones Regis & Theini simpliciter seu Theini minores, qui iidem [...]rant qui Barones minores & non [...]unquam libere tenentes nuncupantm. Spelm. Gloss. p. 24 [...]. Thani Saxonibus dicebantur, Barones vo­cari [Page 111] coeperunt, necdum magni honoris er at, paulo autem postea (meaning after the Normans coming) eo honoris per ve­nit ut nomine Baronagii Angliae om­nes quodammodo Regni ordines conti­nerentur.

The authority of these most learned Antiquaries is such, That it would be a presumption in me to go about to add any thing, I shall only say, I have met with some Records that clearly prove their opinion, and for illustration shall subjoin one Record more, and so conclude this point.

Anno 29 H. 3. great complaint was made in Parliament against the Church of Rome's exactions here in England, whereupon

Anno 29 H. 3. Litterae missae Car­dinalibus MS. vetus in Bibliothica Cotton. sub effi­gie Cleopatrae Charactere con­tempora [...]o. Romanae Ecclesiae apud Lug­dunum à Baronibus, Militibus, & universis Baronagii Regni Angliae per Rogerum Bigod, Comitem Norff. [Page 112] Willielmum de Cantelupo, Jo­hannem filium Galfridi, Radul­phum filium Nicholai, Philippum Basset, Barones Procuratores Baro­nagii Angliae, tunc temporis Innocen­tio Papa quarto celebrante Concilium ibi generale. Anno gratiae 1245.

Venerabilibus in Christo fratribus Litterae ad Con­cilium. universis & singulis dei gratia salutem. Barones, Milites, & universitas Ba­ronagii Regni Angliae, &c.

Electi sunt igitur (writes Mat. Pa­ris.) Mat. Paris. Hi­stor. An. Dom. 1245. pag. 659. l. 10. ad hoc nomine totius Universitatis Regni Angliae ad Concilium Lugdu­nense missi Comes Rogerus Bigod, Johannes filius Galfridi, Willielmus de Cantelupo, Philippus Bassett, Radulphus filius Nicholai, Milites, saith Mat. Westm. p. 321. l. 30. Magister Willielmus Powic Cleri­cus.

Another Letter was sent per Mat. Paris. An. eodem, p. 666. l. 51. Ypodigma N [...]u­striae, p. 466. Magnates & Universitatem Regni Angliae, super extortionibus Curiae Ro­manae, [Page 113] to the Pope himself, who negotium posuit in suspenso. The Am­bassadors returning, and a second Parliament being called at Westm. the Record goes on.

Articuli gravaminum & oppressio­num Ex MS. praeno­tat [...]. quibus Regnum Angliae oppressum fuit temporibus Henrici filii Regis Jo­hannis per Curiam Romanam, quae scilicet ostensa fuerint Cardinalibus Ro­manae Ecclesiae, &....... Inno­centio Papae quarto ore tenus per Pro­curatores praedicti Regni in generali Con­cilio apud Lugdunum, & quod gra­vamina dictus Papa procuratoribus de­derit in praemissis ad revocanda, quae sci­licet gravamina non revocata postea Ba­rones, Milites & Universitas Baronagii Angliae conquerentes ostenderunt prae­dicto Regi in Concilio habito apud Westm. in proxima Quadragesima se­quenti post praedictum Concilium.

Whereupon by common advice Litterae Uni­ [...] An­ [...] [...] Papam. it was agreed, to send Ambassa­dors [Page 114] with second Letters of their grievances to the Pope at Rome, di­rected thus. Sanctissimo, &c. devoti Mat. Paris. p. 700. l. 51. an. 3 [...] H. 3. Edwardus, &c. [...]. Ebor. &c. O [...]ns. [...] c [...]m ad Parlia­ment [...] i [...] qui­b [...]s tam n [...]i [...] regni no­stri negotia di­ [...]nt [...], [...], Comites, Barones, & alios tam Clericos quam [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] negotia hujusmodi consilium salubr [...]s po­terit [...]. Brevia Regis de an. 9 E. 2. in turri London. silii sui Comes Cornubiae Richardus, &c. & alii totius Regni Angliae Baro­nes Proceres & Magnates ac nobiles Portuum maris habitatores, necnon & Clerus & populus universus, salutem.

Matthew Paris calls this a Parlia­l [...]ament, Mat. Paris. [...]98. l. [...]. An. D [...]. 1246. Convenientibus igitur ad Par­liamentum totius Regni Magnatibus, and mention is made of the first message in the Close Roll, 29 H. 3.

Rex Abbati de Sancto Rot. Claus. 29 H. 3. in. 8. dorso. Nota The various Appel­lations and Phrases of these two Parliaments. Barones, [...]lites, & U [...] ­sitas Baronagii Regni Angliae. Tota Universitas Regni. Magnates & Universitas Regni. Totius Regni Magnates. Universitas Baronagii Angliae. Barones, Proceres & Magnates [...] Nobiles Portuum maris habitatores, nec non Clerus & populus universus. Par­ [...]t. Edmundo salutem. Cum pro oppressionibus innumerabili­bus factis in Regno nostro per Ecclesiam Romanam ob quam Magnates nostri ad sedem Apostolicam appella­runt, [Page 115] & quosdam pro ipsis & pro uni­versitate Baronagii Angliae ad Con­cilium in brevi celebrandum ad appella­tionem suam prosequendam duxerunt de­stinandos.

And indeed Records and Hi­stories will furnish us with several Precedents, where succeeding Par­liaments as well as these of H. 3. have sent Letters to the Pope when he attempted to invade the Rights of the Crown or Kingdom. I will give two instances in the Reigns of the two famous Princes, Ed­ward the First, and Edward the Third.

1. Edward the First, An. 29 of his Reign, claimed Scotland, as Rex & superior Dominus, the Pope as a Fiefe of the Roman Church; the Pope backed by the French King, Sum­mons Edw. to appear before him in his Court at Rome, and sends his Letters or Bulls to the Archbishop [Page 116] of Canterbury to serve them; the Archbishop obeys, the King tells him, Verum quia consuetudo est Regni Mat. Westm. An. Dom. 1301. p. 439. l. 2. Re [...] Regis Archie­piscopo Cant. ad literas Apostoli­cas. Angliae quod in negotiis contingentibus statum ejusdem Regni requiratur consili­um omnium quos res tangit, and short­ly after Summons his Parliament at Lincoln, in Octabis Sancti Hillarii, to advise with his Parliament, how to defend the rights of the Crown against the Papal Claim.

The Parliament thereupon send their Letter to the Pope, subscri­bed and sealed by several of the principal men of the Parliament, as Mat. [...]. A. D. 1302. 29 E. 1. p. 4 [...]3. l 4 [...]. the usage of that Age was, tel­ling him, that sane convocato nuper per serenissimum Dominum nostrum Ed­wardum Dei gratia Regem Angliae Illustrem Parliamento apud Lincol­niam Generali; the King had cau­sed the Popes Letter, in medio, or pleno Parliamento exhiberi ac seriose nobis fecit exponi, unde habito tractatu [Page 117] & deliberatione diligenti super contentis in litter is vestris memoratis, communis, concors & unanimus omnium nostrum & singulorum consensus fuit, est & erit inconcusse Deo propitio in futurum, quod praefatus Dominus noster Rex super Juri­bus Regni Scotiae aut aliis suis tempora­libus nullatenus respondeat judicialiter co­ram vobis nec Judicium subeat quoquo mo­do aut jura sua praedicta in dubium quae­stionis deducat, nec ad praesentiam ve­stram Procuratores aut nuncios ad hoc mittat, praecipue cum praemissa cederent manifeste in exhaereditationem juris Coro­nae Regni Angliae & Regiae Dignitatis ac subversionem status ejusdem Regni notoriam, necnon in praejudicium li­bertatis consuetudinum & legum paternarum ad quarum observatio­nem & defensionem ex debito prae­stiti [...] Juramenti astringimur, & quae in manu tenebimus toto posse totis (que) viri­bus cum Dei auxilio defendemus. Nec eti­am permitt [...]s nec aliqualit [...] per [...] ­mus [Page 118] sicut non possumus nec debemus prae­missa tam insolita, indebita, praejudicialia & alias inaudita praelibatum Dominum nostrum Regem etiam si vellet facere seu modo quolibet attemptare. Quocirca San­ctitati vestrae reverenter & humiliter supplicamus, quatenus eundem Dominum nostrum Regem qui inter alios Principes orbis terrae Catholicum se exhibet & Romanae Ecclesiae devotum, jura sua & libertates & consuetudines & leges praedictas abs (que) diminutione & inquie­tudine pacifice possidere ac illibata per­sistere benignius permittatis. In cujus rei testimonium Sigilla tam pro nobis quam pro tota Communitate praedicti Regni Angliae praesentibus sunt ap­pensa. Datis & actis Lincolniae, An­no Dom. 1301.

2. The second is, the Letter to Walsmgham in vita E. 3. [...]ol. 16 [...]. l. 22. the Pope, made at the Parliament, 17 E. 3. touching Provisions. Quod Rex & tota Nobilitas Regni pati no­luit, &c. thus translated, whereby [Page 119] the phrase Nobilitas Regni, in the Historian, will be explained.

‘TO the most holy Father in A [...] Fo [...]m [...] Vo [...]. [...]. p. 5 1. Rot. Parl. [...] [...]. God, Lord Clement, by the grace of God, of the holy Church of Rome, and of the Uni­versal Church, Chief and high Bishop, His humble and devout Children, The Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, and all the Com­munaltie of the Realm of Eng­land, assembled at a Parliament holden at Westm. the 15th day of [...] May last past, &c. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our Seals. Given in the full Par­liament at Westm. on the eighteenth Day of May, Anno Dom. 1343.

And indeed the Commons were [...] so highly incensed, that the Par­liament Roll of this Year tells us, [Page 120] that La dite Commune ne le poet ne le [...]t plus endurere those strange oppressions of the Pope and Pro­visors.

So that the Parliament of 24 H. 8. after great debate and consi­deration, and a diligent search and inspection of the Antient Records of the Kingdom, did ground their Statute amongst others, upon these great Authorities; the Sta­tute saith,

Whereas the King his most no­ble Progenitors, and the Nobility and Commons of the said Realm, at divers and sundry Parliaments, as well in the time of King Edw. 1. [...]. 3. R. 2. H. 4. and other noble [...] of this Realm, made sun­d [...] Or [...]s, Laws, Statutes, and p [...], for the entire and sure [...]tion of the Preroga­tive, Lib [...], and preheminen­c [...] of th [...] [...] Imperial Crown of [Page 121] this Realm, and of the Jurisdicti­on Spiritual and Temporal of the same; to keep it from the annoy­ance; as well of the See of Rome, as from the authority of other Fo­reign Potentates, attempting the diminution and violation thereof, as often and from time to time, as any such annoyance or attempt might be known or espied. Pul­ton's Stat. 24 H. 8. c. 12.

But to conclude the point of the Various Lections, Certainly the dif­ferent and great variety of words and phrases, by which both the an­tient Historians and Records have in their several Ages and Times, expressed and denoted the Commu­nia Concilia Regni, or Parliaments, as now called, and their constituent parts, being not well observed and considered by most of our late English Authors (who understood them as if they had signified what [Page 122] afterwards they did, and now do) have imposed on our Histori­cal Faiths, and propagated to po­sterity many palpable and gross errors, whereby great and unkind clashings and diversities of opini­ons, as well amongst learned men as others, have had their source and spring, nay, even between Prince and People.

THE General Conclusion.

MY only aim and endeavour in this Discourse hath been from publick Records, private Ma­nuscripts, and the best Historians, to search out and discover truth, and to assert the just honour of our worthy and famous Ancestors Com­moners of England (as now phrased) great maintainers of the interest and dignity of the King and Kingdom; and with submission to better Judgment, I hope I have plainly proved,

1. That the Freemen or Commons of England were an essential and constituent part of the Saxon Wit­tena Gemott, or Parliament.

[Page 124] 2. That they so continued in the times of W. 1. W. 2. and H. 1. which last being an Englishman, by way of Charter restored and confirmed the Laws of Edward the Confessor, as his Father William 1. as well by his Magna Charta, or Great Charter, as by his Oaths had be­fore done, both when he was Crowned, and also at Berkham­stead, in the seventh Year of his Reign.

3. And though the Rolls of Parliament, in the succeeding Kings Reigns till E. 2. be lost, or not found, so as we are at a loss as to the several Orders of Parliament, yet by what has been deduced from other Records before cited, it is evident I conceive, that the Citizens and Burgesses were a part of the Parliament, Anno 16. of King John, and so had not their [Page 125] beginning by rebellion, Anno 49 H. 3.

And therefore I may with good reason and warranty conclude, That our Ancestors, the Commons of England, the Knights, Gentlemen, Freeholders, Citizens and Burgesses of a great and mighty Nation, were very far from being in former times such Vassals and Slaves, or so abject, poor and inconsiderable, as the absurd and malitious ignorance and falsities of late Writers have been pleased to make and represent them, especially the Author of the Grand Freeholders I [...]quest, and Mr. James Howel, as if they were only Beasts of carriage and burden, or­dained to be taxed and t [...]lli [...]ed, and have their Lives, Estates, and Liberties given away and disposed of without their own assents, under a novel opinion and conceit, that [Page 126] they were no part of the Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament, be­fore 49 H. 3.

Perlege quae Regni clarissima Conci­liorum
Sunt Monumenta, aliter nil praeter som­nia cernis.


AFter I had compleated the foregoing Arguments, a mate­rial Objection was by some of my Friends offered me, which, if not cleared in this discourse, might, in their judgment, give a colour and pretence for a belief of an Opini­on, which is this:

That the Commons, or people of Objection. England, were from the time of the Norman Conquest represented by such as held of th [...] K [...] [...] Capite, until 49 H. 3. and [...] by two [...] [Page 130] for each County, and certain Bur­gesses for several Burroughs, and Barons for the Cinque Ports.

Having before laid down a clear Solution. and plain distinction between Barones Regis and Barones Regni, I shall there­fore now distinguish upon the phrase Milites & libere [...]enen [...]es.

1. Milites & libere ten [...]ntes qui de Distinction. Rege tenent in Capite.

2. Milites & libere tenentes de Regno. Distinction.

The first Distinction I thus prove, Rot. Pal. 2. Johannis m. 9. Rex dilec [...]is 1. Distinction. & fidelibus [...]s Baronibus Militibus & libere tenentibus qui de eo tenent in Hi­ [...]rnia.

Rot. Claus. 19 H. 3. m. 7. 8. dorso. Re [...] [...] [...] Sciatis quod Ar­ [...] [...] A [...]ba [...]es, Priores, C [...] [...], [...] om [...]s alii de Regno, qui de nobi [...] [...]nent in Capite spontanea [...] [...], & [...] consuetudine con­ [...] [...] [...] [...]lium ad magna ne [...]tia [...] e [...]pedienda.

Rot. Claus. 26 H 3. m. 7. dorso. Rex [...]omili Norhamptoniae prae­cipimus t [...]i [...] alias praecipimus qu [...]d [...] facias Archiepi [...]pos, [Page 131] Episcopus, Comites, Barones, Abbates, Pri­ores, Milites, & liberos homines qui de nobis [...]nent in Capite, &c.

Eodem modo Seribi [...] omnibus vi [...]e­comitibus [...]. Comitatuum Angl [...].

As to the second Distinction, The [...] ancient Chronicles of the Kingdom say, That both before and after the Conq [...] (as we phrase it) the Kings of England held their Court three times in every year, at Easter, Whi [...]son [...]ide, and Christ­mas, and then the Crown was attended with most of those qui de Rege [...] in Capite, this was called [...]ria Regis; if any difference of right did arise be­tween the King and his Tenants, o [...] between Tenant and Tenant, here it was heard and determined, and many things were there acted and done in relation to the Kings [...] or Tenants, but under favour this was not the Com­mune Concilium, Regni or Parliam [...] as we now call it, for the King held this Court ex more of [...], as Simon D [...] ­netmensis—and [...] [...]igor­niensis write in vita [...] Primi.

But when they, and contemporary Historians, take no [...]ice of the meeting of the Commune Concilium, Regni or Parliament, then their expressions [...] [Page 132] and say, That Rex as [...]ivit Orderieus vita­lis, pag. 680. Exprecepto Regis convenerunt. Eadmerus Rex Sanctione sua adunavit, Flor. Wigorn. Continuat, and many such like expressions, which shew it was not held ex more of custom, yet true it is, Kings did often convene or summon the Common Council of the Kingdom at one of the said Feasts, being a great conveni­ency to the Tenants in Capite.

But they summoned the General Council also at other times, according to the Emergency of Affairs, examples of which are obvious in the ancient Histo­rians.

Now to shew that the Milites tenentes qui de Rege tenuerunt in Capite, (toge­ther with the other great Lords that held of the King) were not the partes con­stitu [...]ntes, and alone did compose and make up the [...], the whole body of the General [...], or Commune Concilium, Regni or Parliament. I will begin with a Statute or Act of Parliament made tempore Richard the First, who Reigned before King John, Father to H. 3. and 74 years before 49 H. 3. the Assize or [...]. Statute being made per Assensum & Con­silium Archiepiscoporum, & Episcoporum, & Abbatum Comitum, & Baronum, [Page 133] Militum & libere tenentium totius Regni.

King John being divorced, the new Rot. Cart. 5. Johannis m. [...]. n. 33. Queen was Crowned De communi assen­su & concordi voluntate Archiepiscopo­rum, Episcoporum, Comitum, Baronum, Cleri, & Populi totius Regni.

The King Anno 6. Summons a Par­liament Rot. Claus. 6. Johannis m. 3. tractatur: Nobiscum de magnis & arguis negotiis nostris & communi Regni utilitate. Quia super his, qua a Rege Franciae per nuncios nostros & suus nobis mandata sunt; and that expedit ha­bere [...] ne q [...] Magnates, viz. C [...]mes [...] Miles s [...]u ali­qua alia notabilis pers [...]na transeat ad partes transmarinas, Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. 19. dorso. consilium Magnatum terr [...] therein.

The King per Commune Concilium Rot. Pat. 6. Johannis m. 7. dorso. Rot. Pat. 6. Johannis m. [...]. dorso. Regni then made an Assize of Money.

And at the same Parliament provisum fuit Communi assensu Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Comitum, Baronum, & omnium fidelium nostrorum Angliae, that nine Knights through all England should find a Tenth bene para [...]um cum Equis & Armis for the defence of the Kingdom, and that those nine Knights should find the tenth Knight every day two shillings ad liberationem suam. Certainly the words Fideles Angli [...] [Page 134] cannot be understood to be restrained to the Tenants in Capite only.

The Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, & M [...]gnates Regni gave an Auxi­lium Rot. Pa. 8 & 9 [...] n. 2. ad desensionem Regni & re [...]upera­tionem [...]rrar [...]m nostrarum against the French King, and who the [...] then were, the Patent Roll [...] [...]. 1. [...] shews where i [...] is contained, [...], &c. [...] [...], Ba [...]on [...]s, Milit [...]s, & alii [...] Regno retire [...] [...]dium [...], [...] [...] ali [...]s [...] & Prog [...]itoribus [...]ostris [...] Anglis liber [...]iter [...] [...] de omnibus [...]nis [...] [...] Hence I [...]hall observe [...]. That the Subsi­dy in [...]. 1. time was granted in Parlia­ [...]nt, and so this of [...]ing John's. 2. The words Pre [...]ri [...]ribus no [...]ris R [...]gibus [...] must unquestion [...]bly compre­h [...]nd King J [...]hn, Grandfather to Ed­w [...]d the [...], and by a reasonable con­structio [...] m [...]y [...]e [...]nded higher.

And at the [...]me Parliament, 8 & [...]. [...] [...] [...] universitas Comi [...]um Ba­ranum [...] [...] aliorum fidelium com­plain against the Clergy about Reme­ [...] wh [...]r [...]pon the King granted his Pr [...] or Su [...]rsed [...] to the Clergy tha [...] th [...]y s [...]ould do nothing there­in, [...] [...] univers [...] (before [Page 135] mentioned) super hoc Colloquium habe­mus.

Anno 17 Johannis, The Agreement Rot. Pat. 17 Jo­hannis m. [...]. [...]. and Peace at Runningme [...]d was made between King John of the one part, and Robert Fitz Walter, Marshal of God and Holy Church, several [...]rls there named, & alios Comites, & Barones, & liberos homines totius Regni ex [...] parte, or as the Patent Rolis 17 Johan­nis m. 17. dorso. Generale Concilium, and Rot. Claus. 28 H. 3. m. 12. dorso. Par­liamentum de Runemed, I have seen it several ways spell'd or writ, Runemeid, Rendmed, Redmede, which may seem to be a word of Sa [...]on extraction, for Mr. Somner tells us, that [...] is C [...]n­sulere, [...] Gloss. [...] [...] [...]. Mat. Westm. Anno 1215. 17 Johannis. and so justifies Mat. [...]. pag. 273. in his Etymology, when he sa [...]s, Ren­nemed quod interpretatum Pra [...]um Con­cilii eo quod antiquis temporibus [...] de pace Regni saepius Con [...]ilia tra [...]aban­tur.

Anno 2 H. 3. Magna Charta was in Parliament granted and confirm [...]d, an ancient Transcript of which, writ in the time of E. 1. I have, and conceive that those who then gave a Subsidy of a Fifteenth to the Crown were the parts that compounded and made the Com­munc [Page 136] Concilium, Regni or Parliament, and who they were let the Charter speak. Pro [...]ac autem donatione, & con­cessione M. S. penes Do­minum Samue­lem Baldwin ser [...]ientem Do­mini Regis ad Legem. M. S. p [...]s Jo­hannes Cook gener [...]sum de Interiori Tem­plo. M. S. Statuto­rum penes meip­ [...]m. libertatum istarum & aliarum contentarum in Charta nostra de liber­tatibus Forestae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones, Mili­tes libere tenentes, & omnes de Regno nostro dederunt nobis quintam de­cimam partem omnium bonorum suorum mobilium. Testibus praenominatis & multis aliis Dat. per manus venerabilis patris Domini Dun [...]lmensis, Episcopi, Cancellarii nostri apud Sa [...]um Paulum London sexto die Novembris, Anno Regni nostri secundo.

Which is confirmed by the close Roll of this year thus:

Rex Vic. Ebor, &c. Salutem Mittimus Rot. Claus. 2 H. 3. m. 11. derso. libi Chartas de Libertatibus concessis omnibus de Regno nostro, tam de Foresta, quam aliis mandantes quatenus eas legi facias public [...] in pluro Comitatu tuo convocatis Baronibus Militibus, & om nibus libere tenentibus ejusdem Comita­tus, qui ibidem jurent fidelitatem vestram, & in diligenter attendens singula puncta Chartarum ea per omnia facias jurar [...] observari, &c. Da [...]. 22. die Februarii.

[Page 137] Anno Dom. 1225. 9 H. 3. That King Mat. Paris pag. 323. l. 9. Anno [...]om. 1225. Parones Angliae conces­serunt Regi Henrico 15. partem om­nium mobili­um & Cattal­lorum totius Angliae pro libertatious s [...]s Rex [...]channes pater eis concesserat & Charta confoma [...]erat apud Runemed, [...] M. S. Radi Cogg [...]. summoned a general or Common Council of the Kingdom at [...] presentibus Clero & Populo cum Magnati­bus Regionis solemnitate igitur ut [...] completa Hubertus de Burgo Domini Regis Justiciarius exparte ejusdem Regis pr [...]pojuit coram Archiepiscopis, [...] Comitibus Nota. Anno 1225. 9 H. 3. Rex Henricus dedit & co [...]it ho­minibus de Regno Angliae libertates & liber [...]s c [...]s [...]e­t [...]dines sicut [...] in [...]bus antiquis & fe­cit [...]is i [...]de Chartas duas [...] de liber­tatibus & li­beris consuetu­di [...]ibus Regni aliam de liber­tatibus Forestae p [...]o ha [...] donati­one & co [...] ­one dederunt Regi [...] ­decimum denarium per [...] Angliam. [...]x [...] Chronico, [...]. S. [...] Bibliotheca Dodleiana inter Codices Will. Archiep. Can [...]ar. [...] [...]. 84. Baronibus, & aliis Universis, [...] & in­jurias, qu [...] Regi illata f [...]rani in p [...]rtibus us trans [...]is. Whereby the King and many Ea [...]ls and Barons were di [...]nherited & cum multi sunt in causa multorum subventio erit necessaria petit ergo ab omnibus Consilium pariter & auxilium quibus Corona Angliae dignitates amis­sas, ac jura posset pristina revoca [...]e, Ad hoc quoque plene p [...]rficiendum Regi suff [...] ­cere credidit, si ea quinia decima pars om­nium rerum mobilium totius Regni Angliae, tam a personis Ecclesiasticis, quam a Lai­cis donaretur. To which it was answer­ed, Habita deliberatione quod Regis pe­titionibus [Page 138] gratanter adquiescereni; si illis diu petitas libertates concedere voluisset, which the King condescended unto. And Chartis protinus conscriptis Regis sigillo munitis & sic soluto Conci­lio.

The Charters I shall pass over, only with this former Observation, that I conceive those that gave the Subsidy were the members of that Parliament, and who they were will appear by the Inspeximus of the Great Charter, and the Charter of the Forest inrolled in the Statute Roll, 25 E. 1. viz.

Pro hac autem donatione, & conces­sione Rot. Statur. 25 E. 1. m. 38. Co [...] 2. Instit. c. 38. fol. 76. libertatum istarum & aliarum liber­tatum contentarum in Charta nostra de libertatibus Forestae, Archiepiscopi, Epis­copi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Baro­nes, Rex H. 3. exi­git ab Huberto de Burgo quod ei respondeat de co [...]lectione to­tius quintae­deci [...] q [...] per Commune Concilium to­tius Regni [...] & [...] [...] in d [...]pos [...]to. Mat. Par [...]s Ad­dit. pag. 150. l. [...]8. All the ancient Writs upon Magna Charta say, That it was made per Commune Conci [...] [...]. Milites, libere tenentes, & omnes de Regno dederunt nobis quintamdecimam partem omnium mobilium suorum Concessi­mus etiam eisdem pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quod nec nos, nechaeredes nostri ali­quid perquiremus (i. e. a Papa) per quod libertates in hac Charta consentae infrin­gantur vel infirmentur. Et si ab aliquo centra hoc aliquid perquisitum suerit, nihil [Page 139] [...] [Page 140] Esglise as Countes, & Barons, & a tout la Communante de la terre que mes nul besoigne tien manere des aides mises ne prises de nostre Roiaume ne prendro­mus forsque per Commune assent de tout le Roiaume & a Commune profit de mesme le Roiaume. Teste 10 Octo­bris.

To deny therefore that the Knights and Freeholders de Regno of England were a constituent part of the Com­mune Concilium, or Parliament, in 2 & 9 H. 3. but were represented by the Tenants in Capite. A man may with equal Reasons, and as strong Authorities argue and affirm, that though the Re­cords plainly declare the Enumeratio partium of those great Councels, and the Comites & Barones to be one part then present, and that they gave a Subsidy concurrent with the other parts, yet really, 1. They were not there nor joined in the Tax, but were repre­sented by the Milites and libere tenen­tes de Regno. 2dly, Though the Comites, Barones, Milites, & libere Tenen­tes de Regno are expresly and particular­ly mentioned in these grand Charters, yet in truth they were not present at those great Councils, but their Votes [Page 141] and Power were included, and they represented in and by omnes Archiepis­copi, Episcopi, Abbates, & Priores de Regno, (though the greater number of the two latter held not of the King in Capite,) who made Laws, and gave Taxes exclusis or omissis Comitibus Baro­nibus Militibus, & libere tenentibus de Regno. Or 3dly, Notwithstanding the naming of the Prelates of the Church, yet their Power, Vote, and Authority was transferred and made over to the Earls, Barons, Knights and Freeholders of the Kingdom, and their appearance there was not Personal, but by Representation, which no man certainly can believe.

I shall close up this Point with a Inter Communi [...] de Termino S. Hillary 17 E. 3. Recorda pe­nes Rememorato­rem Domini Re­gis in Scacca­rio. Warr. de Priere de Coventr. at­tach. pro trans­gressione. memorable Record which I happily found in the Exchequer de Anno 17 E. 3. The Prior of Coventry was attached to answer to the King de servitio octo seodorum Militum per ipsum Priorem & Predecessores suos Regi, & Progenitori­bus suis ab Anno 29. Domini Regis H. proavi ipsius Regis nune substracto & con­celato. The Prior appears per Henricum de Stretford, whereupon the Barons Or­der a search of the Rolls and Memoranda of the Exchequer, and thereupon it was [Page 142] found in the Roll of 29 H. 3. sub Titulo de Auxilio ad primogenitam filiam Re­gis maritandam, That the Prior stood charged with Ten pounds for ten Knights sees, and in the great Roll 32. of the King Titulato Auxilium Episco­porum A [...]batum, Pr [...]orum con [...]essam ad sororem Regis maritandam Frederi [...]o Imperatori, the Prior stood charged de viginti marcis, &c. To this the Prior pleads, Quod ipse & Predecessores sui tenuerunt omnia terras & tenementa sua per servitium duorum seodorum Militum [...]antum & quod Dominus Rex, seu Pro­gen [...] [...] de aliquibus aliis ser [...]itiis per [...] [...] [...], seu Predecessores suos nun­ [...] [...] [...] Per [...] [...], seu servici­ [...] [...] [...] [...] factum [...] [...] [...] [...] per Memoranda hujus Scac­carii, [...] [...] inde serutinium, &c. [...] quoad [...]oc quod compertum est [...]ic in Ro­tulis &c. Quod tempore dicti R [...]s Henric [...] T [...]r [...] computatum fuit de [...] [...] [...] de auxiliis eidem Reg [...] Henrico ad [...]ilium suum [...]ilitem faci­endum & sororem suam maritandam conc [...]. Hoc [...]i non pr [...] in [...] parte. Di [...]it enim quod Au [...]ilia illa non [...], [...] [...] p [...]ssunt [...]sse [...] [...] [...] subsidia per [...], [Page 143] & Communitatem Regni spontanea, & mera voluntate Regi concessa, & tam de teuentibus alio [...], quam de tenentibus de Domino Rege in Ca­pite levanda quo prete [...]tu dictus Compo­tus de auxiliis praedictis fuit tam pro feodis tenentium, tune Prioris loci prae­dicti quam pro feodis ipsius Prioris pro­priis, quod idem Prior dicit posse liquere Curiae per Certificationem tune Prioris loci praedicti tune Baronibus de S [...] ­cario.

From this Record I shall make these Observations:

1. That the Crown could not de ju [...] require any servi [...]ia from the Subject, but those that were de [...]ita, omnes qui de Rege tenent per servicium militare, (and none else,) Regi faciant anxilium ad primogenitam siliam maritandam, saith the King, Rot. Pat. 29 H. 3. m. 7. dorso, and so said the Law long before. Sunt Bracton, [...] cap. 1 [...]. sol. [...]. e [...]iam quaedam Communes praestationes qu [...] servitia non dicuntur, nec de con [...]tudine veniunt, &c. sicut sunt Hidagia, Corra­gia, & Carvagia, & alia plura de neces­sitate & ex consensu Communi totius Regni introducta & quae ad Dominum [...]di non pertinent.

[Page 144] 2. There is a difference appears be­tween Servitia and Auxilia: The Law Rex Angliae neque per se aut Ministros suos subsidia, aut alia quaevis onera imponit Ligeis suis si [...]e assensu toti [...]s Regni sui in Parliamento suo expresso. For­tescue de La [...] ­dibus Legum Angliae, cap. 36. pa. 84. allows therefore the Priors plea, when he says, That those extraordinary Aides were not Servitia but Auxilia, granted to the Crown per Magnates & Commu­nitatem Regni spontanea & mera volun­tate, or as Bracton before cited, Consen­s [...] communi totius Regni.

3. Those Aides were given tam de tenentibus aliorum quam de tenentibus de Domino Rege in Capite levanda, quo praetexta dictus Compotus de Auxiliis praedictis were as well for the Fees of the Tenants of the then Prior, as for the Fees of the Prior himself, which the Prior said would clearly appear to the Court by the Certificate of the Prior, his Prodec [...]ssor, in the time of H. 3. made to the Barons of the Exchequer, so that the Tenants of the Prior did grant an Aid as well as the Prior himself, and that in Parliament, for as I have observed before, Rot. Claus. 32 H. 3. m. 13. dor [...]o, there was a Parliament then held.

4. That in the Reign of H. 3. and preceding times, when the Knights and Freeholders, who held not of the King, but other Lords, did in the Commune [Page 145] Concilium or Parliament, gra [...] [...] Au [...] ­lium or Aid to the Crown, the great Lord or Baron of the Fee, of who [...] the Freeholders held, was [...] in the Exchequer to answer for [...] thereof, under the title of his [...], as the Bishop of every [...], [...] till Queen Elizabeth's time, was by Law chargeable for the coll [...], of [...] granted by the Clergy within his D [...]o­cess, yet certainly as the Bishop [...] [...] any power to give for, or tax his [...]; no more could or did any great Lord of the F [...]ither jure t [...], or [...] t [...]tionis, charge or give away the [...] of his free T [...], who were indepen­dent in [...] [...] [...] [...] solummodo [...]; this P [...] not well observed and understood [...] late Authors, has caused the [...] about the T [...] [...], represent­ing the [...] in Parliament.

5. [...] [Page 146] held of the King in Capite, yet very considerable in number, and all the Citizens and Burgesses should, till 49 H. 3. either be totally excluded from be­ing any part of the Generale Concilium Regni or Parliament, or else by a Law, of which there is not the least foot­steps in History or Law, were for so many Ages to be represented by the Tenants in Capite only in Parliament, the transcendent Power of which Coun­cil in Conjunction with the King as Head thereof Sir Thomas Smith, that great and learned man, who was Secre­tary and Privy-Councellor to our famous Queen, an old Parliament-man, when he comes to write of the Parliament, and its largeness of Power, says thus, In Comitiis Parliamentariis posita est [...] [...]. & A [...]inistratio­ne Arglorum, Tho. Smith, [...]. 2. cap. 2. [...]. 50. 51. omnis Augustae absolutae que potestatis vis, quippe quemadmodum Robur & virtus Angliae dieuntur in Acie residere Parlia­mentaria Comitia veteres leges jubent esse irritas, novas indueunt, praesentibus juxta ac futuris modum constituunt, jura & posse [...]siones hominum privatorum commu­tant, spurios Natalibus restituunt, Cultum divinum sanctioribus corroborant, pondera & mensuras variant—incerti juris con­trever [...]as dirimunt, ubi nihil lege cautum [Page 147] fuit, censum agunt, Capitationes & vecti­galia indicunt, delictorum gratiam faci­unt, afflictas & Majorum sceleribus per­ditas familias erigunt, vitae n [...]isque potestatem in cos obtinent quos ad hujus­modi disquisitiones Princeps advocaverat, atque ut concludam breviter, qui [...]quid in Centuriatis Comitiis, aut in Tribunitiis Populus Romanus efficere potuisset, [...] omne in Comitiis Anglicanis tanquam in Coetu Principem populumque represent ante commode transigitur. Interesse enim in illo conventu omnes intelligimur [...]uju [...] ­cunque amplitudinis status aut dignitatis Princepsve aut Plebs fuerit, sive per se ipsum hoc fiat, five per procuratorem, nam omnibus peraeque, gratum esse oportet qu [...] ­quid ex Senatusconsulto Parliamentario profectum est.

6. It is observable, that the Pre­scription of Progenitores Regis, in the Record of the Prior of Coventry tem­pore E. 3. did expresly extend to the Reign of H. 3. his great Grandfather It [...] were needful, I could give numbers of Records, that prove the [...] tention of s [...]h Pre­scription high­ [...]. and higher too, so that I had good au­thority and warrant to say before, that, when the Burgesses of St. Albans, in the Parliament 8 E. 2. affirmed, That they and their Predecessors sicu [...] caeteri Bur­genses de Regno, as the rest of the Bur­gesses [Page 148] of the Kingdom had totis retro­actis temporibus, in all times past, in the time of F. 1. & Pregenitorum suorum, and of His Progenitors, sent Two Bur­gesses to every Parliament, they had, as well as other Boroughs of England sent Burgesses to the Generale Corailium, or Parliament before mentioned, in the 17th year of King John, Grandfather to E. 1. at least, and so by clear evi­dence before 49 H. 3.

From the aforesaid Authorities and Reasons, we may with good conse­quence conclude.

1. That the People or Commons of England, from the time of the Norman Conquest, till 49 H. 3. were not represented in the Com­mune Concilium, Regni or Parlia­m [...]nt, by such only as held of the King in Cap [...]e.

2. And that the Commons or People [...] [...] [...]in to be represented by Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, and Barons of the Cinque Ports in the said 40 H. 3.

And now I shall subjoin some mate­rial Records relating to my former Discour [...].

Inter Communia de Term. P [...] [...]. [...] T [...] in S [...] [...]. Trin. Anno 7 E. 2. Ad­huc Recorda.

PJn nomine Poliarc [...]t Jesu Christi salvato­ [...]is mundi totiusque Carta Regis [...]t. Creature Creatoris cu­jus Divino Dominatui quique donatores debi­to servitio subnixe deserviunt, cujus etiam omnipotentatui universi poten­tatus obsecundari examussim prepro­perant, quia bonitas ejus bon [...]atis est incomprehensibilis, & miseratio inter minabilis, dapsilitas bomtatis ineffa­bilis longanimitas quoque super pra­vorum nequitias quantitatis prosixi­tate cujus [...]ibet longior qui co [...]idia [...]s admonitionibus religiosam conversa­tionem duccntes monet ut pie Se [...]tan­do justitiae culturam non eam deseren dolinquant; quin potius perseverabilt instantia in ejus cultura ut permaneant pat [...]rno affectu hortatux; qui nihilom [...] ­nus eadem affectione mandat peccato­ [...]ibus ut resipiscant a suis iniquitatibus [Page 150] convertentes, quia eorum execratut mortem ejus amoris stimulo & fide suffultus cujus largif [...]ua miseratione Ego Cnut Rex totius Albionis Insule aliarum nationum plurimarum in Ca­thedra Regali promotus cum Consilio & decreto Archiepiscoporum, Episcopo­rum, Nota, the par­ties of the Witena-ge­mot or Parl. Fide [...]es, i. e. oies qui in Principis ali­cujus ditione spnt vulgo sub­ [...]ecti, Spel. Gloss. 223. Abbatum, Comitum aliorumque omnium fidelium eligi sanciend. At­que perpeti stabilimento ab omnibus confirmandum ut Monasterium quod Biadricesworth Nuncupatur, sit per omne evum Monachorum gregibus deputatum ad inhabitandum, & ab omni Dominatione omnium Episcopo­rum Comitatus illius funditus libe­rum, ut in eo Domino servientes Monachi, sine ulla inquietudine pro statu Regni Domini prevaleant pre­cari. Placuit etiam mihi hanc optio­nis electionem roborare privilegio isto in quo indere prccepi libertatis donum, quod jam olim Edmundus Rex occi­dentalium Saxonn̄ largitus est suo equivoco pro nanciscenda ejus gratia, & mercede aeterna scilicet Edmundo Regi & Martiri quod bone voluntatis voto augere cupimus, quatcnus ejus promereri partibus mercar portionem [...]us beatitudinis post hujus cursum [Page 151] vite. Tali libertate concedo fundo frui illi in quo idem status pansat ut quociens populus universus persolvit censum Danis vel ad Naves seu ad arma persolvant inhabitantes in ipso fundo eadem ad usus, quos elegerint fratres illius loci sitque nobis remedio hoc michi quippe eque Reginae meae Elfgife ac filiis nostris omnibusque qui pridem ei hoc contulerunt. Huic li­bertati concedo additamentum scilicet maritimos pisces, qui michi contingere debent Annualiter per Teolonei lu­crum & piscationem quam Ulfkytel habuit in Wylla, & omnia jura qua­rumcumque causarum in villis quae Monasterio adjacent & quae adjiciendae sunt per gratiam Dei dedi quoque Reginae meae assensum concedens ei pro sua elemosina dare quatuor Milia Anguillarum cum muncribus quae pertinent ad illas pro Annuali censu in villa que cognominatur Lakyng­hythe, si quislibet quod absit istam libertatem quoquolibet conatu nititur servitutis jugo subigere vel prava intentione transmatare Ut rursus Clericos in eo collocet loco sit addict [...]s captivitati aeterne careat sempiterna libertate, & mancipatus setvitio Dia­boli [Page 152] ejusque consortio sit in extricabili­bus habenis constrictus nisi satisfactio ejus erratui subveniat quod prorsus optamus. ✚ Ego Cnut Rex gentis Anglorum aliarumque nihilominus hoc privilegium jussi componere & compo­situm cum signo Dominicae ctucis consirmando impressi.

  • ✚ Ego Alfgifa Regina omni alacrita­te mentis hoc confirmavi.
  • ✚ Ego Wulsta [...]s [...]rchicpiscopus con­scnsi.
  • ✚ Ego Athelnothus Archicpiscopus confirmavi.
  • ✚ Ego Godwinus Episcopus corrobo­ravi.
  • ✚ Ego Alfwinus Episcopus assensum dedi.
  • ✚ Ego Alffinus Episcopus Consig­navi.
  • ✚ Ego Athericus Episcopus con­clusi.
  • ✚ Ego Alfwynus Episcopus robo­ravi.
  • ✚ Ego Brithwaldus Episcopus.
  • ✚ Ego Iric Dur.
  • ✚ Ego Godwinus Dux.
  • ✚ Ego Ulf Dux.
  • [Page 153] ✚ Ego Eglaf Dux.
  • ✚ Ego Hacun Dux.
  • ✚ Ego Leofwynus Dux.
  • ✚ Ego Godricus Dux.
  • ✚ Ego Oslacus Miles.
    Nota, here we find that the Knights were in the Saxon and Dani [...]h Commune Comi­tum, or Parlia­ment in King [...]nuts Reign,
  • ✚ Ego Theoreth Miles.
  • ✚ Ego Thurkil Miles.
  • ✚ Ego Thrym Miles.
  • ✚ Ego Brothor Miles.
  • ✚ Ego Alfricus Miles.
  • ✚ Ego Alfwynus Miles.
  • ✚ Ego Leofricus Abbas.
  • ✚ Ego Alfwardus Abbas.
  • ✚ Ego Athelstanus Abbas.
  • ✚ Ego Alfsias Abbas.
  • ✚ Ego Leofwinus Abbas.
  • ✚ Ego Wulfredus Abbas.
  • ✚ Ego Oskytelus Abbas.
  • Ego Alfwius.
  • Ego Alfricus.
  • Ego Alfricus.
  • Ego Leoffius.
  • Ego Leofricus.

[Page 154] Domino Sanctae Universalis Ec­clesiae summo Pastori Paschali; Con­ventus Hen. primus Rex, Eadmeri Historiae Novo­rum, Lib. 5. pa. 111. Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis fideles Orationes, & totius Sanctae Devotionis obsequium. Notum esse non dubitamius gloriosae Paternitati vestrae (pie domine) quod Ecclesia Cantuariensis Mater Nostra, Sanctae scilicet Romanae Ecclesiae Specialis filia jam ab obitu beatae Memoriae Patris nostri Auselmi Archiepiscopi per quin­quennium cura Pastoralis officii pec­catis nostris exigentibus sit destituta Nuper autem respectu Misericordiae Dei, adunato conventu totius Angli­ci Regni in praesentia gloriosi Regis [...]. nostri Henrici electus a nobis & Clero & populo est ad Regimen ipsius Eccle­siae Radulphus Roffensis Episcopus Nobis sufficientissime cognitus, & propter Uitae suae meritum & Sanctae conversationis effectum toti Regno val­de acceptus. Huic Electioni affuerant Episcopi Abbates & Principes Regui, [...]. & ingens populi multitudo censentiente Domino nostro Rege & eandem electi­onem laudante, suaque auctoritate corroborante Quoniam igitur ita res se habet Mittimus ad vos, modis qui­bus possumus supplicantes ut quem [Page 155] ad sublevationem & consolationem Ecclesiae suae Deus (quantum nobis Datur intelligi) elegit vestra Sancta auctoritate in quo electus est confir­metis, & ei Pallium quod omnes An­tecessores sui a Sacratissima sede beati Petri consecuti sunt transmittere dignemini ne Sanctitate vestra aures pietatis suae precibus Nostris (quod Deus avertat) non inclinante in pristinas miserias aliquo Eventu Ec­clesia nostra (filia vestra) reiabatur. Ipsemet enim tanta corporis imbecilli tate gravatur, ut non sine Magno pe­riculo sui, & detrimento omnium no strum valeat hoc tempore vestigiis vestris se presentare. Sanctum Aposto­latum vestrum omnipotens Deus dig­netur ad honorem suae Sanctae Ec clesiae per multa tempora incolu mem conservare Dignissime Pater. Amen.

Henrico Regi Anglorum charo Do­mino suo ac Sum̄o honore Uenerando, Henricus Pri­mus Rex. Eadmeri Hi [...]. Novorum, [...]b. 5. pa. 131. Frater Radulphus Sanctae Cantuarien­sis Ecclesiae indignus Sacerdos & totus Conventus ejusdem Ecclesiae salutem, & orationes & fidelia obsequia No­tum facimus Sublimitati vestrae [Page 156] Alexandrum Regem Scotorum cum consensu Cleri & populi Regni sui Le­gatos Alexander the [...]. [...] the vari­ous [...] of the Ge­neral Councll [...]o Parliament of [...] suos ad nos misisse & consilium curae Pastoralis ad opus Ecclesiae Sancti Andreae a nostra Ecclesia ex pe [...]sse Considerantes ergo [...]orum ju [...]am Petitionem & tam Divini amo­ris Reverentiam, quam Sanctae Ma­tris Ecclesiae Utilitatem attendentes laudandis desideriis pium praebuimus assensum Concessimus ergo ju [...]ta pe­titionem corum personam Ecclesiae nosirae ab eis Denominatam Domi­num Edmerum quam a pueritia disci­plinis Ecclesiasticis sublimiter justitu­sum & Sanctis Moribus Decenter Or­natum ad officium Sacerdotale omni­no s [...]mus [...]neum. Uestram igitur ve­ [...] sublimitatem submisso corde [...]poscimus ut vestrae c [...]situdinis pia voluntate atque [...]ritate & illorum Deo [...] [...] & super tam Neces­ [...]io Ecclesiae Dei Negotio nostrae hum [...]atis con [...]o ro [...]oretur. Omni­ [...]s Deus sublimitatem vestram ad ho [...]orem suum & munimen Ecclesiae su [...] p [...]r longa tempora incolumen cu­ [...] & [...] [...] Regnum digni­ [...]are [...]nnis [...] [...] digne­ [...].

Rescriptum Regis ad haec.

Henricus Ret Anglorum Radulfo Archiepiscopo Cantuariae salutem volo & concedo ut Monachum illum unde Ret Scotiae te Requisivit, liberum ei concedas ad consuetudinem Terrae suae in Episcopatu Sancti Andreae Teste Everardo de Calna apud Rotho­magum.

Patri Uenerabili Paschali Summo [...] [...] [...], Co [...]. 99. [...] [...] [...] 1103. [...]. Hen. [...] Pontifici Henricus Dei [...]ratia Ret Anglorum salurem Promotioni vestrae in sedem Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae plurimum Congaudeo, pete [...]squod ami­citia Quae patri meo cum Antecessori­bus vestris fuit, inter nos quoque illi­bata permaneat, unde ut disectio & benignitas a me videatur sum [...]e mi­tium. Beneficium quod antecessori­bus meis beatus Petrus habuit vobis mitto, eosque honores, & eam obedi­entiam quam tempore patris mei An­tecessores vestri in Regno Angliae habuerunt in tempore meo ut havea­tis volo; eo videlicet [...]enore, ut dig­nitates usus & consuetudines quas [Page 158] pater meus tempore antecessorum vestrorum in Regno Angliae habuit, Ego tempore vestro in eodem Regno meo integre obtineam Notumque ha­beat Sanctitas vestra quod me vivente Deo auxiliante dignitates & usus Regni Angliae non minuentur & si ego Rot. Par. 40 E. 3. n. 7. 8. Quod omnes tangit ab omni­bus approbatur. Vide Argu­ment the 8th, pa. 28. usque ad sinem. quod absit in tanta me dejectione ponerem, optimates mei immo totius Angliae populus id nullo modo patere­tur Habita igitur [...]arissime Pater uti­liori deliberatione ita se erga nos mo­deretur benignitas vestra ne quod invitus faciam a vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia.

Rex Baronibus, Militibus, & om­nibus Rot. Pat. 15. Johannis pars 2. m. 2. fidelibus totius Angliae salutem sciatis, quod die Martis prox. ante—suscepimus literas Domi­ni Papae in partibus Pictaviae de—Relaratione Jnterdicti An­gliae, quas destinavimus venerabili P. Winton Episcopo Justic̄ nostro & vos rogamus attentius tanquam dilectos, & fideles nostros quorum dilectioni & fidelitati plene confidimus quatenus secundum quod idem Episcopus vobis diceret Consilium & auxilium vestrum ad honorem nostrum & vestrum, & statum Regni nostri melius commu [Page 159] nicandum efficaciter super hoc appo­natis ut vobis modo ad uberiores teneamur gratiarum Actiones. Et ut dileoe. quam hactenus erga nos habuistis in hoc merito—nostrum si fieri literas nostras super hoc transmissemus, set ut negotium illud, quod & nobis & vobis ad commo­dum cedet & honorem & majori expe­diretur festinatione has literas, &c. T. meipso apud Rupellam sexto die Martii.

Eodem modo scribitur.
  • Majori & Baronibus London.
  • Majori & probis hominibus Winton.
  • Probis hominibus Northampton.
  • Linc. Ebor.
  • Oxon. Glouc.
  • Heref. Exon.
  • Wigorn. Cantebr.
  • Hunt. Bristoll.
  • Norwich.
Eodem modo scribitur.
  • Omnibus Burgis &
  • Dominicis Domini Regis Dat. eodem.

[Page 160] Rex dilecto & fideli suo Willielmo Com. Maresc. salutem sciatis, Rot. Claus. 15. Johannis m. 1. quod salvi Dei gratia & incolumes apud Rupellam applicuimus die Sab­bati prox. post capt. Jennim̄ & magnae partis gentis nostrae. Et statim ex quo adveuimus tamen reddita nobis fuerunt cum relicta xxvj. Castra & fortalicia & praeter paucos dies pro­cessimus ad Castrum de Millesen. obsidendum, & tunc Castrum illud cepissemus venit ad voluntatem & mi­sericordiam nostram Johannes de Por­tio Clericus & continuo post illum venit similiter ad voluntatem & mise­ricordiam nostram Savericus de Malo Leone quem Consilio Domini Burde­gensis Archiepiscopi & aliorum filedium nostrorum in pacem nostram admis­si [...]s; die autem Martis pro [...]. ante mediam [...]uad [...]agesimam dum adhu [...] moram fecissemus circa Casirum illud funditus prosternendum, [...]e [...]it ad nos Acelina Romana frater Guliel­mi de San [...]to Andoeno afferens nobis literas Demini Papae de forma Inter­dicti relaxndi in Anglia quas [...]enera­ [...]i patri nostra Domino P. Winton Episcopo destina [...]mus, unde vobis [...]us [...]tes [...]us ad [Page 161] negotium illud exequend ad hono­rem Dei, & nostrum & vestrum Consi­lium, & Auxilium efficax impendatis & faciatis super negotio ista id quod Dominus Winton̄ Episcopus Justicia­rius noster vobis dicet ad fidem & com­modum nostrum, ut honorem inde habeamus & Regni nostri status in me­lius commutetur unde merito ad per­petuas vobis teneamur gratiarum actiones. T. meipso apud Rupellam octavo die Martii.

Eodem modo scribitur omnibus Comitibus, Baronibus, & Magnatibus Angliae Dat. eodem.

Reverendo Domino suo & patri Rot. Pat. 17 J [...] ­hannis m. 16. Rex mittit Do­mino Papae pro Auxilio adver­sus Baronis Angliae. Sanctissimo J. Dei gratia summo Pontifici Johannes eadem gratia Rex Angliae, &c. Salutem & debitam tanto Domino ac patri Reverentiam. Cum Comites & Barones Angliae nobis de­voti essent antequam nos & nostram terram Dominio vestro subjicere curas­femus extune in nos specialiter ob hoc sicut publice dicunt violenter insurgunt. Nos vero post Deum vos specialem Do­minum & Patronum habentes defensi­onem nostram & totius Regni quod vestrum est esse credimus vestrae pater­nitati commissam. Et nos quantum [Page 162] in nobis est Curam & sollicitudinem istam vestrae reservamus Dominationi devotius supplicantes quatenus in ne­gotiis nostris quae vestra sunt consi­lium & auxilium efficax apponatis; prout melius videritis expedire Lato­res praesentium venerabiles Patres W. Burdega [...] & H. Dublin Archie­piscopos Magistrum R. Canc̄ no­strum Abbatem Belli loci Magrūm P. Ebor̄ Ecclesiae Praecentorem & H. Archidiac̄ & Magrūm de Arenio Canon̄ Ebor̄, & nobiles viros J. Marescallum & G. Lutterell fideles nostros quos propter hoc ad pedes vestros transmittimus benignius ex­audientes. Nos enim super om­nibus quae ad Nos & Regnum no­strum pertinent vices nostras & au­thoritatem Sanctitati vestrae commit­timus Ratum habituri & firmum quicquid inde cum consilio Nunciorum nostrorum dureritis ordinandum. T. mcipso apud Doveram 13. die Septem­bris.

Jtem Domino Papae, &c. Jn con­spectu Pat. 17 Johan­nis m. 15. dorse. Rex scribit Pa­pe ut su [...]urrat [...] q [...]oniam [...] & singulare praesidium suum post Deum habuit in Papa. Paternitatis vestrae humiliamus [Page 163] ad gracias multiplices prout melius scimus & possumus exhibendas pro Cura & sollicitudine quam ad defensi­onem nostram & Regni nostri Angliae Paterna vestra benevolentia indesi­nenter apponit licet duritia Praelato­rum Angliae atque inobedientia mali­tiose impediant piae vestrae provisionis effectum. Nos tamen pro effectu sin­cero quem ad nos geritis clementiae vestrae devotius inclinamus qui etsi ad praesens a superbis & a malevolis ad insipientiam sibi censeatur inefficax nobis erit Domino concedente ad tui­coem & pacem & inimicis nostris con­fnsionem & terrorem inducit. Et li­cet Dominus Pandulphus fidelis sub­diaconus vester Norwicensis Electus nobis pernecessarius esset in Anglia ut pote qui honorem Ecclesiae Romanae ac vestrum & totius Regni nostri fide­liter & devote procurat quia tamen nullo modo de statu nostro & Regni Paternitas vestra certificari poterit melius quam ipsum ad pedes vestros eundem destinamus invitum devocius supplicantes quatenus ꝑ ipsum specia­liter & alios fideles nostros illatae vobis in persona nostra injuriae veritate com­perta ad Regimen Regni nostri & [Page 164] nostrae observandum dignitatis pater­nae manum solicitudinis apponatis, prout excellens vestra discretio viderit expedire quod per Dei gratiam lauda­biliter facitis & secistis pro certo haben­tes quod post Deum personam vestram & auctoritatem Apostolicae sedis habe­mus unicum & singulare Praesidium & sub vestri considencia patrocinii respi­ramus. Teste &c.

Noverint universi quod Dominus Rot. Pat. 37 H. 3. m. 12. dorso. H. Rex Angliae illustris R. Comes Norff. & Marescallus Angliae H. Comes Hereford & Essex J. Comes de Warewico Petrus de Sabaudia caeterique Vide pa. 35. 101, 102. Magnates Angliae concesserunt in sen­tentiam excommunicationis genera­liter latam apud Westm̄ tertio de­cimo die Maii Anno Regni Regis praedict. 37. in hac forma scilicet Quod vineuso praefatae sententiae ligentur om­nes venientes contra libertates con­tentas in Cartis comunium liberta­tum Angliae & de Forresta Et omnes qui libertates Ecclesiae Angliae tempo­tibus Domini Regis & Praedecessorum suorum Regum Angliae optentas & usitatas scienter & Maliciose violave­rint, aut infringere praesumpserint, & omnes illi qui pacem Domini Regis [Page 165] & Regni perturbaverint, & simiilter om­nes qui jura & libertates Regis & Regni Diminuere infringere seu mutare prae­sumpserint. Et quod omnes venien­tes contra premissa vel eorum aliqua ignorantur & legitime moniti infra quindenam post mentionem praemissam dictam transgression̄ non emendaverint Extunt praedictae sententiae excōicac̄onis subjacebunt Jta tamen quod Domi­nus Rex transgressionem illam per considerationem Curiae suae faciat emendari sciendum autem quod si in scriptis super eadem sententia a qui­buscunque confectis, seu conficiendis aliud vel aliter appositum vel adjectum fuerit aut Articuli aliqui alii in eis contenti inveniantur Dominus Rex & praedicti Magnates omnes & communi­tas Se [...] p [...]. [...]. 101, 1 [...]. populi protestautur publice in prae­sentia Uenerabilium Patrum B. Dei gratia Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi to­tius Angliae Primatis Necnon & Epis­coporum omnium in eodem colloquio Collo [...] [...] Parliamento, Spell. Gloss. 137. existent quod in ea nunquam con­senserunt, nec consentiunt set de plano eis contradicunt Praeterea praefatus Dominus Rex in prolacione praefatae sententiae omnes libertates & consuetu­dines Regni nostri antiquas & usitatas [Page 166] & dignitates & jura Coronae suae ore proprio specialiter sibi & Regno suo sal­vavit & Excepit in cujus rei memori­am & in posterum veritatis testimoni­um tam Dominus Rex quam praedicti Comites ad instantiam aliorum Mag­natum & populi praesentium scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt.

Rex Reginae & R. Comiti Cornub. Rot. Pat. Vas­con. 37 & 38 H. 3. m. 4. n. 21. De Magnae Carta tenenda. salutem cum Nos, & omnes Magnates & Praelati Angliae juraverimus & pro­miserimus nuper apud Westm̄', quod magnam Chartam nostram Angliae in omnibus articulis suis teneri firmiter faceremus nos adhuc in eodem propo­sito persiūentes volumus & mandamus quod Cartam illam super Sacramen­tum singulorum Uicecomitum in singu­lis Comitatibus publice clamari facia­tis & teneri, dum tamen praefati Mag­nates & Praelati eam fac̄ simili modo de cetero a suis subditis Teste, &c.

Rex Uenerabilibus in Christo Pa­tribus Rot. Pat. 38 H. 3. m. 4. Hiberniae. Vide the ninth Argument, pa. 72. 73. omnibus Archiepiscopis, Epis­copis, & Dilectis sibi in Christo Ab­batibus, & Prioribus, & dilectis & fidelibus suis universis Com̄ Ba­ron̄ Militibus & aliis fidelibus suis Hiberniae salutem Mittimus di­lictum & fidelem nostrum filium J. [Page 167] Galfr̄ Justc̄ nostrum Hiberniae ad partes Hiberniae ad Exponendum vobis Statum nostrum & terrae nostrae Vascon̄ & Pericula Nobis imminen­tia & ad tractandum Vobiscum super Auxilium nobis faciend contra Re­gem Castell qui dictam terram nostram Uascon̄ in Manu forti in Quinde­nam Pasche primo futur̄ hostiliter est ingressurus vobis Mandantes quod eidem Justic̄ nostro in hiis quae nobis ex parte nostra super praedicto auxilio perquirendo intimabit fidem adhibeatis Jn cujus &c. T. A. Re­gina nostra & R. Com̄ Cornub apud Westm. ij. die Febr. per Regn̄.

Rex Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Ibidem. Hiberniae? Abbatibus, Prioribus, Com̄ Ba­ron̄, Militibus Liberis hominibus Ci­vibus Burgensibus, & omnibus aliis fidelibus suis terrae suae Hiberniae salutem Mittimus fratrem Nicholaum de Sancto Neoto fratrem [...]ospic̄ Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia ad partes Heberniae ad E [...]ponend vobis una cum J. Galf. Justic̄ nostro Hiberniae Statum nostrum & terrae nostrae Uascon̄ & Pericula nobis imminentia de Hostili adventu Reg. [Page 168] Castell qui Nullo jure set Potentia sua confisus terram nostram Uas­con̄ per ipsius fortitudinem a Mani­bus nostris auferre & a Domino Regni Angliae segregare proponit Universita­tem vestram quantum possumus af­fectione Rogantes quatenus nos & jura nostra taliter indefensa non deserentes nobis in tanto periculo constitutis quantumcunque in Mundo poteritis de Gente & Pecunia ad predictae terrae nostrae defensionem quam praedictus Rex in Manuforti in estate prox. futur̄ hostiliter est ingressurus subve­niatis quod in vestrum honorem Uer­tetur sempiternum cum ex contrario hujus Negotii eventu non tantum nobis set singulis Regni nostri & terrae nostrae Hiberniae—& rerum dampnum imineat periculosum Hiis nostris Augustiis taliter compatientes quod nos & haeredes nostri vobis & haeredibus vestris Sumus non imme­rito obligati Jn cujus &c. Teste a Regina & R. Com. Cornub. apud Wind­sor xvij die Februarii per Regi­nam.

[Page 169] Rex omnibus &c. Cum pro Nego­tiis nostris arduis Regnum nostrum Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 10. Pro Rege & Barnagio An­gliae. Nota, the dif­ferent deno­minations of the Parliament or Common Council of this year. 1. Proc [...]res & fideles Regni. 2. Baronagium Angliae. 3. Parliamen­tum, Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 3. n. 9. 4. Haus homes c prodes ho­mes e Co­mune de Reaume. Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 4. vide pa. 35. contingentibus proceres & fideles Regni nostri ad nos London in Quindena Pasche prox. praeterit̄ facere [...]us con­vocari & cum de Negotiis supradictis maxime de prosecutione Negotii Si­ciliae diligenter cum eisde [...] tractare­mus Ac ipsi nobis responderint quod si statum Regni nostri per Concilium fidelium nostrorum rectificand dux­erimus Et Dominus Papa conditio­nes circa statum Siciliae appositos melioraverit per quod Negotium illud prosequi possemus cum effectu ipsi dili­gentiam fideliter apponent erga com­munitatem Regni nostri quod nobis Commune auxilium ad hoc praestetur Nos eis concessimus quod infra festum Natalis Domini proximum futurum per consilium proborum & fidelium hominum nostrorum Regni Angliae unacum consilio Legati Domini Papae si in Angliam medio tempore venerit statum Regni nostri ordinabimus & ordinationem illam firmiter observabi­mus & ad hoc fideliter observand sup­ponimus Nos cohercioni Domini Papae ut nos ad hoc per Censuram Ecclesiasticani prout expedire viderit [Page 170] valeat arctare protestamur etiam quod Edwardus filius noster Primogenitus praeūito Sacramento corporali per Li­teras suas concessit quod omnia su­perius expressa quantum in ipso est fideliter & inviolabiliter observabit & imꝑp̄um observari procurabit Jn cujus &c. Hiis Testibus Edwardo filio nostro Primogenito Galfr̄ de Lazing, Willielmo de Valenc̄ frībus nostris P. de Sabaudia, Johanne de Pless. Com. Warr̄ Johanne Maunsell Thesaur̄ Ebor̄ Henrico de Wingham decano Sancti Martini London, Petro de Rivall Guidone de Rocheford, Roberto Fitz­walter p̄ntibus & multis aliis Com̄ Ba­ronibus Regni nostri Dat. apud Westm. 7. die Maii.

Nostre Seignior le Roy per le conseil Rot. Pat. 51 H. 3. m. 16 De pace inter Regem & R. Co­mitem Glouc. Nota. In those ancient times Pardons by Parliament, wherein the Commons gave their Counsel and Assent, were thought safe and requi­site. & l'assentement de le Roy de Alemain & de Countes & de Barons & de [...] Comun de la terre pardone & relesse a ceans de la meenee le Counte & a touz ceux de sa Compaignie ou que il scient ou cient este &c. En tesmoin' de ceste chose nostre Seignior le Roy de Angleterre & le Roy de Alem' cest escrit unt mis leur seans Doune a Estratford le quiuszime jour de Juyn le aun Cynquant premer.

[Page 171] Henry per la grace dieu &c. per le Ibidem. conseil & le assentement nostre cher frere le Roy de Alem̄ e Cuntes e de Barun̄s e le Comun de nostre terre avoms pardone quite & relesse a tuz ceus de Londres totes maneres de Ire & de rancor & de male volente &c. E avoms graunte & otree a touz ceus avantnomes que mal ne damage ne lour ferroms ne sufferoms estre fet, E ke il Rot. Pat. 7 E. 2. pars 1. m. 9. Quod nullus imprisonetur &c. pro morte Petri de Ga­veston. Purve [...] est & grante per Nos & per Ercevesques, Evesques, Ab­bes, Priors, Countes, Barons, & per tote la Comunalty de nostre Roialme a nostre Parlement &c. uniment assentuz est & accordez that all that had a hand in the death of Pierce Gaveston should be pardoned. Ro. Pat. 12 E. 2. m. 17. De Perdon. pro Com. Lanc'. The King in Parliament pardoned the Earl of Lancaster. Consentientibus Praelatis Proceribus & Communitate Regni ibidem Congregatis. Rot. Pat. 1 E. 3. m. 8. Andrew de Hethford, who was a principal Citizen of London, and a villanous Instrument of the two Spincers in E. 2. time, was de assensu Praelatorum Comitum & totius Communitatis Regni in Parliamento, pardoned all Homicides, Robberies, Burglaries, Fellonies, Appeals, &c. Rot. Pat. 1 E. 3. m. 23. De perdonatione pro Communitate Civitatis London. De assensu Praelat. Com. Bar. & totius Communitatis Regni pro homicidiis rebell. &c. ad sectam Regis, & de Appellis per quoscunque illatis. ne Sient encheisonez ne enquerelez pur les choses avantditz En tesmoign de cestes Nos & le Roy de Alem' a cest escrit avoms mis nos seans Donne a Estratford le Cessime jour de Juyn lan de nostre Regne Cynquante premier.

Inter Communia Brevia de Penes Rememo­rator Domini Toes. in Sacco. Termino Sanctae Trin. Anno Regni Regis E. 1. xxxiiij.

MEmorand quod cum nuper Anglia de Aux­ilio concesso ed Miliciam sil Regis. Anno 34 E. 1. Consil' Intra­cio de codem Termino penes Rememorator. Regis in sacc. Rot. 40. Vide pa. 94. Dominus Rex ordinasset quod Edwardus filius suus Primogenitus in festo Pentecostes Anno Regni sui Tricesimo Quarto Cingulo Milicie decoraretur Et mandatum esset Ar­chiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abb'ibus, Prio­ribus, Comitibus Baronibus, & aliis Magnatibus Regni quod essent coram ipso Domino Rege & Concilio suo apud Westmon̄ in Crastino Sanctae Tri­nitat, proximo sequent ad tractand & ordinand de auxilio Regis faciendo ad Miliciam praedictam & ad Consen­ciend hiis quae ulterius Ordinarentur in hac parte vel quod procuratores aut attornatos suos sufficienter instructos [Page 173] ad premissa loco eorum facienda mit­terent tunc ibidem.

Ac etiam praeceptum fuisset singulis Uicecomitibus Angliae quod eorum quilibet venire faceret de Cam̄ suo ad praefatos diem & locum duos Mili­tes & de qualibet Civitate Ballivae suae duos Cives, & de quolibet Burgo ejusdem Ballivae suae duos Burgenses, &c. ad tractand ordinand & consentind sicut praedictum est.

Uenerunt personaliter coram Rege & Consilio suo apud Westm̄ ad diem Not [...]. illum Antonius Bek Patriarcha Jerosa­lomitanus Episcopus Dunolm W. de Langeton Coventr̄ & Lich. Radus de Baldok London Episcopi, H. de Lacy Comes Linc̄ J. de Warrenna Comes Surr̄ R. de Monte Hermer. Comes Gloucestr̄ & Hertf. H. de Boun Comes Hereford G. de Bello Campo Comes Warr̄ Robertus filius Walteri Hugo le Despenser Johannes de Hastinges Hugo de Veer Willielms Martyn, Henr̄ le Tyeys, Johannes Lovell, Rogerus de Mortuomari, Johannes de Mohun, Ala­nus la Zouche, Will's de Leyburn, & Bar. quinque Port [...]m. Robertus de Burghersh, Custos Quin­que Portuum cum quibusdam Baroni­bus Portuum eorundem.

[Page 174] Ac etiam per Procuratores & Attor­natos Robertus Cantuar̄ & Will's Eborum Archiepiscopi Thom̄ Exon̄ Richardus Hereford, Johannes Wynton, Johannes Cicestr̄, Thom̄ Roffen̄, Ro­bertas Elyen, Johannes Norwycen, Johannes Lincoln̄, Simon Sarum, Will's Wygorn̄, Walterus Bathon, & Wellen, & Johannes Karliol Episcopi Abbates Westmon̄, Sancti Edmundi, Sancti Au­gustini Cantuar̄, Sancti Albani, Glastonie, Burḡ Sancti Petri Rammeseye, Thor­neye, Seleby & Malmesbury, Sancti Petri Gloucestr̄, Rogerus Comes Norff. & Mars [...]. Angliae Thom̄ Comes Lancastr̄, Edmundus Comes Arundell, & quam plures alii Praelati Magnates, & Pro­ceres Regui [...]ecnon de quolibet Co­mitatu Regni ejusdem duo Milites & de qualibet Civitate duo Cives & de quo­libet Burgo duo Burgenses electi per Communitates Comitatuum Civita­tuum & Burgorum eorundem ad prae­missa loco Communitatū eorundem tractand ordinand & conscenciend simi­liter Nota. venerunt.

[Page 175] Quibus praedictis omnibus Congre­gatis coram consilio Regis praedicto Not the Con­cilium here meant, was all the great Offi­cers of State, the Judges and others the Kings learned Council in Parliament. ipsisque ostenso per idem Consilium er parte Regis quod de jure Coronae Regiae auxilium Domino Regni fieri debuit in casu praedicto Ac etiam quod expense multiplices & alia quam plura onera eidem Domino Regi Incumbent ad rebellionem & maliciam Roberti de Brus proditoris ipsius Domini Regis & sibi in Partibus Scotiae adherentium qui adversus ipsum Regem jam in illis partibus guerram movere praesumpse­runt reprimendas.

Jidem Prelati Comites, Barones, & Nota, in the ensuing Re­cord the Mili­tes Commita­tuum, and Ba­rones Quinque Porcuum are comprehend­ed under the words Magna­tes Regni. alii Magnates, necnon Milites Comita­tuum tractatum super hoc cum delibe­ratione habentes considerantésque auri­lium deberi ut praedictum est & quam plura onera Regi incumbere propter guerram praedictam tandem unanimi­ter Domino Regi concesserunt pro se & tota Communitate Regni tricesimam partem omnium bonorum suorum tem­poralium mobilium quae ipsos habere continget in Festo Sancti Michaelis pror, futu [...] habendam pro auxilio eidem Domino Regi competente ad Milici­am filit sui praedicti ac etiam in Auxilium Misarum quas ipse est facturus circa [Page 176] guerram praedictam Jta tamen quod ista concessio ipsius vel eorum successoribus aut haeredibus futuris temporibus Nulla­tenus cedat in praejudicium, nec in casu hm̄oi trahatur in exemplum Et quod in tarando bona praedicta excipiantur omnia que in taxatione Qnintedecime a Communitate Regni Domino R. anno Regni sui xviiij concesse propter exili­um Judeorum fuerunt excepta.

Cives quidem & Burgenses Civitatum ac Burgorum prdictorum ac caeteri de Dominicis Reg. congregati & super premissis tractatum habentes conside­rantesque onera Domino R. incum­ [...]cntia ut praemittitur cidem Domino Regi unanimiter concesterunt ob cau­sas supradictas vicesimam partem bono. rum suorum mobilium habend ut prae­dictum est.

Memorandum quod ad Crastinum Inter Comm [...]ia Brevia ae Ter­mino S. Micha­elis Anno 34 E. 1. penes Reme­morator. Domi­ni Thesaurarii in Scacca [...]io. Nota, in the former Record Praelati, Comites, Barones, & alii Mag­nates, neonon Milites. Commitat [...]um granted a joint aid to the King, and here it is said, that the Praelati & c [...]teri Magnates Regni gave it, so as the Knights of the Counties, and Barons of the Cinque Ports are comprehe [...]ded under the name Mag [...]ate [...]. Sanctae Trinitatis prox. praeteritum Praelati & caeteri Magnates Regni pro se & tota Communitate ejusdem Regni concesserunt Domino Regi Tricesi­mam [Page 177] bonorum suorum omnium tem­poralium extra Civitates Burgos & Dominica Domini Regis, & Cives, & Burgenses, & Tenentes Dominico­rum praedi [...]orum vicesimam bonorum suorum tam ad militiam Edwardi filii Regis praedicti quam ad subsidium de­fensionis terrae Scotiae contra Rober­tum de Brus & ipsius Complites ini­micos Regis, &c. Et forma conce [...]io­nis supradictae plenius annotatur in memorandis Anni praecedentis Termi­no Trin̄ Et subseripti venientes modo hic concesserunt satisfacere Regi pro Tricesima & Uicesima praedictis ipsos contingentibus ut patet subsequen­ter.

Communia de Termino Penes Rememo­rator. Domini Regis in Scacc'. Sancti Hillarii Anno xvii E. 3.

PRior de Coventr̄ attachiatus fuit Warr. de Pri­ore de Coventr. attach. pro transgressione. Vide pa. 34. ad rendend Domino Regi de servicio [...]cto feodorum militum per ipsum Priorem & Praedecessores suos Regi & Progenitoribus suis ab Anno 29. Domini Regis H. Proavi ipsius Regis nunc substracto & concelato Et ipse Prior per Henricum de Stretford Attorn̄ suum venit. Et super hoc quia Barones plene volunt informari pro Rege per Rotulos & Memoranda Sacc̄ii de quibusdam negotium prae­dictum tangentibus antequam &c. Datus est dies eidem Priori hic ex assensu Willielmi de Thorpe servientis Regis a die Pasche in quindecim dies eo statu, &c. Ad quem diem Prior venit Et quia nondum plene scrutinium, &c. Datus est dies eidem Priori ex prae­fixione [Page 179] Cur̄ in Octabas Sanctae Trini­tatis eo statu, &c. Et interim facto scrutinio Rotulorum &c. Compertum est in Rotulo 29. Regis Henrici Tertii sub titulo De Auxilio ad primogeni­tam filiam Regis maritandam videlicet de quolibet scuto xx s. contineri sic Prior de Coventr̄ reddit compotum de decem libris de decem feodis de quibus quidem decem libris Willielmus Trussell Uicecomes dicti Comitatus in Compota suo de Anno 32. ipsius Regis Henrici oneratus fuit inter alia debita quae debebat in fine ejusdem Compoti sicut continetur in magno Rotulo de eodem Anno 32. & in rotulo 31. ejusdem Re­gis Henrici compertum est etiam in quodam Rotulo Compotorum titulato Auxilium Episcoporum Abbatum Prio­rum concessum ad sororem Regis Hen­rici maritandam Fredirico Imperatori videlicet de quolibet scuto duas marcas contineri in hunc modum Prior de Coventr̄ reddit compotum de viginti marcis de eodem. In Thesaurario octo marcas Et debet duodecim marcas de quibus respondet in Warr̄ in Ro­tulo 34. Et in eodem rotulo 34. requi­rebantur de ipso Priore quindecim marcae de auxilio ad transfretationem [Page 180] Regis in Vasconiam & duodecim mar­cae de auxilio ad sororem Regis mari­tand. De quibus quidem duobus debitis Idem Prior postmodum Regi satisfecit sicut continetur in rotulis annalibus de annis 36. 39. & 40. dicti Regis Henrici Tertii. Item compet­tum est in rotulo de servicio Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici Summo­ni [...] apud Rothelan die dominica in crastino Sancti Petri ad vincula Anno Regni sui decimo contra Lewelinum filfum Griffini & David fratrem ejus & alios Walenses quod Prior de Co­ventr̄ recogn̄ servicium duorum feo­dorum Militum pro quo finem fecit Et in rotulo de finibus factis pro ser­viciis Scotiae Anno ejusdem Regis Edwardi tricesimo primo annotatur quod Prior & Conventus de Coventr̄ recognoverunt servicium duorum feo­dorum militum & finem fccerunt per quadraginta libras Et in Rotulo de finibus pro serviciis Scociae Anno 34. ejusdem Regis Edwardi filii Regis continetur quod Prior de Coventr̄ per fratrem Johannem Holeweye Commo­nachum & Attornatum suum recogno­vit servicium duorum feodorum Mi­litum & finem fecit pro eodem per [Page 181] quadraginta marcas. Et inter fines factos in Scaccario coram tenente locum. Thesaurarii & Baronibus pro serviciis Regi debitis in exercitu Sco­ciae Anno Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi septimo videlicet pro servicio unius feodi viginti marcas continetur quod Willielmus Herle & Robertus de Leicestr̄ finem fecerunt cum Rege pro Priore de Coventr̄ pro servicio duorum feodorum militum per quadraginta marcas. Et praedictus Prior ad prae­dictas octabas Trinitatis venit ut prius per Attornatum suum praedictum Et Willelmus de Thorp, & Johannes de Stoford Servientes Regis veniunt pro Rege. Et super hoc expositis prae­sato Priori hiis quae per scrutinium Rotusorum inveniuntur ut supra & per ipsum Priorem auditis & intellectis isdem servientes Regis petunt quod idem Prior super hoc respondeat, &c.

Et praedictus Prior dicit quod ipse & [...] [...] praedecessores sui tenuerunt [...]mnia ter­ras & tenementa sua tam videlicet ea quae habet in dominico quam in servicio per servicium duorum feodorum mili­tum tantum. Et quod Dominus Rex seu Progenitores sin de aliquibus aliis serviciis per ipsum Priorem seu [Page 182] Praedecessores suos nunquam seisiti fue­runt per finem feu servicium per cor­pora hominum factum quod liquere poterit per Memoranda hujus Scac­carii si fiat inde scrutinium, &c. Et quoad hoc quod compertum est hic in rotulis, &c. Quod tempore dicti Regis Henrici tertii computatum fuit de cer­tis pecuniae summis de auxiliis eidem Regi Henrico ad filium suum Militem faciendum & sororem suam maritan­dam concessis. Hoc ei non praejudi­cat in hac parte. Dicit enim quod Auxilia illa non fuerunt nec censeri possunt esse servicia immo quaedam subsidia per Magnates & Communitatem Regni spontanea & mera voluntate Regi concessa & tam de tenentibus alio­rum quam de tenentibus de Domino Rege in Capite levanda quo praetextu dictus compotus de auxiliis praedictis fuit tam pro feodis tenentium tunc Prioris loci praedicti quam pro feodis ipsius Prioris propriis, quod idem Prior dicit posse liquere Curiae per Certificationem tunc Prioris loci prae­dicti tunc Baronibus de Scaccario de mandato Regis Henrici factam de feodis quae ipse tunc Prior tenuit de veteri feoffamento & de novo super [Page 183] quo certificatum fuit quod feoda quae dictus tunc Prior tenuit in Dominico & feoda quae tenentes sui de ipso tenu­erunt fuerunt in toto decem feoda, &c. Et petit judicium desicut ipse tenet omnia terras & tenementa sua per ser­vicium duorum feodor̄ Militum tan­tum, nec sit compertum hic penes Scaccarium quod Dominus Rex seu Progenitores sui de aliquibus aliis seu plutibus serviciis per manus dicti Pri­oris seu Predecessorum suorum unquam seisiti fuerunt si ipse de aliquo feodo seu hujusmodi servicio concelato impetiri seu calumpnari debet in hac parte. Et super hoc quia dicti servientes Regis volunt super responso suo deli­berare, &c. datus est dies eidem Pri­ori hic in octabas Santi Hillarii ea statu, &c. Ad quem diem praedictus Prior venit & ob eandem causam qua prius datus est ei dies ulterior hic a die Pasche in quindecim dies eodem statu quo prius. Ad quem diem idem Prior venit & ob dictam causam adjor­natur ulterius usque quindenam Sanctae Trinitatis eo statu, &c. ad quem diem ven̄ & datus est ei dies ulterius usque octabas Sancti Michaelis anno viz. decimo nono Regis hujus ea [Page 184] [...]



This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.