HISTORY Of the CATHOLICK CHURCH, From the Year 600 untill the Year 1600.



With many other profitable Instructions. Gathered out of divers WRITERS of the several times, and other HISTORIES, BY ALEXANDER PETRIE, Minister of the Scots Congregation at Rotterdam.

Psalm III.

What we have heard and known, and our Fathers have told us, we will not hide them from their Children: shewing unto the Generation to come, the praise of the Lord, and his strength, and his wonderfull Works that he hath done.

Cyprian de zelo & livore:

Evill shall be eschued the more readily, if the beginning and greatness of it be known.

Origen contra Celsum, Lib. 3.

As he is deemed to have made progress in Philosophy, who being ac­quainted with the disputes of different opinions, hath chosen the best reasons among them: So I am bold to say, that he is the wisest among Christians, who hath most diligently considered the several Sects of Jews and Christians.



Count of Nassaw, Catzenelbogen, Vianden, Dietz, Lingen, Moeurs, Bueren, Leerdam, &c. Marquess of ter Vere and Vlissingen; Lord and Baron of Breda; of the City of the Grave and Land of Kuyck, Diest, Grimbergen, Herstall, Kranendonck, Warneston, Arlay, Noseroy, S. Vijt, Doesbourg, Polanen, Willemstadt, Niewart, Ysselstein, S. Martensdijck, Geertruy­denberg, Chasteau-regnard, the High and Lower Swaluw, Naeld­wijck, &c. Vicount Hereditary of Antwerp and Besançon, &c. Marshal Hereditary of Holland, &c.

I Will honour them that honour me, saith the LORD. But who can tell what shall be done unto them whom the Lord will honour? Certainly, those do honour him, who serve him religiously. They who are careless of Religion, do pretend that they cannot serve God, because there be so many Religions, and they cannot know which is the right. But if they were unfeignedly desirous to know, they might be resolved; since our Lord, who is gracious, mercifull, and abundant in goodness and truth, leaves us not in the mist or unto uncertainties; but at several times, and in divers waies, hath spoken unto the Fa­thers by the Prophets; and in the last daies hath spoken unto us by his Son, and hath commanded all men to [Page] hear Him: He is the Way, the Verity and the Life; none comes unto the Father but by Him. On which words Chrysostom writes thus; It is as if our Saviour had said, I am the Way; that is, By me ye shall come: The Verity, because assuredly those things shall be which I have pro­mised; neither is any lie in me: And the Life, because Death cannot hinder you from me: And since I am the Way, ye need not another Guide: Since I am Truth, I speak no false thing: Since I am Life, although ye shall die, ye shall injoy what I have promised. And Cyrill. Alexandr. on the same words saith; By three things we shall come into these Heavenly mansions; by the action of true verity, by right faith, and the hope of eternal life: of all which, none is the giver, none is the fountain, nor is any the cause, but our Lord Jesus Christ; for he hath given commandments above the Law; he hath shewed us the Way: And he is also the Truth; that is, the true streightness and determination, the uprightest rule, and the best square of faith: And he is also the Life; for none but he can restore unto us that life, which we hope shall be in holiness and blessedness without perishing: He cer­tainly shall raise us up, though we die, from that curse for sin, and bring us into Heaven; therefore all excellent things come, and shall be unto us, through him. But those Worldlings say, The Word of Christ is large, and so ma­ny things are in it, that we cannot search them. Never­theless He directs all men to search the Scriptures; and the Evangelist teacheth, that those are written that we might beleeve that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God; and that beleeving, we might have life through his name. Yea in that written Word he hath certain rules and notes, [Page] whereby the true Religion may be known. Certainly, that is the most true Religion, which ascribes most glory unto God, and most transcends the natural reason of men, and most elevates the hearts and affections of men to­wards God and Heaven. By application of those un­doubted and unquestionable principles, each one may understand, that among all Religions the Reformed is the only true Religion; for not only our Profession in the ge­neral, but all the branches of our Doctrine, are grounded on God's written Word; and tend unto God's glory, tran­scend our natural reason, and lead men to think continu­ally of God, and to hope for blessedness in Heaven by Christ alone. And amongst those who profess this Reli­gion, they are most devoted unto God, and most constant in their profession; who aim most at God's glory; who are most acted by supernatural principles; who do most think of God, and whose hope of felicity in Heaven is most active: And such as seek but their own or other mens interests, or be led by political or human reasons mainly, are the wavering Professors. On the other side, all other Religions, though they pretend the glory of God, they are not truly grounded on God's Word; but are underpropped with natural reason, and tend to earth­ly mindedness; as appears by induction of the particu­lars wherein they differ from us; some aiming at the ad­vancement of mens abilities, and others at worldly ho­nour and gain. This is clear in the Romish Religion; for what else is the advancing of man's ability without or with a little help of God? their Justification by works? their Deifying of the Pope above all that is called God? their equalling of Mens Traditions and Decrees with the [Page] Sacred Scriptures? What else is their Mass, their fancy of Purgatory, &c? Here it is remarkable what is written by their Jesuit Cardinal Bellarmin, de Indulg. Lib. 1. Cap. 12. Sect. Rationes; We see (saith he) that the amplest Indul­gences are given for a very slight cause; as, when plena­ry Indulgence is given unto all who stand before the Door of St. Peter's Church, and the Pope blesseth all the people solemnly. And Sect. Observandum, he saith, That standing before St. Peter's Porch is a very light and slight cause, if it be considered absolutely in it self; and never­theless it is a weighty and just cause, because that fre­quency of the people, at that time, is a fit and usefull means of protesting their Faith concerning the Head of the Church, and it serves for the honour of the Aposto­lical See; which [honour] is the end of that Indulgence. So he. The Pope then and the People do aid one another mutually; for the People confirms the Supremacy of the Pope by their presence, and receiving that Indulgence; and He, by dispensing his Indulgence so liberally, con­firms the People in their Superstition and Pharasaical opinion of Works. But what is there for the glory of God or promoting Piety? They are wont to object se­veral pretences of their Religion, which may be reduced into ten. 1. The stateliness of their Churches, in com­parison of the emptiness and baseness of others. 2. Their Unnion and Harmony when others fall into Shivers. 3. Their Antiquity, and others are but of Yesterday. 4. They press us to acknowledge, that the Church of Rome was once true: And then they infer; therefore they are the true Church as yet, since the true Church cannot perish, nor be changed in the Essentials. 5. They [Page] call for the time, place and persons, when, where, and by whom the change came. 6. Where did our Church lurk so long? 7. The Authours of the Reformation had no Commission to attempt it. 8. They vaunt of their suc­cession without interruption. 9. They glory of the sub­stance of Religion, which cannot be deemed to be still with them. 10. They bewitch the people with ambiti­ous ostentation of innumerable Friers; who, amongst them, have renounced the World, that they may at­tain Eternal Life. All these pretences are clearly refuted by Io. Calvin. Lib. de Scandalis; and after him by Io. Cameron, Lib. de Rom. Ecclesiae praejudiciis, in a direct and dogmatical way; but they are (as it were) sensibly demonstrated to be but idle words, by Histories, where we see them all confuted; not only by such as did separate or were cast out of the Roman Church; but even by such as lived and died in it, without any separation, except in judge­ment. The Papists cannot deny, but plainly confess, that their Church was corrupt, both in the pretended Head and Members, in respect of Manners, so that a Reformation was necessary; but they deny the corru­ption in Faith or Doctrine: And they say, Though the Popes were wicked men, yet they wanted not their power of Jurisdiction, and of dispensing the sacred My­steries. Unto the first part the Apostle saith; When some have put away a good Conscience, they make ship­wrack concerning the Faith. On these words Chrysostom saith; That is truly said; for where the Life is rebukable, such Doctrine must needs follow; and so ye may see ve­ry many to have fallen into the Pit of Miseries, and to have returned into Heathenish Rites; for lest they be [Page] tormented with the fear of evils to come, they indea­vour every way to perswade themselves, that all things are false which our Religion teaches; and so they turn from the Faith. Accordingly the Histories shew, that some Popes have denied the Immortality of the Soul, and have called the Gospel of Christ, a Fable. As for the Pope's Jurisdiction, it was not so from the beginning as it is now, neither Ecclesiastical nor Civil; for other Bi­shops had power, within their own Diocies, without dependance upon the See of Rome; as the Bishops of Millan, of Ravenna and others, in Italy; and the Bishops of other Nations: And Pope Gregory the I. (as others before him) did acknowledge the Emperour as his Lord, and himself his Servant; afterwards the Pope did salute the Emperour as his Son; and by degrees they made the Emperours their Vassals, Servants and Lacqueys: So that if Peter and Paul were alive on Earth, they would certainly deny the Popes to be their Successours; be­cause they differ (besides many other Articles of the Faith) so far in the point of subjection; or rather, exal­ting themselves above all that is called God; yea cer­tainly, they would call the Pope the Antichrist, accord­ing to what they have written in 2 Thess. 2. and 2 Pet. 2. The Romanists say, That in this point they have ad­vantage against us; because the Antients have written, that Antichrist must be one Person, of the Tribe of Dan, sit in Jerusalem, &c. Truly it is no marvel, that in the primitive times the most learned were mistaken (I ex­cept the Apostles) concerning the Antichrist; since the prophecies could not be throughly understood, before they were in some good measure accomplished. But if [Page] we inquire the judgement of the learned and prudent men, in the middle times, concerning the Antichrist, and generally of the corruption of the Church, we may receive more sure information; and certainly those are the best Witnesses of what was done in their daies. A good number of their Testimonies, in all ranks, I have compiled, for this end, in this Book, which is humbly presented unto Your HIGHNES; first trusting that under Your Patronage others may the more willingly look up­on it, and be informed in the Truth; and then, with con­fidence, it shall be graciously accepted; because ‘Saepè Tibi Deus hic, saepe legentur Avi;’ with the same travel of reading in Your tender years, Your HIGHNES may learn, both the condition of God's Church in former times, and the lives of Your Glorious Ancestours, Emperours and Kings, of whom You have Your Illustrious Descent; and so from them You may know how to serve God, and how to deport Your Self in all the daies of Your Pilgrimage, that You may be glo­rious in Heaven, and the following Ages may have Your example, outvying and outstripping (if possible) all the Williams, Charlses, Henries, Jameses, Adolphs and others in Christian Prudence, Righteousness, Prowess and Temperance. So prayeth

Your HIGHNESSES Most humble And obedient ServantALEX. PETRIE.

Shewing some Texts of Scripture that are now controverted, and how they were expounded in former times.

For understanding these Tables, it is to be noted, that because the Book is divided into two parts, in respect of numbring the pages; therefore in the Tables the letterS signifieth the second part, and the number following directs unto the second part; and where S is not, the number directs unto the first part. Likewise, as if every page were divided into three parts; the letter b poin­teth at the beginning or first part of the page; the letter m at the middle or second part or there­by; and the letter e at the end or third part. In this first Table the letter p stands between the numbers of the verse and of the page.

  • LI, 17. p. 100.
  • LXII. 12. p. 27. e
  • CXX. 3. p. 102. m

  • XI. 17. p. 473. e

  • XII. 46. p. 212. e
  • XVI. 18. p. 97. m,
    • & 157. m,
    • & 172. e,
    • & 211. m,
    • & 212. e,
    • & 293. e,
    • & 244. e,
    • & 317. e,
    • & 331. m,
    • & 435. e,
    • & 488. b.
    • & 576. m,
    • & S. 291. e,
  • XVI. 19. p. 213. b
    • & 543. e
  • XXIII. 37. p. 370. m
  • XXIV. 24. p. 28. e
  • XXVI. 39. p. 349. m

  • I. 28. 35. p. 174. m
  • XVI. 31. p. 213. m
  • XXII. 19. p. 98. e
    • 31. p. 475. b
    • 32. p. 543. e
    • 38. p. 347. m

  • I. 16. p. 27. e
    • 17. p. 213. m
  • III. 13. p. 213. e
    • & 223. m
    • S. 306. m
  • VI. 35. p. 214. b
    • 53. p. 102. m
    • 55, 56. p. 175. m
    • 63. p. 214. m
  • X. 1, 2, 3. p. 214. m
    • & 223. e
    • 10 & 28. p. 175. m
  • XIV. 27. p. 339. m.
  • XV. 6. p. 96. e
    • 16. p. 98. m
  • XX. 23. p. 333. m
    • 268. m

  • III. 27. p. 215. m
  • V. 12. p. 171, b
  • VI. 23. p. 215. m
  • VIII. 30, 31. p. 98. m
  • IX. 15. 18. p. 171. & 21.
    • p. 292. e
  • XI. 6, 7. p. 215. e
  • XIII. 1. p. 215. e
  • XIV. 23. S. 127. e
  • XV. 4. p. 172. m
  • XVI. 17. p. 215. m

1 Cor.
  • I. 29. p. 172. m
  • III. 12, 13. p. 29. e
    • & 102. b
  • IV. 7. p. 294. b
    • 295. m
  • V. 2. p. 286.
  • X. 16. p. 168. m
  • XV. 10. p. 28. e

2 Cor.
  • IV. 7. p. 215. e

  • II. 8. p. 215. e
  • VI. 14. p. 172. e

  • I. 4. p. 218. b
    • & 488. m
    • 11. p. 28. b
    • 19. p. 216. b
  • II. 8. p. 216. m
    • 20. p. 172. e
  • V. 27. p. 173. b
  • VI. 17. p. 173. b

  • II. 8, 9. p. 299. b
    • 13. p. 173. m
    • & 218. e
  • III. 17. p. 173. m

2 Thess.
  • II. 3, 4. p. 167. e
    • & 216. e
    • & 510. m

1 Tim.
  • II. 4. p. 157. e
    • & 161. b
    • & 173. m
  • III. 15. p. 173. e

  • 2 Tim.
  • I. 3. p. 174. b
  • II. 19. p. 174. b
  • III. 17. p. 217. m
    • & 435. e
  • IV. 3. p. 497. m

  • IX. 28. p. 217. m.
  • X. 10. p. 134. e
    • & 294. m
    • 11, 12. p. 217. e
  • XI. 40. p. 32. m

  • III. 2. p. 131. e
  • V. 14. 16. p. 95. m
    • & 260. b

1 Pet.
  • IV. 11. p. 96. b

1 Joh.
  • II. 2. p. 97. e

  • I. 4. p. 176. m
  • III. 12. p. 176. m
  • VIII. 3. p. 176, 177.
  • IX. 2. 4. p. 177. m. e
  • XIII. 8. p. 139. e
  • XVII. 3. 6. p. 478. b
  • XIX. 10. 17. p. 177, 178.
  • XXII. 17. p. 211. 212.


Here the number of pages is not added, because they may be easily seen in their own Centuries.

In Century VII.

  • Phocas.
  • Heraclius.
  • Constantine III.
  • Heracleonas.
  • Constans II.
  • Justinian II.
  • Leontius.
  • Tiberius Absimarus.
  • Gregory I.
  • Sabinian.
  • Boniface III.
  • Boniface IV.
  • Deusdedit▪
  • Boniface V.
  • Honorius I.
  • Severin.
  • John IV.
  • Theodorus.
  • Martin I.
  • Eugenius I.
  • Vitalian.
  • Adeodatus.
  • Donus.
  • Agatho.
  • Leo II.
  • Benedict II.
  • John V.
  • Conon.
  • Sensius I.

In Century VIII.

  • Philip Bardanes.
  • Anastasius II.
  • Theodosius III.
  • Leo III.
  • Constantine V. Copronimus.
  • Leo IV.
  • Constantine VI. & Irene.
  • John VI.
  • John VII.
  • Sisinnius.
  • Constantine I.
  • Gregory II.
  • Gregory III.
  • Zacharias.
  • Stephen II.
  • Paul I.
  • Constantine II.
  • Stephen III.
  • Hadrian I.

In Century IX.

  • Charls I. the Great.
  • Lewis I. the Godly.
  • Lotharius I.
  • Lewis II.
  • Charls II. the Bald.
  • Lewis III. the Stutterer.
  • Charls III. the Gross.
  • Arnolph.
  • Leo III,
  • Stephen IV.
  • Paschalis I.
  • Eugenius II.
  • Valentine.
  • Gregory IV.
  • Sergius II.
  • Leo IV.
  • Jone VIII. the Woman.
  • Benedict III.
  • Nicolaus I.
  • Hadrian II.
  • John IX.
  • Martin II.
  • Hadrian III.
  • Stephen V.
  • Formosus.

In Century X.

  • Lewis IV.
  • Conrad I.
  • Henry I. of Saxony.
  • Otho I. of Saxony.
  • Otho II. of Saxony.
  • Otho III. of Saxony.
  • Boniface VI.
  • Stephen VI.
  • Roman.
  • Theodorus II.
  • John X.
  • Benedict IV.
  • Leo V.
  • Christophor.
  • Sergius III.
  • Anastasius III.
  • Lando.
  • John XI.
  • Leo VI.
  • Stephen VII.
  • John XII.
  • Leo VII.
  • Stephen VIII.
  • Martin III.
  • Agaper II.
  • John XIII.
  • Benedict V.
  • Leo VIII.
  • John XIV.
  • Benedict VI.
  • Donus II.
  • Boniface VII.
  • John XV.
  • Benedict VII.
  • John XVI.
  • John XVII.
  • Gregory V. and John XVIII.

In Century XI.

  • Henry II. Duke of Bavier.
  • Conrad II. D. of Suevia.
  • Henry II. D. of Suevia.
  • Henry IV. D. of Suevia.
  • Silvester II.
  • John XIX.
  • John XX.
  • Sergius IV.
  • Benedict VIII.
  • John XXI.
  • Benedictus IX.
  • Silvester III.
  • Gregory VI.
  • Clemens II.
  • Damasus II.
  • Leo IX.
  • Victor II.
  • Stephen IX.
  • Benedict X.
  • Nicolaus II.
  • [Page] Alexander II.
  • Gregory VII.
  • Clemens III.
  • Victor III.

In Century XII.

  • Henry V. Duke of Suevia.
  • Lotharius II. D. of Saxon.
  • Conrad III. D. of Suevia.
  • Frederick Barbarossa.
  • Henry VI. D. of Suevia.
  • Paschalis II.
  • Gelasius II.
  • Gregory VIII.
  • Callistus II.
  • Celestine II.
  • Honorius II.
  • Innocentius II.
  • Anacletus II.
  • Celestine III.
  • Lucius II.
  • Eugenius III.
  • Anastasius IV.
  • Hadrian IV.
  • Victor IV.
  • Alexander III.
  • Paschalis III.
  • Lucius III.
  • Urban III.
  • Gregory (IX. and called) VIII.
  • Clemens III.
  • Celestine IV.

In Century XIII.

  • Innocentius III.
  • Honorius III.
  • Gregory IX.
  • Celestine IV.
  • Innocentius IV.
  • Alexander IV.
  • Urban IV.
  • Clemens IV.
  • Gregory X.
  • Innocentius V.
  • Hadrian V.
  • John XXII.
  • Nicolaus III.
  • Martin IV.
  • Honorius IV.
  • Nicolaus IV.
  • Celestine V.
  • Boniface VIII.
  • Philip II. Duke of Suevia.
  • Otho IV. D. of Saxon.
  • Frederick II. D. of Suevia.
  • Conrad IV. D. of Suevia.
  • William Earl of Flanders.
  • Rodolph Count of Habsburg.
  • Adolph Count of Nassaw.

In Century XIV.

  • Benedict XI.
  • Clemens V.
  • John XXIII.
  • Benedict XII.
  • Clemens VI.
  • Innocentius VI.
  • Urban V.
  • Gregory XI.
  • Urban VI.
  • Clemens VII.
  • Boniface IX.
  • Benedict XIII.
  • Albert I. Duke of Austria.
  • Henry VII. of Lutzelburg.
  • Lewis V. D. of Bavier.
  • Frederick D. of Austria.
  • Charls IV. King of Bohemia.
  • Wenceslaus King of Bohemia.

In Century XV.

  • Innocentius VII.
  • Gregory XII.
  • Alexander V.
  • John XXIV.
  • Martin V.
  • Eugenius IV.
  • Felix V.
  • Nicolaus V.
  • Callistus III.
  • Pius II.
  • Paul II.
  • Sixtus IV.
  • Innocentius VIII.
  • Alexander VI.
  • Robert Count Palatine.
  • Sigismund King of Hungary.
  • Albert II. D. of Austria.
  • Frederick III. D. of Austria,

In Century XVI.

  • Pius III.
  • Julius II.
  • Leo X.
  • Hadrian VI.
  • Clemens VII.
  • Paul III.
  • Julius III.
  • Marcellus II.
  • Paul IV.
  • Pius IV.
  • Pius V.
  • Gregory XIII.
  • Sixtus V.
  • Urban VII.
  • Gregory XIV.
  • Innocentius IX.
  • Maximilian I. of Austria.
  • Charls V. King of Spain.
  • Ferdinand I. D. of Austria.
  • Maximilian II.
  • Rodolph II.

Of the Witnesses of the Truth, and of Writers or Books that are quoted.

In this Table note, where any Name hath not a number of the page, it is often quoted.

  • ABbas Vesperg. 427
  • Adelbert. m 100
  • Agrestin. 50
  • Abraham Scultetus.
  • Agobard Bishop of Lions. 131
  • Aidan. 60
  • Albin or Alcuin. 100
  • Alexander Seton. S 170
  • Alvarus Pelagius. 481
  • Albert Crantz.
  • Amularius Fortunatus. 92
  • Alexander a Benedictine. 441
  • Andreas de Castro. e 478
  • Andrew B. of Carnia. 550
  • Andrew Proles. S 7
  • Andrew Rivet.
  • Ambrose Bishop of Millan.
  • Ambrose Ambert. 211
  • Antonin B. Florentin.
  • Antonius B. of Dirrachum. 32
  • Antonius de Rosellis. 549
  • Antonius Spalatens.
  • Angelom B. of Luxovia. 132
  • Anselm B. of Canterbury. 293
  • Aponius. 89
  • Arnulp B. of Lions 329
  • Arnulph B. of Orleans. 229
  • Arnold de Villanova. 471
  • Athanasius.
  • Augustin B. of Hippo.
  • Augustine B of Canterbury.
  • Barlaam a Greek Monk 484
  • Basilius Magnus.
  • Barthol. Gravius. m 368
  • Beda.
  • Benno Card. Ostiensis.
  • Berengarius. 254
  • Bibliotheca Patrum de la Bigne.
  • Bernard Claravall.
  • Bernard Cluniacens. 358
  • Bernard Lublinens. S 8
  • Berno Augiensis. 253
  • Bertram at Corbey. 181
  • Boniface B. of Mentz. 99
  • Brigitta or Brigida. 497
  • Brutum Fulmen.
  • Catholick Traditions.
  • Catharine of Sena. 480
  • Claudius Taurinens. 130
  • Clemens B. of Rome. e 13
  • Catalogus testium veritatis.
  • Colman. 58
  • Colman another. 60
  • Columba. 58
  • Columban. 60
  • Conrad Hager. 476
  • Cornel. Agrippa.
  • Conrad à Lichtenaw.
  • Cyprian Carthaginens.
  • Cyrill Alexandrin.
  • Cumin Ventura.
  • Dantes Aligerius a Florent. 473
  • David Chytneus.
  • Desiderius Erasmus.
  • Diether B. of Mentz. 544
  • Dinoth a Britain Abbot.56
  • Dionysius Petavius.
  • Dominicus B. of Brixia. 547
  • Dominicus Calderin. 549
  • Dominicus de Pisis. 553
  • Durand. Mimatens. 470
  • Everhard B. of Salzburg. 431
  • Edmond Rich Bihop of Can­terbury. 381
  • Edward Didoclavius, aliàs David Calderwood.
  • Elias Rubeus. 438
  • Engelin B. of Brunswick. 547
  • Epiphanius.
  • Ernestus B. of Magdeburg. S 16
  • Eudo Duke of Burgundy. 478
  • Eusebius.
  • Flacius Illyricus.
  • Florus of Lions. 163
  • Fluentius B. of Florence. 329
  • Francis Junius.
  • Francis Mason.
  • Francis Petrarcha. 476
  • Francis Zabarella 529
  • Frederick Canirm. S 73
  • French Commentaries.
  • Frossardus.
  • Fulbert Carnotens. 253
  • George Cassander.
  • George Buchanan.
  • Geo. Pogiobratz K. of Bohem. 546
  • George Trapezuntius.
  • George Abbot.
  • George Calixt.
  • George Schouborn.
  • George Wishart. S 182
  • German B [...]hop of Constanti­nople. 430
  • Gerhard Laureacens. 222
  • Gildas Presbyter Britannus. 56 & 283
  • Gisilbert. 227
  • Gotteschalk. 157. 167
  • Gratian.
  • Gregory de Arimino. 478
  • Gregory Heimburg. 547
  • Gregory Nazianzen.
  • Gregory Nissen.
  • Guicciardin.
  • Gunther B. of Colein. 155
  • Hayabal. 478
  • Haymo B. of Halberstad. 174
  • Hector Boetius.
  • Sir Henry Spelman.
  • Henry Oraeus.
  • Henry Cranfelder. 540
  • Henry de Jeuta. 481
  • Henry Radgeber. 540
  • Herman Ried. 527
  • Hieronymus of Prague.
  • Hieronym. Savonorola. 552
  • Hieronym. Zanchius.
  • Hincmar B. of Rhemes. 157
  • Hugo de St. Victore. 333
  • Hugo Barchinonens.435
  • Hulderick or S. Ulrik B. of Aus­burg. 154
  • Hulderick Zuinglius. S 64
  • James Almain. S 19
  • James Faber Stapulens. S 18
  • James Resby. 546
  • James de Guitrod. 54 [...]
  • Jacob Triglandius.
  • Jacob Sannazerius.
  • Jacob Thuanus.
  • Jacobell. Misnens. 531
  • Ildesonsus B. of Toledo. 51
  • Iohn Bodin.
  • Iohn Chrysostom.
  • Iohn Damascen Chrysoms. 88
  • Iohn Calvin.
  • Iohn Buridan. 478
  • Iohn Fox.
  • Iohn Eckius.
  • Iohn Duraeus Jesuita.
  • Iohn Hooper B. of Glocester.
  • Iohn Beleth.
  • Iohn Funccius.
  • Iohn Beverlay. 557
  • Iohn B. Gerundens. 51
  • Iohn Goose. 563
  • Iohn Druendo. 540
  • Iohn de Janduno. 475
  • Iohn Brown. 557
  • Iohn Draendorf. 540
  • Iohn Baleus.
  • Iohn Cartehusius. 528
  • Iohn Baconthorp. 495
  • Iohn de Keiserberg in Straws­burg. 545. & S 64
  • [Page] Iohn Oldcastle L. Cobham. 557
  • Iohn Lampadius.
  • Iohn Pappus.
  • Iohn Lindanus.
  • Iohn Scot Aerigena.
  • Iohn Scot Melrosius.
  • Iohn Scot à Duns.
  • Iohn Gochius in Mechlin. 543
  • Iohn Rockensan. 540
  • Iohn Munsiger. 481
  • Iohn Huss. 530
  • Iohn Spotswood.
  • Iohn Nauclerus.
  • Iohn à Lasco. S 155 & 159
  • Iohn Knox.
  • Iohn Sleidan.
  • Iohn Serres.
  • Iohn Semeca.
  • Iohn Lud. Vives. S 29
  • Iohn Oecolampadius. S 64
  • Iohn Creutfer in Strawsb. S 64
  • Iohn B. of Misna. S 57
  • Iohn Ricketalaida. 478
  • Iohn de Rupessa. 479
  • Iohn Picus Mirandula. S 16
  • Iohn Hilten. S 8
  • Iohn B of Sarisbury. 380
  • Iohn Tauler. 478
  • Iohn Peter of Ferraria. 482
  • Iohn Vitoduran. 485
  • Iohn Udal. S 467
  • Iohn Purvey. 504
  • Iohn Wickl [...]ff. 50 [...]
  • Joachim Abbot in Calab. 426
  • Jonas B. of Orleans. 131
  • Joseph Scaliger.
  • Isidor Hispalens. 52
  • Kilian. 61
  • Lambert B. of Tungri. 51
  • Laurence Valla. 541
  • Laurence Redman. 558
  • Letters of Saints and Martyrs.
  • Luithpert B. of Mentz. 156
  • Luitpold B of B [...]mberg. 475
  • Lupus Abb. of Ferraria. 178
  • Lupus Servatus. 179
  • Mamercus B. ef Vienna. 141
  • Maenard Count of Tirolis. 439
  • Michael Cesenas. 475
  • Marsilius Patavinus. 474
  • Mattheus Parisiens.
  • Mathias Hager. 540
  • Mathias Parisiens. 479
  • Martin Meyer. 544
  • Methodius B. of Moravia. 154
  • Militsius a Bohemian. 481
  • Nicephorus.
  • Nicetas Choniates.
  • Nicolaus Beselius.
  • Nicolaus de Biberach. 436
  • Nicolaus Cusan B. of Brixia. 543
  • Nicolaus Hemingius.
  • Nicolaus Orem. 480
  • Nicolaus Lucensis. 530
  • Nicolaus Rus. 552
  • Nigell Vireker. 446
  • Nilus B. of Thessalonica. 483
  • Notbert Praemonstratens. 332
  • Onuphrius.
  • Origenes.
  • Otho Frisingensis.
  • Orthwinus Gratius.
  • Pamelius.
  • Paschas. Ratbert of Corbey. 183
  • Paul Craw. 559
  • Patrick Hamilton. S 169
  • Paul Langius. S 61
  • Paul Scriptor Tubingens. 552
  • Paul Jovius.
  • Paul Sigonius.
  • Paulin B. of Aquileia, 89
  • Peter Card. of Cambrey. 540
  • Peter de Bruis. S 348
  • Peter Alfonso. 330
  • Peter Cluniacens. 347
  • Peter Auratus.
  • Peter Blesensis. 382
  • Peter Drasensis. 531
  • Peter Mexia.
  • Peter Soave.
  • Peter Pain. 5 [...]8
  • Peter Martyr. S 153
  • Peter Thoraw. 540
  • Peter de Vineis. 432
  • Philip Mornay du Plessis.
  • Philip Decius a Lawyer of Mil­lan. S 9
  • Philip Morice. 558
  • Polydor Vergil.
  • Potho of Prumia. 349
  • Platina.
  • Philip Melanthon.
  • Prudentius B. Tricassin. 165
  • Raban Magnentius. 132
  • Radulph of Flaviac. 221
  • Radevic Frisingens. 357
  • Ralph Greenhurst. 558
  • Reinold Peacock B. of Chi­chester. 556
  • Remigius B. of Lions. 170
  • Remigius B. of Auxerre. 182
  • Richard de S. Victore. 382
  • Richard Armacanus. 496
  • Richard White. 556
  • Richard Wich. 558
  • Sir Robert Acton. 557
  • Robert Baronius, Card.
  • Robert Bellarmin, Iesuit.
  • Robert Gross-head B. of Lin­coln. 448
  • Robert Gallus. 473
  • Robert Stephanus.
  • Roderick Sanchio. 449
  • Rodulph Agricola Frising. 552
  • Rufin Aquileiensis.
  • Rupert Tuitiensis. 331
  • Sabellicus.
  • Samson B. of Auxerre. 100
  • Santes Pagnin. 553
  • Sebastian Pirand of Erford. S 8
  • Sedulius Scotus.
  • Seval B. of York. 448
  • Sidonius. 100
  • Sigebert Gemblacens.
  • Sigismund D. of Austria. 547
  • Silvester a Dominican. 553
  • Smaragdus of S. Michael. 223
  • Socrates Scholasticus.
  • Speculum Curatorum.
  • Stephen Brulifer. 546
  • Theodoret.
  • Theodorik B. of Croatia. 529
  • Theodorik à Nyem.
  • Theodor. Abb. of S. Trudo. 333
  • Theodorik Urias. 539
  • Thomas Aquinas.
  • Thomas Bredwardin. 497
  • Thomas Brightwell. 558
  • Thomas de Co [...]sellis. 542
  • Thomas Couper.
  • Thomas Bilson.
  • Thomas Langland. 499
  • Thomus Mortan.
  • Thomas Rhedonensis. 541
  • Thietgaud B. of Trevers. 155
  • Tileman Spangerberg. 553
  • Victor B of Carthage. 52
  • Virgilius B. of Juvavia. 100
  • Ubertin B. of Chema. 481
  • Vernerius.
  • Vincentius a Venetian. 528
  • Ulrik Uttenus. S 25
  • Volquin. 528
  • Walter Bruit. 505
  • Walter Mapez Arch-Deacon of Oxford. 546
  • Walter Mill. S 189
  • Wess [...]lius Gantsford Gronin. 550
  • William Budaeus. S 18
  • William Gnapheus. S 157
  • William Haulam. 558
  • William de alta Petra Bishop of Paris. 426
  • William Iames. 558
  • William B. Senonensis. 357
  • William Ockam. 496
  • William Thorp. 556
  • William Tindal. S 165
  • Willtam Sawtree. 556
  • William Swinderby. 556
  • William White. 558
  • Wolfgang Aitinger. S 8
  • Wolfgang Fabricius Capito. S 64


THE experience of alterations in the Church, suffe­reth The History of the Church is divided into five Ages or Parts. the History to be divided into five parts. The first Age or Part, is of the Church spreading and suffering, when the Word of the Gospel was in sow­ing thorow the World, and the Professours thereof were under Persecution, about the space of 300. years, until the days of Constantine the Great. The second Age, is of the Church flourishing and wrest­ling with Heresies the space of other 300. years, until the days of Phocas Emperour. The History of these two Ages is plainly writ­ten by diverse both ancient and late Writers; but the other three are not so easie to be found: therefore was I moved to gather these Observations out of sundry Authors for my particular use. The third Age, is of the Church Fa­ding, and of Antichrist Rising, which contains 400. years and more, till the days of Pope Gregory the VI. during which time Churchmen did swell in pride and ambition, and were no little changed from the simple sincerity of the primitive times: albeit in outward profession then was some face of a Church, yet corruption of Doctrine, Superstition, and Hypocrisie came apace; and the Roman Empire being removed, Antichrist or the Bishop of Rome, by degrees lifteth up his head above all that is called [...]od. Bernard (who lived about the year 1140.) comparing these three Ages in a Sermon, which he calleth Parabola de Nuptiis Fily Regis, saith, when Satan saw that he could not by open Battel prevail against the Church in the days of the Apo­stles and Martyrs, but that she did spread and increase, he turneth to hid and fraudulent persecution, to deceive some of her Members, by whom, the more powerfully and subtily he might execute his malice: so by his craft he stirreth up Arrius, Pelagius, Photinus and such others, who feigning them­selves to be the servants of Christ, might lead away his Spouse into Errors: which Policy when the Holy Teachers did perceive, they did oppose, wrestle by disputations, confute the Hereticks, and brought their Lady again into the way of Truth......Behold the enemy is overcome both in his open per­secutions, and hid seductions! and now the Spouse having no enemy, wal­keth in pomp. Nevertheless the crafty Serpent indeavoureth to spoil her, and what he cannot do in the high way, he layeth snares by the way side: here he setteth Mony-changers with much gold and silver; there he setteth the Sel­lers of precious cloaths and ornaments; in another place wines and pleasant drinks, and all sort of meats; in another, the Triumphs of them that glory in worldly pomp; in another, he shews fair maids and all enticements of Lust: but who is wise, walks with the Bride in the right way; and the fools leave the way, and take their pleasure in the Divels Tents, and prefer them unto Christ. And what shall I say of them who when they should rule the Church of God, and having entred into the right way, do look aside with admiration into the Tents of the Divel, do look upon the things there, and not finding to satisfie their desires, do spoil the Bride of her Ornaments, and wast them filthily fulfilling their wicked lusts? so she goeth in rags and few abide with her: so far Bernard. The fourth Age is worse, of Antichrist reig­ning, and the Church lurking; and contains the space of almost 300. years; [Page 2] in which time both doctrine and holiness of conversation was almost utterly extinguished. In the East the Mahumetists did prevail thorow Asia and Af­frick; and in the West the Bishops of Rome turn all up side down, except that in some places and persons as well in the East as West holiness of life, and purity of doctrine did in some measure remain: but Pope Gregory the VII. and his successors, so far as they could, did wrest all religion to serve their gain and ambition: and to this end they violate all order, dissolve all disci­pline, deface all religion, and domineer over Princes, Emperours, Na­tions and Consciences of men. Before that time one might have spoken free­ly for the true Faith: but now whatsoever the Pope willeth that must stand for an Oracle, because the Pope cannot err, forsooth! and whatsoever is spo­ken against him, ipso facto it is black heresie, and punshied with fire and sword. Then it might have been said, the Church is gone into the Wilder­ness; yet sending forth sufficient witnesses, whose names are not obscure, nor their doctrine unknown, of whom some are mentioned here; but for brevity I have passed over many, who are recorded by others; and many thou­sands who bowed not their knee to Baal, nor received the Mark of the Beast, are unknown. The Fifth Age is of the Church reverting, and Antichrist raging, untill this present age, when Reformation was aimed at and begun in the West, Antichristian pride was detected, and the number of true Be­lievers did increase. Then Satan was let loose again, the thousand years of his binding, from the daies of Constantine, being expirēd: then persecuti­ons were frequent; Antichrist foamed and opened his mouth wide to devour the sheep of Jesus. But he who preserved the Woman in the Wilderness, is the stronger, so that the Gates of Hell were not able nor shall be able to pre­vail against her; yea by the breath of his mouth and preaching of the Word, her enemies are scattered, Antichrist is revealed, and true Christians are mul­tiplied. And in these five diversities of times (I suppose) the Church-histo­ry may well be comprised. Herein my aim hath been, to see where the true Church was before Martine Luther, as the Papists are oft objecting; and when the Romish Virgin became an Whore. And for better method here­in, I have distinguished the foresaid Ages into their own Centuries, and every Century into five Chapters. The first Chapter is of Emperours, because times were reckoned by them, and in the second age they became chief Members of the Church (under Christ the only Head) both in degree and authority; and we have just reason to think that some chapters (or large passages) of the Holy Revelation are understood of their estate, seeing the Visions of Da­niel run for the most part upon the civil Monarchies. The second chapter is of the Bishops or Popes of Rome, that we may know, when the Tyranny of Antichrist did arise, and how it came to such height. The third is, of di­vers Countries, and contains the most notable things that have befallen in other parts of the World. The fourth is of Britain, that we be not strangers at home. The last chapter is of Councels, and declares the most remark­able Acts of the Church: yet all the Canons that I have picked out, are not of one sort: for some are to be embraced, and others are to be rejected: which I have marked to let see, that such errours and ungodly constitutions have not been alwaies in the Church, as the vain glorious Papists believe, or would make us believe. These things (howsoever worthy of consideration) cannot be declared, but we shall therewith receive many other usefull instructi­ons: especially what hath been the estate of the Catholick and true Church thorow these last thousand years; in what places and persons the Truth hath had her abode; and where and when Heresies did begin, and what opposi­tion was against them both in their birth and growth; when a Nation or two [Page 3] was infected with an errour, in the midst of the same erroneous Church were some Souldiers of Truth, some standing up for one article or more; and others maintaining other points; albeit in some points the same Souldiers were infected with the poisonous milk of their diseased Teachers. Or to speak more plainly, we will see in the Western Church (as it was wont to be cal­led) some following the Truth zealously in all points fundamental; and therefore have been separated from the Church of Rome, which being once a true Church, and first in order by humane constitution, hath in divers ages hatched many errours (for she hath not abandoned all the principles of Chri­stianity, nor became so corrupt, all at once) and by her enchantments of worldly policy, or by violence hath caused these nations to follow her; now deceiving one Nation, and then another. Yet so, that the Romish Church was like to a lump of sundry Mettles, wherein are some pieces of gold and sil­ver, but more of brass and baser mettle, all mingled in one cake: as there every one cannot point out where the good Mettle is, yet a cunning Mineralist knows, there is gold in that lump, and can sever the richer Mettle from the baser, and then purifie every Mettle from their own dross, and put another form upon them, that every one, who is not altogether ignorant, may know them. So in the Church of Rome, though Potentates and Nations for ig­norance or fear of enmity, and sometimes for hope of advantage against their enemies, did cleave unto Rome, and seemed to make one visible Church; yet in all Countries, even in Italy under the face of Antichrist, many both of the Teachers and teached did detest the Tyranny and avaricious errours of the Pope; and in their hearts wished a Reformation, and by writ have published to the World all the Truth: for besides them who did openly contest with her, there is scarcely any article of controversie, but we shall find some of their School-men and Monks, disputing with us against the now-Romish errours. At last it pleased God, to put into the hearts of his refining Prea­chers and Princes to break the faction of the Romish Church, and purifie themselves with their adherents from the dross, that their Ancestors had con­tracted, and to unite themselves into another form of government. And as the Refiner cannot be said to make new gold, but only refineth the prae­existent Mettle, and gives it the face it had before the commixtion; so the Reformed Church is not a new Church (for that supposeth a new Church never heard of before) but they have taken themselves unto the old Truth, which was obscured for a space in the West, with corruption in the domi­neering part, and they have returned into the Discipline of the Primitive Church, that was interrupted, and they are become like unto them who were separate from the Romish Church; and both these have joined hands and hearts against the common errours. Herein wholesom is the direction of Cyprian to Pompey, contrà Epistolam Steph. pap. saying, Devote and in­genious minds will readily lay aside errour, and search and find the Truth. For if we return to the Head and Fountain of Divine Tradition, human er­rour ceaseth, and the way of Heavenly Mysteries being perceived, whatso­ever was darkly lurking under a cloud, is discovered by the light of Truth. If a pipe of a Conduit, which was wont to flow abundantly, shall fail at any time, will not men go unto the Fountain, that the cause of the failing may be known▪ whether it hath dried in the head, or whether that being whole and full, the fault be in the mid-way? But if it have failed by the fault of the broken and sinking pipe, that the water could not flow constantly, they amend and make strong the pipe, that the water may be brought for the use of the City, with the same aboundance and integrity as it comes from the Fountain. This should the Priests of God do, which will keep his commands, [Page 4] that if truth should be in doubt or changed, we should return unto the Di­vine Fountain, the Evangelical and Apostolical tradition; and from thence let the reason of our acting arise, whence was the order and original. It hath been delivered unto us, that there is one God, and one Christ, and one Hope, and one Faith, one Church, and but one Baptism ordained in that one Church: from which whosoever departeth, he must be found among Hereticks: and if he will maintain them against the Church, he fights against the mystery of Divine Tradition. So far Cyprian.

THE THIRD AGE Of the CHURCH OR The History of the Church Fading, and of Anti-Christ Rising, containing the space of 400. years, from the Year of our Lord 600. untill the year 1000.



PHOCAS a mean Captain in Thracia, in a se­dition An Vsurp [...]r reigneth cr [...]ftily, wic­kedly, infor­tunately. of the people did kill his Soverain Mau­rice, usurped the Crown, and held the Em­pire 7. years. He began to establish himself by favour. Cyriachus Patriarch of Constantinople had crowned him, and then did hate him for his cruelty against the house and friends of Mau­rice: the Western part of the Empire was ai­ming at liberty, and like to forsake him. Wherefore he dealt gently with Pope Gregory I. and after him he set up another of his own mind, and then another in the See of Rome. They played to others hands, the Emperour gave unto Boniface the Title of Universal Bishop, and the Pope promised fidelity unto Phocas. He was given unto Covetousness in op­pressing the Provinces with Tributes; to Lust in defiling other mens wives; as for Intemperancy, carousing was his glory, Zonar. annal. li. 3. In all the Pro­vinces of the Empire was great disorder, and little justice. The Persians sub­dued Mesopotamia, Assyria, Syria, and took Jerusalem: for Cosroes pre­tending to revenge the death of his Father-in-law Maurice, killed the most part of that Army which had advanced Phocas or assisted him, and the rest of them were sent captive into Persia. Pe. Mexia. France had lately gone away; and now Germany, a great part of Italy, Pannonia, Misia and other parts made a full defection. Wherefore the Senate of Constantinople seeing And dieth miserably. that either the Empire or Tyrant must perish; especially Priscus one of the chief Captains under Maurice, and now the son-in-law of Phocas, and He­racleon the Governour of Affrick (whose wife Phocas had defiled) consul­ted together, and sent Armies from Affrick and Thracia: they took Phocas in Constantinople, and gave him just reward: they cut off his hands and [Page 6] feet, then his privy members, at last his head: some write, they burnt his body in a brazen Cow; and others say, they cast it into the Sea, An. 609. Zonar. annal. to 3.

2. HERACLIUS son of Heracleon Governour of Affrick was made Hard begin­nings bring glory. Emperour with general consent of People, Armies, and Senators, and was crowned by Sergius the Patriarch. He found the Empire in a troublous time, but his glory was the greater. His Deputy Campsinus usurps the Kingdome of Italy, and was quickly subdued and slain by Eleutherius, whom the Em­perour sent against him. Bajanus made himself King of Bavaria, and mo­lested the Empire in the West, that Cosroes had the less opposition in subdu­ing Aegypt and Affrick unto Carthage: in the end Heraclius brought the Ba­varians under command; he crowned his son Emperour, and went in per­son against the Persians. Pe. Mexia. First he dealt for peace by Ambassadors. A good cause gives confi­dence. Cosroes said, he would not lay down Arms, until he had abolished the wor­ship of the crucified God, and the Persian God were worshipped every where. Then Heraclius was the more confident, that the Wars was not so much for the Empire, as for defence of the Church and worship of God. After publick invocation of Gods name, he joined with the enemy at Azo­tus, and put him to flight: then within Persia he overthrew his two Armies in two other fights: he defaced the Image of the Fire and Sun, which the Persians worshipped, Zonar. Annal. In the mean time Cosroes neglecting his eldest son Siroes, designed his second son Mardases to the Crown. Where­fore Siroes killed his father and his brother, and he agreed with Heraclius: they both restored captives: Heraclius received Syria and Jerusalem, and (as they say) the Cross where on Christ was crucified, which Cosroes had taken out of Jerusalem. So after seven years Heraclius returns with glory to Constanti­nople, holding the Cross in his hand, and gave thanks unto Christ. In re­membrance of this Victory, he appointed the Feast of the Roode day Cario. chron. The Roode-Feast day. The Sarazens had served him in these Wars, and when they required their wages, the Emperours Treasurers answered them disdainfully, as fol­lows in c. 3. This prosperity turns the Emperours mind to the worse: he mar­rieth Prosperity puffe [...]h up. his brothers daughter Martina; and became a Monothelite by the sug­gestion of the Patriarch of the Jacobites, and Sergius Patriarch of Constan­tinople. Sophronius Bishop of Jerusalem admonished him of his errour. But he made an Edict that displeased both parties, that no man should speak of one will, or of two wills of Christ. Zonar. Annal. After this the Sarazens ga­thered The Empire decayeth. in Arabia, and many Persians followed Mahumet because of the dis­soluteness of his religion, whereof hereafter. Mahumet occupies all Arabia, and passeth into Persia, where because the King was dead, the whole coun­try almost became his Subjects, and imbrace his religion: they were little more called Persians but Sarazens or Mahumetans. Heraclius went against them, and loseth in one Battel 150000. men. Pe. Mexia. Others also rebel­led against him in the West, so that ere he died, the Empire was sore weak­ned. Rotharius became King of Lombardy: the Slavons possesse Illyricum; the Huns and Bavarians keep Hungary, Bavier and Austria; the Goths were reigning in Spain; and unto the Empire belonged the Provinces of Greece, a part of Italy, and the Isles of the Mediterrane Sea from Sardinia unto Cy­prus, Asia the less, a small part of Affrick, and some other small Provinces. Pe. Mexia. After Heraclius had tried both fortunes, he died of hydropsie, an. 639.

3. CONSTANTINE III. reigned not above four months after the Hid murther. death of his father: he was poisoned by his step-mother Martina with advice of Pirrhus the Patriarch; that her son Heracleonas (begotten in incest) might [Page 7] be Emperour. He was hated by Martina for his Throne; and by Pirrhus for forsaking the heresie of his father. Zonar.

4. HERACLEONAS was but eleven years old, and his Mother go­verned the Empire, but with no contentment of the Subjects. In the second year of his Reign the Senators rose against Martina and her son: they cut off Is revenged. his Nose, and her Tongue (that thereafter she should not move sedition among the people by her flattering words) and sent them both into Cappadocia, where they died in Prison. Pirrhus was drawn back from his flight and impri­soned. So Murther and Incest was punished.

5. CONSTANS the son of Constantine, was crowned by the Senate without the advice of the Souldiers: which was a rare thing in these daies. He was a Monothelite, as the Patriarch Paul, and (both his Predecessor An Heretick is a Persecu­ter. and restored Successor) Pirrhus: and therefore he punished sundry persons for speaking against his Heresie: among whom Theodore Bishop of Rome narrowly escaped, and his Successor Martine was taken by Theodore Eparch of Ravenna, and carried in bonds to Constantinople, and banished to Chersonesus, where he died. He also slue his own brother Theodosius, and most cruelly vexed them all, who would not subscribe his Typus or Heretical confession. Therefore the Lord permits the power of the Sarazens to wax And hath no peace. greater, that in the 13. year of his Reign they sent a Navy from Phoenicia, and spoiled the Coast of Asia without resistance: yet intestine Wars falling amongst them for choosing their Captain, Constans had two years peace. And then he hears of a Rebellion among the Lombards, and thinking to subdue them, he comes into Italy with a great Army, making a great shew and some expectation: but he received loss and shame. Thereafter he went to Rome, and was received by the Citizens and Pope Vitalian. Within few daies he spoiled the City, and carried all the Ornaments and Treasure into Siracuse: where (because he was hated at Constantinople) he kept Court six years, and at last was slain in a Bath of too-hot water, by Andrew one of his own servants in the 27. year of his Reign. Platina calleth him Con­stantius.

6. CONSTANTINE by surname Pogonatus or beardy was recei­ved into the Throne with his Father ere he went into Italy; and now the Soul­diers in Sicily did salute Mizisus or Mizentius, with the honour of Emperour, but he was soon taken, and his head with the Authors of the Treason was car­ried to Constantinople. Constantine began his Government with the mur­ther One begin­neth wicked­ly, and pro­veth vertu­ous. of his brethren, because the Nobility would have had them partners of the Empire: yet afterwards he proved valorous and good. In his time the Sarazens were strong: they entred into Sicily, and carried to Alexandria in Aegypt all the spoil that Constans had taken out of Rome. They invade Thracia, were repulsed seven sundry Sommers at Constantinople; and in the end were so foiled, that their Captain Muthavia sought peace, and ac­cepted hard conditions, to wit, they should pay yearly unto the Emperour, in name of Tribute 3000. pounds of gold, 50. servants, and as many good horses. They of the West hearing of so honourable peace, sent their Orators with gifts to congratulate the Victory. Then the Emperour had peace every where, and set his heart to take away the schism of the Monothelites: for he thought, if Christ have but one will, he hath but one nature, or else the other nature is not reasonable. Against this Heresie he calleth the sixth Gene­ral Councel, which he held and ruled at Constantinople. He keeps peace with the Bishops of Rome: he was a long time sick, and died an. 607. [...]n the time of his sickness the Sarazens possessed all Affrick unto Carthage; and the Bulgarians came into Mysia.

[Page 8] 7. JUSTINIAN II. succeeds to his father in the 16. year of his age. In the beginning his Captains forceth the Sarazens to restore all that they had taken in his fathers time, and to sue for peace, which was concluded for ten years. Pe. Mexia. But the Emperour being more hardy then faithfull, made Perjury pros­pereth not. new Wars against the Sarazens in Syria, and was so streighted, that he sought peace with shame Io. Lampad. in Mellif. Then was peace in all the World; A young King and ill Mini­ons. but this young Emperour is miscarried by two Minions Theodosius a Monk, and his Chaplain Stephen: he breaks the peace with the Bulgarians to his great reproach and loss: he assembleth a Councel at Constantinople, to an­nul the acts of the former, which were ended in his own time, and confir­med by him: by the perswasion of these two, he put his chief Captain Leon­tius in prison, and held him there two years: who escaping with the help of Callinicus the Patriarch, laid hands on Justinian, cutteth off his nose and ears, and sent him to Cherona in Pontus in the 11. year of his Reign; and they dragged the two sycophants by the feet through the streets, and then burnt them Zonar. Annal. The Emperour Justinian I. had conquered Lybia from the Vandals, and Justinian II. losed it, that till this day the Sarazens and Mahumetans possess it.

8. LEONTIUS was crowned with the great joy of the common peo­ple. Treason (even against the wicked) is punished. He sent an Army against the Sarazens in Affrick; but in a sedition amongst them, the souldiers choose Tiberius Apsimanus a Citizen of Constantinople, and General of the Army to be Emperour. He came quickly back upon Leontius, and took him, and served him as he had done to Justinian, in the 3. year of his Reign, and he exercised great cruelty against the friends of Le­ontius; yet did he nothing without advice of the Senatours, who delivered unto them their keys at his first coming.

9. TIBERIUS coming this way unto the Crown, sent his Brother Heraclius Treason in the second degree is pu­nished. Governour of his Army against the Sarazens in Asia, and recove­red Armenia from them. When Justinian had been four years in Pontus, he escaped, and by the aid of the Bulgarians he returned into Constantinople, and by force took Tiberius, and cast him into the same prison with Leontius, and having cut off his nose and ears, caused them both to be drawn through the City, and beheaded them, and he hanged Heraclius: so oft as he would have wiped his nose, he caused some of the friends of Leontius to be slain: he pulled out the eys of the Patriarch Callinicus, and sent him bond to Rome to gratifie Pope Constantine, and set in his place Cyrus an Abbot, who had received and sustained him in Pontus. Beda de sex aetat.

10. JUSTINIAN II. now lay at home, executing cruelties daily. He did invite (Platina saith, rogat. Abb. Urspet. saith, accersit. and Sigo­nius saith, obsecrat.) Pope Constantine to come into the East, that they may talk together of the affairs of the Republick, as he said; but in very deed, to ingage the Pope unto him by extraordinary honours, whereof he saw the Bi­shops of Rome were very desirous. Pe. Mexia. Platina saith, he sent ships to convey him safely: but Anastasius saith, the Pope caused ships to be built for himself. Ph. Mornay in Myster. The Emperour caused all his Subjects, where the Pope was to come, to receive him with such honour as they ow unto him­self. As the Pope drew near to Constantinople, Cyrus the Patriarch with all the Clergy went out eight miles from the City, and set the Pope upon a Ca­mel, and with solemn ostentation they conveyed him into the Emperours Palace: thence he went into Nicomedia, where the Emperour embraced The first kisse of the Popes foot, was by a wicked maen. not the Pope, but casting himself down before him, he craved pardon for his sins, and kissed the Popes foot with an unmeasurable shew of humility (as Mexia saith) and so was absolved. After this he became unthankfull to Tre­bellius [Page 9] King of Bulgaria (who had restored him) and entred into his land with hostility, and was shamefully beaten back. It was told him that Phi­lip Bardanes had dreamed, that an Eagle had overshadowed him with her wings, and was therefore banished into the Isle Cephalonia by Tiberius; now Justinian conceives the same fear, and sent an Army against him, thin­king on no such thing: the souldiers turn to his side, as Platina writes: but Mexia saith, upon this occasion Philippicus levieth an Army, and at Syno­pe within 12. miles of Constantinople, Elias Prince of Cherson, in open Bat­tel, slue Justinian and his son Tiberius; and with consent of all the subjects Philippicus received the Crown an. 712.


GREGORY I. alias the Great, was Bishop of Rome about the 600. Gregorius op­pugneth the Title of Vni­versal Bi­shop. year of the Incarnation. The Bishops of Rome had the first place among the Patriarchs, with express limitation of jurisdiction and bounds, as well by the first general Councel at Nice, as by the second at Constanti­nople. This order was brangled in the time of Gregory. For John, Patriarch of Constantinople, sought not only to have the first place, but also to be cal­led Patriarcha Oecumenicus or Universal, because the Emperours chief Re­sidence, was at Constantinople the head City [...]. Gregory writ many Epistles against the Title, unto John he saith, Thou was wont to con­fess thy self unworthy to be called a Bishop: but now thou art so puft up, that despising thy brethren, thou seekest to be called the only Bishop......At the last day of account, what wilt thou answer unto Christ the Head of the Universal Church, who indeavoureth to make all his Members, subject unto thy self, by naming thy self Universal? Who (I pray) is before thee to follow him in this perverse word; but he, who despising the legions of Angels (so­cially ordered with him) would burst out unto the top of singularity, that he might seem to be under none, and he alone to be above all? Who also said, I will ascend into heaven, and exalt my Throne above the stars: I will sit in the mountain of the Testament, in the sides of the North....For what are all thy brethren, the Bishops of the Universal Church, but the stars of hea­ven? Whose lives and tongues do glance among the sins and errours of men, as in the darkness of the night: above whom thou wilt prefer thy self by this word of pride, and tread down in comparison of thee; what else saiest thou, but I will ascend into heaven, and I will exalt my Throne above the stars?.....All which things while I see with tears, and do fear the secret judgements of God, my tears are increased, and my groans are not contai­ned within my breast; that the holy man John, who was of so great humili­ty and abstinence, is by the seducing tongues of his familiars burst out into so great pride, that by hunting after a perverse name, he will be like unto him, who when he would arrogantly be like to God, did also lose the grace of the given similitude; and therefore did forfeit true blessedness; because he sought false glory. Truly the Apostle Peter was the first member of the ho­ly and universal Church, Paul, Andrew, John, what were they but heads of particular flocks? and yet they ALL were members of the Church un­der one head. And to comprise All in a short bundle, the godly before the law, the godly under the law, and the godly under grace; all these perfect­ing the body of Christ, are ordered among the Members of the Church, and [Page 10] none of them would ever be called Universal: and therefore let your Holiness know, what swelling is in you, who seeketh the name, wherewith never any did presume to be called, who was truly godly. Did not the reverend Synod at Chalcedon (as your Holiness knows) call the High-priests of this Aposto­lical See (which I do serve, as God hath disposed) Universal, by a profered honour? and nevertheless none of them would be named by such a word: not any of them did take unto them this temerarious Title; lest if in the de­gree of Priesthood, he had taken this glory of singularity, he had been thought to have denied it to all his brethren. Much more writes Pope Gregory of this kind, in that 38. Ep. li. 4. and especially, in the same Epistle he tels him, that he had given direction to his Deacon Sabinian, that he should not communi­cate with John, or be at the same [Missa] service with him, unless he did renounce that wicked and prophane pride. And in 32. Epistle of the same book, unto the Emperour Maurice, he calleth that a name of vanity, a new name, a wicked and arrogant name: and li. 6. Ep. 36. I say boldly, he who takes or affecteth this name, is the fore-runner or Usher of Antichrist, because in pride he preferreth himself above all others. The Emperour was not well pleased with these Letters, and when Cyriacus was Patriarch, he writ unto Gregory, that for so frivolous a word, he would not give so great scandal unto the Church. Gregory answereth li. 6. Ep. 30. saying, I intreat that your Impe­rial Godliness would consider, that some frivolous words are very damnable, and some are not so hurtfull: When Antichrist shall call himself God, will it not be a frivolous word, and yet very pernicious; if you consider the quanti­ty of the word Deus, it hath but two syllables: but if you consider the weight of iniquity, it is an vniversal plague: and I say boldly, that whosoever desi­reth to be called Universal Priest, he runneth before Antichrist in pride; because he presumptuously preferreth himself above all others; and with the same pride he is brought into all errour: for as that man of sin, will seem to be above all men, so whosoever seeketh to be called the only Priest, exalts him­self above all other Priests. Gregory writ also unto Eulogius Bishop of Alexan­dria, and Anastasius Bishop of Antiochia, li. 4. Ep. 36. that they would help in this common cause, and hinder so great pride. After the same manner did he write li. 7. Ep. 69. unto Eusebius Bishop of Thessalonica, and others in the daies of Cyriacus. If any will say, Gregory did invey against John and Cyriacus, because they did usurp what was due unto the Bishop of Rome; the words of the former Epistle unto John, shew the contrary; as also the Ep. 30. li. 7. indict. 1. unto Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria, where he writes thus; I said, that you should neither give unto me, nor unto any other such a Title; and behold in the beginning of the Epistle, which you have directed unto me, who have forbidden it, is the word of that proud Title, calling me Univer­sal Pope: which I desire, that your most sweet Holiness do no more unto me: for it is withdrawn from you, which is given unto another more then reason requires: for I seek to prosper not in words, but in manners; nor do I think it my honour, wherein I know that my brethren come short of their ho­nour....then am I honoured, when the honour which is due unto every one, is not denied to every one: for if your Holiness call me Universal Pope, you deny your self that, when you call me Universal: but far be that! away with words that blow up vanity, and wound charity. So far he. When Phocas Ambition can flatter and serve the time. had slain the Emperour Maurice, though Baronius adan. 605. calleth him a perjured and bloody murtherer; yet unto him writes Gregory, saying, Glo­ry in the highest places unto God, who (as it is written) changeth times, and transferreth Kingdomes: for by the incomprehensible dispensation of the Almighty God, is the moderation of mans life.....when the mercifull [Page 11] God will comfort the hearts of them who mourn, he advanceth unto the top of government one, by the bowels of whose mercy, he poureth the grace of gladness into the hearts of many: in the aboundance of this joy we trust to be comforted, who are glad that the bountifulness of your Godliness is come to the high Empire: Let the heavens rejoice; let the earth be glad, and the peo­ple of all the Republick hitherto vehemently afflicted, become joyfull in your bountifulness, &c. li. 11. Ep. 36. Unto the Empress Leontia he did write the 44. Epistle of the same book, which beginneth thus: What tongue can tell, what mind can think, the thanks we owe unto the Almighty God, for the hap­piness of your Empire? And he endeth, praying, that they would love his Church, to whom it was said, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock—; and on the other side, he promiseth that Peter will protect their Empire here, and intercede for them in heaven; that for relieving the oppressed on earth, they may rejoice many years in heaven. What meaneth this so large congra­tulation, but that through the favour of Phocas, his own authority may be enlarged, at least, that none be preferred above him? So ready are some to speak against the faults of others, and to disguise the same in themselves, as they find occasion. But Gregory died, an. 604. when he had sitten 8. years. Because he is the first Church-man I speak of, it may seem necessary to shew what was the estate of the Church in his daies, in respect of Doctrine and Di­scipline, and this I will indeavour (God willing) in the next chapter, lest I seem to inlarge the life of one too far; for this present behold a little of the Pa­pal power. In li. 4. Ep. 31. he bewails unto the Emperour Maurice, that in his Epistle he had called him a simple fool, and he saith, Let not our Lord, ac­cording The Pope was subject unto the Emperor. to his earthly power, be too hastily angry against the Priests, but in singular consideration; for his sake whose servants they are, let him so reign over them, that he bestow due reverence on them. Bellarmin. de Ro. Pontif. lib. 2. c. 28. acknowledgeth that the Pope reckoneth himself amongst those Priests. And in Epistle 34. he saith, I trust in the Almighty God, that he will give long life unto our godly Lords, and according to his mercy he will pro­tect us under your hands. Observe how reverently the Pope speaks unto the Emperour, and yet more submissely; in lib. 2. Ep. 61. he saith, He is guilty before the Almighty God, who is not sincere, in all that he doth or speaks un­to his most gracious Lords. There he calleth himself the unworthy servant of his Godliness: and he shews the iniquity of an Imperial Ordinance (in his judgement) and he concludes thus; I being obedient unto your command, have caused the same law to be published through divers parts of the land; and because the law is not consonant unto the Almighty God, behold I have told it unto our most gracious Lords, by the page of our suggestion: therefore in both I have payed what I should, who have given unto the Emperour obe­dience, and have not been silent for God, so far as I know. The Jesuit saith, that he did write in such manner; partly in humility, and partly in necessity; because the Emperour had then the Temporal Authority in Rome, and the Pope had need to be defended from the Lombards, and the Emperour, being far off, did entrust him with many things, and the Bishop ought to give account of such things. But the foresaid Ordinance, was of a purpose Ecclesiastical. And lib. 4. c. 34. he complains, that Maximus was admitted Bishop of Salo­na, without consent of him, or his Nuntio; and nevertheless when he had re­ceived from the Emperour a command, he had loosed his sentence of Excom­munication; as if Maximus had been ordeined by his order. And li. 9. Ep. 41. he saith, if John Bishop of Justiniana will not dismiss his charge, the most god­ly Emperour may cause to choose another; seeing, what he commandeth to do, is in his power: as he knows, so may he provide: only he craves, that [Page 12] the Emperour would not cause him to meddle with such a Deposition. Here I do not intend to inquire the causes and equity of things, but to shew what was done: and we see the Pope subject unto the Emperour; but wait a space, and we shall see the Emperour subject unto the Pope. Is not this a novation? Acts of a Patriarch. Behold what power the Bishops of Rome did exerce within his Patriarchal. When Constantius Bishop of Millain died, he sent word by his Clark Panta­leon unto the City, that they should chuse a Deacon Deus dedit to be Bishop, and cause him to be consecrated, lib. 9. indict. 4. Ep. 21. He gave charge to Passius Bishop of Firma, that he should chuse Opportunus to be Pastor, if he be able; lib. 10. ind. 5. Ep. 13. He commandeth under the censure of Excom­munication all the Bishops of Dalmatia, that they ordain not any Bishop in Salona without his consent, lib. ind. 12. Ep. 16. He did also draw the causes of Arch-Bishops unto Rome; as when Severus Bishop of Aquileia had been accused of heresie, and restored, and after was accused again, he summo­neth him, according to the command of the most Christian Emperour, to appear in St. Peters, that there, in a lawfull Synod, his cause may be judged, lib. 1. Ep. 16. He chargeth Natalis Bishop of Salonitan, that seeing the cause of Honoratus Arch-Deacon, seems to have been decided with contention in that Synod (and they had ordained him, against his will, to exerce the Of­fice of a Priest; and removed him, as unworthy the Office of a Deacon) to restore the Arch-Deacon: and if any scandal shall arise thereupon, he willeth, that both the Arch-Deacon shall be cited to appear before him, and also the Bishop should direct some person for him, that the cause may be examined. Ib. Ep. 19. When Maximus was ordained Bishop of Salona, contrary to his order now named; he commandeth him to humble himself, and hasten to appear before him, without any excuse, lib. 5. indict. 14. Ep. 25. Out of the next Epistle it appears that Maximus did not obey, and the Clergy and Ru­lers did assist him: wherefore the Pope did write unto them, to cause Maxi­mus to come and appear; and he promised that he would judge the cause uprightly. He drew civil things to his power, as lib. 8. ind. 3. Ep. 6. he or­dered Savinus a Sub-Deacon, to cause Maria to pay unto Stopaulus and Mar­cellus, what her father had left unto them by Testament. In lib. 11. ind. 6. Ep. 54. among other directions that he gave unto John, going into Spain, he The Bishop had power in civil things, from or by the Civil Law. telleth him, how the Emperour Justinian had ordained, that if any had an action against a Clark or Monk or Deacon; he should first go unto the Bi­shop of the place, and there the cause to be decided; and if both parties did not rest contented, the Judge of the place should put the sentence in execution. This instance shews, that the Bishops had their power in civil things, by the Laws of the Empire. At that time, the Bishop of Rome had Revenues from other Churches, and lib. 10. Ep. 47. he bids his Clark Pantaleon to bring un­to him, the silver which is left by the Clergy or people, that he might see the mony of the Churches, which the people and clergy have, safely kept. And in the 50. Epistle, he gives order unto John Bishop of Siracuse, concerning his Revenues paied there and in Panormitan. Pelagius the I. mad an Act, that all Metropolitans within his jurisdiction, should within three months (after their Consecration, as they speak) ask a Palle [Pallium, or a Bishops Coat] from Rome, Gratian. dist. 100. cap. 1 & 2. it seems that they did not regard the Palles; therefore Gregory obtrudes the Palles upon them, and would have the Metropolitans to accept them; but would suffer nothing to be ta­ken for them. li. 4. Ep. 51, & 56. He made a new form of Service, which The first Mass at Rome. they call the Masse, and did add many Ceremonies, that were not in use be­fore: so that Platina saith, the whole institution of the Mass, was invented by him. Onuphrius saith, that Platina comes short in describing of his inventi­ons. [Page 13] He first did ordain the Stations and the great Letany; that is, upon oc­casion The first Sta­tions. of a great inundation in Rome: he appointed, that on the 25. of A­pril yearly, the people should resort to certain Churches; and if they please to confess their sins, they may receive forgiveness; Pol. Verg. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 1. which custom still remains, but now upon necessity; whereas he said, if they please. Nor in that order makes he mention of indulgences; al­beit some of his Sermons be extant, that he delivered upon these days. Raba­nus de institut. cler. lib. 2. cap. 18. expounds these Stations to be the Fast, on Wednesday and Friday. He ordained the Lent to begin on Ash-wednesday, and the Ceremonies thereof, Po. Verg. lo. ci. lib. 6. cap. 3. and lest the people were detained too long from dinner, he ordained that Matins be closed be­fore nine a clock.

2. SABINIAN was at Constantinople, when Gregory died, and was advanced into his Seat by Phocas. When he came to Rome there was great dearth, and the poor people besought him to follow the alms-deeds of Gre­gory: he answered, Gregory hunting after a popular applause, had wasted the patrimony of the Church. And he did so burn with wrath and envy, that Caranza saith, he did hate all the good works of Gregory; and he had burnt all his Books, saith Platina, if some Copies had not been saved by Peter a Deacon. The burning of Torches continually in Churches, and the distincti­on Torches. of hours by Bels was his device. Platin. He did propound unto Phocas, that the Title should be given unto the Bishop of Rome, which Gregory had so oft condemned; but because of mighty opposition, it could not so soon be carried. He sate 1. year and 5. moneths; after him the See was vacant 11. months and 26. daies.

3. BONIFACE III. being at Constantinople, was named by the Em­perour; The title of Vniversal Bi [...]hop, first given to the Bishop of Rome. and now for envy of Cyriacus, was made Universal Bishop of the Church; and the See of Rome was ordained to be the head of all Churches; because the Church of Constantinople would have usurped this honour: Be­da de sex aetat. & Platin. Bar [...]nius in Annal. ad an. 606. saith, Because there was enmity betwixt Phocas and Cyriacus; for envy of him, the Emperour seems to have favoured the Bishop of Rome, beyond the custom of his An­cestors; and did ordain by Imperial Edict, that this name becomes the Ro­man Church only; and the Bishop of Rome should be called Universal, and not the Bishop of Constantinople: this Title then is a novation. But what is the meaning of it, it is controverted. Pope Innocent the III. writing unto the Patriarch of Constantinople, lib. 2. Ep. 206. gives two notions of it, saying, it is called the Universal Church, which consists of all the Churches; which in the Greek language is called, The Catholick Church; and according to this exception of the name, the Roman Church is not the Universal Church, but a part of the Universal Church; to wit, the first and chief, as the head in the body, because in her is the fulness of power, and a part of that fulness is derived unto others: again, the Universal Church is called, that one, that hath under her all other Churches; and according to this reason of the name, the Roman Church only, is called Universal; because she alone is preferred above all others by the priviledge of singular dignity, as God is called the Uni­versal Lord, Catalog. test. verit. lib. 6. I will not stay to dispute these excepti­ons; but observe the novation, and who is the Author of the Title; and how contrary it is unto the Epistles of Gregory the I. Bellarmin. de Ro. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 32. would prove the lawfulness of this Title; because in former ages, some were called Bishops of the Universal Church. It is true, some were so intituled, not only the Bishops of Rome, but others also; as may be seen among the Epistle of Augustine and others: and Clemens the I. in the first [Page 14] Epistle unto James, the Lords brother, called him the Bishop of Bishops, who governed the Holy Church of the Hebrews in Jerusalem, and all the Chur­ches, which by the providence of God were founded every where. Here a Bishop of Rome giveth such great Titles unto others: and Athanasius was called Bishop of the Catholick Church; and it seems not without disparage­ment to the Bishop of Rome: for Basilius Magnus in his 49. Epistle, writes unto him thus; so much the more as the diseases of the Church wax worse and worse, so much the more do we all turn unto your dignity; trusting that your government is the only comfort which is left unto us. Now will any say, that either James or Athanasius, had the power or jurisdiction over all the Churches? Where then is the power of the Bishop of Rome? But Basilius declares his mind in the words following, thus, Thou art thought by all alike who either in part by hearing, or by experience, know thy dignity able to help us from this horrible Tempest, by the power of thy prayers, and by thy know­ledge to inform in the affairs that are most excellent. And more clearly in the 52. Epistle, he saith, it seemeth enough to others, that each one consider and have a care of what belongeth unto himself; but unto thee, this is not enough; for thy sollicitude is such for all the Churches, as well as for that which particularly is, by our common Lord, committed unto thee; who indeed intermittest no time from conference, admonishing, writing, and alwaies sending some who do inform in the best things. Behold here a sollicitude uni­versal, and not a jurisdiction universal. But to return to Boniface, Platina testifieth, that this Title was not given unto him without great contention; for the Patriarch of Constantinople did alledge, that it appartained unto his See, seeing there was the head of the Empire; and the Bishop of Rome said, that Rome was the head of the Empire; and a Colony was sent from thence unto Constantinople, and the Emperour, is called Emperour of the Romans; and the people of Constantinople, even at that time, are called Romans, and not Constantinopolitans or Greeks. Platina addeth, I omit (saith he) that Peter, Prince of the Apostles, gave unto his successors, the Bishops of Rome, the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven; and the power that God had given unto him, he left in Legacy unto Rome, and not to Constantinople. Platina might well have omitted this; because he cannot shew out of any Au­thor about that time, that Boniface did pretend this reason. It is true, some Bi­shops of Rome, before that time, had spoken of Peters primacy. But not in such sense, as they do now, as is clear from the words of Gregory the I. that are before. And here it may be remembred, what he writes to Eulogius Bi­shop Pope Gregory saith, the power of Pe­ter belongeth in three Sees. of Alexandria, lib. 5. Ep. 60. saying, One thing tieth us unto the Church of Alexandria, by a certain peculiarity; and some way forceth us, by a special Law, to incline the more unto her love; for as all men know, that the bles­sed Evangelist Mark, was sent into Alexandria by his Master the Apostle Pe­ter; by the unity of this Master and of the Disciple, are we tied; that as I seem to sit in the seat of the Disciple, because of the Master; so do you sit in the seat of the Master, because of the Disciple. We find not the responsory of Eulo­gius; but it is clear, he did not approve this pretence; for Gregory writ again unto him, lib. 6. Ep. 37. thus, Your most sweet Holiness, hath in your Epi­stles, written many things concerning the chair of St. Peter, Prince of the Apo­stles, saying, that he sitteth as yet in it, by his successours: and indeed I con­fess my self unworthy, not only of the honour of Rulers, but to be in the rank of standers also: but all that you said, I accept gladly, because you speak to me of the Chair of Peter, who sit in the chair of Peter. And albeit I have no delight in special honour; nevertheless, I did greatly rejoice, that you who are most holy, have given unto your self, what you have allowed unto me: [Page 11] for who knows not, that the Holy Church is strengthned by the solidity of the Prince of the Apostles? because he carried strength of mind in his name, that he was called Petrus à Petra, to him by the voice of Truth it was said, Unto thee will I give the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven: and again, When thou art converted, strengthen thy brethren; and again, Simon lovest thou me? feed my sheep. And so though the Apostles were many, yet only the See of the Prince of the Apostles, which [See] is but one in three places, and hath prevailed pro ipso principatu; for he hath advanced the See, where he would rest and finish his life; and he hath beautified the See, whereinto he sent the Evangelist a Disciple; and he hath strengthned the See [Antiochia] in which he sate 7. years, albeit he was to leave it: Seeing then the See is one, and of one; wherein now by Divine authority three Bishops do govern, what­soever good I do hear of you, I account it mine own; and if you hear any good of me, impute it unto your merits; because we are all one in him, who said, That they may be all one, as thou, Father art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be one in us. So far he. Whence it appears, that whatsoever may be understood by the Title, Prince of the Apostles; other Bishops did oppose, that it should be proper to the See of Rome; and Gregory was content to share with the Bishops of Antiochia and Alexandria. Likewise Basilius, Bi­shop of Cappadocia, in his 55. Epistle calleth Ambrose (who was Bishop of Milain) Bishop of the first See of the Apostles; certainly, not because any Apostle was ever Bishop of Milain; but because, as Ambrose held the do­ctrine of the Apostles, so at that time Milain was the Court of the Emperour Theodosius his Residence; as Basil saith in the same Epistle, unto that Town is the Princedom of the whole [Roman] nation concredited. The prima­cy of the Bishop of Rome, being grounded, in this manner, upon so sandy rea­sons, hath been usurped and enlarged by slight and might through many ages; and at that time gave the occasion of the great schism, betwixt the Greek and Latine Churches, and among the Latines themselves; for the Bishops of Ravenna and Milain, would not consent to the supremacy (as follows:) and therefore Ravenna, in contempt, was called Acephalos or headless; and the Bishops of Venice and Istria would not subject themselves. Phyl. Mor­nay in Myster. iniq. pag. 117. This Boniface denounceth a curse to all them, who climb unto a Bishoprick by favour of men or bribery: he ordaineth, that The Election of a Bishop. the Election of a Bishop, should be by consent both of people and clergy, and be ratified, when the Prince of the City shall approve of it, and the Pope shall add his volumus & mandamus. Platina. Gregory said, he would not com­mand, but only he would intimate or shew such things as he thought expedi­ent, lib. 7. Ep. 30. but then Boniface, and all his Successors, in all their Con­stitutions, Grants, and Buls, have no word so frequent, as Iubemus & manda­mus. He sate 9. months.

4. BONIFACE IIII. succeeds an. 608. saith Onuphrius, Phocas gave Paganisin creepeth into the Romish Church. unto him the Temple that was called Pantheon (that is, of Cybele and all other Gods) and he dedicated it unto Mary, and all other Saints; and there­fore it was called Virgo ac Martyres. Platin. A noble change! not from Paga­nism to Christianity; but from one sort of idolatry to another. Neither was this his deed only, but of many other Popes, as Bellarmin sheweth de cultu Sanctor. lib. 3. cap. 4. and therefore Agrippa de vanit. scient. cap. 58. saith, we know, this was the old superstition of the Gentils, to build to each God their own Temple: to whose imitation, afterwards Christians began to dedicate their Churches unto their Divis. In that chapter, Agrippa taxeth his Ro­manists: 1. That they think God hears prayers more in one place, than in another; albeit Christ biddeth enter into our Chamber; and he himself went [Page 16] unto the Mountaines to pray. 2. Hee reproves the multitude of their Churches, Chappels, and Oratories built and adorned so sumptuously; and in the mean time, the poor and living members of Christ, are starving for want of necessaries. From Augustin, contra Maximin. lib. 1. argum. 11. de Sp. San. we may learn a third fault of this kind: if we build (saith he) a Church of Stones or Trees unto any most excellent Angel, are we not ac­cursed and anathematized from the truth of Christ, and from the Church of God; because then we give unto a creature, that service which is due un­to God only. Hereunto did Bellarmin subscribe, saying, to offer Sacrifices, to build Churches and Altars, is a service due to God alone; de beatit. San­ctor. lib. 1. cap. 12. But in lib. 3. de cultu Sanctor. he varnisheth this practice of the Romish Church, saying, we build not Churches to our Martyrs, as to Gods, but as monuments to dead men, whose spirits live with God. He adds other answers, but such as he trusts not himself; and the most solid (as he saith) is, Holy houses may be built truly and properly to Saints, yet not under the name of a Church or Temple, but Basilica or Memoria. To omit the identity of the words, Agrippa said before, They build Churches unto their Divi: and Erasmus on the margine, above the fore-named words of Augustine, hath marked, This is done now to each one of the Divi. But experience is a sufficient witness, that almost all the Churches, under the obe­dience of Rome, had their names from Saints; nor were they called, the Memories or Monuments, but the Church of Saint Peter or some other Saint, and in Latine Templa Sanctorum, and in Greek [...], as Bellarmin witnesseth de cultu Sanct. lib. 3. cap. 4. Werefore we may see, that the Church of Rome hath turned the old idolatry, into a new sort of idolatry; giving their new Gods more fine and superstitious worship. This Boniface did first All-hallow day. ordain the Feast of All-Saints, and that the Pope should say Mass that day. Catal. test. verit. lib. 6. He turned his fathers house into a Monastery, and sate 7. years: then the seat was vacant 6. months; for many strove for the pre­heminence, rather than for the cure of souls. At last

5. DEUSDEDIT or Theodatus, the son of a married Priest, was cho­sen, and sate 3. years. This only is written of him, that he was an holy man, and that he healed a man sick of the Palsie, by a kiss only; and that he or­dained, that the son of him who had been witness of the Baptism of an infant, should not marry that infant being a woman. Platin. And hereby he enlar­geth spiritual alliance (as they call it) which was begun by Gregory, who Spiritual al­liance. did accurse the man who shall marry his god-mother. Grego. decreta.

6. BONIFACE V. is said to have been a man of singular vertue and bountifulness; especially toward those of the Clergy, who were most vigilant in their calling. He ordained, that so great reverence should be had unto the Churches a refuge of im­piety. place of Gods worship; that whosoever shall take his refuge into a Church, should not be taken by force; (making the Law of God against murtherers, and such ungodly men, to be of no effect by his tradition; because he loved them who bring, saith I. Beda in Catal. Scriptor. illust.) and that sacrilegious Except sacri­ledge. persons should be accursed (for he hateth them who take away.) In his time, Testaments were of strength, when they were confirmed by the Magistrates: but his Successours would have this power to themselves. His Epistles di­rect to England, as in Beda's history, wherein are sundry passages, fighting against the perfection of Christ's satisfaction. He sate 5. years, and died an. 622.

7. HONORIUS I. was a Monothelite, Onuphrius in Annot. in Platin. A Pope con­demned of heresie. and Bellarmin, de Ro. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 11. would purge him of this blot, by the Epistles of a Monk Maximus, and of Emanuel Caleca. who lived about the [Page 17] year 1274. they cannot deny, that they saw in the most common books of Councels, this heresie imputed unto him in the sixth general Councel; as also the Epistles of Sergius, Bishop of Constantinople, unto Honorius; and of Honorius to Sergius, were read in the twelfth Action or Session: and in the sixteenth Action, they both were accursed for that heresie: and in the seven­teenth, a Confession was published contrary to the errour of the Monothe­lites; and after the Confession, Honorius Pope of old Rome, is reckoned amongst the Hereticks: see hereafter in Leo II. and some among the Roma­nists, stick not to call him an Heretick, as Melc. Canus in loc. Theol. li. 6. c. 8. Platina makes mention of his great care in building of Churches, and trans­porting Ornaments from the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, into the Church of St. Peter, but nothing of his spiritual building. He appointed Processions on the Lords day: whence was the compassing of Churches. Catal. test. verit. lib. 9. He sate 12. years, and then the Seat was vacant 1. year and 7. months.

8. SEVERINUS was confirmed by Isaacius, Eparch of Ravenna: Election of the Pope. for at that time the Election of the Pope was naught, till he were confirmed by the Emperour or his Eparch. Platin. Isaacius came to Rome for confir­mation of the Pope, and saw great Treasure in the Lateran Church: he took it all away; because the Souldiers were in great necessity, in time of the wars against the Sara [...]ens; yet he gave only a part of it to the Souldiers, and sent the rest to Ravenna; whence he sent a part unto the Emperour: like unto all other Popes, Severinus was more carefull of houses then of souls. Platin. He by Epistle reproves the Scots; for observing Penticost or Easter, on ano­ther day than the Church of Rome; but his reproof had no place there; be­cause they were not accustomed with the yoke of the Romish Bishops, saith Catal. test. ver. He sate 1. year 2. months. Beda hist. lib. 2. cap. 19. hath writ­ten None free of Original sin, except our Saviour. an Epistle at this time, thus, Unto the most learned, and most holy, the Scotch Bishops and Presbyters, and other Doctours and Abbots. Hilarius Arch Priest, and keeping the place of the holy Apostolical See, John a Dea­con, and chosen in the name of God; and John Primicerius, and holding the place of the Apostolical See, and John a servant and counseller of the same Apostolical See. The writings which the Bearers brought unto Pope Gregory, of good memory (he departing this life) have not been answered till now. Which being opened, lest the mist of so great a question should continue......Hereby we know, that the Pelagian heresie beginneth to re­vive among you; wherefore we exhort you earnestly, that so venemous a work of superstition be put from your minds; for it cannot be unknown un­to you, how that execrable heresie is damned; seeing it hath not only been abolished out this 240. years; but it is also daily condemned by us, by a per­petual anathema, and is buried: and we exhort, that among you their ashes be not stirred up, whose weapons are burnt: For who will not abhor the proud and wicked attempts of them who say, A man may be without sin by his proper will, and not by the grace of God? And indeed, the first foolish saying of blasphemy, is to say, A man is without sin: Which cannot be, except the only Mediatour of God and Man Christ Jesus, who was concei­ved and born without sin. For other men, being born with Original sin, are known to bear the testimony of Adam's transgression (even they who are without Actual sin) according to the Prophet, saying, Behold I was con­ceived in iniquity, and in sin hath my mother born me. What may be col­lected out of this Epistle, I leave unto all Judicious Readers: only I would, that this were remarked, that in the inscription, they observe the stile and phrase of the Roman Court, directing their Letters unto the Scotch Bishops, &c. [Page 18] whereas, neither at that time, nor many ages thereafter, was any Bishop in Scotland; but only Abbots who were Doctours, and Presbyters in several congregations.

9. JOHN IV. bestows all the Treasure (that Isaacius and Severine had left) on the redeeming of some captives of his Nation Dalmatia and Istria, from the Lombards. He transports the bodies of Vincentius and Anastasius Reliques. Martyres, from Dalmatia to Rome; from the hands of enemies to the su­perstition of a more eminent place. In his time Lotharis, King of the Lom­bards (a good Justitiary, and Arrian) did permit in every City of his King­dom, two Bishops, one Catholick (as they spoke then, or orthodox) and ano­ther Arrian. John sate 1. year 9. months.

10. THEODORUS I. the son of Theodorus Bishop of Jerusalem, Pretended authority availeth not. strove against Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, because he was a Monothelite, and sought his deprivation, but in vain; for he dealt by authority, and not by Scriptures or reason; and Paul despiseth his authority. Lotharis said, he was puft up with ambition, and not inspired by a good spirit; and therefore he contemned him also, saying, He fostereth many errours, and reproved one only. He disswadeth the Emperour Constans, from the errour of the Mo­nothelites; therefore the Emperour sought his life. Thereafter all his care was, to adorn and adore the bodies of the departed Saints, and their Reliques: he died an. 647.

11. MARTIN I. augmenteth the number of holy daies; he com­mandeth New Rites. the Priests to shave their hair continually; and that each Bishop should consecrate the chrism or holy ode yearly, and send it through all the Parishes of his Diocy; and that all the Clergy should, at their admission, vow single life. He sent unto Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, exhorting him to forsake his errour; but Paul was so far from regarding his Ambassage, that he abused his Messengers, and sent them into sundry Islands. Wherefore the Pope assembled a Synod at Rome, of 150. Bishops, and reneweth the damnation of Syrus, Bishop of Alexandria; of Sergius and Pirrhus, Bishops of Constantinople, and he accurseth Paul. Platina makes no mention that he did Excommunicate the Emperour. Certain it is, that the Emperour com­mandeth his Eparch Olympius, either to kill Martin, or (if he could) send him to Constantinople; because he had conspired against the Emperour, as appears in his own Epistle, written to Theodorus the former Eparch. Olym­pius sent a servant to kill him, in St. Maries Church. Platina saith, the servant was miraculously stricken with blindness. The Emperour restored Theodo­rus, and gave him the same Commission: he was received by the Romans very graciously, because he had foughten against the Lombards, Then professing to visit the Pope, at the first meeting causeth him to be bound, and sent him to Constantinople, where he had his tongue cut out, and was sent to Chersonesus, and died in great necessity. After he had sate 7. years, his See was vacant 14. moneths; because they had not had intelligence of his death.

12. EUGENIUS I. receiveth Letters from Peter, Bishop of Constan­tinople, The Pope is censured. coming nearer the truth, than his Predecessour Paul: yet because he did not express the two natures and wills in Christ, the Clergy of Rome, did inhibit [Nota] the Pope to say Mass, until he abjured those Letters of Peter. Platin. He commanded, that Bishops should have Prisons for malefactors; Bishops have Prison-hou­ses. and so they began to meddle with civil punishment. Catal. test. ver. lib. 7. He ordained, that Monks should not come out of their Cloisters, without express licence from their Superiour. He sate 2. years and 9. months.

[Page 19] 13. VITALIAN ordained a new order in the Church, especially of Musical in­struments. singing; and for the better harmony, he brought in the Organs. Platin. That new order of singing, must be understood of some new sort of musick; for Psalms were sung in the Church before: and Bellarmin de bon. oper. lib. 1. cap. 7. saith, Organs were not heard in the Church, before the year 820. and Thomas Aqui. 2. 2. qu. 91. ar. 2. saith, in the Old-Testament was use of mu­sical instruments; because people were rude and carnal; and therefore had need to be stirred up by these instruments, as they were by earthly promises; as also they did prefigure something. And in object. 4. of the same article, he saith, The Church suffers not musical instruments, as Cythars and Psalteries in the praising of God, lest they seem to Judaize. Whence it appears (as Card. Ca­jetan. hath observed in that place) that Organs were not in the Church in the daies of Thomas Aqu. In the year 666. he ordained, that all service in the The number 666. Churches, every where, should be done in the Latine language; and so the number of the Beast, agreeth to his time and language, that he commandeth. But hence it appears, that at that time, the Nations had used their vulgar lan­guages in the Churches; and this Pope began to restrain them. Pope Mar­tine had ordained that Priests should not marry; and now Vitalian reproves Priests for their marriage; as appears by his Epistle to the Bishop of Creta, wherein he findeth fault, that the Bishops of that Island had wives. He com­manded shaving and anointing; and under these signs, he gave liberty of buying and selling. Catal. test. ver. lib. 7. Three things, at that time, were Three won­ders. called wonders, Monasteries with fair buildings, Kings become Monks, and whoredom of Priests was thought no fault. He sate 14. years.

14. ADEODAT followed him. Now a wondrous Comet was seen the space of three months; and also were extraordinary thunderings and inunda­tions Wherefore the Pope made frequent prayers, that God would avert the Prayers with­out repen­tance are idle. evils, which those prodigies seemed to pretend: but repentance, and aboli­shing of idolatry, was not conjoined with their prayers: so follows great dearth of corn; an the Sarazens entred into Sicily. He sate 2. years.

15. DONUS or Domnio sate 5. years. Theodore Bishop of Ravenna, submits his See unto him. To maintain the invocation of Saints, the Papists say, that at that time the soul of Dagobert, King of France, was delivered out of the hands of the Divel, by Dionisius and Maurice Martyres, and Martine the Confessour, whom Dagobert had worshipped.

16. AGATHO obtained from the Emperour Constantine, a discharge Election of the Pope. of the mony, which the Pope was wont to give unto the Emperour, for his confirmation; yet so, that when the Election should be made; he who is chose, should not be ordained, until a general Decree be made, according to the old custom. Gratian. dist. 63. ca. Agatho. Platina saith, the sixth gene­ral Councel, was called by Agatho: but the Books of Councels shew ex­pressely, Councels were called by Em­perours. that it was called by the Emperour, in the daies of Pope Donus; and the Divalis sacra, was directed unto Donus, requiring him to send wor­thy and learned men unto the Councel, which the Emperour had proclaimed. Donus died, and the Divalis was delivered unto Agatho; who in his Epistle to the Emperor (as it is Registred in the 4. Session of the same Councel) acknow­ledged, that at his direction, and for obedience which he oweth unto him; he had called a Synod of 125. Bishops (whose names and subscriptions, are ex­tant with the Acts of that Synod) at Rome, for due preparation unto the Councel; and in that Epistle, he calleth himself often the Emperours servant: John Bishop of Portua, and John a Deacon of Rome, were sent unto the Councel; they said the first Latine Mass, in the Church of St. Sophia at Con­stantinople, The first La­tine Mass in Greece. the Emperour being present. This one practice made the grea­ter [Page 20] way unto the fore-named Decree of Pope Vitalian, in all other places. In the Synod at Rome he made the Canon, in Gratian. di. 19. All the Decrees of the Apostolick See, are to be embraced, as established by the divine voice of St. Peter. When Theodore Bishop of Ravenna died, the Clergy could Contention in election of a Bishop. not agree in the Election. Theodoricus, one of the Competitours, hastneth to Rome, and was confirmed by Pope Agatho: the people of Ravenna took it impatiently, that their Church, which was wont to contend with Rome in dignity; was now by the foolishness or madness of Theodoricus, become subject to Rome; and they took part with Felix, that he should be their Bishop, and maintain the libertie of their Church. The Emperour Ju­stinian, gives order to Theodore the Eparch, to go with 8. ships to Raven­na; and cause Felix to give satisfaction to the Bishop of Rome; and if he re­fused, that he should send Felix, with the head-men of the City, unto Con­stantinople: Theodore doth so; and Felix had both his eys burnt out with hot brass; the Citizens were killed or banished: Sabellic. Ennead. 8. lib. 7. and upon this occasion, Pope Leo the II. obtained from the Emperour, that the Arch-Bishop of Ravenna, in all times coming, should receive investiture from Rome. Hence we see, that all Italy was not subject unto the See of Rome; seeing Ravenna had contended with Rome for dignity. Agatho sate 3. years.

17. LEO II. is called a learned Pope. He ordained, that no Arch-Bishop should pay any thing to the Church of Rome, for Investiture or Palle; be­cause such a custome would breed many inconveniences. Platin. This De­cree held not, and by length of time, the price of the Palle waxed so great; that Albert, Bishop of Ments, payed for it 30000. crowns, Sleidan. comment. adan. 1523. Leo accurseth, at Rome, all them whom the sixth Councel The humble Letter of the Pope unto the Emperour. had condemned; as his Epistle written to the Emperour shews, out of which I have marked these passages: Unto the King of Kings we give thanks, who hath bestowed an earthly kingdom upon you; so that you should covet hea­venly things: for it is better that you trust in God with a setled mind, then that you reign with honour given you from above: that is profitable to you; this to your subjects; for, by the mercy of God, you obtain the triumphal glory of your fathers Crown by birth: your godliness is the fruit of mercie; but your power is the conserver of discipline: by the one thereof, your Princelie mind is joined with God; by the other, discipline is done unto your Subjects: the riches of the one, relieve the poor; the happiness of the other, amen­deth them who stray from the right way. It is no less care of them who are in authoritie, to amend the froward, than to triumph over an enemie—The Legates of this Apostolical See, your mother, the Roman Church, the ser­vants of your Holiness; together with the persons who went with them; who by our Predecessour, of Apostolical memory, Agatho, at the 8. indiction; for the cause of faith (your Godliness commanding) were hither directed: the tenth indiction, being now past, in the month of Julie; together with your Godliness Letters and Acts of the Councel, did we receive with great joy in the Lord; and as it were we entred out of the gulf of grief, into the haven of longed-for calmness; and recovering strength, we began with great thanks­giving to cry out, Lord, save our most Christian King, and hear him......Therefore, as we have received every one of the general Councels, of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon and Constantinople; all which the Church of Christ doth approve: So the sixth general Councel, which was now celebrated in this Princely City, by means of your clemency; we as their foot-grooms [Nota] do with the like reverence receive, and we discern the same Councel to be numbred justly with them; as being gathered by the same, or [Page 21] alike grace of God: therefore we do anathematize and accurse all heresies, and all Authors or favourers of them, Theodore Bishop of Farranitan, Cy­rus of Alexandria, Sergius, Pirrhus, Peter and Paul, rather successours than Bishops of Constantinople; and Honorius, who did not adorn the Aposto­lical See, with doctrine of Apostolical tradition; but by his wicked traitory did indeavour to subvert the unspotted faith—In the end, let your Princely magnanimity think worthy of your wonted acceptation and clemency, Con­stantine a sub-Deacon, the humble Bearer of these Presents; and give your godly ears unto his informations; that in the servant, you would worthily ac­knowledge the sender. Let the Reader consider, how different the stile of this Letter is, from the presumptuous Buls of Popes afterwards, and see a Pope condemned of heresie. Leo sate 10. months, but his glory was so great (saith Platina) that it seemed, as if he had lived longer. The seat was vacant 11. months and 21. daies.

18. BENEDICT II. was thought so singular in learning and godliness, A little change in the election of a Pope. that he was chosen with consent of all; and the Emperour thought so well of his Election, that then it was first ordained by him, whom the Clergie, Peo­ple and Souldiers of Rome, should chuse unto the Papacie; he incontinently should be received, without sending unto Constantinople, but only unto the Eparch of Ravenna. We will see the practice in Conon and Sergius. Baro­rius speaks of the custom formerly, how the confirmation was sought from the Kings of the Goths; and after them from the Emperour; and lastly from the Eparch. But when the Popes began to despise the Emperour, they did not respect the Eparch. Pol. Virgil. de inven. rer. lib. 4. cap. 10. saith, The power of creating the Roman High-Priest, untill the Reign of the Emperour Con­stantine, without doubt, did appartain unto the Colledge of Roman Priests: then by degrees the Election of that Colledge, with the suffrages of the peo­ple, was firm; which the Emperour had approved: and this continued till the year 685—this custom indured not long—the Successours of Charls the Great, were accustomed to confirm the Election: at last 1059. Pope Ni­colas the II. did restrain the Election unto the Cardinals. Boniface was more carefull of outward, than spiritual Churches, as Platina shews. He sate scarce 11. months.

19. JOHN V. was elected that year, wherein the Emperour Constan­tine died: he writ of the dignity of the Palle, and continued not one year. Then the Romans would have advanced Peter an Arch-Bishop, and the Contentions who shall be Pope. Souldiers were inclined to Theodore a Priest. But after long contention

20. CONON was preferred, he was beloved of many for natural and civil gifts of body and mind; but so soon as he was confirmed, he was taken with sickness: then Paschalis an Arch-Deacon, and Master of the Popes Trea­sure, gave great sums of money, to John the Eparch, to cause him to be ele­cted. Conon died in the 11. month. Then some cry for the fore-named Theodore, and some strove for Paschalis; the matter was like to come to blows; till by the advice of some, both of people and souldiers, the tumult was pacified a third.

21. SERGIUS I. was chosen, and carried upon mens shoulders to the Novation in the election. Lateran Church: thus by occasion of the pride of the Competitours, the pride of the beast is advanced another step; for his Successours will not let this shew go down. The Competitours salute and kiss him sore against their wills; for the multitude did compell them. Platin. Nevertheless Paschalis sent pri­vily for the Eparch to come and aid him: the matter is disclosed unto the Pope, and Paschalis is accused of Magick, convicted, deposed, and shut into a Mo­nastery, where he abode 5. years, still denying that whereof he was accused; [Page 22] and the Eparch would not admit Sergius, till he had paied five pounds of gold, that Paschalis had promised, though Sergius said he had not promised it: Ba­ron. ad an. 687. Bellarmin de Ro. Pont. lib. 3. saith, in the year 669. The Bishop of Rome began to have the Temporal sword, that is, temporal government; for Aripert King of the Lombards, gave unto the Bishop of Rome Alpes Co­ctiae The first tem­poral land of the Pope. by Genua; and an. 714. Luithprand did confirm the same gift; as is writ­ten by Ado. Vien. and Blondus dec. 1. cap. 10. whereupon Theod. Bibliander marketh (saith Bellarm.) that the first Papal Province, was in the year 714. if that were true, which they talk, of that forged Donation, of the Emperour Constantine, where was it all this time? upon that passage of Bellarmine, An­drew Melvin, Master of the University of St. Andrews, about the year 1605. writes thus, If from the number 699. (wherein the Temporal Sword was first given to the Pope) you will take off the number of years, from Christ's The number 666. birth, till his death; there remains the number of the Beast. In the time of Sergius, Pipin Duke of Austria, came to have place in the Court of France. Sergius sate 13. years, and 8. months, and died an. 701.

CHAP. III. Of Divers Countries.

1. THe Heresies of former ages, and now the arrogant presumption of The Christian Church is di­vided into ten parts. Prelates, causeth the Church of Christ to be divided into ten parts, differing all one from another; either in articles of faith, or discipline and rites (whereof they have been too zealous) each part, calling themselves the only true Church of Christ; most pitifull! These parts are, 1. The La­tines or Western Churches, which hath been under the Bishop of Rome. 2. The Greeks, and with them, the Iberi, Slavoni, Russi, Muscovites, and others scattered through Europe; together with the Patriarchal Seas of An­tioch and Jerusalem in Asia; and the Patriarchal See of Alexandria in Aegypt; all which were brought once under the Bishop of Constantinople. My aim hath been principally, to know the alterations of these two parts, at what time, and where the schism began, and how it did wax: and so have I followed, as the matter, and light of stories, gives occasion. It is remarkable, that Pope Gregory the I. in lib. 7. Ep. 53. writes, that all the four Patriarchs in the East, did hold the same faith and doctrine with the Synod at Chalcedon, and other General Councels before it; nor did they ordain any Bishop, who did not follow and maintain the same. 3. The Ethiopians or Abyssines, under Prester-John, in Affrick; they use to bathe or baptize themselves every year in rivers; not that they think it necessary to salvation; but they do it on the day of the Epiphany, in remembrance of Christ's baptism: for this, the Ro­manists call them Anabaptists. But we will, in Century XIII. hear Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, calling them Orthodox: they are circumcized by an old custom, rather than of religion: for Herodotus, in Euterpe, testi­fieth, that the Ethiopians and Aegyptians, in his time and before, were cir­cumcized. 4. The Jacobites are so named, from Jacob Zanzal a Syrian, and Eutithian Heretick, who lived an. 613. and more shortly, they are cal­led Coptites (as Io. Scaliger. de emend. temp. lib. 5. writes) from a City in Aegypt, where Dioclesian slue 144000. Martyres, because they would not sacrifice to Idols: this sort are dispersed in Aegypt, Arabia and Chaldea: they are also circumcized. The Authour of the book, called the Catholick Tra­ditions, first in French, and then translated into English) searches the diffe­rences [Page 23] of all Churches; and except ceremonies or rites, hath not marked great difference of the Abyssines and Jacobites, from our Reformed Chur­ches; and in his Preface, he saith, they pretend to have their name Jacobites, from Jacob the old Patriarch; and the name Copthes or Cut, because they are circumcized: and in Qu. 5. he saith, they call themselves Christians of the first conversion. 5. The Nestorians, are said to have abjured the heresie of Nestorians; yet keep still the name for hatred and distinction of the Euti­thians: they dwell dispersed thorow Persia, India and Tartary; they use the Chaldean language in their Liturgy, and their Prelate resideth in Mosal or Seleucia. 6. Maronites dwell in Lybia and Phoenicia; they use the Arabian tongue; they are permitted to use Bells, after the manner of the Western Church; which is not granted to others in the East. They are said to have been free from all enemies till this day; not so much by strength, or number of souldiers, as by scituation of the mountains. 7. The Armenians use only their own language, but are infected with fond heresies; they hold that Christ did not assume an human body of the Virgin Mary; but had an incorruptible body from the moment of his conception; and this body (say they) should be worshipped in the own nature of it; and therefore they are called [...], or worshippers of a corruptible thing; and because they worship the Cross of Christ, they are called Cross worshippers. For these causes they are contemned by the Greeks; but Pope Lucius the II. accepted them; because, at that time, they did acknowledge the Pope, as head of the Church: never­theless, the Romans hate them as Hereticks; but deal discreetly with them (as they say) to draw them unto their obedience: they call their Arch-Bishop, the Catholick Bishop. 8. The Georgians, are so called from St. George, whose badge they carry; they dwell in Media, Persia, and about the Caspian sea; they agree with the Greeks, both in language, rites and doctrine. 9. Suria­ni, are so named from Sur, a City of Assyria, and also are called Samarita­ni; they have the same language which the Sarazens had, and religion with the Greeks, for the most part; and they have leavened bread in the Sacra­ment 10. Mozarabes, who dwelt first in Arabia, and thence they went in Colonies into Affrick, and then into Spain; but none of them remain till this day; because they would not contract with any of another Religion: in their Service, they were brought to use the Latine language, and to acknowledge the primacy of the Pope; but they would not change in sundry other articles. These are the remnants of the most ancient and famous Churches; the most part of which, agree in many more things of great importance, than those wherein they dissent: so that amongst the blind Pagans, and blasphemous Mahumetists, the name of God is invocated, by some Christians, with more piety (it may be supposed) than among others where there is greater libertie and clearness of doctrine. Wheresoever the Word of God is preached, we must think, some are effectually called; for the rain coming from heaven, returns not again, but watereth the earth, and makes it to bud; so is the word of the Lord, Isa. 55. And Jesus Christ is the Universal Shepheard of them all. The Authour of the fore-named Catholick Tradition, in the Annotation on the 5. question, saith, There are two or three hundred years past; since that, it hath been very hard, to judge by the multitude, whether the name of the Catholick Church, appartained to the Greeks or Latines......But now the Greek Church is diminished, by oppression of the Turks; as the Latine is in­creased, by the Conquests of the Spaniards, far otherwise then it was hereto­fore.....So that if the multitude, gave the name of Catholick, the Grecians should have had it; and the certain time, when they lost this Title, is not to be known. Notwithstanding all this, these two Churches, and that of the Ja­cobites, [Page 24] do profess themselves to be Catholicks; the passages or proofs be­fore alledged, do shew, that every one of them is extended very wide. Un­der the name of Jacobites, we comprehend, the Cophites and Abyssines; and we may add the Nestorians: for Masius telleth us, that these people are rather differing in name, than in religion, whose testimony is reported to be very true. In Jerusalem they have divers Churches and Oratories, the one neer the other; and the reason is, to the end every nation may use the language which he best understandeth.....The same Masius, dischargeth the Nesto­rians of the crime of that heresie, which was imputed unto them: I am as­sured (saith he) they are free from that wicked doctrine of that infamous he­retick Nestor; for having a great volumn of their solemn prayers, which they make to God, I have found nothing, that might offend any man of sound opinion in our religion; if it be not this, that I suspect them; because they, in many places, call not the Virgin Marie mother of God; but instead of this Title, they call her the mother of life and of light. And saith the fore-named Author, here is to be noted, that Villamont had some notice, that Prester-John had sent to the Pope, that he was willing to submit himself unto the Church of Rome: and Cotton, the Jesuit, affirms, that the Patriarch of the Cophites, had done the like. But we have now fresher news, and know that there is no such matter. So far out of the Catholick Tradition. Then of all these parts, we may think, that (except certain persons at several times) they all retain, or the most part, their ancient doctrines and traditions; as wel in matters of faith, as in rites and discipline; except only the Western Church, which hath suffered no small change, sometimes to worse, and sometimes to better; not in general at once, but now one nation, and then another hath suffered their Eclipses, and have shewed again their bright beams. And the first declination began in Italy, by occasion of Wars, and partly in default of their Clergie. For when the many strangers made incursions upon Italie, in the two Centuries immediately preceding; they indeavoured, by all means, to abolish all other languages, except their own: and therefore, where they prevailed, they burned Studies, and all Books that they could find. Io. Bodin. Method. cap. 7. And then the Bishops of Rome, fishing in troubled waters, after that the Emperour, who did with-hold, was taken out of the way, they begun to exalt themselves above all. The religion and pietie of former Bi­shops, did move the Emperour to be bountifull unto them; and for peace in the Church, to limit their jurisdiction: But the following Bishops, looking unto wealth, more than devotion; and to dominion, more than peace; they begun to think a Bishoprick, to be nothing else but gain, revenues and do­minion; as saith Po. Vergil. de inven. rer. lib. 6. cap. 14. neer the end, in the former ages, the subtile wits of the Greeks made heresies, and heresies begot schisms: but the Romans turn all religion into gain, and in all the articles of difference betwixt the Greeks and the Latines, the opinion of the Latines, ser­veth unto the gain and ambition of the Clergie, either directlie or indirectlie: now desire of money being alone (far more being conjoined with ambition) is the root of all ill; so that no wonder it is, if hunting after it, they have er­red from the faith.

2. Pope Gregory the I. saw this defection coming, when he said, all things Gregory fore­saw the first defection. that were fore-told, are now in doing: the King of pride is at hand; and which I fear to speak, the armie or the end. [Some read, exercitus; and some exi­tus] of Priests is at hand; for they do war under pride, who should be ring­leaders of humilitie, lib. 4. Ep. 38. And on Iob lib. 33. cap. 36. now ere An­tichrist come by himself, some do preach him by their words, and manie by their manners. Are they not the Preachers of his hypocrisie, who when they [Page 25] have obtained the holy Orders of God, do with their hearts or desires lay hold on this fading World? Who pretend that it is all vertue that they do, and yet it is all vice that they practice? And in Homil. on Luk. 10. he lamenteth, Behold the World is full of Priests, but few workmen in the Lords harvest: we accept the Office, but discharge not the work of the Office. I think, Brethren, that there is no greater wrack, then what God suffereth from Priests, when he seeth them examples of wickedness, whom he hath appointed for amending others: and which is more grievous, if they see one humble or continent, they deride him: What can befall the Flock, when the Shep­heards become Wolves? they fear not to undertake the charge of the Flock, who spare not to make prey of them; and they turn Ministery into the increase of ambition: we forsake the things that appartain unto God, and are intan­gled with the things of the earth: so it is fullfilled, like Priest, like people. There he speaks largely of this purpose, and this is remarkable that he saith, When Peter shall come [before Christ] with the converted Jews, whom he drew after him, and Paul leading (I may say) the converted World, An­drew leading Achaia; and all the Shepheards, with their Flocks, shall come before the eternal Shepheard: what shall we wretched men say, who had the name of Shepheards, and have no sheep, who have received nou­rishment from us? Nevertheless, the Lord will feed his sheep by himself, whom he hath appointed unto life. Whereunto shall I liken bad Priests, but to the water of Baptism, which washing away the sins of the baptized, sendeth them into Heaven, and it is cast into a Cink. And lib. 4. Ep. 32. he saith of them, While we forsake things that become us, and mind things that become us not; we make our sins like unto the power of the barbarous enemies; and our fault which lieth heavy upon the Common-wealth, doth sharpen the swords of our enemies: what can we say who are unworthily set over the people of God, and press them down with the burthen of our sins? who destroy by our examples, what we preach with our tongues; who by our works teach wickedness, and by our voice only pretend equity; the Tea­chers of humility, and Captains of pride; with the face of a sheep, we do cover wolvish teeth. But what shall be the end of these things, but that we do counsel men, and are made known unto God? And lib. 8. Ep. 36. They who come after us, will see worse times; so that in comparison of their times, they will judge that we have had happy daies. Yea Gregory, not only fore­saw Gregory devi­seth new Rites, yet tieth not others unto them. this defection, but he was not the least agent in multiplying new Rites: he did frame a new order of Divine Service, or (as they call it) a new Mass; where it is clear, that the former manner did not please him. And li. 7. indict. 2. Ep. 63. he shews, that some of his friends, both Greeks and Latines, did grumble against it: and in the end of that Epistle it is remarkable, that he saith, Nevertheless if that [of Constantinople] or any other Church, hath any good, I am ready to follow in goodness, even my inferiours, to whom I forbid unlawfull things; for he is a fool who thinks himself chief, and that he will not learn the good things that he seeth. And when Augustine, whom he sent into Britain, did ask him, seeing the faith is one, why are the customes of the Churches diverse? And why is one sort of Mass in Rome, and another in France? Gregory answers, Thy Brother-hood knows the custom of the Roman Church, in which you have been nourished; but it pleaseth me, that whether in the Church of Rome or of France, or in any other, thou hast seen any thing that may more please the Almighty God, that thou diligently follow it: and in that Church of the English, which in respect of the Faith, is new, they ordain the best things that thou hast seen in many Churches; for things are not to be loved for the places, but the places must be loved for the good [Page 26] things: therefore chuse thou out of every Church, what things are godly, pious and right; and these being gathered into a bundle, put thou into the minds of the English for customes. Interrog. August. resp. 3. Whence it is clear, that although Gregory was the Authour of the Mass, yet he did not bind all men to follow it, nor any other Ceremonies. In his answer to Au­gustin's sixth question, he saith, The holy Law forbids to uncover the filthi­ness Degrees of kindred. of kindred: therefore it is necessary now, that the third and fourth de­gree may lawfully marry; but should altogether abstain from the second. Here he wresteth Scripture, and restraineth the degrees which God permits. Then Augustine asketh, in his 7. question, Whether those who are so unlaw­fully married, shall be commanded to divorce, and shall be denied of the Communion? Gregory answereth, Because many in that nation, while they were infidels, were mixed in that unlawfull marriage, when they come into the faith, they are to be admonished to abstain, and let them know that it is an heinous sin: let them tremble at the fearfull judgement of God, lest for their carnal pleasure, they suffer everlasting torments; and yet they are not to be deprived of the Communion of the Holy Body and Bloud of the Lord; lest we seem to revenge on them, the things whereunto they had bound them­selves in their ignorance, before the Laurel of Baptism: for at this time, the holy Church correcteth some things in zeal; suffereth some things in meek­ness; dissembleth some things in prudence, that oft by tollerance and conni­vance, she may amend the ill which she hateth. But all they who imbrace the faith, are to be admonished that they do not such a thing; and if they shall then do it, they are to be deprived of the Communion of the body and bloud of the Lord. Here is a good advice in this, but still he aimeth at his own con­ceit. He deviseth a superstitious manner of consecrating Churches, which the posteritie have changed: he did foster the fond conceits of men, by too credulous believing the false miracles of his time, saith, M. Canus in Theol. In Vita Gre­gor. loc. lib. 11. cap. 6. He praied for delivering the soul of Trajan out of Hell; Pope Siricius (who lived an. 387.) was the first who contradicted marriage of Priests and Deacons, Gratian. dist. 82. and forbad their societie with their wives whom they had married. And Pope Pelagius did ordain, that Deacons who had wives, should either put them away, or leave their Benefice, Ibid. but then Pope Gregory judgeth it contrarie unto the Gospel, to put away a wife, unless it be for fornication; and he ordained that no sub-Deacon should be admitted, unless he promise chastitie; and he thought by this means, to bring single life upon the Clergie; seeing they must be Deacons, ere they be Priests. Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 5. cap. 4. Nevertheless afterwards when he finds, that Priests lived not continentlie, and thereby many children were murthered, as he saw 6000. heads of children taken out of a pond, (see hereafter in the 9. Centurie, in the Epistle of Huldricus, Bishop of Augusta) he annulleth his own Act, and saith, It is better to marry, then to burn and murther: he was credulous of Purgatorie, of which it follows. For these, and other conceits, Gregory is called worse then any of his Predecessours; but for his soundness in other articles, and for his vertues worthy of praise, he is commended above all his Successours; for he taught far otherwise, then the Church of Rome doth now. In lib. 4. Ep. 40. he perswadeth Leander, a Physician, to diligent The faith of Gregory, for matter of do­ctrine. reading of the Scriptures; and that upon such reasons that concern all men, saying, The Scripture, is an Epistle sent from God to his creatures: if thou receivest a Letter from an earthly King, thou wilt not rest nor sleep till thou understandest it: but the King of Heaven, and God of Men and Angels, hath sent his Letters unto thee for the good of thy soul, and yet thou neglectest the reading of them: I pray thee therefore, study them, and meditate daily on [Page 27] the words of thy Creatour. And in the preface on Job, unto Bishop Le­ander, cap. 4. In the Scripture is milk for babes, and meat for the stronger. There is a river plain and deep, wherein lambs may wade, and Elephants may swim. He hath the same again in Ezek. lib. 1. hom. 9. in the end of this, he saith, whatsoever serves for edification and instruction, is contained in the holy Scriptures. In Iob lib. 19. cap. 17. The books of Maccabees are not Canonical Scripture; and he permits an excuse of citing a testimony out of them; to wit, he doth not inordinately herein, because they are written for edification, albeit they be not Canonical. Again lib. 5. cap. 7. he saith, Our righteousness is found to be unrighteous, when it is narrowly examined; and it stinketh in the censure of the Judge, which glistereth in the esteem of the wor­ker. And lib. 18. cap. 25. some rejoice in their own power, and they do glo­ry, that they are redeemed by their preceding merits; whose assertion, cer­tainly, is contrary to it self: for while they say, They are innocent and redee­med, they make void ipso facto the name of redemption: for every one who is redeemed, certainly is delivered from bondage. Whence then is the man redeemed, if he was not captive under guilt? it is clear therefore, that he is very unwise who thinks so. Then he bringeth the example of the Thief on the Cross, who being a sinner, was changed by inward grace upon the Cross. Here by the way observe, Gregory useth the word meritum; but in another sense then the Papists do now: for in the same place he saith, Divine Grace finds not mans merit, that he may [or should] come; but when he hath come, he makes it; and God coming into an unworthy soul, maketh it wor­thy by coming, and he maketh in it merit, that he may reward, who did find only what he might have punished. He makes it clear, in cap. 26. They who hold that a man is saved by his own power, do guess that the confession of man, is by vertue of the man self; which if it were so, the Psalmist would not say to the praise of God, Confessio & magnificentia est opus ejus: we re­ceive therefore from him to confess, from whom it is given unto us to do great things, &c. There, thorow three chapters, Gregory speaks against mans merit or deserving; and he teacheth, that it is only by the grace of God, that man is able to do any good: and when he useth the word meritum, in a good sense, he understandeth simply good works, without the ad-significati­on of deserving. He useth also the word meruit improperly, as in the same book cap. 33. Abraham did never profess himself to be but dust and ashes, untill habere Dei meruit collocutionem, where that word cannot signifie to de­serve, but to attain: as also Bernard in Cant. ser. 2. saith, Herod would have seen Christ, but because not of a good mind, non meruit, that is, he obtai­ned not. Again on Ps. 7. poeniten. Gregory saith, at the word, auditam fac: although God bestoweth Heaven according to works, yet he giveth it not for works. If the blessedness of the righteous be of mercy, what is that, He will render to every one according to his works? And if it be rendred according to works, how is it called mercy? It is one thing, according to works; and ano­ther, for works: where it is said, according to works, the qualification of works is meaned; that whose good works are seen, shall have the reward of glory; for no labour or works can be compared unto that blessed life, where we shall live with God, and in God. It is sure then, that to whom it is mer­cifully given to do well in this life; unto those it is more mercifully given, that they shall be rewarded a hundred-fold in everlasting blessedness. This is the grace, that (as the Apostle saith) shall be given for grace unto the Saints of God; to whom is given, from God, the grace of holiness in this life; to them shall be given the grace of eternal felicity in the life to come. On Iob lib. 9. cap. 1. A godly man, because he seeth all the merit of his vertue to be vice, if it be [Page 28] narrowly examined by the inward Judge, will truly say, I cannot answer for one of a thousand; by a thousand is oft meaned universality. In lib. 20. cap. 4. he saith fitly, if I would have gone unto them: for (as it is written Eph. 1.) he worketh all things according to the counsell of his will, not according to our merit; but because he so willeth, the Lord enlighteneth us with his visita­tion: And so when he willeth, he cometh: and when he cometh, he sitteth first; both because his coming into our heart, is of his favour; and the appe­tite of desiring him in our thoughts, is not equal to our other desires. It fol­loweth, When I sate—The Lord sitteth as King in the heart, because he go­verns the buzzing motions of the heart. Lib. 23. cap. 18. An afflicted heart in all that it desireth, and yet feeleth the contrary order of things; would (so far as can be) have an answer from the voice of God, why it is so or so; that it may have the advice of God in every controversie, and then rest knowing his answer: But in fore-seeing that God would give the Holy Scripture, that in it he might answer both the publick and private questions of men, saith, Thou contendest with him, that he hath not answered to all thy words: God speaks once, and will not repeat it; as if he had said, God answereth not to the private voices of every heart; but he gives such a word, by which he sa­tisfieth the questions of all men; for in the words of his Scripture, every one of us find our causes, if we inquire: nor is it needfull, that what each one suf­fereth particularly, we should ask a particular answer by the voice of God. In Ezek. lib. 1. hom. 9. Behold, the voice of God biddeth the Prophet, when he lieth, to arise; but he could not arise at all, unless the Spirit of the Almighty had entred into him; because by the grace of the Almighty God, we may in­deavour unto good works, but we cannot do them, if he who commandeth doth not help. So when Paul did admonish his Disciples, saying, With fear and trembling work forth your salvation; immediately he sheweth who wor­keth these good things in them, saying, God worketh in you both the will and the deed. Hence truth himself saith, Without me ye can do nothing: but here it is to be considered, because if our good things be so the gift of God, that something in them be not ours, why seek we eternal reward as for works? But if they be so ours, that they are not the gift of God, why give we thanks for them unto God? But we must know, that our evils are ours only; but our good things are both God's and ours, because he preveeneth us by inspiring that we do will; and he following us by helping, lest we will in vain, that we may fullfill what he willeth: therefore by preveening grace and good will fol­lowing, that which is the gift of God, becomes our work: which Paul de­clareth shortly and well, saying, I have laboured more then they all, and lest he might seem to ascribe unto his own vertue what he had done, he addeth, yet not I, but the grace of God with me: for because he was prevented by heavenly gift, he confesseth himself as a stranger from his own work, yet not I: but because preveening grace had made will in him free and good, that by free-will he had followed the same grace unto the work, he addeth, But the grace of God with me: as if he had said, I have laboured in the good work, yet not I, but I also: for in respect that I was prevented by the meer gift of God, not I; but in respect that I followed the gift with my will, I also. These things I have said shortly against Pelagius and Coelestine. Truth him­self saith of the Preachers of Antichrist, They shall give signs and wonders, that the very elect (if it were possible) should be deceived: Why speaks he as doubting, seeing he fore-knows what shall be? It is one of two, because if they be elected, they cannot be deceived; and if they be deceived, they are not the elect. Therefore that doubting of our Lords words designeth tenta­tion, because they who are elected to persist, shall be tempted to fall by the [Page 29] signs of the Preachers of Antichrist; for they shake, but fall not. It is said therefore, if it were possible, because they shall tremble; and neverthelesse they are called the elect, because they fall not. Again on Iob lib. 25. cap. 20. in that he saith, He causeth an hypocrite to reign for the sins of the people, Antichrist may be understood the head of hypocrites; for that deceiver feig­neth holiness, that he may draw into wickedness; but for the sins of the peo­ple he is suffered to reign: albeit many have not seen his principality, yet they serve his principality by their sins: are they not his members, who by a shew of affected sanctily, would seem to be, what they are not? Certainly they come out of his body, who hide their iniquities under the cover of sacred ho­nour. And in an Epistle to Wimund Bishop of Aversa (which is in Gratian. dist. c. 8. S [...] consuetudin.) he saith; If thou oppose custom, observe what the Lord saith, I am truth and life; he saith not I am custom, but I am truth. And truly to use the words of blessed Cyprian, Whatsoever custom, how old soever, is altogether to be postponed unto truth, and custom contrary unto truth, should be abolished. In lib. 7. Ep. 1. unto Sabinian, then his Resident at Constantinople, amongst many particulars he saith, Shew my most gra­cious Lords, that if I their servant would have medled with the death of the Lombards, this day that Nation should not have had either King, Dukes or Counts, and it might have been in utter confusion; but because I fear God, I am afraid to meddle with any mans death. Certainlie, his Successours nei­ther have carried themselves as loyal servants of the Emperours, nor have they feared God in this manner, nor have they been so sparing of bloud. In hu­militie he (first) called himself, The servant of the servants of God; and his Successours retain the same Title, but they will not willinglie hear the name given them by another, Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 8. cap. 2. for they will be Lord of Lords. Concerning the Lords Supper, his words are remarkable in Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 58. His bodie is taken, and his flesh is divided for the salva­tion of the people; his blood is now poured forth not into the hands of unbe­lievers, but into the mouths of believers: therefore let us consider, what a sacrifice this is for us, which for our absolution [representeth, or] follows continuallie the Passion of the only begotten Son. Here though he call the brea [...] Christ's bodie and flesh; and the wine the blood; and the Sacrament a sacrifice: yet he shews, 1. That the bread was then divided. 2. The wine was given unto the people. 3. That the Sacrament is a continual representa­tion or imitation of Christ's passion. All which are contrarie to the Doctrine of the Romish Church now, nor can they consist with the opinion of tran­substantiation. Upon other occasions we shall yet see more of Gregorie.

3. It was received by many of the ancients in the third Centurie, and others Purgatory entreth by degrees. following, that the souls departing must be purged from corruption, lest any unclean thing enter into heaven. Origenes wrote, this purgation must be by fire; and thereupon many have written of a purging or purgation fire; as Bel­larmin. lib. 1. de Purgator. cap. 6. hath a role of such testimonies. The Fathers did think, that all men must passe that fire; but they who had committed the most sins, or had been most superficial in their repentance on earth, must suf­fer the more pain. So Gregor. Nissen in Orat. pro mortuis, saith, He who goeth out of the bodie cannot be partaker of the Divinitie, unless the purging fire cleanse away the filth of the soul. And Origen in Psal. 36. All men must come to that fire, even Paul, or—Bellarm. de Purg. lib. 2. cap. 1. Theodoret. on Cor. 3. saith, The day of the Lord shall reveal, i. e. the day of judgement: if any mans work abide. Doctours teach heavenly things; but the hearers do chuse according to their own mind what is to be done: but in the day of the Lords coming, there shall be a sharp and great examination; and them [Page 30] that have lived rightly, that fire shall make them more glorious then gold or silver; but them who have committed iniquitie, it shall burn up like wood and hay: But the Teacher of good things shall not suffer punishment, but shal be judged worthie of salvation; for this he saith, he shall be saved; to wit, the Teacher. And the work shall be burned, that is, they who have made themselves evil work: For if we read the words so, we shall perfectly find the meaning of the words that are written, &c. Ye see, he differeth from the for­mer, concerning the faithfull Teacher: they who thought that all shall suffer, did pray for the souls of all who die in hope of resurrection, so excluding the Reprobates only; as is manifest in some Greek Liturgies, who say, We of­fer unto thee, O Lord, sacrifice for the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs; and especially for the blessed mother of God, and we remember all the faithfull who are dead. Bellarm. loc. Amongst others, he quoteth La­ctantius Firmian, as a teacher of Purgatory; his unsolid and different opini­on, is Institut. lib. 7. cap. 21. thus, All souls abide in one place untill the great day, and then they must all be examined by fire; they who have been per­fectly righteous [and who are they? if the words be taken strictly] shall not feel the fire; they who have not been so godly, shall quickly pass through the fire, and be cinged about; and the wicked shall burn for ever. But Basi­lius (surnamed, the Great) when he was a dying, did expect to be received quicklie among the Angels; and Gregor. Nazianzen (who writ his life) did believe that his soul departing, should be received in the eternal Tabernacles, and with Basil behold the blessed Trinitie. Neither did any of the Fathers, be­fore Augustine, dream of such a place in Hell, where (they say) this pur­ging is before the day of judgement, nor speak they of any place thereof; and so they knew not of such an Inn in Hell, which the Romanists now call the place of Purgatorie: yea the Jesuits, Duraeus cont. Whitek. fol. 338. and Bellar. de purgat. lib. 2. cap. 2. say expresselie, that the Fathers expound that Text, 1 Cor. 3. of a metaphorical fire; and in cap. 6. of that book Bellarm. saith, nei­ther the Fathers, nor Gregorie himself, know where Purgatorie is; nor Petrus Damianus, who lived 400. years after Gregorie; for Gregorie believed, that the soul of Paschasius was purged in a bath at Puteoli; and Damian thought that the soul of Severinus was purged in a flood; and therefore (saith Bel­larm.) the Fathers, both Greeks and Latines, before the School-men, have erred: and nevertheless Bellarm. and other Papists, for proof of their Purgatorie, do bring all the testimonies of these Fathers to prove this their opi­nion: whereas the opinions differ, 1. In regard of the persons, who are to be purged. 2. The place. 3. The durance there. 4. The nature of the fire. 5. (Which is the principal) they hold now, that the pains of Purga­torie may be mitigated and taken away, by the prayers and offerings of the li­ving. Augustine (that renowned Bishop of Hippo) was the first amongst the Ancients who spoke of such a place, and he spake but doubtinglie: for in Enchir. ad Laur. cap. 68. he saith, As well they who build gold, as they who build straw, shall pass through the fire, whereof the Apostle speaketh: and therefore that fire is the tentation of tribulation in this life; but whether there be any such thing after this life, is not incredible, and it may be asked. But in serm. 62. ad fra. in Erem. and ser. 232. de temp. he saith, There be onlie two sorts of places, for two sorts of souls after this life, and this is no third. In lib. 5. hypognost. he saith, The Catholick Faith, by Divine authoritie, be­lieves that the first place is Heaven, wherein the Reprobate [his word is, the not-baptized] is excepted. The second is Hell, where everie Apostate and alliant from the faith of Christ, shall suffer everlasting punishment: We are altogether ignorant of a third place, nor shall we find it in the holie Scriptures, [Page 31] saith he. And de Civit. Dei lib. 21. cap. 25. after the words of Gal. 5. 19, 20, 21. he saith, Certainlie this saying of the Apostle is false, if such men being delivered, after what time soever, shall possess the Kingdom of God; but be­cause it is not false, trulie they shall not possess that Kingdom; and if they shall never enter into the Kingdom of God, they shall be held in everlasting punish­ment; because there is no middle place, where he is not punished, who is not brought into the Kingdom. Pope Gregorie, Dial. lib. 4. cap. 39. moveth the question, Whether after death there be a Purgatorie fire? He answereth, In the Gospel the Lord saith, Walk while ye have light: and by the Prophet, In an acceptable time have I heard thee: which the Apostle Paul expoundeth, saying, Behold now is the acceptable time, now is the day of salvation: So­lomon also saith, Whatsoever thy hand can do, do it instantlie; because there is neither work, nor reason, nor knowledge, nor wisedom in the grave [he hath it, apud inseros] whither thou goest: David also saith, His mercie indureth for ever; out of which sayings it is certain, that in what condition everie man departeth, in the same shall he be represented in judgement. But yet for some light saults, a purging fire may be believed to be before judge­ment: because truth saith, If any speak blasphemie against the holie Spirit, it shall not be forgiven unto him in this life, nor in the life to come. In which saying, it is given to understand, that some faults may be forgiven in this life, and some in the life to come; for what is denied of one, it follows consequent­lie, that it is granted of some. But (as I said) it is to be believed of little and very small sins, as all idle words continuallie, &c. Thus unto Augustin's question, Whether it be? Gregorie answereth, It is to be believed: and that he gathereth out of one negative, and contrarie unto the affirmative, that he had confirmed by several sentences of Scripture. And concerning the Text in 1 Cor. 3. he adds there, Although this may be understood of the fire of tri­bulation in this life; yet if one will take it of the fire of the future purging, it may be diligentlie considered. In the following chapter, he sheweth his mo­tive, to think so: But first consider, that the Doctrine of the Church before him was, that the dead doth not appear; as Chrysostom to 1. de Laza. con. 4. saith, If souls did return to shew men what were done after this life, Satan might verie easilie deceive the World; for as when God sent Prophets, Satan sent false Prophets; when Christ came, Satan sent false Christs; when the Apostles were sent, he sent false Apostles, still mixing tares with wheat: so if God did send the dead back into the World, most easilie might Satan coun­terfeit that also; not raising dead men, but by deceiving the eies with false in­chantments; or by suborning some men, to feign themselves dead, or to say they have been dead, and so he might confound all things. But the all-know­ing God hath prevented this falshood; and he sparing us, suffereth none to come from the dead, to tell the living what things are done there; to the end, we should learn and believe the Scriptures. But now Pope Gregorie saith, he was induced to think that there is a purging fire after death; because the soul of Paschasius (a Deacon of Rome, in the contention betwixt Laurentius and Symmachus) had appeared before Germanus, Bishop of Capua (as he heard it said, when he was young) in a bathe, and did service unto him; and when the Bishop asked him, Why he was there? he answered, For no other cause am I appointed to this place of punishment, but because I was on the side of Laurentius against Symmachus: but I beseech you, pray the Lord for me; and by this you shall know that he hath heard you, if when you return hither, you shall not find me. The Bishop did so, and after a few daies returning, he found not Paschasius in that place. Thus we see what was Pope Gregorie's opinion of Purgatorie, and what were his grounds and motives, Bellarm. de [Page 32] Purg. lib. 1. cap. 7. promiseth to prove Purgatorie by more apparitions, from testimonies of most grave Authours; but he cannot alledge one before this Gregory; who (as I said before from Mel. Canus) was too credulous. In a word, as Roffensis hath well observed, and ingeniously confesseth, in Respons. contra Luther. art. 18. and Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 1. re­peats it, Little or no mention of purgation is amongst the ancients, and the Greeks, untill this day, believe it not; so long as there was no fear of Purga­torie, none sought indulgences; for upon it depends all esteem of indulgen­ces; The beginning of indul­gence. take away Purgatorie, and what need is there of indulgence? say they. Nor was it universally believed in the Latine Churches, nor was it reckoned an article of faith, till it was established by the Councel at Florence, an. 1439. where the Greeks did oppose it, till they were hastning to an end; and then they would not strive against the word, but would never believe the thing.

4. About the same time, another question like unto the former, began to Prayer for the dead. decline from worse to worse; to wit, Whether it be lawfull to pray for the dead? We read of the practice and divers opinions of the Ancients, but some of them bring no confirmation of their opinions from Scripture; and their diverse opinions were, according as they thought, diversly of the con­dition of departed souls; all did consider the souls either in the estate of salva­tion or damnation. Some Greeks did believe the souls of the Elect, to be without the Court of Heaven in a place of rest, as they call it. So saith Chry­sostom on 1 Cor. hom. 39. What saiest thou Paul, shall not the souls live? yea, and shall be immortal; but although they were six hundred times im­mortal, yet without the flesh, they shall not enjoy these wonderous good things, neither shall they be punished with pain; for if the bodie rise not, the soul shall remain uncrowned, and without the bless of Heaven. And be­fore him, Irenaeus lib. 5. near the end saith, Seeing the Lord went away in the midst of the shadow of death, where the souls of the dead were; and there­after he arose again bodily, and after his resurrection was taken up; it is ma­nifest that the souls of his Disciples, for whom the Lord did these things, shall go into an invisible place appointed of God for them, and there they shall abide awaiting the Resurrection; and thereafter when they have received their bodies, and are perfectly risen, that is, corporally, they shall come into the presence of God. Unto them may be adjoined Theophylact, though he li­ved in another age, on Hebr. 11. near the end, he saith, Without us, that is, without our honour and glorie; for lest they might seem to take that which belongeth unto us, he hath appointed one time for crowning all men: nei­ther saith the Apostle, they shall not be crowned, but they shall not be perfe­cted, that is, receive perfection; whereby it appears, that then they are per­fected, when they receive their Crowns; and in the mean time, they have a most sure pledge of their honour and glorie. Doth not God wrong them, seeing they have been first in suffering, that they must await us? but such de­lay is very acceptable unto them, that they may with their brethren receive perfection and glorie: we are all one bodie, and surely it is great pleasure un­to the bodie, when it is wholly crowned, &c. The same is the Doctrine of the Greek Churches at this day; as I learned from Antonius, who had famous attestations, calling him Metropolitan of Dirrachium, when he was in Scot­land, an. 1626. But many of the ancient Greeks thought otherwise; for Po­lycarpus, a Disciple of the Apostles, and placed Bishop of Smyrna, by them who saw the Lord, in an Epistle unto the Philippians saith, Paul with the rest of the Apostles being perswaded for certain, that all these ran not in vain; but in faith and righteousness, now resting with the Lord. Euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap. 36. according to the Greek, and 32. in English. Iustin. Martyr. lib. Quaest. & resp. [Page 25] ad orthod. qu. 75. After the departure of the souls out of the bodies, immedi­ately the just, are separated from the unjust, and are carried by Angels, where they injoy the companie and sight of Angels and Arch-angels, by seeing our Saviour himself, as it is said, We are from or without the bodie, and are pre­sent with the Lord: But the souls of the unjust go into Hell. Athanasius lib. de Virginit. near the end, There is no death unto the righteous, but a trans­lation; for they are translated out of this World into everlasting rest, not otherwise than if one were going from his Watch; so the Saints depart from this evil life, unto the good things that are prepared for them, which the eye hath not seen, nor the ear hath heard, nor have entred into the heart of man, which God hath prepared for them that love him: on the other side, Hell waiteth for the sinners. And Cyrillus, Bishop of Alexandria, on Ioh. lib. 12. cap. 36. We should believe, when the souls of Saints depart out of the bodies, they are commended unto God's goodness, as into the hands of a most dear Father; neither do they abide on earth (as some Unbelievers have thought) untill they be honoured with burial; nor are they carried as the souls of sin­ners, into the place of torment; another way being prepared for them by Christ; but they flie into the hands of the Father: for He also delivered his soul into the hands of the Father; to the end, that beginning at it, and by it, we might have certain hope of this: believing firmly, that after death we shal be in the hands of God, and live a far better life, and for ever with Christ: therefore Paul did wish to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. They of the Latine Churches, were of this faith, as is manifest out of many parts of Cy­prian; especially lib. de mortalit. he saith, We should not put on black cloaths for them, who have now received white robes; nor should we give occasi­ons to check us, as if we mourn for them as lost and gone, whom we say, that they are living with God. And near the end he saith, Who being abroad will not hasten to return into his native soil? Who desiring to sail home, doth not earnestlie wish a fair wind, that he may quicklie embrace his dear friends? We call Paradise our native Countrie, and have begun to call the Patriarchs our Parents: why then do we not hasten and run, that we may see our native soil, and greet our Parents? A great companie of friends do expect us: how sweet is the great pleasure of the heavenlie Kingdoms, without fear of dying, and with eternitie of living? how great and perpetual is that felicitie? there is the glorious Queer of the Apostles; there is a number of rejoicing Prophets; there is an innumerable multitude of Martyrs, that are crowned after their war­ring and suffering; there are—who having kept the Lord's commandments, have translated their earthly Patrimonies, into the heavenlie Treasures. Be­loved brethren, let us with all earnestness hasten, that we may be speedilie with them, and let us wish that we may come soon unto Christ: Bellarm. lib. 1. de Sanctor. beat. cap. 5. declareth the same of the Fathers generally, excepting only some few, who did believe otherwise; as Lactantius did believe, that all souls both of good and reprobate, did remain in one place till the day of resurrection, Instit. lib. 7. cap. 21. Augustine in Ench. ad Laur. cap. 68 & 69. hath that opinion that I have mentioned lately. But in Ioh. tract. 49. he saith, All souls departing this life have not the same mansions; the good have joy, and the wicked have torments. And on Ps. 116. he saith, All the just, all the holy men, behold in the face of God, that which is written unto us. Now to return unto the prayers and oblations for the dead, Augustine in Ser. 32. de verb. Apost. saith, This is the tradition of the Fathers, and observed by the whole Church, thar when the defunct are mentioned at the sacrifice; we should pray for them who have departed in the Communion of the Bodie and Blood of Christ; and that it should be told, that it is offered for them. It is [Page 34] without doubt, that these things are available unto the defunct; but such as have lived so before their death, that they may profit them after death: But they who have gone out of their bodies without faith, which worketh by love, such duties of holiness are bestowed on them in vain; seeing while they were here, they received no grace, or received it in vain; and did treasure unto themselves no mercie, but wrath. And Confess. lib. 9. cap. 3. he praieth for his mother Monica, and addeth, Lord, I believe that thou hast done what I crave; yet approve the voluntaries of my mouth, for she did crave to be re­membred at thy Altar. Bellarmine saith, that the Church was wont to pray, on the Feast daies, for particular Saints; as on the Feast of Leo, they said, We beseech thee, Lord, grant that this oblation may be helpfull unto Saint Leo: But (saith he) this sentence is now changed. And Ambrose did pray for the soul of Theodosius, but as they who did so pray, do never bring any war­rant from Scripture for it; so neither can they tell what to make of such prayers. Epiphanius contra A [...]ri. haeres. 75. saith, These prayers and oblations were at first instituted, partly as Thanksgivings unto God, to glorifie him in his ser­vants; partly in commendation of their praises, who sleep in the Lord; part­ly that others might thereby be moved to the imitation of their godliness; and partly to shew publickly the faith, hope, charitie and love of the living; their faith (saith he) because albeit these were departed, yet the living believe, they are injoying a blessed life; hope, because they are awaiting the same; their charitie, because they retain a sweet remembrance of the departed; and their esteem, because they judge them who are departed in the fear of the Lord, howbeit in a blessed estate; yet to be inferiour unto Christ, seeing they praied unto him for them. So far he. Augustine in the fore-named Sermon saith, It is not to be doubted that the dead are helped by the prayers of the holy Church, and sacrifices and alms that is given for their souls; that the Lord would deal more mercifully with them, than their sins have deserved. Where Cyprian in 34. Epistle, saith, We offer sacrifices continually for them: Pamelius expounds it not to be otherwise, then in remembrance of them; and he proves this out of the Canon of the Mass presently in use: and out of Augustine in Ioh. tract. 84. where he saith, The Martyrs we remember at the Table, not so as we re­member others who rest in peace, to pray for them also; but rather that they would pray for us, that we may cleave unto their steps. This washing excuse doth add more guilt, as followeth. Bellarm. de Purgat. lib. 1. cap. 18. saith, Their prayers were thanksgivings to God for their glorie; or petitioneth not that their Saints might be augmented in glorie, but that their glorie might be augmented with us; or that their glorie might be more known unto the world; or they were petitions for some accidental glorie of their bodie at the resurrecti­on. And whereas it is commonly said, He doth wrong unto a Martyr, who prayeth for a Martyr: Bellarmine saith, it is to be meaned of them only, who pray for remission of their sins, or for essential glorie unto a Martyr, which is not lawfull, saith he. Thus we see, they are contrarie one to another con­cerning prayers for them who are in blessedness; and albeit Augustine calleth it a tradition of the Fathers, and saith that it was observed by the whole Church; yet none of them can shew that it is a Tradition, or that it was observed by the Church, in the time of the Prophets or Apostles, nor some hundred years after them. As for the souls damned in Hell, Epiphanius loc. cit. saith, We remember sinners, and seek mercie for them, and our praiers are helpfull unto them, although they take not away all the blot. Chrysostom, homil. 22. ad pop. Antioc. saith, Read the Scriptures of our Saviour, and learn, for none can help us when we depart hence into that place; a brother cannot redeem a brother out of those endless torments; nor one friend another; nor the Pa­rents [Page 35] their children; nor the children their Parents. But you will say, where is the proof of that? Behold him who was thrust out from the marriage, and none interceding for him: consider the five Virgins that were excluded, and their neighbours not praying for them, and Christ calling them fools. Ye have heard, how that the rich man had no pitie on Lazarus; and when he was tormented, he craved a drop of water, and how Abraham could not ease his torment: and on 1 Cor. 16. hom. 41. he biddeth rejoice, that the sins of the wicked, are by their death come to an end, lest their punishment were increased; yet, saith he, strive so far as ye can to help them, not with tears, but with prayers, supplications, alms and oblations. So is he contrarie to him­self, and which is especially to be marked; in the first place he gives reasons of his doctrine, and none for his exhortation; save only, that Job offered sa­crifice for his children: But we find not, that Job offered for them when they were dead, but while they were alive in their bodies. Likewise Augustine (a little before) said, that duties of pietie are bestowed on such in vain: but in Enchir. cap. 68. he saith, prayers for the damned, if they be no ease unto the dead, yet they are comfortable to the living; but he shews not what manner of comfort. Pope Gregorie the I. prayed for the soul of Trajan, an heathen Emperour: and Bellarmine loc. cit. saith, this was an ungodly praier, unless we will hold, that it was a particular motion of the spirit. So he will neither ap­prove, nor condemn the Pope, but he condemneth the like praier. But Augustine had a by-way of his own, concerning a third sort of souls, that were not reprobates, and yet in pain; he had been a Platonick, and retains so much of the Elisian fields, and thought that praiers for such souls, is a propitiation to God for their relief, as followeth. But after the 600. year, this opinion was received by many; especially by the authoritie of Pope Gregorie the I. that praiers and oblations should be offered for the dead; to the end, their tor­ments in Purgatorie may be eased or ceased. Now if we compare the practice of the Fathers in the preceding 400. years, with the opinion of Gregorie, and of the Roman Church after him, we find that both sorts praied for the dead, but with great difference. The Greeks thought that the elect souls were not in Heaven (yet not any of them in pain) and therefore they would pray for in­crease of their blessedness; but the Latines believe they are all in Heaven, and gave thanks for them; and praied for the increase of their glorie, by the resur­rection of their bodies, and so forth, as is said (except only Augustine, who thought that some of the elect may be in torment.) And of them Fra. Junius, in his Notes on Bellarm. de Purgat. lib. 1. cap. 10. observeth, That the former ages sought only an increase of good things; but the latter ages do pray for re­lief or ease of torments: the first opinion (saith he) is tolerable, and the o­ther is contrarie unto veritie, and to the vertue of Christ's death: For as Au­gustine de verb. Dom. ser. 37. saith, In thy two evils, one is a fault, and the other is punishment; the fault is, thou art unjust; and the punishment is, thou art mortal: But he [Christ Jesus] that he might be thy neighbour, took on him thy punishment, but not thy fault; and if he took it, he took it to abolish, and not to commit it; and by taking on him the punishment, and not the fault, he hath abolished both the fault and punishment. And de temp. ser. 66. Now is the time of forgiveness, to them who repent; but the time of vindication, to them who have neglected to confess their sins. But after this age arose ano­ther difference; for Pope Innocentius the III. being asked, what his judgment was in this matter? he answered, Some be verie good, they need no prayer of the living; some are verie bad, they cannot be helped; some are mid-way good, to them prayers are profitable for expiration; and some are mid-way bad, to them prayers are profitable for propitiation, Bellar. de Purg. lib. 2. c. 18. [Page 36] will not approve this judgement of his ghostly father; he gives assent unto the first three parts of that distinction, and he makes a gloss on the last part, say­ing, I suspect that Innocentius hath forgot himself; when he thinks that Au­gustin's division hath four parts, which hath only three; for they who are mid­way good, are the same who are mid-way bad. And in the beginning of that 4. chapter, he saith, It is certain, the prayers of the Church are profita­able neither unto the blessed, nor the damned; but onlie unto them who are in Purgatorie. Augustin's division is in Enchir. cap. 110. Praiers avail not unto all who are departed; and why not, but for the difference of life, which everie one hath made in the bodie? Therefore when the sacrifices of the Altar, or of Alms, are offered for all them who were baptized, and are defunct; for the verie good, they are thanksgivings; for the not verie bad, they are pro­pitiations; for the verie bad, although they do not help the dead, yet they are comfortable to the living: but to whom they avail, they avail to this end, ei­ther that there may be a full remission; or that their damnation may be the more tolerable; and because we know not what is their estate, we should pray alike for all, that our benefit may be superfluous rather then deficient. To conclude this point, seeing praier for the dead, as it was used in the second age of the Church, is now condemned by the Romish Church; and such praiers as are now used in the Romish Church, are a branch of the opinion of Purgatorie (which the Ancients knew not) their praiers now for the dead are but a noveltie; and (as we may say) a plant of that third age, and unknown unto the Church of Rome in this seventh Centurie: For in the Synod at To­ledo, an. 627. (when were assembled 62. Bishops) it was ordained that the dead should be conveied to the graves, with the voices of men singing Psalms, onlie in hope of the resurrection; they forbid all mourning, and they will have no word of praiers for them; which they would not have omit­ted in such a place, if they had thought upon any necessitie or utilitie thereof. conc. Toleta. 3. cap. 22. But the Romanists say, These oblations are comfor­table to the living. It is true, the Priests and Monks receive no small gain for them, but the other people are handsomlie cheated.

5. A third question of this age and nature is, Whether living Christians Pra [...]r unto the dead, may lawfullie pray unto the departed Saints? The Councel at Trent hath dis­cerned, That they think wickedlie, who denie that Saints should be invoca­ted, Sess. 25. cap. 2. Therefore it ought to be inquired, when, and how this honour was given unto the Saints? Here we may borrow some help from the Jesuits. Salmeron on 1 Tim. 2. disp. 8. answereth, it was not the custom of the Old-Testament, nor was so great honour due unto them. Ibid. disp. 2. No­thing is found of this matter in the Epistles of Paul, or Canonical or Catho­lick books of others. But possiblie somewhat hereof is found in the Evange­lists or Revelation. No, saith he, Ibid. disp. 7. It is not expressed under the New-Testament in the Scriptures, but by tradition; for in the primitive Church it had been hard to command such a thing unto the Jews; and occasion had been given to the Gentiles, to think, that instead of manie Gods whom they had left, they had received manie other Gods: yet, saith he, without doubt the Apostles delivered this Doctrine unto the Churches. But he telleth not, unto what Churches, whether Jews or Gentils, or if there be a third. Bellarm. de beat. Sanct. lib. 1. cap. 19. saith, Before the coming of Christ, the Saints en­tred not into Heaven; neither saw they God, nor ordinarilie could they know the praiers of them, who did invocate them: therefore it was not the custom of the Old-Testament, to say, Holie Abraham, pray for me: but the men of these times praied onlie unto God. I will not quarrell with him, that some of his words seem contrarie. Io. Eckius in Enchir. loco. comm. saith more, The [Page 37] invocation of Saints was not commanded in the Gospel, lest the converted Gentiles would believe, that according to their former custom, they should worship the Saints not as Patrons, but as Gods; as the Lycaonians would have sacrificed unto Paul and Barnabas; and if the Apostles and Evangelists, had taught that Saints should be worshipped, it might have been judged their arrogancie, as if they had craved such glorie after their death: Wherefore the holy Spirit would, not by express Scriptures, teach the invocation of Saints. We see then by the testimonie of Papists, that praiers to the departed Saints, hath no warrant in Scripture, but is grounded on tradition onlie. If this tra­dition was first revealed by the Apostles, how was the scandal of Jews and Gentiles taken away by the tradition? If it were concealed, induring the more general conversion of the Jews and Gentiles, then it was not in use for a long time in the Church; whereunto the practice of the Reformed Church is agree­able. How began it then? Eusebius hist. lib. 4. cap. 15. hath a large Epistle of the Church of Smirna, concerning the martyrdom of Polycarpus, neer the end they say, The envious and malicious enemie of just men, seeing the glo­rie of this Martyr so great, procured that his bodie should perish from among us; for there were manie that indeavoured, and fully purposed, to have been partakers of his blessed bodie by burial: many pricked forwards Nicetes, the father of Herod, and his brother Dalces, to move the Proconsul, not to de­liver unto the Christians his bodie; lest that (say they) they leaving Christ, fall to worship him: This they said, when the Jews egged and urged them forward, which continuallie watched us, lest we snatched him out of the fire; being ignorant of this, that we cannot forsake Christ, [...] [the Translater omitteth [...], and should have translated thus] who suffered for the salvation of the whole world of them who are saved, that we can worship none other; for we wor­ship Christ as the Son of God; the Martyrs we love as his Disciples, and fol­lowers of the Lord, and that worthilie for their invincible good love they bear to their King, [...], that is, and we wish, we may be their companions, or communicate with them. Out of this Epi­stle we see, Christians did worship Christ, and could not worship any other man. Origenes contra Celsum lib. 5. holdeth, that Saints that are in blessed­ness, do pray for the Church on earth; yet (saith he) we pray not unto them, for God willeth it not; and he refuteth the similitude taken from the example of Kings Courtiers. Cyprian, unto Cornelius Bishop of Rome, saith, If any of us two depart before the other, by the mercies of God, let our love continue, and let not our praier cease with God, and the mercie of the Father, for our brethren and sisters. But in Cyprian, was no praier unto Cor­nelius when he was dead, nor to any other that was defunct: neverthelesse, this opinion of Cyprian, made way unto the invocation of Saints afterwards. Georgius Trapezuntius, the Translatour of Eusebius, once made me be­lieve, that Eusebius, and the Church in his time, did worship the Saints: for in lib. 13. de prepar. Evang. cap. 7. he translateth thus, We honour all those who have lived well, howsoever they died; we do this dailie, honouring the servants of true godliness, as the friends of God; we go also unto their graves, and make praiers unto them, as to holie men; by whose intercession we hope to be helped with God: but the original words are, [...], that is, we pray besides their graves, and honour their blessed souls. Where Eusebius hath nothing for praier to Saints: and in lib. 4. cap. 5. he saith, We are taught to worship reli­giouslie God onlie; and cap. 10. he saith, Worshipping him onlie, adoring him onlie; in these places, Trapezuntius hath omitted the partitie only. The [Page 38] first Authours of any note, whom the worshippers of Saints can alledge tru­lie, were about an. 370. for then some, as Basilius, Nissen and Nazianzen, did pour forth praiers unto the Saints; but with this addition, [...], and [...], that is, if you have any feeling, and if thou hast any regard of me and mine. And at the same time, sundrie other Fathers did not onlie abstain from, but did impugn this novation. Chryso­stom in Ps. 4. saith, At all time thou maiest pray unto God, neither needest Porters to bring thee in, nor Proctors nor friends; but when thou comest by thy self, then especially doth he hear thee: we do not so well please him, when we request by others, as we may by our selves; for when he awaits our love, he doth all things that may make us trust in him; for when he seeth that we come by our selves, he granteth most, &c. Epiphanius condemneth this errour in the Collyridians and the Antidicomarionites. It were longsom to recite particular Authours, we have their testimonies being assembled in Coun­cels, at the Councel of Laodicea in Syria an. 368. in cap. 35. the worship of Angels and Saints is forbidden, as idolatrie and forsaking of Christ: Caran­za in translating, hath put angulos for Angels: But Theodoret on the Epistle to Coloss. cap. 30. saith expressely, the Laodiceans, in that Synod, forbid the worshipping of Angels. And the third Councel at Carthage cap. 23. saith, When it is stoodat the Altar, let praiers be alwaies made unto God. And in that which is called the fourth Councel at Carthage, cap. 14. Altars are com­manded to be cast down, that were erected to the memorie of Martyrs, un­der the pretence of their apparitions: and the furiousness of the people is hin­ted at in that place, when they add, If it may be done; but if it be not per­mitted by the tumults of the people, let the people be admonished that they haunt not those places. Whence it is clear, that the Fathers were forced to tolerate some things that they could not amend. But what need I to bring the orthodox against these doubting Fathers? seeing even they do (upon other occasions) condemn that practice. Basilius in Moral. reg. 80. cap. 22. saith, Seeing whatsoever is without the Scriptures, is not of faith, it is sin: and Na­zianzen in Oral. in Basil. saith, Seeing I am a creature, I cannot adore any creature; and although Ambrose called unto his brother Satyrus for help, yet in all that Oration, he speaketh but passionately and rhetorically; as ap­peareth clearly, by these (and other) words, Give me leave, and permit unto my sorrow, that I may speak a little more largelie of him, with whom now I may not speak. But behold what he saith without passion, de fide ad Gratian. lib. 1. cap. 7. Paul forbiddeth me to serve any creature, but comman­deth me to serve Christ; Christ therefore is not a creature; the good servant, who acknowledgeth the Lord, even he forbiddeth us to serve a creature: how then would he have served Christ the Lord, if he had thought that Christ was but a creature? And in comm. in Rom. cap. 1. saith, They being confounded with shame do use a miserable excuse, saying, they go unto God by crea­tures, as we are wont to go unto a King by his Courtiers. When he calleth this a miserable excuse: he declares, that the practice did not please him; but he continueth refuting that excuse, saying, We go unto a King by his Cour­tiers, because he is a man, and knoweth not to whom he may concredit the Common-Wealth; but to procure Gods favour (who surely knows all our works, and nothing is hid from him) we need not any Intercessour, but on­ly a devote mind. Bellarm. de Sanctor. beat. lib. 1. cap. 20. replieth, The first part of these words is to be understood of them, who give the properhonour of God unto the Saints; and the last part meaneth, God hath no need of in­formation, but we have need, saith he. This is (to use the words of Am­brose) a miserable excuse; for he speaks of our need of an Intercessour, and [Page 39] he saith, We need not an Intercessour, but a devote mind; because God is not ignorant, who comes unto him; as a King knoweth not, till he be informed by his Courtiers. Here it is to be observed, that Ambrose speaks there against the Heathens, who would have excused their idolatrie; but his words serve no less against all praiers unto any meer creature. Another great preparative to the invocation of Saints, was made by sundrie solemnities, which may be thought to have been done in no ill mind, but with a bad success; as the buil­ding of Churches, and keeping of daies in remembrance of particular Saints, whereupon followed the nomination of Mercates, &c. When such things be­gan, some Fathers did not perceive what inconveniences were following (for some were bickering against the heresies, concerning the Trinitie and person of Christ; some against the Pelagians, and some were not so zealous; others did rejoice that the Heathens could be turned from gentilism) and others foresaw the danger, but saw the people so headstrong in their presumptions, that they durst not freely rebuke the people, for eschewing the offence of some good per­sons, and of some who were turbulent; as Augustine confesseth of himself in Ep. 119. ad Ianuar. Untill the daies of Gregorie no such thing was found in the Liturgies, but only remembrance of the Saints names; and men praied only unto God, that he would give them grace to follow their examples; and when the form of Gregorie began, the invocation was not yet brought into the Liturgie; in his works are found (and very rarely) proper to Saints, but not any one to the Virgin Maria; which we may think, he would not have omitted, if he had believed, that she is a Savioress or a Mediatress. But after him are few found, who speak against the invocation of Saints; in so far, that an. 755. in a Synod at Constantinople, it was confirmed by authoritie of a Canon, even by them who at the same time condemned the worship of ima­ges; and yet the invocation that was allowed then, was but a blot, in respect of the impietie whereinto the Church of Rome did thereafter degenerate. For they say not, Pray for us, if you have sence of our miseries: but sometimes they direct their praiers unto the Saints, that they help them in their miseries, and grant their petitions; as to the Virgin Marie they say, Marie mother of grace, mother of mercie, defend us from the enemie, and accept us in the hour of death; Offic. beat. Mariae pag. 54. which was allowed by Pope Pius the V. an. 1571. and ib. fol. 226. in the hymn of the Apostles they say, Ye un­to whose commandment the health and sickness of all men is subject, heal the sick in manners, and restore vertue unto us. Sometimes they pray unto God to hear them for the merits of the Saints, as ib. fol. 38. Let the Lord grant us salvation and peace, for the Virgin mothers sake; and fol. 46. O Lord, pro­tect thy people who trust in the patrocinie of the Apostles Peter and Paul, and of other thy Apostles; preserve us continually, we beseech thee, O Lord, let all thy Saints help us everie where, that when we think on their mercies, we may find their patrocinie. And fol. 228. in Natal. S. Martyris, nec virginis, nec martyris, O most gracious God, for her sake forgive us our sins, and spare our iniquities: hereafter we will find more such blasphemous praiers. Third­ly, in imitation of the old Heathens, they divide the government of things below unto several Saints: the Patron of Spain, is Saint James; of France, Saint Dennis; of Germanie, Saint Martine; of England, Saint George: Towns have their particular Patrons, Rome hath Saint Peter, Venice hath Saint Mark, &c. yea Janus hath given the keys of Heaven unto Peter; Jupiter Plu­vius hath given the Rain unto Genivieve; instead of Aeolus, Seamen call upon Saint Nicolas; Ceres hath given over the Corns unto John and Paul; Escu­lapius gives Medicine unto Saint Cosm; Bacchus the Vines unto Saint Ur­ban; Mercurius the Oxen to Pelagius, and a thousand more such toies they [Page 40] have. And as if all this were not abhomination enough, they give the same worship unto the Creatour and creature: Bellarmine in the end of his Books, saith, Praise to God, and to the Virgin Marie; and in the end of the Book, de cultu Sanctor. Printed Lugduni an. 1596. Praise to God, and to the Vir­gin-mother Marie; and also to God Jesus Christ, the eternal Son of the eter­nal Father, be praise and glorie; where he preferreth the Virgin before Christ. So doth Gregorie Valentia, in the end of his Book de Missa, and de Purgator. Praise to God, and to the blessed Virgin Marie, and to Jesus Christ. Viega is plain in his Comment on Revel. 12. sect. 2. num. 31. saying, She is set above the creatures; and whosoever boweth his knee to Jesus, doth also humble himself unto his mother: and I think (saith he) the glorie of the Son with the Mother, to be not so much common, as the verie same. These particulars are blasphemous without exception, so that I have seen an Edition of Bellar­mine, where the above-named Doxologie is omitted. And before him Lud. Vives, in his Note on August. de civ. Dei. lib. 8. cap. ult. complaineth, saying, Many Christians do sin often in good things, that they do worship he-Gods and Goddesses, no otherwise than they do God; nor see I in many what difference is, betwixt their opinion concerning the Saints, and what the Heathens thought of their Gods. And Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 23. saith, The multitude have more trust in images, then they do in Christ; but if they trust so unto images, they will trust no less in Saints, whose images they are. These practices of the Romish Church, are cle [...] unto all who are ac­quainted with their books, or who behold their fopperies in their Churches. So that Agrippa de vanit. Scient. cap. 57. after he hath related a great number of theirtricks, he derideth their pretences; as if Jupiter had imparted his power unto the lesser Gods: and concludeth thus, he is superstitious and ungodly, who instead of miracles, turneth prodigious lies, as it were sporting foole­ries, into a Historie; and gives them unto the simple people to be believed in­stead of Oracles; and they are fools who believe such tales. Hereby certain­ly he understandeth their Legenda aurea, or the History of the Saints Lives and Miracles, which are publickly read on the Feast-daies.

6. In this Centurie, the worshipping of Images came into question: but The worship of Images. first see what the more ancient Christians thought thereof. Origenes contra Cels. lib. 7. saith, Christians and Jews, when they hear [the Law of God] Thou shalt not make to thy self any graven-image, nor—not only refuse these Temples, Altars, and Images of Gods; but indeed, chuse rather to die. And then speaking of the Images of the true God, he saith, Neither do we regard images, for we frame no Image of God, because he is invisible and incorpo­ral. Lactantius Instit. lib. 2. cap. 19. saith, There can be no true religion, where there is an image. Epiphanius hath an Epistle unto John. Bishop of Je­rusalem, which is translated by Hierom, and is extant in both their works; there he saith, I hear that some do grumble against me, because when I was going to the holy place called Bethel, and saw in the Village Anablatha a lamp burning, and having asked what place that was, I was informed that it was a Church; and going to pray, I found at the entrance a dyed and painted cloath, having the Image, as it were, of Christ or some Saint (for I remember not well, whose image it was; but I saw the image of a man) hanging in a Church of Christ, contrarie to the authority of Scripture; I did cut it, and did advise the keepers of the place to wrap a poor dead body in i [...] and they grum­bling said, If he will tear it, he might have given another vail, and changed it: which when I heard, I did promise to send another shortly unto them. But now I pray you, command that no such vails, as are contrary to our re­ligion, be hung hereafter in a Church of Christ; for it becomes your father­hood [Page 41] rather to have care of banishing such superstition, unfit for Christ's Church and the people concredited unto you. But from gathering many testi­monies, Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 2. cap. 23. spareth our travel, saying, To the end the memory might be continued of the defunct; or of them who are se­vered in place (as none doubteth) were images devised; but seeing God is every where, nothing was thought more foolish from the beginning, than to represent him. Only I add that of the Councel at Eliberis cap. 36. It plea­seth to forbid images in Churches, that it be not painted on walls, which is worshipped. This Councel was held in the daies of Constantine the Great. Bellarmine de imagin. Sanct. cap. 9. bringeth many answers of his own sort, to elude this authoritie, and rejects them: amongst others, he reporteth the an­swer of Nic. Sanderus, That that Councel forbad images for that present time; because then it was feared, the heathens might believe that we worship stocks and stones. This is a good answer, saith he, and yet he hath another, The Councel forbad not images on Boards or Vails, but on Walls; because ima­ges on Walls are most spoiled. But the Fathers made no difference of the matter; for generally (as Pol. Verg. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 13. saith) all the old Fathers almost [he might have truly omitted this, almost] did condemn the worship of images for fear of idolatrie; then which, is no sin more execra­ble. Moses repeateth nothing so oft (as is manifest in Exodus and Leviticus) as that the people worship not any thing made with hands. And the Prophet saith, Let them be confounded who worship graven images, and glory in images. Then he addeth, how Serenus, Bishop of Marsilia, did not on­ly take Images out of a Church, when he saw the people worship them, but broke them in pieces, and burned them. Observe, this takes away Bellar­min's answer, seeing he burned the Images, and not the Church Walls. And upon this occasion Pope Gregorie the I. writ unto him, Ep. 119. lib. 7. saying, Verily we commend thy zeal, that thou wouldest have no man to worship that which was made with hands; but we think, thou oughtest not to have broken those images; for the Pictures are set up in the Church, to this end, that the unlearned by seeing and beholding them, may at least behold on the Walls, what they cannot read in Books. Out of Ep. 9. lib. 4. it is clear, that Serenus did maintain both the breaking, and the worshipping of images; and therefore Gregory chideth him, as affecting singularity; and yet he addeth, If any man will make images, forbid him not; but by all means stop the wor­ship of images. In this Epistle it appeareth, that at that time images were in many other Churches, and that in former times also; but only for ornament or for instructing the ignorant, as he saith. But certainly no image was in a Christian Church, before the Emperour Constantine's time; and after that, many did oppose them altogether; and they who had them, did pretend hi­storical use, but with a bad success: for Gregory lib. 7. Ep. 53. professeth that he did prostrate himself before the image of Christ; and from worship at the image, is the ready way to worship the image; as Pol. Vergil. complaineth in the fore-named place, The first establishing of images, saith he, was in the daies of Pope Agatho; and it were to be wished, that Priests would instruct their people more diligently, how they should regard images; which because they do not, and it is commonly thought, that they are silent for their own commodity; therefore men are come to this madness, that this part of pietie differeth little from impietie; for almost all the rude and ignorant people wor­ship the images of stone, or wood, or brass, or painted on walls in sundry co­lours; nor as signs, but as if they had sence; and they trust in them more than in Christ or the Saints, to which they are dedicated: whence it is, that they add foolishness to foolishness, and they offer unto them gold, silver, rings: which [Page 40] [...] [Page 41] [...] [Page 42] errour hath so waxed, that we think, Religion consisteth in riches, &c. The same saith Agrippa, de vanit. scient. cap. 57. where having spoken of images amongst the Heathens, he subjoineth, Which corrupt custom and false reli­gion of the Heathens, after they were brought to the faith of Christ, did in­fect our religion also, and brought images and statues into our Churches; whereas there was no such thing amongst the primitive and true Christians: neither can it be told how great superstition, I will not say idolatrie, is foste­red amongst the rude people; and the Priests wink at these things, because they do reap no small gain thereby. We should learn not from the forbidden books of images; but from the Word of God, the book of Scriptures: he who will know God, should not seek knowledge from images or statues; but let him search the Scriptures, which testifie of him; and Christ saith, My sheep hear my voice. And then Agrippa, as fearing to be censured for his bold­ness, makes some shew of recanting; but anon falleth afresh to it, saying, Covetous Priests and greedy men, seeking matter of their avarice not by wood and stones only, but by the bones of the dead also, and reliques of Martyrs, have found means of covetousness; they open the graves of the Confessours; they take out the reliques of Saints, and do sell a touch or a kiss of them; they busk up their images, and adorn their feasts with great pomp; they call them Saints, and proclaim their praises, whose life they will not follow, &c. And to the end we may see the worship of images, is not the errour of the ignorant only. Thomas Aquin. in Sum. pag. 3. quest. 25. arg. 3. saith, The same reverence should be given to the Image of Christ, which is given to Christ himself.

7. Concerning what Agrippa speaks of the reliques of the Saints in his time, Of Reliques. it is observable, how Gregory the I. writ unto the Empress Constantia, lib. 3. Ep. 30. The Majesty of your piety, who are famous for study of religion, and love of holiness, hath commanded, that I should send the head of Saint Paul, or some part of his body, for that Church which is builded in the Pa­lace, to the honour of the same Saint Paul, the Apostle: and while I was de­sirous that these things might be commanded unto me, in which I giving most ready obedience, might have the more aboundantly provoked your favour toward me, the greater sadness hath overtaken me; because you command that which [...] neither can, nor dare do. And he addeth examples of some, who had attempted to remove the bodies of some Saints, and were smitten with sudden death; and others were affrighted and dispersed with the fear of Thunder; and therefore he saith, Let my most gracious Lady know, that it is not the custom of the Romans, when they give the reliques of Saints, that they presume to touch any part of the body; but only a band is sent in a box, and that is layed by the holy bodies of the Saints; and that is taken up again, and sent unto the Church which is to be dedicated. Whether these examples be true or not, believe Gregory they who will. But if other stories can be believed, many bodies of Martyrs, and Confessours, were carried from place to place, before his time and after it, and in many places of the earth. Nor can it be denied, that the removing of their bodies, which in the fury of per­secution had been buried in obscure corners, was commendable; if restlesse minds had not turned charitable offices into excessive superstition. And sun­dry Ancients do record, that miracles were wrought in these places, where they were buried, as Augustine de civit. Dei lib. 22. cap. 8. and Chrysostom in his Book against the Heathens. And no less certain is it, That Satan took occasion upon their esteem they had of dead bodies, to deceive many, and that many waies. Augustine in Confess. lib. 6. cap. 2. sheweth, how his mo­ther Monica, when she came to Millain, would have brought her pottage, [Page 43] bread and wine into the Churches [or, as he calleth them, Memorials] of the Saints, as was the custom of Affrica; the door-keeper did hinder her, be­cause the Bishop of the place had forbidden it; and he did admire, how his mo­ther, so soon, did rather condemn her former custom, than call into question the countermand; because the custom was like unto the superstition of the Gentiles. Jerom to. 2. Ep. 2. against Vigilantius telleth, how he said, Why shouldest thou with so great honour, not only honour, but adore also, I know not what thou worshippest in a little vessel that thou carriest about? Why doest thou with adoring kiss dust covered in a cloath? we see a custom of the Hea­thens brought almost into the Church, under pretext of religion; that whilest the Sun shineth, heaps of wax-torches are kindled, and they kiss and adore every where a little, I know not what, dust in a small vessel covered with a precious cloath: These men give (forsooth!) great honour unto the most blest Martyrs, whom they think to make glorious by their silly Torches; when the Lamb, who is on the midst of the Throne, glorifieth them with the splen­dour of his Majesty. Jerom writeth very bitterly against Vigilantius for wri­ting so, and denieth the fact, saying, O mad head! who ever did adore Martyrs? who thinketh man to be a God? &c. There he saith, Constantine had caused to transport the bodies of Andrew, Luke and Timothy to Con­stantinople; and the Emperour Arcadius, had brought the body of the Pro­phet Samuel from Judea unto Thracia; and some Bishops had transported other bodies, but none did adore the bodies. Hence appears his judgement, and the practice of the Churches where he did live, or which he knew; but it seems he knew not what was done where Vigilantius did live: of whom I add here the words of Erasmus, in the Argument before that Epistle, Vigilantius by nation a Gall, and Presbyter of the Church at Barcilona in Spain, writ that book, wherein he did teach, that Reliques of Martyrs should not be adored, neither should there be Vigiles at their graves; which at that time, was done in great religiousness; and so against this man falleth Jerom a scolding with re­proaches, that I wish he had been more moderate: as for the night Vigiles they did not please the Church-men, as is clear enough, that by their authority they are taken away, the name only remaining; and of that custom is Affri­ca and other places. Augustine de civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. ult. saith, We do not erect Churches, Priesthoods, Holy things and Sacrifices unto the Martyrs; because not they, but their God is our God; we do honour the remembrance of them, as of the holy men of God, who have for the truth foughten unto the death of their bodies; to the end, the true religion may be known, all false and feigned religions being convinced. But what faithfull man ever heard a Priest, standing at an Altar, builded upon the holy body of a Martyr, for the honour and worship of God, say in his prayers, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian, I offer a sacrifice unto thee; when at the memory of them, it is offered unto God, who made them both Men and Martyrs; and hath joined them, with his Holy Angels, in heavenly honour; to the end, that by that solemnity we may both give thanks unto God for their victory; and by calling upon him for help, we may exhort our selves to the imitation of their Crowns and Palms, in the renewing of their remembrance? Therefore whatsoever obsequies of re­ligiousness are performed in the places of Martyrs, are ornaments of their me­morials, and not holy things or sacrifices of the dead as Gods: and whoso­ever bringeth meat thither, which truly is not done by the better Christians; and in most part of the earth is no such custom; nevertheless whosoever doth it, when they have layed it down, they pray, and take it away again, that they may eat it, or give a part thereof unto the indigent; they desire to have it hallowed there, by the merits of the Martyrs, in the name of the Lord of [Page 44] Martyrs: That these are not sacrifices of the Martyrs, he knows, who knows this one thing, that the sacrifice of Christians is there offered unto God; and so we worship not the Martyrs, neither with divine honours, nor with human crimes. So far he. On these last words, Lud. Vives hath this Annotation, concerning the practice of his own time, Many Christians do often sin in a good thing, that they worship [divos, divasque] their gods and goddesses, no otherwise than God himself; neither do I see in many, what difference is betwixt their opinion concerning the Saints, and that which the Heathens thought of their Gods: Impious was the opinion of Vigilantius, who depri­ved the Martyrs of all honour [if he did so:] Foolish was that of Eunomius, who would not enter into the Churches of Martyrs, lest he were compelled to adore the dead; Martyrs are to be reverenced, and not adored as God, as Jerom writeth against Vigilantius. And in his next Annotation he saith, But now the fashion is, when religion is solemnized unto Christ, who delivered mankind by his death, to shew plaies unto the people, nothing differing from the old scenical plaies; although I say no more, he will think it fitly enough who shall hear it, sports are made of a most serious purpose: He continueth shewing their abhominable sports. Hither may be referred another History in Chrysostom to. 1. in his book against the Heathens, The Apostate Empe­rour Julian, went to the Temple of Apollo at Daphne, and with great instance did ask a response, concerning a purpose intended by him: and it was answe­red, This place of Daphne is full of dead bodies, which hath averted the O­racle: whereupon Julian commandeth to take away the body of Babylas. There Chrysostom argueth against the Emperour, that Babylas were mightier then Julian's God. But the good man did not conceive the policy of the Divel, by subtily instilling into the minds of imprudent men a superstitious fancy, con­cerning the reliques of the dead and their power, as Bellarmine de cultu San­ctor. lib. 2. cap. 2. would prove from the same example, that the reliques should be adored. And whereas he alledgeth, that the miracles that were done at the graves of the Martyrs, were done, to the end these reliques should be wor­shipped: Augustine de civit. Dei lib. 22. cap. 9. saith contrarily, Unto what faith did these miracles attest, save unto that, where Christ is preached to have risen in the flesh, and to have ascended into Heaven in the flesh? for even the Martyrs, were Martyrs, that is, witnesses of this faith; they giving testimony unto this faith, did indure the enmitie of the world and did overcome them, not by fighting, but by dying; for this faith they died, who may obtain these things from the Lord, for whose name they were killed; for this faith their wondrous patience hath gone before, that in these miracles so great power might follow; for if the resurrection of the flesh eternally, hath not gone before in Christ, or shall not be, as is fore-told by Christ; or was fore-told by the Prophets, who had also prophecied of Christ; why can the Martyrs do so great things, who were killed for that faith, by which the resurrection is preached? For whether God worketh by himself in a wondrous way, whereby the eternal worketh tempora­rie things, or if he doth those things by his servants; and the same things that he doth by his servants; whether he doth some of them by the spirits of the Mar­tyrs, as by men that are as yet in the bodie; or all these by his Angels, whom he commandeth invisibly and without bodies; so that what things are said to be done by Martyrs, are done by them praying and obtaining, and not working; or whether these things be done some one way, and some another, which can no way be comprehended by mortals; nevertheless they give testimonie unto that faith, which preacheth the resurrection of the flesh for ever. So far he. Hence we see, that Augustine will not say definitively, that the miracles were done by the Saints; and that he holdeth, that they were for confirmation of [Page 45] the faith which the Martyrs did believe and preach, and for no other faith. But most certain it is, not any Martyr did ever teach, or believe, that Saints or their reliques should be worshipped. Add the testimonie of Ge. Cassan­der in Consult. art. 21. We read (saith he) that of old they made vows, and undertook pilgrimages unto places, famous for the reliques of Martyrs; which then was profitable, while the memorie of the Martyrs was yet fresh and cer­tain; and while God, by undoubted miracles, did shew that their souls do live, whose bodies were dead; thereby confirming the faith, which they did profess. But abuses did by little and little creep in, for Basil did complain that in his daies this custom was corrupt; and in the time of Augustine, the custom of bearing meat unto the graves of Martyrs, was forbidden by Ambrose; as is clear in Augustine Confess. lib. 6. cap. 2. and in latter times, too much hath been given to the reliques and memories of Saints, when wicked men began to put false confidence in foolish worship: which abuse is condemned by the Councel at Cabilon, Cap. 45. and other corruptions were added; to wit, for gain, false reliques were daily suggested, and feigned miracles were reported; superstition was thereby fostered, and by illusion of the Divel, new reliques were invented; which abuse is condemned by a Councel at Lions; at this day the world seems to be full of reliques; so that it may be feared, that upon due examination most detestable impostures may be manifested, as in some places it is made manifest: as of old it hapned unto Saint Martine, who did find un­der the famous name of a Martyr, the monument not of a Martyr, but of a wicked Robber. Wherefore it seems good to abstain from all ostentation of reliques, and to stir up the people to reverence the true reliques; that is, to follow the examples of their godliness and vertues that are extant, written by them, or of them. Thus Cassander hath observed two corruptions, to wit, superstitious confidence in the worship of true reliques; and a sacrilegious for­ging of false reliques. But now the superstitious custom of Rome, is come to such height, that Jesuit Vasques is licentiated to send in publick, That the very worms may be worshipped with a good intention and sincere faith; as if the worms, consumers of the holy reliques, were filled with some vertue; yet not to be worshipped publickly. Vasq. lib. 3. adorat. cap. 8. num. 114. and Bel­larm. li. cit. cap. 4. saith, The reliques of Saints, to wit, their bones, ashes, cloaths, &c. are to be adored, although not with the same kind of adora­tion, as the spirits of the Saints, yet with more than human or civil worship; to wit, with religious supplication, kissing, circumgestation, thurification, lighting of Tapers, &c.

8. In former times many were desirous to see Jerusalem, but others did dis­swade Pilgrimages. them; as Jerom to 1. Ep. ad Paulin. saith, It is laudable, not to have been in Jerusalem, but to have lived well in Jerusalem; for that Citie is to be sought, which killed not the Prophets, nor shed the blood of Christ; but which maketh the currents of the flood glad; which being on a mountain cannot be hid, which the Apostle calleth the mother of the Saints; in which he rejoiceth that he had freedom with the righteous. Neither in saying so, do I reprove my self of inconstancie, or condemn what I do; that I seem in vain, after the example of Abraham, to have forsaken my kindred and countrie; but I dare not inclose the omnipotencie of God in narrow bounds, and re­strain him in a little part of the earth, whom the Heaven cannot comprehend: E­very one of the believers are weighed, not according to the diversitie of places, but by excellencie of faith; and true worshippers do adore the Father, neither at Jerusalem, nor on mount Garizim; because God is a Spirit, and his wor­shippers must worship him in spirit and truth: the spirit bloweth where he plea­seth; the earth is the Lords, and the fulness thereof: since the Fleece of Ju­dea [Page 46] is dried up, and all the World is wet with the dew of Heaven; and many comming from the East and West are set down in the bosom of Abraham; God hath ceased to be known in Juda only, and his name to be great in Israel; but the sound of the Apostles hath gone thorow all the World, and their words unto the ends of the earth. Our Saviour, being in the Temple, said unto his Dis­ciples, Arise, let us go hence; and unto the Jews, Your house shal be left desolate: seeing Heaven and Earth shall pass away, certainly all earthly things shall pass away; therefore the places of the Cross and Resurrection, are profitable unto them who bear their Cross; and they rise with Christ daily, who shew them­selves of so great habitation. Moreover they say, The Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, let them hear from the Apostle, Ye are the Temple of the Lord, and the Holy Ghost dwelleth in you: both from Jerusalem, and from Brittan, is the gate of Heaven equally patent; Antonius and all the mul­titude of Monks of Aegypt, Mesopotamia, Pontus, Cappadocia and Ar­menia have not seen Jerusalem, and without this Citie the gate of Paradise is patent unto them: Blessed Hilarion, although he was born and lived in Pa­lestina, saw Jerusalem but one day only, that he might not seem to despise the holy places for their vicinitie, nor yet include the Lord in one place. You will say, Why go I so far off? To the end thou shouldest know, that nothing is deficient to thy faith, though thou hast not seen Jerusalem; and that thou think not us the better, that we enjoy the habitation of this place; but whe­ther here, or there, thou shalt have alike reward according to thy works. Au­gustine also, in his book de morib. eccl. cathol. cap. 34. complaineth, that ma­ny did adore graves and pictures; and some did drink upon the dead, and luxuriously burie themselves upon the buried; which abuses the Church in­deavoureth daily to amend. Agreeable unto this complaint, is that passage in Gregorie lib. 9. Ep. 71. Whereas the English were wont to sacrifice Oxen to their Gods, and on that day they did feast and make merrie: Gregorie advi­seth Way was gi­ven unto rites for a time. Augustine, to turn that Divelish solemnitie into a feast of dedication, or birth-day of some Martyr; and then to kill the Oxen not to the Divel, but to praise God when they did eat; to the end, that the hard-hearted people be not discouraged, for want of a merrie day, to forsake their idolatrie; and be­cause they who will climb high, must go by degrees. And lib. 12. Ep. 31. speaking of the English, he saith, according to the Apostle, who saith, I gave you milk to drink, and not strong food, I have yeelded now these things un­to them; but not to be held, or continued, in after-times; lest the good which is lately planted, and yet but of a tender root, be pulled up; but rather being begun, may be strengthned and carried to more perfection: Truly, if those things that we have done, be otherwise then we should have done; know thou, that it was not done for the thing it self, but by commiseration. Whence it appears, that not only these feasts at the graves, but many other rites, came into the Church by condescending unto the rudeness of the Gentiles: and they who at first did indulge them, did not simply allow these rites; but would by degrees bring the people unto the Christian faith; and they would not have used them, if the rude people would have imbraced the puritie of God's wor­ship. But afterwards, especially in the Western Churches, religion did con­sist, for the most part, in such rites; and if people would observe these, little care was to inform them in the faith. Then, as in the preceding 200. years, people had affection towards Jerusalem; so when the Bishop of Rome, was called the Universal Bishop, people forgat Jerusalem for a space, and looked towards Rome, and would go thither to confess their sins, as we will find more particularly; and yet even then many did reprove it, as followeth; for the present, I will add but one testimonie of Bernard in Ep. 113. ad Lelbert. Abbat. [Page 47] S. Michae, saying, This your son having forsaken, by my counsel, his pe­regrination, though he undertook it by your licence, hath returned; for when we knew that he had attempted it in levitie, and you had yeelded because of his importunitie; we reproved him sharply (as he was worthy) and perswa­ded him to return, repenting (so far as we could guess) of his levitie and im­probitie, and promising amendment hereafter; we judging righteously, that howsoever one be guiltie, he should exerce repentance in his own Monasterie, rather then by going from Province to Province; for the purpose of Monks, is not to seek the earthly, but heavenly Jerusalem; and that not by walking on foot, but by amending in affections: thus Bernard. And when the worship of Saints and reliques was once received, it was easie for Priests to perswade pilgrimages unto this or that monument; either for pennance, or some spe­cial remedie to be found there, more than in another place, Bellarm. de cult. Sanct. lib. 1. cap. 20. Of this hear Pol. Vergil. saying, We read not go to any part of the earth to seek God, who is everie where; but some have no such intention, but rather go to behold the image of some Saint, never thinking (in all their journey) of God; far contrarie to the worship that was prescribed by the Fathers. Against such men may well be applied that of Persius, O souls prone to the earth, and void of Heaven! Why should we use such rites in our Churches? and in the way they feed themselves delicatelie; and lest they wax sad, they have with them some Pleasant (I will not say their Whores or Mistresses) to cause them to laugh; and tell them merrie sports, as it were, to refresh their wearied minds: O vain travel! we should sojourn, that being se­questred from domestick cares (which divert us from thinking upon the other life) to dart the bodie; and cause it to do service unto reason, and give unto the poor, as Christ commandeth. Vergil. in Interpret. Orat. Dom.

9. Out of what is said, may be partlie seen, what was the estate of the We­stern Of Monks. Church in the daies of Pope Gregorie the I. and that after him a thicker mist arose out of the Sea; as indeed puritie of Doctrine perished more and more, and the Church was wondrously darkned with mens Traditions; ap­paritions of spirits were frequent: which when the Bishops and Priests did re­ceive, they were deceived, and made no small Apostasie from the true faith, into the confidence of merits and mens satisfactions. So that Iohn de Molin in Specul. Carmel. cap. 6. hath truly observed, that from the time of the Empe­rour Heraclius, unto his own time, The day declined to the evening, and the Church hath suffered an Eclipse, yea and almost made defection, Io. Bal. cent. 1. 74. appr. 2. About these times (saith another) men were (as it were) made for barbaritie; and many of the Ancients, in whose books was the do­ctrine and acts of antiquitie, being forsaken through negligence, did suffer another and worse death. In all which following calamities, the Monks were not the least Agents; for when the Monkish life was had in admiration, the Popes thought them the fitter instruments in prosecuting their pleasure. Before that time they had not authoritie to preach the word, nor administer the Sa­craments: as may be seen at length in Gratian. caus. 16. especially qu. 1. cap. Adji­cimus, there is an ordinance of Pope Leo I. that none but the Priests of the Lord should preach the word, whether he were a Monk or Laick, whatsoever mea­sure of knowledge he had: and Cap. hinc est etiam, it is said, The Ecclesiasti­cal historie testifieth, that untill the daies of Eusebius, Losinius and Siricius, Monks were only Monks, and not Clergie. And Gregorie lib. 4. Ep. 1. No man can serve in the Office of a Church-man, and continue in a Monkish rule ordinarily. And they all were Laicks, except the Abbot, saith Bellarmin. de Monac. lib. 2. cap. 4. and Spalatens. de Rep. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 12. proveth it at length, but they were subject unto the Priests of the Parish, in receiving the [Page 48] Sacrament; or if they were many they had their own Priest; as Epiphanius ordained Paulinian, Priest of Saint Jerom's Monasterie. Bellarm. de not. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 10. But Pope Boniface the IV. gave them libertie to preach, and his successours gave them power of binding and loosing; and although they had not charge of souls, they made them equal in power, everie where, with the Priests in their own Parishes, Gratian. caus. 16. qu. 1. Sunt tamen. They did cloak their idleness with profession of povertie, according to the order of Saint Basil, Augustine and other fathers: which rules of the late Monks, were so far from the institution of the Fathers, that they never had dreamed any such thing could follow: saith Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 7. cap. 3. for ac­cording to the institutions, Monks had nothing of their own, neither did live chargeably unto others; but upon the works of their hands, and they gave their works unto their Decanus: saith August. de mori. Eccles. Cathol. lib. 1. cap. 31. and in Reg. 2. tradita Fratrib. cap. 2. he commandeth them to read some hours, to pray some hours, and to work some hours. Chrysost. hom. 59. ad pop. Antioch. saith, They know not begging: and Bellarm. de monast. lib. 2. cap. 43. and Durae contr. Whitak. fol. 387. out of Jerom, Epiphanius, and others, shew that all the Monks in old times did work, as the Apostle had commanded, except one Monasterie of Saint Martin: so writeth Basil in ex­ercit. ser. 4. But in the seventh Centurie they had fair Cloisters, Princely Ab­bies, rich Revenues, and what did they not purchase? But no work at all amongst the most part of them: so that Bernard crieth in Apolog. ad Guil. abbat. O how far different are we from the Monks in the daies of Antonius! And in Epist. 42. he saith, Work, dark places, voluntarie povertie, these do nobi­litate Monks; but your eies behold everie thing; your feet tread in everie mar­ket; your tongues are heard in all Counsels; your hands do pull unto you eve­rie patrimonie: As they were not sloathfull in their own affairs, so when the Popes and Bishops began to have more care of policie, preferment, and such earthly things; and each one to strive against the usurpation of another, more then they did study the Scriptures: Then the Benedictines (and afterwards other sorts of hypocrites) were sent under colour of preaching Christ; but indeed to deceive the world, and to perswade men to submit themselves unto the See of Rome. The Monks propined the cup of fornication to all nations; they per­swade Kings to subject their Crowns unto the High-priest; and they were the sowers of his superstitious rites, and other errours: as may be seen at length in the Historie of the Councel at Trent, in the Congregations of the 4. and 5. Sessions, where the Bishops and Rulers, sought to take these liberties from Monks; but the Romish Courtiers would not. The Bishops of Spain and Gallicia in the 4. Councel at Toledo, did espie this hypocrisie, and Cap. 52. did ordain, That Bishops should restrain all Religious persons (so did the Monks call themselves, as if there were no religion in others) who were not of the number of the Clergie, and went from place to place: And each Bishop should compell them within his Diocie, to return into some Monasterie, or take them to a Parish; unless they were dismissed for age or sickness. This Act could not stand, for the mysterie of iniquitie must go on. So that justly doth I. Hooper, Bishop of Glocester, and Martyr an. 1555. call the Monks the pale horse, saying, This pale horse, is the time wherein hypocrites and dissemblers entred into the Church, under pretence of true religion; they kil­led more souls with heresies and superstition; then all the Tyrants that ever were, did kill bodies with fire, sword, or banishment; as it appears by his name who sitteth upon the horse, that is, Death: for all souls who leave Christ, and trust to these hypocrites, live unto the Divel in everlasting pain; these pre­tenced and false hypocrites, have stirred the Earthquakes, that is, the Princes [Page 49] of the World against Christ's Church. Letters of Saints and Martyrs, Prin­ted an. 1564. pag. 116. By their Sermons they did commend the primacie of the Pope everie where: and Boniface the V. and then other Popes, gave them so many Prerogatives, that they who had the greatest desire of libertie, became Monks, Erasmus in Vita Hieron. Yea and Kings forsaking their Scepter, be­took them to a Monkish life, as Bambas King of the Goths in Spain; and some retaining their Crowns, professed themselves of the Order of Monks by dispensation: With provision, that they give Revenue to one Abbey or more; and the Church (that is, the Popes and their Members, the Monks) suffer no loss; or in a word, that Monasteries may be enriched. At first out of the Monasteries (as Colledges) were chosen Presbyters, who were estee­med of an higher degree, August. Epist. 76. ad Aurel. and Pelagius the I. Bi­shop of Rome, writing to Antonia and Decia, saith, I wish that those who are nourished by us in this habit, and in Monasteries, may when they shall be of ripe age and approved life, be promoted not unto the Office of contention, but of Priesthood, Gratian. caus. 16. qu. 1. cap. de praesentium. And Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 7. saith, If any did repent him of his profession, he had libertie to return unto his former life; yet not without the note of levitie (saith he) but they were not tied under the bond of vow. By means of these priviledges, and by opinion that donations to Cloisters, were meritorious before God; the Monks at that time received Palaces of ease, instead of Wil­dernesses in former times; plentic for povertie; feasting for fasting; frequent Convents for solitariness; robes for rags, Erasm. Epist. ad Granveld. dat. 15. cal. Ianuar. an. 1520. and Spalatens. de Rep. Christ. lib. 2. cap. 12. Sect. 77. They were so managed, that let any one chuse what sort of life he pleaseth, he shall find contentment in one Abbey or other; or he shall find a Convent of the same profession, Bellarm. de mon. lib. 2. cap. 3. and so when they profess to have no­thing, they injoy all things: And it may well be said to them, which he ibid. lib. 1. cap. 1. citeth out of Hierom. Epist. ad Paulin. Expound the word Mo­nachus, which is thy name; What doest thou in a Town who shouldest live alone? Or if ye hear that strange etymologie (and not so strange in Gram­mar, as in practice, in respect of them) which he approveth; Monachi have their name from the word, [...] i. e. unitie; because they lay aside all world­ly things, and they studie to please unitie i. e. God. Then take also his note of inference, Whereof it followeth, saith he, that properly these are Monks, who give themselves to contemplative life, as the Cassinenses, &c. Upon the same ground Thomas Aquin. and other Scholasticks, would not give this name of Monks, unto the Dominicans and Franciscans; because they are not only given to contemplation, but &c. Seeing then Monks went over all, ha­ving no certain Parish; yet preaching, and exercing the Office of a Priest, wheresoever they pleased, or could be received; surely according to both these reasons of their name, about that time Monks were no Monks, and a great noveltie crept into the Church. And seeing their doctrine was principal­ly, for erecting primacie and power unto the Pope; they may justly be called [...] and [...], servants and souldiers, as the ancient Greeks called them; but not the servants and souldiers of God, but of the Pope, as will be more clear hereafter.

10. Into this Centurie, Bellarmine casteth the first acceptation of the Latine The Latine Translation of the Bible. Translation of the Bible, by the Church universally; which Translation is called Jerom's. In lib. 2. de verb. Dei cap. 8. he sheweth, that another Trans­lation, which was called Itala or Vetus Latina, was in use in the Churches, before this of Jerom; and in the daies of Gregorie the I. the Church of Rome did use them both, [as Gregorie testifieth, in the end of his Epistle to Leander, [Page 50] before his Morals.] And after that (saith Bellarmine) all Latine Translati­ons went out of use, save this which is called Vetus Latina. And in Cap. 9. he saith, That some Books or Chapters of the old common Translation; es­pecially the Psalms, and some books of Jerom's Translation, which is now in use in the Roman Church: and in the next Chapter saith, this is of authen­tical authoritie, as if all the Churches had used it only; all Preachers have ex­pounded it only; and Councels have determined all controversies from it on­ly: but he bringeth no proof of his so bold assertion, except a verie imperfect induction. In the contrarie it is certain, 1. Though all were supposed, which he saith of that Translation; yet before Jerom it was not, and before Pope Gregorie the I. it was not authentical; and therefore it was but a Novation, when it was taken to be authentical. 2. No other Church but the Romish did ever call it authentical, not the Greeks, &c. 3. Jerom did not call it au­thentical; for in his preface before the Books of Moses, he saith, to them who were emulous, Why doest thou fret with envie? Why stirrest thou the affe­ctions of the unlearned against me? Ask the Hebrews, advise the Masters of sundrie Towns, what they have of Christ, thy books have not: it is another thing, if the testimonies used afterwards by the Apostles prove against them; and the Latine copies are falser then the Greek, and the Greek than the He­brew. It is true many editions of that preface have, & emendatiora sunt exem­plaria Latina quam Graeca, & Graeca quam Hebraea; and so did Nicolaus de Ly­ra, and others in his time read the words. But so, that sentence is contrary to his purpose; and therefore many of the School-men, and Erasmus, have been puzled in reconciling that sentence with the preceding words. But I have had by me, these 50. years, an Edition of Paris in the year 1523. by John Pre­vel, which hath, & emendaciora sunt exemplaria Latina, &c. And this one Edition, in this particular, is of more credit than a thousand other Editions; because it agrees with the preceding words, and with the truth: And with the same, Jerom in an Epistle to Damasum before the four Evangelists, saying, If the truth is to be sought out of many Translations, why go we not to the Greek original, and amend the things that have been ill translated by vitious Inter­preters; or have been amended by unlearned presumptuous men. Let that be the true interpretation, which the Apostles have approved; I speak (saith he) of the New-Testament, which without doubt is Greek. And tom. 1. Epist. ad Lutin. he saith, As the credit of the old books, are to be examined by the Hebrew books; so the credit of the new, requireth the rule of the Greek language. If we confer altogether, what is more clear, then that Jerom did prefer the Hebrew in the Old-Testament; and the Greek in the New, above all Translations whatsoever; yea and above his own. 4. Neither was any Latine Translation accounted authentical, before the Councel at Trent; for all the Interpreters, have in many Texts forsaken it; as is clear by their Com­mentaries, as Nicolaus de Lyra, Paulus Brugensis, Armachanus, Card. Cajetanus, and Bellarmine himself departeth from it in the Psalms; and Eras­mus Rotterodamus, Xantes Pagninus, Francis Vatablus, and Arias Mon­tanus, were approved for setting forth other Translations. Pope Leo the X. did approve by his Seal the Translation of Erasmus, and gave him thanks for his travel in translating the New-Testament, Erasmus in Epist. Thomae Card. Eborac. dat. Louan. cal. Febr. an. 1519. 5. In the Councel at Trent, that Translation was called into question, for Frier Aloisius Cataneus spake against it, and did confirm what he said, by the authoritie of Card. Cajetanus and Je­rom, and by good reason; and was seconded by Isidorus Clacus, a Benedi­ctine Abbot; so that (as the Writer of the Historie saith, lib. 2.) there was great contention concerning the Latine Translation: and in the end they did [Page 51] conclude, that it is to be approved as authentical; yet so, that they who are more diligent, should not be forbidden to quench their thirst out of the He­brew and Greek Fountains. And after that Councel, two other Editions were published by Pope Sixtus the V. and Clemens the VIII. with infinite alterati­ons, as followeth in the 16. Century.

11. The Popes did indeavour to take libertie of marriage from the Clergie; The single life of Church men is oppo­sed. and where they could prevail, adulterie and murther of babes was multiplied, as is touched. In sundrie Nations great opposition was made, for Arnulph Bi­shop of Metensis, was the father of Anchises, the father of Pipin: Britain would not receive this bondage. In Creet John a Priest had a wife, and therefore was reproved by Pope Vitalian. What may I speak of one Greek? The Greeks are, for the most part, married untill this day. In the fourth Councel at To­ledo, Cap. 43. Marriage was approved, and Fornication prohibited. More of this hereafter.

12. Divers Nations then received the faith, the Gothi and Suevi in Spain, Some Nati­ons hear of Christ. forsook Arianism by authoritie of their King Reccared. Ghent brake down the Altar of Mercurius, whom they had served; and began to serve the true God, by the preaching of Amand, a French-man, an. 613. who was exi­led for reproving King Dagobert of luxurie and venerie. Other Flandrians were converted by his Countrie man Aegidius, an. 649. The sound of the word had been through the world, but the Nations persevered not; and be­ing instructed but in few persons, Paganism continued; and the Barbarians disturbing the Realms, did also disturb the estate of religion.

13. In that Centurie lived sundrie Divines, although not equal to their fore­fathers; John Bishop of Alexandria, called the Almons, an. 610. who for Some wor­thy men. his rare example of hospitalitie and bountifulness to the poor; is no less wor­thy to have place amongst good men, than he is followed of few. He was wont, at all occasions, to propound unto the people, questions out of the Scri­ptures; because multitude of heresies were then on foot, and he exhorted the people to propound their doubts unto him. If any did presumptuously move curious questions, he could cunningly turn to another more profitable. When any of the unlearned moved trivial doubts, he accepted them calmly; and commanded that thereafter such persons should not be admitted; to the end, others seeing such men checked, should be the more wary. In the daies of Boniface the IV. John Bishop of Gerunden, a Spaniard, was instructed at Con­stantinople, in the languages and reading of Scriptures; thence he returning into his Countrie, did with dexteritie, refute the heresie of Arrius; and there­fore was exiled to Barchinona: but after the death of the Arrian King Lemun­gild, he returned, and wrote many books. Of the same country was Euro­pius, Bishop of Valentia, worthy of remembrance for godliness of life, and sinceritie of faith. Then also lived Ildefonsus, Bishop of Toledo, who (as another Augustine) is called the Hammer of Hereticks. France did never want famous witnesses of the Gospel: at that time was the fore-named Ar­nulph, Bishop of Metensis; Projectus a Martyr in Aquitania, an. 610. Eu­stathius Abb. Luxovien, the Disciple of Columban, an. 624. Modoald Bi­shop of Trevers; Renald the successour of the above-named Amand; we have heard of Serenus, Bishop of Marsilia, where succeeded Projectus, who is said to have suffered martyrdom in agro Cameracen. an. 678. Eustasius a Preacher in Bavier, an. 640. Lambert Bishop of Tungri, was put to death, an. 658. because he rebuked Pipin for marrying another wife, the first being yet alive; Dodo the brother of the second wife, was the Executioner, and shortly thereafter died of vermine. Ulfranius Bishop of Senonen, hath been a diligent labourer in the Lord's harvest in Frisia, an. 660. Leodagarius Bishop [Page 52] of Augustodunen, suffered death at the command of Theorick, King of France, because he oft reproved him of tyrannie. Victor Bishop of Carthage, an. 646. writing to Pope Theodore, retains the old Titles, saying, Unto the most blest and honourable Lord, his holy brother Theodore, Pope; the works of your most blessed brother-hood are acceptable unto God, &c. There he affirmeth, that all the Apostles were of equal authoritie and honour.

14. Isidorus Bishop of Hispala (called the latter) did write many books of the Christian faith, and the History from Adam untill his own time, 624. Isidor. His­palen. he hath many errours, but in many things is sound. In his book de summo bono cap. 28. he saith, In the holy Scriptures, as on high mountains, both the learned find sublimities of knowledge, whereunto as Harts, they may lift up the steps of their contemplation; and the simple men, as lesse Wights, may find mean things for their capacitie; to which, they may humbly have refuge; the holy Scripture seems unto the babes of understanding, to be base in words, in respect of the historie; but it wadeth more deeply with the more learned, opening unto them the mysteries thereof; and it remains common to the lear­ned and unlearned. Lib. 7. etymolog. cap. 9. Peter received his name from the Rock, which is Christ, on whom the Church is built; the Rock hath not the name from Peter; but Peter from the Rock: therefore the Lord saith, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock, which thou hast confessed, will I build my Church; for the Rock was Christ, upon which Peter himself was built. Lib 8. cap. 5. he noteth it as a fault in the old Catharists, that they did glorie in their merits; and that they denied forgiveness of sins to the penitent. Lib. 6. cap. 19. The Sacraments are baptism and chrism, the bodie and blood of Christ. Here he nameth but two, because the custom was then, to anoint them who were baptized. De offic. lib. 1. cap. 18. Bread, because it strengthneth the bodie, is therefore called Christ's bodie: and Wine, because it worketh blood in the flesh, therefore it hath relation to Christ's blood: these two are sensible, but being sanctified by the Holy Spirit, are changed into the Sacrament of the Lord's body. The Papists now in our daies, would gather out of these words Transubstantiation; but hereafter (God willing) it shall appear, that neither word, nor thing, was thought upon, in 500. years after that time: and Isidore saith, Transeunt in Sacramentum. And de doctrin. & fide art. 33. saith, That marriage is evil, or to be compared with fornication; and to believe that meat is evil, or the cause of evil unto the eaters, is not Christian; but properly Ma­nichean or Encratitish.

15. Agrestin was Clark to King Theodorick, and then entred the Abbey Lexovien with all his Wealth; he became wearied of the superstitious rites, Agrestin. and left the Abbey. Then he went to Aquileia (which for that time was not under the yoke of the Romish Pope) and from thence he writ unto Abbas Bobiensis, against the rites of the Monks; and unto Eustasius, Abbot of Le­xovien, exhorting him to leave those rites. Eustasius and his Convent, ex­clude him out of their society. He had his refuge to Apellin, Bishop of Genua, who with some others, drew King Lotharius to their side. For removing of this controversie, was assembled the 4. Councel at Matiscon in Burgundy: there Agrestin accuseth Eustasius of many superstitious ceremonies, contrary to Canonical institution; for example, They did use to lick a Cockle marked with a cross; they use hallowings when they went in or out of a house; they multiplied prayers and collects in the Masse; they ridiculously cut off their hair, and abstained from the company of men. Eustasius replieth, The sign of the Cross, was able to put away the plague of the enemy; for it is written, The Lord will keep thy coming in, and thy going out, from henceforth and for ever: as for prayers, Christ and his Apostles, have commanded to pray [Page 53] continually: the Bishops did condemn Agrestin. Hence we see, that many did not allow the rites creeping in, and the inventers of them were but private persons; and the abettors were pleased with the least shadow of reason. Catol. test. ver. lib. 7. ex vita Eustas. abb.

16. About that time the number of Patriarchs were augmented; unto the More Patxi­archs. former five that were authorized at Nice and Ephesus, were numbred the Sees of Thessalonica, Ephesus, Trimatus, Creta, which are so named in the sixth general Councel; and in the West Ravenna, Caralis, Aquileia, Gra­dus, Millain, Toledo, Canterbury, York, &c. The Bishops of all these pla­ces were named Patriarchs, great High-priests, Primats, Arch-priests, &c. They had under them some more, and some fewer Bishops, and the world was possessed with ambition. Among them all, two only were called Uni­versal Bishops, with great emulation; to wit, Rome and Constantinople, for they and their followers did entitle them so; but neither of the two would give it unto his Competitour; Spalatens. de Rep. Christ. lib. 3. cap. 10. Se­ctio. 16.

17. When the Bishops of Rome were exalting themselves in the West, Of the Ma­humetans. and the heresie of the Monothelites spreading in the East, and ambition waxing in both; the Empire of the Mahumetans began in Asia. The Ancients (as Epiphanius in Panar. cap. 1. and Jerom in Ezek. 25.) call them Sarazens; Sui­das and some others, derive the name from Sarraca, a City in Arabia, where they lived; others derive it from the Hebrew word Sarac, which in Ier. 2. 23. is translated, Traversing; because they did live by robbery. They themselves deduce the name from Sarah, and called themselves the seed of the promise, and heirs of the world: they were people of Arabia, and first brought into a Monarchy by Mahumet. Writers do vary of what Parents he was; he was bold and publick, and enriched by marriage; his Kingdom began, and after him was increased by dissension of Princes, as the particular Histories declare. The first occasion of their rising was, they had foughten with Heraclius, against the Persians, and after the peace they sought their arrears. One of the Emperours Treasurers said, We have it not to pay the Roman and Greek souldiers, and this kennel of dogs are most impudent. They were so wrathfull at these words, that immediately they invade Syria, and took Damascus, Phoe­nicia and Mesopotamia; they exerced great cruelty against the Christians, and sought, by all means, to extinguish the very name: Heraclius fought divers times against them, and might have destroied them; but he thought it enough to disperse them. Lest diversity of religion, might occasion sedition among them, Mahumet with advice of Sergius, a Monk (who was banished from Constantinople for Nestorianism;) and of John, an Arrian Priest; and of Selas, a Jewish Astrologer; and Barras a Persian, patched a new religion amongst all these Sects, and pleasant to natural men; that so he might the more easily draw many unto him, and hold them together. The sum of his Alcoran (that is, the book of his religion) is, he continueth the doctrine of the forgivenesse of sin in the blood of Christ; he denieth the two natures of Christ, and that his sufferings was a ransom for our sin; he despiseth the Me­diation of Christ; he acknowledgeth Christ a Law-giver, but very silly and unmeet for government; he calleth himself the great Prophet sent from God, and sufficiently powerfull (not by miracles, as Christ and Moses, but) by sword to hold men under obedience of his worship and doctrine; he retains some Precepts of the law; to wit, the general and natural principles; he hol­deth Circumcision, to confirm his people in the promise made to Abraham, as belonging unto them; he permitteth to eat all sorts of flesh, except Swines flesh, and what is strangled; he teacheth to offer sacrifices, but for the most [Page 54] part votive; that is, in sickness or danger to vow a lamb or bullock, accor­ding to the diversity of the person's estate; neither should these sacrifices be burned as the Jews did; but when the beast is killed, the skin, head, feet and fourth part of the flesh is given to the Priest; another fourth part is given to the poor; a third quarter is sent to the neighbours; and the offerer keepeth the last quarter to himself and his companions. Bart. Georgieviz an Hunga­rain, de origin. Imper. Turcici. saith, They keep the Friday holy, for diffe­rence from Jews and Christians; they have prayers five times daily, 1. Be­fore the Sun-rising. 2. At the Rising. 3. At Noon. 4. Before Sun-set­ting. 5. Two hours thereafter. Unto all who observe his religion, he pro­miseth victory and wealth in this life; and then pleasures, with all delights in meats, drink and venery in Paradise: in a word, he gathered all heresies into one; he damneth wine with Severus; he contemneth the Sacraments with the Messalians; he denieth the immortality of the soul without the bo­dy with the Ambians; he maintaineth the deliverance of the most wicked with Origenes; and the imaginary suffering of Christ with Basilides; he be­lieveth not the Trinity with Saturninus; he permitteth polygamy, and di­vorcement, upon any occasion, with the Jews: he derideth the Gospel, be­cause it compelleth not to obedience, and forbiddeth revenge; to which his religion directeth by all means. He saith, The Monarchy of the World is promised to his Nation, as descending from Sarah; and therefore all others are to be compelled to accept Mahumetism, or abide in perpetual bondage. He promiseth, That they who fight couragiously in Battel, should be blessed, and their souls go straight with their bodies into Paradise; where they shall not be wearied with heat or cold, but cloathed with fine Vestures; and have the company of women, and daintiest food, &c. By such promises he tieth Souldiers to their Captains, and maketh them to despise all dangers. He com­mandeth strictly Discipline in Wars, that none dare plunder without permis­sion; or if any do, he is punished without mercy. He appointed ordinary attendants on such things as may fall amongst the Souldiers in their march, that none of them durst take an Apple, without the licence of the owner, upon pain of death. The people, being bewitched with such fair induce­ments, did submit unto him as their Prince, Doctour, and Law-giver. He deceived some by words, and compelled others, with the sword, unto sub­jection. The Persians (as is touched) were easily brought to his obedience. When they prevailed over Christians, they dealt with them without mercy; in Jerusalem they shewed more then beastly cruelty; in a Church of Caesarea, they massacred above 7000. Christians; they made Cyprus once without one Christian; about the year 700. they slue in Isuaria 150000. and kept 7000. captives. At that time Homar, their Prince, excused all this cruelty with pre­text, that he did only pursue the worshippers of images; for about that time images were frequent in Christian Churches, and the Sarazens could not look on an image for religion. We may say then, Homar was the rod of God, correcting the idolatry and will worship of Christians; and the same images did give great advantage to this common enemy, by dissention of Christians, as followeth in the next Century. About the same time, arose two several Kingdoms of the Sarazens; the first in Asia, whereof the chief City was buil­ded by the ruines of Babylon, and was called Baldac, or Baldacut, an. 630. after two years Mahumet was poisoned by Albunar, one of his Disciples; to the end he might have experience of his Prophecies; for Mahumet had said, that within three daies after his death, he would rise again: But when Al­bunar had waited 12. daies, he found his body torn by dogs; and gathered his bones, or what was remaining, and buried them in a Pitcher at Macha [Page 51] in Persia. He delivered other Prophecies, but his followers have not as yet found the truth of them. Not many years after the erection of this Kingdom, the Aegyptians were wearied of the Roman Empire, and sent for the Sara­zens unto their aid, but it was to their greater woe. For the Sarazens made a prey of them, and erected another Kingdom in Affrick, whose Seat was Alcair or Babylon in Aegypt. In both Kingdomes the Supream Governour, both in Policy and Religion, was called Calipha; and they ruled the Provin­ces by Presidents, whom they called Sultans or Soldans, who were also High-Priests.


1. THe Papishes do brag, that the Roman Church is the Mother of all The Roman Church is the Mother of all other Chur­ches. Churches; and that all Countries who ever believed in Christ, were first converted to her faith; by such as were precisely sent, or at least had their authority from the Pope, who lived in the time in which they were converted. This (say they) is so openly set down, in the History of the first conversion of every Country; as no Protestant, were he never so impudent, can without blushing deny it. So speaketh Thomas Hill, a Doctour of Doway, in his 4. reason Of his Catholick Religion. If the like lies were not frequent amongst them, it may seem a wonder how men can be so impudent, if they but read the Acts of the Apostles, where we have a conversion of Nations, without the mention of a Church at Rome: And the like may be said, if they had read the Recognitions of Clemens, whom some call the first Bishop of Rome; and some call him the second, and some the third; all these Books are con­cerning the conversion of Nations; and yet in them, is little or nothing of a Church in Rome, till he came to the last book; and neither is there one word of sending Teachers from Rome into other Nations: so that many Nations were converted, before any Christian Church was at Rome. Other Nati­ons can shew, by whom the light of the Gospel came unto them. But for Especially not of the old Britans nor Scots. Britan (say they, it is clear, That Gregory the I. sent Augustine, who is cal­led, The Apostle of the English. And was not the Christian faith in Britan before that time? Read the second Apology of Athanasius, and in the first page you shall find, that in Constantius time, some from Britan were at the great Councel in Sardeis: and in the former chapter Sect. 8. we have heard the testimony of Jerom, That from Jerusalem and from Britan, the Gate of Hea­ven is equally patent; and in other places he mentioneth them: and 200. years before him, Tertullian against the Jews sheweth, That the places of Britan, which were unaccessible unto the Romans, were subject unto Christ. And what places these were, Baronius in Annal. ad an. 186. Sect. 6. teacheth, That it is certain that the Romans did possess the South part of Britan; and Adrian caused a Wall to be made betwixt Cart-den and Dumbarton, to be a partition between them and the Scots: But (saith Baronius) the Britans, who did possess what was on the North-side of the Wall, did often pass over, and provoke the Romans unto Battel. In the time of Eleutherius, Bishop of Rome, Lucius King of South Britan, was a Christian; and Baronius can­not deny, but long before that, the Gospel of Christ had been brought into Britan; as (saith he) Testatur Gilda sapiens. And at the same time Donald, King of Scotland, was a Christian: and in the daies of Dioclesian, when the persecution was hot in the South part, many Christians took their refuge [Page 56] into the North part, where the King Crathilint received them; and for safe­ty sent many of them into the Isle of Man, and there builded a Church unto them, that they might serve God freely. It is true, the South part did change their Inhabitants; for division falling amongst them, the one party sent for the Saxons for their aid; and these were Heathens, and subdued all the coun­try (except that which is now called South and North Wales) and that for their prophaneness and contempt of Religion; as Gildas testifieth in a little book de excidio Britannico, which is in Bibliotheca Patr. de la Bigne tom. 5. About the year 600. Ethelbert had married Bertha (Gregory the I. lib. 9. Epist. 59. calleth her Aldiberga) a Christian, who brought with her Lethard, a Preacher, Beda hist. lib. 1. cap. 25. calleth him a Bishop; he preached in a Church at Canterbury, called Saint Martin's, that had been long time before. When Augustine was sent by Gregory, and came thither; he stayed in the Isle of Tenet, untill he knew the King's will. Beda ibid. By means of Bertha licence was granted, and he preached before the King. After his conversi­on, Augustine had intelligence of the Britans, and sent unto them, and cra­ved a meeting with them: three of them came unto him; he did speak at first fairly, and desired them to join with him in conversion of the Heathens. They answered, We have our own Bishops, without their knowledge we may do nothing. Then by authority and procurement of the King, he in­viteth them to a Synod, at a place (which from him, was called Austin-oke or Austin-gate) an. 602. Seven Bishops, and one Arch-Bishop prepared to go: On the way, they came to a certain Anchorite, and did ask his coun­sel, whether they should leave their traditions, as they heard that Augustine did require? He answered, If he be a man of God, follow him. They say, How may we know whether he be a man of God? He answered, The Lord saith, Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, that I am humble, and meek, and lowly in heart; therefore if the man be meek, and humble in heart; it is credible, that he beareth the yoke of Christ, and offereth it to be born of others; but if he be proud, it is certain, that he is not of God, nor should we hear his words. They ask again, how they should know whe­ther he was proud, or not? He answered, Procure you, that he, and his com­pany, be in the place of the Synod before you; and if, when ye approach, he ariseth unto you, then ye may know, he is a servant of Christ, and hear him obediently: But if he despise you, and will not arise at your coming, who are more in number, let him be despised of you. And as this Anchorite did advise, so did they; for when they came into the place, Augustine was there, and did sit in his chair, but did not move from his place. When they saw it so, they did think of his pride; and were resolved to resist whatsoever he should propose. The sum of his Oration is, In the name of Gregory, Bi­shop of Rome, he chargeth them, that they should preach the Word of God unto the Saxons; that they should acknowledge him as their Arch-Bi­shop; keep Easter, and administer Baptism, according to the custom of the Roman Church; and although in other things, ye do contrary unto our cu­stom (said he) yet if ye will obey in these three things, we will willingly bear with other things. The Britans answer, We will do none of those things which thou requirest; nor will we acknowledge thee for our Arch-Bi­shop. Beda hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. Especially Dinoth, an Abbot, said, They were not obliged to preach unto their enemies, seeing the Saxons had spoiled them of their lands; and did still continue to prey upon them. For the celebration of Easter, and administration of Baptism, they defend themselves by the au­thority of the Eastern Church, and their own continual practice by Joseph of Arimathea; which they do judge of no less authority, then that of the Ro­man [Page 57] Church was, which Augustine did barely object. Beda. loc. cit. If we confer the proposition of the one, and the answer of the other, we may see the points of difference were many; whereof four are expressed, and the rest are couched, in generality; of the particulars let the Reader judge; but the greatest was the matter of subjection. So before that time, they knew of no such thing, as the subjection of their Church unto the Roman Church. Then did he menace them, that if they would not submit, they should feel the force of enemies: Beda expoundeth this, as proceeding from the spirit of pro­phecy: But the Authour of Catal. test. ver. lib. 6. sheweth (from Galfrid a Cardinal, who about the year 1150. did write Histor. Britan.) when Edelbert King of Kent, saw that the Britans refused subjection unto Augustine, and dis­dained to preach unto them, he took it very ill; and did stir up Edilfrid King of Northumberland, and the other little Kings of the Saxons, to raise an Ar­my, and to cut off Dinoth and those Presbyters who had despised them. They followed his counsel, and when they had levied a great Army, they entred in­to the Province of the Britans; came unto Leicester, where Bremael, Mayor of the City, was waiting on them: innumerable Monks and Eremites did come to that City from sundry Provinces of the Britans; namely from the Ci­ty Bangor, that they might pray for the safety of their own people: There Edelfrid fought with Bremael, who had the least number, yet made great ha­vock on the enemy, but at last fled. Then Edelfrid entred the City, and knowing for what end they were gathered there, he commandeth to put them to the edge of the sword; so on that day 1200. of them were honoured with martyrdom (saith he) and obtained place in the Kingdom of Heaven. When that Saxon Tyrant was going against Bangor, his madness being made known, he was rencountred by these Dukes of the Britans, Blederic of Cornubia, Margadud of Demeti, and Caduan of Venedoti; in the fight they wound him, and cause him to take the flight; and of his Army they slue 10066. and on the Britans side Blederic was slain, who was Commander in chief. B. Par­ker in Antiquit. Britan. cap. 18. sheweth out of Aman. Xierxen, a Prier Mino­rite, that this War was raised for their disobedience to Augustine; and the Saxons, who were converted, would have them to obey him. And hence it is gathered to be false, which some alledge, that Augustine was dead before the War. See Morton in his Protestants Appeal, lib. 1. cap. 4. & 9. It remains to inquire what other things were those, among the Britans, contrary to Rome, and which of the two were erroneous. We can find the particulars expressed no where; but of the general, the Romish Authours of the Catholick Apology (as they call it) give us sufficient proof; for in their Text they say, It is un­doubted that our neighbours, the Britans of Wales, received the faith, by the Preaching of the Apostles, and held that faith at Augustin's coming; not be­ing (in the mean time) altered or corrupted by the Roman Church. And in the margine they have added out of sundry Authours, affirming (say they) truly, that the Britans were converted by Joseph of Arimathea; whereof his Sepulchre yet in Glassenbury, and his Epitaph affixed thereunto, and sundry ancient monuments of that Monastery, are a sufficient proof, neither should we doubt thereof; and that the Britans, after the receiving of the faith, never forsook it for any manner of false preaching of others, nor for torments; and that this Land did never receive the doctrine and ceremonies of the Latine Church, before the coming of the Saxons; and when Augustine came hi­ther, they were not subject to the Romish yoke; neither would acknowledge Augustine to be their Apostle. So far they. Baronius specifieth the year 35. to have been the year of the conversion of the Britans; ex M. Sc. Histor. Angl. in the Vatican Bibliotheke; and Gildas loc. cit. saith, in the daies of Tiberius [Page 58] Caesar. Hence it is clear, 1. That the Roman Church was not their Mother-Church. 2. By the sentence of these Romish Apologists, the Britans were not corrupted in the faith, nor subjected to the Bishop of Rome. And therefore seeing Augustine said that they were contrary to Rome in many things; it must follow, that the Romans were corrupt in many things; and especially, that they did not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for their Pa­triarch. These Apologists say also (and it is likely, others do use the same deceit also) that in the end of that Synod, the Britan Bishops confessed, that it was the right way of justice and righteousness which Augustine taught. But it is clear from Beda, that the Britans did oppose all that he spoke; and they who said so, were at the first meeting, when Augustine had not disco­vered himself. Likewise out of the Interrogatories that Augustine sent unto Gregory the I. and are, with the answers, in the end of Gregory's works; it is easie to be seen, that the first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was no learned Clark, but very superstitious; and especially, in the eighth answer, that he was ambitious, in that he did aim to have the Bishop of France subject unto him. After the death of Augustine, Laurence (who did come from Rome with him) took his charge; he did invite the Scots, dwelling in the same Island, unto a Synod, and thought to have found them (meliores, saith Be­da lib. 2. cap. 4.) readier to his mind than the Britans were; but he found no less opposition by them, for the Scots differed nothing from the Britans; Dagan and Columban did refuse all communion with him, and would not lodge in the same Inn where any Romish Bishop was. If we compare all these premises, we may see the cause why our Writers have spoken so diversly of Augustine; some calling the English conversion, a perversion and i [...]ebria­tion; and others terming it a gracious conversion; to wit, when they con­sider, how Pagans, by the light of the Gospel, were brought unto the faith, though tainted with some errours; they do, with the Angels of Heaven, rejoice in remembrance of that English happiness; but when they consider, that the old Professours of the ancient faith, were by the importunity and ambition of Augustine and his successours, inthralled in multitude of new inventions, and in an unjust subjection; yea and that so many were martyred by means (at least by suggestion) of Augustine, justly have they termed this work of Augustine, a perversion of the faith; so giving this twofold censure in the spi­rit of discretion, and not of contradiction; even as Christ knew and appro­ved the works of Ephesus, but he had some things against her.

2. The difference in observing Easter was thus: The Romans in remem­brance Difference for Easter. of Christ's resurrection, did observe the first Sunday, after the full Moon of March; and the Eastern Church, as also the Britans kept the four­teenth day of the Moon, on whatever day of the week it fell. For this mat­ter was no small debate between the Greek and Latine Churches long be­fore; as also in Britain about the year 657. betwixt Finnan a Scot, and Bishop of Lindsfarn; and Ronan another Scot, and coming lately from Rome: Finnan was so reverenced by the Romish faction, that nothing was altered in his daies; and he writ a book Proveteri Paschatos ritu, Beda hist. lib. 3. cap. 25. This jar was renewed about the year 670. by Wilfrid, Bishop of York, who had been at Rome. Colman a Scot, and Successour of Finnan; and Cedda (who afterwards was Bishop of York) defend the old custom; al­ledging (as is before) that this Island had received their rites from Asia, and had kept them, from the beginning of their conversion, untill this time. Wil­frid, and Agilbert a Bishop, and Agatho a Priest, and James a Deacon, said, Rome should be preferred above Asia; because the bones of Peter were at Rome: Colman answereth, that Anatolius, and Eusebius Pamphili, do [Page 59] evidently declare what were the rites of Asia, and the same were received from John the Evangelist; and were followed by Columba, whom they could not deny to have been a good and devote man. Wilfrid replieth, The authori­ty of Peter is greater; for Christ said to him, Thou art Peter—and to thee will I give the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven. Then another question was propounded, concerning the shaving of the Clergy mens heads, which the Scots did refuse: But Beda hath not recorded the dispute. In the end, King Oswin said, Seeing these rites were received by Saint Peter, and now he is Porter of Heaven, I will follow him, lest he thrust me back when I come thi­ther. Beda loc. cit. When Colman saw that the authority of a rude Prince did oversway, he would stay no longer; but excluded his Bishoprick with Eata Abbot of Meilrose; and thereafter he carried a Convent of Monks into one of the Isles Hebrides, where they lived by the works of their hands, Beda ibid. cap. 26. Wilfrid after that contest, was accused of pride and misdemea­nours; but refused to answer, and fled. Then Theodore, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, set another in his place: thus the controversie for Easter, was en­ded in England. And to end it altogether, after other contests about the year 716. Ecbert or Berect (as some call him) an English man, did so prevail amongst the Scots, that Easter was kept in the Isle Hu, after the Romish man­ner the 24. of April, but he died suddainly. The suddainness of his death, Beda lib. 5. cap. 23. calleth a confirmation of his doctrine. He might as well have said, The Lord did approve the fact of Lot's wife.

3. About the year 600. Brude King of Peichts (though a Christian) had The Conver­sion of the Saxons in Britain. conjunct Wars with Ethelfrid King of Northumberland, against Aidan King of Scots, and Malgo a Duke of the Britans. The Scots did prevail with great loss. The report is (saith Buchan. hist. Scot. lib. 5.) that Columba (Boetius calleth him Colm) Abbot of the Monastery in Colmkill or Jona, did assure his fellows of the victory the same hour of the fight. After some years Ethel­frid renewing his forces, came against the Scots: Aidan waited for the Bri­tans in vain, and was put to flight with great slaughter on both sides. After that fight Columba died for grief; and Aidan was so commoved for the un­lucky success, and for the want of good Columba; and for fear of the appa­rent danger of Christians from that cruel Pagan, that within few weeks he died. Not long after Ethelfrid was killed by the Britans, as is said before. Ed­win succeedeth him, and thereafter was setled in the general government of the Saxons. Then the friends of Ethelfrid (amongst whom were his seven sons and one daughter) fearing cruelty, fled into Scotland. King Eugeni­us the 4. son of Aidan, not regarding the hostility of their fathers, accepted them, and caused them to be instructed in the Christian faith. Edwin was slain in Battel an. 633. by Penda King of Mercia, and Kedwalla King of the Britans; there was never a more cruel Battel in this Island; for Penda pur­sued the new converted Christians, and Kedwalla would destroy the Saxons; wherefore their rage did spare neither age nor sex, Buchan. hist. Then Nor­thumberland was divided into two Kingdomes, Osrich cousin german of King Edwin, was King of Deira; and Eanfrid, or Andefrid, the eldest son of Ethelfrid, was King of Bervici or North part; they were both Christians, the one instructed by Paulin, Bishop of York; and the other in Scotland, but they both made apostasie, in the first year, and were slain by Kedwalla. Be­da hist. lib. 3. cap. 1. Oswald the second son of Ethelfrid, succeeded unto them, and overthrew Kedwalla. Oswald did hold nothing so dear, as to promote the Christian religion; and sent unto Donal the 4. King of Scots, for Prea­chers, when Segenius was Abbot of Colmkill; because the Scots language was not understood by his Saxons: Oswald would often expound sentences [Page 60] or passages of their Sermons; for in the time of his exile he had learned that language. Amongst these Preachers, the worthiest was Aidan, the first Bi­shop of Lindsfarn; he had no care of earthly things: what was given him by the King, or Potent men, he was wont to part it amongst the poor at the first occasion. He ceased not to go from town to town, and from house to house; not on horse, but on foot, alwaies catechizing whether he met with rich or poor; if they were Pagans, he taught them; if they were Christians, he confirmed them in the faith; and exhorted unto the works of piety and charity; especially, to read the Scriptures diligently: he died an. 651. Beda lib. 3. cap. 4 & 5. From Northumberland the Word of God was spread among many others of the Saxon Kingdomes. Pope Honorius sent Byrinus unto the West Saxons. Ibid. cap. 7. Last of all Sussex, or the South Saxons, and the Isle of Wight were converted. Fox in Act. & moni. Sigebert King of Es­sex, had learned the Christian faith in France; and opened the first School in Cambridge, an. 636. Paul. Iovius in Angl. reg. Chron. He was perswaded by his Monks to enter into a Cloister; as if it had been a shame or sin, to reign with David; his end was lamentable, for when he had given over his King­dom to his cousin Egrik; the fore-named Penda entred his Kingdom with an army; his Subjects forced him to go into the fields, where both he and Egrik were slain, an. 652. His son Penda was baptized by Finnan, and ac­cepted as a Bishop and Presbyter from him, for instructing his Subjects. Beda lib. 3. cap. 21.

4. Ferchard II. King of the Scots, was odious to all his Subjects, for his A despiser of admoniti­on brought to repentance. impiety against God, cruelty against men, for covetousness and drunken­ness; he spared not the life of his own wife, and defiled his two daughters. Herefore he was separated from the Communion of the Church; and the No­bility did speak of putting him to death; or to do unto him, as they had done to Ferchard the I. But the fore-named Colman stayed them, and assured them before him, that God would shortly punish him. Within few daies, as he was hunting, a Wolf did bite him; and he became aguish, and then vermin did consume his body. Then he with tears did confess that he had de­served all these things for vilipending the admonitions of Colman. Who said, he should be of good courage, and trust in God, whose mercy is greater to a penitent sinner, then any sin of man can let him. To shew his repentance, Ferchard caused to cover his bed with course coverlets, and carry him abroad where he might make publick confession of his sins: he died an. 664. Boet. hist. lib. 9. cap. 21.

5. From Colmkill, as a most famous Seminary of learning, at that time Famous men of Britain. sprang forth, not only who did resist the beginnings of Antichristian pride at home, and in our neighbour country, but they sowed the seed of the Gospel in other Nations. Such was that famous Rumold, about the year 600. who was called Mechliniensis Apostolus. Gallus brought Helvetia from Paga­nism, and (as Pappus in histor. convers. gent. witnesseth) built sundry Mo­nasteries there. Columban a man of excellent holiness and learning (saith Trithe) lived sometime in Bangor in Ireland, and thence went into Burgun­dy, where he began the Monastery Luxovien; and taught the Monks of his own Country, especially to live by the works of their own hands, Bernard in Vita Malachiae cap. 5. Afterwards because he rebuked Theodorick for his leacherous life, he was forced to flee, and visited sundry parts of Germany; thence he went into Italy, and began another Abbey on the Apennin Hills beside Bobium in Tuscany. Platin. in Bonifac. 4. Levin was industrious for the name of Christ; about the year 630. he turned many to the faith about Ghent and Esca; but some hardned person killed him; he was held in such [Page 61] reverence, that 200. years after his death, his body, as a holy monument, was carried from Church to Church; and at last an. 1007. it was layed in the Church of Saint Bavo in Ghent. Furseus and his brother Fullan, with two Presbyters Gobban and Dicul, obtained land from Sigebert King of Essex; and built the Abbey of Cnobsherburg; then bewailing the oppression of that country by Penda; he commendeth the charge of that Monastery unto his brother; and passing into France, he began the Abbey at Latiniac, where he died. He was famous for his piety, and Beda lib. 3. cap. 19. speaks of his visions and miracles. Diuma was ordained first Bishop of Mercior, where he converted many unto the faith, in the reign of the Christian Penda; and for rare gifts the Bishoprick of Middlesex was committed to his charge, ib. cap. 21. unto whom succeeded Cella a Scot. Also Florentius went to Argentine or Strawsburg, and was the first Bishop thereof; he opened the first School in Alsatia about the year 669. he is said by his prayers to have restored Rathildis, the daughter of Dagobert King of France, unto her sight and tongue, where­as she had been both blind and dumb. Chilian or Kilian the first Bishop of Herbipolis or Wortsburg, did first instruct the people of East France (saith Bale, or high Germany, as Io. Pappus speaketh) in the Christian faith an. 668. because he rebuked Gosbert, Prince of Herbipolis, first privately, but in vain; then publickly for having his brothers wife Geilana, she caused him to be slain; Colonata a Priest, and Thotnat a Deacon, followed him in all his tra­vels, and were put to death with him. Burcard or Rurcard succeeded after him, to whom Pipin gave a Dukedom; and from hence among all the Bi­shops of Germany, only the Bishop of Herbipolis, carrieth a Sword and Priest's Gown in his badge, Hen. Oraeus in Nomencla. Unto these Scots, Io. Pappus joineth some Britans, as Willibrod Reformer of Frisia; and two brethren Evaldi, the one surnamed the Black; and the other, the White. D. Morton in his Appeal, seems to doubt what doctrine they did teach; because of the di­verse opinions concerning them (they lived about the year 689.) yet Io. Pappus saith plainly, They converted the Westphalians to the Christian faith, and suffered martyrdom neer Breme. Io. Bale sheweth their death, the barbarous people slue the younger with the edge of the sword; and they tormented the elder with a lingring death, and pulled in sunder his members; and at last threw them both into the River.

6. Pope Agathosent John (the arch-chanter of Saint Peters in Rome) in­to Novations. England, to compose the difference betwixt Honorius and Wilfrid, the two Arch-Bishops; and withall, to deliver them the Acts of Pope Martin the I. and to teach them to sing the Liturgy, according to the custom of Rome, Beda lib. 4. cap. 18. Upon this occasion, Sir Henry Spelman, sheweth out of an old Manuscript, a Catalogue of twelve or thirteen Liturgies, that were then used; and others have other forms that he hath not. Behold Novations are multiplied.

7. Benedictus Biscopius, a Noble-man of England, was famous for his journey to Rome in the service of the Church; and for bringing many books into the Monasteries of Tinmouth and Wirmouth. The first glass in this Island is said to be his gift.

8. Here it is to be marked, what Beda in hist. lib. 3. cap. 26. relateth of the Custome of those times. manners in this time. In these daies (saith he) they never came into a Church, but only for hearing the word and prayer [no word of the Mass;] the King would come with five or six, and he stayed till the prayer was ended. All the care of these Doctours was to serve God, and not the world; to feed souls, and not their own bodies; wherefore in these daies, a religious habit was much reverenced; so that wheresoever a Clark or Monk did come, he [Page 62] was accepted as a servant of God; and if he were seen journeying, they were glad to be signed with his hand, or blessed with his mouth; and they gave good heed unto the words of his exhortation: and on the Lord's day, they came in flocks unto the Church or Monasteries, not to refresh their bodies [not to hear Masses] but to hear the word; and if any Priest entred into a Village, incontinently all the people would assemble, being desirous to hear the word of life; for neither did the Priests go into Villages, upon any other occasion, except to preach, or visit the sick; or in a word, to feed souls. These Clarks did so abhor the filthy pest of Covetousness, that they would not accept any lands or possessions for building Monasteries, unless they had been compelled with secular power. Out of this, Io. Bale Cent. 14. appr. 21. hath marked, that whereas Beda was wont, before this time, to call the Preachers, Presbyters; now he calleth them Priests, when they had but lately received shaven crowns as the mark of the Beast. At that time al­so (saith he) the Clergy, and Monks, in England had liberty to marry; he na­meth some, and then saith, and others without number.


1. OF all the Councels in this Century (excepting these at Rome) it is Synodes were assembled by Kings. said generally, that they were called by the authority of Princes with­in their Dominions; as is plain out of the first words of each of them almost (but never any syllable to the contrary) where it is read, By command, or at the calling of the King; or, The King commanding, Of the General Councel at Constantinople (in this point) is spoken before. Concerning France, we see in Gregory the I. lib. 9. Ep. 52, 53, 54. the Bishop calleth not a Councel; but beseecheth the King to call one: his words are, Iterata vos pro vestra magna mercede aahortatione pulsamus, ut congregati Synodum ju­beatis. In England a Synod, An. 694. beginneth thus, Withred the glori­ous King of Kent, with the reverend Arch Bishop Brithwald, hath comman­ded the Synod to be assembled in the place called Bacancelot; the most gra­cious King of Kent Withred preceding [Nota] in the same Synod; and the same reverend Primate of Britan; and also Tobias, Bishop of Rochester, with Abbots, Abbotesses, Presbyters, Deacons, Dukes and Counts; to­gether considering of the affairs of the Churches of God in England, &c. Sir Henry Spelman in Concil. & constitut. pag. 191. This is to be marked against the Papists who hold now, that a Synod cannot be convened, but by the au­thority of the Pope. Bellarm. de conc. lib. 1. cap. 12.

2. About the year 610. was the second Councel, at Bracara or Braga in Synod at Bracara. Portugal. 1. Out of the Greek Councels many Acts were read and ratified. Ca. 2. If any Bishop exercize not his calling, in the Church committed unto him, he ought to be excommunicated; and if afterwards, through com­pulsion, he will obey, let the Synod use their discretion concerning him. Ca. 19. A Bishop, being called unto a Synod, should not contemn, but go; and if he can, he should teach things profitable to the good of the Church, and of others; or he should hear, if he be ignorant; but if he will not go, he should be guilty of censure by the Synod. Ca. 45. It shall not be lawfull to read or sing from the Pulpit, but to them who are approved by the Church. Ca. 84. If any man enter into a Church, and hear the word; and then with­draw himself from the Sacrament, let him be excommunicated, till he shew the fruits of repentance.

[Page 59] 3. The Authour of Catalog. test. verit. she weth out of Aventi. Annal. lib. 3. Synod in Bo­jaria. that under Lotharius was a Synod in Bojaria, against the new ceremonies of Columban and Gallus; but he declareth not what they were. But we have seen, that these two were Scots, and did not agree with Augustine nor Law­rence, and did oppose their Ceremonies.

4. An. 618. Was the IV. Councel (called the Universal) at Toledo, of The IV. Synod at Toledo. 70. Bishops. Ca. 2. It pleaseth all the Priests who embrace the unity of the Catholick faith, that from henceforth we have no variety nor contrariety of rites in the Church; lest any difference amongst us, seem unto strangers and carnal men, to savour of errout, and give occasion of scandal to any; there­fore let one order of praying and singing be kept thorough all Spain and Ga­licia, and no more diversity; because we are in one faith, and one King­dom; although the old Canons heretofore, ordained each Province to keep their own tites. Ca. 6. Some Parishes are noted, who have no preaching on the Friday before Easter; now it is decreed, to preach of Christ's pashon that day; that people may be the better prepared to receive the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood, on the Feast of the resurrection. Ca. 7. Because the Universal Church passeth that whole day in sorrow and abstinence for the Lord's passion; whosoever on that day, except little ones, and old or sick persons, should interrupt the Fast untill the Church service be done, let him be debarred from the joy of Easter; and not be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lord's Body and Blood. Ca. 9. Because some Priests in Spain do omit to say the Lord's prayer, except on Sunday in publick service; therefore it is decreed, that every day both in publick and private worship, none of the Clergy omit the Lords prayer; under pain of Deposition: seeing Christ hath prescribed this, saying, When ye pray, say, Our Father—and it is called the daily prayer, by the Doctours and Fathers. Ca. 16. The book of Revelation sh [...]uld be read yearly in the Church, between Easter and Whit­sunday. Ca. 18. A pernicious custom should not be kept; contempt of an­cient statutes hath perturbed all the order of the Church; while some by am­bition, and others by gifts, do usurp Priesthoods and Bishopricks; and some prophane men and souldiers, unworthy of such honour, have been admitted into the holy order; they should be removed: But lest great scandal arise in the Church (what hath been done is past) it is expedient to prescribe, who shall not hereafter be admitted into the Priesthood; that is, he who hath been convicted of any infamous crime; who by publick repentance hath confes­sed gross sins; who hath fallen into heresie; who hath been baptized in he­resie, or is known to be rebaptized; who hath married a second wife, or wi­dow, or divorced, or corrupt woman; who hath concubines or whores; unknown men or young Scholars, who have been Souldiers or Courtiers; who are ignorant of Letters; who are not 30. years old; who ascendeth not by the degrees of the Church; who seeketh honour by ambition or gifts; who were chosen by their Predecessours; whom the People and Clergy of the City have not chosen, or the authority of the Metropolitan, and consent of the comprovincial Priests have not required. Whosoever is required unto the Office of a Priest, and is not found guilty in one of these, and his life and doctrine being approved, according to the Synodal Decrees; he should be consecrated by all the comprovincial Bishops, at least by three, upon a Sab­both day; and the rest sending their Letters of approbation; and especially by the authority, and presence, of the Metropolitan. A comprovincial Bishop should be consecrated, in the place where the Metropolitan should chuse him; the Metropolitan should not be consecrated, but in his own See, when the Comprovincials were assembled. Ca. 24. Priests are commanded to read [Page 64] the Scriptures diligently, that all their doings might serve for instruction to the people, in knowledge of faith, and good example of life. Ca. 35. Eve­ry Bishop should visit his Diocy, once every year, in proper person; and if sickness or weightier business did hinder him, then by the most grave Priests. Ca. 46. At command of our Lord and King Sisenand, the holy Councel or­daineth, That all Clarks for the service of Religion, should be exempt from all charges and labours of the Common-Wealth. Ca. 74. So great is the falshood of many Nations (as they report) that they keep not their Oath of fidelity unto their Kings; and in a word, they feign the profession of an oath, but retain in their minds the impiety of falshood; they swear unto their Kings, and transgress against their Oath, nor fear they the judgement of God against perjurers: What hope can such have when they War against their enemies? What faithfulness can other Nations expect in peace? What Covenant shall not be violated, since they keep not their Oaths unto their own Kings? If we will eschew the wrath of God, and if we desire him to turn his severity in­to clemency; let us keep religious duty, and fear God, and our promised fi­delity to our Princes; let there be no ungodly subtleties of infidelity amongst us, as amongst some Nations; let none of us presumptuously usurp the King­dom; let none raise seditions amongst the Subjects; let none attempt the murther of Kings, but when the King is departed in peace, let the Nobles of the Realm, with the Priests, in a Common-Councel of the Kingdom, appoint a Successour; that when the unity of concord is kept by us, no dis­sension can arise by violence or ambition; and whosoever among us, or of all the people of Spain, by any conspiracy or design whatsoever, should vio­late the Sacrament of his promise, that he hath promised for the standing of his Country and Kingdom of Goths, or for safety of the King; or attempt to murther the King, or to deprive him of his Royal Power, or by presum­ptuous tyranny shall usurp the Kingdom; let him be accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of the Angels; and let him be debarred from the Holy Church, which he hath defiled with perjury, and let him be estranged from the assembly of Christians, with all the complices of his impiety; because they all should be subject in the same punishment, who are guilty of the same fault. Which we repeat, saying again, Whosoever among us, &c.

5. About the year 616. was a Councel at Altisiodore or Autricum. Ca. 5. Synod at Al­tisiodore. All vigils which were wont to be kept to the honour of God, are forbidden, as divinations. Ca. 18. It is not lawfull to baptize at any time, except at Easter; unless it be such that are neer unto death, who are called grabbata­rij. Ca. 21. It is not lawfull for a Presbyter, after he hath received the bles­sing, to sleep in a bed by a Presbyteress. Here they ordain not to put away the wives, nor forbid they cohabitation; but sleeping together. Ca. 40. A Presbyter should not sing nor dance at a feast. In this Councel 7. Abbots, and 34 Presbyters had decisive votes and subscribe.

6. About the year 650. was the VIII. Councel at Toledo, to the number The VIII. Sy­nod at Tole­do. of 52. Bishops; where first was recited, and approved a rule of faith (little differing from the Nicene Creed) as taught by the Apostles, allowed by the Orthodox Fathers, and approved by the Holy Councels; here is no mention of Christ's descending into Hell, and in the IV. Councel at Toledo, that ar­ticle was not omitted. In many of all these Spanish Councels, the sleeping of Presbyters with their wives, is condemned as sinfull and execrable; but some would maintain their liberty, and would not obey, as is manifest in the sixth and seventh chapters of this Councel.

7. In the year 655. was a Councel of 45. Bishops at Cabella or Cabilone in Synod at Ca­bilone. Burgundy. Ca. 1. The fore-named Creed is approved. Ca. 10. When a [Page 65] Bishop of any City dieth, another should be chosen, only by the Clergy and indwellers of the same Province, otherwise the election is nul. Ca. 17. If any shall move a tumult, or draw a weapon, in a Church, so giving scandal; let him be debarred from the Communion. Ca. 18. We not ordaining a new thing, but renewing the old, do ordain, That no manner of husban­dry-work, be done on the Lords-day. Ca. 19. Many things fall out, that are lightly punished; it is known to be very unseemly, that on holy Feasts, women in tribes use to sing filthy songs; when they ought to be praying or hearing prayers; therefore Priests should abolish such things; and if such per­sons continue in their wickedness, let them be excommunicated.

8. About the year 673. was a Synod at Hertford or Herudford in England; Synod at Hertford. where it was decreed, 1. That Easter should be kept, thorow the Realm, on the Sunday, the 14. day of the Moon, in the first month. Hence it is clear, that then they did reckon March to be the first month, after the manner of the Jews; which was the custom in Scotland till the year 1603. and is still the custom of England; whereupon ariseth difference in computation of years. 2. No Bishop should meddle with the Diocy of another. 3. No Clark shall forsake his own Bishop, and go into another Diocy, without Letters of com­mendation from his own Bishop. 4. Provincial Synods should be observed, at least, once a year. 5. Let no Bishop prefer himself before another, but by priority of their consecration. 6. Let no man put away his wife, except (as the Gospel teacheth) it be for sornication; and if he put her away, let him remain unmarried. Beda hist. Angl. lib. 4. cap. 5.

9. In the year 682. was the general Councel of 150. Bishops (or as some The VI. gene­ral Councel at Constanti­nople. write 171.) at Constantinople, against the heresie of the Monothelites. Of this Councel somewhat was spoken before. Here the Emperour Constantine was present, and President, propounding, questioning, commanding si­lence upon occasions, ruling, and dismissing in every Session; or in his ab­sence, a Nobleman, whom he ordained. The Nobleman sate on his right hand; and on his left, were the Legates of Pope Agatho, George Bishop of Constantinople, Macarius Bishop of Antiochia; some Presbyters for the Bishops of Alexandria and Jerusalem (for then these two Cities were under the Sarazens) and the other Bishops. There they were accursed, who hold that there is but one Will in Christ; and a Confession was published against this errour, and they made no other Canons. George did confess his errour, and did receive the sentence of the Councel; but Macarius, and his Prede­cessours Cyrus, Sergius, Pirrhus, Paul and Peter, were accursed; and The­ophanius, an Abbot in Sicily, was made Bishop of Antioch. Beda de 6. aetat. In the 12. Session, the Epistle of Honorius, Bishop of old Rome, unto Ser­gius, Bishop of Constantinople, was examined; he was anathematized, and his Epistle was condemned to the fire: this Councel sate 2. years. With­in 4. or 5. years, by authority of the Emperour Justinian, the same Bishops were assembled, and about 100. more; they sate in the Palace, and there­fore it is called Trullano, from Trullo the name of the Palace; also it is cal­led [...], because it was neither fifth nor sixth, yet they set in form the constitutions of both. Bellarm. de conc. lib. 1. cap. 7. In Gratian. decr. dist. cap. 16. Habeo librum, Peter Bishop of Nicomedia testifieth, that they made 102. Canons, which are not extant, but some are preserved. Mart. Kemni­tius in examin. Conc. Triden. pag. 3. citeth from Nilus, Bishop of Thessalo­nica, and the Greek Nomocanon; the thirteenth Canon in these words, Be­cause we understand, that it is delivered in the Roman Church as a Canon, that they who are thought worthy of the Order of a Deacon or Presbyter, should profess, that they should not bed with their own wives thereafter, We [Page 66] following the ancient Canon of Apostolical, genuine, and orderly constitu­tion, ordain, That the lawfull cohabitation of holy men, with their own wives, from this day, in time coming, should be valid, ratified, and firm; no way dissolving their conjunction with their own wives, or depriving them of conjugal society, which is in due time; and therefore he who is thought worthy the honour of a sub-Deacon, or Deacon, or a Presbyter, shall not be hindered from that degree, because he dwelleth with his lawfull wife; nei­ther shall it be required of him at his ordination; or shall he be compelled to profess, that he shall or should abstain from lawfull copulation with his own wife; and yet they shall not have copulation with their own wives indifferent­ly, but shall abstain in time of their course: and therefore if any shall presume, contrary to the Apostolical Canons, to deprive Deacons and Priests (after ordination) of society with their lawfull wives; let him be deposed; and also they who are ordained, if they put away their wives, under pretext of piety; let them be excommunicated. Hence it appeareth, that the Coun­cel did defend the marriage of Church-men to be Apostolical and orderly; and therefore the contrary constitution of the Roman Church, was not an­cient, Apostolical nor orderly. And nevertheless the same Councel saith, Ca. 3. Because the Roman See, in respect of the marriage of Priests, hath observed the highest rigour; and the Constantinopolitan [...] meek­ness or gentleness, let us set a middle between the two, &c. And so they or­dain, that who is twice married, or who hath married a widow, or a divor­ced, or a servant, or a whore, should not henceforth be admitted: and the liberty of Priests, which in Ca. 13. is called Apostolical; is denied unto Bi­shops in Ca. 12. and the wife of a Bishop, is ordained to go into a Monastery, Ca. 48. And Priests, Deacons and sub-Deacons, are forbidden to marry from thenceforth. When they say, from thenceforth; they declare that it was law­full before. These Canons are also in Gratian's Decrees, with great alteration; but the known practice of the Greek Church, sheweth the reality of these Canons. Likewise in Ca. 55. they say, Because we have found, that some in the Roman Church, in time of Lent, do fast on the Sabboth daies, contra­ry to the received custom of the Church; it seemeth good unto this sacred Sy­nod, that the Canon shall also bind, every way, the Roman Church: which [Canon] saith, If any Clark should be found to fast on the Lord's day or Sabboth, except one Sabboth only; let him be deposed: and if he be a Laick; let him be excommunicated. The Papishes in these daies do glory, saying, That the Roman Church is the Mother-Church, Judge of all Churches, and can be judged of none: But behold! In this Synod a Bishop of Rome, is con­demned in two particulars. And in Ca. 36. it is decreed, That the See of Con­stantinople hath (and should have) equal Priviledges with the See of Rome; and in Ecclesiastical matters be equally magnified Gratian. decr. dist. 23. Edit. Paris. an. 1585. where the gloss saith, that the Canon is amended from a manu­script in Greek.

10. In the year 684. was the XI. Councel at Toledo. There first Quiricus The XI. Synod at Toledo. the Metropolitan, lamenteth the long omission of National Councels, and the X. was held an. 674. Ca. 2. So far as one excelleth another in honour of preferment; so far ought he to excel in godliness, by having continually in his mouth the sword of Truth; and in his hand the work of Light; for we should at all times be mindfull of the degree of order, and manner of conver­sation; seeing we have taken upon us the Office of preaching; and no care ought to distract us from reading the Scriptures: therefore who are advanced to eminent places, ought to take care that they who are within their charge, perish not by famine of the Word; also Metropolitans should watch over [Page 67] their neighbours, and others subject unto them, and each Prelate over his inferiours. Ca. 4. As every one who loveth his brother, is born of God; so every one who hateth his brother, is of the Divel. Now it is dilated unto us, that some Priests love not their brethren; nor the Sun-setting (as Paul ex­horteth) bringeth them from wrath; neither the yearly course of time hath brought them to the grace of love; to wit, the Sun of righteousness hath gone from their hearts: therefore we ordain, that such Priests presume not to come nigh the Altar, to receive the grace of communion, untill they be knit together in true reconciliation. Ca. 15. It pleaseth to ordain, that according to the determination of our Fathers, we should be ready to assemble, once in the year, at the time the will of the King, or the Metropolitan shall appoint; and if any Bishop absent himself, except at inevitable necessity; let him be punished with excommunication for a year. There also it is decreed, that no Bishop, or other Clark, should meddle with the judgement of blood; under the punishment of perpetual excommunication: That they who are ordai­ned Bishops, shall give their Oath, before they be received into their Epis­copal seat, that they neither have given, nor shall give unto any man, any reward for purchasing their dignity. Here many abuses of discipline in the Roman Church are condemned.

THE THIRD AGE of the CHURCH, OR The History of the Church Fading, and of Anti-Christ Rising, containing the space of 400. years, from the Year of our Lord 600. untill the year 1000.


PHILIPPICUS was crowned an. 712. He was elo­quent Contention between the Emperour and the Bi­shop of Rome, both of them mixing a good cause with an evil. and infortunate; in his time the Bulgarians wasted Thracia, and the Sarazens prevail mightily in Asia; he was a Monothelite; he deposed Cyrus Patriarch of Constantinople, and advanced John in his See. In a Synod he accurseth all the Bishops of the sixth general Councel, and sent the Acts of this Synod unto Pope Constantine, willing him to sub­scribe them. Who refuseth, and set up all the pi­ctures of those Bishops who had been in the Councel, in the Gallery of Saint Peter. When Philippicus heard that, he caused thorow all the royal City to cast down all the images of those Bishops; and he commanded, that all images should be taken out of all the Churches throughout the Empire. Then Constantine assembled a Synod at Rome, and decreed, that images should be worshipped with great reverence; and brought the Emperour in con­tempt, calling him a Schismatick, a Monothelite, &c. And the people of Rome called him an Usurper, and not Emperour; and ordain, that no mention should be made of his name in publick or private Acts; and that no Medals should bear the name of that Heretick, either in brass, silver or lead, &c. Neither was his image brought into any Church, or his name mentio­ned in the Mass, Abb. Vrsperg. in Chron. Beda ae sex aetat. The Emperour con­temneth this manner of proceeding, saying, It was contrary to the practice of David towards Saul, even when the Spirit had left him; and contrary to Christ, who refused not to pay Tribute to the heathen Caesar; and to Peter, who exhorted Christians in Pontus (where were most cruel Kings) to fear the King. Philippicus reigned not above one year and six months; for (as Zonoras writes) when he had invited his Senatours unto a Feast; after din­ner they laid hands on him, picked out his eyes, and cast him into Prison. Thus began the controversie of images, and untill that time the worship of images was not confirmed by Decree; and we may learn, that images at first [Page 69] were put into Churches for history only; for who can imagine that they would set up the images of all these Bishops to be worshipped? Both the Emperor and the Pope did mix a good cause with a bad. All the Emperours following (ex­cept Theodosius) for the space of 160. years, did condemn the worship of images, and the errour of the Monothelites.

2. ANASTASIUS Antemius was Secretary to Philippicus, and then elected by the Senators of Constantinople. He approved the Acts of the sixth Councel, and writ to Pope Constantine that he was a follower of the Catho­lick faith. Beda loc. cit. He deposed John, the Heretical Bishop of Constanti­nople, and did put Germanus in his place: he sent a great Army against the Sarazens in Aegypt, but his Army within few daies, left the Siege of Alexan­dria, because he made John, a Priest, their General; they kill him, and sa­lute Theodosius (a Treasurer) Emperour against his will. When they re­turned through Asia unto Constantinople, Anastasius met them; and after a fight at Nice, when he heard that the Constantinopolitans had given their keys unto Theodosius, he rendreth himself, and voweth to become a Monk, if they would do him no more harm: So he was sent into Thessalonica in the 15. month of his Empire. Zonar. & Mexia.

3. THEODOSIUS was unfit for government, and set up images in the Churches. In the second year, his souldiers proclaim Emperour Leo their General. Theodosius would not fight, but turned Monk; and so did his son Theodosius, after he had such assurance, as he gave to Anastasius.

4. LEO Isaurus received the Crown, An. 717. In the beginning of his In extremity prayer pre­vaileth. reign the Sarazens, raised such a huge Navy of Ships and Souldiers, that it was thought the World would be a prey unto them: Leo durst not resist them; so they did overrun all Thracia; they pass thorow Greece into Bulgaria, on­ly the Bulgarians prepared some resistance. The Sicilians despair of aid from Leo, and chuse a King Tiberius. When Leo had been in this perplexity three years, and the country had been plagued with famine and pestilence; then Leo and all they who had been imprisoned within the Walls of Constan­tinople, gave themselves unto continual and earnest prayers. God heard their cries, and within a short space, partly by the death of Amurathes, and dissension amongst the Sarazens about the election; partly by extream famine and coldness on land; and partly by storms on Sea, that fearfull enemy was brought to nought, Beda ae sex aetat. and Leo possesseth all that he had be­fore in the Continent and Isles. The Mahumetans spake against nothing so much amongst the Christians, as against the worship of images; and there­fore Anti-Synods for and a­gainst ima­ges. Leo would have taken them out of the Churches, but was obstructed by Germanus the Patriarch. Wherefore he assembleth a Councel, an. 730. where the question was discussed, and images were condemned: Germanus would not subscribe, and renounceth his Bishoprick; the Synod placed A­nastasius in his chair, Paul. Diacon. lib. 2. rerum Roman. Then Leo causeth the images and statues to be burned in the market streets; he did inhibit the worship of them; and sent unto Pope Gregory the II. to do the like at Rome, and through Italy; and shewed how he, in a Synod, had caused to be exami­ned, the controversies against the worshipping of images; the intercession of Saints, and the keeping of relicks of the dead: he had found that inter­cession of Saints was a fable; the worship of images was idolatry, and con­trary to God's Word; and the keeping of relicks is become superstitious. The Pope holdeth another Synod at Rome, and excommunicateth the Em­perour, perswading the greatest part of Italy, that they should not acknow­ledge the Emperour; as amongst the Greeks writ Zonar. and some late Pa­pists; but Paul. Diaconus (who did live not long thereafter) writ that all the [Page 70] people and souldiers of Ravenna and Venice, did resist the Emperours pre­cept; so that the revolt of Italy began at the people and souldiers, and not in a Synod; and all do accord, that the Election of the Emperour was stayed at that time, by the Pope; and we find, that after that time, the Romans sought aid from the Emperour, as their Soverain: and Sabell. Ennead. 8. lib. 7. addeth another reason, that Italy was vexed by the Lombards, without any help from the Greeks; so that sundry Cities in Italy then did chuse Dukes to themselves. The Pope did hinder the election of another Emperour, be­cause he thought Leo would take to heart what was done and attempted, and would be better advised. Blond. lib. 10. dec. 1. Also another conspiracy was moved in Greece, by the worshippers of images; the chief were Agallian and Stephen, who levied an Army: the Imperialists rencountred them by the way, and burned their Ships; many souldiers were drowned; Agallian lea­peth into the Sea; Stephen and some others were taken, and beheaded at Constantinople, Zonaras and Bellarmin call them Martyrs, de imag. Sanct. lib. 2. cap. 6. In the mean time some call Leo a Tyrant. He answered, they were justly punished, who neither worshipped God, nor reverenced the Im­perial Majesty; but did oppose themselves unto the laws. At that time John Damascenus, was a Patron of images in Syria; and he, with some Bishops and Monks, excommunicateth the Emperour. Nevertheless he continueth in his purpose, nothing afraid of their vain curses and opprobrious words; they call him [...], a fighter against images and God. Then doth Luithprand, King of the Lombards, make conquest of Italy and besiege Rome. Gregory the III. seeing that Leo neither would nor could The Pope see­keth aid from France. send aid (as the Emperours were wont to defend Rome) sent unto Charls the father of Carloman, and grand-father of Charls the Great; desiring him to defend the City from Luithprand. At the intercession of Charls, Luith­prand left the siege. At that time were great Earthquakes in Bithinia and Thracia, wherein Nicomedia and Nice were sore ruined, and the Walls of Constantinople were shaken; wherefore the Emperour lay [...]th a Tax for re­pairing the Walls. This gave occasion to the image-worshippers to call him covetous, and more given to lucre than government: he died of a dysentery, An. 741.

5. CONSTANTINE Copronymus succeeded his father both in Em­pire Against ima­ges. and religion: He made preparation of War against the Sarazens; when he was in Aegypt, the worshippers of images gave out a report that he was dead (it is no new thing, that Hereticks do lie) and Artobastus was crow­ned Emperour, by Anastasius the Patriarch: therefore Constantine must re­turn, he suppressed Artobastus, degraded Anastasius, and another Con­stantine was made Patriarch. At that time Aistulph, King of the Lombards, The Emperor loseth in Italy France pre­vailed there. taketh up Arms against Rome. Pope Stephen sought to pacifie him with soft words; and when those had no place, he sent unto the Emperour, exhor­ting him to deliver his own Kingdom from Aistulph; who had taken the Ex­archate of Ravenna, and was besieging Rome. The Emperour delayeth to send an Army, and sought to avert Aistulph by Ambassadours. The Pope thinking that the Emperour had little regard, gave himself (saith Bellarm. de concil. lib. 2. cap. 8.) unto the patrociny of the French King; but Card. Cusa­nus in fascic. rer. expetend. saith, that the Emperour sent a Messenger unto Pope Stephen, and these two did obtain of Pipin, that he would comply with Aistulph to restore what he had taken from the Empire. Pipin did send, but prevailed not; thereafter he promised unto Stephen, that he would by force take those places from Aistulph, and give them to blessed Peter. When the Emperour's Ambassadour heard this, he returned; whereby it is manifest [Page 71] (saith Cusanus) that Constantine gave not the Western Empire unto the Pope; and it is continually read, that the Emperour, as before, did with full power possess Rome, Ravenna, Marchia with other places; and this is proved by Gratian. dist. cap. 96. Bene quidam. The Emperour understanding what the Pope had done, and ere Pipin came the second time into Italy, sent unto Rome, promising to come unto their aid. But Pipin was then passing the Alps, and did compel Aistulph to render all the Cities that he had taken; and Pipin gave them (saith Bellarm. de Ro. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 17.) to the Church of Rome, reserving the Princely authority over them, as followeth; and from that time (saith he) the French had Rome. Alb. Crantz. in Chron. Saxon. lib. 2. cap. 1. writing of this purpose saith, Some say that Constantine gave Italy, Germany, and I know not what other places unto the Church of Rome. It was Charls who did inrich the Roman Church, and long before the Goths in their time; and thereafter the Kings of the Lombards had given some things. The Emperour, at that time, had Wars with the Sarazens, and was like to be overthrown, if God had not stirred the Turks against the Sa­razens. At that time Pipin conquered Ravenna, and called it Romandio­la, to extinguish the Republick and the name. Then the Emperour, by Am­bassage, craved of Pipin to restore unto him Ravenna and other Cities, which the Lombards had taken from his Ancestours. Pipin answered, that he was Lievtenant of the Bishop of Rome; and all belonged unto Saint Peter that he had taken by Arms. So Pipin and the Pope, did join to rob the Emperour. Thereafter Constantine set his heart to order Church-affairs; he calleth a Councel at Constantinople, where they condemn not only the worshipping, but the having of images in Churches; and then he caused them to be cast down every where, and perswaded the Christians to do the like in Armenia, Palestina, Syria, and in all other Provinces under his subjection. Imme­diately the Bulgarians molest the Emperour, but he forceth them to beg peace; which he granted, on condition that they would put all images out of their Churches. Then Pope Stephen, in a Synod at Rome, charged the Empe­rour of sundry crimes, and called him the slave of sin; let the unpartial Rea­der consider the crimes, He misliketh the Monks, not so much for their pro­fession, as for their hypocrisie; and therefore he calleth their habits, the gar­ments of darkness. 2. He would not let the relicks of the dead be reserved; and called it an heathenish worship which is given unto the dead: he said al­so, that God would have the burial of Moses unknown unto the people; lest it might occasion idolatry amongst the Israelites. 3. He calleth intercession of Saints Fig-tree-leaves to cover idolatry. 4. He contemneth all images, and forbiddeth the worship of Mary, Zonar. But the Emperour was not afraid of the curses of Image-worshippers. Not long thereafter Desiderius, King of the Lombards, incroacheth again upon the lands of the Empire in Italy: wherefore Pope Hadrian the I. sent unto Charls the Great, then King of France, for aid; he sent also unto the Emperour. But the Emperour did so envy the Roman Bishop, and his ambition, that he was nothing sorrowfull for his grief; and when the Pope's Nuntio presented the Letters of supplica­tion, he said, You have temporality, defend your selves; or restore unto us our lands, and we will defend you, as we are bound, Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. ex Chron. de Duc. Bavar. And because a certain Stephen, did speak in de­fence of the Pope, he caused him to lose his life. But Charls was glad of the occasion, and came quickly into Italy, and abolished the Kingdom of the Lombards; and confirmed the Donation of his father Pipin; and moreo­ver, he gave other Lands and Isles unto the Church of Rome. So all Italy (except Magna Graecia, that is, Calabria, Pulia and Napels, which remai­ned [Page 72] unto the Greek Emperours) was in subjection unto Charls; and from thenceforth he was called King of France and Lombardy, Patricius Romanus. The Emperour died an. 777.

6. LEO Charaza succeeded his father: he discharged from his Court James, Papias and Theophanes, because they had spoken in favour of the Image-worshippers: he took a Crown of Gold out of the Church of Saint Sophia, which was adorned with some stones of great value, and had been offered, by the Emperour Maurice, unto the image of Saint Mary; and Leo did set it upon his own head. Of these stones some were so cold, that (as Pla­tina writeth in Adrian the I.) by coldness thereof he died shortly after, in the first year of his Reign.

7. CONSTANTINE was ten years of age, when his father died: his mother Irene governed the Empire 10. years, to the great prejudice of the Common-Wealth and Church; for the Sarazens made a great part of the Empire Tributary: she calleth a Councel at Constantinople for restoring images, as followeth: she took up the body of her father-in-law, and burnt it, and cast the ashes into the Sea; because he had demolished images; she did cause the Souldiers to swear that they should not acknowledge her son, so long as she was in life; but the Armenian Band would not violate their Oath of Allegiance. The young man coming to age, caused her to renounce the government, and live without authority 7. years. He began to follow the steps of his father in demolishing images; wherefore Irene moveth a conspi­racy to make his Uncle Emperour. The treason was discovered, the Trai­tours severely punished, and Nicephorus was banished, but he spareth his mother. Again she insnareth him, caused his eyes to be picked out, and scarcely spared his life. Then again, she alone had the Empire 4. years. Zo­nar. The Empire then was contained in Greece, Thrasia, Magna Graecia, the Islands of Archipelagus, Sicily, Candia, and the Provinces of Asia the less.


1. JOHN the VI. hath left little written of him, except that he repaired three Churches in three years. Platina saith, Some call him a Martyr, but he sheweth not for what nor under whom. Io. Baleus (out of Pe. Praemon­straten.) saith, he entred not lawfully, and therefore his name is not written amongst the Popes.

2. JOHN the VII. builded an Oratory unto Saint Mary, in Saint Peter's Church: he sate 2. years, and died an. 706.

3. SISINNIUS or Zosimus. sate 20. daies.

4. CONSTANTINE was the first Pope, who had his foot kissed by Kissing of the Popes foot. an Emperour; and his Successours have been so bold as to ask it, as due unto them; which was done unto him not of self-accord only; but (as Pe. Me­xia speaketh) with unmeasurable shew of humility and obedience. Hence it is, that the Pope accepteth the adorations, prostrations, and kissing of his foot; which an Angel would not accept from Saint John, saith Antonin. Bi­shop of Florence, Summ. Theolog. tit. 22. cap. 5. sect. 4. he giveth this rea­son, because the Pope is of more worth then an Angel; not indeed in nature (saith he) but in authority and representation of God; for God hath not assumed the nature of Angels, nor hath he given them the power of the keys. [Page 73] But certainly Pope Constantine did neither require nor expect such reverence; yet having once received it, his heart was so lifted up, that he durst counter­mand and oppose the next Emperour. Onuphrius in his Annot. on Platin. saith expressly, that he was the first who durst withstand an Emperour to his face. Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 4. cap. 13. marketh, that this practice was far from the mind of Saint Peter, who would not suffer the Centurion to fall down before him, Act. 10. O that many to day (saith he) would remem­ber that they are men! Who because they have attained unto a Priesthood, do exhibit themselves the most imperious Lords, that are recorded of; nei­ther are they common fathers, as they ought to be. Index Expurgatorius or­dained to blot away these words, and not the words following immediately, And so it is come in use, that we kiss our Pope's foot; and I may say, that this is ordained by the High-Priests of Rome, that the old fashion of kissing amongst the worshippers of the Gods, should be usurped to true piety. So far he. In this Pope's time, was controversie between the Bishop of Millain, and the Bishop of Ticine for superiority. The Bishop of Millain alledgeth, that the other was his suffragan. The question is referred to Pope Constan­tine; he appointed that the Bishop of Ticine should be subject unto Saint Pe­ter only: he sate 7. years.

5. GREGORY the II. was busied in repairing of Churches, and esta­blishing the worship of images, in despite of the Emperour Leo, as is tou­ched. In Com. 3. Concil. is the Oath, that Boniface, Arch-Bishop of Ments, An Episco­pal Oath un­to the Pope. gave unto this Gregory, thus, I Boniface, Bishop by the grace of God, do promise unto you, blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles; and to thy Vicar, blessed Peter, Gregory and his Successours, by the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, the inseparable Trinity, and this thy most holy body, That I shall shew all faithfulness and purity unto the holy Catholick faith, and continue in the unity (God working) of the same faith; in which the salvation of Christians is without doubt; that I shall for no mans perswasion, in any way, consent against the unity of the common and universal Church; but (as I said) shall exhibit my faithfulness, purity and concurrence in all things un­to thee, and the utilities of thy Church; to whom the power of binding and loosing is given by the Lord God, and unto thy fore-named Vicar and Suc­cessours: But if I do know, that High-Priests shall do things contrary to the ancient institutions of the holy fathers, then I will have no communion or society with them; but rather I will forbid them, if I may; or else I shall dilate it faithfully unto my Apostolical Lord: And if (which may be far from me) I shall attempt to do any thing, in any way, or upon any occasion, against the tenour of this promise, let me be found guilty of everlasting judgement, and incur the punishment of Ananias and Sapphira, who did presume to de­ceive even you in their own property, and to speak falsely. This tenour of Oath, I Boniface, a mean Bishop, have subscribed with my own hand, and this Oath being laid on thy most holy body have I made, God being witness and judge, which I do also promise to keep. The Authour of Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. within two pages after these words, sheweth out of Lib. Pontific. & Sabell. Ennead. That this Pope ordained 150. Bishops in several places, whom he did ingage with the same Oath. Here many particulars are remarkable, I will relate a few, 1. The Pope calleth himself not the Vicar of Christ, but of Peter; they were not as yet accustomed with that Title. 2. Though the Bishops swear by God, they are not ingaged unto God; but unto Peter and his Vicars, and the utilities of the Church. 3. The Church is not called God's Church, nor Christ's Church; but Thy Church, say they unto Peter. 4. They swear by the body of Peter, as by God. 5. They swear to continue [Page 74] in the purity of the ancient and holy faith, wherein they acknowledge the salvation of Christians to consist; and to maintain Peter and the utilities of his Church. But if that which they call Peter's Church, continue not in the ancient and holy faith, and only seek their own utilities; what should a Bi­shop do in this case? Certainly they should follow the holy faith, wherein the salvation of Christians doth consist: but this they did not, as all Histo­ries shew. In his third Epistle unto the Clergy and People of Thuringia, he saith, We have given a command unto Boniface, that he promote not unto holy Orders, one who is bigamus twice married, or hath not married a Vir­gin, &c. And in his eighth Epistle, he expoundeth the word bigamus, not him who marrieth another, the former being dead; but him who having many wives together, when they are dead, will marry two other wives. Hence it appeareth, that polygamy was then amongst Christians, although contrary to the Word of Christ. He sate almost 17. years, and did die An. 731.

6. GREGORY the III. followed his Predecessour in multiplying and Novations and forgery. enriching Churches and Monasteries. In a Synod he did excommunicate all those who worship not images. Platina saith, he first brought into the Ca­non of the Mass, the clause for relicks, beginning, Whose solemnities too day in the sight, &c. as also the offering for the dead was established by him. In Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. is marked a forgery, in the book of Councels; to wit, Aventinus in Annal. relateth, that this Gregory in an Epistle unto the Bishops of Bavaria exhorteth, That at the command of Utiio their Duke, the Synod of Priests, Bishops, Nobles and of the Nation should be called; and their true Priests should be chosen by the accord of them all; and the wic­ked who have been convicted of any crime, should be deposed; the Synod should be held twice every year, for the good of the people, by the Danube, where he pleaseth. But in the third tome of Councels, the Epistle saith, In what place Boniface shall command you to convene in a Synod, whether by Danube, or in Augusta, or wheresoever he shall appoint; be ye ready to con­vene for the name of Christ; to the end, we may know of your meeting at his command, &c. Hence may be understood, what credit may be given unto their records that are lately written. In the same Annals is another Epi­stle unto Boniface, wherein Gregory ordereth to give the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ unto the leaprous, if they be believing Christians; but not with them who are in health: He sate 10. years.

7. ZACHARIAS keepeth friendship with the Lombards, and recei­ved Hot and cold out of one. in gift from King Luithprand, the Territories of Sabineum, Narnia, Humana, the Valley of Sutrino; and all the lands that the King had taken from the Emperour about Emilia and Ravenna. Blond. decr. 1. lib. 10. His Predecessours had a rich Bishoprick, and he may be called the first Prince of all the Popes. At that time he called the Lombards, the Patrons of the Church; but when Aistulph would have reclaimed what was said to have been given unto the See of Rome, by his Ancestours; Zachary called the Lombards the children of the Divel, and unworthy the name of men, and he inciteth the French against Aistulph. As Pope Gregory the I. had forbidden the marri­age of sisters-children; so the Epistle of Boniface unto Zachary, sheweth that Gregory the II. gave dispensation to a Noble-man in Germany, to mar­ry his Uncle's wife; and the same woman, had married the same man's cousin­german, and had forsaken him; and in his life-time had married the other. Although this was authorized by the Pope, yet Boniface writeth to Zachary, that it was scandalous to his new converts; so that Zachary gave a command to divorce them, as his responsory Epistle beareth. Boniface complaineth al­so [Page 75] of many disorders amongst the Priests; especially on New-years evening, they compass Saint Peter's Church after the same manner of the Heathens; and he complaineth of women using other Pagan rites; all which (saith he) were scandalous unto his people. Zachary resolved his scruples, not by God's Word, but by the Romish Canons; and he willeth Boniface to be instant in Reformation according to these Canons, but not one word of Scripture; for he indeavoureth to bring Subjects to the See of Rome, and not souls to Christ. His words are, I rejoice of you, Beloved, that ye are converted with good affection unto him who affecteth you, a Magistrate appointed by God, and the blessed Prince of the Apostles; your faith and fame is lauda­ble, because ye are wise, as ye should be wise; and now (God cooperating) your Holiness is gathered unto our society in one sheep-fold. Boniface did ask him, whether they might make oblations for the dead? His answer is, in Gratian. cap. 13. quest. 2. The Church holdeth that each one may offer for their dead, who were Christians, and the Priest may mention them. If this had been an Ordinance before, Boniface could not have been ignorant of it. 2. Observe that each one might offer for their dead, then the offering was not the proper work of the Priest; and till that time, sacrifice was not offered for the dead. In another Epistle unto Boniface in these words, As for these things whereof you demand, what should be received, and what refused; especially of Fowls, as Jaws, Crows and Storks, Christians should never eat of these; and far rather should they abstain from Hares, Bevers and wild Stags. Like a Manichean he speaketh against the Apostle 1 Tim. 4. In another Epi­stle he biddeth Boniface exact a Tribute of the Sclavi, lest sometime they challenge their own land; and by paying Tribute they may know, that their land hath a Superiour. Who gave him their land? he now will incroach. Nevertheless in another Epistle he saith, he did swound, when he read in a Letter, that Boniface had sold Palls for money: He sate about 10. years, and died an. 752.

8. STEPHEN the I. died on the third day after his coronation. Some do not reckon him.

9. STEPHEN the II. was offended with Aistulph, who exacted Tri­bute from the Church-lands; and because it was refused, took up Arms. Ste­phen seeing no appearance of aid to come from the Emperour, did advise with the people, that some writings might be directed unto Pipin: The Let­ters The Popes Letters unto France. began thus, Unto the most excellent Lords, Pipin, Charls and Carlo­man, three Kings and our Roman Patrici [...], and unto all Bishops, Abbots, Priests and Monks, and to the glorious Dukes and Counts, and unto the whole Army of the Kingdom of France: Stephen Pope, and all the Bishops, Priests and Deacons, Dukes, Counts, People and Army of the Romans, all being in anguish [Observe, this was not of the Pope only, nor of the Clergy only; but likewise of the Dukes and other people; and 2. the names of the Kings, is set before the Pope's name.] With how dolefull and bitter grief we are en­compassed on every side; with how great perplexity and doubtfulness we are distressed, and how many tears our eyes do shed; because of the continual troubles which are multiplied upon us, we think that the smallest parts of all the elements do declare; for who beholding our tribulations will not mourn? Who hearing our calamities will not howl? Therefore let us remember the words of good Susanna, Affliction is on every side, and we know not what to do. O ye most truly Christians, behold! The daies of trouble, the daies of mourning and bitterness are come upon us; seeing it is come, as we were fearing, from the Lombards; for we are afflicted, distressed, and on every side besieged, by their most ungodly King Aistulph, and that Nation: and [Page 76] with the Prophet we pray the Lord, saying, Help us, O Lord of our salva­tion, and for the honour of thy name deliver us; and again, Take the sword and the shield, and arise to help us: For behold! please to know, how the Covenant of peace is violated by the foresaid wicked Aistulph and his Nati­on; and we could obtain nothing that was capitulated and confirmed by bond of Sacrament: And now because no condition is kept unto us, and on the first day of January all the Army of the Lombards have made their ran­devouz in Tuscia; and have camped at the Gates of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and the Gate Portuen; and Aistulph himself with another Army have fixed their Tents at the Gate of Salaria and other Gates; and hath oft said un­to us, Open unto me the Gate of Salaria, and I will enter into your City; and give me your High-Priest, and I will shew clemency unto you: If not, beware, lest when I have battered down your Walls, I kill you altogether with the sword; and let me see, who can deliver you out of my hands. Where­fore we could scarcely direct this Bearer by Sea with these Presents unto your Christianity; we have written them with many tears: Wherefore our Belo­ved, I beseech you, and as if I were present, I adjure by the mysteries before the true and living God, and before Saint Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, that with great speed you help us, lest we perish; seeing, under God, we have committed all our lives into your hands, forsake us not. Our Beloved, come forward and help us, who (under God) flie unto you; that when you have brought forth good fruit, may in the day of the future trial, say, Our Lord Peter, Prince of the Apostles, behold us thy clients; we perfecting our course, have kept the faith; the Church that was commended unto thee, we have defended and delivered from the hands of the oppressours; and we standing without spot before thee, do offer unto thee the children, which thou didst commit unto us, safe and sound from the hands of their enemies: Then both in this World, and that to come, ye shall receive the joys of heavenly rewards. After this the Pope sent another Epistle, in the name of Saint Peter, as if it Another Let­ter in the name of Pe­ter. had been written from Heaven; it beginneth thus: Peter called an Apostle, Grace and Peace and Power, to deliver the holy Church of God, and the people of Rome, committed unto me, from the hands of their enemies, be fully given from the Lord our God, unto you most excellent men, Pipin, Charls and Carloman, three Kings; and to the most holy Bishops, Abbots, Presbyters and all religious Monks; and also to the Dukes, Counts, and all the general Armies and people of France: I Peter Apostle, whilest I am cal­led by Christ, the Son of the living God, through the pleasure of the Supream clemency, and ordained by his power to be enlightner of all the World; the Lord himself, our God, confirming it with these words, Go, teach all Nations; and again, Receive ye the Holy Ghost, whose sins ye forgive—Wherefore all who hear and fullfill my preaching, may truly believe, that in this World, at the command of God, their sins are loosed; and being pure and without spot they shall enter into that life. Therefore I Peter, the Apostle of God, who have you my adopted children, to defend from the enemies hands this Roman City, and the people, committed of God unto me; or to deliver the house (wherein I, according to the flesh do rest) from the prophanation of the Gentiles; provoking all your love do exhort, and protesting do admonish you to deliver the Church of God, which by Divine Power is commended unto me, seeing they suffer very great afflictions and oppressions, by the most wicked Nation of the Lombards; think not other­wise, but trust it for certain, that I my self am standing alive in the flesh be­fore you. And our Lady, the Mother of God, the Virgin Mary, with us, doth adjure you with the greatest obligations, and protesteth, and admoni­sheth, [Page 77] and commandeth, &c. Behold with what fooleries and impieties they would bewitch the World! But Pipin nor his brethren, did not levy an Ar­my, untill Pope Stephen came into France; when he took his journey, he commended himself unto Saint Mary, and his sheep unto Saint Peter. Lib. Pontific. Pipin hearing of his coming, sent his son Charls an hundred miles to meet him; and when he came within three leagues of Carisiac, Pipin went forth unto him, and returned on foot, and the Pope on horse. Then Pipin was crowned again, for the greater pomp, by the Pope. He went into Ita­ly, and forceth Aistulph to give hostages, that he shall render unto the Pope all due right. So soon as Pipin was returned into France, Aistulph raiseth a greater Army, and did more harm unto Rome, then it had suffered in 300. years before. Then Pope Stephen writ another supplication unto Pipin, who made no delay, but forceth Aistulph to perform the former conditions, and gave unto the Pope the Exarchate of Ravenna. Within a year Aistulph dieth, then a division falleth between Rachis and Desiderius for the Kingdom; the people, for the most part, were for Rachis; and Desiderius agreeth with the Pope, to ratifie what the Kings had given; and to give more, if he would procure aid for him. Wherefore Pipin writ his fourth Epistle unto Pipin, gi­ving him thanks for his aid; wishing many blessings unto him, and shewing that Aistulph was strucken by the hand of God, and drowned in the bottom of Hell; and that by the hands of Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and by thy most powerfull arm [speaking unto Pipin] Desiderius a most mild man was ordained King of the Lombards, who had sworn to restore unto Saint Peter, the Cities Faventia, Insubres and Ferraria, with all their Territories; and al­so Ausimo, Aucona, Humana, Bona with all their Territories; and he had sworn to keep peace with the Church of Saint Peter, and to be loyal unto the Crown of France; and intreated Pipin to approve the Coronation of Desi­derius upon these conditions. Henceforth the Pope lifteth up his head, and having large Territories given unto him, will not rest untill he be Monarch of the World. When Stephen had peace, he begun to repair the Churches, which Aistulph had caused to be thrown down, and died in the sixth year of his Papacy.

10. PAUL the I. succeeded his brother. He did write many Letters un­to Letters of Pope Paul to France. King Pipin. In the first, he speaketh of his brothers death, and ingageth himself to continue the League contracted by his brother and the King; and he craveth that Pipin would do so. In the 3. He giveth thanks unto Pipin, for his defence against their enemies; and promiseth to cause the Monks to learn the songs of Carloman. In the 4. He sheweth that he did suspect Mari­nus, a Priest of Rome, to consult with the Emperour's Legates; and to with­draw him, he had sent him unto the King, and craved that he would make him a Bishop there. In the 5. he sheweth, that his Nuntio was not returned from Constantinople. In the 6. he giveth thanks for his exalting the Church of Rome; and sheweth his confidence, under God, to consist in the arm of the most puissant King Pipin; and craved to send a Resident, by whom he might communicate the purposes and attempts of the Greeks. In the 8. he sheweth, That the Emperour is already in Arms, intending to recover Ravenna and Rome, and craved his aid against the Greeks. In the 9. he sheweth, that he will speak with Desiderius, and prepare what is needfull against the Greeks. In the 10. he purgeth himself, that he had never said, that Pipin could not help the Romans now in their distress; and he giveth him liberty to deal with Marinus, as he will. In the 12. he sheweth, that the Beneventans had taken some parts of Campany, and made them subject un­to the Governour of Sicily; he admonished them once again to desist, and [Page 78] if they would not, he was resolved by the power of God, and help of Pipin, to send an Army against them, as the enemies of blessed Peter and Pipin; and he craved that the King would chide them by Letters, and if they will not obey, that he would consent unto the expedition. In the 13. he giveth thanks for his defence of the Church, and for the peace betwixt him and De­siderius; and craved that Pipin would send back the hostages; to the end he might have the City Imola. In the 14. he sendeth some treasonous Letters of Sergius, Bishop of Ravenna, and craved aid. In the 16. and 22. He speaketh of the Emperour's Legates residing in France, and giveth thanks that the King had so honourably accepted his Nuntio with the other, and had imparted unto him what he had done with the Emperour. In the 19. he gi­veth thanks for the safety of the holy Church; and craved the honour, to re­ceive his lately born son from the holy Fount of Baptism. In the 21. he pro­miseth that no favour not terrour should divert him from the King's favour, in whom he hath the greatest confidence under God, and his Mother, and the Apostles. In the 26. he writeth much of the cruelty of the Lombards, and that he had not sought the return of the hostates; but that he might have free passage thorow Lombardy; and now he exhorteth and adjureth him fearfully to detain them; and to cause Desiderius to restore all the goods of blessed Peter, that in the coming of the Lord he might shine as a glorious sun. In one Epistle he saith, that blessed Peter had chosen Pipin, Charls, and Carloman, three Kings, and had consecrated them by his Vicar, that they may be defenders of the orthodox faith, and maintainers of his flock. In an Epistle unto the French Army, he calleth Peter Protectour of France. In ano­ther he writeth, that it is lawfull that the Bishop of Rome should reign as the Princes of the Nations do, and possess Kingdomes on earth and the glory thereof; and to undertake Wars, and to vindicate unto himself the emolu­ments of the Roman Empire. In an Epistle to Crodegangus Epist. Meten. he saith, Unto us albeit unworthy, in place of Saint Peter, is committed the Universal Church of all the World. In Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. many other of his Letters are mentioned. Those declare the rising of Peter's Vicar, though himself did never attempt or claim such things. Paul sate 10. years. After his death, Desiderius King of the Lombards, sought to have the friendship of a Pope towards him; wherefore his brother Toto, Duke of Nepet, with some souldiers entred into Rome, and himself followed by the advice of the Emperor Constantine; and caused his own brother Constantine to be chosen, who in one day (saith Onuphr. in Indict.) was made a Deacon, a Priest and Pope; and Desiderius compelleth the people (who did favour Philippus) to sweat unto Constantine. Nevertheless he could never obtain the favour of the Romans, because he was so nigh unto Desiderius, and a friend to the Emperour, and a hater of images. He sought the favour of King Pipin, and by his Letters promiseth to keep the amity begun betwixt him and his Prede­cessours. The Romans in a tumult kill Toto, and thrust Constantine into a Monastery, an. 768.

11. STEPHEN the III. would immediately assemble a Synod, and sent unto King Pipin, craving that he would send the most learned of his Bi­shops unto Rome for reformation of the Church. In the mean time Pipin dieth, and his sons Charls and Carloman governed both their own part of the Kingdom with small kindness; nevertheless they sent 12. Bishops out of France and Germany. Behold what a Reformation! He annulleth the ele­ction of Constantine; he causeth him to be whipped, and picked out his eyes; he annulleth all his Consecrations and other Acts; he censureth the Synod at Constantinople, and ordained that images should be worshipped [Page 79] by all Christians with great affection and honour; and he accursed the Greeks if they did not restore due honour unto images; because if Princes may let up their statues in Towns; and it be not lawfull to set up the images of God and his Saints; their condition were inferiour to Princes. After the Synod, he practiseth against the Emperour, as is touched. Many of his Epistles are ex­tant, unto Charls and Carloman. In one he craveth to be witness of the Bap­tism of Carloman's son, as his Predecessours had been to King Pipin. In another, he disswadeth Charls from alliance with the Lombards, as a faith­less and base Nation; he adjureth him to obey his exhortation, and if he will not, he assureth him in the name of his Lord, blessed Peter, that he should be excommunicated; be separated from God, and be punished with everla­sting fire: But if he will obey, he should deserve the reward of eternal joy, with the Saints of God: In all his Epistles is not any mention of Christ. By these Letters he perswadeth Charls to put away his wife Bertha, the sister of Desiderius, after they had cohabited one year; he did fear, if the alliance had continued, Desiderius might pull his wings: He sate 7. years.

12. HADRIAN or Adrian the I. would be more forward in maintai­ning Letters of the Pope unto Irene. images, and did write in defence of them, calling them Lay-mens books. In a Letter to Irene and Constantine, he saith, Ye will rest in, and imbrace, the tradition of the orthodox faith, of the Church of blessed Peter and Paul, Princes of the Apostles, as it hath been done by the former Emperours, who with all their hearts did love his Vicar: For they shall be defenders of your Kingdom, and make all barbarous Nations subject unto your feet; that wheresoever ye go, they shall make you victorious: Seeing they are Princes of the Apostles, who have begun the catholick and orthodox faith; have by their writings, as Enacted Laws, commanded their faith to be observed by all who were to succeed in their seats; and so our Church both worshippeth their holy figures, and our Temples are adorned with their worshipfull ima­ges untill this day. Observe 1. That Peter and Paul are conjoined and co­equal. 2. The Pope is the Vicar of Peter and Paul, and not of Christ. 3. He speaketh of the protection of Peter and Paul, and not of God. 4. He saith, the Apostles were the beginners of the Catholick faith, and he calleth it their faith; no word here of faith in God and Christ. 5. He saith, All who succeed in the seats of the Apostles, are commanded to observe their faith. But the Popes of following ages, have not observed the faith which Peter and Paul have left in their writings. Ro. Barns in Adrian the I. saith, All the care of the Popes then was on stones or in building Churches, or in making images, or in enriching the Church, or in excommunicating Prin­ces, and in such toies; but in their own ministry they were seldom or never occupied. In Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. is made mention of 44. Epistles, written by him unto King Charls: In one he complaineth of Arechis, Duke of Bene­vento, And unto King Charls. that after Charls had returned from Capua, he had sent unto the Emperour, and had sought his aid, and the honour of Patriciatus; and therefore he craved the King's aid for advancing the Church. In the 3. He thanketh him, that he had given Rosellae, Populanium and Benevento un­to Saint Peter; he complaineth of their untowardness, and of the enterprise of the Greeks; against whom, he craveth that Charls would have his Army in readiness. In the 5. he intreateth his aid against the Venetians who had ta­ken Ravenna. In the 8. he thanketh him for a Cross sent unto him; and sheweth, that he prayeth continually for him, and for his father of blessed memory; he intreateth him to cause them to restore the Territories of Rosel­lae, Populonium and Benevento, and promiseth him reward from Saint Peter. Although Charls, when he had taken these Cities from the right ow­ner, [Page 80] gave thew to the Pope; yet he quitteth not his superiority, as is mani­fest in the 23. Epistle, wherein Adrian sheweth, that the Greek Ambassadors had consulted with the Relict of Duke Arechis, to take the Dukedom of Be­nevento from Charls; and therefore he adviseth him to provide for his own security, and for the See of Rome. In the 9. he answereth unto a question propounded by Charls, What should be done to some Saxons who were re­lapse into Paganism? after long pennance they may be received. In the 11. he exhorteth Bishops and Priests to put on not temporal, but spiritual Ar­mour; that is, they should wait on fasting and praying. Mark that as yet Bishops had not begun to fight Battels, but they perswaded Princes to fight for them; and at that time, when some Bishops would have taken Arms, the Pope did disswade them. In the same Epistle he saith, the dream of John a Monk was false; wherein he was told, that the Church of Rome had erred from the faith. Note. In the 29, 30, and 31. he complaineth, that Leo, Bi­shop of Ravenna, would not perform due obedience unto Saint Peter; that under the name of Charls had taken sundry things from Saint Peter, and had attempted to take Pentapolis, which King Pipin had given to the See of Rome; he sheweth that Pope Stephen once deposed Sergius, Bishop of Ra­venna, for his disobedience; and in the end, he intreateth him to cause Leo to give him obedience, and to make the Exarchate likewise subject. All the other Epistles are of this stamp, for inriching and advancing the Church, and to expel the Greeks with their adherents out of Italy; commending the wor­ship of images, and setting up Peter in the room of Christ; for he expoun­deth Peter, saying, Behold I am with you untill the end; and he calleth Pe­ter the intercessour, the protectour, and rewarder; and he commandeth that prayers be made in the name of Peter. This Adrian, in an Epistle unto the Spaniards, calleth the Roman Church, Head of all Churches; and who separateth from her (saith he) separateth from the Christian faith. He is said to be Author of that Decree in Gratian. caus. 25. quest. 1. Generali, By a general Decree we ordain, that it shall be an execrable anathema, and he shall be guilty before God for ever, as a transgressour of the Catholick faith; whosoever, King, or Bishop, or Potentate, that shal from henceforth permit the censure of the Roman Bishops to be violated in any thing. He indeavoureth to have the Clergy free from the power of Princes. But in the year 773. Charls King Charls his power in Rome. did appoint a Synod at Rome, where the Pope was with 153. Bishops and Abbots. Here Charls recovereth the right, which Constantine Pogona­tus had let pass with Pope Benedict the II. to wit, with common consent, the Judges and Doctours of Law, thorow the City, were ordained to search the ancient Laws and Customs of the Empire, how heresies and schisms may be prevented, concerning the Apostolical See, and the honour of Patricia­tus, and the Roman Empire. Then 1. All the people of Rome grant unto King Charls, and transfer into his perso [...], and his Successours, all their right and power in the above-named particulars. 2. After their example, Adrian with all the Clergy and whole Synod, did give unto Charls their right and power of chusing their great High-Priest, and ordering the Apostolical See: and moreover, that all Arch-Bishops and Bishops, throughout every Pro­vince, should receive investiture from him. Theodor. a Nyem. Secretary to sundry Popes. And Gratian. dist. cap. 63. Adrianus saith more, That who should act against this Decree, the Synod would accurse; and unless he re­pent, would adjudge his goods unto the Royal Exchequer: For this cause many waited upon the Court of King Charls, hoping to have Bishopricks and advancement by him, Avent. Annal. lib. 4. as he did advance the Bishops of Breme, Manda, Padeburna, &c. Here is some restraint of the ambition of [Page 81] the Popes for a time. Adrian did sit three and twenty years, ten months, and seventien daies.

13. LEO the III. perceiveth the Romans aiming by all means unto a free More power of Charls in Rome. government; and he feared that either the Popes should be brought under the government of the Senate, or they should be overthrown by the Greeks; he thinketh it fittest that Rome should be subject unto the Pope; and that the Pope should be sure of concurrence from France. Catal. test. ver. ex Regin. lib. 2. & Sigeber. ad an. 796. Wherefore without knowledge of the Senate he sent Angilbert Abbot of Saint Richarius, to advertise Charls of his election; and presenteth unto him, in token of loyalty, Saint Peter's keys, and the Ensign of the City, or the Eagle; and beseecheth him to send some of his No­bles, who might keep the people in obedience by their Oath or Sacrament, Ph. Morn. in Myster. ex Aimoin. lib. 9. cap. 89. So soon as the Romans (namely Paschasius and Campulus) heard of this message, they take the Pope and buffet him till they thought he was blind, and cast him into the Mo­nastery of Saint Erasmus▪ Platin. But Continuator Eutropij saith, they beat out one of his eyes, and could not pick out the other, because the mercy of God had preserved him; and others say, both his eyes were strucken out, and restored again by miracle: But Zonar. saith, they who were sent, did spare him, and spoiled him not of his sight. Albinus did let him down by the Wall of the Monastery, and he fled unto Charls; he chargeth many of the Ro­mans of usurpation; and he adviseth the King to exact on them an Oath of fidelity. Paschasius or Paschalis was there soon after him, and accused the Pope of adultery, &c. Charls dismisseth them both, and promiseth to be at Rome within few months. In Decemb. an. 800. Charls was received in Rome, with all shew of honour; within 8. daies he goeth into Saint Peter's Church, and in presence of all the people and clergy, he asketh, who had any thing to say against Pope Leo. Paschasius and Campulus had published the Pope's crimes by writ; but knowing the King's affection towards both parties, they appear not. The Bishops who were present, answer, The Apostolical seat is the Head of the Church, and ought to be judged of none, Platin. But Ph. Morn. in Myster. sheweth from Aimoin. That because none did qualifie these crimes, the Pope was absolved upon his Oath. Platina saith, his Oath was delayed till the next day; and then he sweareth by God, and the four Evan­gelists, that all these things were false, which they had layed to his charge. Whereupon the King declareth him innocent, and condemneth his accusers. Within few daies 300. of them were beheaded, in the Lateran field, for their presumption and affected liberty, on the 18. of December; and on the 25. day, Charls was proclaimed Emperour, as followeth; and from that time the French did alogether possess Rome and all Italy, saith Zonar. After that, Pope Leo could not live at Rome without trouble; therefore he sate at Mantua, and sometimes did abide with the Emperour. He is the first that Bellarmine can Canonizing of Saint [...], and other novel­ties. find to have canonized a Saint, de beat. Sanct. lib. 1. cap. 8. He appointed the supplications of three daies, before the Feast of Christ's ascension; he first brought incense unto the Altars, to the imitation of Jews and Heathens. He sate 20. years, and died An. 816.

CHAP. III. Of Divers Countries.

1. FEw Pastours of that Country were comparable unto the former, in do­ctrine, The corrupti­on of Bishops. devotion or zeal (as we find in Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. from A­ventin. lib. 3.) unworthy Priests were promoted, covetous, adulterous, drunkards, whose God was their belly; given to hunting and hawking; as also Pope Zachary complaineth in Epist. ad Bonifac. and we will see Acts of Synods against these vices. Nevertheless such men were advanced for bribes, or other by-respects. Likewise Bishops were more ambitious, than given to seek souls unto Christ. Monks were thought more religious, but their religi­on then (for the most part) did consist in superstitious ceremonies and rites; the people did admire them for their shew of austerity; and the Bishops bear with them, because they indeavour to draw all men under the obedience of the See of Rome. So whilest corruption waxeth in all these, Truth faileth; especially, the opinion of merit was not pratled in private, but openly pro­claimed; and in the Synods they change the phrase, Men shall be judged ac­cording to their works; unto this, Men shall be judged for their works, or according to merits. Preachers did not plead so much the cause of God, as their own; they corrupt the truth with fables; as Gregory in his Epistle to Bo­niface testifieth; and for constitution of their errours, they alledge visions; as Io. Bale Cent. 1. cap. 91. sheweth how Egwin, Bishop of Vigornien, did swear before Pope Constantine, that in a Vision he was commanded to preach unto the people, that the image of Saint Mary should be worshipped; and he writ a Book of Apparitions, which the Pope approved with his Seals, and sent it unto Britwald, Primat of England, with express command to call a Synod at London; and by his authority, to recommend that book unto the people. So Constantine, Bishop of Cyprus, in the Nicene Synod Sess. 4. said, a certain man, driving a nail into a Wall, pierced the head of Saint Pe­ter's image, and immediately his head became sore; and when he was bid­den to draw out the nail again, he did so, and became whole. Many such fables were then preached. Whatsoever was the zeal of King Charls, bad was the success of his putting the sword into the hands of Bishops; as Lullus, Bishop of Ments, was a Warriour unto Charls; Megengard Bishop of Her­bipolis, was called Duke of Franconia, and when he went to Mass, he had a drawn sword carried before him. Charls gave unto Herinbert, Bishop of Minden, a Guard of Souldiers against his enemies: Wherefore Alb. Crantz. in Metropol. prooem. saith, Charls (not God) gave to Bishops the sword to still and punish stubborn Rebels. Luder. Ep. Monasten. carried in his badge a sword and a Shepheards club. Anepos a Bishop, was Commander of the French Army, against Vilian in Suevia. Yea Bishops took up Arms against Bishops; as Calistus, Bishop of Aquileia, against Amator, Bishop of Friali. Many Synodal Acts were made against this; and Pope Zachary writing to se­veral of France and Germany, saith, Though we walk in the flesh, yet we should not walk according to the flesh; and the Weapons of our Warfare, are not carnal, but spiritual; and therefore it is not lawfull, that Priests or Pa­stours do bear Arms. And the same Pope, in another Epistle to Boniface, requireth him to depose all Bishops and Priests, who had defiled their bodies with blood, either of Pagans or Christians. Concil. tom. 2. And Carloman in his Laws. None who hath entred into Orders should bear Weapons: and in the Councel held at his command, An. 742. We discharge all the Ministers of God from bearing Armour, from fighting, from going against an enemy, or into an Army.

[Page 83] 2. Concerning the Election of Bishops, the words of Pol. Vergil. de in­vent. The Election of Bishops. rer. lib. 4. cap. 2. are, From the beginning, the Election of Bishops, Priests and Deacons, was in the power of the Apostles; and then of the Priests of the Cities, not without the suffrage of the people and judgement of adja­cent Bishops; as Cyprian testifieth in many places, especially in Epist. ad Felic. Presbyt. that this custom continued a long time. This creation of Bi­shops was turned into another form by Boniface the III. he decreed, That they should be chosen by the people, and society of the Priests, the Prince of the place not resisting; and the Roman High-Priest consenting with these words, We will and command: But this Decree went soon out of use, all these things declining to worse. So far he. Now for the Election in this Cen­tury, the words of Waltram, Bishop of Naumburg, about the year 1100. are remarkable, Gregory the I. writ unto Theodoric, Theodobert and Bru­nichild, King and Queen of Austria, that they should invest Bishops with­out simony. Long before the Decree of Pope Hadrian, the Kings who were anointed, and Majors of the King's house, had the authority of investing Bishops, as Dagobert, Sigebert, Theodoric, Childeric, Pipin invested these Bishops, Remaclus, Amandus, Audamarus, Antpert and others. The like is read of the Bishops of Spain, England, Hungary, how of an old custom, Bi­shops entred by their Kings, untill these daies, saith he, Ph. Morn. in Myster. Pope Zachary in an Ppistle to Boniface teacheth the same, that Priests and Monks received their places in Churches and Monasteries from Magister Au­lae in France; as is before in Adrian the I. neer the end. Also one having re­ceived a Bishoprick from King Charls, and coming before him, casteth him­self off his horse, with nimble agility; to him said Charls, So far as I can see, thou art a good horse-man, leave thy benefice unto some weaker man, I have need of thee for another service. Gratian. is clear in this point, Dist. 63. is an Epistle of Pope Leo the IV. to the Emperours Lotharius and Lewis, say­ing, The Church of Reate for a long time hath been destitute of Pastoral care; it is expedient, that it be helped by the arm of your excellence; where­fore, the word of salutation being permitted, we intreat your meekness, that it would please you to give that Church unto Colonus an humble Deacon; that he, having your licence thereunto, we may consecrate him Bishop: But if it please you that another be sent thither, let it please your Majesty to give him Tusculum, which is also vacant. And a little before in the same Disti. Nicolaus Pope, unto Lotharius King, Understand that it is reported unto us, that whosoever is advanced unto a Bishoprick in your Kingdom, ye let none be chosen, but who you please; therefore by Apostolical authority with obtestation of God's judgement we injoin thee, that thou suffer none to be chosen, untill our Apostleship be advertized. Here he is loftier then the former, yet he craveth to be acknowledged only in two Bishopricks, neither denieth the King's interest. But afterwards Pope Gregory the VII. ordained, That no Priest should take a Bishoprick from a Lay-man (as followeth) if he did, he should lose it, and be excommunicated, Gratian. cap. 17. qu. 7. can. Siquis deinceps, & cap. quoniam.

3. We have heard how busie Popes and Monks were, to draw all the world under the obedience of the Roman See; and now they boast of their supre­macy The power of the Bishop of Rome, was never so great as the Papishes do boast. throughout all ages. But it is certain, that the Title of Supremacy was not given unto the Bishop of Rome, before the year 606. It is true, when the Emperours left Rome, and did dwell at Millain, Ravenna, or Constan­tinople, the Bishop of Rome sought to exalt himself; but his pastoral ho­nour was layed in the dust, when the Goths dwelt at Rome; then the Bishops of Ravenna and Constantinople strove for the first place, as if the Bishop of [Page 84] Rome had been out of the World; but they were deceived. For Bishop Zosimus did claim more power, then any of his Predecessours had, or did claim. He sent Faustinus, Philippus and Asellus to the sixth Councel at Car­thage, in favour of Apiarius a Priest, who fled to Rome for aid against Dioe­cesan Urban, who had deposed him for lewdness. Amongst other things, Zosimus gave them in charge, to claim this prerogative, that if any Bishop were accused or deposed, and appealed unto Rome; the Bishop of Rome might either write to the next Province to determine the matter, or send one from his side, to represent his person, and sit in judgement with the Bishops there: and for proof, he citeth in writing under his hand, a Canon of the Councel at Nice. The Bishops assembling out of all Affrick, to the number of 217. and finding no such Canon in their books Greek nor Latine; direct their answer to Bishop Boniface the I. refusing to restore Apianus; and con­cerning Appeals to Rome, they would suffer that to be silent for a while, till they could get the Canons of the Nicene Councel. And they did write unto the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Constantinople and Antioch, for true Copies of the Nicene Councel; which when they had received, and seeing their own Copies agree word for word with them; first by their Decree they deny all Appeals to Rome; and then by their Letters, they charge the Bishop of Rome with ambition and forgery; writing thus: Our due salutations remem­bred, we intreat and earnestly pray you, that hereafter you would not so lightly give audience, to those that come from hence unto you; neither re­ceive any more, such to the communion, whom we excommunicate; because your Reverence shal easily perceive that order taken by the Nicene Councel: For if there appear a proviso for inferiour Clarks and Lay-men, how much more ought the Synod to have the same observed in Bishops, who being ex­communicated in their own Province, they should not be suddenly or undu­ly restored to the communion by your Holiness? And likewise your Holiness must repel all wicked refuges of Priests and other Clergy-men, as becometh you; for by determination of the Fathers, is this derogated from the Chur­ches of Affrica; also the Nicene Canons do most evidently commit, both inferiour Clergy-men, and the Bishops themselves, to their own Metropoli­tans: No doubt they most wisely and rightly provide, that all matters should be ended in the places where they first did arise; nor shall the grace of the Ho­ly Ghost be wanting to any Province, by which equity may be gravely weighed, and stoutly followed, by the Presbyters of Christ; especially whereas every man hath liberty (if he mislike the judgement of those that hear his cause) to the Councels of his own Province, or to a general Councel. Or how shall the judgement over the Sea [meaning at Rome] be good, where­to the necessary persons of the witnesses either for sex or age, or several other impediments cannot be brought? For that any should be sent from your Ho­liness side, we find decreed by no Synod of the Fathers. That which you send hither by Faustin, as a part of the Nicene Councel; in the truer Copies which we have received from holy Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, and reve­rend Atticus, Bishop of Constantinople, taken out of the Originals them­selves, which also we sent unto Boniface your Predecessour; in them we say, we could find no such thing: and as for your Agents or Messengers send them not, grant them not at every ones request; lest we seem to bring the smoky pride of the World into the Church of Christ, which proposeth the light of simplicity and humility unto those that desire to see God, &c. Here many waies do they withstand the Bishop of Rome; the Appeals which Zosimus claimed by the Councel at Nice, they confute by the same Councel, and with other pithy reasons; the Legates à latere, they reject, as never spoken of [Page 85] in any Councel: Running to Rome, they call a wicked refuge; and send­ing Messengers from Rome, they call a smoky pride of the World; the cor­rupting the of Nicene Canons, they disprove by true and authentick copies; and Apiarius whom the Bishop of Rome had restored twice unto the Com­munion, they utterly banished from the Church of Christ; and not content therewith they set down a rule, that if thereafter any Priest shall appeal to Rome, no man in Affrica should receive him to the Communion. Each one may judge what these would have done, if Zosimus had claimed to be the head of the Universal Church, or Vicar general of Christ, supream and infallible judge of all men and matters Ecclesiastical, and that not by consent of a Synod, but by grant from Christ. After this Eulalius, Bishop of Car­thage, did submit himself unto Boniface the II. but he was the first and last, condemning all his Predecessours, and he had no Successour therein, who would submit. Lib. Pontific. in Leo the II. sheweth, that the Affrican Church was called [...], or heads to themselves. Then who ever heard that the Abyssines, or Church of South Affrica, was under the Bishop of Rome? Thracia and the Greeks would never acknowledge the Church of Rome, in way of superiority, except a short time, when the Latines were Lords of Constantinople. When the Pope conspired with France against their Empe­rour, the Greeks did write unto Pope Leo, Because you have withdrawn your selves, therefore we withdraw our selves from you. And this withdraw­ing was not from subjection but from unity, as is manifest by their matual withdrawing. Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. ex Ranulp. polychro. lib. 5. cap. 28. Only the Emperour Michael did submit his Kingdom unto Pope Adrian; and the same Michael did again cast off the same Adrian, and expelled all the Latine Priests out of his Dominions; Platin. in Adrian the II. Armenia, Palestina, and Syria, were never subject unto any forraign Bishop, untill Godifred conquered Jerusalem, an. 1099. And many other Provinces of Asia did ne­ver submit unto the Pope; and till this day are many Christians in Asia, who though they be subject unto the Turk and other Princes, yet continue in the same faith or doctrine; and for the most part, have succession of Bishops from their first Reformation, and were never subject to any forraign man in spiritual things. As for the Western part (as it was called) of Europe, some­thing hath been spoken; and moreover Egila, a Spanish Bishop, sent Sara­nus a Deacon, and Victorine a Clark, unto Pope Adrian the I. to ask his counsel in some questions. The Pope returned answer, That he was willing to correspond, if he would submit unto the See of Rome; and especially, if he would oppose those who did despise the fasting on Friday and Satturday; as appeareth (saith Catal. test. ver. lib. 8.) by the Epistle of Adrian to Egila. But he would not accept these conditions; therefore in another Epistle unto the Bishops in Spain, the Pope did accuse Egila that he followed the errours of Vincentius, and was contrary unto the Catholick discipline. Neither in all the Councels that were in these Centuries within Spain, is any mention of dependance upon the Pope. Behold then Spain was not subject in these daies, unto the See of Rome. And generally what was the estate of Europe, at that time and afterwards, is most plain from the Oration of Arnulph, Bishop of Orleance, in the Councel at Rhemes, An. 992. as followeth in the own place. Also Blondus de restaurat. Romae lib. 3. speaking of the jurisdiction of Rome in his time, could say, Almost all Europe sendeth greater, or at least as great Tribute unto Rome, now as of old: where his boast is bounded within Europe, and with an almost. And Bellarmin de Ro. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 21. saith, When Antichrist, as ye will [speaking of the Pope unto the Prote­stants] began to reign, the See of Rome lost almost all Affrick, the greatest [Page 86] part of Asia, and all Greece; and in our time (saith he) wherein ye cry that Antichrist rageth most, all things have fallen so prosperously, that he hath lost the greatest part of Germany, all Sweden, Gothland, Norway, Den­mark, a good part of England, France, Swisserland, Bohemia and Hun­gary; and therefore (saith he) if to wax prosperously be a note of the Anti­christ, the Pope cannot be called Antichrist, seeing he wanteth so many Pro­vinces. I answer, in the first part Bellarmine saith, that the Pope hath lost what he never had; and in the latter part, he hath lost more; for he might have added Scotland, Ireland, a great part of Poland, Prussia, &c. But all these had given their power and Kingdom unto the Beast, until the word of God was fullfilled; and they do now hate the Whore, and have made her naked; as it is said, Rev. 17. But it is no where written in Scripture, nor do Protestants say, that the Beast, or Antichrist, had or shall have dominion over all the earth, although he make such a claim falsely; yea the fourth part of the earth was never subject to the See of Rome at once, or at one and the same time.

4. As the Papishes do glory (in vain) of the Pope's Supremacy over the The Pope had no power to give King­domes, Church; so they pretend his power over all the Kingdomes of the earth; this they do hold, but with some difference amongst themselves; for the [...]ano­nists (as they are called) hold, that all the Kingdomes of the earth do di­rectly belong unto the Pope; and the Jesuits say, not directly, but indirect­ly; and these two sects write against one another in this matter, as for life and death. But whether directly or indirectly, both do agree that the Pope may give any Kingdom of the earth to whom he pleaseth. Satan did once say so. And in the 9. Century Pope Nicolaus did not say so, as followeth. Let them shew any such practice before this eighth Century. Did all the Bishops of Rome [before this time] give Kingdomes to whom they would? Or were they ignorant of their power? But say they, at that time, Pope Zachary gave the Kingdom of France unto Pipin and his line. So unto this place belongeth neither gave he the K [...]ng­dome of France unto King Pipin. that controversie which Bellarmine hath de Ro. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 17. & lib. 5. cap. 8. By what means, and by what persons Pipin obtained the Kingdom of France, Gratian. caus. 15. quest. 6. cap. Alius, saith, Zachary deposed Chil­deric, King of France, and placed Pipin in his room. And the gloss saith, Deposuit, idest, deponentibus consensit, he consented unto them who depo­sed him. Platina in Zachary saith, By his authority the Kingdom of France was adjudged unto Pipin. The Jesuit Dion. Petavius in Rationar. temp. par. 1. lib. 8. saith, Pipin, by the authority of Pope Zachary, and by consent of the French Peers, did add a new Title of King unto his Royal Power, which he had not before. If we look to the more ancient Writers, the story is thus: About the year 663. Clotharius, King of France, gave himself to the lusts of the flesh, and committed the government unto Ebroin, Master of the Palace (or, as others call him, Constable.) This example turneth into a custom, and An. 694. Pipin, Duke of Austrasia, attained this charge under Clodoveus, or Clovis the III. as Io. Serres calleth him, and he keepeth it in the daies of King Childebert the II. and his son Dagobert; so that then there was the Title of a King, and all the power was in the hand of the Constable. Abb. Vrsperg. in Chron. pag. 170. Edit. An. 1538. The King was seen once in the year pub­lickly; to wit, the first day of May, then he received and gave gifts, without any other discharge of Royal power; and all affairs of State were managed by the Constable. After Pipin was great contention for so honourable a place; his son Charls Martel prevaileth, who in the daies of Theodoric or Therric the II. enlargeth the Kingdom of France: and as the fore-named Petavius ex Gest. Franc. Epit. lib. 1. sheweth, he overthroweth Raginfred (his Competi­tour, [Page 87] or as he saith, who was chosen Mayor) and Eudo, Duke of Aquita­nia, An. 718. then he subdued the Saxons, Alamanes, Bavarians, and Aqui­tans. Eudo hath his refuge unto the Sarazens in Spain, and perswadeth their King Abdirama to invade France. Charls did slay in one Battel 375000. Sa­razens, with the loss of 1500. French, at Towrs, Fascic. temp. fol. 45. Edit. Venet. An. 1484. and Io. Serres and others. Thereafter he did take-in Burgun­dy and Lions, An. 727. and the next year, Eudo being dead, he possessed A­quitania peaceably. In the year 731. the Sarazens did come again into France. Charls overthrew them, and did gain Avenion and Narbon from them. Therefore by a more honourable Title, he was called Duke and Prince of France; and under that name he governed the Kingdom 19. years, and died An. 741. Platin. in Gregor. II. He had four sons, Carloman, Pipin, Egidi­us and Grypho; some say, Grypho was the son of his first wife, a daughter of Bojaria. Pipin made Egidius Bishop of Rotomayum, and left his govern­ment unto Carloman and Pipin; and they two divide the Kingdom, and govern either his own part, under the Title of their father; as is apparent by the first words of the Councel under Carloman, In the name of our Lord Je­sus Christ, I Carloman, Duke and Prince of the French, in the year 742. from the Incarnation of Christ on the 11. of the Calends of March, by the ad­vice of the servants of God, and of my Nobles, I have assembled the Bishops in my Kingdom, &c. Note these words, and see what power he had. With­in 7. years after this Synod, he laid aside his Princely authority (saith Bellarm. loc. cit.) and entred into a Cloister at Sotacte; and then all the authority was in Pipin alone. Grypho rebelled against Carloman; but at last Pipin took him in Italy, and caused him to be beheaded, An. 753. Pipin having the government alone (and wanting no occasion) did aim at a higher Title. The Sarazens in Spain were preparing to make new Wars against France; but Pi­pin did prevent the storm, he seized on the passages of the Pyrene hills, and forced those redoubted enemies to receive Laws from him. Then he did help the Cities that had been spoiled; he disburthened others of publick charges, and established justice; and dealt so valiantly and discreetly both in Wars and Peace, that he gained the hearts of all the countries; also it did not a little add unto his esteem what he had done against the Lombards, and in other parts of [...]taly. Blondus dec. 1. lib. 10. saith, I find in Alcuinus, Paulus and several others, who have written the Acts of the French, that the Nobility and Com­monalty of that Nation, duly considering the worthiness of Pipin, and sot­tishness of Childeric; consulted with Zachary, Bishop of Rome, whether they should tolerate so foolish a King any longer, and defraud Pipin of his deserved Princely honour: And when the Bishop made answer, That he was best worthy to be King, who could best discharge the Office of a King; the French, with the publick consent of the whole Nation, did pronounce Pipin for their King; and Childeric was shaved and made a Monk. And Aventin. in Annal. saith, When Volarad a Bishop, and Burchard Abbot of Saint Dio­nis at Paris, were sent to understand the Pope's judgement: his answer was, I find in the sacred story of Divine Scriptures, that the people fell away from their wretchless and lascivious King, who despised the counsel of the wise men; and created a sufficient man, one of themselves, King, God himself allowing their doings; all power and rule belong unto God, Princes are his Ministers in their Kingdomes; and rulers are chosen for the people, that they should follow the will of God, the chief ruler, in all things, and not to do what they list; he is a true King, that guideth the people committed to his charge, according to the prescript and line of God's Law; all that he hath, as power, glory, riches, honour and dignity, he receiveth of the people; the people create [Page 88] their King, and the people may (when the cause so requireth) forsake their King: It is lawfull therefore for the French and Germans, to refuse this unkind Monster, and to chuse one who may be able, in War and Peace, by his wise­dom, to protect and keep in safety their wives, children, parents, goods and lives. So Pope Zachary giveth his advice, and pretendeth not any interest in­to the matter. Then he writ unto Boniface, Bishop of Mentz, that he might anoint Pipin King of France, and declare all his Subjects free from their Oath of Allegiance unto their lazy Soveraign. And now the Reader may judge, what Pipin did receive from Pope Zachary. This was the work of many years, and so ended An. 752. Here observe that Pipin was anointed; but anointing The custom of anointing Kings is late, or borrowed from the Iews. of Kings was not in custom amongst Christians in the daies of Lactantius, who in Institut. lib. 4. cap. 7. speaking of Christ's name, saith, It was com­manded unto the Jews, to make an holy oil, wherewith those were anointed who were called unto the Priesthood or Kingdom; and now among the Ro­mans, the Robe of Purpure is the sign of their royal assumed power; so unto them, the anointing with oil gave the name and royal power. And Augu­stine on Psal. 45. saith, It was the custom only of the Jewish Nation, to anoint Kings and Priests; whereby was taught, that among none other but the Jew­ish people, was the King and Priest of the world to be born. Anastasius Pa­triarch of Constantinople, did anoint Emperour Leo the I. and thereafter that came into custom, to shew, that the Emperour was a true Christian and free from heresie. They want no colours for bringing into the Christian Church Jewish or Heathenish rites.

5. John Damascen (who was called Chrysoras, for distinction from ano­ther Iohn Da­mascen. of that name, who lived about the year 300.) had been amongst the Sarazens; and for fear of death, did make profession of Mahumetism; but being escaped did write in defence of the Orthodox faith, and began the first systeme of Divinity amongst the Greeks; as afterwards Pe. Lombard among the Latines; he was a maintainer of images; but in many other things, was an adversary to the present doctrine of Rome. Lib. 1. de Orthod. fide, cap. 1. he saith, All that is given unto us by the Law and Prophets, Apostles and Evangelists, we embrace, acknowledge and reverence, seeking no further. God therefore being ignorant of nothing, and providing whatsoever is pro­fitable for us to know, hath revealed it; but he hath hid in silence those things, whereof we could not indure the weight; therefore let us love these things, and abide in them; neither should we pass beyond the bounds appointed by his eternal will, not transgress the Divine Tradition any way. Lib 3. Cap. 17. The Lord's flesh is inriched with Divine Efficacy, because of the hypostati­cal union; neither doth it fall, or hath it exceeded its proper nature, nor its natural properties. And Cap. 18. he saith, The communication of Omni­potency unto Christ-man, or his Man-hood, may be declared two waies; First, That this man Christ is almighty by communication of properties: Next, The proper works of God are given to the flesh, as the instrument of the Deity. And Lib. 4. Cap. 18. After he hath at length recommended the reading of the Scriptures, he reckoneth the Books of the Old-Testament ac­cording to the Hebrew; and then he saith, The Wisedom of Solomon, and of Jesus son of Sirach, are pleasant and good; but are not numbred among the Prophetical books, nor were put into the Ark. And in Cap. 25. he com­mendeth Virginity; and then he addeth, this we say, not derogating from marriage; God forbid! for we know, that God blessed marriage by his pre­sence; and it is said, Marriage is honourable amongst all men. In Cap. 14. he saith, By invocation, and by working of the Holy Ghost, the Bread and Wine and Water, are supernaturally changed into the Body and Blood of [Page 89] Christ. The Papishes make use of this testimony for their Transubstantiati­on; but there is also a supernatural change of the Water in Baptism, and yet no Transubstantiation; neither do the Greeks believe it to this day, but only a mystical change in regard of the use and effect.

6. In the Epistles of Pope Zachary to Boniface, it is evident, that divers Many in Ita­ly and Stain, did oppose the Popes. Bishops and Priests, contemned the pretended Apostolical authority, and his excommunications. In the Epistle of Pope Adrian, it appeareth, that Leo Patriarch of Ravenna, with-held many things from the See of Rome; and that he despised the Judges whom the Pope sent thither; and that he opened the Letters that were sent, by some of his Diocy, unto the Pope. Also Re­gimbald, and other Bishops of Lombardy, did allow their Clergy to marry against the Decree of Rome, Ex Epist. Adrian. ad Carol. When Maurice, Bishop of Istria, professed himself to be the faithfull servant of Saint Peter, and required Pensions there unto him; the people pulled out his eys, and said, their land was the Territory of Charls, and not of the Pope. Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. Paulin Bishop of Aquileia, in his book against Felix and Eliphand, Bishops of Uurgelita and T [...]le [...]o, commendeth the Holy Scriptures; and condemneth all opinions whatsoever, that cannot be proved out of them; he saith, The Church is built upon the Rock Christ; and it may be shaken by Hereticks, but cannot be drowned; because it is strengthned by the right hand of Christ: he saith, Teachers and every Christian, should fight against heretical opinions, and refute them; for a Souldier of Christ should not be basely afraid for the force of approaching Battel; nor by straying seek the lur­king holes of harmless escaping: but being girded with the weapons of their own Warfare, should couragiously pierce the hearts of their enemies, with spiritual darts out of the Bow of the Scriptures.

7. Aponius a French man then writ several books, in Cant. lib. 1. he saith, Aponius. The Lord hath given his fiery word unto this World, in the figure of a coal, in the Tongs of the two Testaments; which being lifted from the Altar, did purge the lips of the Prophet Esay, who by the only union of the flesh was free, and lived mixt with the dead; and He [the Lord] by inspiration of the Holy Ghost, causeth that all souls who (like dead coals having their un­derstanding darkned with ungodliness) were not kindled; but now are in­flamed with vicinity thereof: now that they are kindled with the flame of the love of their Spouse, it is the proper gift of the grace of God's Word. Lib. 3. Christ is made the meat and drink of his Church, by the Sacrament of his body and blood. Lib. 6. Whatsoever a Teacher or Pastour of souls teacheth, unless he shew it proceedeth from the Almighty God, in the Old and New-Testament, he is a murtherer of souls. And again, The words and exam­ples of them, from whom the milk of doctrine is poured into the hearts of the hearers, should alwaies feed on the flowers, not of the lower writings of worldly men, but of the higher Apostolical Mountains. Ib. lib. 1. Because the power of our will is not able to climb so high as we must ascend, running after God; therefore the Church crieth, Draw me after thee. Lib. 4. Who­soever would escape from the enemy whose power is in the air, let him keep the right faith, and enter into the holes of the Rock, which ble [...]sed Paul de­monstrateth.

8. About the year 780. the old controversies, concerning God's Prede­stination, The Pelagian controversies are renewed in Spain, and confuted by Pope Adri­an. and man's free-will, were renewed in Spain: Some saying, that Predestination unto life or death is in the power of God, and not in man's power: Others asking, Why should we indeavour to live holily, if it be in the power of God? And others asking, Why should we pray unto God that we be not overcome in tentation, if it be in our power or liberty of will? At [Page 90] that time Pope Adrian did write unto the Spanish Bishops, and propounded unto their consideration, what (upon the like occasion) Fulgentius Epist. Ruspen. about the year 455. had written unto Eugyppius, against a Sermon of a Pelagian. The words of the Pelagian were; They who affirm that some are destinated unto life, and others unto death, do trample grace in them­selves damnably, while they admit it for them reprehensively only: Behold with what knots of impiety they do tie themselves! If I be predestinated unto good, it is needless that I resist evil; but if I be born unto evil, it availeth me not to do good: And so on both sides the desire of praise and godliness being stopped, one becometh secure, and another desperate; and thereby all ex­ercise of righteousness is made void, prayer ceaseth, and working fainteth: But it is not so, and therefore let us pray uncessantly; because the Lord saith, Pray without intermission, lest ye enter into tentation: And let us strive against all sin, not only by prayer, but with diligence also; because the Lord wit­nesseth, that each one shall receive according to their own work. The an­swer of Fulgentius, which Pope Adrian did approve and send, was thus: God hath prepared his works of mercy and righteousness, in his unchange­able eternity; and as he was never ignorant of his future works, so he was never improvident in the preparation of those works; therefore he hath pre­pared good works for them who were to be justified, and to the same who were to be glorified, he hath prepared rewards; but unto the wicked, he hath not prepared evil wills or evil works, but he hath prepared for them just and everlasting punishments: This is the eternal predestination of the future works of God, which as we know to be continually insinuated unto us by the doctrine of the Apostles, so we preach confidently; for blessed Paul both evi­dently and often teacheth us, the predestination of them whom God saveth freely; for he saith of God, whom he foreknew, them he predestinated; and whom he predestinated, them also he calleth: Cerrtainly not others, but whom he hath predestinated, them doth he call and justifie; nothing in the works is uncertain, because nothing in his predestination faileth; therefore God beginneth the works of his predestination, by vocation; and consum­mates them by glorification: And yet not in them all whom he calleth, but unto them who love God, all things work together for good unto them, who are called according to his purpose: Therefore let all believers keep the truth of predestination, because whosoever believeth not the counsel of God in this predestination, shall not attain unto the glorious effect of the same predesti­nation; but whosoever is not predestinated unto glory, is without doubt found to be appointed unto punishment, which is known to be predestinated in God's preparation, that thereby infidelity and impiety may be punished. Wherefore the blessed Apostle Jude saith, Certain men are crept in unawares, who of old were fore-ordained to this judgement of our God; but the Do­ctrine of the Holy Ghost saith warily, that the wicked were ordained not un­to sin, but unto judgement; that is, not unto impiety, but unto punishment; for they were not predestinate unto this wicked impiety which they commit, but unto the punishment which they receive in Divine equity. Wherefore whereas th [...] Authour of that sermon, saith, Let us pray uncessantly; because the Lord saith, Pray without ceasing; and then, Let us wrestle against all sin, not only by prayer, but with diligence; let us humbly seek Grace from God, that we may have it continually working with us; by which God would both keep us in diligence, and when the work is done, bring us unto the re­ward, &c. This Epistle of Pope Adrian, is amongst the Epistles of the Popes, which Charls the Great did cause to be collected into one volumn, An. 791.

[Page 91] 9. At that time was great contention for receiving the Mass of Pope Gre­gory Gregory's Mass was exalted, and opposed, into the Churches, first by authority of Pope Adrian, and then of King Charls; some Churches had one Directory, and some another who would not change. When the Pope saw so great opposition (and it may be under­stood, that it was not small, when the Pope was put to such a shift) he said, he would refer it unto the Will of God, whether he would, by any visible sign, approve the Mass of Gregory or of Ambrose: so these two books were layed together upon the Altar in Saint Peter's Church, and he called upon God to shew which of the two he approved. The dores were shut all night, and the next morning when they returned into the Church, the book of Ambrose was found lying, as it was laid down; and the other, was all torn and dis­persed thorow the Church. The Pope maketh the Comment (if we will be­lieve Iacob. de Voragine in vita Gregor.) that the Mass of Ambrose should lie untouched; and the Mass of Gregory should be used thorow the World; and so he did authorize and command that it should be used in all Churches and Chappels. But many did expound that sign the contrary way, and would not receive it, till Charls did command all Bishops and Priests to use it tho­row his Dominions; he caused the Mass of Ambrose to be burned, and threw many Priests into prison, who refused to accept the new Mass. The Church of Millain would not change: Walafrid Strabo (who lived about the year 900.) testifieth in his book de Exordiis rer. cap. 25. that in his time the Ro­man Mass was not universally in all Churches; but almost (saith he) in all the Churches of the Latines, and no Benedictine Monk did read it. In the sixth tom. of Biblioth. Patr. de la Bigne, are many books of several Authours, explaining (at that time) the signification of the Ceremonies injoined in that Mass: Their Dedicatory Epistles and Prefaces, shew that they were put upon that work, by the authority of the King, and some time-serving Bishops; and the great number of those books, is an evident proof of great opposition against that Mass and the rites thereof; although the books of the Adversa­ries have been kept down by the prevailing party. Hereunto serveth what Antoninus de Voltelina, a Dominican, said in the Councel at Trent (as is written hist. lib. 6.) It is clear by Histories, that of old every Church had their own Rituals of the Mass, brought in day by day, rather of custom than by judgement or constitution; and that the lesser Churches did follow their Me­tropolitan, or their neighbour greater Churches; but the rite of the Roman Church, was received in many Provinces, for gatifiing the Pope; and ne­vertheless there be yet many Churches, whose rites differ very much from the Roman: Even in Italy remaineth the rite of Millain, differing from the other in the principal parts thereof; and that the same Roman hath suffered many changes, is clear unto any who readeth the old book, called Ordo Ro­manus: Neither in ancient time only, but within these few ages, certainly before 300. years, the rites of Rome were not the same, which the Priests ob­serve now in the City of Rome; but which the Order of the Dominicans do retain: Moreover (said he) the Vestments, Vessels and other Ornaments, both of the Ministers and of the Altars, which are now in use, are so new and transchanged (as is easie to be observed by looking on the Books and Pictures) that if the old things were brought into the World again, none would know them: Wherefore if the Fathers will bind themselves, to approve the only rites of the Roman Church, they cannot want reproof; as by prejudice con­demning antiquity, and the rites of all other Churches, and so expose them­selves unto the sinistrous interpretations of men; wherefore it were better to set upon those things which concern the essence of the Mass, without any mention of the rites. And in declaring the differences betwixt then-pre­sent [Page 92] custom of the Romans, and that which was called Ordo Romanus; he na­meth especially, that in this the Communion was given under both the spe­cies unto the people. Some were offended at his freedom of speech; and the Bishop of Quinquecclesiensis, did openly profess, that the Frier had spoken truly; neither could any, who loveth truth, be offended with him. Hence it appeareth clearly, that the Church of Rome hath been subject to novations from time to time; and the Missal now, is not the old book of Pope Grego­ry the I. More of the Mass followeth in the next Century.

10. In the sixth tom. of the fore-named Biblioth. Patr. is a remarkable piece Amularius Fortunatus. of Amalarius Fortunatus (Trithemius calleth him Hamularius, a very lear­ned man in the Latine and Greek languages) a Monk of Luxovia: In the Preface he sheweth, that he had written another book of Divine Service; and thereafter he went to Rome, to enquire of the reasons of the rites diffe­rent there from other Churches; and so he did write four other books, where­in he describeth what he had heard, and what he thought himself on the con­trary; yet in a mild and moderate way, whether for fear to offend, or in hope to prevail with fair information, it is uncertain. He saith, In all that I write, I hang on the judgement of godly men and holy fathers; and withall, I say what I think. What things are done in the celebration of the Mass, are done in the Sacrament of the Lord's Passion; as he commanded, saying, How oft ye do this, do it in remembrance of me: Therefore the Priest in offering Bread and Wine and Water in the Sacrament, representeth Christ; the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament, do represent his Body and Blood; Sacraments should have a similitude of those things whereof they are a Sacrament; where­fore let the Priest be like unto Christ, so the offering of the Priest upon the Altar, is like unto that of Christ on the Cross; that which is offered in re­semblance of Christ, the Priest commendeth it unto God the Father. Let the judicious hearer consider, for whom are the prayers that the Priest saith after the Communion; and he shall find that they sound for them who are re­freshed with the heavenly bread. [No prayer for the dead.] Lib. 3. in prof. It is sufficient, that the Bishop or Priest, do only bless the Bread and Wine, whereby people may be refreshed; as in ancient times it was done by the A­postles. Lib. 1. Cap. 14. he saith, No creature do I, by reverencing, adore but God; all substance which is not God, is a creature, and a creature is not God; the Cross of Christ may be set before me, but in my mind I hold Christ as hanging on it. The very words of the prayer declare whom we adore, we say, We adore thy Cross, O Lord, and we commend and glorifie thy holy resurrection: Here are no words of praying, but of shewing the ado­rable Cross, and the commendable resurrection of our Lord. And in ano­ther place we say, God who by the precious blood of thy only begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, hast been pleased to redeem us; grant graciously, that who come to adore the life-giving Cross, may be freed from the bonds of their sins; to whom I pray, him I adore; I am cast down in body before the Cross, but in my soul before God; I reverence the Cross by which I was re­deemed, but I pray unto him who hath redeemed me. Then he hath a sto­ry of Oswald, King of England, whom he calleth faithfull and most Chri­stian; how he being in danger of his enemies, caused a Cross to be set up (on a Tree that came first unto his hand) in the Field; and said unto his Army, Let us all bow our knees, and all pray together unto the Almighty, living and true God, that he, of his mercy, would defend us from our proud and fierce enemy; for he knoweth, that we have undertaken Wars for the safety of our Nation. They all did as he commanded, and in the dawning they obtained Victory according to their faith. Here Amular gathereth no conclusion; but [Page 93] ye may see, that Oswald did not worship the wooden Cross, and that no such Cross is to be adored; but that he set his mind on the suffering of Christ, by which Cross or Suffering he did believe to be saved. In the same Chapter he saith, The Apostle saith not in vain, Death reigned from Adam to Moses, even over them which had not sinned after the similitude of Adam's transgression, who is the figure of him who was to come. This figure of him who was to come, I do so understand; as the first Adam was the cause of our death, even unto us who did not eat of the forbidden Tree; so is Christ the cause of eternal life. As the Tree of the knowledge of good and evil, through its own na­ture had not death; so the Tree whereby eternal life is granted unto us, hath not this vertue of it self; but of his vertue, who although he was infirm for us, liveth by the power of God; which power can never, and in no respect, be resisted. [This is against the hymns of the Cross, and the resistibility of God's grace.] In Cap. 17. he sheweth, that the Romans had then candles and lamps of Wax, and what signification they gave unto them [he had not seen them before; neither is there any record of them before that time] and then saith, By every thing should we bring Christ unto our mind, as Augustine writeth to Januarius; but foolish men who will not be amended, should not think that these candles are to be adored, because by them some similitude of Di­vine mysteries is figured, seeing from every creature we may bring a simili­tude. Doth he not here condemn all the devised rites of men? Lib. 2. cap. 5. he speaketh against the keeping of Lent, and denieth that the Authour thereof can be shewed. And Cap. 25. The Office of a Bishop and a Priest, is almost the same; but because they differ in name and honour, they are distinguished by variety of slippers or pantofles. He hath many such rites, and the meaning of them (as seemeth) by way of derision. Lib. 3. Cap. 24. Christ took bread—and also the cup; whereof Cyprian saith to Caecilius, We find, that we ob­serve not what Christ hath commanded, unless we do also the same things which the Lord did, and so mixing the cup, we depart not from the Divine instruction. Although he [Cyprian] hath concluded this of mixing the wine and water; yet he may understand that it is to be done of the whole instituti­on, wherein consisteth the command of the Lord and of his Apostles. So saith he, and so do the Reformed Churches practice; but the Roman Church doth not so. Afterward Amalarius became Bishop of Trevers, and was sent by Charls the Great, unto the Emperour Michael; and as Trithemius wri­teth, from the Records of Trevers, by his wonderfull industry and eloquence, he did establish peace and amity between the two Emperours. He died An. 813.

11. In the last part of this Century, arose the great men in the service of Romish for­geries. the Pope; to wit, Johannis Diaconus, surnamed Digitorum, and Riculph Bishop of Mentz. John did forge the Bull of Constantine's donation; wherein he would perswade the world, that Constantine had given unto Bishop Syl­vester, and his Successours for ever, the City of Rome, with other Cities and parts of Italy. Io. Bodin. de Repub. lib. 1. cap. 9. ex Actis Vatica. The falshood of this feigned donation, was known unto the World by every History; but at that time who did dare to controle it? The Bishops and Clergy thought that it was for their advantage, and there was no established Prince in Italy; yet under pretence thereof, the Pope did inlarge their power; even although many did convince that donation of falshood. Then Hincmar, Bishop of Rhemes, in his book against the Bishop of Laudun, testifieth, that Riculph in the daies of Charls the Great, gathered together some forged Epistles of the old Bishops of Rome, and brought them from Spain into France; and binding them with the foresaid Donation, gave them forth in the name of Isi­dore. [Page 94] Of the authority of these Epistles Gratian hath written Dist. 20. cap. de libellis, there is an Epistle of Pope Leo the IV. directed unto the Bishops of Britan: In the Epistle Leo taketh all the authority from the decretal Epistles, and other Writs of Popes; except Sylvester, Siricius, Innocentius, Zosi­mus, Coelestine, Leo, Hilarius, Gelasius, Ormisda and Gregory: These (saith he) are all and only, by whom the Bishops do judge, and by whom the Bishops and Clergy are judged; if any doubt cannot be determined by them, nor by Augustine, Jerom, Isidore and other holy Doctours, it should be brought unto the Apostolical See. But all others that were before these, with one dash he contemneth; that is, he renounceth all the writings of the Bishops of Rome, who lived the first 300. years, as suppositions. The Au­thour of Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. is very large in describing the usurpations and many policies of the Popes, for inlarging their power, and incroaching up­on Bishops in several Nations; as also their infinite rites that were then de­vised.

12. In the daies of Dagobert, King of France, Rudbert was Bishop of Some Provin­ces in Germa­ny and Hun­gary receive the faith. Worms, a singular good man, and very learned; and Theoto was Duke of Bavaria, an Heathen, yet hearing of the good fame of Rudbert, he sent and intreated him to come into his Country. The good man went, and was received by the Duke in Ratisbon with great liking, and did teach him the Christian religion; and then did inform others both noble and ignoble, all along the Danube; thence he went unto Vualarium and Juvavia, where the Christian faith had been taught long before; there were some Churches, but were decayed, as Rudbert understood by report; therefore he sought leave from Theoto to go thither to reform these parts; so finding many people wil­ling to be informed, he returned into Worms, and brought other twelve Teachers into these places with him; and having established Churches, did return in his old age, and died in Worms. At the same time Samo, Duke of Slavi, an Heathen, did kill several Merchants coming from France, for to trade in his land, and took their goods; therefore Dagobert sent an Army a­gainst Samo, and brought him into subjection. Not long thereafter the Hunni did oppress that land; and their Duke Boruth sent for aid unto the Ba­varians, who did overthrow the Huns; and for keeping the Slavi under bet­ter obedience of the King, they would have hostages; Boruth granted to give his son Cacatius, and his brothers son Chetumar, and did desire to have them informed in the Christian faith. When Boruth died, Dagobert sent back Cacatius being now a Christian; and after three years he dying, Pipin sent Chetumar, who was diligent to have Preachers, and to instruct the peo­ple in the faith; he did invite Virgilius, Bishop of Juvavien, who would not go, but sent Modestus, Wato, Regimbert, Latinus, Gontharius Presby­ters, and Richard a Deacon, with others, upon several occasions of sedition amongst the people. When Chetumar was dead, so great was the sedition there, that no Presbyter did abide; untill Walinch, being Duke, sent again unto Virgilius, who sent Hiemo and Reginbald Presbyters, and Majoran a Deacon, with others; and in the year 794. Charls sent Erick to be their Duke, who expelled a great number of the Huns; and then that land of Pannonia Inferiour, continued under obedience of the King, and the Christian faith was embraced by the people. Catal. test. ver. lib. 9. In all these is no mention of sending to, or from, Rome for their Reformation.

13. In this Century the Turks came out of Scithia or Tartary into the Pro­vince Turks became Mahametans. of Alami, thence into Colchis, out of that into Armenia, and then into Asia the less, An. 755. Histories do vary concerning their original; but the most probable opinion is, that they are descended of the Tartars; because [Page 59] Pompon. Mela (who lived in the daies of the Emperour Claudius) reckoneth Turcae among the Scythians Lib. 1. Cap. Chalybes: and (as Io. Lampadius af­ter Mechovius witnesseth) the Turks and Tartars have the same manner of Apparel, one manner of Riding, one manner of Bows and Arrows, and in Language they differ only in dialect, as the Italian and Spaniard. At that time the Turks hindered the Sarazens from conquering in Asia and Europe (God raising up one wicked enemy against another, that his Church might have breathing) except that they prevailed in the Mediterrane Isles and Pe­loponnesus. In the end these two did agree upon conditions 1. That the Turks should be called Sarazens and imbrance Mahumetism. 2. They should have the Province of Hircana or Sogdiana. 3. They should be subject unto the Calipha of Babylon. They continued living by Pastorage, without a Prince of their own, untill Civil Wars among the Sarazens about the year 1050: and therefore I speak no more of them untill the 11. Century.


1. BEda a Presbyter in the Monastery at Weeremouth neer Durham, for Beda Vene­rable, and hi [...] doctrines, his godliness and modesty was called Venerable, and is still accounted worthy of that Title. He was credulous in believing of false miracles, and slip­ped into some corruptions of the times, as confession and chrism; yet even in these he differeth from the latter times: for on Jam. 5. at these words, Let them pray, anointing: he saith, We read in the Gospel that the Apostles did so, and the custom of the Church holdeth, that the weak should be anoin­ted with oil by the Presbyters, and prayer being conjoined, be healed; nor only by the Presbyters, but as Pope Innocentius writeth, even any Christian may anoint in his own necessity or of others. Here he speaketh of anointing, as a means of healing, and not a Sacrament for the dying. And on the words, Confess your sins one to another, and pray one for another that ye may be healed; he saith, In this sentence should be that discretion, that we should confess to one another, daily and light sins, and beleeve to be healed by their daily prayer: And moreover, the uncleanness of more grievous leprosie, let us (according to the Law) confess unto the Priest, and have a care to be cleansed at his will, how, and how long time he shall command. He seeth in these words no warrant, that any should confess unto a Priest, but one to another mutually; and as he saith coaequaliter, and that to the end they may be healed; and what he would have done unto the Priest, he borroweth it from the Law of Moses. And on Mar. chap. 3. when he hath spoken of the miracles that were done by the Apostles, he saith, Now when the number of Believers is multi­plied, many within the holy Church have the life or conversation of vertue, but have not the signs or miracles of vertue; because miracle is in vain shewed outwardly, if it fail that should work inwardly; for according to the saying of the Apostle of the Gentils, Tongues are a sign not to believers, but to un­believers. Here he sheweth that miracles were not necessary, when the Gospel is confirmed and received. As for the articles of positive doctrine, he is clear. Of the perfection of the Scriptures, on 1 Pet. 4. at these words, If any speak as the words of God, he saith; Fearing lest any man speak or command any thing but the will of God, or but what is evidently commanded in the Holy Scri­ptures, and be found as a false witness of God, or sacrilegious, or introdu­cing any thing different from the Lord's doctrine, or leaving or passing-by [Page 96] any of these things which are pleasant unto God, seeing He most manifestly commandeth Preachers concerning those whom they shall teach, saying, Teaching them to observe whatsoever I have commanded you: For he com­mandeth to deliver those things to be observed by their hearers, which he hath commanded, and no other things; and those things not in part only, but all. And on the 2 Pet. 1. neer the end, Who giving heed unto the words of the Prophets do well, that thereby they may have the light of knowledge; these should first know that none of the holy Prophets did preach unto the people through their interpretation, but what they had learned from the Lord that did they commend to be done by their hearers; and what heaven­ly mysteries they had perceived in secret, these simply either by word or writ, did they deliver unto the people of God; and not as the Diviners of the Gen­tils, who what they had forged out of their own hearts, these things did they deliver unto the deceived people, as the Oracles of God: Therefore as the Prophets did write, not their own, but God's words; so the reader of these should not follow his own interpretation, lest he stray from the true sence; but by all means he should attend this, how he who writ would have his words understood. So far he. And how the right sence may be had, he tea­cheth in Philip. 1. from Augustine, saying; When words make the Scri­pture ambiguous, first we must see that we distinguish or pronounce them not wrong; and when after such diligence we find it uncertain, how to di­stinguish or to pronounce them, look to the rule of faith which we have from plainer places of the Scripture, and from the authority of the Church: But if both, or all, or more parts be dubious, then we should consult the Text it self by the following and preceding parts, where the ambiguity is; to the end we may see, unto which of these many senses it will give suffrage, and suf­fer it self to be conjoined. Concerning the person and natures of Christ, on 2 Pet. 2. he saith, Arrius who said that our Redeemer is, in respect of divi­nity, inferiour unto the Father; and Photinus, who said that Christ is Man, and not God; and Manichaeus, who said Christ is God only, and not a very man; and Hebron, who said Christ was not before Mary, and took his ori­ginal from her; and Apollinaris, who said Christ is God and flesh only, and never assumed a reasonable soul; and Pelagius, who said Christ is not the redeemer of infants, because they are conceived without iniquity, and born of their mother without sin, and have no sin to be forgiven them, and so Christ is not the Saviour of all the Elect; and also other Hereticks, who deny the Lord who bought them with the price of his blood, because they preach him not, as truth sheweth him, but as they have feigned; and therefore are become strangers from the Redeemer; they do expect nothing, certainly, but the pit of perdition. He writ three Books on the Song of Songs, whereof the first is only in refutation of another book writen by Julian, his Epistle to Celanen in Campania, a Pelagian; for a tast, behold what he saith in the 1. page; Julian teacheth that we, by arbitrement of free-will, may do good things what we will; albeit, by the help of God's grace, we may perfect them the more easily; as Travellers may walk on foot, but with less turmoil (with­out doubt) if they ride on a horse: He hath no mind of the Apostle's admo­nition, saying; Work out your salvation with fear and trembling, for it is God who worketh in you, both to will and to do: And which is more weigh­ty, he is an adversary to him who saith, not, Without me ye can do some little thing; but saith he, Without me ye can do nothing: And he teacheth, that those only can behold the hid mysteries of the Law, whom instruction and piety hath made wise; forgetting the grace of God, which revealeth the hid things of Scripture, even to the unlearned and Idiots; as the Evangelist [Page 97] saith, Then he opened unto them their understanding, that they might un­derstand the Scriptures: And the Evangelist witnesseth that they were unlear­ned, when he saith, They seeing the constancy of Peter and John, and know­ing that they were without letters and idiots, did admire. And he saith, that holy and generous love ingraft in us, from the very beginning of light, by the gift of nature, and unto our last old age leaning to the power of the mind, may continue without any loss of its vigour: Certainly he beleeveth not the Lord's word, Without me ye can do nothing: Nor what the Apostle saith, In many things we all offend. In these words Beda confuteth both the Pela­gians and Semipelagians. Of justification he saith, on Luke 1, The wisedom of the just is not to presume of righteousness by the works of the law, but to seek salvation by faith; that although they being under the works of the law, yet they should understand, that they are saved, by the grace of God, through Christ; for the just shall live by faith; and Peter saith of the yoke of the law, that neither we nor our fathers were able to bear it; but we beleeve to be sa­by the grace of Christ, even as they. And on 1 Pet. 4. God is honoured by our works; when all that we do well, or according to his will, we give it not all unto our merits, but to his grace; and on the other side, what evil we do, we depute it only unto our ignorance and wickedness. Of the Church he saith, on Cant. lib. 5. cap. 6. The Church is called Catholick, be­cause it is built through all the parts of the World in one peace, and one fear of God, and is filled with one and the same consort of the Spirit; from which unity of the Spirit, she is called a Dove; and she is called perfect, not because she only is filled with the people of the righteous; but also is perfected by re­ceiving all divine graces and vertues. Here is no mention of restraining or sub­jecting the Church unto the Bishop of Rome. And de Tabernac. lib. 2. cap. 2. It was said unto Peter metaphorically, Upon this Rock, that is, on our Sa­viour whom he had confessed, will I build my Church: And on Revel. 21, when it is said, Foundations, in the plural number, the teachers or graces are meaned; when Foundation, in the singular number, he is meaned, who is foundation of foundations: Here is no Prerogative of Peter above the other Apostles. Of Prayer, on Prov. chap. 2. he saith, We should invocate [or pray unto] none but God. Of Christ's redemption, on 1 John chap. 2. at these words, And not for ours only; he saith, The Lord is a propitiation not for them only, unto whom living then in the flesh John did write; but also for all the Church which is dispersed in the breadth of the World, even from the first elect, unto the last who shall be born untill the end of the World. This he writeth expressely against the Donatists; but when he speaketh of the Church throughout the World, he condemneth the restriction thereof unto Rome or any other particular place; and when he limiteth the propitation unto the Elect, he condemneth the opinion of the universality of Christ's death for the Reprobates. And in the same place he saith, Behold how John observeth that humility which he teacheth: Certainly he was a just and great man, who had drunk the secrets of mysteries from the Lord's breast; and nevertheless he saith not, Ye have me your Advocate with the Father; but, We have an Advocate; and he said, We have, and not Ye have; he would rather put himself in the number of sinners, that he might have Christ to be his Advocate; than put himself an Advocate for Christ, and be found among the proud which shall be damned. For all doth the Head make request, of whom it is written, Who is at the right hand of the Father, and intercedeth for us: The Lord intercedeth for us not by words, but by miseration; and he addeth, The Just, because the just Advocate will not plead unjust causes: How shall not the just one defend us in judgement, if now we acknowledge [Page 98] and accuse our selves unjust? Why shall he not be just, who now by tears is earnest [saevit] against his own unrighteousness? Here he speaketh express­ly of intercession, and he acknowledgeth no intercessour in Heaven, but the Head for all who mourn for their sins. Of perseverance he saith, on Col. 4. at the end, where the Apostle saith, I give thanks unto God; being confident that he who hath begun the good work in you, he will perfect it untill—What else doth he promise but perseverance till the end through the mercy of God? And when the Apostle Jude saith, Unto him who is able to keep you without offence, doth he very clearly shew, that perseverance in good until the end is the gift of God? In the first place Beda sheweth the certainty of per­severance, as a thing promised; and in the other, he teacheth that it is not the work of man by himself alone, even though the man be renewed, but it is the gift of God. And on Rom. 8. he saith, We should stand the Calling whereby they are elected; not who are elected because they shall beleeve; but who are elected that they may beleeve; for the Lord himself declareth this, when he saith, Ye have not chosen me, but I have chosen you; for if they were therefore chosen, because they did beleeve; they did first chuse him by believing in him, that they may deserve to be chosen: But he takes this away altogether, who said, Ye have not chosen me, but I have chosen you: And certainly they did chuse him, when they did beleeve in him; therefore for no other cause, saith he, Ye have not chosen me, but I have chosen you; ex­cept because they did not chuse, that he should chuse them; but he did chuse them, that they might chuse him; because the mercy of God did prevene them with grace, and not according to debt: This is the immovable truth of predestination and grace. In the same place he addeth, God hath predesti­nated us ere we were; he called us when we were averse; he justified us when we were sinners; he glorified us when we were mortal: If God be thus with us, who shall be against us? He who will be against them who are predesti­nated by God, against them who are called, justified and glorified; let him prepare himself to fight against God, if he can: For when we hear, If God be with us, who can be against us? None can harm us, but he who over­cometh God. Beda is large on this purpose there out of Augustine. Of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament, he saith, on Luk. 22. He breaketh the bread which he giveth, that he might shew that the breaking of his body was not without his own accord: when he saith, Do this in remembrance of me; the Apostle expoundeth it, when he saith, How oft ye eat of this bread, and drink of this cup, shew forth the Lord's death till he come; because bread strengthneth flesh, and wine worketh blood in the flesh; the one is referred unto his body mystically, and the other unto his blood. And on 1 Cor. 10. at the words, The cup of blessing, which we bless; he saith, What ye see is bread and a cup, which even your eys declare unto you; but what faith requireth to be taught, the bread is the body of Christ, and the cup his blood. This is spoken briefly, which possibly may suffice faith; but faith requireth instruction: he took up his body into the Heaven, whence he will come again to judge the quick and the dead, there he is now sitting at the right hand of the Father: How then is the Bread his Body? And the Cup, or what is contained in the cup, how is it his blood? Brethren, these things are Sa­craments, for in them one thing is seen, and another thing is understood, &c. When he saith, The Lord breaketh the bread, and the bread strengthneth flesh, and it is referred unto the body mystically; and even our eys declare it to be bread, &c. Certainly he thought not upon Transubstantiation. Beda did translate the Gospel of John, the Psalms, and some other parts of the Scripture into the Saxons language; and he writ an Epistle unto Ecbert, Bi­shop [Page 99] of Lindsfarn, wherein he admonisheth him of negligence in his calling, and exhorteth him to translate some books of Scripture into the Saxon lan­guage, that people may read them; he telleth him he ought to admonish the King, and correct false Monks and the builders of Monasteries, if they res­pect their own ease more then solid vertue. Ecbert returneth him answer, thanking him for his Christian admonition; and thereafter did translate some books of the Bible into the vulgar language; as appeareth by the book of Will. Butler against the common Translation. In Hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 1. he testifieth, that at that time the Island of Britan, did with five several lan­guages confess one and the same knowledge of the highest truth, and of true sublimity; to wit, the English, Britans, Scots, Pichts and Latines, which [last] by meditation of the Scriptures is become common unto them all. Here he acknowledgeth, that the faith of all the four Nations in the Island, was one and the same. Nevertheless he did observe and deplore the waxing corruption of the Church; for in that Epistle to Ecbert he did not approve the specious and spacious buildings of Monasteries; and in Samu. lib. 4. cap. 2. he saith, Let the Reader behold with tears, a thing worthy of tears, how far the Church slideth daily into a worse, or to speak moderately, unto a weaker estate. He did write many books, as Io. Bale in Cent. 2. testifieth; he lived 72 years, and died An. 734.

2. In the year 724. Jua King of the West-Saxons, was perswaded by his Peter's pence. wife Ethelburga to go unto Rome in a Monkish habit; and first did grant, that a penny should be payed unto the Pope out of every fire-house of his Kingdom, which was called Peter's pence; and was ever almost payed until the year 1533, when King Henry the VIII. shook off the Pope. Ethelbert, King of the East-Saxons, went to marry the daughter of Offa, King of Merceland; and Offa did perfidiously cause him to be murthered. There­after his pride was turned into so great repentance, that he gave the tenth part of all that he had unto the Church, and several lands to the Church of Hereford; and then he went to Rome, and gave unto the Pope a yearly penny (as Jua had done) An. 793. Henry Spelman in Concil. reporteth out of a book De Vita Offae, pag. 171. This penny was given not as a Tribute un­to Saint Peter, but as an alms for the help of an English Colledge at Rome; and it was called Peter's pence, because it was ordained to be payed on Pe­ter's day; yet certainly thereafter it was called Peter's tribute.

3. About the year 786. Charls the Great, King of France, made a league A League be­tween France and Scotland. with Archaius, King of Scots, which hath continued inviolate untill our time. The Saxons and others had spoiled off France by incursions; and Charls did seek to adorn his Kingdom with Letters as well as Arms; therefore he sought the favour of the Scots, and did intreat King Archaius to send un­to him Professours of the Greek and Latine languages, and of other learning, for his University of Paris; amongst whom Archaius did send Albinus or Alc­wine, John Meilrosius (so named from the Abbey Melrose) Claudius, Cle­mens, Antoninus; Florent reckoneth them amongst Hereticks, who followed the Greek Church, because they did oppose the Romish Rites. John Meil­rosius became Abbot of the Augustinians at Ticino, and Claudius was Bishop of Altisiodore or Auxerre. They both writ several works, as Io. Bale sheweth in Cent. 14.

4. We have mentioned Boniface, Bishop of Ments, he was an English Boniface alias Winefrid. man, and called Winefrid; he had boldly reproved Ethelbald, King of Merceland, for Adultry and Tyranny, therefore the King sought his life; he fled unto Rome, where Pope Gregory the II. did regard him for his li­berty, and sent him into Germany for conversion of the Saxons; then of a [Page 100] bold reprover of Kings, he became a shameless flatterer of Popes; for he is said to have first moved the decree in Gratian. dist. 40. cap. Si quis; if a Pope carry with him innumerable souls into Hell, no man ought to say unto him, What doest thou? He spoke so, and afterwards the Popes did aim at exem­ption from censure, untill they did attain it: he had from Rome a power Le­gantine in Germany; neither preached he only unto the Heathens, but did corrupt several Provinces where Christ had been preached, as Thuringia, Argentina, &c. with Roman Manicheism condemning some meats; forbid­ding marriage of Priests, and permitting to have Nuns or Whores; urging the worship of images: in a word his care was not so much for Christianism as for Papism; for he writ unto Pope Zachary, saying; How few soever Disciples God giveth me in this my charge, I cease not to incline them to the obedience of the Apostolick See. he caused the Monastery of Eulda to be built in favour of English men, and was killed at Borna, being suspected of a conspiracy.

5. Many did preach and write against him and his superstitions; as Adel­bert, The opposers of his Rites. a French Bishop; and Sidonius, an Arch-Bishop of Bavaria; Samson a Scot, Bishop of Auxerre; and Virgilius an Irish man, Bishop of Juvavia; as Nauclerus and Aventine do record. Boniface dilateth them unto Pope Za­chary; and as Bern. Lutzenburg. in Catol. writeth, the Pope in a Synod at Rome condemneth them, depriveth them of their Priesthood, and excom­municateth them before they were heard; and when they sought to be heard, and plead their cause in a Synod, Boniface denied access unto them, and said; Excommunicated men should not be admitted into a Synod, nor have the benefit of the Law. So partly by tyranny of the Pope, and partly by authori­ty of Pipin, Boniface did oppress all his adversaries. Catal. test. ver. ex vita Bonifac. Particularly one Clemens did reprove Boniface, 1. That he did so advance the authority of the Roman Bishop, seeing all Teachers are equally successours of the Apostles. 2. That he condemned the marriage of Priests. 3. That he did speak too much for the Monkish life. 4. That he had anoin­ted the King of France, contrary to the undoubted right of the Merovei. 5. That he appointed Masses for the dead, and other new Rites unknown in the Church heretofore, Aventin. Annal. lib. 3. & Epist. Zachar. ad Bonif. in tom. 2. Concil.

6. Albine or Alcwin had good knowledge of the Latine and Greek lan­guages: Alcwin and his doctrines. Charls the Great calleth him his Master, in an Epistle written unto him, deseptuages. & sexages. Biblioth. de la Bigne tom. 3. where are some of his works. On Ps. 51. he writeth thus; It is said unto the Father, Then wilt thou accept the sacrifice of righteousness, that is, the most glorious passion of the Son who offered himself a sacrifice for all men, that they might attain salvation which the world did not deserve by their works. Ibid. When I look on my self, I find nothing in me but sin; thy righteousness must deliver me; it is thy mercy, and not my merits, that saveth me; we are quickned by the mercy of God in the name of our Saviour, and not by our merits: In his works he often useth the word merite; but here we may see in what sence he and others do understand it. On the fourth poenit. Ps. I could defile my self, but I cannot cleanse my self, unless thou, Lord Jesu, do cleanse me by sprink­ling thy holy blood. No good can be in us, unless it be thy working grace who hast made us. On Ps. 118. Thou hast made me to be desirous of thy Commandments, make me also able to do: help, that I may do what thou commendest, and give what thou commandest. And in another place, Free­will abideth as yet in men by nature; that in whom God willeth, he may be pleased to make free by grace, that they have not an evil will; for since the first [Page 101] man by free-will was sold under sin, the freedom of man is evil; because the goodness of the will is taken away from the free-will; which [goodness] none can have of himself, unless he have it being helped by the grace of God's mercy; without whose help free-will can neither turn unto God, nor make any progress unto God. He hath the like words in lib. 2. de Trinit. cap. 8. On Eccles. cap. 1. The Sun Christ inlightneth all things with the splendour and vertue of his spiritual grace, in whose punishment is our salvation; he ariseth to them who believe in him, and he goeth down to every unbeliever. Ibid. cap. 3. We should rejoice in this spiritual pleasure of meat and drink; not on­ly in the Sacrament, but in reading the Holy Scriptures also, where we may eat and drink of the Tree of life. Ibid. cap. 7. Let us consider the works of God how great and wondrous they are; and how in his free mercy he hath chosen one, and in his just judgement he despiseth another; as it is written of the Twins, I have loved Jacob, and hated Esau. In Praefa. lib. 1. de Tri­nit. We should all pray, that the Catholick faith, which only quickneth mankind, and only doth sanctifie, may be truly fixed in the hearts of all men by one confession. Ca. 1. Although we be thrown down from the joy of blessed felicity, into the miserable blindness of this exile, for the just punish­ment of original sin; yet we are not so cut off, that even in this changable and temporary estate, we know not to seek and desire eternity, truth and bles­sedness; which is clear in that we have not a will to die, nor be deceived, nor be miserable; whence is this natural instinct, that all men would be blessed, although this appetite is diversly in the minds of particular persons; some think to be blessed in riches. The whole divine Scriptures exhort us to be lifted up from earthly unto heavenly things, where is true and eternal blessedness; un­to which it is most certain, that none can attain but by the faith of the Ca­tholick peace. In Praefa. lib. 2. All the authority of the holy books serve un­to us, to make us believe rightly of God, and to love him with all our heart; but the sight of man's mind is not able to behold the most excellent light of God's Majesty, unless it be inlightned by the brightness of the righteousness of faith and love, through the gift of God's grace; therefore we should pray for the grace of God, that the ey of our heart may be cleansed, to see how properly the Trinity is the one and only and true God; and how rightly the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit is said, understood and beleeved to be one and the same substance. Lib. 3. cap. 1. What did the human nature in the man Christ deserve, that it should be assumed into the unity of the person of the only Son of God? what good will, what desire of good purpose, what good works did precede, whereby that man did deserve to be one person with God, yea to be very God? To wit, God himself, even he by whom man began, began not to be another then the Son of God, and that the on­ly, the only begotten, and properly, and for the Word of God, who was made flesh, verily God; that as every man is one person, even a reasonable soul and flesh; so Christ is one person, the word and flesh: Whence is so great glory unto human nature? by no preceding merits, without doubt by the free and gracious gift; but only here the great and only grace of God, is evidently shewed unto them who consider faithfully and soberly; to the end men may understand, that they are justified from their sins by the same free grace; by which it was that the man Christ could have no sin. Ibid. cap. 12. Certainly no man can have peace with God, but by the Mediatour Christ Jesus, who is in two natures very God, and very man, one Christ, both Priest and sacri­fice; he came unto us, to offer for us what he had assumed of us, that he might take away from us, that which he found in us, that is, our sins. Ibid. cap. 21. The Apostle saith of the fire of the day of judgement, What each [Page 102] mans work is, the fire shall declare. It is not to be doubted that he speaketh of a Purgatory fire; which fire the ungodly shall feel one way, and the god­ly another way, and the righteous another way; seeing the ungodly shall from the torment of the fire be thrown into everlasting flames; but the god­ly who shall rise in their bodies without all blot of sin, and who have built gold, silver and precious stones upon the foundation which is Christ; they shall escape that fire with so great facility, as with integrity of faith, and love of Christ, they have kept the commands in this life; and that fire of Dooms­day shall be unto them, as the Fornace of Babylon was unto the three chil­dren, who without all harm of that fire, shall call upon the beauty of all the creatures unto the praises of God: But some just men are subject to some small sins, because upon the Foundation, which is Christ, they have built stones, hay and straw, which are cleansed by the heat of that fire; from which they being cleansed shall be made pertakers of everlasting glory: And so by that transitory fire, and the whole judgement of that day being com­pleated, two congregations of the godly and the ungodly shall be severed; the one of Christ, and the other of the Divel: So he expoundeth not that Text of a Purgatory before the day of Judgement. On the Psalms of degrees, at the words of Psal. 130. If thou, Lord, wilt mark iniquity; he saith, He expoundeth out of what depth he did cry, that is, from the gulf of his sins, which as a deluge had gone over his head; understanding that all his life was full of tentations: Therefore he saith, Who can stand? If thou judge only righteousness unto us, and shew not mercy, none can stand; for we are all the children of wrath; but we have more hope of thy mercy, but not of our merits. On John chap. 6. This is to eat his flesh, and to drink his blood; even to abide in Christ, and to have him abiding in us; and therefore who abideth not in Christ, certainly, he eateth not his flesh spiritually, although carnally and visibly he do press the Sacrament of his body and blood; but ra­ther, he eateth the Sacrament of so great a thing for damnation to himself; because he being unclean presumeth to come unto the Sacraments of Christ, which none taketh worthily but who is clean; as it is written, Blessed are the pure in heart, for—Contra Felic. Vrgelit. lib. 2. Shew us any Nation or Alcwin wri­teth against the errours of Felix and El [...]pant. Town or Church, either Roman (which is the head of Churches) or Con­stantinopolitan, or of Jerusalem (which was dedicated by the presence of the Lord himself) or of Antiochia, where first the name of Christianity is read to have been, or of Alexandria, or of any other Church either in Italy or Germany, or in France, or in Aquitania, or in Britan which agrreeth with you in your assertion. Here he acknowledgeth all these to be true Churches at that time, and distinguis heth them one from another; and where he calleth the Roman the Head of Churches, certainly he understandeth not that other Chur­ches had their original from Rome; seeing he saith, the Church of Ierusalem was dedicated by the presence of the Lord himself; and Christians had their first name at Antioch; both which were before there was any mention of a Church at Rome. When Felix came to a Synod at Regensburg, where were Priests from all parts of the Christian Empire (as Alcwin speaketh contra Elipant. lib. 1.) his errour was accursed; and nevertheless he continued in his errour, till at the command of Charls the Great, Alcwin writ these books; and then he became zealous for the truth, and did write a recantation unto the Pres­byters and Deacons of his Church; that as he had been a scandal unto them, so by his means they may be brought again from errour unto the truth; as he himself writeth, and this recantation is printed among the Works of Alcwin. But Elipant, Arch-Bishop of Toledo, having read these seven books of Alc­win, writ very bitterly for maintaining the same errour: He professeth to [Page 103] beleeve that Christ is but one person in two natures; in one, eternal and equal with the Father, and the same unity of his person remaining inseparably, is also the son of man in respect of his flesh; and in respect of his divine nature, the Father and He are one [unum;] and in respect of his form of a servant, he came not to do his own will, but the will of him who sent him: But as in respect of the Divine nature, He is the natural Son of the Father; so in res­pect of his flesh, he is the Son of God adoptive and nuncupative. It is to be marked by the way, that Felix had said, Christ in respect of his flesh was the old man, and had need of regeneration; but Elipant did not write so. For proof of this his last point, he alledgeth several testimonies of Scripture, of Augustine and other fathers, and of the Spanish Missal. Against this Epistle of Elipant, Alcwin writ four books, wherein he sheweth, that Elipant held the same heresie with Nestorius, who had spoken the same way, and yet was judged to have spoken inconsistibly with the unity of Christ's person. He re­torteth all the restimonies of Scripture; and from them proveth, that Christ is never called a nuncupative God, nor adoptive son; but even whilest the Scripture speaketh of his manhood, or of him as man, calleth him the only begotten of the Father. Thirdly, he sheweth that Elipant did corrupt the te­stimonies of the Fathers, and did add the words Nuncupative and Adoptive, where they were not; and on the contrary, he produceth their testimonies, where they do expressely deny that Christ is the Son of God by adoption; and in this respect distinguish Christ's son-ship and the son-ship of the Elect. As for the testimonies of the Spanish Missal, he toucheth them not, as if that Missal were nothing. Nevertheless hence we see, that the Spanish Church, at that time, had a proper Missal, and were not subject unto the Roman Church. It is also worth the marking, that whereas Elipant had alledged a testimony of the son of Sirach; Alcwin lib. 1. saith, When the testimonies of God's Prophets have failed unto thy perversness, thou feignest a new Pro­phet speaking according to thy errour. In Jesus the son of Sirach is that sen­tence, which book blessed Jerom and Isidore do witness, that without doubt it is reckoned amongst the Apocrypha, that is, dubious witness; and it was not in the time of the Prophets, but of the Priests, when Ptolemeus Evergetes was King. In lib. 2. neer the end, he saith, Holy Father, raze, raze quickly this opinion out of the Closet of thy heart; lest the Lord, who hath appoin­ted thee to give Wheat unto his family, find that written in the Table of thy heart, and say unto thee, I acknowledge not these Letters, these words were not taught thee by the men to whom I said, Go, teach all Nations. If we join these two testimonies, we see that Alcwin did not acknowledge any book for Scripture, nor any doctrine for truth, which had not a warrant from the Prophets and Apostles. In lib. 4. The original of these evils, which begets the occasion of all impieties, is this; While the wisedom of the heavenly Tea­chers is weighed through the fault of miss-thinking men in their temerarious pride; not according to the propriety of their meaning, but is turned into other meanings after the will and pleasure of the reader, and otherwise then the respect of truth carrieth; and it is easie unto any who understandeth the Scripture rightly, to find this by the Comments of all Hereticks, that they are not afraid, in their ungodly temerity and froward blindness, to draw the most holy words of the Divine books into the similitude of their errour: which kind of impiety and misery, if thou, Father Elipant, hadst considered with a prudent mind and humble searching, thou hadst never fallen from the uni­ty of the Catholick peace, into the pit of this errour. In his book De virtut. & vitis, which he writ at the intreaty of Wido a Count, he exhorteth him to read the Scriptures diligently; Ca. 5. saying, The reading of the Holy [Page 104] Scriptures is the knowledge of divine blessedness; for in them, as in a glass, a man may know himself, what he is, and whither he goeth: Continual reading purifieth the soul, breedeth fear of Hell, and stirreth up the heart of the reader unto Heavenly joies: He who desireth to be with God for ever, should frequently read and pray; for when we pray, we speak with God; and when we read, God speaks with us: The reading of the Holy Scriptures bringeth a twofold benefit, because it instructeth the understanding, and brinketh a man from the vanities of the World to the love of God: Honest is the labour of reading, and conduceth much to the purifying of the soul; for as the body is nourished by fleshly meat, so the inward man is nourished and fed by God's word; as the Psalmist saith, How sweet unto my tast are thy words, O Lord, even more then the honey and the honey-comb unto my mouth: But he is blessed who reading the Holy Scriptures, turneth the words into works: Certainly all the Holy Scripture is written for our salvation; to the end we may by them grow in the knowledge of the truth: A blind man stumbleth oftner then he who seeth; so he who knoweth not the Law of God, sinneth, through ignorance, oftner then he who knoweth it. Certainly this man would not have consented unto that Canon of the Councel of Trent, which forbiddeth people to read the Scriptures. But to the end, that all should not be thought to be his, which goeth under his name; it is to be mar­ked, that in Par. II. is an Homily in festo omnium Sanctor. which Quercita­nus hath marked to be amongst the Sermons of Augustine, but he had found it in a manuscript under the name of Albin; but it can not be either Augustin's nor Albin's; seeing that feast was afterwards appointed by Pope Gregory the IV. These books de Trinitate are written so clearly, that Sixtus Senens. in praefat. Biblioth. saith, They were written by John Calvin, and published in the name of Alcvine: But Doctor James, in The Corruption of the Fa­thers, par. 4. pag. 50. testifieth, that antient copies thereof were in the Prince's Library at Saint James, and they were Printed at Lions, An. 1525. when Calvin had not begun to write. Rich. Hoveden, in The Continuation of Beda, writeth, That Charls the Great sent over into England, the Acts of a Synod sent him from Constantinople, for the adoration of images, the which the Church of God utterly detesteth: Against this adoration (saith he) Albi­nus writ an Epistle marvellously grounded on divine Scriptures; and carried it, with some Synodical Acts in name of the English Bishops and Princes, un­to the King of France.

6. Ecbert King of the West-Saxons, vanquished Merceland, Kent, Essex and Northumberland; and then he commanded that land to be called Anglia, and the inhabitants Angles or English men. Tho. Cooper ad An. 796.


1. FEw Councels were assembled in the beginning of this Century. In France, Carloman assembleth one, which beginneth thus: In the A Synod in France. Name of our Lord Jesus Christ, I Carloman, Duke and Prince of France, with the advice of the Servants of God and my Nobles, in the fear of Christ, have assembled, An. 742. Febr. 19. the Bishops which are in my Kingdom, with the Priests, into a Councel and Synod; these are, Boniface Arch-Bishop of Mentz, Burchard Bishop of Wirtzburg, Reginfrid, Guntharius and the rest of the Bishops, with their Priests, That they should give me counsel, how [Page 105] the Law of God, and religion of the Church many be restored: [Nota] which in the daies of former Princes hath been shattered and fallen; and how Christian people may attain the salvation of their souls, and not perish, be­ing deceived by false Priests: And by the advice of my Priests and Nobles, We have ordained Bishops thorow Cities, and set over them the Arch-Bishop Boniface, who is the Legate of Saint Peter: And we have ordained, that Synods should be called every year, that in Our presence, the Decrees of Canons, Rites and Laws of the Church may be restored; and We restore unto the Churches the monies which hath been taken from them. We have also discharged all the Servants of God from hunting and wandring in woods with Dogs, and that they have no Hawks nor Falcons: We have also De­crced, according to the holy Canons, that each Presbyter dwelling in a Pa­rish, be subject unto the Bishop in whose Parish he dwelleth; and alwaies in Lent that he shew and give account of their Ministry, whether of Baptism, or Catholick Faith, and Prayers and order of Masses. Then he forbiddeth sacrifice to the dead, and other prophane rites of Heathens; he appointeth punishment against the fornications and adulteries of Monks: In the end it is D [...]creed, that Monks and Nuns should live within their Abbeys and Alms­houses, according to the rule of their Father, Benedict. Concil. tom. 2. edit. Crab. Behold how little mention is here of the Bishop of Rome.

2. In the year 747. at Clonesho in England was a frequent Synod, where At Clonesho. it was Decreed, 1. That Bishops should be more diligent in taking heed to their charge, and admonishing people of their faults. 2. They should main­tain the devotion of true peace and love, and serve God in the same faith, hope and love, praying for one another mutually. 3. That once in the year each Bishop should visit all the Parishes of his Diocy, and restrain the Hea­thenish observations which as yet were amongst the people. 4. That none should be admitted into Orders, till his life and conversation and literature were examined. 7. That Bishops and Abbots should diligently take heed, that all under them be diligent in reading for instruction of souls: for it is to be lamented (say they) that so few are found to be ravished with the love of holy knowiedge; but are rather mis-carried with vanities and love of idle glory, and trace not the study of holy Scriptures. 10. That Presbyters should learn to know all the duties of their Office; especially, they should learn to interpret in their own language the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the words that are said in the Mass and in Baptism; and they should study to know what the words signifie spiritually. [...]8. That the Fast of the fourth, seventh and the tenth months should be observed. King Aelfwald and Offa were present, and they two, with many Dukes and Counts, confirm the De­crees with their subscriptions. Spelman ad An. 747.

3. Constantine Copronymus assembled a Councel at Constantinople, of At Constan­tinople. 338. Bishops, out of Asia and Europe, An. 755. this they called the seventh General Councel: Here was Theodore Bishop of Ephesus, Basil Bishop of Pisidia, Pastiles Bishop of Pergamenum, John of Nicomedia, Cosmas of Epiphania in Apamea, &c. The controversie of Images was discussed; Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, Gregory Bishop of Cyprus, and John Damascene, Patrons of Images, were accursed; and Constantine Bi­shop of Salaeum was made Patriarch. Images of Christ, of Mary, and of the Apostles were condemned; as having no warrant from Christ, nor the Apo­stles, nor the Fathers. And if any would say, that the Images of Christ on­ly were condemned, because they cannot represent his two natures; but the Apostles had two natures, and therefore they may be tolerated. The Synod answereth, it is the subtlety of divelish men following the errours of the Gen­tils; [Page 106] but it is said in the Scriptures, God is a Spirit, and will be worshipped in spirit and truth: No man hath seen God at any time, but ye heard his voice; and, Blessed are they who have not seen, and believe, &c. Then they alledge many testimonies of the Fathers against Images. They conclude, Let none of whatsoever estate, henceforth follow so wicked and impure institution; who dare from henceforth make any image, or worship, or set up any image in a Church or private house, or have it privily; if he be a Bishop or Deacon, let him be deposed; if he be a Laick, let him be accursed, and subject to the Emperour's censure; because he fighteth against the Scriptures, nor obser­veth the traditions, &c. Lastly follow the Canons, accursing particularly all them who have images of the Trinity, or of Christ, as he is God, or as he is man, or as he is both God and Man in the hypostatical union; or as if he were two persons, to paint on the one side the son of God, and on the other, the son of Mary. And they accurse all who have an image of any Saint.

4. In the year 787. by perswasion of Tharasius Patriarch, Irene called a Councel at Constantinople: Here were Pe. Vicedon a Priest, and Pe. Hegumen a Monk, Legates of Pope Adrian, John Patriarch of Antiochia, Thomas of Alexandria, &c. Augustus made disputation of the worship of Images, it was scanned on both sides; Tharasius and other Bishops and Monks were for them; against them was Basilius Bishop of Ancyra, Theodore Bishop of Myri, Theo­dosius Bishop of Amorio, with many more Bishops, and a great number of Teachers and Lay-men. The Patriarch could not prevail by number, and went about to exclude the better part from the Synod or disputation; whereupon a tumult was like to arise, for the people could not be content that so great a part should be debarred: when the Patriarch saw that he could not prevail, the Synod was dissolved. The Image-worshippers report this story, as if their adversaries had dealt only by faction, and not by reason: But thus writeth Pa. Diacon. lib. 23. rer. Roman. Irene retaineth the Legates of Rome, and by their advice banished a great number of them whom they called Iconomachi or fighters against Images. Then she assembled another Synod at Nice, in Septemb. An. 788. where the matter was quickly dispatched, as Adrian and Tharasius would, when there was no great opposition; to wit, as it is declared in Act. 3. they Decree, that Images should be had, embraced, saluted, kissed and adored; but that which is called Latria, they reserved unto the Trinity only. Their chief pretence is, because [...] signifieth to imbrace and to love; and the preposition [...], addeth unto the signification, as in [...] & [...]; and what a man loveth or imbraceth, that doth he [...], as David did Jonathan; and Christ saith, the Pharisees love the first places at Bankets, and salutations in the Market-places. Also the fore-na­med Basil, Theodore and Theodosius, with the Bishops Hippatius of Neece, Leo of Rhodos, Gregory of Pisidia, Gregory of Pessinus, Leo of Ico­nium, Nicolaus of Hierapolis, and Leo of Carpathe were perswaded to pro­fess repentance, and confess an errour in the former Synod. So Images were set up and worshipped both in the East and West, saith Pa. Diacon. loc. cit. and Zonar. lib. 3. Not long after, Constantine did annull the Acts of this Con­vent (Platin.) which they call the seventh General Councel. Baronius in An­nal. ad An. 794. sheweth that many learned men, and of great esteem in those daies, as Jonas Aurelianen. Walfrid, Hincmarus and others, writ against the worship of Images, and directly did contradict that Councel, although it was confirmed by the Pope. Yea and

5. In the year 792. Charls the Great summoned a Councel at Franckford, At Franck­ford. which he did moderate and govern, although the Romish Legates were pre­sent. Besides the Bishops of France and Germany, he called the Bishops of [Page 107] Italy, Spain and England, not to seek any furtherance to his authority (said he) but for maintenance and defence of the Truth. Here was condemed the heresie of Felix Bishop of Urgelitan, and Elipand of Toledo; who held that Christ is the Son of God, only by adoption of his human nature: This was the one cause of assembling the Councel. 2. Theophylact and Stephen, the Pope's Legates, did present the Acts of the Synod at Nice to be confirmed and subscribed. The Fathers did refuse, and did compare the Act of the Councel under Copronymus, with the late Acts at Nice. The former had condemned the worship and having of Images, either privately or publick­ly; the other had authorized the adoration of Images with cloaths, incense, candles, bowing of knees, &c. They would keep a middle course, that it is not altogether unlawfull to have Images in private houses nor Churches; but to worship them is contrary to Christian faith, and smelleth of Paganism. Therefore they discern the Synod of Nice to have been wicked, and deserves not the name of Universal nor seventh Councel; and they writ some books against the worship of Images, wherein they refute particularly all the pre­tended arguments of them at Nice; these books went abroad in the name of Charls. Afterwards the worshippers of Images did what they could, that no memory should be of the proceedings of this Synod, and those books; ex­cept that they say, Charls did somewhat concerning Images. But as Chem­nitius hath marked in Exam. Conc. Triden. par. 4. that many old Historians, as Egmard, Regino, Adon; and some later, as Antoninus, Blondus, A­ventine have written, that this Synod did condemn the worship of Images, and the Iconalatrous Synod of the Greeks; and did Ordain, that it should be called neither seventh nor Universal, but a Pseudo Synod: Cassander in Consult. 21. saith, in his time was a copy of those books of Charls, in the Va­tican Bibliotheke: And after the Councel at Trent, Tilius a French Bishop, caused them to be published in Print. The Papists in the Cathol. apolo. tract. 2. sect. 7. say, The book is forged under the name of Charls the Great. But were all these Authours Protestants who testifie of them; and what can they say unto Hincmarus Rhemen. whose testimony followeth in Cent. 9. It is to be marked, that all the Councels in the time of Charls the Great, do shew in the first words, that they were assembled at the command of Charls, or Charls commanding and injoining; the Councel at Rome not being exce­pted, as Cratian recordeth dist. 63. cap. Adrianus, saying, Charls returning to Rome did appoint a Synod with Pope Adrian, in the Patriarchate of La­teran, in the Church of Saint Salvator, &c. Bellarmin. de Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 5. asketh, What Councel ever condemned the Church of Rome or their Popes? We have now seen the Pope of Rome condemned in the sixth General Coun­cel; and their Doctrine condemned in that other at Constantinople, and in the famous Synod at Franckford; and in the next Century, we shall find ano­ther Councel at Constantinople, and more in other places and ages, contra­dicting and expressly condemning the Popes of Rome. And for continuati­on of this matter, here by anticipation, I add the Councel held at Paris, An: At Paris. 825. where the Epistle of Pope Adrian, and the Act of the second Councel at Nice, was read and censured; as is manifest by the decretal Epistle directed unto Lewis and Lotharius; of which (not far from the beginning) these are the words; We have caused to be read before us, first the Epistle of Do. A­drian, Pope, which he, at the request of the Emperour Constantine, and his mother Irene, sent over sea; and so far as our parvity understandeth, as he justly reproveth them who did rashly presume to break down and abolish Images in these parts; so is known to have written imprudently, that he would have images to be superstitiously worshipped; for which cause, he also gave [Page 108] order also that a Synod should be assembled; and by his authority, under an Oath, did judge that Images should be set up and worshipped, and be called holy; where as it is lawfull to set them up, but it is wickedness or unlawfull to worship them. Baron. ad An. 825. § 5.

6. Hen. Spelman in Concil. ad An. 787. hath a Synod held at Calchuth in At Calchuth. England, wherein some things are remarkable. Gregory Bishop of Ostien. and Theophylact Bishop of Tudert. did write unto Pope Adrian the Acts of that Synod in their own name, as their work which they had recommended unto the Synod, and the Synod had accepted. In the Preface they shew, it was done in two Kingdomes at several times; the one Bishop had gone to the one Kingdom, and the other to the other Kingdom: Gregory went to York, and the Bishop of the place sent unto the King Oswald, who then was farther North, and hearing of the Legate did indict the Synod, and [Nota] did convene with his Lords both Ecclesiastical and Secular. There they say, No Roman Priest was sent hither, after Augustine, till now. Ca. 1. They admo­nish to keep the faith of the six General Councels. 2. That Baptism should be administred at set times, and no other times, unless for great necessity; and they who answer for the infant, should be obliged to teach him, at ripe years, the Lord's Prayer, and Creed. 3. Each Bishop should hold a Synod twice every year, and visit his Diocy once a year. Ca. 11. Their speech was unto the King and Lords, that they should not judge Priests, seeing they are Angels. Ca. 12. Kings should be chosen by the Priests and Elders of the peo­ple, and none should be chosen who had been begotten in adultry or incest. It seemeth, this was the first Act of a Synod in this kind; and it may be que­stioned, whether Popish Princes will now consent unto it. There they add, that none should meddle with the murther of a King; and if any did attempt or adhere unto such a crime, if he be a Bishop or of Priestly degree, let him be deposed, and deprived of the Heavenly inheritance, as Judas from his place; and whosoever shall assent unto such a sacriledge, he shall be burned with everlasting fire. It may be doubted, whether Bishops and Jesuits will consent unto this part of the Canon. Unto these Acts did subscribe the King, Bishops, Dukes and Abbots. And in the other Kingdom and Synod, Lam­bert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, subscribed before King Offa, and then the Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Counts.

THE THIRD AGE Of the CHURCH, OR The History of the Church Fading, and of Anti-Christ Rising, containing the space of 400. years, from the Year of our Lord 600. untill the year 1000.


IT is said before, that Irene did govern the Empire of The erection of the We­stern Empire▪ Constantinople, which was still termed the Ro­man Empire, and that Charls the Great was made Roman Emperour; but because the Empire of Charls was after the 800. years, I have deferred his Coronation unto this place. The Romanists do boast, that the Pope did give the Empire of the West unto King Charls; and many, not exami­ning the truth, but following the sway of Papal flat­terers, have written no less; and therefore have called the transferring of the Empire, an usurpation of Antichrist. But the Pope had not as yet come to that height to pretend it, and the right of Charls came another way; for before he came to Rome, An. 800. he had all France under his government, together with Franconia and Austrasia; he had taken a great part of Spain, unto the River Iber, from the Sarazens; he had subdued Saxony, Westphalia, Datia, Hungary, Istria, Dalmatia; he had subdued all Italy, except Magna Graecia; and therefore he was intituled, Charls, by the Grace of God, King of the Frenches, Emperour of the Lombards, and Patricius of the Romans. So doth he name himself in his Epistle unto Alc­win, which is in Biblioth. de la Bigne tom 3. and Alcwin in his Epistle de Ra­tione septuages. calleth him, The Glorious Emperour [Galliarum] of France, and Rector & Defens or Ecclesiae: Both these Epistles are in the second part of Alcwine's works. I pass over what he did at his coming into the City, because I have spoken of it in the former Century. Platina in Leo the III. and Blond. decad. 3. lib. 10. say, His Coronation was by the decree and prayers of the Roman people. Sigebert. in Chron. sheweth the time and cause saying, The Romans, who in heart were long before fallen from the Emperour of Con­stantinople; taking the opportunity, that a woman who had picked out the eys of her own son the Emperour; had gotten the Dominion, with one and general consent, to proclaim King Charls for their Emperour, and Crown [Page 110] him by the hand of the Pope. Aene. Sylvius (who was Pope Pius II.) in his book De authoritate Rom. Imper. cap. 9. saith, At last the Greek Princes neg­lecting Rome, and leaving it to the spoil of the Barbarians and others; the people of Rome who with their blood had purchased so great an Empire, and with their valour had founded the Monarchy of the World; saluted Charls, King of the Germans, for their Emperour, not without the consent of the Bishop of Rome. And Sigonius de regno Ital. lib. 4. saith, that Charls had sought this Title in the daies of Adrian, and then he brought an infinite mul­titude of people to see this spectacle. Whereupon the same Authour accu­seth the Writers, which say, that Charls knew not of this purpose. Possibly the Senate and the Pope, had agreed to accomplish their design on that day, whereof Charls was either ignorant or unwilling; but the purpose was his own desire. So on Decemb. 25. An. 800. they crowned him by the hands of Pope Leo, as the Emperour was wont to be crowned by the Bishop of Con­stantinope; and the people cried thrice, Carolo Augusto, à Deo Coronato, Magno & Pacifico Imperatori, Vita & Victoria: And the Pope anointed him and his son Pipin, whom by a solemn decree he declared King of Italy. Io. Naucler. vol. 2. gener. 27. The Pope knowing the dangers which had often befallen his Predecessours and himself, did crave of the Emperour that he would be Protector of the Church of Rome, and he gave publick faith. If it be demanded then, Who hath transferred the Empire from Greece to France? Antonin. Florent. in Summ. Theol. par. 3. tit. 22. cap. 4. answereth for the general, The authority of transferring the Imperial Seat, is from the people of Rome. As for this particular, we see it clearly, the King of France attained the Empire, at that time, partly by inheritance, partly by the sword, partly by dedition; and the Title was given by the people and Bishop of Rome; (see Cent. 8. chap. 2. sect. 12. neer the end) and nothing was pro­per unto the Bishop but the Coronation and other Ceremonies; which he did, in name of the people, after the custom at Constantinople: As for Lands, no History of credit saith, that the Pope gave any unto the Emperour at any time; as we may hear more hereafter, in Cent. 12. chap. 1. §. 3. and with­out doubt the Pope had a great stroke in this change, and did act effectually amongst the Citizens for their own advancement; but this change was not pretended to be by the power of the keys, nor as yet was any of them the dis­poser of Empire or Kingdom. At the same time also it was agreed, that all the Head-men of the City, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, should give their Oath of Fidelity unto the Emperour. 2. That his Missus should dwel in the Palace of Saint Peter to decide Pleas amongst them; unto whose entertain­ment was allotted a part of the former Emperour's Patrimony. 3. If any man's cause was perverted by the ordinary Judges, and that man did implore the aid of the Missus, or Emperour's Commissioner, for justice; and the Missus did adjure the Princes of Rome, saying; By the faith ye ow unto my Lord the Emperour, do this man Justice; then none should dare to decline unto the right hand or left, although the wrong were done by any of the Pope's kinsmen. 4. That the mulcts which were exacted of any guilty per­son, should be equally divided betwixt the Emperour's Missus, and the Pope's Missus. 5. If any goods fell under escheit, they should appertain unto the Church, without an express gift of the Emperour. Continuato Eutrop. Catalo. test. ver. lib. 8. And all this right was not sufficient unto King Charls, nor did he injoy it without contradiction; for Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 2. cap. 8. saith, The envy of this assumed name (the Emperour of Constantinople not dis­sembling it) did Charls overcome with much money; and he did prevail against their contumacy by his magnanimity, wherein he did excel the Greeks [Page 111] not a little; and he sent many Embassadours unto them, saith Baron. ad An. 800. §. 7. especially he sent unto Irene not only to treat for peace, but sought her marriage, that so he might confirm his Title: She did admire the man's fortune, and was willing, saith Zonar. But before his Embassadours came the second time into Constantinople, the people (when Irene was lying sick) did Crown Nicephorus, on the first day of Novemb. An. 802. and he com­pelled her to renounce the government, and shut her into a Monastery. Then (saith Bergomas ad An. 796.) he renewed the League that Irene had made before with him. Sigonius saith, They agreed on a League, with expresse condition, that Venice should be free betwixt the two Empires. In the mean time Nicephorus was molested by the Sarazens, and was forced to agree with them upon hard conditions; and also was troubled by the Bulgarians, over whom he had once great Victory; but when he refused all conditions of peace, they gathered together to fight for life and land, and killed him, An. 812. Zonar. and his son Stauratius was wounded in the fight, and esca­ped into Adrianople, where he was declared Emperour; but after three months Michael Rangabis, his brother in-law, shut him into a Monastery. Then were mutual Embassadours betwixt the two Emperours, and a perpe­tual peace was concluded, An. 813. as was touched in Century 8. in Ama­larius. All these particulars shew evidently, that the power of transferring the Empire did not appertain unto the Bishop of Rome: and seeing now we have Emperours nearer us, they shall be the subject of this History, so that some mention shall be of the Eastern Empire.

2. CHARLES the Great was crowned Emperour, An. 800. in the 33. Charls the Great had care of Reli­gion. year of his reign, and the 58 year of his age; he did fight many battels, and was alwaies victorious: he had Wars with the Heathenish Saxons for the space of 30 years; he did oft times overcome them, and granted them liber­ty, upon condition they would imbrace the Christian faith; but on every oc­casion their Duke Wedekind cut off both Loyalty and Christianity. At seve­ral times when Charls had obtained a Victory, he erected a new Bishoprick; he founded seven Bishop-Cities in that Province, giving them Princely power, because he did judge that the fierce people might be tamed by religion, rather than by Arms; these were, Breme, Verda, Minda, Padeburn, Osnaburg, Hildesem, Halberstad. Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 2. cap. 23. and in cap. 22. he saith, Although Charls gave unto the High-Priests power of governing, yet the Nobles did not altogether lose their administration; whence it came to pass, that when the War was ended, the Secular power beyond Visurg, or the river Veser, was acknowledged by them all to belong unto him. At last, because they had revolted, he removed ten thousand of them with their wives and children into Brabant and Flanders, and set some French into that Pro­vince; and left his son Charls there with an Army to keep them in obedience. Charls understood that the Latine Translation of the Bible was much cor­rupted He causeth the Latine Translation of the Bible to be amended. through the negligence of Writers, and gave it in charge unto Alcwin to amend the Translation, who did correct both the Old and New-Testa­ment; so doth Baron. tom. 9. ad An. 908. testifie, as also that he had an an­cient Copy in Biblioth. Valitella. carrying Alcwin's name; and Alcwin in his Epistle before his sixth book on John, speaketh of that his work at the com­mand of the King. He laboured much for conversion of the Pagans in Ger­many, and erected publick Schools at Paris, Ticine and Osnaburg, and fur­nished them with store of books; he received gifts from the Calipha of Aegypt; his sons Pipin and Charls died before him. In the year 813. when he was grown unable to govern, he sent for his son Lewes, and for Bernard son of Pipin; and in presence of his Peers, said unto Lewes; Come, Lewes, [Page 112] and with joy put this Crown upon thy head, not for ornament of dignity, but for safety of Our Kingdoms and Christian-Commonwealth; and hence­forth govern thou the Empire with happy success; and the Peers did swear fi­delity unto him. Nor did Lewes look unto the Pope for coronation or anoin­ting, untill Pope Stephen fled for refuge unto him, as followeth; and then he was Crowned again at Aken. Charles died in February, An. 814. He began a Grammar of the German language, but ended it not; he changed the names of the Winds and Months from the heathenish manner: He writ many books: In the Epistle to Alcwin before his books De Divinis Officiis, he His testimony in some ar­ticles of the faith. saith, When Christ was at Supper with his Disciples, he broke the bread, and gave the cup to them in figure of his body and blood, and left a great Sacrament, which is profitable unto us. Lib. 1. cap. 15. The mercy of our Mediatour is above the Legal and Evangelical Precepts; through which mer­cy we are saved, not by our works which we have done, nor by our willing or running, but by his mercy. Lib. 3. cap. 25. The miracles, which they say, have appeared in images, if they did not appear truly (as no authenti­cal Of Miracles. History sheweth) were but lies; if by some imaginary overshadowing they did appear to deceive mens minds; it is most dangerous, lest that old enemy by his subtile art, by shew of wonders, perswade deceitfully to do unlawfull things: But if these things did verily appear, (which cannot be pro­ved by any certain warrant) we should understand, that when many and wondrous things are done at the pleasure of God by some creatures, or in whatsoever creatures they be done; yet these things are not to be worshipped, by which, or in which, these wonders are made; because the Almighty God, who sheweth many signs unto men by visible and palpable things, to mollifie the hardness of mens hearts by these visible things, doth not work these signs, to confirm the worship of any creature; for he hath commanded to worship and adore him alone: Because God spoke out of a bush unto Moses, should the bush therefore be worshipped? Because a woman was healed by touching the hem of Christ's garment, should hems therefore be worshipped? Lib. 4. Cap. 2. The Holy and Catholick Church professeth to serve God not by images, nor by men, nor aetheral powers, but by Christ our Lord, Catal. test. ver. lib. 8. Charls made many Laws and Ecclesiastical Constitutions, His Ecclesia­stical Consti­tutions. which Ansegisus or Angisus, Abbot of Lobien. and then Arch-Bishop of Se­nonen. gathered together with the Constitutions of Lewes, and divided them into seven books: Sinderus testifieth, that they were in the Abbey of Saint Gallus, and were Printed lately at Paris. In the Preface he saith, he had appointed these Constitutions with advice of his Priests and Counsellers; and that he had followed the example of King Josias, who indeavoured to bring the Kingdom which God had given him, unto the worship of the true God. Lib. 1. He commanded to try the learning and conversation of Intrantes; he did forbid private Masses, and appealed to the See of Rome, but indirectly. Ca. 10. He forbiddeth confusion of Diocies, or that no Bishop should medle with any Parish of another Diocy; he forbiddeth any books to be read pub­lickly, but what were approved by the Councel at Chalcedon, cap 20. And cap. 42. he forbiddeth to worship Saints: Cap. 82. He commandeth that Bi­shops suffer not the Priests to teach the people other things then are contai­ned in, or according to the Holy Scriptures. Lib. 2. cap. 3. Although the authority of the Ecclesiastical Ministry, may seem to stand in our person; yet by the authority of God, and ordinance of man, it is known to be so divided, that every one of you, in his own place and order, hath his own place and ministery; hence it is manifest, that I should admonish you all, and ye all should further and help us. Ca. 4. He admonisheth Bishops, especially, to [Page 113] teach their people both by life and doctrine, both by themselves and them who are under them; as they will answer in their accounts at the great day. Can. 17. The Bishop of the first See should not be called the Prince of Priests, or the highest Priest, or any such title; but only, the Bishop of the first See. Can. 4 [...]. None can lay another foundation, save that which is layed, which is Christ Jesus; whosoever therefore in the love of God, and of his neigh­bour, keepeth the certainty of faith which is in Christ Jesus, he hath laid the same Jesus Christ, the Son of God and Man, to be his foundation; it is to be hoped therefore, that where Christ is the foundation, the edifice of good works will follow: In a word, if his medling with Italy, and his advancing His Conver­sation. the Pope, for confirming that which he had taken, can be excused; he was unto all Princes a patern of magnificence, zeal in religion, learning, elo­quence, temperance, prudence, moderation, &c. Alcwin contra Elipant. lib. 1. saith, Charls was a Catholick in faith, a King in power, a High-Priest in preaching, a Judge in equity, a Philosopher in liberal studies, fa­mous in manners, and excellent in all honesty; he was never served at Table with more then four dishes at once; his exercise was hunting, and reading of Histories, Pet. Mexia. In the year 813. Crunus, Duke of Bulgaria, pur­sued his Victory, and fought once with Michael Rangabis, a worshipper of Images; and at the second alarm he did renounce his Crown; and Leo Ar­menius, General of the Army, was declared Emperour; he slue Crunus in Battel, and returned home with Triumph. Thereafter he had peace; he threw down Images, and banished the Patriarch Nicephorus, a worshipper of Images, and many more. Zonar.

3. LEWES the Godly, confirmeth the peace with Leo Armenius, and Lewes his troubles. had Wars in Datia; whence he was necessitated to return, to redress some accidents at home, and he easily calmed them, by means of his Nephew Bernard. In the year 818. the same Bernard rebelled against his Uncle, and claimed the Crown of France, because he was the son of the eldest brother; but he was soon taken captive, his eys were picked out, he was sent Prisoner into France, and his Kingdom was given to Lotharius, the Emperour's son. At that time Lewes confirmed the Donation of King Pipin and of Charls, un­to the Church of Rome, without making mention of any former right; as may be seen in the words of the Donation, in Volaterran and Gratian. Yet he gave not over the City of Rome; for Platina in Serg. 2. sheweth, that Rome was allotted unto Lotharius, when the Empire was divided again: and Thegan chorepi. Trevir. writing of the same Lewes saith, It was appoin­ted, that according to former custom, some should be sent from the Empe­rour to Rome, who having the authority of Judges, should do justice to all the people; and accordingly, Legates were sent to Rome to judge Pope Pas­chalis, who was challenged of murther. Io. Lampad. in Mellif. Lewes cau­sed the Bible to be translated into the Saxon language. Though he was reli­gious and studious of peace, yet he was not free from conspiracy; he had ad­vanced many persons unto high honours; and (as Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 2. cap. 25.) for their wickedness which he had certainly tried, he cast them down again; they therefore did devise many things against him, and drew his own sons, Lotharius, Pipin and Lewes, on their side; under pretext, that the Emperour did affect his youngest son, by his present wife, more then them. They did so prevail, that the Emperour was deposed, and Lo­tharius was declared Emperour, who shut his father into a Monastery, and his young son Charls. Many who were loyal, would have taken Arms for his relief, but he did forbid them. Hugobert Bishop of Lions, and Bernard Bishop of Vienna, and many other Bishops took part with the sons, because [Page 114] he would have restrained their pomp and pride; but they made pretence, that he had married Judith within degrees forbidden by the Pope. Also Pope Gregory the IV. hateth him because he was an ememy of Images; neverthe­less, he came into France, under pretence to appease the troubles: But (as Morn. in Myster. ex Chronic. Dtonys. and others testifie) to kindle the coals; he sought that both parties would submit unto his arbitrement. They who were on the Emperour's side, were suspicious of deceit, and would not sub­mit; but said to the Pope, If thou come to excommunicate us, thou shalt return excommunicated. Vsser. de Eccles. stat. cap. 1. Crantz. loc. cit. saith, When the sons had examined the cause of this stir, they found the innocency His restora­tion. of their father, and restored him unto his Empire; and he, being the mee­kest of all mortals, did readily forgive them, and made Lotharius partner of the Empire with him; but he dealt more severely with the Bishops: they fled into Italy, nor could the authority of the Pope help them; only who did most humbly confess their offence, were pardoned. About that time, a huge multitude of Sarazens entred into Italy, took Rome, and made Saint Peter's Church a stable for their horses; and wasted all Thuscia, bur­ning Houses and Churches; when they heard of the Lombards coming against them, they made hast away with much spoil, with infinite number of Captives; as also they spoiled Sicily. Michael the Stutterer, conspired against Leo Armenius in his 7 year, and killed him; he slue some Bishops, and banished others who worshipped images. His son Theophylus was an­swerable to his name; he punisheth not only the worshippers, but the ma­kers of Images. In the year 824. he sent unto Lewes, desiring the determi­nation of the French Church, concerning Images; and intreating that he would interpone his authority, with the Pope, in that matter. The Empe­rour called a Synod at Paris, of which is mention in the end of Century 8. and he sent Jeremia Bishop of Senone, and Jonas Bishop of Orleance, unto Pope Eugenius; who did ask, By what place of Scripture he could prove it lawfull to worship images? He answereth, They are arrogant who dare ask such questions, Ph. Morn. in Myster. ex Synod. Paris. sub Ludo. & Lothar. Pe. Mexia. writeth, that these three most famous heads of Europe, died with­in the space of four daies, Theophylus, Lewes, and Pope Gregoryths IV. An. 840. Lewes, before his death, divided his Kingdomes, and sought not the consent of the Pope.

4. LOTHARIUS the eldest son of Lewes, succeeded unto his fa­ther, The Empire is divided and weak­ned. with common consent; except of his brethren Charls and Lewes, for they took it ill, that he should have both France and Italy; and they be in­closed in Bojaria and Aquitania: so they force their brother unto a new divi­sion. Lewes became King of Germany, and had Hungary, Bohemia, Saxony, Moravia, Frisia, Bojaria, &c. Charls was King of France, ex­cept Provence or Narbone and Lorain, and a part of Burgundy, which with Italy, and the Title of Emperour, appartaineth to Lotharius, Platin. in Serg. Sigonius de reg. Ital. lib. 5. addeth, As much as was taken from the power of France, so much the more waxed the power and liberty of the Ita­lians; that is, the Popes. For before Lotharius was crowned, the people and clergy of Rome did chuse and consecrate Pope Sergius the II. not respe­cting the consent of the Emperour; and some Cities in Italy were talking that they would be no more in subjection unto French blood. Then Lo­tharius designeth his son Lewes for his successour, and went together unto Rome. On the way he exerceth security on some Cities who had made shew of Rebellion; when he approached unto Rome, the Citizens came forth to meet him; after them came the Priests with their Crucifixes, and sing, [Page 115] Blessed is he who cometh in the name of the Lord, Hosanna in the most high; and they convoy him unto the steps of Saint Peter, where Pope Sergius was waiting; they kissed each other. Nauclerus and Platina say no more of their courtesie; Sigonius saith, Lotharius kissed his holy foot; but this is falsly added: for Baronius would not have omitted that particular, who saith ad An. 844. ex Anastas. They embraced one another, and the King held the Pope's right hand; they went together unto the Silver-gate. Then said Ser­gius, If thou comest in peace, and for the utility of the Christian Common-Wealth, and not for rapine, come in; but if thou be otherwise minded, remember that thou hast above thee a revenger of all wickedness, Platin. The Emperor biddeth him to be of good courage, and so they went forward. They sate down on their knees, and gave thanks unto God and Saint Peter that no harm was; for they were afraid, that the Emperour would have done there, as he had done by the way. After eight daies Sergius declared Lotha­rius King of Italy, anointed him, and put the Crown upon his head. The Sarazens were glad that the Empire was divided; and entring into Italy, they took Barri and other Cities, which they kept 30. years. Lotharius had no Martial spirit, and being weary of government, he divided the Empire again. To his second son Lotharius he gave that part of France, which from his name was called Lotharingia or Lorain; to his youngest son Charls, he gave Provence and Languedoc; and to his eldest son Lewes, he gave Italy, with A decay of Discipline in the Church. the Title of Emperour; together with this charge, that because the discipline of the Church, which was so well prescribed by his father and grand-father, was now failed; therefore so soon as he could have peace, he should assem­ble the Nobility and Clergy, and by his authority restore the same unto its former integrity, Io, Lampad. in Mellif. and he did impute his infelicity unto his own iniquity; and with sorrow did remember his attempts against his fa­ther: he entred into a Monastery, and died An. 855. Pet. Mexia. Theo­dora, the Widow of Theophilus, governed the Eastern Empire 14. years; she set up Images, and restored the Bishops and others whom her husband had banished or imprisoned. Her son Michael coming to age closed her in a Monastery, Zonar. He threatned the Pope, that he would come and cast down Rome, if he did not cast Images out of the Churches: he was the only Prince that durst give Battel unto the Sarazens in Italy; but his Captain was overthrown by them. After this Battel, they raised a greater Army, and had made a prey of Italy; if God had not by a stormy wind drowned their Navy, except a few ships which returned to Affrick. They repaired their forces, and return the third time, they wast Italy, and besiege Rome, till Pope Leo gave them Battel, as followeth. After Michael succeeded his Un­cle, Michael Bardas.

5. LEWES the II. had only the Kingdom of Italy, with the Title of Em­perour, Weak in pow­er and mag­nanimous. and had his manure now at Pavia, then at Millan, but oftest at Rome in the Palace of Saint Peter; and the Pope lodged at S. Apostolos. Con­tinuator Eutropij (who lived at that time) addeth; Because this Emperour dwelt in Italy, he exerced the more authority; having in the City prudent men who knew the priviledges of the old Emperours, and did intimate unto him, that he should recover the ancient authority. He entred with Arms into the lands of Benevento, and sought to bring all the bounds of Italy un­der his command; he expelled the Sarazens out of Barri. When he retur­ned to Rome, the Pope gave him to understand, that he did not sufficiently account of his Supremacy. The Emperour sent him answer, that he should not trouble himself; seeing according to ancient Canons, no Prelate can excommunicate a Bishop, without consent of a Synod; and the calling of [Page 116] Synods is in the power of the Emperour, and not of the Pope. When the Pope heard such an answer, he went into Saint Peters, and intreated the Emperour gently; thenceforth they were more familiar, and the Emperour's Court continued at Rome untill his death. Lotharius, King of Lorain, died without succession, An. 876. Basilius a man of mean birth, but advan­ced by the Emperour Michael Bardas, even to be partner of the Empire, slue his Master, and became Emperour alone. His entring did not look well, yet he relieved the Subjects of some Taxes; he drove the Sarazens out of Sla­vonia and Dalmatia, with the help of the Venetians; and also out of Candy by his Captain, and vexed them in Asia.

6. CHARLES the Bald, King of France; and Lewes, King of Ger­many, Contest for the Empire. strove for the Empire; the one for his age, and the other for his place, seeing the Empire had been annexed to the Crown of France. They went to­wards Rome, Charls preveneth his brother, and having agreed with Pope John the IX. was crowned. Lewes made many vows that he would take both Empire and Kingdom from him, but was arrested with sickness at Franckford. There he divided his Kingdom amongst his three sons: to Lewes he gave Saxony, Turingia, Frisia, and the Provinces within them; with the Title, King of East-France. To Carloman he gave Bojaria, Au­stria, Bohem and Moravia; with the Title of King of Bavaria. To the third son Charls, he gave Suevia, Franconia, with some parts of Lorain (which he had taken after the death of Lotharius) with the Title of King of Germa­ny. The Emperour thought to have catched advantage by this division, and made speed against them; but the brethren held together, and caused him to return with shame. The Sarazens entred again into Italy, and besieged Capua; Pope John advertiseth the Emperour, and he expelleth them. In the mean time his Nephews prepare against him, and he returning to meet them, was poisoned by a Jew his Physitian; and died at Mantua in the third year of his reign.

7. CHARLES the Fat, King of Germany, strove for the Empire, Another con­test for it. and was crowned by the Romans. Pope John would not consent, and there­fore was imprisoned; he escaping goeth into France, and confirmed Lewes the Stutterer, son to Charls the Bald. Nevertheless, because Charls did op­pose the Moors in Italy, Pope John returned, and confirmed the first coro­nation, and declared the other to be of none effect. Pet. Mexia. Shortly there­after Lewes dieth, leaving behind him two bastard sons, and his wife with child, whereupon followed great troubles in France. The two brethren of Charls died also. The Normans and Danes overrun France with great ho­stility. The Peers were constrained to seek aid from the Emperour, who came and received the Crown of France. So all that had appertained unto Charls the Great, was united in his person again; except the Kingdom of Bavaria. His grandure continued not long, for the Hungars came out of Scythia, and sate down in Pannonia; the Normans passe the river Sequana, take Rouan; and by excursions trouble both France and Germany. Charls did once again send his Armies against them, but with loss of his Souldiers. Then the Normans became more confident, they besiege Paris, they burn Towns and Churches, slay Bishops and Priests, spare neither age nor sex. Charls bought their peace, and gave them Neustria, which keeperh their name till this day. Charls became more unable both in body and courage; he assembled a Diete at Triburia, and began to talk of the Empire. The Princes took occasion to accuse him as lunatick and unfit for government; they deprive him, and set up Arnulph, King of Bavaria. Charls dieth in sorrow in Jan. An. 888. All this time Leo, son of Basilius, was Emp. of the East.

[Page 117] 8. ARNULPH was received Emperor by the States on this side of the A worser contest. Alps; but Pope Adrian the III. had caused a Constitution to be enacted, that if Charls died without succession, the Kingdom of Italy, and Title of Empe­rour, should return unto the Italians. And now Italy was divided; for Al­bert Marquess of Tuscia, Berengarius a Roman by birth, and Duke of Friali, and Wido Governour of Spoleto strove for it; Berengarius was crowned King of Italy, by Anselm bishop of Millan. Wido raiseth a great Army, and with little difficulty possesseth all Lombardy. Berengarius runneth to Arnulph holding a Diete at Worms; and with earnest prayers besought his aid against Wido as a common enemy. He was once restored, and expel­led again by Lambert son of Wido, and was brought in again by the power of Arnulph. Arnulph then goeth to Rome, and besiegeth it. The Ro­mans shew themselves such Lions, that when a Hare, hearing the noise of the Host, ran towards the City, for very fear they desperately threw themselves over the Walls; and Arnulph scaling the Walls, with little danger took the City. He restoreth Pope Formosus from his adversaries, and beheadeth them. The Pope to gratifie his redeemer, blesseth and crowneth him. Ne­vertheless the Italians will not continue under his obedience; for Lambert kept still the name of King, untill he was slain in hunting, and left the King­dom peaceable to Berengarius. Then a jar hapned betwixt him and his son-in-law Albert, Marquess of Eporredia; who sent for Lewes, son of Charls, King of Provence (of whom before) and offered him the Kingdom. The estate of Italy was then miserable, for the Sarazens lay in the Dutchy of Be­nevento, and suffered none to go to Rome unspoiled; at last they were ex­pelled by Adelgisus, Duke of Benevento. Lewes now entred into Italy, and was crowned; but new troubles arose in Lombardy, untill Lewes was taken, his eys were pulled out, and he renounced the Kingdom. In the mean time Arnulph was busied with the Hungarians, and expelled them out of France, Bavier, Suevia, and Saxony. Odo ruled France under the name of Tutor, and was the Authour of the three Lillies in France; at last Charls, the simple son of Lewes the Stutterer, received that Crown. Arnulph died of vermin An. 900. The fore-named Leo had continual Wars with the Infi­dels in Asia; and in the end obtained a notable Victory. Alexander his bro­ther, reigned 13. months; and then Constantine, son of Leo, partly under Tutory, and partly alone, did reign 54 years.


1. STEPHEN the IV. was set in the Papal Chair, without the know­ledge The Pope's first golden Cross and Vsurpation. of the Emperour; wherefore he hastned into France to excuse the fact, and to crave confirmation; and at Rhemes he crowned the Emperour, with a Crown brought from Rome; he returned bearing a Cross, not like Christ, but of gold, which the Emperour gave to Saint Peter. When he saw that the Emperour had so lightly forgiven the election, he said at Rome, The sence of the Decree of Pope Leo, was not that the election should chief­ly belong unto the Emperour, but that they might well make their own ele­ction; and then only seek confirmation from the Emperour, or his Legate. He sought pardon for them who were banished under Charls. Platin. he died in the 7 month, An. 817.

[Page 118] 2. PASCHALIS the I. was chosen without the knowledge of the Em­perour; Achange in the election of the Pope. wherefore incontinently, he sent a Nuntio with gifts unto Lewes, laying the fault on the people, who had forced him to accept Consecration. The Emperour admitteth the excuse, and sent word unto the People and Cler­gy of Rome, that the custom and ordinance of their Predecessours should be kept; and therefore they should not trespass against him any more. Platin. Gratian. dist. 63. cap. ego Ludovicus, alledgeth that Lewes gave free liberty unto the Clergy and People to chuse the Pope. But the following practice of Gregory the IV. confirmeth the testimony of Platin. and others. Paschalis was one of the most superstitious worshippers of dead bodies, if Platina spea­keth truly of him; who also sheweth that he was accused for murthering Theodorus Primicerius, and Leo Nomenclator, because they had maintained The Pope is Arraigned. a priviledge of the Emperour, nor could he be pardoned, untill he had clean­sed himself by Oath in an assembly of Bishops, and then the Emperour for­gave him. The next year Lotharius son of Lewes, and designed Emperour, came to Rome, and found the estate thereof depraved, and the wickedness of some Bishops. Therefore it was enacted, that one should be sent from the Emperour to administer Justice, Morn. in Myster. ex Autore vit. Ludo. Pas­chalis sate 7 years.

3. EUGENIUS the II. was chosen, when Lotharius was in the City. Bishops have Prison hou­ses. Of his idolatry and pride is spoken before. Didoclamus in Altar. Damasc. pag. 421. ex Choppin. de sacr. polit. lib. 2. reporteth, that he did first appoint Bi­shops to have Prisons for restraint of the vices of the Clergy. He did sit 4 years.

4. VALENTINE the I. of a Deacon was made Pope, for his singu­lar Pride of the Pope. diligence and gravity in his youth; but he wanted not pride, for at his election he gave his foot to be kissed by the Senatours, which was never done before. Helmold. in Histor. Sclavo. lib. 1. and after him Ph. Morn. in Myster. have marked the cause; The liberality of Lewes had made them earthly Prin­ces, who should have been guides to heaven by feeding souls. His pride was soon laied low, for he died within 40. daies.

5. GREGORY the IV. would not sit in his Chair, till he was confir­med by the Emperor. Platina saith, The Emperour did so not out of pride (for he was very mild and courteous) but he would not lose his Imperial right; and although he gave them wealth, he would not quit his authority. This Pope ordained the Feast of All-Saints to be kept Novemb. 1. Naucler. Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 8. & Fasci. temp. and the French and German Churches began first to observe it. He was not slow in transporting dead bo­dies. The Papishes talk much of an Epistle of a Greek Monk unto this Gre­gory, to prove the Primacy of the Pope, because he calleth him equal unto Primacy of Bishops. the Angels, the Apostolical Father, the highest light, &c. But they will not shew, that he writ that Epistle in despight of his Patriarch, who had censu­red him for worshipping Images; nor will they tell, how the same Monk cal­leth the Bishop of Alexandria the great light, the first Prince of Bishops, and Apostolical Father; and in another Epistle, he calleth the Bishop of Jerusa­lem the first of the Patriarchs, though thou (saith he) be called the fifth; for where the Bishop of our souls, and High-Priest of all was born, wrought all his miracles, suffered, was buried, rose again, lived, and whence he as­cended, there undoubtedly is the highest dignity of all. It may then be doub­ted, who was the first in that man's opinion. Ph. Morn. in Myster. pag. 157. Gregory sate 16 (or, as some say, 18) years.

6. SERGIUS the II. was crowned by the Clergy and People, not re­garding the Emperour's consent, because of the emulation amongst the bre­thren. [Page 119] Continuator Eutropij writeth, that Lotharius and his son Lewes being anointed, did great harm unto the Romans for this their trespass, and cau­sed them to give their Oath of fidelity, and then did confirm the Pope. Ph. Morn. in Myster. pag. 159. This Pope's name was Osporci, and being asha­med The change of the Pope's name. of it, he (first of all Popes) did change his name, after his investiture, Platin. After his example it became a custom, saith Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 4. cap. 10. that if any who was chosen had not an honest name, he did change it; for example (saith he) and let it not be spoken without laugh­ter; if he be a wicked doer, he is called Bonifacius; if timorous, Leo; if a Clown, Urbanus; if fierce, Clemens; if of ill report, Benedictus....and they say this is done in imitation of Christ, who gave the name of Peter unto Simon. Serepus did first ordain that a Bishop should not be judged under 72 witnesses. The fore-named Continuator writeth, that in his time was great Simony is pu­nished. simony; and he professed openly to sell Bishopricks, and who gave most, should speed best. The Authour of Catal. test. ver. from an old manuscript, and Henr. de Erford. lib. 10. sheweth, that none was found, who for the glo­ry of God, would forbid this vice; and therefore God sent the Sarazens amongst them, who slue great numbers of them, and carried away great spoil. But Ph. Morn. ex Anastas. Biblioth. writeth, These Bishops Drogo The Pope is opposed. of Metens. Gregory of Ravenna, Angilbert of Millan, Joseph of Eporredia, Aginus of Verona, Almaricus of Cuma, Norchard of Vercelles, the Bi­shops of Luca, Pisa, Volaterr. together with others, that is, the chiefest Bi­shops of Italy; and the Counts Boso, Adalgisus, John, &c. had contention with him daily for his pride and usurpation; and Agilbert made separation from the Church of Rome, whereas his Predecessours had submitted unto the Pope the space of 60 years, he nor his Successours would not subject themselves for the space of 209 years, as followeth. Also Theodore, Ab­bot of Fulda, in an Epistle testifieth, that the Church of Millan did then res­pect the writings of Ambrose, and his Liturgy was in use there. Ph. Morn. in Myster. Sergius sate 3 years.

7. LEO the IV. was chosen the same day that Sergius died, and he was A Pope is a Warriour, consecrated without the consent of the Emperour; and therefore (as Ana­stasius and Ph. Mornay say) the Romans fearing that Lewes would return and censure them for that deed, sent their excuse that they were in danger of the Sarazens, and had need of the Pope's present help. For the Infidels were lying about Rome, and had wasted a great part of Italy, untill Pope Leo gave them battel at Ostia; where (by the providence of God, after pub­lick prayer in audience of the Army) many of the enemies were slain, others were taken captive, and the residue fled unto their ships. And then Leo and loyal, writ unto the Emperour (as is in Gratian. dist. 10. Cap. de Capitalis) thus: Concerning your Imperial Precepts, and the Precepts of your High-Priests, our Predecessours, to be kept irresistably so far as we could or now may, we profess to keep constantly both now and for ever: As for the time past, he protested that he was compelled thereunto, and not of his own motive, nor in contempt of the Emperour; and he subjoined, If any hath said, or shall say otherwise, ye may certainly understand he is a liar. In another Epistle, (when he was accused that he and Gratian Magister Militum had plotted to reduce the Empire unto Greece, Platin.) he writ more submissly, saying, If we have done any thing amiss, and have not kept the path of just laws, wherein we are subject, we will amend at the sight of your Majesty, or of your Missi....and we desire not only that these things be exactly tried by your Missi, but whether they shall be found less or greater, let all things be so ended by them, that nothing remain thereafter undiscussed or undecided. [Page 220] Here it appeareth clearly, what authority the Emperour had then above the Pope. This Leo bestowed six years in repairing the City, for the Sarazens had weakned a great part of it, and all Italy did contribute unto the repara­tion; also the Emperour and his two brethren sent a great sum of money for the work, saith Nauclerus. He did add much unto the City, and that part was called Leonina: he ordained that a Cross of Gold all set with precious stones should be carried before him, contrary to an Act in a Councel under Gregory the IV. The Authour of Catol. test. ver. lib. 10. hath a story, And a Re­former of the Church. which he saith was never in Print before, ex Luithprand, how Leo obser­ving many things done impudently against God and the salvation of Christian souls, did assemble a Synod of 67 Bishops at Rome, by the advice of Lo­tharius and Lewes, and setteth down 42 Canons, which he hath particular­ly. In them he urgeth not plurality of Masses, but that Bishops should attend their flocks, and teach their people wholesom doctrine; no Intrantes shall receive Consecration unless they be sought by the Clergy and People; Actu­als should not be absent from their charge any long space without the leave of their Prince and Metropolitan; they should not use Dice, Cards, Hunting, Hawking, &c. In this Synod he excommunicated Anastasius, a Priest, for being five years absent from his Parish: he writ an Epistle to Lotharius, in­treating his clemency to present a friend of his, Colonus, unto one of the two Bishopricks; as is touched in Cent. 8. cap. 2. for this custom was then, that the King did place men in Bishopricks, saith Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 2. cap. 27. Leo sate 9 years.

8. JOHN the VIII. the Whore both spiritually and bodily sate next; The Woman Pope. she dissembled her sex handsomly, and by her singular sagacity and learning, did procure that she was chosen Pope with full consent; and after 2 years she was delivered of a child in the midst of the Procession, and died in the street. Platin. Agrippa de van. scient. Cap. 62. writeth so, Among the High-Priests of Rome we read of many Schismaticks and Reprobates, and also Hereticks, and once that a woman did ascend to the top of so great dignity, who was called John the VIII, and ruled the Apostolick See, being com­mended of all men...and which is not lawfull unto women, she exerced all the Offices of an High-Priest; nor were her Acts annulled, because common errour makes a Law. Onuphrius and after him Bellarmin and other Papists, go about to blother name out of the roul of Popes, but with foolish rea­sons. First they say, Anastasius (who at the same time was Bibliothecarius) hath her not. Ans. Though he have her not, others have not omitted her; no argument holdeth negatively from the testimony of any one man. 2. Be­hold ignorance, say they, she was an English of Mentz; is Mentz in Eng­land, and not in Germany? Ans. Who knows not that Boniface, the first Bishop of Mentz, was an English man, and built the Abbey at Fulda in fa­vour of English men? Marianus Scotus (who lived about the year 1050.) calleth her John, surnamed English. 3. To what end went she to Athens? to learn? but there was no learning in Athens. Ans. Epiphanius in haeres. 64. saith, Origen was a Disciple in Athens; Gregory Nazianzen and Basil were Students there, as it is in Vitae Basilii written by Nazianzen; Bellarmin de Ro. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 24. testifieth, that Michael, the son of Theophilus, resto­red the Schools of learning; and John Erigena, surnamed Scotus, at the very same time was brought up at Athens, as followeth; also Histories shew, that at Athens was still an University, till it was destroied by the Turk for en­vy of learning, An. 1453. 4. Here two lies, saith Onuphrius, one that she professed Letters in the City; another, that within two years she came to the Papal Seat; seeing there was no profession then in Rome, neither came any [Page 121] to the Papal Chair, unless he had been a Priest or a Deacon. Ans. Is not a Priest ashamed to say or hear this? Was ever Pia Roma without a Professor? Where was all the Clerks of Rome? As for the other, Platina saith it not; and whosoever hath said it, how many Monks and Laicks have been Popes? See Onuphr. in Indic. adschism. 9 & 10. Platina and Nauclerus have two evi­dences of this She-Pope; one, that the Popes go not in the high and straigh­test way at their Processions, for detestation of her deed; another, the new elected Pope is set in a bored chair, where he letteth down his privities, to be touched by the last Deacon Cardinal, lest they fell again into the like errour: which Agrippa de van. scient. cap. 63. expresseth in these terms, because among the Aegyptians, who were the first authors of religions, it was not lawfull that any should be a Priest, who was not entred into the order of Priapus; so it is received in our Church, saith he, that he who wanteth the stones cannot be Pope. Onuphrius saith, The Popes go not that way, because it is not the nearest nor broadest way. But why then, saith Platina, that the Popes go out of the way for detestation of the fact? Nauclerus saith, it was betwixt the Church of Saint Clemens and Colosseum, and the Pope declines that way, when he goeth into the Lateran....Of the chair, Onuphrins saith nothing: Bellarmin saith, The Pope is set in a slight chair at the first, and sitteth in it a space, to teach him, that he is advanced from a low place to an eminent. But if you ask wherefore is the chair bored? and why crieth the Deacon Mas­culus est? they have nothing to say. Lastly, Onuphrius imputes the first men­tion of this She-Pope, unto Martinus Polonus, who lived about the year 1320; and he read it in Chronic. Sigeberti, who lived An. 1330, and he is corrupted, saith he. But what History may not be denied? Marianus Scotus, who lived before them, hath the same. He is also corrupted, saith Bellar. loc. cit. Who did corrupt them? Laonicus Chalcondilas lib. 6. de reb. Turc. speak­ins of this sitting of the Pope, saith, Nam constat; for it is certain, that a wo­man was advanced unto the Papacy; her sex was not known, because the Italians all almost do raze their faces. Otho Epist. Frisingen. Annal. Augustani, Volaterran, Sabellicus, Bergomas, Palmerius, Trithemius in vit. Luithprandi, Stella in vit. 230 Pontif. Alb. Crantz. Io. Nauclerus Fascic. tempor. pag. 49. edit. Venet. An. 1484. and many others of sundry Nations, and famous among the learned, have written of her. The testimonies are particularly set down in Catal. test. ver. lib. 10. to them I adjoin the words of Baptista Matuan, who lived in the 15 Century, and speaking of Hell, saith,

Hic pendebat adhuc sexum mentita virilem
Femina, cui triplici Phrygiam diademate mitram
Extollebat apex, & Pontificalis adulter.

So that as Platina saith, they seem too stubborn and obstinate who omit her, of whom all men almost do affirm: let us erre with the multitude, although it appear that these things, which I have said, be of that sort, as are thought possible. This Whore sate in the year 855 and 856.

9. BENEDICT the III was chosen without knowledge of the Em­perour. At that time was a schism, for many of the chiefest Romans were for The Emperor takes away a schism. Anastasius. After a year a Missus came from the Emperour, and then the people and clergy were convened to a new election; and the same Benedict was chosen again, the Missus not only assisting, but commanding, saith Anastasius and Ph. Morn. in Myster. Nauclerus saith, the Emperour Lewis's Legate did confirm the election; and the next day he was consecrated in Saint Peter's. He adorned Churches with silver and gold; and is said to have first ordained, that prayers should be made for the dead, whereas before it was only by practice. He sate 3 years.

[Page 122] 10. NICOLAUS the I, surnamed the great, was chosen by the Ro­mans. The Emperour will be ac­knowledged in the electi­on of the Pope. Before he was chosen, the Emperour Lewis knowing how expedient it was for him to preserve the right of his Ancestours in the election, made hast to Rome; but the Romans purposely prevened him with the election. Ni­colaus thought to debar the Emperor from the consecration, but he could not hinder that. He had a mouth that spoke great things, by his decree he equal­leth The Pope speaks some great things, Papal decrees unto the holy Scriptures; he ordained that no secular Prince nor Emperour, should be present in the Synods, unless it were in matter of faith, Gratian. dist. cap. Vbinam; to wit, Princes should put to death them which are condemned of heresie. He ordained that all publick prayers should be in Latine (as Pope Vitalian had ordained before, but was not obeyed:) that no Laick should judge a Church-man; that the Pope should be judged of none, because Constantine the great, called the Bishop of Rome a God, Grat. dist. 96. cap. Salis. At this time Michael Bardas put away his wife, and married her daughter; for this cause Ignatius the Patriarch, denied him the Communion. Bardas assembleth a Synod, and causeth Ignatius to be de­posed, and setteth up Photius. Here ariseth a sedition, some favouring the good cause, and others swaying with authority. In the end, Nicolaus was intreated to take away the schism. The Pope was well pleased, and sent his Legates, Rodoal Bishop of Portuen, and Zachary Bishop of Ananien, gi­ving them a Commission to restore Ignatius, if he would promise to restore the worship of Images. Zonaras saith, Bardas perswadeth the Legates to ap­prove what he had done. When they return, Nicolaus excommunicateth them, and deposeth them as transgressours of his commands. Ph. Morn. in Myster. p. 177. At that time Nicolaus writ the Epistle, which is in the 3. tome and some truths con­trary to his successours. of Councels, and contains swelling presumption, in some points contrary to ancient histories; yet in other points contrary to the doctrine of his succes­sours. There he saith, none of the Eastern Emperours had acknowledged the authority of the Bishops of Rome. This he saith expressly, but in an upbrai­ding manner, as if the Emperours had omitted their duty. Speaking of Ig­natius, he saith, the Judges should not be suspected; this he confirms by reason, and by many examples; and from Pope Gelasius he saith, Should the same persons be enemies, Judges and witnesses? even earthly matters should not be committed to such judgement. Doth he not then maintain the lawfull excuses of John Husse and Martine Luther, who for the same causes were unwilling to be judged by the Popes their enemies? Then Nicolaus al­ledgeth, that Pope Celestin was President in the general Councel at Ephe­sus; but the words of that Councel shew that Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, was President. And to prove that they should not have judged the Patriarch, he brings the example of David, who would not smite his Master Saul; but he observes not that Saul was King; and therefore, neither should his suc­cessours have kicked against their Soveraign Emperours. He addeth, a little number hindreth not, where truth abounds; neither avails multitude, where ungodliness reigneth, nor should any man boast of a multitude, &c. What is more contradictory to the doctrine of the Romish Church in following ages, which holds multitude to be an infallible note of the true Church? After a little, he commendeth the worship of Images; and will have all Councels to be estimate by the approbation of the Pope. Whereas the Bishops of Rome were wont to term the Emperour our Lord and Defender; this is the first that calls the Emperour his son, and his successours sometimes, will not honour him with the title of their servant. He said, Before the coming of Christ, some were typically both Priests and Kings; but when the type is come to the true King and High-Priest, in one person, the Emperour should [Page 123] no more take to him the right of the Priesthood; nor hath the High-Priest taken unto him the name of the Emperour; because the one Mediator be­tween God and Man, even the Man Christ Jesus, hath so discerned the offi­ces of both powers, their dignities and actions being distinguished, that both Emperours have need of High-Priests in spiritual things; and the High-Priests have need of the Imperial laws for temporal things, and so spiritual actions may be free from carnal oppressions; and therefore the souldier of God should not be intangled with worldly affairs; neither should he rule divine things who is wrapped in worldly matters, and so both powers may be hel­ped. Gratian hath registred these words dist. 96. cap. Cùm ad verum. He speaks so, to exclude the Emperour from judging Ecclesiastical causes; but neither he, nor Gratian did foresee how the same words would condemn the succeeding Popes, who have usurped both Swords and two Robes; nor how Bellarmin, de Ro. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 3. gathereth out of these words, that the Dominion of the World belongeth not to the Pope, and reasoneth thus; Seeing whatsoever the Pope hath, he hath it from Christ, as Pope Nicolaus saith, then the Pope may take all power from the Emperours and Kings, or he may not take it; if he may take it, then he is greater then Christ; if he may not take it, then he hath not Princely power. Again cap. 8. he saith, Christ for conserving humility would distinguish these two offices, and gave only the Priesthood to Peter, and left the Empire to Tiberius. According to this consequence it may be justly inferred, the Pope now doth contrary to the tenet of the ancient Bishops, and is the Antichrist; exalting himself, con­trary to Christ's order, above all that is called God. This Nicolaus did or­dain, that no man should receive the Sacrament from any Priest who had a concubine or wife. He sate 7 years, 9 months; his See after him was vacant 8 years 7 months, Platin. Who was head of the Church, on earth, at that time? Or was it headless?

10. HADRIAN the II, the son of a Bishop Talarus, was chosen in a tumult of the people without consent of the Emperour, wherefore his Legates were not a little offended, yet were appeased by the Romans, alledging that the multitude could not be ruled; and they intreated the Legates, that they would confirm the good man, which the clergy and people had named. Pla­tin. The Legates yeeld, although they clearly perceive, that the clergy and people would usurp all the authority of the election; and perhaps (saith he) that the liberty of the Church-men may increase. At that time Basilius slue The Pope, by flattery, clim­beth up in higher ac­count at Con­stantinople. the Eastern Emperour, as is said, and when he came to the Sacrament, Pho­tius the Patriarch, rejects him as unworthy of Communion, who with his own hand had slain his Soveraign. Basilius dissembling his anger, calleth a Synod for deposition of Photius, and restitution of Ignatius; and to this end, he desireth Hadrian to send his Legates. Hadrian dealeth as Boniface the 3. did with Phocas; as by dispensing with, or rather authorizing parricide, they began their supremacy; by the same means they increase it. He renued the Commission of Pope Nicolaus his Legates; and in his Epistle to Basilius, he saith, He who hath all right of Kingdoms, and power of all things, hath raised up, in these daies, thy Kingdom, which is protected from above; by which the Apostolical Seat may perfect a godly work, begun by your au­thority, for the Church of Constantinople.....Thou art another Salomon, for thou hast heard the words of thy father, nor hast thou forsaken the instru­ction of thy mother. Ambition drives him to write so flatteringly; for they had covenanted, that first the Pope's Legates should be Presidents in this Synod, which the Pope could never obtain before. 2. The Emperour should admit none into the Synod, but such who, by subscription, did acknowledge [Page 124] the supremacy of the Pope. 3. Images should be restored. 4. None dare write or speak against the Bishop of old Rome, by occasion of Photius and Dioscorus, who were deposed for their crimes; and if any man (saith the 21 Canon of this Synod, according to the election of Caranza) be so bold, he shall incur the like sentence with Photius and Dioscorus. 5. If any gene­ral Councel shall be assembled, or any question or controversie fall out con­cerning old Rome, they may with due reverence inquire of it, and hear de­termination; but say nothing boldly against the High-Priests of old Rome. They called this the eighth oecumenical Councel, so saith Bellarm. de Conc. lib. 1. cap. 5. but neither with consent of all the present Bishops, as Anastasius (who was one of the Legates) testifieth, and after him Ph. Morn. in Myster. nor maketh Zonaras mention thereof, although an Image-worshipper; nei­ther did the Greek Church consent thereunto, as appeareth plainly: First, When Ignatius was dead, the same Basilius assembled another Synod, an­nulled all the Acts of the former, and restored Photius. 2. The Greeks agreed with Pope Eugenius and his Bishops, that the Councel of Florence, An. 1439. should be called the eighth oecumenical Councel. It is here to be marked, that this Councel was called in the name of Basilius, although the Legates of the Pope were Presidents. At that time it was agreed, that the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople, should both be called Universal; the one, Universal Pope; and the other, Universal Patriarch; not that the Patriarch did take unto him the right of other Bishops, but that he should have the next place after the Pope, saith Onuphrius in Annotat. on Platin. in Boniface the III; and in this manner the Pope had some authority, in the East, for a space. Neither was Adrian less carefull in the West, for he blowed And in the West by craft. sedition among the posterity of Charls; and where he heard of any Bishop of action or esteem, he catcheth him with his bait of a Palle, or Bishop's Robe, or with some higher Title; and if that could not insnare them, he could set one mortal foe against another: he set up Actard (who had not entred into orders) against Hincmarus, a worthy Bishop of Burdeaux, for maintaining the liberty of his Nation, although he had once given him a Palle, and had written unto him, thus; The report of thy Holiness comes never to my ears, but with praise, &c. But then he pursueth him to the ut­termost. Ph. Morn. in Myster. ex Adriani Epist. ad Synod. Trecen. ad Actard; and another ad Hincmar. Also at that time Hincmar, Bishop of Laudun, gave some of his Church lands to Charls the Bald; and the King gave the same to a Captain Nortman; thereafter the Bishop desireth these lands to be re­stored, and because Nortman would give them to none but the King, from whom he had them, the Bishop assembled a Synod at Veruina, accused and condemned him. Nortman appealeth to Rome; the Synod rejects his ap­pellation; and because he would not obey their Decree, another greater Synod was assembled at Atiniac, where Nortman was condemned again, and promised to obey the King's will, and of Hincmar, Bishop of Rhemes, who was Uncle to the other Hincmar. Ph. Morn. in Myster. In this Synod the Bishop of Laudun was accused of disobedience unto his Metropolitan; and that for some personal wrongs he had excommunicated all the Priests of his Diocy, and had hindred them from exercing their function. He confes­seth his errours, and was deposed. Then Nortman, and this deprived Bi­shop His pride is opposed. conspire together, and informed Pope Adrian of all. He advocates the cause to Rome, and summoned the Bishop of Laudun, and all his accusers to appear; and so soon as he heard that the King would not consent, he sent other Letters unto the King, calling him a tyrant, perjured, false, a Church-robber, &c. In his Letters both to the King, and Bishop of Rhemes, he saith. [Page 125] We will, and by our Apostolical authority we command Hincmar, Bishop of Laudun, and his accusers to compear personally at the Church of the Saints, before our clemency, that his cause may be judged. Behold yet more. In the mean time died Lotharius, King of Lorain: Charls the Bald, and Charls the Fat strove for Lorain. Adrian interpones his authority in favour of the Emperour Lewis the II, and menacing after a more thundring man­ner then all his Predecessours, he writes to the King, and to the Bishops and Barons of France, and namely to Hincmar Bishop of Rhemes, thus: Let no mortal be so bold, as to invade the Kingdom of deceased Lotharius, which by right of inheritance appertains to the Emperour Lewis, our spiritual son; if any presume to do, not only by the ministry of our authority shall it be an­nulled, but he shall be fettered with the chains of our curse; and he being de­prived of the name of a Christian, shall be surely ranked with the Divel; and if any Bishop, either by suppressing the authour of so villanous hardiness, or by not resisting shall consent, let him know, that he shall be judged not a Bi­shop, but an hireling. Nevertheless Charls the Bald, entreth into Lorain; he is received by the Barons and Prelates, and crowned by the Bishop of Rhemes. Adrian then charged Charls, under pain of his curse, to leave off that enterprise; and he commanded Hincmar, Bishop of Rhemes, to execute his censures against the King, to forsake him, and not to bid him God speed. The King's answer is large, and the answer of Hincmar may suffice for both. First concerning the Bishop of Laudun, he saith, Let your authority know, that I have no power to send Hincmar, nor any other Bishop of the Diocy of Rhemes, and far less a Bishop of any other Province, unto Rome or any other part, except my Lord the King command them; neither dare I my self go without the bounds of the Realm without his leave. Then concerning his curses against the King, after he hath bitterly expostulated for his mena­cing, and declared that he had sent his Letters unto the Peers and Prelates of the Kingdom, and had read them openly in an assembly of the Bishops of France and Lorain, at Atiniac; and had shewed his Bull unto Lewis, King of Germany, whereby he was commanded, by authority of the Pope, to ac­curse them all, who intermeddle with the Kingdom of Lorain; he saith, I have heard that the like letters as have been directed to our Lord Charls, and to the Peers and Bishops of his Kingdom, have been also sent unto my Lord Lewis, the glorious King, and to the Bishops and Nobility of his King­dom.....Then he gives him to understand that he had heard it reported by many, that the two Kings had agreed to divide the Kingdom; which if it be not done, sedition shall kindle among the people: wherefore since he saw that either the authority of the Pope must be contemned, or the agreement of the Kings be violated, whence might arise fear of wars; he thinks it more expedient to omit so Imperious commands, and surcease altogether from at­tempting any thing therein; neither is it my duty (saith he) to debar any man from the Communion, except one who hath willingly confessed his fault, or who is convict in judgement; unless I would contemn the Canon of the Apostles, the practice of the Church, and the authority of Augustin, Gelasius, Boniface, &c. Whereas the Pope had accused him, that by silence and cessation he may seem not partner, but authour of the usurpation; he biddeth him remember what is written, The cause which I knew not, I fear­ched diligently; and that God (as is marked by Gregory) to whose eys all things are open, said in the cause of the Sodomite, I will go down and see; whereby we should learn to try and see the evil, before we beleeve it; and not punish till it be notoriously known. Whereas he would have him abstain from the company of the King, and not bid him God speed, it seems very [Page 126] hard (said he) since very many good men, both of Ecclesiastical and Secular sort, who occasionally have come to Rhemes, have openly professed, that they had never heard the like practice from any of his Predecessours; although in their own times they had seen seditions and wars, not among Kings who were united by oath and league, but also among brethren, yea between fa­ther and children. And therefore he acknowledgeth this his contempt to be for his other sins, since in this he had dealt lovingly with his fellow-brethren, of whom, some had invited King Charls into the Kingdom of Lorain. More­over that the States of the Kingdom affirm plainly, that Kingdoms are not conquered by curses of Priests or Bishops; and that they have learned from the Holy Scripture, Kingdoms appertain unto God, by whom Kings do reign, and he gives them to whom he willeth: wherefore since the High-Priest cannot be both a King and a Bishop, he should leave the care of distri­buting Kingdoms; which as his Predecessours did not attempt against the schismatical, nor heretical, nor tyranous Emperours in their times; so neither can they now bear it, who know it to be written in the Holy Scripture, We should strive, even to death, for liberty and inheritance; neither are they ig­norant, if a Bishop excommunicate a Christian without reason, that the power of binding may be taken from him; but eternal life can be taken from no man, unless his own sins do demerit; neither can any man be spoiled of the name of a Christian for taking or conquering an earthly Kingdom; or can he be ranked with the Divel, whom Christ came to redeem, with his blood, from the Divel's power: and therefore if the Pope would have peace, let him so seek it, that he move no strife; for the people think not, that they cannot come to the Kingdom of Heaven, except they imbrace such an earth­ly King as the Pope recommendeth: as for the Oath (said he) and falshood, and tyranny whereof you write, the Peers of the Nation say unto us, that ye command not such things as concern your authority; yea they have not spa­red from menacings against you, which for the present I will not repeat; and I know, as they threatned with deliberation, so (if God suffer them) with­out retreating they will shew it indeed; and I know by experience, that with­out regard of admonition or sword of man's tongue (unless some other stay arise) our King and Nobility of this Realm will not fail to do accordingly, to their power, and follow forth what they have begun. He concludes, that Bishops, and himself especially, should take heed of their behaviour towards the King; since it is the Apostles doctrine, that all souls be subject unto Supe­riour powers. And with these Letters in the name of Hincmar, were other Letters written by common advice of the Bishops of France, being assemb­led at Rhemes, and sent unto Pope Adrian, who died in the fifth year of his pride, and so that strife ceased. Ph. Morn. in Myster. ex Aimoin. lib. 5. and out of others. Baronius in Annal. ad An. 870. §. 38. saith, Hincmar did forge many excuses, and by shifting did escape the sentence of the Apostolick See till Pope Adrian died.

11. JOHN the IX succeeds An. 872, as Onuphrius saith, who reckoneth The Pope climbeth above the Emperour, not the eight years between Nicolaus and Adrian; but others account his suc­cession in the year 876. He hapned on the fittest occasion of ambition among them all; for after his inauguration began the contention between Charls of France, and Charls of Germany for the Empire. The King of France was alwaies aiming at the Kingdom of Italy, and promised unto Pope John rich rewards, if he attained unto the Empire; he would defend the Church from all injury, and wholly quit the Territory of Rome. John did fear that the other would take his manure in Italy, and therefore desirous the Emperour were at a distance, rather than to sit in his eye, he invited the King of France [Page 127] to come unto Rome, and incontinently saluteth him Augustus; and by this means (saith Sigonius, and after him Ph. Morn. in Myster.) the Title Impera­tor Augustus, became the gift of the High-Priest wholly; and the years of their Empire, were reckoned from their consecration by the Pope. Conti­nuator Eutropii saith more plainly, Charls the Bald, coming to Rome, made covenant with the Romans, and granted unto them the rights of the King­dom, and revenues out of three Monasteries; that is, out of Saint Salvator's, Saint Mary in Sabinis, and Saint Andrew's on Mount Soracte, and the Im­perial Patrimony out of many other Monasteries; he gave them also the Pro­vinces of Samnio and Calabria, with all the Cities of Benevento, and the Dukedom of Spoleto, and two Cities of Tuscia, Arisium and Clusium, which did belong unto the Duke; so that he who before was above the Ro­mans in royality, seems now inferiour unto them; he removed also from them the Embassadours of the Empire, and his interest in the Apostolical ele­ction; what more? saith he, he granted them all that they would, even as these things are easily given, that are not well conquered, nor are hoped to be possessed in time coming. And Otho 3. Emp. in diplom. said, Charls gave what he never had, and he gave them as he could; for he sought them sini­strously, nor had he hope to in [...]oy them peaceably. And his brother, the King of Germany, and his son Charls despised this Coronation, and ceased not to invade both France and Italy. Here Sigonius de reg. Ital. lib. 4. obser­veth, that whatsoever other Emperours gave unto the Popes, they expressly did reserve the Princedom and dition of Rome, together with the election of the Bishop; both which now were renounced, and also the authority over the Church-lands, which his Successours sought to recover, and could not; for (as Continuator Eutropii saith) from this time none of the Kings, none of the Emperours, could recover the honourable priviledges of the Princely dignity, because they wanted either courage or knowledge, and through the many contentions and continual divisions of the Kingdom. Moreover, hitherto the Empire went by succession from the father to the son, or nearest in kindred; and the consecration of the King of Lombardy by the Bishop of Millan, or of the Emperour, by the Bishop of Rome, was accounted but a solemn rite; but Pope John taking this advantage, changeth the words to a loftier stile; for in the Convention, after he had commended King Charls, as far as Pope Adrian had reviled him, he added: Therefore we have chosen and approved him, together with the wishes and desires of all our brethren and fellow Bishops, and other servants of the Holy Church of Rome, and of the honourable Senate, and of all the people of Rome, and of this gowned Nation; and according to the ancient custom, we have solemnly advanced him unto the Scepter of the Roman Empire, and we have honoured him with the name Augustus. Charls was no sooner returned into France, but but is opposed in Italy, behold! the Dukes of Tusculum (whose head was Albertus) conspired with Formosus, Bishop of Portuen, and some others against Pope John, because he had preferred a stranger above Albertus, and many Italians would have had the Empire restored to their Nation. They did so vex him, that he was forced to send unto Charls for aid, craving that he would deliver Italy from the Sarazens, and himself from the Tusculans. In the mean time Charls had summoned a Councel in France, by advice of John Tuscanensis, and John Aretin, and Angesisus Senen, but by Apostolical authority, and his own confirmation. Thus begun the names of the Popes, to be prefixed with the names of Emperours and Kings, contrary to the ancient form. In this Synod, by vertue of an Epistle Decretal of Pope John, the Emperour did propound one day, and another, and the third day, to have Angesisus, the Pope's Le­gate, [Page 128] Primat of France, to the end he might execute the will of the Pope in France; to wit, call Synods, declare and publish the Papal Decrees unto other Bishops; and also, if need be, report unto the Apostolick See their pro­ceedings, and other intricate affairs might be dispatched, by his mediation, with the Apostolick See. So far was he besotted with the fatal cup. At that time the French Bishops clearly did perceive how great evils were imminent, and by the Clergy of France; and they would not condescend unto his temerity, but stood to their former liberty, Aimoin lib. 5. cap. 32. 33. Ph. Morn. in Myster. This John was the first who gave pardons or indulgences, to them who would fight against the Sarazens. When he was demanded, by the Bishops of France, Whether they who were dead, or afterwards might die in that cause, should obtain forgive­ness for their sins? We answer, said he, boldly with the godliness of Christ, who die in these Wars, with the godliness of the Catholick faith, shall receive the rest of eternal life. Ioha. Epist. 144. Ph. Morn. ib. pag. 195. As ready was he to accurse and account as Heathens, all them who give not obedience unto him; and so they were accounted Martyrs and Saints, who did bear Arms with him against whatsoever power. At that time Lakold, Duke of Cra­cove, Tet waxed in Poland, being chosen King of Poland, would not acknowledge Lewis, King of Germany, as his lawfull Superiour; but sent unto Pope John, professing to hold the Crown from him, and made the Kingdom Tributary unto Saint Pe­ter, by paiment of money yearly, Crantz. in Vandal. lib. 8. cap. 2. Into the and in Con­stantinople. East also his ambition goeth, but by a way directly contrary unto his Prede­cessours. Ignatius being restored by Basilius (as we have mentioned) and Pope Adrian, he pleaseth neither of the two; not the Emperour, because he would not sway to all his fantasies; neither pleaseth he the Pope, because he would not quit the Church of Bulgaria; and therefore Pope John threatned him with his curse. When Ignatius was dead, Basilius would have Photi­us restored, and because he was deposed by authority of a Councel, and the Pope, the Emperour dealt with Pope John that he might be set up again; and if John will consent, he saith, there would be more quietness in the Church, but otherwise the schism is like to continue; and he promised to prepare a Navy for the defence of the Coast of Latium and Hetruria against the Sarazens; and he will cause Photius to renounce the Church of Bulgaria unto the See of Rome. Ambition or (as Baronius ad An. 878. § 4. speaketh) worldly wisdom which is an enemy to God, so thrusteth Pope John head­long, that contrary to his Predecessours Nicolaus and Adrian; he restored Photius, who was so far from giving any sign of repentance, that in a mani­fest declaration of their eighth general Councel, he set himself directly against it; for Photius was scarce set in his chair, but he perswaded the Emperour to assemble another Synod at Constantinople, where he produced the Letters Where again opposition was made. of Pope John (whether true or false, it's uncertain; Baronius saith, they were feigned) declaring the late Councel, which was called the eighth general, to be of no authority; and they gave that name unto this Councel. Ph. Mornay saith, Zonaras described it under this name, with all the Acts and Sessions thereof. There were present three Legates of Pope John, to wit, two Bishops Paul and Eugenius, and Peter a Cardinal Priest; they were so basely intrea­ted, as appears in Zonaras, that none before them were so contemned. It is marked first here were 380 Bishops, and in the former were 301. 2. Nico­laus and Adrian were condemned as authours of much mischief, but John was advanced above the skies with praise. There a Councel condemning a Councel, where the Pope's Legates were Presidents, and which was confir­med by the Pope. 3. The Church of Bulgaria was referred to the Emperor, since it was a question of marches and jurisdiction. 4. By an express Canon [Page 129] it is provided, that whom the Pope shall excommunicate, the Patriarch shall not receive; and the Pope should not receive any, whom the Patriarch shall excommunicate. By this Canon all appellation from the Patriarch is taken away. Lastly, Photius keeps the place continually before the Roman Le­gates. Therefore Pope John accursed Photius again, and so the schism be­tween and greater schism. the Greeks and Latines was renued, and till this day was never taken away. John sate 10 years.

12. MARTIN the II came unto the Papacy by evil arts, and did no­thing worthy of memory, because it pleased God, that Princedoms wic­kedly conquered, have not true glory, the only food of a good Prince. Platin. He sate 1 year.

13. HADRIAN the III perswaded the people, that they should not The Emperour is debarred from the ele­ction. await the Emperour's authority, the election of the clergy and people being sufficient. Platina addeth, He was bold to do so, because the Emperour was fettered in wars against the Normans; and this was the first time that the Emperour was debarred from the election of the Pope, and a Decree was made, that the suffrages of the clergy and people is sufficient. But this De­cree continued but a short space, as followeth; he made another Decree, if Charls do die without succession, the Empire shall return to the Italians. This he did in favour of Albert Marquess of Tuscia, who had advanced him unto the Papacy. He sate 1 year.

14. STEPHEN the VI (but called the V) did nothing worthy of memory. He ordained that the Roman Canons should all, without excepti­on, be necessarily received of all men, Grat. dist. 19. cap. Enim verò. He sate six years. After him was much strife, and within nine years were nine Popes.

15. FORMOSUS was set up against the mind of the people, who did A question for the conse­cration of this Pope. strive for Sergius a Deacon; but Mars and money prevailed. He was one of those who conspired against Pope John, and when John was setled, he left his Bishoprick and fled into France. The Pope summoned him to return, and for not appearing he excommunicated him. At last he returned, and con­sented to his own degradation, and swore that he should never enter within the Gates of Rome, nor seek a Bishoprick, but abide a Secular; his Oath was written, and he subscribed it. Pope Martin released him of his Oath, and re­stored him to his Bishoprick; and now he attains the Papacy by bribery more than vertue, saith Platina. After his election question was for his consecrati­on, some did object a Canon of Pope Martin, which now is in Grat. dist. 50. cap. Qui semel, Who once shall fall after his ordination, and be deposed, he may enjoy no degree of Priesthood; but Formosus had been Canonically deposed, and had subscribed it, and swore to continue a Secular. On the other side it was answered, he was absolved from his oath and deprivation, and received Canonically by the same Pope. It was so hot, that Formosus sent unto the Emperour Arnulph for aid, who came, as is touched. Of him and his Successours, saith Platina, I cannot know by what destiny it hapned, that the vertue and integrity of Popes failed, with the courage of the Empe­rours; these times were most unhappy, since according to the judgement of Plato, the people in a Common-Wealth are like to the Princes. Formosus sate 5 years, but some say 1 year. The other short lived Popes, I refer unto the next Century.

CHAP. III. Of Divers Countries.

1. THe Emperour Charls the Great, did his best for advancing Schools The manners of the Clergy. and learning; his indeavours were not in vain, for we find more lear­ned men in this Century then in the eighth; but many of them who were highest in advancement, were given to pride, luxury, and worldly delights. As is touched before, Lewis the I, did observe and tax their pompous ve­stiments, which are seldom joined with zeal and diligent watchfulness over God's flock. And they were so far from following wholsom admonition, that some of them conspired against him who was called the Godly. But I leave observations, and hasten unto the story.

2. Claudius Taurinens. or (as some call him) Bishop of Turin, was diffa­med Against the worship of Images. as an Heretick, by Theodomire an Abbot, who did delate him unto the Pope. He writ his own Apology, a part of it is in Catal. test. ver. lib. 9. That it may appear wherefore he was accused, and how godly men have been traduced from time to time, I have transcribed a part of his Apology, it beginneth thus; Thine Epistle, with some other Chapters, full of pratling and foolishness, I have received...Wherein thou saiest, that thou art trou­bled, because the report hath gone of me from Italy, thorow all France into the uttermost parts of Spain, as if I taught a new Sect contrary unto the Ca­tholick saith, which is altogether most false; but it is no wonder that the limbs of the Divel have spoken so of me, since they called our Head himself a deceiver, and Daimoniack; for I broach not a Sect, I proclaim and teach the truth; but so far as I can, I do beat down all Sects, Schisms and Heresies; and according to my ability, I shall not cease, with God's help, to fight against them.....I destroy that which men do worship. For since it is said expressly, that no similitude should be made of any thing in Heaven above, or on earth, it is understood to be spoken not only of strange Gods, but of heavenly crea­tures also; it is not a little to be considered, that if the works of God should not be adored or worshipped, far less should the works of mans hand be wor­shipped and adored; neither are they for their honour whose similitude they are: Why castest thou thy selfinto the danger of death with a senceless image, which thou worshippest? Why fallest thou by it, and with it, in the condem­nation of the dead?.....But these Worshippers of false religion and super­stition say, For remembrance of our Saviour, we worship and adore the Cross, which is painted and framed unto his honour....God hath bid do one thing, and they do another; God hath commanded to bear the Cross, and they adore the Cross; they will adore it, because they will not bear it bo­dily nor spiritually: To worship God in this manner, is to depart from him; against them it is to be answered, if they will worship every tree made in form of the Cross, because Christ did hang on it, so did Christ many other things in the flesh; let all Virgins be worshipped, because he was born of a Virgin; let cribs also be worshipped....and old cloaths and Asses. These things are also ridiculous, and rather to be lamented then written; we are compelled to propound against these foolish men, and throw against these stony hearts not arrows or sentences of the Word, but stones.....Whereas thou saiest, And Pilgri­mages unto Rome. that I forbid men to go unto Rome for pennance, thou speakest falsely. I will first ask thee, if thou knowest that to go unto Rome is to make pennance; why hast thou, in so long time, destroied so many souls, which thou holdest within the Monastery, and took them into the Monastery for pennance, and hast not sent them unto Rome, but rather causest them to serve thee?..... [Page 131] We know, that the words of our Lord in the Gospel are not understood, when he said unto Peter, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock....Because of these words the ignorant sort of men, laying aside all spiritual understan­ding, will go to Rome to get life eternal...Let no man trust in the merit nor intercession of Saints, because unless they please God with the same saith, rightcousness and truth which these held, they cannot be saved; hear this ye unwise amongst the people, and ye fools be sometime wise; ye who go to Rome to seek the intercession of the Apostle, hear what Saint Augustine saith against you,....truly he should not be called Apostolical, who sitteth in the Chair of the Apostle, but who fullfilleth the Office of an Apostle. Bellarmin de reliq. Sanct. lib. 1. cap. 1. reckoneth this Claudius among his Hereticks; so doth Gretser. de festis, because in Church-service he would not name the Saints, nor would keep the feasts, and called them a vain and unprofitable custom, and did despise them; lest we seem, by intercession of the Saints, to seek any thing from God. Jonas Bishop of Orleance, writ against this Apo­logy, and his answer is in Biblioth. de la Bigne tom. 4. his opinion is in pag. 698. Whereas Claudius had cited the second command Exod. 20, Jonas answe­reth, This truth is our mind; it is true (I say) and most agreeable to the sound faith, that no image should be made of any thing in heaven or earth, where­unto worship or adoration, which is due unto God only, should be given any way; therefore since God is invisible and contains all, and is no where contained, we are forbidden to make an image of him, lest men might think that he is bodily: but consider whether thou, under the name of similitude, dost comprehend the images of the Saints; he quoteth the testimony of Au­gustine de Civ. Dei lib. 10. cap. 26. & ult. and Enarr. in Psal. 96, &c. and he commendeth the Epistle of Gregory to Seren, whereof mention is before in Century 7. chap. 3. And pag. 699 he saith, We account it impiety to adore a creature, or to give it any part of Divine service; and with a loud voice we proclaim that the doer of such a crime, should be detested and anathemati­sed. And pag. 701. It is the crime of impiety, to worship any other but the Father, Son and Holy Ghost.

3. At the same time Agobard was Bishop of Lions, he took part with Lo­tharius against his father, and therefore was deposed; after the reconciliation he was restored, and being a man of wisedom and knowledge was imploied in the greatest affairs of the Kingdom. His works were Printed at Paris, An. 1605. from which impression these passages are extracted. Pag. 52. There is one immovable foundation, there is one rock of faith, which Peter confes­seth, Thou art the son of the living God. Pag. 128. The uncleanness of our time deserves a fountain of tears; when so ungodly a custom is become so fre­quent, Domestical Chaplains. that there is none almost, aspiring to temporal honour, who hath not a Priest at home, not whom he obeyeth, but of whom he exacteth all manner of obedience uncessantly, not in divine things, but in wordly also; so that ma­ny of them do service at Table or mixeth Wine, and leadeth Dogs, feeds Horses; or attends Husbandry; neither regard they what manner of Clarks these be, but only that they may have Priests of their own, and so they leave Churches and Sermons, and publick service: it is clear that they seek them, not for honour of religion, because they have them not in honour, and speak disdainfully of them. Pag. 163, Why say ye, it is not true, that he who is Humility. truly humble, thinks not basely of himself, and believeth that he is a sinner? Since this is most openly manifest, that is the property of the Saints, and not of proud men?....Also the Apostle James saith, in many things we all of­fend; which if any will say it is spoken of humility; let him know, that so he followeth Pelagius; and if he would be amended, let him read the books of [Page 132] Augustine against the Pelagians; and let him know, that all the Saints did truly accuse themselves of their sins; so that they had need to say for themselves. Forgive us our debts. He is large against the worship of Images. Pag. 237. Worship of Images. One will say, I think not that there is any God-head in the Image which I adore, but I worship it for his sake whose Image it is. I answer, if the Image be not God, it should no way be worshipped; as it were to honour the Saints, who no way would admit divine honour to themselves. Pag. 251. Let God be adored, worshipped and reverenced by believers; let sacrifice be gi­ven to him only;....Let Angels and holy men be loved and honoured with love, and not with such service. Pag. 254. The Orthodox Fathers, for avoi­ding such superstition, did rightly ordain, that no Picture should be in a Church, lest that which is worshipped and adored, be painted on Walls. Bellarmin. de Scriptor. Eccles. sect. 9. speaking of Ionas Epist. Aurelia. saith, Jo­nas and other Bishops of France, in that age, were overtaken with Agobert's errour. By the Jesuits confession then, many Bishops of France, were against the present errours of Rome.

7. Angelom a Monk of Luxovia, and of much reading, at the intreaty of Drogo Epist. Meten. writ many books. In 3 Reg. cap. 19. he saith, As the The Word. body cannot live without nourishment; so neither can the soul live without the word of God. In lib. 1. cap. 2. None by his own strength is able to do No good of our selves. good, nor resist the Divel; yea if he attempt to lift up himself against the Lord, he loseth the good which he seems to have. Ibid. cap. 25. As it is easie for a man to hold in his hand a few herbs that are knit together; so the power Perseverance. of our Lord and Saviour easily preserveth all the elect throughout the world, from the beginning to the end, that none of them by any means can perish; as he saith, I give them life eternal, and they shall not perish for ever, neither shall any pluck them out of my hand. In 2. Reg. cap. 8. Our Lord Jesus by Predestina­tion. his secret dispensation from among unbelieving men, hath predestinated some unto eternal liberty, quickning them of his gracious mercy; but in his se­cret judgement he leaveth others in their wickedness, and hath condemned them unto everlasting death. In the Preface before 3 Reg. In all things we have need of aid from the Holy Spirit. In 4 Reg. cap. 19. Whosoever, by true faith, toucheth the death of Christ, and truly laieth hope on him, shall without doubt be pertaker of his resurrection. Catal. test. ver. lib. 10.

8. Raban Magnentius, otherwise surnamed Maurus, was famous in the University of Paris for Poesie, Rhetorick, Astronomy, others Philosophy and Theology, unto whom neither Germany nor Italy brought forth an equal, saith Trithemius. He became Abbot of Fulda, where he was born, and there he writ Commentaries on all the Books of the Bible. His Monks were offended, that he did so study the Scriptures, and did not attend their Reve­nues, as Trithem. writeth; therefore after 24 years he gave place to their anger, and left the Abbey; but they besought him to return, and he would not, but did abide with the Emperour Lewis, untill Otgar, Bishop of Ments died, and Raban succeeded. Tho. Walden in the daies of Pope Martin the V. reckoned him and Herebald or Reginbald, Bishop of Altisiodor. amongst Hereticks, because they favoured Bertram. Out of some of his works I have picked out these passages. In Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 7, he saith, In meditating and reading The perfecti­on of Scri­pture. the Holy Scriptures we should be wary, neither to add any thing to that which is written, nor take away from those things which are comprehended by the Authours of Divine Scriptures in those books; but we should thing of them with the highest veneration, and with all our strength fullfill the command­ments thereof. Ibid. cap. 1, Man can now be saved no other way but by the death of Jesus Christ, who is our Redeemer. Ibid. lib. 5. cap. 5, The foun­dation A sure foun­dation. [Page 133] which the Apostle Paul hath laied is one, the Lord Jesus Christ; upon this foundation both firm and stable, and strong in it self, is the Church of Christ builded. In Ier. lib. 18. cap. 2. Lest they would say, Our fathers were Against me­rits. accepted for merits, and therefore did they receive great things from God; he adjoineth, this was not for their merits, but because it so pleased God, whose free gift it is, whatsoever he bestoweth. De modo satisfact. cap. 2. & 17. Whatsoever one remembreth that he hath done wickedly, let him declare it Confession. unto the Priest by confession; but if thou art ashamed to reveal thy sins be­fore men, cease not with continual supplications to confess them unto him, from whom they cannot be hid; and say, Against thee only have I sinned: he useth to heal, not publishing thy shame; and to forgive sin, without up­braiding. De Eucharist. cap. 24. Behold what these two Sacraments do! by Two Sacra­ments. baptism we are regenerate in Christ, and by the Sacrament of the body and blood regeneration is proved to continue; not only by faith, but by unity of flesh and blood. Here he speaks but of two Sacraments, and so he calleth them expressly: But de Institut. Cleric. lib. 1. cap. 31. one may think that he speaks of more Sacraments; for he saith, Because we have spoken of more Sacraments, Baptism and Chrism; it remaineth that we speak of the other two, that is, of the body and blood of Christ. But when he calleth the body and blood of Christ two Sacraments, it is clear, that he calleth the two ele­ments, two Sacraments, and that is improperly. And in cap. 28. of the fore­named book, When the baptized person ascends out of the Fount, imme­diately he is signed in the face, by the Presbyter, with holy chrism: here he speaketh not of extream unction, as they now speak; but of an appendix of baptism, as they were wont in those daies; and this he calleth improperly another Sacrament: but in that chap. de Eucharist. he speaketh properly, and nameth two, baptism, and the body and blood of Christ. Ibid. cap. 41. And The signs are distinguished from the thing signi­fied. because he [Christ] according to the flesh, must pierce the heavens; to the end, those who by faith are renued and born again in him, might more ear­nestly and confidently long after him; he hath left unto us this Sacrament as a visible figure and resemblance, a sign and seal of his body and blood, that by these things our minds and our bodies, by faith, may be more plenteously nourished, to partake of invisible and spiritual things; now it is the sign which we outwardly see and feel, but that which is inwardly received is all substance and truth, and no shadowing or resemblance; and therefore there is nothing but truth, and the Sacrament of the very flesh of Christ, which is manifested unto us; for the very flesh of Christ, which was crucified and bu­ried, even the Sacrament of that true flesh it is; which by the Priest, upon the Altar, through the word of Christ, and power of the Holy Spirit, is consecra­ted and hallowed. See how Raban distinguishes that which is received out­wardly and inwardly in the Sacrament; and he calleth the outward part a vi­sible figure and representation, a sign and seal of the body and blood; and that which is received inwardly is no shadow or resemblance, but substance and truth, even the very body of Christ, which was crucified, and (as he saith in the first part of this testimony) which hath pierced the Heavens. De Insti­tut. Cleric. lib. 2. cap. 30. Satisfaction is to exclude the occasions and sugge­stions of sin, or not to commit sin again: Reconciliation is that which is done after repentance; for as we are reconciled unto God, when we are con­verted first from gentilism; so we are reconciled, when after sin we return. Lib. 2. cap. 57. He hath the Confession that was professed at that time, saying;

9. This is next unto the Creed of the Apostles, the most certain faith, A confession of faith. which our Teachers have given, That we should profess the Father, the Son, [Page 134] and the Holy Spirit of one essence, of one power and sempiternity; one invi­sible God, so that the propriety of persons being reserved unto each one, neither the Trinity should be divided substantially, nor confounded personal­ly; to confess also that the Father is unbegotten, the Son is the only begot­ten, and the Holy Spirit is neither begotten nor unbegotten, but proceedeth from the Father and from the Son; that the Son proceedeth from the Father by generation; the Holy Spirit not begotten, but proceeding; also that the Son did assume of the Virgin perfect manhood without sin; that whom of his goodness only he had created, of his mercy he might restore after he was fal­len; who verily was crucified, and rose again the third day, and with the same flesh being glorified, he ascended into Heaven; in the which flesh he is ex­pected to come and judge the quick and the dead; and that Christ in one person, beareth both the divine and the human nature, being perfect in both, because neither the integrity of both natures did double his person, nor the unity of his person confoundeth his twofold nature; for by the one he ex­cludes not the other, because each of them keepeth both with undefiled right; which the wholsom authority of the Old and New-Testament commendeth; that by prophecy, and this by history, being truly fullfilled; and that concer­ning God, and the creatures of this world, we should not agree with the Pa­gans nor Hereticks, when they disagree from the truth; but in both Testa­ments the Divine Oracles testifie, that not of necessity God made man and all things, neither is there any visible or invisible substance, which is not God, or the good creature of our God: But God is infinitely and immutably good, but the creature is less and mutably good; and that the beginning of the soul is uncertain; and that the natures of souls and Angels are not a part of God's substance, but the creature of God, and made of nothing; and there­fore is not bodily, since it is created to the image of God. Concerning the godliness of manners, without which faith of the worship of God is idle and fainteth, and with which the integrity of Divine worship is perfected; that every one should love God for God, and his neighbour in God; that by in­creasing he may attain; that one cannot be defiled with the sin of another, where is not alike consent of wills: That lawfull marriages are not damnable, although in them posterity be procreated subject unto original sin; and that the integrity of faithfull virgins and continent persons, is to be preferred above them. Let not the one baptism of the Trinity be iterated, (which is not lawfull) neither let it be thought profitable to each man according to the diversity of the Minister; but that by singular power it is given of him, of whom we hear it to be said, Upon whom thou shalt see the Holy Ghost des­cending and abiding upon him, that is he which baptiseth with the Holy Ghost, and I saw and bear witness that he is the Son of God. Let us not think we have no need of the remedies of repentance for the daily excesses of human frailty, without which we cannot be in this life; so that in the fruitfull remorse of repentance, we confess that all our sins are blotted away; as it is written, Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered: blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputes not iniquity. And that no man by his own strength, but by the only grace of God, is united unto the Head Christ, and made solid in the unity of his Church, by unseparable perseve­rance of peace. Neither should any good thing be imputed to the liberty of man's will. Also that the temporal goods that are common to the good men and bad, are created by God, and according to his dispensation are given or denied to every one; of which goods, in every one that beleeves, not the ha­ving, but the use or abuse is commended or condemned; but the godly only can attain unto the certain and eternal goods in the World to come; and we [Page 135] believe now that the Church hath received a pledge of these things, having the first fruits of the Spirit here, and perfection hereafter; here she is upholden with hope, hereafter is nourished in very deed; here seeing through a glass darkly, and hereafter face to face, when from faith she shall be brought to sight; which when it shall be perfected, as we shall injoy the most perfect gifts of the most high God, so shall we not harm our neighbours. That we have also that hope of the resurrection, in the same order, and in the same form as our Lord arose from the dead; we beleeve also that we shall rise again, in the same time wherein we are and live, not changing our nature nor sex, but only laying off our frailty and vices. That Satan with his Angels and servants shall be condemned into everlasting fire; neither according to the sacrilegious dispensation of some men, shall he be restored into his first, that is, Angelical dignity, from which he fell by his own wickedness. This is the integrity of the faith of Catholick tradition, of which if any one article be denied, all the belief of faith is lost. So far hath Raban there. Now if this Confession be conferred with the Confession which was published and injoi­ned by Pope Pius the IV, in the year 1564, we may find many additions in the Church of Rome, which were not known in the daies of Raban; and if he were now alive, and professed to believe no otherwise then the Church did at that time, he could not be a Bishop, although Trithem. calleth him a match­less one.

10. And to the end we may see how far the Church, in that time, differed Of the Mass. from the primitive Church, in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, and what hath been added unto it since that time; let us hear the same Raban, shew­ing the form of it in his daies, in Lib. 1. de Institut. Cleric. Cap. 32 & 33; and therewith, on the margine, we shall shew the original of every novation by correspondent figures; and he beginneth thus:

The Lord first ordained the Sacra­ments (1) of his body and blood, with blessing and thanksgiving, and so delivered it unto his Apostles; and they followed the same manner, and taught their Successours to do so, which all the Churches, generally through all the World now keepeth. In the beginning was not the custom of tooning, which now is in the Church before the sacrifice; but the Epistles were read and the holy Evan­gelists (2.) But since we are begun to speak of the sacrifice (3,) we will declare to what end all this order was institute. First then in the celebrati­on [Page 140] of the Mass, (4) at the coming in of the Priest (5) unto the Altar, (5) the antiphona (6) is sung (7) by the Clark, that a sound may be heard, when he entreth into the Sanctuary before the Lord; as in the Old-Te­stament, the entring of the High-Priest was known by the sound of the Bells; wherefore the singing of God's praise is heard for just cause, that the holy harmony of the Ministers, may go before the mysteries of the holy ce­lebration; and the Sacrifice of wor­thy praise, may go before the vene­rable Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ: for the Queere (8) is the multitude assembled unto the holy service; and is so called, because in the beginning, they stood like a Crown about the Altar. After the [Page 141] Priest's coming in, the Letanies (9) are said by the Clarks, that the Com­mon-Prayer may go before the parti­cular prayer of the Priest. Then fol­loweth the Priest's prayer, (10) who when he hath saluted the people with peace, (11) receiveth the answer of peace from them; that true concord, and charity, and pure devotion may the easier obtain their Petitions, from him who looketh into the heart, and judgeth inwardly. Then the Reader readeth a part of the Canon, (12) [Page 142] that the mind of the hearers being prepared thereby, may be the more attentive to the rest. After this a Chanter singeth Responsorium, (13) so named, because when one resteth, another answereth. The same is also called Graduale, because it is sung up­on the steps of the Pulpit. After it Ha­lelujah (14) is sung, to lift up the minds of the people unto Heavenly things, and raise them unto Divine contemplations. Then the Gospel is (15) read in audience of the people, by the Deacon, with great authority; that his doctrine may be heard, and his vertue be understood by the Gos­pel, the mystery of whose body is then celebrate. Then the offerings (16) are made by the people, and the Offertorium (17) is sung by the Clarks, which hath the name from the causes; as if one would say, The Song of the Offerers. And the [Page 144] Pallium corporale (18) is laid upon the Altar, which signifieth the cloath wherein Christ's body is wrapped; it is of pure linnen, and not of silk or purple, nor of litted cloath, as we find to have been ordained by Pope Syl­vester. Then are laid down the holy vessels, (19) (which are the Cup and the Platter) upon the Altar; these two somewhat resemble the Lord's burial, because as then Christ's body being anointed with odours, was laid in a new Tomb, by the obedience of the Saints; so now his mystical body being embalmed with holy prayer, is given in the holy vessels to be recei­ved by Believers in the ministry of the Priests. After all this the Mass (20) is sung by the Priest; who when he hath spoken of the lifting up the heart (21) unto the Lord, he exhorts the people to give thanks (22) unto the Lord; and he filling his mouth with praises, praieth that the Almighty God the Fa­ther, to whom the Heavenly powers do serve, would of his grace com­mand, that the professions of men may be conform to their voices. Af­ter this prayer, followeth a song, made of the songs of Angels and Men, (23) to wit, Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God of Hosts, &c. Now is the con­secration (24) of the Body (25) and Blood of the Lord, and earnest pray­er unto God (26;) and in the mean [Page 145] time the Lord's Prayer is tooned (27.) For when they come to communi­cate (28,) and receive (29) the body (30,) they give one to another the kiss [Page 148] of peace, (31) and they sing, The Lamb of God, (32) who takes away the sin of the world, that (33) we in peace perceiving the Sacrament may be made of the number of thy chil­dren, and have all our sins forgiven us. After the Communion, and a song of that name (34,) and the blessing (35) of the people by the Priest, a Deacon intimateth unto the people, that the Mass is ended (36,) and dis­misseth them (37.)

12. Methodius, a Bishop of Moravia Juliamentana, went with one Cyril The Bible and Worship in vulgar language. into Poland, in the daies of Lewis the Godly, and converted many of the Sclavi unto Christianity. He found the Vandal Letters, and translated the Scriptures into that language; and in their Liturgy they used the vulgar lan­guage: therefore he was summoned to Rome; he went, and defended him­self by the testimony of Paul, Rom. 14. Every tongue shall confess unto the Lord; and he did shew the inconvenience of speaking in an unknown lan­guage among these new Proselytes. So Pope Nicolaus granteth liberty unto the Scalves and Polonians to use their own language. When he returned from Rome, he dealt with others in Dalmatia and Illyticum to put away the La­tine, and serve God in their vulgar language. The Bishops and Priests were so offended with him, that he was constrained to return into Moravia, where he died, Catol. test. ver. lib. 9.

13. Huldricus or Uulrik (usually called Saint Ulrik) Bishop of Augusta Against the [...] single life of the Clergy. Vindelicor. did write unto Pope Nicolaus the I, against the Decree for single life of Priests. After a modest and grave Preface, he saith; Since there are ve­ry many proofs both in the Old and New-Testament; let it not, I beseech, be grievous unto thy Father-hood, that a few, of many, be inserted into this page. The Lord in the old Law ordained marriage unto the Priests, which he is never read to have forbidden again. But in the Gospel he saith...be­cause of fornication, let every man have his own wife. The hypocrites say falsely, this belongeth especially to Laicks; and they themselves, although entred into the Holy Orders, spare not to abuse other mens wives. After other testimonies of the Scriptures, he citeth unto this purpose, some testi­monies out of Regula Clericor. and out of Augustine; out of Tripartita Hi­storia, he citeth the History of Paphnutius in the Councel of Nice; then he bringeth the practice of Pope Gregory the I, who once condemned marri­age of Priests, and when he saw so many heads of babes, even more then 6000, which were taken out of his pond, he condemned his own Decree, and said; It is better to marry, then to give occasion of murther. And then [Page 155] Ulrik inferreth, If they had read such an accident as I have, I beleeve they would not (possibly) judge so rashly....Unto so fond, filthy suggestion of this command, (I will not say counsel) they have further said, It is more honest to have dealing with many women secretly, then openly in the sight and knowledge of men to be knit with one. Which surely they would not say, if they were of him or in him, who said, Wo to you Pharisees hypocrites, who do all things to be seen of men, &c. The late Romanists have great spight against this Epistle, and call it a Lutheran fiction; their Iudices expurgatorii have ordained that it shall not be Printed again; and they have forged argu­ments against it from the name of the Authour, and the Age wherein he lived, &c. But the more they study to darken it, it is the more cleared; as may be seen in the Treatise of Bishop Hall, The honour of the married Clergy, lib. 3. sect. 2, 3, 4. One proof of it, is, th [...]t Aeneas Sylvius de morib. German. speak­ing of Ausburg, saith, Udalrik is the Saint of this Title, who did reprove the Pope concerning Concubines. So he nameth lawfull wives.

14. Gunther Bishop of Colen, and Thietgaud Bishop of Trevers, went Bishops call the Pope a Wolf, &c. with a Commission from their Nation, unto Pope Nicolaus; and were hard­ly dealt with, because they freely delivered the grievances of their Nation. They escaped with their lives, and did write back complaining of the wrongs which he had done them; and then they say, The eternal Emperour hath furnished his Empress and Spouse with spiritual and everlasting stuff; and beautified her not with frail or perishing dowry....Which benefits thou as a briggaud interceptest, and takest from the Church of God, and transfer­rest unto thee; thou art a Wolf unto the Sheep, and thou killest the living; thou drawest the strong from above, and by thy wonders thou thrustest down to Hell...thou bearest the person of an High-Priest, but plaiest the Tyrant; under the Coat of a Shepheard, we find thee to be a Wolf; thou art called a Father, but falsely, and thou shewest thy self a Judas by thy deeds; when thou callest thy self the servant of servants, thou contendest to be Lord of Lords; and according to the discipline of Christ our Saviour, thou art the lowest of all the Servants of God's Church, but in ambition thou runnest headlong; whatsoever pleaseth thee, is lawfull; and thou art become a drone to Chri­stians. [What remains but to call him the Antichrist, whom the Roma­nists call the third Elias?] They conclude; For these causes we, with our bre­thren and collegues, will neither stand at thy command, nor acknowledge thy voice; neither do we fear thy Bulls and Thunders, &c. Of his Primacy they say, The Holy Ghost is the Authour of all Churches, how far soever they be separated thorow the World; the City of our God, whose Citizens we are, belongeth to the four airths or corners of Heaven; it is larger then the City which the holy Prophets have called Babylon, because she makes her god-head equal unto the Heaven; and braggeth that she is eternal, as if she were God having all wisdom; and glorieth that she neither erreth, nor can erre. Ph. Morn. in Myster. pag. 175. Where also is another Epistle writ­ten unto the same Pope, drawn out of the French Annals: it concludeth thus; We will in no way receive thy wicked sentence, which is far from the zeal of uprightness, unjust, unreasonable, and contrary to the Canonical laws; yea, with all the Synod of our brethren, we despise and contemn it as un­lawfull, accursed, and fondly pronounced; and truly we will not communi­cate with thee, who art a favourer and pertaker with accursed persons, and despisers of holy religion; we are content with the communion of the whole Church, and society of brethren; above whom thou exaltest thy self, whom thou despisest, and from whom thou separatest thy self by thy swelling pride: Now we who have experience of thy craft and deceit, and also know thy [Page 156] disdain and swelling dominion, we yeeld nothing, nothing at all unto thee nor thy pride; whereby thou indeavourest to overwhelm us all at the plea­sure of our enemies, whom thou favourest; and thou shalt know that we are not thy Clarks, as thou vauntest of thy self; but if thy pride would suffer thee, thou shouldest acknowledge us thy brethren and fellow Bishops. Hence it appeareth, that they begun by experience to smell out, where the Antichrist or the man of pride was.

15. When the controversie was between Charls the Bald, and the two A lamenta­tion for the Church in her pretended head; and remedy peti­tioned from Kings. Kings of Germany, for the division of Lorain, or (as Ph. Morn. speaks) for marches, Luithpert Bishop of Mentz, was so respected for his gifts of prudence and holiness, that the Kings did refer the deciding of the contro­versie unto him. When the Pope did begin to usurp more and more upon the Bishops of Germany, Luithpert writ unto King Lewis thus; The pre­sent cause permits me not to be silent any longer, which if I forsake, I cannot be excusable before our Lord Jesus Christ, unto whom it appertains; and I should be conyict of my promise made unto your Majesty, if I sitting in the watch, wherein I am set, do see danger coming on you, and with idle and unfaithfull silence I dissemble, and becoming sloathfull I will seem an hire­ling rather than a Shepheard of the Church, the Pastoral care of which, un­worthy I have taken upon me. The dignity of the Church is grievously sha­ken and defaced in the Seat of Saint Peter, even so that by a hid persecution the like hath not been heard; not by Infidels or them who know not the Lord, but by them (ô how to be bewailed!) who should be guides and go­vernours of the Church; they indeavour to advance the doctrine of man above the word of God; and the malady of the head, if it be not prevented by timely and wholesom medicine, must needs spread through the members. Ye know the danger of God's people, which is fearfully approaching; nei­ther can ye be ignorant, that the Pastours (at which the elements do trem­ble) who should provide for the safety of the weak, have left the path-way, and themselves run into perdition, and they open a ditch to so many as fol­low them. Wherefore I exhort your wisdom, who lovest truth and righte­ousness, that according to the wisdom given unto you from above, ye would deal with them which know the truth and love righteousness, what way the scandals of dissension may be removed, which the sower of Tares, by his craft, ceaseth not to spread; and that peace and long wished for unity, may be restored unto the Church; and the help of watchfulness may be had in time, lest foolish negligence give way unto the wounds; for all the body of the Church is not yet wounded, although the head be smitten with sores, and several members seem to be diseased; and therefore the infirm must be hel­ped (if they will accept of cure) by those which are known to be whole and sound; or they must be cutt off, according to the command of our Physici­an, lest the whole body perish. Wherefore it seemeth unto me both neces­sary and expedient, that the religious Prince Charls, your brother, be in time requested unto this purpose, that as well he, as the Priests of his King­dom, may meet with you and your Bishops, and may be partners of the same work with you; that when ye shall, by the help of God, return peaceably from your intended journy, with one consent and common indeavour, by the grace of God, ye may restore peace and concord unto the Catholick and Apostolical Church, according to orthodox doctrine. Ph. Morn. in My­ster. pag. 162. Observe here the estate of the Church at that time; and that when the head is diseased, the body cannot be readily cured, but by com­mon authority of Princes and Synods.

[Page 157] 16. Hincmar (of whom I have made mention in Pope Nicolaus) was ma­ny years Arch-Bishop of Rhemes; upon several occasions he did solicit and flatter the Popes, and at other times did practice and write against them; as is to be seen in Baron. Annal. tom. 9. and the Cardinal doth accordingly allow The power of Provincial Bishops. and disallow him. In one of his Epistles he professeth, that he had received a Palle from Pope Leo the IV, not as a badge of subjection; and he avoweth plainly, that in doubtfull causes the Provincial Bishops should ask counsel from the Arch-Bishop, neither should a Bishop go unto the Pope, untill he advertize and confer with the Arch-Bishop, neither needeth the Arch-Bishop await, for judgment from the See of Rome, so far as he hath certain decrees of Canons, Laws and Councels. And he did forbid his Nephew Hincmar to obey the Pope's citation, when he summoned him to Rome. In an Epistle to Pope Hadrian the II, he quoteth a testimony of Pope Leo the I, that au­thority is derived from Peter, and the other Apostles, unto all the Bishops of the Church; for the priviledge of Saint Peter is, wheresoever according Rome and Rhemes com­pared. to his equity justice is done, no less in Rhemes then in Rome, and no more in Rome then in Rhemes, but is alike unto all every where, according as Bishops more or less discharge their office. And he expounds these words, Thou art Peter...as Augustine doth in Ser. 13. de verb. Dom. I will build my Church upon that firm and solid confession which thou hast confessed. Ph. Morn. in Myster. in an Epistle to Hincmar Bishop of Laudun, saith, The se­venth general Councel so called by the Greeks (indeed a wicked Councel) concerning Images, which some would have broken into pieces, and some would have to be worshipped, was kept not long before my time by a num­ber of Bishops gathered together at Nice; the Acts thereof the Bishop of Rome did send into Francia, in the Reign of Charls the Great (the See Apostolick willing it to be so) a Synod was held in Germany by the convocation of the same Emperour, and there by the path-way of Scriptures, and the tradition of the Fathers, the false Councel of the Greeks was confuted and utterly reje­cted; of whose consutation there was a good big volumn sent from Charls, by some Bishops, unto Rome, which in my young years I did read in the Pa­lace. This testimony is of more credit then a hundred late Writers, who de­ny that Synod at Frankford, or that a Synod under Charls did condemn the second Synod at Nice. Thereafter in that Epistle he saith, We should be­leeve that the motion of repentance is from God, as the Apostle saith, If God will give them repentance....To have Church is not to have a primacy in Divine things; for then all rulers of the Church should have primacy; all those wicked men rule not the Church, who seem to be within; neither is it denied but they give baptism. In the same Epistle, he rebuketh his Nephew for de­nying baptism unto Infants, Catol. test. ver. lib. 9.

17. At that time was much to do in the doctrine of Predestination. Got­teschalk The five Ar­ticles of Got­teschalk. (by birth a Frank or Belgik, as Aventin. lib. 4. Annal. Boior. calleth him) was ordained a Priest by Rigbold chorepiscopus, in the vacancy of the See of Rhemes. The now named Hincmar, in an Epistle unto the Church of Lions (which is in Biblioth. Sixt. Senen. part. 1. pag. 1053. edit. Colon.) writes that he held these five Articles: First, God, before all ages, and ere he made any thing, even from the beginning, did predestinate unto the Kingdom whom he would, and did predestinate unto destruction whom he would. 2. They who are predestinate unto destruction cannot be saved, and who are predestinate unto the Kingdom cannot perish. 3. God willeth not that all men be saved, but only them who be saved; and whereas the Apostle saith, Who willeth that all men be saved, he meaneth only all them who shall be sa­ved. 4. Christ came not to save all men, nor did he suffer for all men; but [Page 158] only for them who shall be saved by the mystery of his Passion. 5. Since the first man fell of his free will, none of us can use free-will to do good, but only to do evil. Remigius, Bishop of Lions, in the name of the Church of Lions, are defended and opposed, defended these five Articles, as is to be seen loc. cit. Whereupon Hincmar writ unto Pope Nicolaus (as Baron. Annal. ad An. 948. relates) against Got­teschalk, and calleth these Articles the heresie of the Predestinatians, which was overthrown in Affrick; and thereafter in France by authority of Pope Celestine, and by the care and vigilancy of Prosper. When Gotteschalk re­turned from Italy, Raban Bishop of Mentz, summoned him into a Synod; and when he could not perswade him to change his mind, he did write unto Hincmar and others, and did oppugn some conclusions which he had wrested from these five Articles. Remigius writes again, shewing that all the argu­ments of Raban did not touch the Articles, as it is in the above named Bi­bliotheca. Then Hincmar summoned Gotteschalk unto a Synod of 12 Bi­shops, and some Priests and Abbots, in Carisiac on Isara, where four Arti­cles were enacted against him; he was condemned of heresie and contuma­cy; and he con­demned. The Articles at Carisiac, he was whipped with rods and cast in prison. The Church of Lions, after sight of these four Articles, sent forth their censure of them, both which are in Biblioth. cit. pag. 1082. The Canons are these: First, God Almighty made man without sin, upright, with free will, and set him in Paradise, whom he would to abide in the holiness of righteousness. 2. Man using ill his free-will, did sin and fall, and became the mass of perdition of mankind; but the good and just God did chuse of the same mass of perdition, according to his fore-knowledge, whom by his grace he did predestinate to life, and prepared life eternal for them. 3. But others whom in the judgement of righteousness, he left in the mass of perdition, he foreknew them to perish, but he did not pre­destinate that they should perish; yet because he is just, he did predestinate everlasting punishment unto them; and therefore we say, there is but one pre­destination of God, which concerneth the gift of grace or the rendring of righteousness. Can. II. In the first man we have lost the freedom of will, which we have received by Christ; and we have free will unto good, being preve­ned and helped by grace; and we have free will unto evil, being forsaken of grace; and we have free-will, because it is freed by grace, and by grace hea­led from corruption. Can. III. God will have all men, without exception, to be saved, although all men be not saved; and that some are saved, it is the gift of him who saveth; and that some perish, it is the merit of them who pe­rish. Can. IV. Our Lord Jesus Christ, as there was not, is, nor shall be any man, whose nature is not assumed in him; so there was, is, and shall be no man for whom he did not die, although all be not redeemed by the mystery of his Passion; it concerneth not the greatness and copiousness of the price, but it concerneth the part of unbelievers, and them who beleeve not with that faith which worketh by love; for the cup of man's salvation, which was made through human infirmity and divine vertue, hath in it self that it may be pro­fitable unto all; but if it be not drunken, it cureth not. Followeth the sum are censured by the Church of Lions Can. I. of the censure of the Church of Lions: in the first part of the first Canon is no mention of the grace of God (without which no rational creature ever could, or now can, or shall be able to be, or abide, or persist in righteousness and ho­liness) as if man had been so set in Paradise, that by his free will only he could have continued in holiness, according to the Pelagian errour. In the second part they took it ill, that although it be said, The Elect are saved by the grace of God, and life eternal is prepared for those Elect; yet it is said, that God hath chosen those Elect, according to his foreknowledge, without mention of grace; as if it were grace that the Elect attain life; and grace that life is pre­pared [Page 159] for them; and it were not grace, but foreknowledge that they are cho­sen, which is manifestly contrary to the Catholick faith; because God in chusing them whom he hath predestinate, foreknew not their merits so, as that there fore he hath chosen them, or because he fore-saw that of themselves they would be good; but the very election, that of the mass of perdition they were made the vessels of mercy, without any good merit; it was only grace by which they were severed from the children of perdition; for the Apostle diligently commends unto us this election not of merits but of grace, where­by not the good works of any were foreknown, but only divine mercy was prepared. Rom. 9, For the children being yet not born, nor having done any good or evil, that the purpose of God according to the election might stand, not of works, but of him who calleth; and 2 Tim. 1. according to his own purpose and grace which was given unto us in Christ...In the third part they do note that the truth is denied, and also confirmed by the testimony even of them who deny it; while they say, that God in his just judgement hath forsaken others, that is, the reprobates in the mass of perdition; and that he did not predestinate, but only foreknew that they would perish: for how foreknew he only, and did not predestinate that which by their own con­fession he did decree in just judgement? Why dare man accept in part, and deny in part the true and perfect predestination of the just judgement of God, whereby he, in his eternal counsel, did fore-ordain the righteous unto life, and the unrighteous unto punishment? How hath he foreknown only, and not also fore-ordained what by their confession he hath discerned in just judge­ment? As if the Almighty God hath both fore-known and fore-ordained, what in his just judgment he was to do unto the elect; but did foresee and not fore-ordain, what he was to do in the same just judgment concerning the re­probate; seeing on both sides is the same judgement and the same righteous­ness, whereby reward is given unto the righteous, and punishment unto the unrighteous; for if this predestination were violent or unjust or prejudicial un­to any, it should no way be beleeved of him, in whom is no iniquity. And seeing most manifestly it is not violent, (because it compelleth no man to be evil,) nor unjust (because it punisheth them only, which through their own fault continue in evil,) nor prejudicial (because it pre-judgeth not any, as if through his sentence, and not their own merit, they do perish;) what is bla­med where only equity and righteousness is found? Truly that doth Divine predestination towards men, which Divine prescience also doth; he fore­knew that they would be evil, but he did not by his fore-knowledge compel them to be evil; he did predestinate them to be punished who did continue in evil, nor yet did he compel them by that predestination, that they were or did continue evil. And this is his equity, that who willingly continue in evil, should be unwillingly punished........These things have we said, to the end, that if any thing be spoken unadvisedly upon occasion of obscure doctrine, or a perplexed question, it should not be maintained contentiously, or by sy­nodical authority; but rather it may be as soon amended by acknowledging Divine truth. Of Can. II. they complain, that it is defined confusedly, ob­scurely, and too briefly; and they oppose six Aphorisms out of an Epistle of Can. II. Pope Celestine, unto the Bishops of France; and two out of the Councel at Arausican: which are; First, In the transgression of Adam all men have lost natural power and innocency, and no man can by his free-will arise out of the depth of that ruine, unless the grace of our mercifull God lift us up. 2. No man useth well his free-will but by Christ. 3. All the indeavours, all the works and merits of the Saints should be referred unto the praise and glory of God, because no man can please him otherwise, but in so far as he hath gi­ven. [Page 160] 4. God worketh so in the hearts of men and in free-will, that every ho­ly thought, godly purpose, and each motion of good will is from God; be­cause by him we can do any good, and without him we can do nothing. 5. We profess that God is the authour of all purposes and of all vertues, whereby from the beginning of faith we go unto God; and we doubt not but all the merits of man are prevened by his grace, by whom it is that we begin to will or to do any good; by which help and mercy of God free-will is not taken away, but made free; that of darkned, it becomes light; of wicked, upright; of fainting, heal; and of unwise, provident; for so great is the good­ness of God toward all men, that he would have those things to be our merits, which are his gifts; and he will give everlasting reward, according to those things which he hath given. 6. We confess that the grace and help of God is given even to every act, and it is given not according to our merits, that it may be meer grace; that is, given freely, through his mercy, who saith, I will shew mercy on whom I will shew mercy. 7. We confess free-will, although it hath need of Divine help. 8. The liberty of will being weakned in the first man, cannot be repaired but by grace. 9. The liberty of will then is free, when it serveth not sin; for it was given such from God unto the first man, which being lost, cannot be restored, but by him who could give it; and therefore Truth saith, If the Son make you free, you shall be free indeed. The censure followeth; if it be said, We have lost the freedom of will in the first man; as if after the transgression of the first man no free-will remain in men, it is not agreeable unto truth; because if there be no free-will of mankind, how shall God judge the World? But if it be therefore said, because through the merit of his transgression we have lost the vertue of free-will, as it was made in the first man; take heed lest that which follows concerning the lost liberty of that will, which we have received by Christ our Lord, be so said, as if since we are regenerate by Christ, we have received such a condition and vertue of free-will, that henceforth we may be such in this present life, as that man was before sin; that as he was living without all sin, so the regenerate in Christ may live in this world without sin; which surely belongeth not unto the estate of this present life, but unto the blessedness of eternal life. But if it be said on­ly, that for the beginning of grace which we attain by regeneration, we may seem to receive the liberty of will, which we lost in Adam, although never­theless the fulness and perfection thereof, is to be expected in the life to come; why is the most clear truth darkned with so great ambiguity and confusion of words? Now how great absurdity is in that which followeth, And we have free-well unto good being prevented and helped........as if after we are regene­rate by the grace of Christ, then we begin to have as free-will unto good, so free-will unto evil; as if by that regeneration, when we are prevened and hel­ped by grace, we have free-will unto good; and when we are deserted of the same grace, we have free-will unto evil. What reason or consequence of mea­ning can be here? Doth the grace of that regeneration work this in us, that from thence we get free-will as unto good, so unto evil? Further, if when we are renewed in baptism, we receive in Christ the liberty of will that was so lost in Adam, doth then only the grace of God prevence and help us? Or doth the same grace, as once it helped us that we should be free unto good; so leave us once, that we are made free unto evil? What is this so obscure, and (al­most) no preaching of grace? Had it not been better to have made use of those sentences of the fore-named Fathers, which define this matter fully and clearly? Or that this definition had been framed in their words, and plainly been declared, how this grace of God preveneth and helpeth us, that is, whe­ther once so great grace is given unto us in baptism, which may be sufficient [Page 161] for the whole time of our life, or whether it should be implored and gotten daily; and whether we have need of it for some good things, or for all? None of these things appear here; and therefore it had been better to have been si­lent, then to speak so fondly of so great a matter. For we have need of the grace of God not only for a good work, as it is said in this chapter; but also for the very beginning of faith, without which grace we cannot come unto the Sacrament of regeneration; we have need of grace for all and every good thing through every day; we have need of it to stir up in us a good will; we have need of grace to speak good and wholsom things; we have need of grace for all good waies of good works. Concerning Can. III. First they ex­hort Can. III. to keep peace and unity, and to shun contention: Then they say, Be­hold one may think and say (as formerly it hath been thought and said) the Apostle said not generally, and (as they have added) without exception, Who will have all men to be saved; but especially concerning them of whom he had said before, For all men, for Kings, and for them which are in autho­rity; that when he saith All, he understands all sorts of men, even of all con­dition, sex, order. What unconsequent or contrariety unto the truth, is in this exposition? Likewise one may say (as it is found to be said by some An­cients) that the Apostle speaks of whole mankind; what ill or danger hath this exposition? For he who thinks so, doth not think that any man doth re­sist and go against the will of God, whereby he willeth all men to be saved, that God cannot do what he willeth; and both the one and the other speak­ing diversly, yet do agree faithfully and unanimously, that whether the Apo­stle spoke so or so, yet no man is saved but by the gracious mercy of God, and none is suffered to perish but in his just judgment. Certainly this is manifest in that question, that although God will have all men generally and indefinite­ly to be saved; yet in the hearts of some, through the bountifulness of mercy, he worketh the same in his will, that both they have a will to be saved, and they are saved (to whom the Apostle saith, With fear and trembling work forth your salvation; for it is God who worketh in you both to will and to do, accor­ding to his good pleasure;) but in the hearts of others, through the severity of his hid and just judgement, he worketh not this saving will, but leaveth them to their own will; that because they would not beleeve, they should be dam­ned in just punishment. And this may be said, indeed, of them which have heard the word of the Gospel, but through the hardness of their own unbelief would not receive it. But what shall be said of so great a multitude of the wic­ked, who have been from the beginning of the world, untill the coming of Christ? And them who cannot be denied to be as yet in the utmost parts of the earth, unto whom never a Preacher is come; who could no way beleeve in him of whom they have not heard; nor receive a Preacher, seeing none hath been sent unto them. Shall such therefore be damned, because they have not beleeved, who never could hear? And nevertheless they shall be condem­ned for their other sins, and especially for original sin, wherein all have sin­ned; for it is not written in vain, Pour out thy wrath upon the Nations which know thee not; and the Apostle saith, Rendring vengeance in flaming fire on them who know not God. If one should ask of those, What hath the will of God done in them, who willeth all men to be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth? What shall we answer? Will not a godly and pru­dent man chuse rather to be silent? Or certainly say with the Prophet and A­postle, Thy judgments are a great deep, and, O the depth of the wisedom and knowledge of God! how incomprehensible are his waies! Concerning Can. Can. IV. IV. they say, in this new question three questions are propounded: First, that it is said, No man was, is, or shall be, whose nature is not assumed in Christ. [Page 162] Of this question we hold thus, That the assuming of man's nature by Christ, was not of necessity of beginning, [ex necessitate incipiendi] but was only of his power and grace; so his flesh descendeth thorow all generations; so he is truly born very man of them, that what he pleased by shewing mercy, and healing and redeeming, he might thereof assume and reject what he pleased, or not. So in that unspeakable mystery of his incarnation, he mercifully did assume his elect, whom he came to redeem justifie and save; and whom he did judge unworthy of that mercy and redemption, he left them out of that marvellou susception. Let us therefore acknowledge truly that the susception of human nature in Christ, hath left unbelievers void of this mercy, and that he hath bestowed it only on them, that they have common nature with Christ, who receive him, and are renewed by his Spirit, by whom he was concei­ved. Away therefore with that superfluity, whereby it is said and defined, that there was, is, or shall be no man, whose nature he hath not assumed. 2. It is affirmed, No man was, is, or shall be, for whom Christ hath not suffered. Of which question what other can we answer, but that first we demand them who have defined this, and admonish them to weigh vigilantly and faithfully, lest perhaps by little considering what they should say, they say and write such things against the faith and their own conscience; for to omit those who are now, or shall be till the end of the world, among whom shall be the Anti­christ, certainly of that innumerable multitude of the wicked, which have been from the beginning, untill the coming of Christ, and being dead in their wickedness are condemned in everlasting pains; we think not that they who have written this, do beleeve that Christ hath suffered for them which are dead in their wickedness, and now condemned in everlasting judgment; for if it be beleeved that he hath suffered for them; why may it not also be beleeved, that he hath suffered for the Divel and his Angels? Therefore, as it cannot be said that Christ Jesus hath suffered for those wicked and damned Angels; so far be it, that we should believe that he hath suffered for those wicked and damned men......But of those who as yet continue in their unbelief and wickedness shall perish, if good men who have defined these things could de­monstrate unto us, by sure and clear testimonies, from the authority of the Holy Scriptures, what the Lord hath suffered for those, we should also be­leeve the same; and if that they cannot, let them not contend now for that which they read not; let them be ashamed to determine what they cannot find to be decreed by any Councel of the holy Fathers, or determination of Eccle­siastical doctrine; or if they find any thing written by the ancient Doctours, whereby occasion of such interpretation may be given, yet saving the reve­rence due unto them, let them rather contain themselves, and submit unto Divine authority. 3. They say, All the unbeleevers are not redeemed by the mystery of Christ's blood; so neither are the beleevers redeemed, who have not faith which worketh by love. Why should we speak of this question, seeing it is manifest from what is said, that no redemption in Christ is unto any unbe­leevers; and all beleevers who come truly unto faith and grace of regenerati­on, receive their true redemption and true regeneration; because they can­not be truly regenerate, unless it be truly certain that they are redeemed from the power of the Divel and bondage of sin; neither can they be truly redee­med, unless they be cleansed in the laver of mercy, and made free from the guilt of sin, and from the power of the Prince of this world; unless (which is most absurd in this definition) it be said, that our Lord Jesus Christ hath suffered even for the wicked who perish in their sins; and it be affirmed, that every beleever is not truly redeemed by the mystery of His passion, and re­newed in his baptism. Hincmar, Bishop of Rhemes, could not take this cen­sure [Page 163] patiently, but writ Epistles unto several Bishops in defence of his opini­ons; That censure is oppugned by some, and Remigius sent abroad his censures of them, as Vsser. in histor. Got­tescal. cap. 8. hath at length. John Scot did follow Hincmar, and although in other things he had purchased a name; yet because here he undertook a wrong and maintai­ned by others. cause, Florus a Deacon of Lions, and Prudentius Bishop of Tricassin did not spare him; as is at large loc. cit. cap. 9. & 10. & 11. I will shortly shew their testimonies, whereby summarily their doctrine may be known. Florus saith, Whereas he [John] saith, that man sinning hath lost liberty, but not the power and vigour of the liberty, he saith not rightly; for he hath not kept in part, and lost in part, the gift of liberty; but as he hath lost the power and vi­gour of liberty, so he hath lost liberty it self; so that now he is not free unto good from which he hath fallen, he continueth free unto evil; because as of his free-will he forsook good, so by free-will he cleaveth unto evil. Man there­fore after that damnation hath free-will, whereby he may incline and doth in­cline unto evil through his will; he hath free-will, whereby it is possible that he may arise unto good; but that he ariseth unto good, it is not of his own vertue, but of the compassionating grace of God; for he who is heavily dis­eased, may possibly receive health; but that he may receive health, he hath need of a medicament; and he who is dead, it may be said, that possibly he may rise and live, yet not by his own vertue, but by the power of God; so the free-will of man being wounded and dead, may be healed, but by the grace of God shewing mercy. Again John saith, If any cause precede will (that is, nature) to think good or evil, it is not nature: where he speaks manifestly against truth; for if no cause precede the will of man to think or do good, whence is in man a good will, that is, a good affection to think or do any good? for man hath not of himself a good will—nor doth he any good—but he hath it from him of whom the Apostle speaks unto beleevers, It is God who worketh in us both to will, and to do according to his good will: He by his mercy preveneth the will of man; as the Psalmist saith, My God, his mer­cy shall prevene me: He inspires into man the grace of thinking well; as the Apostle saith, Not that we are able to think a good thought as of our selves, but our sufficiency is from God. Therefore, He is the cause of good will in us; He is the cause of good desires, and of perfecting; He is unto us the cause of mercy and grace, by which we are able not only to do well and to perfect, but also to think well. And not only doth he these things in his elect in this life, but also before the foundation of the world, he hath predestinated them by his grace, that they should be holy and blameless before him, as the Apostle witnesseth. Seeing therefore so great and such a cause, which is the cause of all good things both in making and rewarding his creatures, is unto us the best and eternal cause of good will; prevening us by grace, that we may will well, and do well; how saith this man, that no cause precedes our will and works? Or if any cause precede them, that cause is not nature? Seeing the Almighty God (who is the cause of our good will) is the highest and best nature....But far be it to say, that this highest and best cause precedes our will to think or do evil; and nevertheless a cause precedes, not efficient, but deficient; that is, the forsaking of the chief good, and coveting inferiour things; when the soul falleth from the love of God, and coveteth inferiour things.....But albeit God is not the cause of our ill will, nor any subsisting nature, but the affection of the reasonable creature, falling from the love of the Creator; yet we may not say, that he is not the just revenger of our wic­ked thoughts, or eternal Predestinator of just judgment and vengeance; which this fellow would, by such ambiguities, make void—Again this man saith, There is no predestination of God, but of them who are prepared for everlasting [Page 164] blessedness. We know surely, that this is an errour of this age.....: It is to be marked in the writings of the Prophets, that the word predestination is not expressly mentioned; yet because things concerning both predestinations ap­pear and are declared most openly, the Apostle most confidently useth their testimonies for confirming this doctrine, and hath given them to be so un­derstood by the Church, teaching us by his authority and example; and in­forming us, that we should not contentiously and idly strive for the word pre­destination in the Oracles of the holy Prophets; but by godly and peaceable understanding, wheresoever the matter is manifestly declared, we should, without doubting, acknowledge and maintain the predestination of God. And if it be asked, How shall the World be judged righteously, whom the necessity of predestination forceth to perish? Far be it that any of us should say it; because it is most open blasphemy, that God by his predestination for­ceth any man to sin, and to perish by sin. But by the judgment of predestina­tion, whom continuing in their sins he hath decreed to punish, he rather calleth them from their sins, and stirreth in them (by hearing) a wholsom terrour, that they fearing may be amended, and amending should not be damned. It is also most false that the fellow affirmeth, that there is no prede­stination of punishment; for if punishment were not predestinate for the Divel and his Angels, and all the wicked that are to be punished with them, Truth would not say, Go into everlasting fire prepared for the Divel and his Angels. And where he saith, Predestination is alwaies to be understood of the gifts of God's bounty, it is also false; for it is found and truly understood of the judg­ments of just damnation: Of which damned (through their own deserving, and the just judgment of God) when this man saith, Cap. 14. § 4. that they are justly forsaken, in the damned mass, according to the merit of original sin; and they are suffered to live wickedly, and are at last to be condemned with everlasting fire; even unwillingly, and contradicting himself, he saith no other thing, but that in Divine judgment they are predestinate unto everlast­ing life; for if all that mass be condemned, certainly it is condemned in the just judgment of God, and without doubt unto everlasting perdition and pu­nishment. And it is a wonder how he saith Cap. 14. That God hath predesti­nate pain unto sinners, and hath not predestinate sinners unto pain; for when he predestinated pain for them, he was not ignorant who were to be punish­ed. And when he confesseth saying, The foreknowed; if God foreknew cer­tainly who were to be punished with these torments, what else did he, when he prepared most certain pain for every one of them, but predestinated them certainly for pain? For surely these only shall suffer, whom he hath foreknown to suffer; and what is it, that by unchangeable prescience he hath foreknown them for pain? It was not to be feared, that what he foreknew to be justly, he hath not predestinated to do it justly. There is indeed another condition of mens laws, who so ordain certain punishments unto delinquents, that never­theless they know not those which do sin thus, or which shall be tormented in these punishments; and therefore they may appoint and prepare punish­ments for sinners, and know not that the punishments are just; and yet not appoint for punishments the sinners, whom they know not at all; but if they knew certainly the persons which are worthy of those punishments, they might justly ordain them for the pain, as they appoint the pain for delinquents; as in the execution of judgment, whom they find guilty of capital crimes, they both rehearse unto them the death which is appointed by the Law, and by open sentence they adjudge them unto death; which is done by a certain knowledge of judgment, that they dare appoint as punishment for sinners, so sinners for punishments. Seeing then both these are rightly and justly done [Page 165] in the Courts of men, being informed and directed according to certain know­ledge, that they discern justly and irreprovably pain for sinners, and sinners for pain; and yet not any of those guilty persons is compelled unto sin by the Laws nor Judges, but only because he who hath sinned is justly punished; how much rather may we beleeve certainly, that this is done in Divine judg­ment, that (because by eternal knowledge he knows the pain which in ju­stice is due for sinners, and the sinners to whom it is due) seeing he causeth none to sin, he predestinates most justly both punishments (which he knows to be most just) for sinners; and sinners (who are never unknown unto him, but most certainly known by eternal verity) for everlasting punishment. So and more writeth Florus. And the judgment of Prudentius is in the abovena­med history, Vsser. cap. 11; where among other things he shews, that when Aeneas (who had been a member of the Carisiac Synod) was to be ordained Bishop of Paris; Prudentius being called unto his ordination, did excuse himself by Letter, and sent unto Wenilo, Metropolitan of Senonen, four ar­ticles; which if the elect Bishop would not subscribe, he did protest that he would no way consent unto his ordination. These Articles are: First, That he confess, that as free-will is lost in Adam by merit of disobedience; so it is restored unto us by our Lord Jesus Christ, and freed (now in hope, but af­terwards really, as the Apostle saith, We are saved by hope) that neverthe­less we have alwaies need of the grace of the Almighty God for every good work; whether for thinking, or beginning, or working, or perseverantly per­fecting; and that without that grace we can no way either think or will, or do any good. 2. That he beleeve and confess, that in the most high and secret purpose of God, some are by the gracious mercy of God, before all ages, pre­destinated for life; and some, by his unsearchable righteousness, are predesti­nated for pain; to wit, that whether in them which shall be saved or con­demned, he hath predestinated that which he foreknew he would do in jud­ging; as the Prophet saith, Qui fecit, quae futura sunt, Esa. 45. (juxta LXX Interp.) 3. That he beleeve and confess, with all the Catholicks, that the blood of Jesus Christ was shed for all men beleeving in him through the world; and not for them which have not beleeved in him, nor will ever beleeve; as the Lord himself saith, Matth. 20, The Son of man came...to give his soul in redemption for many. 4. That he beleeve and confess, that the Almigh­ty God saveth whom he willeth; and that none at all can be saved, but whom he will save; and that all are saved, whom he will save; and therefore it is not at all his will those be saved, whosoever are not saved; as the Prophet saith, Whatsoever the Lord willeth, he doth that both in Heaven and on Earth. And (saith Prudent.) although there be some other things, wherein he hath sa­tisfied and subscribed, in which (being condemned in Pelagius) the Church hath universally consented; yet these being (against him and his followers) cleared from his froward expositions, by the Apostolical See, at the instance of the blessed Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage; and of Augustine with other 214 Bishops; and being published unto all the World, by many both Epistles and Books, all the Church to day rejoiceth in, confesseth, preacheth, holdeth, and shall hold. This Epistle of Prudentius, is in the 2 tome of the French Councels; and by it we may see not only his mind, but the universal doctrine of all the Church in all the World, as he affirmeth. Although Histories do not express whether Aeneas did subscribe these Articles, yet it may be gathered from the 99 Epistle of Lupus Ferarien, where he commends this Aeneas; and saith, that Prudentius, with the other Bishops, did confirm his ordination. By autho­rity of Lotharius a Synod was held, An. 855. at Valentia; the Canons thereof follow hereafter: For the present I add the words of Baronius concerning it [Page 166] generally, saying, The Bishops thought good to bring no other thing into the Church, then what the most holy Fathers and faithfull Teachers of the Church had, in all sincerity, taught formerly in Affrica, in the Councel at Carthage; and in France, in the Councel at Arausicane, whereunto we should cleave in all points; to wit, that the godly are saved no other way, but by the grace of God; and the wicked are condemned for their own iniquity: And that the wicked do not perish, because (as some say) they could not be good, but because they would not. Then he sheweth that the Acts of this Synod were sent unto Hincmar; and that he did by writing condemn these errours. But Vsser taxeth Baronius, that he hath written of this matter slender­ly, and from the writings of Hincmar, and from Acts of Synods convinceth him; especially he declareth, from a book of the Church of Lions, that there was diversity of opinions among them of Lions, concerning the fifth Canon of this Synod, which (in the end of that book) thinks the greatest difference between the Elect and the Reprobates to be, that in the Repro­bates remaineth the guiltiness of the first transgression, which is taken from the Elect, by the blood of Christ. Also he sheweth, that in the year 856, in the moneth of August, Charls the Bald did call a Synod at Bonoile (by Paris;) and another in September at Nielph, where he gave unto Hincmar the Ar­ticles of the Synod at Valentia; and what he had received from others in fa­vour of Gotteschalk, that Hincmar should answer unto them; and that after three years, Hincmar did return a great book of God's predestination, and of man's free-will; as Flodoard sheweth, Hist. lib. 3. cap. 13; and that the ad­verse party was not satisfied by that great volumn; neither was the authority of the Valentian Synod lessned; and therefore An. 859, Charls calleth another Synod in Audemantunno Lingonum, where for the instruction of God's peo­ple, the Canons of the Valentian Synod were voiced and confirmed again, and proclaimed; only in the fifth Canon they express not the four Articles, (because they perceive, Hincmar was offended by so express condemning them, as if they thereby had neglected the limits and law of charity) and they did add the name of John Scot unto the nineteen Articles. This Synod is cal­led Lingonensis in Concil. Gall. tom. 3. After 14 daies was a more frequent Sy­nod of twelve Provinces at Saponaria, a Village of the City of Tullen, where was King Charls, and his Nephews Lotharius and Charls, sons of the Em­perour Lotharius; there the Canons of the former Synod, and the Carisiac Articles were read again and again; great contention was between Remigius and Hincmar, with their followers (the one pleading for, and the other against the Articles of Gotteschalk;) but (as Hincmar writeth in an Epistle Dedica­tory unto Charls the Bald) the stir was calmed by the wisedom of the Arch-Bishop Remigius, exhorting them all to bring unto the next Synod the books of the Catholick Doctours; and as they shall find them agreeing unto the A­postolical and Catholick doctrine, all should hold together unanimously. It appeareth in the Acts of this Synod, that it was so soon closed, because of the murmurs in the country. All this time Gotteschalk was still in Prison in the Monastery of Haultvillier, whence he sent forth first a short confession, and then a larger one, confirmed by testimonies of Scripture, and of the ancient Doctours. In the end of the latter, he craved that there might be a free Synod, wherein truth might be made known unto all, and errours altogether taken away; and he lamenteth that for baseness of his person truth is despised, and his adversaries follow not charity, and refuse verity, only that they may seem victorious. Now of all that I have read concerning his Confessions, and the writings of both parties, I gather that at that time the greatest controversie was, concerning the predestination of the wicked unto punishment; howbeit there [Page 167] was also some difference concerning free-will, and the efficient cause of con­version, or of faith and good works. And because Hincmar in his Epistle un­to Whence was the word Pr [...] ­destinatians. Pope Nicolaus, and Semipelagians make mention of Hereticks, whom they call Praedestinati or Praedestinatiani; here I add concerning that name, that the first who mentioneth it, was he who writ the continuation of Ierom's Chronicle; for he (about the 24 year of Arcadius and Honorius) writeth, saying, At this time began the heresie of Praedestinati, which had the begin­ning from Augustine. So it is expressly (saith Vsser. in Histor. Gottes. cap. 2.) in two old manuscripts, one in the King's Bibliotheke, and another in the Be­nedictines at Cambridge; although in the Printed books it is not said, from Augustine; but, from the books of Augustine, being ill understood. And certain­ly these words of Hincmar are frivolous, since Pope Celestine did not write against such an heresie, but against the Pelagians, as is clear in his Epistles unto Augustine, and he doth approve the doctrine of Augustine; and Pros­per in his Epistle unto Augustine (which, and the Epistles of Celestine, are amongst the Epistles of Augustine) writeth, saying, Many of the servants of Christ, which are in the City Massilies, think that in the writings of your Holiness against the Pelagian Hereticks, whatsoever you have disputed con­cerning the calling of the Elect according to the purpose of God, is contrary unto the opinion of the Fathers, and the mind of the Church. But it is sure, that the Massilians were Semipelagians: And Arnobius on Psal. 108. hath this note, Mark (saith he) that it was of his will, that he would not; Because of the heresie, which saith, God hath predestinated some unto blessing, and others unto damnation. In a word, whosoever pleaseth to search for this heresie. he cannot find that ever there was such an one; but that the Pelagians or Semi­pelagians, have used the name to discredit the sound doctrine of Augustine; and they seeing his books to be in high esteem, and authority in the Church, were afraid to put it upon him; and they did wrest some conclusions out of his books, which they did brand with the odious name of such an he­resie.

17. At this time was Published an Exegesis or Commentary, on thirteen The Exegesis of the Epistle of Paul, by Remigius, is vindicated. Epistles of the Apostle Paul, which was lately Printed at Rome, under the name of Remigius Rhemensis, which lived about the year 540, a Jesuit Baptista Villapand gave out, that he had found it at Saint Caecilia in Rome, and did publish it as a rich treasure lying so long time in a manuscript. Andr. Rivet. in Critic. sacr. lib. 4. cap. 27. sheweth the vanity of the Jesuit, seeing the same book was Printed above 30 years before that, at Paris, two several times; and in the Book is mention of Gregory and Beda. I add another reason; that Exegesis on 2 Thess. 2. at these words, Except there come a falling away first—, All Kingdoms shall fall away from the Roman Empire; and the man of sin, to wit, the Antichrist, who although he is a man, yet shall he be the foun­tain of all sins: Be revealed and made manifest, [and the son of perdition] i. e. a son of the Divel, not by nature, but by imitation; and is called perdi­tion, because perdition shall come by him.....[He shall sit in the Temple of God, shewing himself as if he were God.] This may be understood two waies. And here he hath first that opinion, that Antichrist shall be born at Ba­bylon of the Tribe of Dan, &c. and then he addeth, Or also, he shall sit in the Temple of God, i. e. in the Church, shewing himself as if he were God; for as the fulness of God-head did rest in Christ; so in that man who is called Antichrist, because he is contrary unto Christ, the fulness of all wickedness and iniquity shall dwell; because in him shall be the head of all wickedness, the Divel, who is the King above all the children of pride. In these words the Apostle demonstrates unto the Thessalonians, that the Lord shall not come [Page 168] to judgment, untill there be a defection of the Roman Empire [Note] which now we see fulfilled and Antichrist appearing in the World, who shall kill the Martyrs of Christ. So far there. It is true, Chrysostom and others had long before expounded that Text in the same manner, but none did apply it in that manner; neither could it be applied before that time, seeing the Empire of Rome, though sometimes more weakned than at other times, yet was never solow before the daies of Lotharius; then every Nation had their own King, and Lotharius had a part of France, and a part of Italy; and his Suc­cessour had no more but a part of Italy. As for the appearing of Antichrist, we have heard before, in Sect. 14. what Gunther and Thietgaud writ unto Pope Nicolaus; and in Sect. 15, what Luithpett writ unto King Lewis, both which agree with this exposition and application. Hence it followeth, that this Com­mentary That Exe­gesis is not for, but ra­ther against Transubstan­tiation, could not be written before this time. Next consider for what cause the Jesuit, and after him others, do commend this Commentary; to wit, thereby they would prove the fancy of Transubstantiation to have been so old; for on 1 Cor. 10. it is said, The Bread which we break, is it not the Commu­nion of the Body of Christ? Certainly, first it is consecrate and blessed by the Priests and the Holy Ghost, and then broken; and now although it seem [vi­deatur, or, is seen] to be Bread, in verity it is the body of Christ; of which Bread whosoever communicates, he eats the body of Christ. And again it is said there, That Bread doth pass [transit] into the body of Christ, neither are they two bodies, but one body. Because the explication of this testimo­ny, may serve for clearing many other such testimonies, I will set before you the words preceding and following, and then confer all together: First, a little from the beginning of that Chap. it is said, He saith not, The Rock did signifie Christ; but as if it had been in truth, The Rock was Christ, though certainly it was not so by substance, but by signification: Likewise, speaking of the two sons of Abraham, he saith not, These signifie the two Testaments; but, These are the two Testaments: Christ then, in respect of firmness, is the Rock, not by substance; and the water which did flow out of the Rock, signifieth the doctrine of Christ, and the grace of the Holy Ghost; of which in the Gospel, Who thirsts let him come to me and drink, &c. It is also called a spiritual and following Rock, because it signifieth spiritual­ly Christ, who followed them; of which spiritual Rock, following them, they did drink; because when human help failed them, Christ was at hand gi­ving help; by whose powet (who is the Word of God the Father) they were delivered out of the Land of Aegypt, and brought into the Land of Pro­mise. So far there. And in the other place it is written thus, The Cup is cal­led Communication, i. e. partaking, because all do communicate of it, and receive a part of the blood of Christ, which it containeth in it: [And the Bread which we break] on the Altar [is it not a partaking of the Body of Christ?] Certainly, first it is consecrate and blessed by the Priests and Holy Ghost, and then it is broken; and now although it seem (videatur, or, it is seen) to be bread, in verity it is the body of Christ; of which bread whosoe­ver communicateth, they eat the body of Christ; [because one Bread] to wit, of Christ; [and one Body] to wit, of Christ, [we many are] who eat that Bread; the flesh which the Word of God the Father did assume in the Virgins womb, in the unity of person; and the bread which is consecrate in the Church, are one body of Christ; for as that flesh is the body of Christ, so that bread doth pass (transit) into the body of Christ; neither are they two bodies, but one body, for the fullness of the God-head which was in him, filleth also that bread; and the same God-head of the Word, which filleth Heaven and Earth, and all things therein, the same filleth the body of Christ, [Page 169] which is sanctified by many Priests through all the World, and maketh it to be one body of Christ; and as that bread and blood do pass into the body of Christ, so all which in the Church do eat worthily, are the one body of Christ; as he himself saith, He who eats my flesh, and drinketh my blood, abides in me, and I in him. Nevertheless that flesh which he did assume, and that bread, and all the Church, do not make three bodies, but one body; and as they which do communicate of the body and blood of the Lord, are made one body with him; so they which do wittingly communicate of things offered unto Idols, are one body with the Divel. And in the next Chap. he saith, Christ having ended the solemnities of the old Passover....immediately he passeth unto the new Passover, which he left unto his Church to be frequen­ted (or frequently observed) in remembrance of his Passion and our redem­ption: He did break the bread, which he gave unto his Disciples, to shew the breaking of his Body, and his Passion, was not to be without his own will; as he had said, I have power to lay down my life, [Take ye, eat ye, this is my body which shall be delivered for you.] As the flesh of Christ which he did assume in the Virgins womb, is his true body, and was killed for our salvation; so the bread which Christ gave unto his Disciples, and unto all them which are pre­destinated for eternal life, and which the Priests do consecrate in the Church daily, with the vertue of the God-head which filleth that bread, is the true bo­dy of Christ; neither are they two bodies, that flesh which he did assume, and that bread, but they make one true body of Christ: In so far, that when the Bread is broken and eaten, Christ is sacrificed and eaten, and yet he abi­deth whole and alive; and as that Body which he did lay on the Cross was of­fered for our salvation and redemption; so daily that bread is offered unto God for our salvation and redemption; which although it is seen to be bread, is the body of Christ; for our Lord and Redeemer providing for our frailty, because he knew that we are frail unto sin; did deliver unto us this Sacrament; that because he cannot now die, and we do sin daily, we might have a true sacrifice, by which we may be expiated: Therefore because they make one body, and are offered for our redemption; he said, This is my body which shall be delivered for you; and he did add, [Do this] that is, sanctifie this bo­dy, [Into my remembrance] that is, of my Passion, and of your Redem­ption, because I have redeemed you with my blood: The Lord leaving this wholsom Sacrament, unto all beleevers, that he might fasten this into their hearts and memory, did after the manner of a man, who approaching unto death, leaveth some precious gift unto a certain friend, saying; Have this with all diligence by thee, in remembrance of me, that when thou seest it, thou mayest remember me: Which friend receiving that gift of his most dear friend, if he did love him withall his heart, cannot but condole and be sad for the death of his friend, whensoever he beholdeth that gift left by his friend: Like­wise we, how oft soever we come to consecrate or receive the Sacrament of that eternal gift, which the Lord, being to suffer, left unto us to be kept in re­membrance of him, should come with fear and compunction of heart, and with all reverence, calling to mind with how great love he did love us, which did offer himself for us, that he might redeem us. [Likewise and the Cup] understand, he gave unto them [after he had supped, saying; This Cup is the new Testament in my blood] i. e. the Cup which I give unto you, signifieth the new Testament; as Fulgentius, or it confirms the new Testament in my blood, or by my blood. Here are all the words of that book, which concern the change or sacrifice in the Sacrament; and we see mention of a change, and a real change, and a real sacrifice; but no word of a change of a substance of the bread, which still remaineth; and is broken, after consecration, in remem­brance [Page 170] of Christ's Passion, and of our redemption: And observe these words, The bread which Christ gave unto his Disciples, and unto all which are pre­destinated for life eternal, and which the Priests do consecrate daily with power of the God-head, which filleth that bread, is the true body of Christ; neither are they two bodies, the flesh which he did assume, and that bread, but they make one true body of Christ. Now what bread is that which he gi­veth unto all them which are predestinated for life, but even which he did as­sume in the unity of his person in the Virgins womb? And the Elementary bread is no more said to be his body, than it is said, The Rock was Christ; and it is his body, as all which do eat worthily, are his body, or made one body with him; and that is not by Transubstantiation, although really, but in a mystery or spiritual manner; albeit also the manner of the union between the Bread and Christ's body, and between Beleevers and Christ's body, be different in the special kind of mystery: The bread doth pass into the body of Christ really in the own manner, not by change of substance, but of use, signification, office and condition. And that bread is the very sacrifice of Christ in remembrance, as the gift which one friend leaveth unto another in remembrance of his love; so that whensoever we do sin, we may have daily in remembrance that true sacrifice, whereby we may be expiated. And the consecrating of that bread is the sacrifice of Christ, as the eating of the Lamb was the Passover; the one in remembrance of their ancient deliverance out of Aegypt; and the other in remembrance of Christ's Passion, and of our Redemption. And that bread is the body of Christ, so that after the blessing (or consecration) it is seen to be bread, and is broken and eaten. These all are spoken there of that bread; and therefore according to that testimony, the bread is not transubstantiated, but is a remembrance of Christ's Passion and sacrifice, if we will speak properly. And moreover, at that time, all Belee­vers did communicate and take part of the Cup; for which cause it is said there, the Cup is called the communication of Christ's blood. When the whole testimony is considered, it serveth more against the Romish Church now, than for them. But to return to the Authour of the book, it was Prin­ted That Exege­sis was not written by Haymo, at Paris under the name of Haymo, Bishop of Halberstad; but (as the learned Antiquary Bishop Usher, hath observed in Histor. Gottesc.) neither is it his; for though the Argument before every Epistle, be said to be Haymo's; yet before none of them is it said, that the Exegesis is his: And I add another reason, the opinions of Haymo are different from that Exegesis; I will name but one, Haymo on the Revel. lib. 1. near the end, saith, The Pillars of the Temple are not only they who are more perfect; as Paul saith, Peter and James and John, which seemed to be Pillars, &c. Here Haymo not only cal­leth these three more perfect, but Pillars also, which is more then Paul saith; but this Exegesis speaks not so much of them, for on Gal. 2. at these words, which seemed to be something; or as we have, Who were of reputation; it is written there, They seemed unto themselves to be something; for they did seem to have learning and vertue of themselves, but they neither had learn­ing nor vertue of themselves, nor of their own merits; and therefore although they did seem unto the people to be something, they were nothing. He who writes so liberally of the three Apostles, would not (probably) have written so sparingly of them in the other place; and so the Authour of the Exegesis, but by Remi­gius, Bishop of Lions; and is contrary to the present Church of Rome, in ma­ny particulars following. would not have called Peter the head of the Church. Who then is the Au­thour of that Exegesis? The above-named Remigius, Bishop of Lions; as Bishop Usher proveth loc. cit. and we may find that his doctrine in that Exege­sis, doth accord with that which we have heard; he did maintain concerning election, free-will, &c. as appears by these passages. On Rom. 5. he saith, As [Page 171] by Adam sin and death did enter, so by Christ came justification and eternal life: therefore the Apostle saith, We are reconciled unto God; because as by one man sin entred into the World, that is, into the universality of man­kind, (except Christ, which is from above) and by sin death came; so death both of body and soul hath gone over all men, even as on the first man, in whom all have sinned: So by our Lord Jesus Christ justification hath en­tred, and by justification life eternal...for in him all men have sinned, which were in his loins; as Levi was in the loins of his father, when he paied tithes. And he saith congruously, that sin entred first, and then death by sin; be­cause so soon as he did sin, he became mortal; as the Lord had foretold, say­ing; In whatsoever day thou shalt eat thereof, thou shalt die the death: He did sin by coveting and eating, and he was made mortal in sinning. Amongst other things observe here, that Remigius makes no exception of sin in the universality of mankind, but only of Christ, and therefore the Virgin Mary is not excepted; and after the same manner do all the Ancients speak, in this point. On Cap. 9. What man can declare, why the Almighty God did chuse Jacob, before he was born, and rejected Esau, when neither the one, nor the other, could do any good or ill; except that on him, that is, on Jacob, he would bestow his grace and mercy, and on Esau he would fullfill his just judgment....therefore as it was not the purpose of God, and his predestina­tion according to election of the good merit of Jacob; so the election of the Gentiles, was not according to the election of merits, but according to the free grace and predestination of God; therefore for what cause Jacob was chosen without good works, and Esau was hated without ill works, it is only known unto God, who knows all things before they be, and whose judg­ment is alwaies just.....He said unto Moses, I will have mercy, on whom...This is the order, On whom I will have mercy, by calling him unto my faith; I will have mercy, by giving him my faith, that he may beleeve in me; and I will shew compassion on him, that he may live righteously, and be merci­full, and persevere in good works, according to which he shall receive the reward. [Therefore not of him who willeth] understand, is the will [nor of him who runneth] is the race, [but of God shewing mercy] is mercy, that he giveth unto man to will good, to do and to persevere: The only good will is not sufficient, unless also the mercy of God prevene him unto this end, to give unto him to will what is good, and to perfect the same good; as the Psalmist saith, His mercy shall prevene me, and his mercy shall follow me: But haply one will say, Why are the Elect rewarded, or what reward have they deserved, if both the good will, and the perfecting of the good work, be given unto them of God? I answer, therefore are the Elect worthy of re­muneration; because so soon as they do perceive, that they are prevened by the grace of God, they do labour with all their indeavours to obey his will. [For the Scripture saith to Pharao:] The Scripture speaketh not by it self, but another by it, as here God speaketh. These last words I have marked, against them which say, The Scriptures is dumb and dead. At these words, Hath not the Potter power...he saith, So the Almighty God, the Potter of mankind, hath power out of the mass of perdition and sin, that is, out of the mass of mankind, to make one vessel unto honour; that is, to create one for this end, that he may be honoured in him; and that he honour him by calling him unto his faith, and by saving him unto life; and another unto dis-ho­nour, that is, in his just judgment to destroy the Reprobates, because of their wickedness; for of a corrupt mass, all the vessels are corrupt; but if the Pot­ter, by the Engine of his Art, will purifie some of them from the fault of the mass, by baking it in the fire; may he not be magnified in those? And that [Page 170] [...] [Page 171] [...] [Page 172] he suffereth some unpurified, he is not to be blamed, because he continueth in his power, for the mass is his. On Cap. 11. at these words, I have left 7000...saith he; neither saith he, Are left unto me; but, I have left and reserved un­to my self 7000 men; which when others became Idolaters, have not bow­ed.......And it is to be considered, because [according to the election of God's grace] that is, according to the gift of Predestination, the remnant is saved, not according to the merit of their works; wherefore he saith, in the Epistle unto the Ephes. As he hath chosen us, before the foundation of the World, in him, i. e. in Christ, that we should be holy and unblamable. [And if of grace] they are saved, who beleeve amongst the Jews [not now] was it [of the works of the Law] by which they thought to be justified, who continue in infidelity; [else grace were not grace] that is, if they were sa­ved otherwise, which cannot be but by the grace of God; or else grace it self were not grace, but a merit.....But the election hath obtained it, that is, they who were chosen out of that multitude; whom before he called a rem­nant, now he calleth election; and as before circumcision is taken for the Jews, so here election is for the Elect, who obtain justification by faith. On Cap. 15, at these words, Whatsoever is written, is written for our instruction...he saith; The Apostle joineth himself unto all Beleevers, and will shew that all things which are written in Divine books, are not written for them, whose deeds and works are there reported, for they are in rest long ago; but for our salvation, and of them which are to come, that we may have whence we may take example of faith and good works; and whence we may know with what works God is pleased, and with what he is provoked to punish....for what did it avail to Abraham that Moses hath written, he was obedient, and that he commends him to have pleased God? But he saith, Whatsoever things are written in the Law, Prophets, Psalms and other Scriptures, are written for our instruction, that we which are come unto the faith, may thence learn. Seeing Remigius writeth that the Scriptures are written for the instruction of all Beleevers; would he then have consented unto the Act of Trent, which forbids the use of the Scriptures unto Beleevers? On 1 Cor. 1. at these words, That no flesh should glory before him; he saith, No flesh, that is, no man: The wise and mighty cannot glory, because they are not called by him for their wisdom and riches; neither had they divine wisdom, or spiritual riches of them­selves: The Apostles could not glory, because whatsoever they had of favour, they received it from God without their merits, and they cannot glory that they were chosen for their wisdom and riches.....He that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord; he glorieth in the Lord, and not in himself, who confes­seth that all the good he hath, he hath received it from God, without his own merit; and therefore seeks not his own glory and praise, but his glory from whom he hath received whatsoever he hath. On Gal. 6. on these words, God forbid that I rejoice but in the Cross of Christ; he saith, that is, I will not re­joice in the riches and dignities of this World, but in the Cross of Christ, i. e. in his suffering, which was done on the Cross, will I rejoice, from whence is my redemption and salvation. Or I will rejoice in the Cross of Christ, that is, in this will I rejoice, if I can follow the suffering of Christ, what he hath sustained for me, I may sustain the like for his name. Hence we may see, that Remigius did not rejoice in the painted or moulded Cross, but in Christ's sufferings for our redemption. On Eph. 2. at these words, Built on the foun­dation; he saith, The foundation of the Prophets, Apostles, and of all the faithfull, is Christ; because they are grounded and established in faith of him; as he himself said, Upon this Rock, that is, upon me will I build my Church. Here Remigius expoundeth the Rock to signifie Peter. On Cap. 5. at these [Page 173] words, Not having spot or wrinkle; he saith, In this world the Church may be said to be glorious one way, because it hath Kings and Princes subject, and it hath many orders and degrees; but it cannot be without spot or wrin­kle of sin, because it hath many penitents in it; and if we say we have no sin, we deceive our selves, and the truth is not in us; and, there is not a man upon earth which doth good, and sinneth not: wherefore it is better that we refer these words unto the general resurrection. On Cap. 6. The sword of the Holy Ghost is the Word of God, as the Apostle saith; that is, the doctrine and know­ledge of the Divine Scriptures, which is given unto us by the Holy Ghost: And it is called a sword, because as enemies are put to flight by a sword, so by the knowledge of Divine Scriptures, we may put to flight all the craft and devices of the Divel, by following what the Scripture teacheth, and eschew­ing what it forbiddeth; and not only may we overcom the Divels, by the knowledge of the word, and by the help of God; but by authority thereof we may convince all Hereticks, and destroy all their errours. Reader, ob­serve in this testimony the manifold use of the Scriptures; and especially, that they are a rule wherewith all errours may be destroied. On Phil. 2. at these words, It is God who worketh in you; he saith, Lest he seem to exclude God from our salvation, or as if without the help of God we could be saved; [...]e subjoins, For it is God who worketh in you; therefore every good which we have, as well the good will, as the good operation, is not of us, but of God.....[both to will] that is, to have a good will [and to do accord­ing to good will] that is, that we may alwaies will what is good. On Cap. 3. at these words, If I may comprehend, in whom I am comprehended; he saith, All the Elect which are predestinated for eternal life, are comprehended in the Passion of Christ; because thereby are redeemed not only those who are sa­ved after his resurrection, and who are purged in baptism, but all the godly which were before his coming.....Whosoever are perfect, in comparison of others, let us think so, understand, that we are not perfect; for whosoever are perfect, that is, who are thought to be perfect; let us understand, that this is in comparison of Beleevers, and who have less understanding, because we are not perfect, in respect of what we shall have at the day of judgement. On 1 Tim. 2. he saith, Seeing the Psalmist saith, The Lord doth whatsoever he willeth; and the Apostle saith, Which will have all men to be saved: Why are not all men saved? To which I say, Because it is true what the Psalmist saith, For he hath said, and it shall be; likewise he will save all men which are sa­ved, and which by his mercy seek to be saved; for the Apostles have put the whole for a part; as in the Gospel the Lord saith, When I shall be exalted from the earth, I will draw all men unto me: for he drew not all men, nor draweth all men; but all, that is, the Elect out of all sorts and Nations, out of all sex and condition; from Kings unto Beggars, from the perfect unto the babe of one day; yet none can be saved, but whom God willeth, because he sheweth mercy on whom he will; for if all men had continued in perdition, just had been the judgment of God; but that his mercy and power might be shewed, because he is powerfull to save all men, in those which do perish he shews his just judgment, and his mercy in them which are saved; for his grace preve­neth us that we have will, and our will should accord with his will, and then he will give us ability; and because we join our will to his will, we are worthy to be rewarded; and nevertheless it is all to be ascribed unto his grace, what­soever good we do: He saith then, Which will have all men to be saved, un­derstand thou, all which are saved, and to come unto the knowledge of the Trinity, which is the highest and substantial truth. On Cap. 3. he saith, The Church is called both the ground and Pillar of truth, which is but one thing; [Page 174] for the firmness of saith, and because [the Church] is established by heaven­ly doctrines and Divine miracles. In this observe, that the faith or truth de­pends not on the testimony of the Church; but the Church is a ground or Pil­lar, because it hath firm faith, and is established by Divine doctrines. On 2 Tim. 1. at these words, I thank my God, whom I do serve from my fore-fathers; he saith, This he saith that he may shew, that the ancient Fathers which were before the coming of the Lord, had the same faith which he and the other Apostles had; and did descend from those Fathers unto the Apostles, and from them unto us; as also it descendeth from us, unto them which shall come after us. In this one testimony, many things may be observed against the pre­sent Tenets of the Romish Church; (if I would stay) but one thing (though but a negative) I cannot omit that in all these descendings, is no mention of any dependance on the Roman Bishop or faith; so that if we have the faith, which the fore-fathers and Apostles had, and they which had the same from them; whether the Church of Rome now have the same, or not have it, we have the true faith: On Cap. 2. at these words, The Lord knows who are his; This is the impression of the Seal, He knows, that is, the Lord hath chosen them which belong unto his inheritance; and this is the seal of faith, because when others depart from the faith, they which are Elect can in no way be se­duced. Many such other testimonies may be observed in that Exegesis, which Villapand calleth a rich treasure; a rich treasure it is, which so clearly shew­eth the faith of the Church of that time; and that the Church of Rome now, having forsaken that faith in so many particulars, hath departed from the truth. And therefore Bellarmin was more wary then his brother; and though he did bring that testimony concerning the change of the bread, yet no where else would name that book, nor the Authour of it, in his book De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, although he forgot not others of less note.

18. Haymo was Bishop of Halberstad about this time, but it seems he was younger then Remigius. He writ sundry volumns, especially two books of Homilies. In the first, called Pars hyemalis, he hath these sentences. In Feria 4. quatuor tempor. at these words, Ave, gratta plena; he saith, She is well said to be full of grace, because she had attained what no other woman had attained; to wit, she did conceive and bear the Authour of grace. Behold, he expoundeth these words otherwise then the Papists do now. And here his words are, Gratiam quam nulla alia meruer at, assequitur; and I have tran­slated the word meruer at after this manner, because (as I have marked be­fore) the Ancients do use it in this signification; and (as follows) Haymo was far from the opinion of man's merit; Ibid. at the words, That Holy thing which shall be born of thee; he saith, For distinction of our holiness, Jesus is affirmed singularly to be born holy; for although we be made holy, yet we are not born holy, because we are bound with the condition of corruptible nature; that every one of us may with the Prophet sigh and say, Behold I was conceived in iniquities, and in sins hath my mother brought me forth: but he only was truly holy, which that he might overcome the condition of cor­ruptible nature, was not conceived by the commixtion of carnal copulation. The Papists do hold that the Virgin Mary was free of original sin; to the end, that they may the more plausibly commend her to be worshipped as the Queen of Heaven. But behold, here Haymo saith more then Remigius said; for he saith not only that it was the singular priviledge of Christ, to be born holy; but more he saith, That he might overcom the condition of corruptible na­ture, he was not conceived by commixtion. Certainly, the condition which he overcom, was singularly the condition of Maries corruptible nature, seeing she was conceived by commixtion, Dominic. 4. post Epiphan. There was a great [Page 175] storm on the Sea, because the Persecution of Pagans, the Divel stirring them up, did arise against the Church, so that the ship was covered with the waves; that is, the persecution waxing, the Church did scarcely lurk in a few Belee­vers, neither durst any man confess the name of Christ publickly, who was not prepared to die presently for Christ; which to have been in the daies of Dioclesian and others, the Histories do declare. This testimony confutes the Papists holding that the Church doth flourish at all times; and witnesseth with us, that the Church hath been forced to lurk at some times. In Dominic. in Septuages. on the Parable Matth. 20. he saith, This Vine-yard is the holy Church, which hath been from the beginning of the World, untill the end thereof; so many godly as it bringeth forth, it begetteth so many branches: This Vine-yard was planted amongst the people of the Jews, but after the in­carnation of our Lord, it is inlarged unto the ends of the earth, &c. In the same Homily, he saith; Because eternal life is rendred to no man by way of debt, but is given through the gracious mercy of God; therefore....And nearer the end, he saith, Seeing it is given to none by debt, but only of gra­cious mercy unto whom he willeth, none can grumble at the righteousness of God; because he sheweth mercy on whom he willeth, and whom he wil­leth, he hardneth; he shews mercy of his own goodness, and he hardneth without iniquity; because although his judgments are sometimes hid, yet they are not unjust. In Feria 4 post Iudica, on Ioh. 10, he saith on these words, And I give unto them eternal life; These are the Pastures which he did be­fore promise unto his Sheep, wherein no herb withereth, but all is green, all waxeth, all abideth whole; and whatsoever is once taken in, is possessed for ever. And they shall not perish for ever; here understand, as ye shall perish which are not of my sheep. And none shall pluck them out of my hand; that is, from my power. Here he affirmeth the perseverance of the Elect, and the damnation of them which are not elected. In Feria 6 post Iudica on Ioh. 6. on these words, My flesh is meat indeed; he saith, Seeing all men do desire, by meat and drink, that they may not hunger nor thirst; nothing can do this truly, but this meat and drink, which maketh them, who receive it, to be immortal and incorruptible; and that is the society of the godly, wherein shall be full and perfect peace and unity.....Then he expoundeth how this may be which he hath said, and what it is to eat his flesh, and to drink his blood; He who eats my flesh, and drinketh my blood, abides in me, and I in him; that is, to eat his flesh, and to drink his blood, to abide in Christ, and to have him abiding in us; and therefore who abides not in Christ, or in whom Christ abides not, without doubt neither eats he Christ's flesh spiritually, although carnally and visibly he do press, with his teeth, the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ; but rather, he eats to his own judgment the Sacrament of so great a thing, who being unclean did presume to come unto the Sacrament of Christ, which no man takes worthily, but who is clean. Hence we see, that Haymo thought wicked men cannot eat the body of Christ, but only the Sa­crament of it; and whosoever eats Christ's flesh, abides in Christ, and is im­mortal; therefore he did not beleeve Transubstantiation: And here again, he confirms the perseverance of them who have true grace. In the Homily De Passtone Christi secundum Matth. he saith, After he had supped, he gave them bread and wine, to wit, in a mystery of his body and blood; for be­cause bread strengthneth the heart of man, and wine augmenteth blood in man, justly is the bread turned into the body of Christ, and the wine into his blood; not by figure, or by shadow, but in truth; for we beleeve that it is the flesh of Christ in truth, and likewise his blood; but because human frail­ty is not accustomed to eat raw flesh, and to drink blood, therefore the same [Page 176] flesh is translated into bread, and his blood into wine. And in the next page he saith, He gave it unto his Disciples, and said; Take ye, eat ye. This is contrary unto them which give the Eucharist unto dead men; for when the Lord had said, Take ye; presently he adds, And eat ye; because it is not sufficient to take, unless each do eat it to his salvation; because what they could not take in their life, they shall not be able to take after death. Like­wise taking the Cup, he gave thanks, and gave it unto them; and said, Drink ye all of it; that whosoever takes, should drink. Here is Transubstan­tiation will a Romanist say: But observe first, How can the opinion of Tran­substantiation stand with the preceding testimony? 2. He speaks here as Re­migius did before; to wit, not a substantial change, but a real change in res­pect of use and condition. 3. He saith, Christ's flesh is translated into the bread; as well as he saith, the bread is turned into his body; but this they will not maintain, and neither of them is done substantially, and yet both really; to wit, as he saith in the first words, in a mystery. 4. He saith ex­pressly, Christ gave them bread, and commanded to eat; therefore it is still bread, and must be eaten. The bread is such bread as strengthneth the heart, and the wine is such wine as augmenteth blood; therefore the substance of bread and wine doth remain. And here he condemns another practise of the Romanists, which although they do not profess in writing, yet I have heard credibly reported, that they do (as baptize dead children, so) put bread, or the hosty, into the mouths of the elder persons, when they are dead. This Haymo writ also a large Commentary on the Revelation; wherein, though he fail in the application of the Prophetical part, as not knowing what was to come, yet is he Orthodox in doctrine, and contradicts the present Romish Church in many particulars; and (as once I have said before) we look upon the pure mettle, and leave the dross. In lib. 1. at the words, Grace and peace; he saith, It is to be noted, that it is not said, Peace and Grace, but grace is premitted, and peace follows; because none can attain the peace of recon­ciliation, unless the grace of mercy prevene him; because that we may come to the peace of God, we are prevened by the grace of God; and generally, all things which we have from God, whether in faith, or in work, in abstinence; fasting, and other things, are given to us freely of his only mercy. On Cap. 2. at the words, I will make him a Pillar in the Temple; he saith, None doubteth that the Temple of God is the Church of the Elect....The Lord then saith, Who overcometh, understand ye, the temptations of the Divel, worldly lusts, and carnal delights, I will make him a Pillar in the Temple of my God; that is, I will make him strong in good work, that he shall not fear any loss; but moreover by the strength of his fortitude, that is, by his example and doctrine he may sustain the Church: And where it is said, He shall not go forth any more, it is manifestly known that he had gone forth....but being recalled, he shall go no more forth; that is, he shall be separated no more from the grace of Christ. As in this place, so in a hundred more of that Commentary, he calleth the member of the Church, the Elect; and he speaks oft of their perseverance. In lib. 2. on cap. 3. at these words, I will sup with him; he saith, The head supped with the members, and the members with the head; be­cause Christ died for the Elect, and the Elect die with him, that they also may perfect the will of the Father: Christ feedeth us, because he inlightneth us with his faith; and on the other side, we feed Christ, when we do delight him with our faith and works. On cap. 8. at these words, And another Angel came, and stood before the Altar; he saith, This other Angel is the man Christ-God; of whom the Prophet saith, His name shall be called the Angel of the great Counsel; for he is the messenger of the Father's will, which came and [Page 177] stood before the Altar with a golden Censer, to shew that he is the true High-Priest of good things to come; for it is the ministry of a Priest to stand at the Altar, and diligently to burn the Incense being prepared with spices; for he is the Angel of Angels, and the High-Priest of Priests. Moreover, before the Altar, that is, before all the Church, which burneth with the fire of God's love; and offereth unto God a true sacrifice (that is, a contrite heart,) killing kimself, that he might be a living and reasonable sacrifice: For before this Altar standeth the Angel, that is, the true High-Priest, by whom we send all our Sacrifices unto God the Father; wherefore also the Priests, in all their prayers, make mention of him, that by him they may be heard, saying; Through our Lord Jesus Christ.....To this Angel the Incenses are given, that he should offer them unto the Father upon the Altar, that is, upon himself, by whom the godly do direct, unto the Father, their prayers, and all their works; as it is written, If any man sin, we have with the Father an Advocate, Jesus Christ the just, and he is the propitiation for our sins. Here he expoun­deth not that Text, as the Rhemists and other late Papists do, of a created Ra­phiel or other Angel; and out of it, they would prove the lawfullness of pray­ing to Angels. On Chap. 9. at the words, And there arose a smoke out of the pit; he saith, That is, the doctrine of wicked Hereticks is made manifest; which is well compared unto smoke, because it wants the light of truth; and what in the Holy Scripture gives light unto the godly, that poureth blindness upon Hereticks, and they cease not to obscure the light of faith unto others.....And there come locusts upon the earth, to wit, Disciples of errour come to de­ceive the earthly hearts of men; for locusts neither walk forward, as some wights, neither do they flee as fowls; because the Disciples of Hereticks, and Hereticks themselves, neither have upright faith that they may flee and seek heavenly things with the godly; of whom Esaias saith, Who are these which flee as Clouds; nor have forward or right walking of works, that they can say with the Psalmist, He set my feet upon a Rock, and directs my steps. The locusts do leap and eat every green thing, because they are lifted up with pride, and kill so many souls as they can, which have the greenness of faith.....And it was commanded them, that they should not hurt the grass....Here the grass is taken in a good sense, for it signifieth sucking ones, which cannot eat solid meat, but delight in the superfice of the Letter; to whom the Apo­stle saith, I could not speak unto you as spiritual men, but as carnal...And every green thing, signifieth them who have made better progress; who can now understand what John saith, In the beginning was the word. And the Trees are they who are perfect and strong in the faith, because such can indure the wind of temptations....But only the men which have not the sign of God in their fore-heads, understand ye worthily; because here are excluded, not only those which are without the Church, that is, Pagans and Jews; but also false Christians, who have the sign in their body, that is, are baptized, and are within the Church, but with their works do defile the faith which they seem to have; and therefore are hurt.....seeing many do confess Christ in words only, but having a form of godliness, deny the power thereof; they confess they know God, but deny him by their works. The Reader may judge, whe­ther in all this testimony he describeth not the Jesuits, as if he had seen or had experience of them; at least, his words are contrary unto them; for they es­pecially do speak against the Scriptures, and cease not to obscure them; and so forth: But especially, mark how Haymo expounds The sign of God in their fore-heads; whereas the Rhemists in their Annotations, and others of that stamp, do expound it of the sign of the Cross. In lib. 6. on chap. 19. at the words, I fell at his feet, to worship....he saith, Because John saw him grea­ter [Page 178] then himself, he falling down would have worshipped him; for here both the Angel and John take their own persons: for whereas the Angel had said, I am alpha and omega, the first and the last; he shews in this place, that he was sent in the person of Christ; when considering his own person, he forbids that John do not worship him....he saith, See, that is, beware that thou do it not, for I am thy fellow-servant; for we both, thou and I, have one Lord; and in nothing am I preferred above thee, but in doctrine, which I am sent to teach thee; neither am I thy companion only, but also of thy brethren; to wit, I profess my self the co-equal of all beleeving men, which have the testi­mony of Jesus, that is, the faith of Jesus....Worship God; as if he had said, Do not worship me, who speak these words unto thee, but him in whose person I appear. How far differeth Haymo here from the Reformed Church? And yet the Rhemists on that Text say, The Protestants abuse this place, and the example of the Angel, forbidding Iohn to adore him.....but in truth it makes for no such purpose, but only warneth us, that Divine honour and adoration due unto God alone, may not be given unto Angels. But we see, that Haymo knew not any such distinction; and he gives a reason, why no Beleever should wor­ship an Angel in any way. In lib. 7. on the same chap. he saith, If the first man had not sinned, he had continued immortal; but because he contemned God's command, immediately he incurreth God's wrath, and dieth. A little after, Haymo hath many significations of the word Sun, in Scripture; but he shews not that it signifieth the Pope. At the last words of the Book, he saith; Ob­serve, this Book beginneth with grace, and endeth in grace; because both by prevening grace are we saved, and by subsequent grace are we justified: wherefore Paul also ordreth his Epistles unto the Churches, in this manner, that he beginneth with grace, and closeth with grace. He hath many such pas­sages, but these may serve for a tast of the doctrine, of those times, in the Church.

19. Lupus was Abbot of the Monastery of Ferraria, by the water Lupa running into Sene, at the same time. He writ several Epistles unto King Lewis, to Hincmar, &c. which were Printed at Paris, An. 1588. In the first Epistle, he saith, Now they are accounted troublesom, who are desirous to learn; and as if they were set in an high place, the unlearned gaze on them continu­ally; and if they can espy any fault in them, it is not called human frailty, but it is imputed unto the quality of learning. In the 2 and 4 Epistle, He comfor­teth his Master Einhard, after the death of his wife; he speaks honourably of marriage, and comfortably of the estate of the godly after this life, without any mention of Purgatory, or mass for the defunct: and he interlaceth these sentences, The word of God inlightneth the most obscure darkness of this life; as it is said, Thy word is a Lantern unto my feet: The way of man is not in his own power, but the footsteps of men are directed by God; and the liberty of man's free-will, hath altogether need of the help of God's grace. When we are in any distress, the more truly we are sensible of our frailty, the more speedily should we run unto the help of God's mercy; and it is sweetly said, Where man's power faileth, the help of God is present; neither is this a long travel, if we indeavour: for he who calleth saying, Come unto me, who are weary; he informeth them which come, and without all doubt he crowneth them continuing in him. Say with the famous and most sweet Au­gustine, Give me, Lord, what thou biddest do, and bid do what thou wil­lest; seeing God both prevenes and follows us, that we may will or do any good. In the 112 Epistle, Let the worthiness of virginity be commended so, that the humility of marriage be not despised. Catal. test. ver. lib. 9. Trithem. in Catal. Illustr. saith, that he writ of redemption superfluously, even to the [Page 179] salvation of Reprobates. Here Trithem. doth him wrong, as appears by the book it self, which was Printed lately at Rotterdam, with a Preface of the learned Doctor Rivet, or Renatus Deviraeus, who hath a part of his XXX E­pistle written unto Gotteschalk, answering unto that question, Whether we shall, after resurrection, behold God with bodily ey? Here he commendeth the modesty of Augustine, and denieth that God can be seen in his substance, which priviledge is reserved unto the Spirit; and then he saith, Though I pay my debt of love unto thee, much respected brother, I cannot fully dis­charge it; but I exhort thee, that thou spend not thy spirits any more on such questions; lest being taken up with them more than is needfull, thou be less able to search and teach profitable things......In the mean time, let us walk in the most large field of holy Scriptures, and give our selves wholly unto the meditation of them, and seek the Lord's face humbly, piously and continually, for no good shall be lacking unto them who seek him. Then that Preface shews, that this Abbot was not Authour of that Book, which Trithemius and others do call his; but another Lupus, who did live at the same time; to wit,

20. Lupus Servatus a Benedictine, in the Abbey of Saint Amand, in the Diocy of Tornac. writ a Treatise of free-will, predestination, and of the price of Christ's blood. The sum of that Treatise the Authour did collect in an E­pistle unto King Charls the Bald, who had commanded him to write on that subject. His words are; God made Adam upright, as the holy Scripture tea­cheth, and in him he created us all originally upright; this father of mankind forsaking natural uprightness (none forcing him) did sin so grievously, that himself, and in him he condemned us all which are begotten of both sexes: God therefore made human nature excellently good, but man hath corrupted it miserably by his spontaneous fault: Adam was then, as saith blessed Am­brose, and we all were in him; but Adam perished, and we all perished in him: Let us praise God's work, and confess that nothing but punishment is due unto our fault. But God, to whom all things which were, are, and which are to come, are present (for he is what he is) nor can be any addition or dimi­nution of his knowledge; seeing he fore-knew the whole mass of mankind to be corrupted with sin, would not hold from it the good of his creation, see­ing he could use well even evil things; and before the foundation of the world, he did chuse out of that mass, whom by grace he would deliver from deserved punishment; as the Apostle saith, As he hath chosen us before the foundation of the World: But others, on whom he vouchsafes not this grace of mercy, he in just judgment leaveth them in damnation, which they have deserved by sin. And thus, as the Apostle saith, he hath mercy on whom he will, and whom he will he hardneth. He shews mercy on such whom he assumeth by grace, and he hardneth those whom he doth not mollifie by the same grace; but howbeit in hid, yet in just judgment he leaveth them. Those then on whom he shews mercy, are predestinated for glory; as the Apostle saith, Whom he hath fore­known, he hath predestinated, and they are called the vessels of honour. These do ow unto him what they are, and what they have, because they are made by his goodness, when before they were not; and of his bountifulness they are saved, when they were lost. But those whom he hardneth, that is, whom he softneth not, which are left in damnation, which they have originally and actually deserved, are called vessels fitted unto contumely, and prepared for destruction. That those are created, it is the good gift of God; and that they are punished it is their own evil. Blessed Augustine in many of his books, and especially in that he writ last, doubteth not to say, that they ar predestina­ted to punishment; not meaning a fatal necessity on them which shall perish, [Page 180] but the unchangeable desertion of them which are forsaken: For he had read, If God shut up a man, who shall open unto him? And also consider the works of God, that none can correct what he hath despised: And that also, I have given them over into the desires of their hearts, and they shall walk in their own devices. And I think he was led into this thought, especially by that te­stimony concerning God, Which made what was to come: And to whom it is said, Thou wilt give to every one according to their works; which, indeed, he will do to each one, except whom he blesseth by forgiving their iniquities, and hiding their sins; which advancing his grace with highest praises can say, He deals not with us according to our sins, nor rewardeth us according to our iniquities. With Augustine do, in other words, agree Jerom, Gregory, Beda, Isidore...as I could easily demonstrate. Certainly the first man did, by sinning, lose free-will in good, which he did despise; and he holds it in evil, which he chose: But as if a man willeth, he can kill himself, by with-holding food from himself; but when he is killed, he cannot make himself to live; so man could willingly lose the use of free-will in good, by forsaking it; but he cannot resume it by his own strength, even although he would; therefore he shall not have free-will in good, unless it be made free by the grace of God. Our Lord Jesus, which knew (as it is written) what is in man, declareth this soundly, when he said, Without me ye can do nothing; to wit, no good thing; for he cannot be the Authour nor co-worker of ill, who (as John Baptist saith) is the Lamb of God, and takes away the sins of the World; to wit, both which were, and that they be not done. And elsewhere, If the Son shall make you free, ye shall be truly free.....God's grace preveneth us; as it is written, My God his mercy shall prevene me, that we may both will and be­gin: and his grace followeth us; as it is written, Thy mercy shall follow me; that in vain we will not or begin. These then are principally of God, as is clear by these testimonies; and but consequently ours, because they are done by us willingly; as it is written, Lord, thou wilt give us peace, for thou workest all our works unto us.......Lastly, whom God hath redeemed by his blood, it is learned by the Gospel. In Matthew the Lord saith, Drink ye all of this, for this is my blood of the new Testament, which shall be shed for many for remission of sins: And in Mark, This is my blood of the new Testament, which shall be shed for many: But in Luke, This is the new Testament of my blood, which shall be shed for you. Then two Evangelists say, For many; and one, For you; because the Disciples are amongst the many; but none saith, For all. And lest I be judged to search thus rashly, holy Jerom expounding that Text, The Son of Man came not to be served, but to serve, and to give his soul a ransom for many; saith, When he took the form of a servant, that he might shed his blood for the World; and said not, he would give his soul a ransom for all; but for many, that is, for them which were to beleeve in him. In this exposition, according to the Catholick faith, he teaches that only Be­leevers are understood.......Who dare contradict so clear lights confirm­ing their doctrine by Evangelical sense, but which are not ashamed to appear without light? And that I may speak with leave and reverence of so great a man, John Bishop of Constantinople [Chrysostom] not seeing this sense flow­ing from the fountain of the Gospel, when he expounds that of the Apostle, That, by the grace of God, he should tast death for all men; not for Beleevers on­ly, said he, but for all the World; and truly, he died for all men: But what if all men beleeve not? He hath done his part. But when he thought thus, he hath not confirmed it by a Divine testimony. And if any hath shewed, or shall shew unto your Excellency, that one Faustus hath written far otherwise of the things, credit ye not him who erreth, &c.

[Page 181] 21. At the same time was also question of the presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament. Charls the Bald gave in command unto Bertram, a Priest at Corbey, to search and write what was the doctrine of the Fathers and ancient Church in this article. Trithemius saith, Bertram was singularly learned, of an excellent eloquence and utterance, pregnant in judgment, and no less fa­mous for holiness of life; and writ many excellent Treatises, whereof few have come to our hands. In obedience unto his Soveraign, he did compile a Treatise, De Corpore & Sanguine Domini, which is all inserted in Catal. test. ver. lib. 10, and was lately translated into our language, and Printed at Aber­deen; so that who pleaseth to read it, may easily find it. Only the estate of the question I set down here, with an argument or two; and his conclusion your high Excellency desireth to understand, Whether that Body and Blood of Christ, which is received by the mouth of Beleevers in the Church, be ta­ken in a mystery, or according to literal verity? that is, whether it contain some secret thing which is only manifest to the ey of faith, or without the vail of any mystery; if the eys of the body behold that outwardly, which the soul and mind do behold inwardly? Unto this he adjoineth another, Whether it be the same body which was born of the Virgin Mary, and which suffered and died? Concerning the first, he shews, that the word literal verity, signifi­eth a demonstration of a thing in its proper and manifest signification; as when it is said, Christ died: And that in a figure, is when a thing is signified in an over-hallowing vail or trope; as when Christ saith, I am the Vine; such speeches say one thing, and signifie another, saith he. His first reason is, If the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood be celebrated without any figure, it is not properly called a mystery, wherein is no secret thing, nothing removed from our corporal senses: But that Bread which, by consecration of the Priest, is made the body of Christ, shews one thing to the outward senses of men, and crieth another thing inwardly to the souls of Beleevers; outwardly the bread is the self-same that it was before, for we see the same shape and colour, and the same tast is perceived; but inwardly, a far more excellent, different, and precious thing is signified and exhibited, because it is heavenly and divine; that is, the body of Christ is shewed unto us, yet not seen with fleshly eys; but is seen, taken and eaten by the looking of a beleeving soul. The wine also, which by consecration is made the Sacrament of Christ's Blood, representeth one thing outwardly, and contains another thing inwardly; for what see we outwardly but the substance of wine? tast it, and it is wine; smell it, and it sa­voureth wine; look on it, and you see the colour of wine: But if it be consi­dered inwardly in the mind, it tasts not as wine; but as the blood of Christ, unto the beleeving soul; and it is acknowledged such, when it is seen; and so it is approved, when it is smelled. These to be such, it is manifest; because none can deny, but that bread and wine, is only figuratively the body and blood of Christ; for, as is clearly seen and known, no flesh is in that bread, nor can any drop of blood be pointed forth in that wine; whereas nevertheless after consecration they are not called bread or wine, but the body and blood of Christ. After thirty other arguments, proving a figure in these words, This is my body; he comes to the other question, and hath this argument, The flesh of Christ, which was crucified, did shew no more outwardly, then it was in it self, because it was the flesh of a very man; to wit, a true body under the form of a true body: But we must consider in that bread, not only the body of Christ, but the bodies of all Beleevers are also represented in it; for which cause, it is made of many grains of wheat; because the body of the Church, is made up of many beleevers of the word of Christ; for this cause, as in the mystical bread the body of Christ is understood; so also, in the same mystery, [Page 182] the members of the Church are represented to be one in Christ; and as not corporally but spiritually that bread is called the body of the Church or belee­ving people; after the same manner also, it must be understood to be the bo­dy of Christ; not corporally, but........Also the things which are alike, are comprehended under the same definition: But concerning the true body of Christ; it is said, He is very God, and very Man, who in the latter time of the World, was born of the Virgin: and these things cannot be said of the body of Christ, which is consecrated in a mystery in the Church; therefore according to a certain manner only, is it to be the body of Christ; and that manner, is by a figure and in resemblance, that so the truth of the thing it self, may be the more sensibly understood. In the prayers also, which are said after the mystery of the body and blood of Christ, and wherein the people answer, Amen; the Priest uttereth these words, We beseech thee, O Lord, which are partakers of the pledges of eternal life, that what we touch in resemblance in this Sacrament, we may receive it in the manifest participation of the thing it self. Now we know that a pledge or resemblance, is of another thing resem­bled; that is, they are not to be considered as they are in themselves, but as they have reference to another thing; for a pledge is of that for which it is gi­ven, and so is an Image the resemblance of that whose similitude it represen­teth....wherefore it is the body and blood of Christ which the Church cele­brateth, but as a pledge and resemblance. The conclusion is; Wherefore, most noble Prince, let your wisdom consider, that it is most clearly shewed, by testimonies of Scripture, and words of the holy Fathers, that the bread, which is called the body of Christ, is a figure, because it is a mystery; and that there is a great difference between the mystery of his body, and his body it self....And we add (saith he) that the Bread and Cup, which are called the Body and Blood of Christ, do represent and are in remembrance of the Lord's death; as he said, Do this in remembrance of me; and Paul expounds, How oft ye eat this bread,...shew forth the Lord's death. Now some Po­pish Indices have forbidden this book altogether, as unlawfull; and those of Doway perceiving that the forbidding of it, did occasion men to look after it, thought it better to let it go abroad; but in some places maimed, and in others perverted; as where it is said visibiliter, they will have it invisibiliter; and where it is said, secundum creaturarum substantiam, they bid to expound it, secundum externas species sacramenti. Likewise Bishop Usser, in Histor. Gottes. cap. 11, writes, that he had seen other books of Bertram in manuscripts, and containing the same doctrine; especially his book De Praedestinatione, which he writ in defence of the doctrine for which Gotteschalk did suffer, is extant under the name of Ratrannus, Monk of Corbey.

22. Remigius Bishop of Altisiodor. or of Auxerre, about the year 880, was called Doctor Sententiosus; he writ many works. On Psal. 10. he saith; All my faith is in Christ, by him only do I beleeve to be justified and saved; he is my mountain, and my refuge; for he is my Lord, which is God by nature; but all ye who are men, are infirm as I. On Psal. 18. The Heavens declare the glory of God; to wit, that he saveth not by works of righteousness, which we have done; but of his own righteousness; for all men have sinned, and stand in need of the glory of God, being justified freely. This is the declaring of God's glory; that is, his mercy which is shewed by the Sun, wherein God is glorified......So long as we are in this body, it cannot be but sin is in us; then it reigneth, when we consent, and make our will subject unto it: where­fore the Apostle saith, Let not sin reign in your mortal bodies; therefore, O Lord, cleanse me, and spare me; but so that I be not subject to my own thoughts, nor the inticement of others. On Psal. 21. Adam made the old people by con­formity [Page 183] unto him; to wit, he was a servant; but the Lord hath made the new people, because he justifieth freely, without our preceding merits; for we made our selves sinners, but the only mercy of God makes us righteous.....The poor shall eat me; that is, shall receive the Sacrament of my body and blood; and they shall be filled by following me, and denying themselves; because to eat the Lord, is to have a will to follow him in all things, and to be one with him. On Psal. 29. Eternal life is not by merit; because we could fall of our selves, but we could not rise of our selves; but through his will, that is, only of mercy. On Psal. 33. Truly, they only are blessed, they only are sa­ved, which are justified by grace, and not by their merits. On Psal. 39, When we live well, let us ascribe nothing to our merits, but all to the grace of God. On Psal. 55, If we will offer sacrifice to God, we need not seek any thing without to offer, within us is the Incense of praise, and the sacrifice of faith. On Psal. 64. Propitiation is miseration shewed after sacrifice: So Christ wil­ling to shew mercie [propitiari] on his people, became a Priest, praying unto the Father, with hands lifted up upon the Cross; he offered a sacrifice, because he offered himself on the Altar of the Cross; he is the Priest, he is the Sacri­fice, the Propitiator, and the propitiation. On Psal. 85. God the Father could give no greater gift unto men, then that he made his Word, by which he made all things, to be a head unto them, and did fit these men to be as members unto Him; so that He is God with the Father, and Man with men; who both prayeth for us, and prayeth in us, and is praied unto by us. He prayeth for us, because he is Priest and Sacrifice, interceding daily with the Father for us. He prayeth in us, because he is our head; neither is this any wonder, if Christ and the Church be in one voice, because they are in one bodie. He is prayed unto by us, as our God; he is prayed unto in the form of God; he prayeth in the form of man; there the Creator, here a creature. On Psal. 70. It is a great gift of God, and a great knowledge of man, to observe and understand, that whatsoever he is, he is nothing without the grace of God, and he is no­thing of himself; for he which will be any thing of himself, he tendeth not to be; but who studieth to be something, by the grace of God, abideth in true being [in vero esse.] This is grace, by which we were made, when we were not; of ungodly, we were made godlie; of slaves, free; of damned, were as­sumed into the Kingdom. On Psal. 96, Let them be confounded who glory in Images; for Images are not to be adored, neither is an Angel to be adored; because it is said in the Revelation, See thou do it not. Catal. testat. veri. libr. 10.

23. Paschasius Rathbert, Abbot of Corbeyen, at the same time writ a book De Eucharistia. He saith Ca. 1. Christ hath left unto us his Church, no greater thing then this Sacrament and Baptism, and the holy Scriptures; in all which, the Holy Ghost (who is a pawn unto his Church) doth work inwardly the mystical things of our salvation unto immortalitie. But in them is nothing wondrous unto unbeleevers; and yet unto them who beleeve nothing is bet­ter, nothing is given more wonderfull in this World: Not that these won­drous things lie open unto the eies, but by faith and understanding they are savourie with divine mysteries; and in them immortalitie and participation of Christ, in the unity of body, is granted unto mortal men. Ca. 5. We drink Christ's blood spiritually, and we eat his flesh spiritually, wherein eternal life is beleeved; to think otherwise, according to flesh, is death; and to eat the flesh of Christ spiritually, is eternal life. Ca. 6. Unless one abide in Christ, and Christ in him, he cannot eat of Christ, nor drink his blood: And what is it that men eat? Behold how oft all do eat at the Altar indifferently, one eats the flesh of Christ spiritually, and another not, although we see that he takes a [Page 184] morsel from the Priest's hand. What then getteth he, seeing there is but one consecration, if he get not the body and blood of Christ? Truly, because he eateth unworthily; as Paul saith, he eats and drinks damnation to himself. Ca. 15. Drink ye all of this, as well Ministers as Beleevers. In many Chapters, he distinguisheth between the sign and the thing signified. Biblioth. de la Bigne, tom. 6.

24. When Leo Armenius Emperour of Constantinople, had Wars with The conversi­on of the Bul­garians, Martagon Prince of Bulgaria, his sister was taken Captive; the Emperour caused her to be instructed in the Christian faith, and she was baptized. Mar­tagon sent for her, and in lieu of her he sent her husband Cuphara. When she was returned, she did commend unto her Brother the Christian religion many a time; but he did nothing regard her speeches, untill the Country was pla­gued with pestilence and famine; and then he called upon that God whom his sister had so oft talked of, that he would deliver him and his people: Soon thereafter they were delivered, and he did acknowledge the power of Christ, and sent unto the Emperour for Teachers; then he was baptized. But the people moved insurrection against him, because he had forsaken the rites of his Ancestours. He was nothing afraid, but became victorious, and then they all became Christians. Zonar. Ann. tom. 3. After the death of the Emperour Theophilus, the Prince of Bulgaria seeing the Empire to be governed by a woman, and a young child, sent unto Constantinople, alledging his League now to be out of date; and he denounceth wars. Theodora returned answer, that she would defend the Empire, and if it shall please God that she prevail, he would be overcom by a woman; and he may consider what a shame that were unto him; but if she were overcom, his victory were not honourable, in taking advantage of a woman. When he received this answer, he was con­tent to renew the former league, Zonar. ibid. I mark this History, to shew the difference of people in old times, from them who have lived lately; when Kings will make Wars without any denounciation, or accepting any reasona­ble intreaty. The Emperour Basilius Macedo did perswade many Jews to im­brace and many Iews, Christian religion; and to effect that he gave them both money and li­berty. He made also a League with the Rhossiti, a Nation of Scythians, by the Mountain Taurus, but upon condition that they would accept Christia­nity, and some Scy­thians. and sent Teachers unto them: But they lingre, and said unto the Bi­shop, That they would see some of those miracles, which he said Christ had wrought, or else they would not beleeve him. Then said he, Say what you would have done. They answered, Throw that book into the fire, which teacheth of Christ; and if it burn not, it shall be an argument unto us that Christ is God, whom thou preachest. The Bishop was content, a fire is kin­dled; and the Bishop lifting up his eys and hands unto Heaven, said, O Jesu Christ very God, glorifie thy own name. So before them all he threw the Gos­pel into the fire: It continued in the fire a long space without any change. The Barbarians were astonished, and beleeving in Christ, did crave to be ba­ptized. Zonar. loc. cit.

1. Note how he calleth the ele­ments Sacraments, as it was usual then, and it hath been observed in others.

2. Platina in Sixto. 1. and Prayer with­out book. Pol. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 5. cap. 10. say, These things were done simply at the first; for when Peter did conse­crate he used the prayer, Our Father, which art....and others have aug­mented them. Platin. in Celestin. 1. saith, When the Epistle was read and the Gospel, the sacrifice was ended. Which is so to be understood, that they, at first, had not a set or prescribed form of prayer, but only the Lord's Prayer, which they did use; and the Apostles and other Ministers in every Church, when believers were assembled, made their prayers unto God, as the spirit gave them utterance. Chrysostom on Rom. 8. hom. 14. saith, With other gifts they had also the gift of prayer, which was also called The Spirit; and he who had this gift, did pray for the whole multitude; for because they were ignorant of expedient things, and we pray for things which are not profitable, the gift of prayer came upon one; who being set in place of them all, did pray for what was expedient unto the Church; and also did instruct others to pray. So here the Spirit is called that gift of prayer, which then was given, and it is the soul which did pray unto God and sigh; for he who was honou­red [Page 136] with this gift, did stand, and with much compunction and many groans, supplicating unto God according to the earnestness of his mind, did pray for those things which were expedient unto all. And Tertullian in Apologet. men­tioning the same custom in his time, saith, We looking up to Heaven, with our hands stretched forth, as being innocent; and bareheaded as not asha­med, make our prayers Sive Monitore, without a Directory, as coming from the free motion of our own hearts. And by that testimony of Platina in Ce­lestin 1. (who lived about the year 423.) what other parts of the Mass, be­sides the Gospel and the Epistles, are fathered upon others, and are of later standing, and were not in use in the Roman Church before Celestine. Iustin. in Apolo. 2. fully sheweth the manner of Christian Service in his time, The an­cient Christians (saith he) had their meetings on the Sunday; they began with prayers for the Church, especially for the inlightned which were to be bapti­zed. Then the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles are read, as time per­mits. When the Reader causeth [...], he who hath the charge hath a Sermon unto the people, and exhorts them all unto the imitation of the best things; then all do rise up, and pour forth prayers again. When the prayers are ended, Bread and Wine being mixed with Water is brought forth, which being taken, he who hath the charge goeth before the people, with an earnest voice in praising God and thanksgiving; and the people do answer with a loud voice, Amen. Then the Deacons divide the holy signs unto all them which are present, and carry the same unto the absent. This food we call [...], Thanksgiving; whereof none may partake, unless he beleeve the true doctrine, and be washed in the laver unto regeneration and remission of sins, and live so as Christ hath directed; and the ordinance of Christ is thus observed; after this is a gathering of Alms. That Father which lived in the se­cond Century, hath no more of the Christian Liturgy, unless ye will add, that in another place he saith, After the prayer they did kiss one another, and of that some words do follow. Geo. Cassander in Liturgica saith, At the first the Mass was said otherwise then now.....and it is not done more holily then it was before; when it was hallowed with the only words of the Lord, and with the Lord's prayer. And from Walafrid Strabo he saith, All which is now done with a multitude of prayers, lessons, songs and consecrations, the Apostles and those who next followed them, did (as is thought) with prayers and remembrance of the Lord's sufferings, even as He commanded. In the same Chapter he saith, In the next times when the Epistle and the Gospel was read, the Mass was done; and other things were added, at diverse times, by the Popes Gelasius and Gregorius.

3. When the Sacrament began to be termed a Sacrifice, it is uncertain; but this is certain, it was not called pro­perly A Sacra­ment is not a Sacrifice. a Sacrifice by the purest primitive Church, especially in the time of Ju­stine Martyr, Lactantius Firmian and Augustine. For in the daies of Justine the Pagans did revile the Christians, and called them Atheists; because they offered not sacrifice nor incense unto their God. Justine in Apolog. 2. answe­reth, They do offer such sacrifices, as they knew were acceptable unto him; to wit, the sacrifices of prayer and thanksgiving: as for the creatures which God hath appointed for the sustentation of man, we keep them for the use and necessity of the poor, but we burn them not with fire. Lactantius had the same occasion in Institut. lib. 6. cap. 24 & 25, and so Augustine de Civit. Dei lib. 10. cap. 4. but neither of the two hath any syllable of the sacrifice of the Mass, or of the Lord's body on the Altar. Nevertheless Augustine in En­chirid. cap. 110. and elsewhere, and Cyprian have called the Sacrament, a Sacrifice; yet not properly, or but figuratively, to wit, because it is a me­morial and remembrance of that true and only Sacrifice, which was once [Page 137] offered by Christ, Cyprian. Epist. 63. ordin. Pammel. So speaketh the Gloss on Gratian; for where it is said, de consecr. lib. 2. cap. Quid sit, out of Gre­gory the great, Though Christ living immortally, dieth not now; yet in this Sacrament he dieth, and his flesh suffereth for the salvation of the people: the Gloss addeth, that is, His death and passion is represented. So doth Chry­sostom in Heb. hom. 17, and Augustin de Verb. Dom. ser. 28. speak, and many others, saying; We offer the same sacrifice which Christ did offer; or rather, we offer the remembrance of that sacrifice. So also teacheth Lombard. lib. 4. cap. 12. B. G. Christ died once on the Cross, and there he was offered; but he is offered daily in the Sacrament, because in the Sacrament is a remembrance of that which was once done; and because it is a memorial representation and remembrance of that true sacrifice, and holy oblation on the Altar of the Cross. At some times also the Ancients call the Sacrament, a Sacrifice; be­cause of the offerings which the people brought, when they came to the Sa­crament; Cyprian de oper. & eleemos. saith, Thou who art rich, comest into the Church without a sacrifice, and takest a part of the sacrifice which the poorer hath offered. Bellarmin. de Eucharist. lib. 1. cap. 27. hath the like words from Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 32, acknowledging that those Fathers spoke so of the bread and wine which the people offered. And Alcwin de divin. offic. at the words Sursum corda, saith, The Priest exhorts the people, as if he said, Now when ye are sufficiently instructed and confirmed, by the Apostolical and E­vangelical Precepts, direct your hearts from earthly cares upward unto the Lord, that I may be able to offer worthily the sacrifice, which ye have offered unto me, to be offered unto God. So whereas the Ancients did most usually abstain from the name of Altar and Sacrifice, terming those Tables and Eu­charist; afterwards the Church being established in the truth of doctrine, the Pastours did adventure upon a greater liberty of words, not doubting to be soundly understood by Catholick hearers. But because the degenerating ages have wrested these words to a proper signification, clean cotrary to the first intention; it should not be thought amiss in them, who contain them­selves now within the more ancient restraints, and are content with the first terms, since the other have occasioned that intollerable errour of the real sa­crifice in the Mass. To the end this may be more evident, I shall repeat the The original of the Chri­stian Sacri­fice. custom of this matter from the beginning. Chrysostom on 1 Cor. 11. hom. 27. saith, As in the three thousand, who at first did beleeve, they did all eat to­gether, and they did possess all things in common; so also it was when the Apostle writ this, yet not so certainly, but that some doubting of the com­munion were remaining, and descending unto posterity; and when it came to pass that some were poor, and some were rich, they did not give all things in community; but they made the common Tables on the appointed daies, as was decent; and the collection being done, after the communication of the Sacrament, they all came to a common feast, and the dishes were carried by the honester poor ones; and they who had nothing, were invited by them, and they sate down all together: but in progress of time this custom went away; for by this division it came, that some did adjoin themselves in one company, and some in another; and they said, I am his, and I am his; as the Apostle amending this, saith in the beginning of the Epistle. Justine near the end of his greater Apology, saith; Let the rich men, if they please, every one bestow as they will; and let that which is brought be laid down beside the Bishop [ [...].] To wit, when the first custom was left off, they brought a quantity of Bread and Wine, or of the first Corns, or Raisins; whereof so much was taken as did serve for the elements of the Sacrament, and the rest [Page 138] was eaten, by the Believers, as in a feast; and some was sent unto sick persons, or diststributed among the poor. When the Church had more liberty, and became more wealthy (as in the daies of Constantine) the oblations were richer, and a part thereof was appointed for maintenance of the Preachers; according to that of Jerom, They who serve at the Altar, are sustained by the offerings at the Altar: Then the voluntary offerings were called Sacrifices, after the manner of the law of Moses; and the Presbyters did consecrate them by prayer, as is manifest by the Liturgies, where they say, O Lord, we thy ser­vants, and also thy holy people, being mindfull of the blessed suffering and resurrection, and the glorious ascension of Christ thy Son, our Lord God, do offer unto thy most excellent Majesty, out of thy gifts, this pure sacrifice....upon which things it may please thee to look with a favourable and gracious eye, and to accept them, as it pleased thee to aceept the gifts of thy righteous servant Abel, and the sacrifice of our Patriarch Abraham. These words did still (untill the Reformation) remain in the Canon of the Mass. And on Paul's day the words of the Secretum were read, We beseech thee, O Lord, sanctifie the gifts of the people, by the prayers of thy blessed Apostle Paul; that those things which are acceptable unto thee by thy institution, may be more acceptable by the patrociny of him praying. These and many other prayers of the Mass, cannot otherwise be understood without blasphemy: Then of the gifts of the people, Cassander in Liturgic. cap. 27. hath these words, from Expositio Ordinis Romani, All the people coming into the Church should sacrifice; and ex Decretis Fabiani, We ordain, that on every Lord's day, the oblation of the Altar be made, by all the men and women, both of Bread and Wine. Again, at first they were wont to communicate daily: Cyprian de Orat. Domi. at the 4 petition saith, We receive the Eucharist daily. On these words Pammelius hath marked, that the same custom continued at Rome, and in Spain, till the daies of Jerom; and at Millan till Ambrose; but had failed sooner in the East Church. Augustine in his 118 Epistle, shew­eth the different custom of communicating, in some places ofter, and in others more seldom. It may be thought that when Christians had place, zeal did decrease, and the people did not communicate so oft, and so the offerings were the fewer. Then the Fathers did complain of the rarity of Communi­cants, and exhorted the people to communicate at least every Lord's day; and did absolutely inveigh against their rarity, as absurd and zeal-less; and said, that when they came it was not for thirst of grace, or remorse of sin, but for solemnity, Chrysost. on 1 Cor. 11. hom. 28. These exhortations and re­proofs prevailed not, therefore an Act was made binding the people to com­municate each Lord's day, Gratian. de consecr. dist. 2. cap. Quot [...]die. Neither was this order obeyed, therefore was another, that they should communi­cate thrice yearly, at the Feasts of Christ's Nativity, Resurrection, and the Pentecost, Ibid. cap. Saeculares. For all this, the people would not communi­cate so oft, therefore a Law was made that all the people should communi­cate at Pasch. And then daily communion was forgot amongst the people. When the Priests saw that Laws would not move the people to communicate oft, and to bring their offerings, they devised another damnable means; they taught the people, that the Lord's Supper is not only a Sacrament, and so profitable to them only; but it is a Sacrifice to God, and profitable to all the beholders of it, and by their offerings they may find mercy and grace: Yea lastly, not to the offerers and beholders only, but to all for whom the Priest offereth it, as well absent as present, whether alive or dead; and at last, both to the soul, and all other necessities. They were the more bold to teach so, [Page 139] because the Fathers had improperly, and dangerously, called the Sacrament a Sacrifice. And upon this doctrine was multiplied the riches and wealth of the Church, by donations of prebendaries, chanouries, lands, yearly reve­nues, as is to be seen in their Charters, I offer unto God the things contain­ed in this clanter for the remission of my sins, and of my Parents sins, to main­tain the service of God in Sacrifices and Masses. They who have seen the Rights or Writs of Church-lands or revenues, know this. This doctrine took deep root, for it was gainfull unto the Priests, and easie unto the peo­ple; for what can be thought more easie? Men wallowing in sin, hear a Mass, and bring an offering to a Priest, and get remission; no searching of the heart, nor mortification required; this was not the streight way, and who was not able to do it? Nor can it be shewed, that such doctrine was heard in the Church before the seventh Century; to wit, they give heed to lies and ap­paritions of deceiving spirits, or deceitfull and feigned apparitions, and so left the truth. All that is spoken of this purpose declares, that at first the action of offering was not the action of the Priest, but of the people; and the thing offered was not the Sacrament, nor the Son of God, but the gifts of the peo­ple, as is manifest; for in the daies of Pope Gregory the I, the words, a little from the beginning of the Canon, are not, Which we offer unto thee; but, Which each of them offer unto thee. Afterwards the Priests turn them to their action; and their action was called the sacrifice; and all their prayers, which before were in dedication of their offerings, the Priests turn to the con­secration of the Bread and Wine, which the Priest, and one with him, do take. This change is manifest by the Canon of the Mass, whereof I have touched some words; and namely, Accept the gifts, as thou didst accept the gifts of Abel, Abraham and Melchisedek....command that these things be carried, by the hands of thy Angel, unto the Altar above. And when it was generally so called a Sacrifice, Raban sheweth in what sense the best sort understand it, De Institut. Cleric. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sacrificium dictum quasi sacrum factum....that is, a sacrifice is an holy action; because, by mystical prayer, it is consecrated in remembrance of the Lord's passion. And Thomas Aquin. part. 3. qu. 83. art. 1. The celebration of this Sacrament is called a Sacrifice, for two causes; first, because (as Augustin. ad Simpli.) Images are called by the names of things whereof they are Images; as looking to a Picture, we say, This is Cicero: But the celebration of this Sacrament, is a representative Image of the Passion of Christ, who is the true Sacrifice: Hence Ambrose on Hebr. cap. 10, By Christ was the Sacrifice once offered, &c. What therefore do we? we do therefore every day offer in remembrance of his death. Another way in respect of the effect of Christ's passion; to wit, because by this Sacrament we are made partakers of the fruit of the Lord's suffering; and therefore in a secret Dominical Prayer it is said, How oft the commemoration of this Sacrifice is celebrated, the work of our redem­ption is exerced. And therefore (saith he) in respect of the first way, it may be said, that Christ was offered even in the figures of the Old-Testament; as it is said Apoc. 13. the Lamb slain from the beginning of the World; but in respect of the other way, it is proper unto this Sacrament, because Christ is offered in celebration thereof. So far he. If he and many others who have written the like, had beleeved that the Sacrament is properly a Sacrifice, or else the same Sacrifice with Christ's suffering, or an iteration of it, why did they not teach so in express words? Therefore we may conclude, that for 1300 years they thought not the Sacrament to be a Sacrifice properly; but did call it so improperly, or in remembrance, or in representation.

4. The Romanists say, their Mass The original of the word Missa. is from the institution of Christ, and yet they cannot find the name of it in any Ecclesiastical Writer before Pope Leo, who lived An. 460; and in what signification it was taken at that time, it may be learned out of Augustine, if these be his Sermons: Ser. 237. de temp. he saith, Post Sermonem fit Mis­sa catechuminis, after the Sermon or preaching, they which are but learn­ing their catechism, are sent away. So Missa is a dismission, or a charge to depart. And Ser. 251, is this word thrice, for all that is done in the mee­tings of the Church; he saith, Some, especially the potent men of this World, when they come to the Church, are not devout in the praises of God, but compel the Presbyter to shorten the Missa, and sing at their pleasure; neither will they let him keep the use of the Church. And Raban in the beginning of the same Chapter, gives the former reason of the name, saying; The Levite crieth, If any Catechumenus be here as yet, let him be gone. They give other reasons of the name, which were tedious to repeat. But hence we may see that the word signifieth not a Sacrifice; although Po­pish men would have others believe, that where that word is found, a Sacri­fice is signified. As for the original of the word, some would bring it from Deut. 16. 10: But Bellarm. de Missa lib. 1. cap. 1. saith, That cannot be; be­cause then it should be found among the Greeks, since all the Hebrew words, which are among the Latines, are come unto us by the hands of the Greeks; as Amen, Hallelujah, Osanna, &c. Neither can they agree on the deprivation of it.

5. Priesthood, and Sacrifice, and Altars are correlatives; and so Priests and Altars. Priesthood properly taken, hath relation to a Sacrifice and an Altar properly taken, saith Bellarmin. ibid. cap. 2. & 14. But the Christians in the primitive times (saith he, de cultu Sanct. lib. 3. cap. 4.) did purposely abstain from the words of Temple and Priest untill the daies of Tertullian; not (as he saith there) lest they had seemed to retain some Jewish ceremonies, or Temples of Heathenish Idols; for so they should have abstained from the words of worship and prayer, which terms were used both by Jews and Heathens: But rather lest the new Converts might by the name of Temple, Priest and Altar, conceive some corporal sacrifice to be offered by men, for expiation of offences. Tables agree better unto a Supper, and the Sacrament is called a Table, 1 Cor. 10. So speaketh the Councel at Nice, At the Table of the Lord we should not look basely upon the Bread and Wine, which is set be­fore us; but we should lift up our hearts, &c. Lactant. lib. 6. cap. 25, and August. de Civ. Dei lib. 10. cap. 4. did not acknowledge any Altars in their times, but the Altar of our hearts. And at the same time, by the allusion un­to the Law, the Elders were called Priests, and Church-Tables were called Altars: but since such allusions have given, unto their posterity, occasion to conceive such errours, it is safer to use the moderation of the first times. And since it is not lawfull among the Papists to consecrate the Sacrament, but up­on [Page 141] a consecrate Altar; and Bellarmin saith, It is certain, Pope Sylvester was the Authour of consecrating Altars, De verbo Dei lib. 4. cap. 3; it is manifest, that the primitive Church had not Altars, and now the having of them is a novelty.

6. Antiphona and Introitus are both one, saith Platina in Gregor. I. Antiphona and lest any ornament or consent be lacking in time of Sacrifice, he appoin­ted that the Antiphona should be chanted. Again in Celestin. I, (who lived An. 423.) Platin. saith, Celestine ordained, that the Psalms should be chanted antiphonativè, and this custom was not in use before. I know not whether Platina's memory had failed him; or whether he meaneth, as Poly. Virg. de invent. rer. lib. 5. cap. 10. saith, Antiphona which is called Introitus, was or­dained by Gregory; and that which is called Tractus, by Celestine. But Ra­ban de Institut. Cler. lib. 2. cap. 50. saith, The Greeks first made the Antipho­nae, two Queers singing by turns; and among the Latines blessed Ambrose ordained them, following the example of the Greeks. But sure it is, as Lin­dan de opti. genere Interpretat. lib. 3. cap. 3. saith, Agobert, Bishop of Lions, did complain, that there were many superfluous things in them; and saith Lindan, If Agobert were now living, and saw the Antiphona's and the Mis­sals, O everlasting God, with what name would he decipher them! Where not only many things are from the Apocrypha Gospel of Nicodemus, and other trifles; but secret prayers, and filthy, yea and feigned by Hereticks.

7. Pope Damascus in Epist. ad Hieronim. saith, The Church of Rome was not acquainted with singing, and he biddeth him to send him a copy of the Singing. Greek Psaltery. Augustine in Confess. lib. 9. cap. 7. sheweth, that the Latine Church had not singing, till Ambrose was expelled out of Millan by the Ar­rian Empress Justina; and in his absence the people did begin to follow the ex­ample of the Eastern Churches, and others follow Millan; and the singing in Alexandria was liker unto grave reading, then unto Musical chanting. And Raban loc. cit. cap. 48. doth forbid Musical gestures, and Theatral singing; and admitteth only such as may move compunction, and may be clearly understood by the hearers. Poly. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 2. saith, Now the Chanters make a noise in the Church, and nothing is heard there but a voice; and others who are present, are content with the consent of the cries, no way regarding the meaning of the words; and so it is, that among the multitude, all the esteem of Divine Worship seems to rely upon the Chanters; although generally no sort of men are lighter or more wicked. The Spanish Index Expurgator. pag. 72. ordained these words to be left out in following Impressions.

8. Poly. Vergil. loc. cit. speaking of the Chorus, saith, I may say that these are, for the most part, brought into our Ceremonies from the The Qu [...]re. old Heathens, who were wont to sacrifice with symphony; as witnesseth Livius lib. 9.

9. These have not one father. Gra­tian. The Letanies. de consecr. dist. 1. cap. Iacobus, gi­veth some of them unto James the Lord's brother, and some to Basilius Caesarian. Platina gives some to Da­masus P. An. 370, some to Symma­chus P. An. 510; and in Gregory the I, he saith, Gregory did ordain the Supplications, which the Greeks call Letanies. They are of several sorts. Poly. Verg. lip. cit. cap. 11. saith, Ma­mercus Bishop of Vienna, in the daies of Pope Leo the I, because of an [Page 142] Earth-quake, did ordain first the Sup­plications, which the Greeks call Le­tanies or Processions, that they should go two and two in long order, pas­sing from one place to another, and praying with a loud voice: and these are called the lesser Letanies, which not long after Pope Agobert did first ordain to be each Lord's day in the Churches, or about the Church, which now is done every where. Some would rather have them called Pro­cessions, because the sacrifical pomp proceeds publickly......Thereafter Pope Gregory ordained the greater ones, when the people of all sorts go­ing by seven in rank, should sing by turns; because at that time the peo­ple were smitten with a kind of swel­ling in their loins, whereby many were killed.......Gregory commanded that these Letanies should be observed every where; and now the Priests sing them for fear of imminent evils, a great number of people also following and praying: but in prosperity also they oft pray so publickly, that who for fear of evils had praied with suppli­cations, thereafter obtaining our desires, and rejoicing in security, we should give thanks unto God. Which the Pagans did also, as Virgil saith of Dido, rejoicing for the unexpected coming of the Trojans, Sic memorat, simul Aene­am in regia ducit Testa, simul Divum templis indicit honorem; that is, as Ser­vius saith, She commanded Supplications. So did the Romans, and almost all other Nations, from whom, without doubt, such rites are come unto us; for in the pomp of our supplications, some ridiculous things do precede, &c. He sheweth the manner of them conform to the old custom, in Dionys. lib. 7. and Cato, and Plautus, and Apuleius: In the end he saith, We keep these rites also, but I know not whether they be done well: I fear, I fear, I say, that in them we give more pleasure unto Heathen Gods, then unto Christ....yea whatsoever shall be done unto us, herein we do contrary unto Christ's com­mand; and to the end we may be the more ashamed of this, I shall name one example of 600, &c.

10. This prayer is collectae, and there be many of them, Collects. and added by sundry Authours; as Cassander witnesseth in Liturgic. cap. 21. and they give sundry reasons of the name.

11. Poly. Vergil. de invent. rer. lib. 5. cap. 10, saith, Pope Innocent the I, did ordain, that the Priests should Kissing. kiss one another, after the Canon; and Pope Leo the II ordained, that the kiss should go round amongst the people; but when Mass is said for the dead, it is not to be done; lest we seem to communicate with those, of whom we are not sure that they are in favour with God. But whosoever was the Authour, and whatsoever be signified by this rite, it is not now in use, because of abu­ses following thereupon; and this, with other such passages where the people are ordered to answer, doth shew that in the beginning the Service was done Prayer in known lan­guage. in a known language; or else how could the people understand what they should answer? Bellarm. de verb. Dei lib. 2. cap. 16. confesseth, that in the pri­mitive Church, both Eastern and Western, they did use the vulgar tongue; [Page 143] and so saith Origen contra Cels. lib. 8. Let all the Heathens know, that we who are Christians, do not use barbarous or unknown words; but the Greeks use Greek words, and the Romans use Romish, and all people pray in their own languages; and the Lord of all languages understandeth them speaking so di­versly, as if they were all speaking in one voice. And Chrysost. on 1 Cor. 14. hom. 35, at these words, Thou givest thanks well, but another is not edifi­ed, saith, Behold he laieth (as they speak) the stone to the square, requiring the edification of the Church in every thing; the unlearned, he called the common people; and he sheweth, it is not a little evill, that they cannot say Amen. What he saith is to this purpose, If thou givest thanks in a strange tongue, and either understands it not thy self, or doest not expound it unto others, a common man cannot answer with Amen....and he who under­standeth not, receiveth no benefit thereby, &c. Cassander in Liturgica cap. 28. hath this title, The Canonical Prayer, especially the consecration of the Bo­dy and Blood, the Ancients did read so, that the people might understand it, and say unto it, Amen. He proved this by the testimonies of Thomas par. 3. qu. 78. art. 1. Euseb. hist. lib. 7. cap. 9. Iustinian. Imper. in nov. constitut. 123. and the Liturgies of the Greeks, Aethiopians, Syrians, Armenians, &c. But now (saith Bellarm.) the Councel of Trent condemneth, with anathema, all them who require, that publick prayers, and especially the Mass, should be used in a vulgar language. And if any will ask, how and when this alteration came into the Western Church, since it is not in others? Erasmus in Comment. on 1 Cor. 14. answereth, It is a wonder how it came in. But certainly the Latine was used in the Western Churches from the beginning, because it was com­monly understood by them all; but as the Roman Empire was diminished, and several Nations got power amongst themselves, the Latine language did turn to French, Spanish, Italian, &c. So the vulgar tongue was not denied unto the people, as Pope Vitalian did command the Latine in all Churches; and the Councel of Trent accursed all other languages; but the Nations went out of use of it; and the Popes will have them use it, whether they understand it or not.

12. Here we see the Canon of the Mass hath several parts, and so The Canon with a low voice. it hath many Authours. Cassander loc. cit. saith, The Canon was not made by one, nor yet in the order as it is now. Io. Beleth, a Doctor at Paris, about the year 1170, in his book de Divin. Offic. cap. 46, saith, The Canon is said with a low voice; because God hears the cry not of the mouth, but of the heart...and yet we pronounce the words, lest we seem to be ignorant of the things which we ask, or which we should ask; or lest we fail in our voice by long speaking, if it were pronounced loudly; or thirdly, lest the words of so great a mystery becom vile by daily custom, and be used elsewhere in uncom­petent places...It is forbidden by a Decree, under a curse, that none should pronounce these words, but who is cloathed with sacred vestures, and from a book upon a consecrated Altar......and therein are many things, which are not lawfull for us to expound, but haply for the Priests only; therefore we will be silent of them. So far Beleth, It seems this Decree, and these things which are to be kept in silence, were not in the daies of Raban; and therefore he speaks not of the Secreta.

13. Responsorium or Graduale is given by Pla­tina The Respon­sorium. unto Celestine the I; and by Poly. Vergil. unto Gelasius and Gregory. Raban Institut. lib. 2. cap. 51. saith, It was devised by the Italians a long space before the Antiphonae, and then one said them; but now (saith he) some­times one, sometimes two, and sometimes three, the Quiere for the most part answering.

14. Platina in Sixt. 1. saith, Halelujah is borrowed from Halelujah. the Church of Jerusalem; but he telleth not who borrowed it; and in Gre­gory the I, he saith, Gregory ordained it to be sung nine times. Jerom in his [Page 144] answer unto the Epistle of Damasus; adviseth after every Psalm to sing, Glo­ry unto the Father, unto the Son, and the Holy Ghost, as it was in the begin­ning, now, and through all ages, Amen; to the end, the faith of the 318 Bi­shops, of the Nicene Councel, may be declared by the consent of voice; and then put unto all the Psalms Halelujah.

15. Platina in Sixt. 1. saith, Jerom first read the Epistle and the Gospel, in the Mass; and again he giveth them to Damasus.

16. It is spoken before, at note 3, of the offerings. It may be Catalogue of them who offer. added, that when the Priests saw the charity or liberality of the people grow cold, a Decree was made to read the Catalogue of the offerers; and then of them for whom the offering was made, whether alive or dead.

17. This is the song of dedication, or (as Platin. speaks) for blessing the offerings; and saith he, Eutichian P. An. 275, was the deviser of the Offer torium. But Walaf. Strabo de init. & incremen. rer. Eccles. cap. 22. saith, the Authour there­of is not known, since we do verily believe, that the ancient and holy Fathers did offer in silence. Biel in exposit. Missae lect. 16. saith, It is sung in the mean time while the people do present their gifts; and there he mentioneth three sorts of offerings, to wit, of their persons, their gifts, and of those things which are for the elements.

17. Gratian. de consecr. dist. 1. cap. Holy Vestures. Consultò, sheweth, that even in the pri­mitive Church was too great ostenta­tion of the Corporale, which was of silken or scarlet cloath; therefore Pope Sylvester the I. ordained, that they should use only white linnen, because Christ's body was wrapped in linnen. Walaf. Strabo lip. cit. cap. 24. speaking of this linnen, adds that the Priestly vestures are also advanced to a great ornament; whereas at first they did celebrate in no other but their usual garments; as also is yet the custom of the Eastern Churches. Pope Stephen the I, did ordain, that Priests and Le­vites should not daily use their holy garments; and thereafter a distincti­on was made between the vestures of Bishops, and of others.

19. Gratian. Holy Vessels. loc. cit. cap. Vasa, sheweth, that in the primitive times they had only woo­den vessels, untill Pope Zepherin, An. 216. appointed cups of glass; and be­cause those were brittle, Pope Urban An. 230. brought in cups of silver: [But others say, The Church had no cups of gold nor silver, untill the Em­perour Constantine gave them,] and then an Act was made, that no Priest should administer the Sacrament in wooden vessels, lest God be offend­ed. Nevertheless it is recorded of Exu­perius, Bishop of Tolouse, that he would not admit golden or silver ves­sels [Page 145] in his Diocy; but only mands of wands, or baskets for the bread, and glasses for the wine. Jerom commen­deth him for this. It appears then, al­though some did delight in ostentati­on, yet others did not approve it.

20. Io. Beleth. li. cit. cap. 34. saith, It is The word Missa is ho­monymous. all called the Mass, which is said from the beginning to the end...yet some­times more especially the first part or the Introitus is so named, because an Angel is sent thither. But the Mass is divided into four parts, Obsecrations, Orations, Postulations and Thanksgivings......The first part is of the Cate­chumeni....for they may abide no longer, no more than Jews or Heathens, because as yet they are not Members of the Church; for which cause the Dea­con saith, from the Pulpit, with a loud voice, Let the Catechumeni go forth. Hence the first part is called Missa, ab emittendo, because they are sent forth...But all the Office is called Missa, which is from the Introitus, usque ad, Ite, Missa est; although sometimes we call Missa those words, whereby the body of the Lord is made. So far Beleth. But it seems Raban knew not that form of saying Mass; for he speaks afterwards of the consecration, and several things must be done, after the covering of the Altar, before the consecration. As for the dismission of the Catechumeni, the Priest singeth not that; but the Deacon speaketh it with a loud voice.

21. Many of the Ancients repeat Sursum Cor­da. these words, Sursum Corda, lift up your hearts; whereby they did teach that the Service was not private, but one spoke unto the people: Corda. 2. That men should not look upon the elements, as if Christ's body were in them, or as if they were turned into Christ's body; but we should lift up our minds, by faith and meditation, unto Heaven, where only is Christ bodily, and we should seek and find him there.

22. In this Missal is now neither such ex­hortation, A Thanksgi­ving is omit­ted. nor such a prayer, as followeth; and therefore I may say of Ra­ban, as Corn. Lauriman in his Epist. nuncup. said of Io. Beleth, These things may argue his antiquity, which he writeth were done in the Church every where in his time; of which things a great part is so abolished and extinct, that no footstep thereof now appears; for which cause some have heretofore des­pised him, as if he had written false things; whereas he is for the same, the more to be commended, since hence we may learn what they did of old, and how much our times are different from antiquity. But neither doth Beleth mention any exhortation to praise, nor such a prayer, so that those were a­bolished before his time; and in place thereof, he mentioneth Secreta and the Prefaces chap. 43; and in the next chap. Secreta is so called, because it is se­cretly pronounced. So the people may not hear nor know it; and chap. 45. he saith, the Prefaces are ten in number; and Lauriman addeth, in the mar­gine, there are eleven of them. Walaf. Strabo loc. cit. saith, Who made the Prefaces and the Actio (which the Romans call the Canon) it is unknown unto me; but that it is augmented not once, but often, we know by the parts which are added. So here are novations upon novations, and frequent chan­ges from the Missal of Gregory.

23. Platina saith, Pope Sixtus the I, or­dained Sanctus. that Sanctus should be sung.

24. The Scriptures have the word of The word Consecration is dangerous. Thanksgiving and Blessing, and not Consecration; nor is a word a material difference, if they understood no other thing but Thanksgiving or Blessing. But it is a dangerous word, since the old Heathens did use it, to signifie the making of a God, Consecrare statuam; and now the Romanists do use it, for the lifting up of the elements, and blowing on them, and crossing them, I know not how often; the thwarting and lifting up of their Arms, the joining and unjoining of the Priest's thumb and fore-singer, with such other rites; [Page 146] which have no such foundation in, nor relation unto Christ's Institution, nor his Apostles doctrine or practice; and do smell of charming or heathenism, more then of true piety; and the rather is the word to be forsaken, because their Priests are not ashamed to say, Qui creavit me, dedit mihi creare se; qui creavit me sine me, creatur à me.

25. Raban speaks so, not that he mean­eth the bread to be turned into the body of Christ; although Io. Eckius in tom. The Bread is he Body fi­guratively. 4. homil. 31. doth cite his words unto that purpose: For Transubstantiation was not then hatched (as I shall shew God willing) and Raban was recko­ned amongst Hereticks for the contrary doctrine, as is touched before; but because the Bread and Wine are the visible figures and resemblances, and seals of Christ's Body and Blood; and because with the signs the Believers re­ceive the Body and Blood of Christ. Raban's words, which I have related in the former Section, do clearly shew his mind in these words; and so we may judge of many others writing in this manner, although their words have been wrested to another sense.

26. Observe, he saith, Prayer unto God. But in all this Institution, is not one word of praying unto the Bread. I know they The Bread was not wor­shipped. do quote the Ancients for adoring the bread; and especially, they alledge Theodoret. dial. 2. But by one we may understand the meaning of all others: his words are these; The mystical signs after sanctification, do not depart from their nature; for they remain in their former substance, figure and form; and they may be both touched and seen, as they were before; but they are un­derstood to be those things which they are made, and are beleeved to be; and they are adored as those things which they are beleeved to be; compare there­fore the Image with the exemplar or patern, for the figure should be like the truth. In these words Theodoret. denieth Transubstantiation and the bodily presence; and he calleth the Bread and Wine signs mystical, the Image of the exemplar, and figure of the truth; and thereby we may easily understand what kind of adoring or reverence he would have given unto the signs, and not that they should be adored as Christ himself. And to shew the impudency of the Romanists, I add another testimony, which they do object out of Au­gust. in Ps. 98. saying, No man eats it before he adore it. They object these words, as if Augustine were speaking of the bread. But his words are, Of the earth he [Christ] took earth, because flesh is of the earth; and of the flesh of Mary he took flesh, because he walked here in the same flesh, and did give us the same flesh unto salvation; and no man eats that flesh except he first adore it, &c. Here Augustine speaks not of the Sacrament, but of the flesh, which Christ took of the flesh of Mary: and who denieth that flesh should be adored? Some words after these, may be understood of the Sacrament, and they are clear; for he expoundeth the words of Christ, The words which I have spoken unto you, are spirit and life: as if the Lord had said, Understand ye spiritually, what I have spoken; ye shall not eat this body which ye see, nor drink this blood, which they shall shed who shall crucifie me: I have commended unto you a certain Sacrament, which being spiritually under­stood, shall quicken you; and although it be necessary that the same be cele­brate visibly, yet it must be understood invisibly. So August. Nothing can be spoken more plainly and directly; against the gross and carnal manner of the presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament.

27. It is certain, that our Saviour is the Authour of this Prayer; and who hath ordained it to be sung, Rites at say­ing Pater noster. I know not: But Io. Beleth cap. 47. testifieth, that in his time the people did stand when this prayer was said, if it were a Feast-day; and if it were not a Feast, the people were prostrate; and the Priest said it with a loud voice, ex­cept these words, But deliver us from evil: which the people did answer.

28. As Christ did ordain, that all Believers should eat in remembrance of Communica­ting now left of. [Page 147] him; so in ancient times was an order, that all should communicate, who will not be excommunicate, Gratian. de consecr. dist. 2. cap. Peracta, &, Com­perimus. Where was then the private Mass, wherein the Priest alone consu­meth the Sacrament? This order of communicating hath ceased through the sloth of Priests and people, saith Cochlaeus de sacrif. Missae, and Harding's answer to the first article of Bishop Juel's challenge. And for remedy, it was provided, that two Deacons should communicate with the Priest, Gratian. de consecr. dist. 1. cap. Hoc quoque, &, Omnes. And Pope Sergius the II. ordai­ned, And the rite is turned to a mystery. that the Bread should be broken into three parts, according to the num­ber of Communicants; which rite of breaking remaineth yet, although the Priest be alone, but they have drawn it to signifie a mystery. Lombard. lib. 4. dist. 12. F. saith, The part which is offered and cast into the Cup, signifieth the body of Christ which rose again; the part which is eaten, signifieth him walking on the earth; and the third part lying on the Altar till the end of the Mass, signifieth the body lying in the grave; for untill the end of this world, the bodies of the Saints shall continue in the graves. The Authour of Specul. Curator. saith, two parts are reserved, and the third is cast into the cup, to signifie that the sacrifice is profitable for three things; unto just men, for in­crease of grace; unto sinners, for taking away their sins; and unto those in Purgatory, for taking away their punishment. So uncertain are they in their errours. And in that direction of the Curats, it is specially provided, that only the Priest shall eat that part which is cast into the Cup. So that now the Communion is, for the most part, turned into a theatrical eating and drinking of the Priest alone. Cassander cannot wonder enough, how they have de­parted so far from the Institution; and how they dare so clearly violate the Acts of Councels, &c. Consult. art. 24.

29. Christ did not put the Sacrament into his Apostles mouths, but every one received the bread with his hand; Receiving is altered. and such was the custom of the Church untill the sixth Synod, saith Jesuit Sal­meron on 1 Cor. 11. disp. 19. But this was altered, when the Roman Church ordained, that for reverence sake people should not touch it with their hands; but so oft as they communicate the Priest should put the bread into their mouths. Hence is arisen another novelty, that whereas the bread was wont to be broken, and distributed out of the same loaf, now they break not the bread, they say, for reverence; as if the Apostles and primitive Church had not been reverent, or Believers now cannot be reverent; and therefore lest Wafers. people do break Christ's body with their teeth, they do provide Wafers, which may melt away in the mouth. Cassander in Liturg. saith, This is reli­gion many waies despised.

30. He mentioneth the receiving of bread only; nevertheless it is certain, the distribution of the Cup also was ordained by Drinking is out of use. Christ, and it continued in use: For Raban in the same book chap. 31. saith, The Lord would have the Sacraments of his body and blood taken by the mouth of Believers. Now this custom was not forbidden untill the Councel at Constance, An. 1415, Cassand. Consul. art. 22; and again it was permit­ted unto the Bohemians, An. 1438. by the Councel at Basil. Yea Pope Ge­lasius the I, made a Decree, that who would not communicate in both, should be excommunicated from both. This Decree stood in force about the year 1200, and is registred by Gratian. de consecr. cap. 2. Comperimus: his reason is, because the division of one and the same mystery, cannot be with­out great sacriledge. Upon these words the Gloss saith, This is understood of the Species....therefore it is taken under both kinds, as a Pupil must ap­prove all which a Tutor doth, or refuse all; yet (saith he) a sick man who may not drink wine, or any other in necessity, may take the body without wine. When and by whom came this alteration? Jesuit Coster in Enchir. [Page 148] tracta. de commun. sub utraque spe. saith, Not by commandment of Bishops, but it crept in by the practice of the people, the Bishops winking at it. It is likely, the communion of bread only, came by practice of Priests; after that Thomas Aquin. had devised concomitancy, lest any thing might seem super­fluous.

31. This is the second time that Kiss. the Priest saluteth the people. Biel in Expos. Miss. lect. 16. noteth three sa­lutations with the particular reasons, as they may be. Io. Beleth cap. 48. saith, The Priest takes this kiss from the Eu­charist, or as some think from the Al­tar, and gives it to the Deacon or sub-Deacon, that by them it may go unto others; but (saith he) with this caution, that men give it not unto women, lest some wantonness or carnality creep into the thoughts. The Rhemists would derive this custom of the Mass from Rom. 16. 16: but Paul did not kiss the bread nor the Altar, nor did he command it as a part or pendicle of the Mass. As it is a fashion among us, for men meeting or parting with friends to shake hands; so it was among the Jews, and some other Nations, as appears by many places in both Testa­ments, for men to kiss men, which custom Christians did also observe; and therefore the Apostle doth moderate that custom, that it should be with holi­ness; and as that secular custom did wear out of use, so it ceased also in the Church.

32. Beleth hath the words, Lamb of God, who takes away the A change in the words, Agnus, &c. sins of the world; and not the words following: but also faith, these be said thrice, to wit, twice with, Have mercy upon us; once with, Give us peace; but neither of the two when it is a Mass for the dead; but only with, Give them rest. Raban and others before him knew not this distinction.

33. The law­full The use of communica­ting. use of the Lord's Supper, is the remembrance of his death to the salvation of the beleeving receiver. But afterwards it was provided, that if any theft was committed in a Monastery, and the Monks were suspected; then the Abbot should say a Mass, and all the Monks should communicate, and there­by declare that they were innocent. Gratian. caus. 2. qu. 5. cap. Saepe contingit, sheweth that Pope Nicolaus ordained these words to be said unto each one of them, The body of the Lord be unto thy trial. This Decree was abrogate by contrary Decrees of Popes; because the body of Christ should not be given unto him who is suspected of a crime: Tho. Aquin. pag. 3. qu. 80. ar. 6 ad 3. Nevertheless it is turned to worse, for in all their Treasons and Plots either against Nations or Church, they make the Sacrament to be the bond of their bloody intentions.

34. Beleth saith, this is the last part of the Mass, called The Thanksgiving; and beginneth at the Communion, which is also called Completio. But I find no words of Thanksgiving here; so thankfulness is worn out of use.

35. Some say, the blessing was ordained by Pope Leo the I; Ite, Missa est. but it is more ancient to bless the people at their dismission.

36. Poly. Virgil. de invent. rer. lib. 4. cap. 11. saith, The saying of Ite, Missa est, is from a cu­stom What was done with the remain­der. of the Priests of Isis.

37. He hath no mention of what was done with the remainders of the elements. Bellarm. de Euchar. lib. 4. cap 4. sheweth out of Justine, that the Deacons were wont to carry the Eucharist unto the sick, or them who could not come to the publick meetings: And cap. 5. The re­liques was given unto children to be eaten by them; because they thought not the element to be holy but in use. But now they keep their Osty for ado­ration [Page 149] and pompous procession, which custom is contrary unto the Institu­tion, as Cassander proves by many testimonies in Liturgic. cap. 30. 11. This Many rites are added. was the form of Gregory's Mass, and all that was in the daies of Raban, far different from the first Institution of the Lord's Supper; but since that time it is as far changed, even so far that if Raban were alive, and could say Mass no better, he would be called an ignorant Curat. It hath indeed more shew and pomp now then before; but as a painted Image hath more accoutrements then the man hath, yet it hath no life in it; so the additions and changes make it more glorious to the eye of a natural man, but the liveliness and spirituality of it is gone. For at first was but one sort of celebrating, but now they have a publick form, and a private, and a solitary, one for Sundays, another for Week daies, another for Feast daies, another for Fasts, &c. 2. The peo­ple understood all, and had their part in praying and singing; but now the Priest doth all in an unknown language, except that a Deacon or Clark say some few words. 3. As some exhortations and prayers are now put away (whereof I have now noted some) so many other things are added: As first the Introitus must be sung twice on some daies, and thrice on other daies. 2. There is a Tractus which must be sung with long or slow pronunciation. 3. There be a number of Collects. 4. The Priest must turn sometimes to the North, sometimes to the East, and sometimes his face towards the people, and sometimes his back towards them; neither must his turning be in the same place, but sometimes at the North end of the Altar, and some­times at the middle on the West side; sometimes he must stand streight up, sometimes bow or cringe, and sometimes on his knees; sometimes wash his hands in time of the Mass, he must have his Mass cloaths. Poly, Virgil. de in­vent. rer. lib. 6. cap. 12. saith, Pope Stephen did first ordain them in imitation of the Jewish Priests; for from the beginning (saith he) Priests going about Divine Service did put nothing above their cloaths, but did study rather to deck themselves with the vertues of the mind, and cast off vices. But here they do exceed the Levitical Priests, since those had but six several pieces, as we see in Exod. 28. 4; but now they have nine several pieces, and the Bishops must have seven more. The Priest must stretch forth his hands and arms, sometimes lift up his hands and eys to Heaven; then he must join his hands, and sometimes cause his thumb touch his fore-finger; sometimes rub his fingers, and wash his hands; he must salute the people seven times, to wit, five times when he turns unto them, and twice when he turns not; he must have his wax candles, and incense; he must be sprinkled with incense by the Deacon, and the Acolyte must besprinkle the Choristers, beginning at the Rector. The Priest must kiss the Altar, the Platter, and the Book, and cast Incense on the Sacrifice. Anselm in his Treatise unto Waltram, sheweth di­versity of crossing the elements at that time, some crossing them one way, and some another way. Thom. Aquin. par. 3. qu. 83. art. 5 ad 3. sheweth, that the Priest must make 29 crosses, to wit, three when he saith, Haec dona, haee munera, haec sancta; three when he saith, benedictam, ascriptam, ratam; two when he saith, ut nobis corpus & sanguis; one when the bread is consecrated; another when the wine is consecrated, at the word benedixit; five when he saith, hostiam puram, hostiam sanctam, hostiam immaculatam, panem sanctum, & calicem salutis; three when he saith, corpus & sanguinem sumpserimus; three when he saith, sanctificas, vivificas, benedicis; three when he saith, per ipsum, cum ipso & in ipso; two immediately after the cup; and three when he saith, pax domini. But the Missal hath them now another way, to wit, he must cross both the bread and wine together three times, and again them both three times, then them apart once, and again them both apart once, and again [Page 150] thrice and once, and again once and twice; signing himself between them, so oft with his hand; and then he must sign the chalice with the hosty; and then sign himself with the Platter, and once with the chalice; and all these in saying the Canon and Communio, and besides a hundred more; as when he comes at first unto the Altar, he must make a Cross on his face, and say, In nomine Patris, Filii, & S. S. then he blesseth the incense with the same words; then he besprinkleth both the horns of the Altar, &c. Many other such cere­monies have they, which if they be looked upon, by one who knows not what signification they put upon them, they are like a Stage-play. Though they give a signification unto every one of these ceremonies, yet so uncer­tainly, that one expoundeth them one way, and another expounds them another way; and the most that any of them saith, is, This rite may signifie this thing. So uncertain are things of religion when we stray from the bounds of Scripture. If we consider the authority of them, they are will-worship and devises of men, and brought into the Church some by one way, and some by another; some sooner and some later, and for the most part in confor­mity unto Jews or Heathens, as may be seen in Poly. Virgil. de invent. rer. If we consider the number of them, though Augustine speaking of the Sacra­ments said, the signs of Christians are fewer then the signs or rites of the Jews; even in number fewest, and in signification most clear; yet now they are more a great deal then the Jewish, as that one particular of the Vesture shew­eth; and in signification both obscure and uncertain, and which is worse; whereas God would have the people then to be instructed by those rites (which the Apostle, under the Gospel, calleth beggarly rudiments) and now he would have his people informed in a more open and plain way, they hold the people in ignorance, and under more beggarly rites; as that the [...]ishop must have seven pieces of Vesture more then the Priest, to signifie the seven gifts of the spirit, wherein he should excel the Priest, the Tractus must be sung with a slow pronunciation, to signifie the miseries of this life; the Cor­porale signifieth Christ's body wrapped in a linnen cloath, &c. What need is there of such shadows or representations? Hath a Bishop need to learn from his slippers and his coat what manner of man he should be? Is the slow sing­ing at one time more then at another, a ready way to teach people the mise­ries on earth? And which is worse then any of these, if we consider the main aim and doctrine of the Mass, it is derogatory to the sufficiency of Christ's Sacrifice; for they teach and contend, that every day they sacrifice unto God the Father the very flesh and blood of Christ, for the forgiveness of sins of all which offer, and for whom they offer, either quick or dead. But this is a cunning falshood contrary to Scriptures, injurious to Christ, abhominable to God, offensive unto men, and monstrous in the Church, as hath been proved by many. But my main purpose is, to shew the changes of the Mass from time to time. But they will say, Ceremonies are variable, and they have retained unchangeably, the main part of Gregory's Missal, which is the Ca­non. I reply unto the first, it is true Ceremonies are variable; but first they should not be multiplied, as the Roman Church doth. 2. The Ceremonies should be changed for the edification of the Church; but their changes are contrary, for some part that was read so that the people might hear and un­derstand, is now read so that the people shall not hear what it is; and many ceremonies do require much time, ere the people can know what they do signifie; whereas they might learn the same things sooner, if they were in­formed plainly and directly; and many ceremonies are so dark, that even Priests know not what they do signifie. Next, whereas they say they retain the Canon of the Mass: First, have they not put away some parts of Gregory's [Page 151] Missal, and added far more? And doth not such addition and abolishing make up a great change? 2. Though we stand not for maintaining the Ca­non, as being not the work of Christ, nor of his Apostles; as Gregory con­fesseth lib. 7. ind. 2. Epist. 63; but either his own, or (as he seemeth to say there) of one Scholasticus; yet it is the mighty providence of God for the con­viction of the Romish Church, that the Canon is continued: For they hold Out of the Canon is con­futed 1 The doctrine of the sacrifice. first, That in the Mass is a true, singular and proper sacrifice. 2. That the Bread and Wine are transubstantiated into the Body and Blood of Christ. 3. That the People should not pertake of the Wine. 4. That men attain salvation, or eternal life, by merit of their works: but all these are clearly confuted by the words of that Canon. First, concerning the Sacrifice, it saith, a little from the beginning, Petimus uti accepta habeas & benedicas haec dona, haec munera, haec sancta sacrificia illibata. Here observe first, that the words are in the plural number, gifts, sacrifices: But Christ is not many gifts, nor many sacrifices, he is one gift Ioh. 4. 10. and one sacrifice Heb. 9. 2 [...]. & 10. 10. therefore Christ is not signified by these words. 2. The Canon saith, We pray that thou wouldest accept and bless these gifts: Should we think that Gregory would have men to pray for the acceptation of Christ, and for a bles­sing unto him, who is the dearly beloved of the Father eternally? I beleeve, Gregory did not understand the words so: And after the words which are called The Consecration, it is said, Supra quae propitio ac sereno vultu respi­cere digneris, & accepta habere, &c. that is, On which be pleased to look with a favourable and gracious countenance, and accept them as thou were pleased to accept the gifts of thy servant Abel, and the sacrifice of our Pa­triarch Abraham; and the holy sacrifice and immaculate hosty, which thy High-Priest Melchisedek offered unto thee. Whether shall we believe, that the offerings and sacrifices of Abel, Abraham and Melchisedek were acce­ptable unto God through Christ; or that they were the paterns of accepting the sacrifice of Christ? I beleeve certainly, that Gregory did not think the first, but the second; and so, that he would have Believers to pray for the acceptation of their offerings in and through Christ; and so it is said in the beginning of the Canon, Most gracious Father we humbly beseech thee, for Jesus Christ, thy Son, our Lord's sake; and we pray, that thou wouldest ac­cept...these gifts. Moreover in the same Canon it is said, Hanc oblationem servitutis nostrae, sed & cunctae familiae tuae, quaesumus domine ut placatus ac­cipias, i. e. O Lord we beseech thee that thou, being pacified, wouldest ac­cept this oblation of our sacrifice [or of us thy servants] and of all thy fami­ly. Who can think that Gregory did mean, by these words, the oblation of Christ? Again it is said, Quam oblationem tu Deus omnipotens, &c. i. e. Which oblation, O thou Almighty, we beseech thee, that thou wouldest be pleased to make, in all respects, blessed, ascribed, ratified, reasonable and accepta­ble. Can these words be meaned of the offering of Christ, and not rather of the offering of the people? And so it may be said of these words, We offer unto thy excellent Majesty, of thy gifts, and of what thou hast given. And these be all the words, at least the greatest part of the Canon, concerning a sacrifice; and since these be not understood of a proper and singular sacrifice, certainly in the Mass no true and proper sacrifice is offered. But they will say, the words are, Haec sancta sacrificia illibata, which cannot be understood of the offerings of the people; and therefore must be understood of Christ's sacrifice. Answer: First, for the word sancta, it may be understood of the peoples offerings, in respect of dedication, as well as the sacrifice of Melchisedek is called holy and immaculate hosty; and the more, if we take them with the words preceding, We beseech thee humbly for Christ's sake, that thou [Page 146] wouldest accept and bless these holy oblations. As for the word illibata, Alc­win (who was the Teacher of Raban, as some write) de Divin. Offic. saith, Illibata dicuntur, id est, non praegustata, id est, Illibata is not as yet tasted, but abiding whole. Yea and in the same place he saith, By dona, munera & sa­crificia, one and the same thing is commended with several names; and what is offered upon the Altar is called munera, as the Lord saith, If thou offer thy gift. It is clear that he understood the gifts of the people; and consequently not a singular and proper sacrifice. I know also, that Illibata signifieth not offered; and that signification doth more confirm what I have said. Second­ly, 2. Transub­stantiation. concerning Transubstantiation; the Canon saith, Quam oblationem tu Deus...benedictam....facere digneris, ut nobis corpus & sanguis fiat dilectis­simi Filii tui Domini nostri Iesu Christi. Here they say, are both the sacrifice and transubstantiation. But first, If all these words be considered together, it is clear that (as I said) the words, Quam oblationem benedictam, ratam, ascriptam, rationabilem acceptabilemque, are not meaned of the body of Christ; because it is craved that the oblation may be blessed....to the end, it may be the body and blood of Christ; for what we crave that it may be made the body, is not as yet the body. 2. I trust none is so ignorant, to think that the word fiat doth necessarily signifie to be made a sacrifice, and to be transubstantiate; and if that word can, in that place, admit another sig­nification, it proves not either of the two, and far less both; and so we see how great a work is grounded upon the uncertainty of the signification of one word. I have already twice shewed how Raban expoundeth the word for a sign, figure, seal and representation; and here I add the words of Au­gustine Epist. 23. ad Bonifa. Christ was once sacrificed in himself, and is eve­ry day sacrificed unto people in the Sacrament; neither is it falsely said, that he is sacrificed, for Sacraments have a similitude of the things whereof they are Sacraments; and for this similitude, they oft have the names of the very things; as in a certain manner, the Sacrament of the body of Christ, is cal­led the body of Christ; and the Sacrament of Christ's blood, is called his blood. So far Augustine; and I could add the like testimonies of other An­cients, but I said, I would prove it from the words of the Canon: Then ob­serve first in the words immediately following, it is said, Qui pridie quàm pateretur, accepit panem. 2. After the consecration, Offerimus praeclarae Ma­jestati tuae ex donis tuis ac datis hostiam puram....panem sanctum vitae aeternae & calicem salutis perpetuae, supra quae propitio ac sereno vultu respicere digne­ris, &c. 3. When the Priest takes the hosty into his hands, before he com­municateth, he is ordered to pray in this manner, Corporis & sanguinis tui Domine Iesu Christe, Sacramentum, quod licet indignus accipio, not sit mihi judicio & condemnationi, sed tua prosit pietate corporis mei & animae saluti. 4. When he takes the Cup, he is ordred to say, Gratias tibi ago, Domine San­cte Pater omnipotens....& precor ut hoc Sacramentum salutis nostrae, quod sumpsi indignus peccator, non veniat mihi ad judicium neque ad condemnatio­nem. Whence we see, that both before the consecration (as they speak) and after the consecration, that which is received is called Bread and the Cup, out of what the people offereth from what God had given them; and it is prayed, that God would look graciously on these things, even on that Bread and Cup, as he was pleased to look on the offering of Abel; and that Bread and Cup is, two several times, called the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood, and the Sacrament of our salvation. Wherefore certainly, accor­ding to the Canon, the Bread is still Bread, and the Sacrament of Christ's body, and the Sacrament of our salvation; and it is not transubstantiated into Christ's body. But saith the Jesuit Io. Hart, against Io. Reinolds, yea the [Page 153] Bread and Cup do tropologicè signifie the very Body and Blood of Christ. I answer, This is a begging of the question; for we hold, that there is a trope or figure in the words of Christ, This is my body; which they deny: And why should that be denied, more than to be affirmed in the words of the Ca­non; and the rather, that in the same Canon, and in the prayers after conse­cration, the Bread and Cup are expressly called the Sacrament of Christ's body, and the Sacrament of our salvation? A Sacrament is not the thing sig­nified, but a sign and seal of it; and therefore according to the Canon, there is no transubstantiation of the Bread and Wine. Thirdly, Concerning the 3. The deny­ing of the Wine unto the People. Communicants, it is to be observed, that the Canon is conceived in form of a Prayer, and in the name of the People; and therefore, by the way, I say, it should be pronounced so, that the people may hear and pray in the mean time; but it is said now with a low voice, lest the people hear and understand. But to the purpose; in the Canon it is said, Supplices te rogamus, Omnipo­tens Deus,.....ut quotquot ex hac Altaris participatione sacro sanctum Filii tui corpus & sanguinem sumpserimus, omni benedictione Coelesti & gratia re­pleamur, i. e. We humbly pray thee, Almighty God, that so many of us as shall, in partaking of the Altar, receive the holy body and blood of thy Son, may be filled with all Heavenly blessing and grace. Hence it is apparent, that they who receive the one element, should also receive the other, since they are conjoined in the Canon. And not any Papist can deny, that the custom was otherwise at that time, and some hundred years thereafter. Fourthly, 4. Mens me­rit. Concerning the merits of men, it is true they pray, after the Agnus Dei is sung, in these words, Haec sacro sancta commixtio corporis & sanguinis Domi­ni nostri Iesu Christi, fiat mihi omnibusque sumentibus salus mentis & corporis, & ad vitam aeternam, promerendam & capescendam praeparatio salutaris, per eundem Christum Dominum nostrum. But whether the word capescendam doth not declare the other word promerendam to be taken there improperly; or if the word promerendam should be taken properly for deserving, let it be jud­ged by the words of the Canon; where it is said expressly, Nobis quoque pec­catoribus famulis tuis de multitudine miserationum tuarum sperantibus partem aliquam & societatem donare digneris cum tuis sanctis Apostolis & Martyri­bus......& cum omnibus sanctis tuis, intra quorum nos consortium non aesti­mater meriti, sed veniae quaesimus largitor admitte per Christum Dominum no­strum, that is, We beseech thee, that thou wouldest be pleased to give free­ly unto us sinners, thy servants, hoping in the multitude of thy compassions, some part and fellowship with thy holy Apostles and Martyrs, and with all thy Saints, into whose society, we beseech, admit us; thou not reckoning our deserving, but grant us pardon, for Christ our Lord's sake. Who, weighing these words seriously, can imagine, that the first contriver of the Canon could plead for salvation by his own merits or deservings? Certainly, these words of the Canon do renounce all our merit, and teach us to rely upon the mer­cy of God for Christ's sake. And therefore, unless the first prayer be contrary unto the Canon, the word promerendam is declared by capescendam, that is, they pray that the Communion may be a saving preparation for attaining eternal life. And hereby we may learn how to expound that word mereamur in many passages of the Ancients, as I have touched before. I conclude this point, seeing the Canon hath nothing of proper sacrifice in it, nor of tran­substantiation, and ordereth that they who receive the bread should also re­ceive the cup, and it takes away the merit of mens work; it is the mighty providence of God, for the conviction of the Romish Church, that the Ca­non continueth, when so many changes have been made in the Missal; and also it is a singular (I will not say prudence or wisdom, but) policy of the Bi­shops [Page 154] and Priests, that they will not pronounce the Canon so, that the peo­ple may know and understand it; lest the people know those errours which are so plainly contrary unto the Canon. I have also observed another place A notable [...] and change in a prayer after the Pax; there is a prayer in these words, O God, Father, fountain and original of all goodness, who being moved in mercy, wouldest that thy only begotten Son, should for us descend into the lowest part of the world, and assume flesh, whom unworthy I hold here in my hands, I adore thee, I glorifie thee, and I praise thee with my whole mind, and inten­tion of my heart; and I pray that thou wouldest not forsake thy servants, but forgive us our sins, that we may be able to serve Thee, the only true and li­ving God, with a pure heart and chast body, for the same Christ our Lord's sake. We see this prayer is directed, from the beginning to the end, unto God the Father, and so have the first contrivers ordered it. But now in the Missal is a division, and between the words, I hold in my hands, and, I adore thee, &c. the rubrick saith, Hic inclinet se sacerdos ad hostiam, dicens, Te adoro, te glorifico, &c. as if the words preceding were only directed unto the Fa­ther, and the words following were directed unto the hosty; and so they adore, glorifie, and praise the hosty, as the only living and true God. Now who hath made this change, and when particularly it was changed; I think it can as hardly be pointed, as who did sow the Tares amongst the Wheat; but every one may see that an abhominable change is made there. Raban knew not this rubrick and adoration, nor Io. Beleth; neither is any mention of it, in any of the forms of Mass recorded by Cassander.


1. IN the Year of our Lord 824. the Danes were Lords of Northumberland, and raised wars against Edmund King of England; they took him, and because he would not deny Christ, they tied him unto a Tree, and shot at [Page 185] him till he died; then they cut off his head, and cast it among the bushes. His own Subjects did bury him both head and body at Halesdon, which from thence was called Edmunds burrow.

2. In the Synod held at Celicyth in England, about the year 816, the fourth Canon is, Let no Scot be permitted to administer Divine Service within any of our Diocies; because as no Bishop nor Presbyter should meddle with ano­ther Diocy without consent, far less should any people receive any Service from them of another Nation, which give no honour unto Metropolitans nor other Bishops. Sir Hen. Spelman in Concil. Hence it is clear by the testi­mony of that Synod, that at that time Scotland did not acknowledge Bishops. Of this more hereafter in Cent. XI.

3. In the year 832. Hungus King of Peichts died, and left his son Dorstor­lorg to be his Successour, and he was killed by his brother Egan. Egan did think to establish himself in the Kingdom, by distributing his Fathers treasure amongst the Nobles; and by marrying his brothers wife Brenna, lest she thin­king her self degraded would excite her father, the King of Merchis, against him. Nevertheless she murthered him, in revenge of the murther of her hus­band. Then Dongal King of Scots, sent unto the Peichts, and craved their Crown unto Alpin son of Achajus, and the sister-son of Hungus, and so the nearest heir. They returned answer, No Prince of another blood, might by their Laws reign over them; and they were accustomed to transfer the Crown from one house to another, as they had judged expedient; and for the pre­sent they had chosen Feredeth their King, neither by their Laws could they de­prive him, during his life. Dongal sent a second message, with certification, that if they did refuse to do justly unto the only heir, he would invade them by Battel. The Peichts sent some armed men, to inhibit the Messengers from coming nearer, under pain of death. Wherefore the Ambassadours did pre­sently denounce Wars in the name of King Dongal and Alpine, Boeth lib. 10. cap. 7. Then King Feredeth took unto his proper use all the riches and jewels, which others had given unto the Churches; and he bereft Church-men of all the Tithes and their possessions, and he gave their lands unto his domesticks; the Nobles condescending, and esteeming all things to be but as fallen into an enemies hand, which had been given unto the Church. In the mean time Dongal levieth an Army; and by the way he died in the water Spey, by force of the stream. Then Alpine was crowned King of Scots, and led forward the Army; at Restennet he slue Feredeth with many of his Nobles. Bruda then was King of Peichts, but injoied not the Kingdom many moneths; his son Feredeth had as bad success. Then the Scots were careless, as if the Peichts could make no more resistance. But another Brudus amasseth all their forces, to fight not so much for lands and liberty, as for life and children. In Anguise they had the victory, and Alpine was taken and brought, with his hands bound, unto the next village, where he was beheaded in the fourth year of his Reign; and his head was fixed on a pole upon the Walls of Camelon, in token of their Victory. Then Brudus conceived it easie to root the Scots out of the Island, and to this end he levied an Army; but in the field variance fell amongst them, so that Brudus was constrained to dismiss them. Within three moneths he died, and his brother Drusken succeeded. At this time some young Gentlemen, pretending themselves to be Merchants, came into Came­lon, and brought away Alpine's head unto his son Kenneth. He was desirous to revenge his fathers death, and to recover his own right; but the Nobility said, It was more expedient to delay, without war or peace, because the wi­sest and valiantest were slain. At last they were perswaded to take Arms; and when the Armies came near, they joined without the command of their Lea­ders, [Page 186] and fought cruelly. In the end the Peichts sought peace, and the Scots would not hear of it: wherefore Drusken gathered all his strength, and in Fife was utterly overthrown; many Peichts were slain, none of them (al­most) remained in their land; some did escape into Northumberland, and some into Denmark. The Scots from thenceforth possessed all the land on the North of Adrian's wall, and Edinburgh became the Headburgh of Scotland. Boeth saith, They who did take the Tithes from the Church, had neither Tithes nor Land within less space then ten years, for this was An. 839. At that time the Bishops seat of the Peichts, was translated from Abernethy by Earn, unto Saint Andrews, and that was called the Bishop-seat of the Scots; for before that time Scotland had no Bishop, and Ministers were chosen by the suffrages of the people, after the manner of Asia, saith Io. Bale in Catal. Illustr. cent. 14. cap. 6. And Iohn Mayr in Hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. saith, The Scots were instructed in the faith by Priests and Monks, without Bishops. Boeth lib. 6. cap. 5. speaking of the Emperour Decius, saith, In this time the Scots were very profound in Theology and Holy Writ, by the doctrine of certain Monks, which in those daies were called Culdei, that is, the honourers of God; for then all Priests that honoured God, were called Culdei. Here it is clear, that I. Mayr and Boeth do speak (after the manner of their own times) of Monks and Priests, and they use both these terms; and in ancient times, the only term was Culdei for the Teachers of the word; but more of this when we come to the erection of Bishops.

4. Constantine, the son of Kenneth, convened his Nobles at Scone, about the year 862, ordained that Church-men should attend Divine Service dili­gently, and abstain from all civil affairs; they should live content with the Patrimony of their Churches; they should preach the Word of God unto their people, and live as they teach; they should be free from all charges of Wars; they should not feed Horse nor Hounds for pleasure; they should bear no weapons, nor judge in civil actions; if they do, they should pay for the first fault a sum of money; and for the second, they should be degraded. He made also other Laws for bringing the people unto their old frugality and industry. Here Laws are Enacted for Church-men, without Pope or Bishop. In this King's time came the Danes, with the Peichts, into Scotland, under two Ge­nerals Hubba and Humber, they were discomfited in Fife; but Constantine was slain. King Gregory chased the Peichts (which were remaining) into Northumberland; where he fought so happily with the Danes and Peichts, that they were all (almost) slain, by Gregory on the one side, and by Alfred King of England on the other; and Northumberland was possessed by the Scots, granting liberty unto the Saxons to go or abide. Because the Britons had aided the Peichts, Gregory took from them Cumber and Westmerland, and slue their Prince Constantine. His brother Herbert, considering the ho­stility of the Scots and Danes, chose to make peace with the Scots. So Alfred drew up a general peace of all the Christians in Britain, against the Danes as a common enemy; and it was agreed that Gregory, for his valiantness, should perpetually injoy Northumberland. This Gregory, by Act of Parliament at For far, did confirm all the priviledges of the Church; and ordained that Church-men should not be drawn before Civil Judges, but only before their ordinary: he granted unto them to make Laws and Constitutions for the good of the Christian faith; to discuss all debates concerning Oblations, Tithes and Legacies or Testaments; to accurse all Rebels, and that all persons which were excommunicated should not be heard in Civil Courts. Boeth. Histor. lib. 10. cap. 19. Some Irish men had spoiled Galloway, and returned privily: therefore Gregory went with all hast into Ireland, he fought two Battels [Page 187] against two Governours, and vanquished them. Dublin was rendred unto him; he visited the young King Duncan, and protested that he came not for greediness of their Land, but to redress the wrong. With consent of the people, he took upon him the name of Tutor of the King, and committed him unto the trustiest of the Nobles, permitting them to use their own Laws; and requiring only of them, that without his seal they would admit no Eng­lish, nor Britan, nor Dane amongst them; for assurance he took with him 60 men in pledge. This Gregory was called the Great, and died An. 892. Bu­chan. Histor. Scot.

5. The fore-named Alfred was the first King of England, who had unction from Rome. He divided his movables into two equal portions; the one he appointed for uses secular, and divided it into three parts; one for his family; another for building of new works, wherein he had great delight; and the third he reserved for strangers. The other half he dedicated unto uses Eccle­siastical, and divided it into four portions; one for relief of the poor; ano­ther to Monasteries; the third to the Schools in Oxford, where he had ere­cted a School for Grammar, another for Philosophy, and a third for Divini­ty; whereas before they had neither Grammar nor Sciences, because Pope Gregory the I. gave in command, that Britain should have no Schools, for fear of Heresies, but only Monasteries, Bale. And the fourth part he sent for the relief of distressed Churches without his Realm. Sir Hen. Spelman in Con­cil. pag. 176. sheweth, that he bewailed the ignorance of the Clergy in his time, that few on the South-side of Humber knew the Liturgy in English, or could translate an Epistle into the vulgar language; yea when he came first to the Throne, he found not one on the South-side of Thames. Note here, they did use the Liturgy in Latine, because they had received it so from Rome, and because the people in former times did understand it; but when the peo­ple understood it not, the King would have it rather in the vulgar. Alfred died An. 901.

6. John Scot (who was surnamed Aerigena, or born in Aire, for distincti­on from a former born at Melrose, and another in the XIII Century born in Dunce, otherwise called Subtilis) was famous for his pregnant judgement, wondrous eloquence, and (in those daies) rare knowledge of the Greek, Chaldean and Arabian languages. He went to Athens, and studied there some years. He returned into France, and was much respected by Charls the Bald; at whose command he translated the Books of Dionysius De Hierarchia, into Latine. Anastasius Bibliothecary of the Vatican, in the Preface before that Translation, writeth unto the same King, It is wonderfull how that barba­rous man, which was born at the end of the World, and might have been thought to be as far distant in language, as he was in conversation from men, could understand such things, and turn them into another language; I mean (saith he) John Scot, whom I have heard to have been a very holy man. It is no marvel that he call him barbarous, because the Scots before that time, and some hundred years thereafter, did never acknowledge the See of Rome. This John did write a book, De Corpore & Sanguine Domini, against the opi­nion of carnal presence; which was condemned at the Synod of Vercelles, as followeth. Bellarmin de Eucharist. lib. 1. cap. 1. saith, This man was the first who writ doubtingly of this matter. It is the fault of the Romanists that his book is not extant; but since it was not condemned by the Church for the space of 200 years, and none of his time spoke against that book, he wanted no reason in it. He writ a book of 19 Chapters, De unica Praedestinatione, more curious then sound; which was answered by Florus of Lions, as is be­fore. He writ also a book with a Greek Title, [...], of the [Page 188] distinction of natures: Some write, In it is the resolution of many profitable questions, but so that he followeth the greeks more then the Latines, and for this the Pope did persecute him; he fled into England, and was in account with Alfred, and was his Counsellour and Teacher of his children; afterwards he retired to the Abbey at Malmsbury, where his Disciples murthered him with their pen-knives; being inticed thereunto by the Monks, because he did speak against the carnal presence; as saith Zepper. de calumnia haeres. Berengar. and was accounted a Martyr, as is recorded by Guiliel. Malmsbu. de gest. reg. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4.


1. MAny Synods were assembled in the beginning of this Century, and all ex jussu Imperatoris; as is express in the beginning of them parti­cularly. In the year 813, Charls the Great assembled four Councels, one of 30 Bishops, and 25 Abbots at Mentz. In Ca. 4. it was ordained, That Ba­ptism should be solemnly administred at Easter and Pentecost; but in case of necessity they might baptize at any time. Ca. 5. Seeing we have one God and Father in Heaven, and one mother the Church, one faith, and one baptism; therefore we should live in one peace and concord, if we desire to come into that one and true inheritance in the Kingdom of Heaven; for God is not the Authour of confusion, but of peace; and he saith, Blessed are the peaceable. Ca. 6. an Act is, That fatherless children should not be dis-inherited: [This Act is to be expounded by another, following in the Councel at Cabilon.] And the Fathers protest, that if it seem, they have passed bounds in admonish­ing his clemency, the Act be amended. Ca. 8. We will that Bishops have power to provide, rule, govern and dispense Spiritual and Ecclesiastical things, according to the authority of Canons; and that Laicks be obedient unto Bi­shops in their ministry, to rule the Churches of God, to defend widows and fatherless: And that Bishops should consent unto Counts and Judges to do ju­stice; and that just Laws be not corrupted by lies, false witness, false oaths or rewards. Ca. 10. We decree that there be a distinction, between them which are said to have left the World, and them who yet follow it: It is therefore provided, by a Law of the Fathers, that who are separated from the secular life, should abstain from worldly pleasures; as, that they be not present at games, nor unhonest and filthy bankets. Jerom ad Nepotian. saith, We should love the houses of all Christians, as our own; but so, that they may know us rather for comforters in their griefs, then feasters in their joviality: let them not be Usurers nor seekers of filthy gain, nor exerce any fraud; let them fly the love of money, as the mother of many evils: let them leave secular offi­ces and affairs; let them not ascend the steps of honour ambitiously; let them not take gifts for the benefits of Divine medicine; beware of guile and oaths; fly envy, hatred, and back-biting; nor walk with wandring eys, with unstable and wanton tongues or proud carriage; but let them shew forth the shame­facedness of their minds, in simple habit and conversation: let them altogether abhor the filthiness of words, as well as of deeds; eschue the frequent visitati­ons of widows and virgins, and no way haunt the houses of women: let them indeavour alwaies to keep the chastity of an undefiled body, giving due obe­dience unto their Superiours: Lastly, let them be diligent in teaching and reading, in Hymns and Psalms continually. They who give themselves to [Page 189] be servants in God's worship, should be such, that all that while they study to knowledge, they may administer doctrine unto the people. Ca. 11. Ab­bots and Monks are ordained to conform their lives unto the rule of Benedict, even as they have promised. Ca. 12. Monks are forbidden to go out of their Monasteries, unless upon necessity, and with leave of their Abbot. Ca. 16. To leave the world, is to resist the pleasures of the world; as Paul saith, Who use the World, as if they used it not. Ca. 17. We who have left the World, should wholly observe this, that we have spiritual armour, and forsake secu­lar armour; nor may we stay the Laity from bearing weapons, because it is an old custom. Ca. 24. We ordain, that fasting be kept four times a year by all men; that is, the first week of March, and all should come unto the Church on the fourth, sixth, and Sabboth daies; the second week of June on the same daies, and let all fast untill the ninth hour [or third hour after noon;] like­wise the third week of September, and the whole week before Christ's nativi­ty. Ca. 35. If any shall proudly contemn the Fasts, and will not keep them with other Christians; it is ordained in the Gangrene Councel, that he shall be accursed, untill he profess amendment. Ca. 38. We command that Tithes be alwaies payed, which God hath commanded to be given unto him; lest if any one hold from God his due, God take away his necessaries from him for his sin. Ca. 44. Let the people be alwaies admonished to make their Oblati­ons in the Church; for this is a soverain remedy for their own souls, and the souls of theirs. Ca. 45. Let Priests admonish the people alwaies to learn their Creed, which is the sum of faith, and the Lord's prayer; and we will that they be condignly censured which contemn to learn these two; and therefore, they should send their children unto a School or Monastery, or to a Priest, that they may learn the Catholick faith, and the Lord's prayer, that they may be able to teach others at home; and who cannot otherwise, let him learn them in his own language.

2. In the Councel at Worms is first a Confession of faith, which is a plain and sound exposition of the Creed of the Apostles, and no mention in it of Christ's descending into Hell. Ca. 1. None should presume to make chrism, but the Bishop. Ca. 4. Let no Church be consecrated, untill the Bishop re­ceive the gift of the Church confirmed by Charter, and sufficient means for him who shall serve in it. Ca. 8. Of the Revenues of the Church, and Offe­rings of the Beleevers, let four portions be made; one for the Bishop; ano­ther to the Clarks for their service; a third for the poor and strangers; and the fourth to be kept for the Fabrick of the Church. Ca. 10. All Clarks are for­bidden to lie with their wives, upon pain of deposition. Ca. 17. Let no Bishop, Priest, nor Deacon have Dogs for hunting, nor Hawks. Ca. 25. Let Pennance be injoined unto Penitents at the pleasure of the Priests, according to the dif­ference of faults, and quality of time, persons, places, age, sighs and affection of offenders. Ca. 32. All Christians are forbidden to marry any of their kin­dred, so far as can be known. Ca. 35. Women who cause themselves to make abortion, should without all doubt be punished as murtherers; but who in their sleep do smother their babes, we should judge more easily of them▪ be­cause they have fallen into this mischance unwillingly. Ca. 41. Who continue in malice and envy, after they are admonished by the Priest, should be ex­communicated. Ca. 51. Unto each Church a manse, should be given free from all service; and the Priests should give no service but Ecclesiastical for Tithes, for the peoples oblations, alterages, Church-yards; but if they have any other thing, let them pay dues unto their Superiours. Ca. 51. When means may be had at the sight of the Bishop, let every Church have their own Presbyter. Ca. 52. If a Church be new built in a Village, let the Tithes of that Village be [Page 190] payed unto that Church. Ca. 61. When witnesses cannot be had to testifie of the certainty that an Infant was baptized, nor themselves can shew that they were baptized, without all scruple they may be baptized. Our neighbours the Mores advise us to do so, because they redeem many such from the Bar­barians.

3. In the first words of the Councel at Rhemes, An. 815, it is said express­ly, This is assembled by the Emperour, after the manner of ancient Empe­rours. Here the Epistles and Gospels were read for information of Deacons. Ca. 6. The Missals were examined for information of Priests. Ca. 9. The rules of Benedict were read for reformation of Monks. Ca. 10. Liber Pastorales of Gregory was read for reformation of Pastours. Ca. 11. Divers Sentences of several Fathers were read, that both Prelates and People might be stirred up to zeal and study of good works. 12. A form of hearing Confessions, and pre­scribing pennance, was ordered. Ca. 13. Eight principal vices were declared, that all men might know them, and by the help of God abstain from them. Ca. 14. Bishops were commanded to read more diligently the Scriptures and writing of the Fathers, and to preach unto the people. Ca. 17. Bishops and Abbots should not permit wanton jests in their hearing, but have with them the poor and needy; and the word of God should be sounding beside them. Ca. 35. As the Lord commandeth, no servile work should be done on the Lord's day, nor Markets be held. Ca. 39. Tithes should be given fully. Ca. 40. Prayers and Oblations should be made for the Emperour and his children, that God would preserve them in all felicity in this world; and of his mercy make them rejoice with the holy Angels in the world to come.

4. At Cabilon it was ordained, that Bishops and Priests should read the Scriptures diligently, and teach their people; they should maintain and erect Schools for young ones. Priests and Monks were rebuked, which did per­swade people to give liberally unto Churches and Monasteries, that them­selves might live at more ease; and they order that all such goods, as Parents at their death had given foolishly, should be restored unto their children. Bi­shops and Priests should not be drunk; for how can such rebuke the people? They should not meddle with civil affairs, nor exact any thing from the in­feriour Priests, nor for chrism, nor for dedication of Churches, or ordina­tion of Priests. They who give publick scandal, should make publick repen­tance. Concerning Pilgrimages they note many faults; Clarks think them­selves free from discharging their office, and cleansed from their sin, if they go to such or such places; Laicks think they may do what they will, if they go thither and pray; Noblemen under pretext of Pilgrimage to wards Rome or Turone, do spoil many poor subjects; and poor folks go in Pilgrimage, that they may have the more free occasion of begging, and many times say, that they are going thither, when they have no such purpose; and some are so foolish, that they think the only sight of such places cleanseth them from their sins. And how all these things may be redressed, they expect the will of the Emperour, and not a word of reformation by the Pope.

5. At Aken was a Councel by command of Lewis the Godly. There it was decreed amongst other things; First, That every Church should have suffi­cient maintenance for the Priest, that none need to beg. 2. None of the Clergy, of whatsoever degree, should wear any cloath of Scarlet, or such pre­cious colour, nor have rings on their fingers. 3. Prelats should not have too large houses, nor many horses, nor frequent harlots, nor play at dice, nor have gold or silver on their shoos, slippers nor girdles. Whence may be understood the pride and pomp of Prelates in those daies; which gave occasion unto Pla­tina to say, O if thou, Lewis, wert now alive! the Church hath need of thy [Page 191] holy statutes and censure, all orders of the Church are now so luxurious and voluptuous; thou wouldest see now, not only men (which haply might seem light) but horses, and other beasts cloathed in purpure, with a company of young men running before, and another of older following after; not upon Asses, as Christ did (who is the only example of living well upon earth) but upon fierce and harnished horses, as if they were triumphing over an enemy. I will not speak (saith he) of their silver vessels, and precious houshold-stuff, seeing the ancient dishes of Italy, and ornaments of Attalus, and vessels of Corinth, are nothing in respect of them; and what follows on this, their in­temperance I forbear to mention.

6. At Melda, upon the River Matrona, was a Synod assembled by Charls the II; where, among other Canons, it was decreed: First, That every Bi­shop should have in his house one, which according to the pure mind of the Catholick Fathers, who is able to instruct the Priests in the faith and com­mandments of God; lest the house of God, which is his Church, should be without the Lantern of the Word. 2. That Presbyters should not be suffered to continue abroad, but that they dwell at their Church. 3. A charge was given, in the name of Christ, unto all Bishops, unto Kings and all in authority, and unto all who have power in election and ordination in any Order Eccle­siastical, that none be admitted by simony, by whatsoever faction, promise or gift, either by the person or another for him. 4. That no Bishop do retire into a remote place for his own ease, and so neglect his charge; but that he visit his Parishes diligently, and he, with his children, live in chastity, sobriety and hospitality. 5. That the damnable custom of some Bishops be amended, who never or seldom visit their people; although the Lord hath said, I have set thee a Watch-man, &c.

7. At Rome was a Synod of 47 Bishops, convened by Pope Leo the IV, at the command of Lotharius; where these former Canons were confirmed in other words; and moreover, that a Bishop should not be consecrated un­less the Clergy and People do crave him: Priests should be diligent in search­ing the Scriptures, and in teaching the people, and should not permit games in their sight; Priests should not be taken up with senory, hunting, hawking, or any rural work, nor go abroad without a sacerdotal habit: Abbots must be able to cognosce and amend, whatsoever might be done amiss by their bre­thren.

8. At Valentia An. 855. was a Councel by command of the same Lotha­rius; there was three Metropolitans, Remigius of Lions, Agilmar of Vienna, Roland of Arles, and 14 Bishops, with a venerable company of Priests and Deacons. Six Canons were enacted: The first for eschuing all new-coined words in doctrine. Ca. 2. God foreknows, and hath eternally foreknown, both the good things which the godly were to do, and the evil which the wicked were to do; because we have the voice of the Scriptures, saying, O eternal God which knowest all things, and hid things, ere they be done; Dan. 13. we faithfully hold, and it pleaseth to hold still, that He foreknew that good men were to be good by his grace, and according to the same grace were to re­ceive everlasting reward; and that he foreknew that the wicked were to be wicked through their own wickedness, and were to be damned with everla­sting punishment through his justice; as the Psalmist saith, Power belongeth to God, and unto him belongeth mercy, that he may render unto every one according to their works; and the Apostle teacheth, To them who by pati­ent continuance in well doing seek glory, and honour, and immortality, he gives eternal life; but unto them which are contentious......And again, In flaming fire rendring vengeance on them which know not God....; And [Page 192] that the foreknowledge of God did not put upon any evil man, any necessity that he could not be otherwise; but that He in his Almighty and unchange­able Majesty (as he knows all things ere they be) did foreknow that the wic­ked were to be such of their own will: Nor do we beleeve that any is condem­ned in His prejudice, but according to the merit of their own iniquity; nor that the wicked do perish because they could not be good, but because they would not be good; and through their own fault continue in the mass of per­dition or original and actual sin. Ca. 3. But concerning the Predestination of God, it pleaseth and faithfully doth please, according to the authority of the Apostle, saying; Hath not the Potter power over the clay, to make of the same mass one vessel unto honour, and another unto dis-honour? We confi­dently confess the predestination of the elect unto life, and predestination of the wicked unto death; and in the election of them who are to be saved the mercy of God precedes the good merit; but in the damnation of them who perish, their wicked merit precedes the just judgment of God: And in that pre­destination God hath only appointed what he was to do, either in his graci­ous mercy, or just judgment; as the Scripture saith, Which hath done what things were to be: But in the wicked he foreknew their wickedness, because it is of them; and he did not predestinate it, because it is not of him; but be­cause he knows all things which he did foreknow, and because he is just, he did predestinate the punishment that follows their merit; for with him (as Augustine saith) is as well a fixed decree, as a certain knowledge of every thing; and hither belongs that saying of the Wise Man, Judgments are pre­pared for the Scorners, Prov. 19. Of this unchangeableness of the foreknow­ledge and predestination of God, by which the future things are already done, may that well be understood. Eccles. 3, I know whatsoever God doth, it shall be for ever; nothing can be put to it, and nothing taken from it; and God doth it, that men should fear before him. But that any are, by the power of God, predestinated unto evil, as if they could not be otherwise, We not only do not beleeve it; but even if there be any which will beleeve such evil, with all detestation (as did the Arausicane Synod) we say Anathema unto them. Ca. 4. Item of the redemption of the blood of Christ, because of so great an errour which hath begun in this point; so that some (as their wri­tings declare) define, that it was shed even for the wicked, which from the beginning, unto the coming of Christ, being dead in their wickedness, are punished with everlasting damnation; contrary to that of the Prophet, O death I will be thy death, and O grave I will be thy destruction; it pleaseth us, to hold and teach simply and faithfully according to Evangelical and Apo­stolical truth, that this price was given for them, of whom our Lord saith, So must the Son of Man be lifted up, that whosoever beleeves in him shall not perish; but....And the Apostle saith, Christ was once offered to take away the sins of many: And moreover, the four Articles that were defined unad­visedly in the Synod of our brethren [at Carisiac] for their inutility, are also errour contrary unto truth; and likewise other things concluded foolishly in the 19 Syllogisms [of John Scot] and glorious with no secular literature (al­though it be boasted otherwise) in which rather the argument of the Divel, then any argument of the faith, is found; we discharge them altogether from the hearing of Beleevers; and by the authority of the Holy Ghost we inhibit them, that those, and such things, be altogether shunned; and we do judge, that introducers of new things should be corrected, lest they be smitten more severely. Ca. 5. We believe that it should be held firmly, that all the mul­titude of the faithfull is regenerated by the water and the Spirit, and thereby truly incorporated into the Church; and according to Apostolical doctrine [Page 193] are baptized into the death of Christ, and washed in his blood; because nei­ther could be true regeneration in them, unless there were also true redem­ption; seeing in the Sacraments of the Church nothing is in vain, and nothing in mockage; but altogether all things are true, and relieth upon its truth and sincerity. And yet of that multitude of the faithfull and redeemed, some are saved by eternal salvation, because through the grace of God, they continue faithfully in their redemption, hearing in their hearts the voice of their Lord, Matth. 10. & 24, Who continueth unto the end shall be saved; and others, because they would not continue in the salvation of faith, which before they had received, and did chuse rather to make the grace of redemption in vain, through their wicked doctrine and life, then to keep it, attain no way to the fullness of salvation and possession of eternal blessedness: Seeing in both we have the doctrine of the godly Doctour, Whosoever are baptized into Christ, are baptized into his death; and, All which are baptized into Christ, have put on Christ; and, Let us draw near with a true heart in fullness of faith, having our hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience, and being washed in the body with clean water, let us hold fast the profession of our hope without change: And again, For them which sin willingly, after the received know­ledge of the truth, there remains no other sacrifice for sin; and; He that de­spised the Law of Moses.....Ca. 6. Item of grace by which the Beleevers are saved, and without which never any reasonable creature hath lived blessedly; and of free-will, which is weakned by sin in the first man, but by the grace of Jesus Christ is renewed and healed in his Beleevers: We beleeve constant­ly, and with full faith, the same that the most holy Fathers have left to be kept according to the authority of the Holy Scriptures; what the Arausican and African Synods have professed; what the blessed High-Priests of the Aposto­lical See have held in the Catholick faith; and presuming to decline no way into another side, concerning nature and grace: But we reject altogether the foolish questions, and almost the fable of old women, and Scot's pottage (which the purity of faith cannot disgest, and which have miserably and la­mentably arisen in these most dangerous and grievous times, unto a heap of our labours, and breach of charity) lest Christian minds be corrupted, and fall from the simplicity and purity of faith which is in Jesus Christ: So far they. What they say here of Scot's pottage, they understand that Treatise of Iohn Scot; and have borrowed the phrase from Jerom's Prologue, on Ierem. lib. 1. (speaking of Celestius, a Disciple of Pelagius, a Briton, and not a Scot.) And from this word Baronius ad An. 855. §. 1. writes, that this Synod was convened against some vagring Scots, of whom Gotteschalk was the prime man; and thereby hath brought not only his Binius & Possevinus, but also our Zeth. Celvisius into this Historical errour; whereas neither was Gotte­schalk a Scot, nor of one accord with this John Scot, as we have cleared before.

9. At Macra, within the Diocy of Rhemes, was a Synod An. 881. There they distinguish between the power Civil and Ecclesiastical; and shew, that only Christ Jesus was both King and Priest, after the Incarnation; and as the one hath need of the other, so neither should a King assume Priestly power, nor a Priest meddle with secular affairs, or usurp Royal power; but they [...]ome not to shew what power belongeth unto the Magistrate in Ecclesiastical affairs. They do recite a Synodal Homily of Gregory the I, wherein the ambition of Priests is taxed, in these words; Because we have slipped into external purpo­ses, partly through barbarous clamours, and partly through negligence of our time; and we have left the ministry of Preaching, and to our punishment are called Bishops, who keep the name of honour, and not the vertue there­of; [Page 194] for they which have been committed unto us do forsake the Lord, and we are silent when they are weltring in their wicked works, nor do we reach the hand of correction; they perish daily with much wickedness, and we are careless when we see them going into Hell. But how can we amend the lives of others, since we have little thought of our own? for we are so bent upon Secular cares, that we are unsensible of what is within, because we do affect so much other things without us; for with the use of earthly care, our minds are hardned from heavenly desire; and when with the very use we are hard­ned in the actions of Adam's world, we cannot be softned unto those things which do concern the love of our Lord; when we are taken up with extraneal actions, we do forget the ministry of our own actions; we forsake the cause of our Lord, and do wait on earthly affairs; we take on us the place of ho­liness, and are drowned with earthly actions. It is verily fulfilled in us, what is written, And there shall be like People, like Priest: For the Priest is no bet­ter then the People, when we go not beyond them in the holiness of life. Be­hold! now is not any Secular action which is not administred by Priests. We see with how heavy a sword the World is strucken, and with what rods the people do daily perish; whose fault is this but ours? Behold! Towns are wa­sted, the Tents of the Church are overthrown, Monasteries are thrown down, the Fields lie wast; and we are the Authours of the peoples death, who should lead them into life; for, for our sin are the people beaten down, because through our sloth they are not instructed unto life. Let us take it to heart. Who were ever converted by our teaching, or being admonished by us were brought unto repentance? Who hath left their luxury by our information? Who hath forsaken pride or avarice? Here we are called Shepheards; but when we shall appear before the face of the eternal Shepheard, can we bring thither any flock which hath been converted by our preaching? But oh that we were able to preach, and could hold forth the duty of our place in the in­nocency of our lives! So far they.

10. In the first half of this Century, were many Synods in England, and did treat little or nothing in doctrine or manners, but only for jurisdiction and re­venges of Bishops and Abbots; as is evident in S. Hen. Spelman Concil. About the year 887. was a Synod under King Alfred; at least, Laws both Ecclesia­stical and Civil were published in his name. He beginneth with the ten Com­mands, and omits the second; for filling up the number, he saith, The tenth, Thou shalt not have Gods of silver or gold. On this place Will. Lambard (who did translate these Laws out of the Saxonish into Latine) saith, This omission of the second Command was not his fault, nor of the first writer, but of the first maker of the Laws; for (saith he) since the second Councel at Nice, such was the darkness of these times, that for conciliating authority unto the Pre­cepts of men, they thought good to diminish the Precepts of God.

11. At Triburia was a Synod of 22 German Bishops, An. 895. at command of the Emperour Arnulph, and the Decrees were made in his name. In Ca. 1. He commandeth to apprehend all excommunicated persons, and bring them unto him, that they may be punished with man's judgment, which will not fear the judgment of God; and if any be so rebellious, that they will not be taken, and so happen to be killed; they who kill them, shall be free from all censures both Ecclesiastical and Civil. Ca. 6. If any come presumptuously into a Church with a drawn sword, he commits sacriledg, and shal be punished as for sacriledge. Ca. 11. If any of the Clergy, although extreamly coacted, shal com­mit murther, whether a Priest or Deacon, should be deposed; for we read in the Canons of the Apostles, That if a Bishop or Priest, or Deacon be found guilty of fornication, or perjury, or theft, he should be deposed; how much more [Page 195] he who commits so great a crime? for he who professeth to follow Christ, should walk as he hath walked; when he was reviled, he reviled not again; and when he was smitten, he smote not again, &c. Ca. 13. Augustine the wonder­full Doctour, seemeth to have spoken clearly of Tithes in few words; Tithes are required as debt: What if God would say, Thou art mine, O man; the earth which thou tillest is mine; the seed which thou scatterest is mine; the beasts which thou weariest are mine; the heat of the Sun is mine; and since all is mine, thou who appliest but thy hands, deservest only the tenth part; and yet I give thee nine parts, give me the tenth; if thou wilt not give me the tenth, I will take away the nine; if thou givest me the tenth, I will multiply the nine unto thee: If any man ask, wherefore should Tithes be given? let him know, that therefore are they given, that God being appeased with this devotion, he would give us necessaries more aboundantly; and that the Ministers of the Church being helped, may be the more free for Spiritual Service.....We do judge that there should be four portions of the Tithes and Oblations of Be­leevers, according to the Canons, &c. Ca. 40. It is not lawfull in Christian religion, that a man should have her to wife, whom he hath defiled in adul­tery. Ca. 44. If any man hath committed fornication with a woman, and his brother shall afterwards marry her; the brother which first defiled her (be­cause he told not his brother, ere he married her) shall suffer a very hard pen­nance and correction; and the woman, according to the second Canon of the Neocoesarian Councel, shall be put to death.

THE THIRD AGE Of the CHURCH, OR The History of the Church Fading, and of Anti-Christ Rising, containing the space of 400. years, from the Year of our Lord 600. untill the year 1000.


AFter the death of Arnulph was great confusion in the Empire; the Italians would be at liberty, and the The Title of the Emperour depended not on the Pope▪ Germans strove for the honour of their Nation; so that Bellarmin de Translat. Imper. lib. 2. cap. 2. holdeth, that there was no Emperour between Arnulph and Otho the Great, because they were not Crowned by the Pope, neither went they into Italy. But Alb. Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 3. cap. 4. saith, If he be not Emperour who is not Crowned by a Pope, who did Crown Augustus, and all the Caesars, until Charls the Great? He by whom Kings do reign, and the mighty discern justice. If he be not Em­perour who goeth not into Italy, let the Constantinopolitans lose their liber­ty, of whom few have seen Italy: So also the Emperours of our time [he di­ed An. 1517.] Wherefore (saith he) let us not defraud these good Emperours of their own honour; we know by what way the Roman Popes have insinu­ated themselves into that inauguration. So far he. And seeing the three next Emperours did injoy that Title, the Empire was not transferred from France to Germany by the Popes. These were Emperours beyond the Alps, as the Italian Historians term them. The Empire, through the last hundred years, went by succession, and not by election either of Pope or of Princes; except that once or twice the right heir was disappointed by their own negligence, and the ambition of others, saith Crantz. loc. cit. The Italians had their own respects, and would hold the Title among themselves, yet could never con­sent in the person of any; as followeth. The History of this Century is con­fused, as the times were miserable; for uncessant Wars were every where; wrongs, rapines and vices abounded, little justice was executed; especially in Italy learning decaied, charity was not known, zeal was gone, and the Infi­dels became strong.

2. LEWIS succeded his Father in the Empire of the Germans; and Be­rengarius Troublous times. prevailed in Italy, but came not into Rome. The Hungars (a peo­ple [Page 197] lately come from Scythia) were troublesom to both these Nations, and they forced both these Emperours to give them a sum of money yearly. Lewis espying the weakness of the Pope, and the dissensions in Italy, had a pur­pose to recover it; once he put Berengarius to flight, and possessed himself of the most part of Lombardy; they received him in Belona, but laid hands on him unaware, and delivered him unto Berengarius, who caused his eys to be put out; shortly thereafter he died An. 912. In his time the valiant Fer­nando Consalves, made great conquest in Spain against the Sarazens. Then contention arose between the French and the Germans for the Empire. Lewis King of Provence, pretendeth that he is nearest in blood; but the German Princes held together, and would have chosen Otho Duke of Saxony, a va­liant and wise man, who had married the only daughter of the defunct Lewis; but he refused it, pretending infirmity in respect of his age, and fearing trou­bles; and he perswadeth to chuse,

3. CONRADE the I, Duke of Franconia, the Nephew of the Em­perour More trou­bles. Arnulph, and brother-son of Lewis. He followed the counsel of Otho during his daies. In the beginning of his Reign, Saba King of the Mores, by the procurement of Constantine, Emperour of Constantinople, came in­to Italy, and occupied Palia, Calabria, and all the Kingdom of Naples, to the small advantage of him who had inticed him; neither could they be ex­pelled, because of the seditions amongst Christians every where: Especially when Otho was dead, Conrade was molested by his son Henry, pretending that the Empire did by line belong unto him. Conrade sent his brother against the Saxon, who was overthrown; then he repaired his Army, and sent Em­bassadours unto Henry, requiring him to submit upon honourable conditi­ons: Henry would hear of no Treaty. Then Conrade fell sick, and feeling death approach, he perswaded his brother Eberhard to submit unto Henry, and sent him unto him with the Crown, Imperial Robe, and other ornaments An. 920. Naucler. Constantine yet reigneth in Constantinople; and Beren­garius the II was called Emperour of Italy, although he had but Lombardy with great difficulty, Pet. Mexia Histor.

4. HENRY the I, coming to the Empire partly by succession, and part­ly by voluntary resignation, with consent of the Subjects, did refuse to be Henry is peaceable and victorious: Crowned by the Pope; or (as Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 3. cap. 4. saith) not that he despised it, but in modesty he did decline it; neither did he need the con­sent of the Princes, but because he was desirous of peace, he would ex abun­danti assemble a Diet, that he might Reign with universal consent. He ap­plied himself to set Germany in peace, and above all to assure the high-waies from Robbers, as usually they are frequent in time of wars. Several rose against him, but were suppressed. Arnold Duke of Bavier, before this had lived in Hungary, as in exile; now he returneth with the Hungarians; he usurped the Title of Emperour. When both Armies were ready to join, Henry called him to a parley, and by perswasion overcame him; which haply he could not have effectuated by Arms, and Arnold became obedient. Then Ro­dulph, Duke of Burgundy, called himself Emperour of Italy, as followeth; He overthrew Berengarius, and caused him to fly, so that he died without recovering his dignity. Rodulph had no great mind to resist the Hungars, which were sent for by Albert Marquess of Tuscany, against Pope John the XII; and they took both lands and life from Albert; and moreover, did wast other parts of Italy. Therefore the Italians did invite Hugh, Duke of Orle­ance; he subdued Rodulph, and conquered more in Italy then any other of these late Emperours, and kept peace with Germany. Henry had wars with the Hungars, and was glad to have truce with them for nine years. In the mean [Page 193] time he overcame the Bohemians, and brought them under the Empire; as also he overthrew the Vandals about Brandeburgh, and gave their lands un­to his Field-Marshal, with the Title of Marquess. Alb. Crantz. li. cit. c. 8 & 9. He overthrew the Sclavonians by the Beltick Sea, and returned with much spoil. When the nine years truce was expired, he obtained so great a victory against the Hungarians, that all the Princes of Christendom sent unto him with congratulation. Then he intended to recover Italy from Hugh and the Sarazens, but was visited with sickness, and declared his son to be his Suc­cessour, An. 937. At this time Constantine was dead, who had many times fought with the Sarazens in Asia, and with the Bulgarians; the Russians had brought a thousand Ships through the Euxine Sea, and were discomfited by him. His father-in-law Romanus was partner of the Empire with him 26 years, and then another Romanus succeeded unto his father. Zonar.

5. OTHO or Otto the I, was Crowned at Aken by the Bishop of Mentz, The German Emperour, and was many waies troubled, for Bodislaus (who had killed his brother, be­cause he had submitted unto the Emperour, or rather for covetousness of the Dukedom of Bohem) rebelled, and with the aid of the Hungars continued Wars the space of 14 years: And in the mean time his own brother Henry, with other Princes of Germany, fought many Battels against him. In the end they all convened their forces, and as he was crossing the Rhine with his Ar­my, they came unawares upon that part which had crossed, and at first took his Ships. The Emperour was sorely moved that he could not come at his Army, and betook himself, with such as were with him, unto prayers; and the next morning all his Adversaries were scattered, neither knew they upon what motive, such fear had overtaken them. The Italians now hearing of his success, and being oppressed by Berengarius the III; they, and especially Pope Agapet, did invite Otho to deliver the Church and Italy. He was not makes con­quest in Italy, slow, and vanquished the oppressour; and then by all the Italians he was sa­luted Augustus and Emperour. Tho. Couper. ad An. 962. Afterward his el­dest son Ludolf, taking it ill that his father did marry again; and Conrade, Duke of Lorrain, the Emperour's son-in-law, taking it also ill that he had left Berengarius Governour of Italy, they conspire against Otho; Ludolf was taken, and Conrad fled; within some moneths he received them both into favour. Then the Hungars did raise such an Army that they thought themselves invincible; and in the mean time, on the other side, the Sclavo­nians rose against Otho: he subdued them both. Then Pope John the XIII, and his faction at Rome, began to envy the prosperity of the Germans, and sent to Adelbert, the son of Berengarius, promising assistance if he would de­liver Rome and Italy; and their adverse party, with two Cardinals, sent unto Otho, intreating that he would come unto the aid of the Church and Com­mon-Wealth, for both were in danger. When Pope John had intelligence hereof, he caused the nose of the one Cardinal to be cut off, and the hand of the other. Otho composed his affairs in Germany the best way he could, and hastned into Italy; he took Adelbert captive, and came to Rome; and was Crowned by Pope John against his will. He thought it not a fit time to arraign Pope John, because all Italy was in uproar; but did exhort him to live as it became the Apostolical See; he sent Berengarius captive to Bam­berg in Germany, and Adelbert into Constantinople to gratifie the Empe­rour there. Thereafter the people and Clergy of Rome, intreat Otho to re­form the Church and Republick, for there had been no Councels in a long time, &c. Otho having appeased the tumult in the City, and having assu­rance and calleth the Pope to an account, of fidelity, calleth a Synod in Lateran (which, from the great number of Bishops out of Germany, Italy and France, was termed The Great Synod) [Page 194] and summoned Pope John to appear, and hear his cause examined. John re­turned answer that he would not appear, because he knew that the Empe­rour purposed to dispossess him; and he accursed them all who sate in that Synod, and degraded them all of their functions. Notwithstanding his cur­ses, the Synod continued, and the Articles against the Pope were read: First, That Pope John did not observe the Canonical hours. 2. When he said Mass, he did not communicate. 3. He ordained Deacons in a stable. 4. He had committed Incenst with two sisters. 5. When he was playing at dice, he called on the Divel for help. 6. For money he had made boys of ten years old to the Bishops. 7. He deflowred Virgins, and of the Lateran Palace he made a stew. 8. He lay with Stephana his fathers concubine. 9. He cau­sed houses to be set on fire. 10. He drank to the Divel. Catalog. test. ver. lib. 11. hath more Articles from Luithpr. lib. 6. cap. 7. When these things were propounded, the Emperour said, I know that envy follows honour....and in this case I conjure you all, that ye do not propound any thing against him in his absence, but what you know to be true. All the Synod, as if they had been one man, do answer; If these and worse crimes have not been com­mitted by Pope John, let Saint Peter the Prince of the Apostles, which by his word shuts heaven upon the unworthy, never absolve us from our sins; let us be accursed, and at the last day let us be ranked on the left hand. The Emperour sent in his own name, and in the name of the Synod, unto the Pope a copy of these Articles, willing him to come and purge himself; and he promised by Oath, that nothing should be done, in that cause, otherwise then then the Ecclesiastical Laws did prescribe. He returned answer thus; Pope John unto all those Bishops contempt: We hear say that you will make The Pope con­temneth, another Pope; which if ye do, I excommunicate you from the Almighty God, that ye have no power to consecrare nor say Mass. When this was read, more Bishops were come from France and Italy; to wit, Henry of Trevirs, Wido of Muzia, Sigulf of Placentia, &c. And with one voice they writ again and is con­temned. unto him, thus; Unto the great High-Priest, and universal Pope John, Otho by the clemencies of God, Emperour Augustus; and the holy Synod of Rome gathered in the Lord for the service of God, greeting: In the last Synod, which was held the 6 of Novemb. we did direct Letters unto you, wherein were contained the words of your accusers, and the causes of their accusation; and in these also we did intreat your greatness, as was just; and we have received Letters from you, not as the condition of the time, but as the vanity of your Counsellers would.....it is written in your Letters not as becomes a Bishop, but a foolish child to write; for ye have excommunicated us all, that we shall not have power to sing Mass, or order any Church affairs, if we shall ordain another Bishop for the Romish sea....If you delay not to come unto the Sy­nod, and purge your self, certainly we will obey your authority: but if (which God forbid) you dissemble to come and purge you of those capital crimes, especially seeing nothing hindreth you, no sailing by Sea, nor distance of way, nor health, We will not regard your excommunication, but rather we throw it back on you, because we may do it justly. Judas the traitour and seller of our Lord Jesus Christ, did receive, with the other Apostles, power of binding and loosing....and so long as he continued good amongst the Disciples, he could bind and loose; but when the murtherer was killed with the poison of covetousness, and would kill LIFE; whom could he bind or loose but himself, whom he did strangle in an unhappy rope? Given Novemh. 21. and sent by Adrian a Cardinal Priest, and Benedict a Cardinal Deacon; who when they came to Tibris, did not find him, for he was gone with Bow and Arrows into the fields; neither could any man tell whither he was gone; and when [Page 200] they could not find him, they returned with these Letters unto the Synod, when it was convened the third time. By this citation they declare that Peter's Chair doth not preserve a Bishop from becoming a Judas, nor from answe­ring before a Synod for his fault. Then said the Emperour, We have expe­cted his coming, that before him we might complain of what he hath done unto us; but since we know certainly that he will not come, we earnestly de­sire that ye may know how perfidiously he hath dealt with us; therefore we declare unto you Arch-Bishops, Priests, Deacons, and all the Clergy; as also unto the Counts, Judges, and all the people, that the same Pope John, being oppressed by Berengarius and Adelbert our Rebels, he sent Messengers unto us in Saxony, intreating that for the love of God we would come into Italy, and deliver the Church of Saint Peter and himself out of their jaws: And what we have done, God aiding us, I need not declare; when he was delive­red out of their hands by my means, and restored unto his honour, and was ingaged unto us by his oath and fidelity, which he did promise upon the bo­dy of Saint Peter, he caused the same Adelbert to come unto Rome, defen­ded him against me, did raise seditions, and in the presence of our Souldiers, he was Captain of the War, being arayed with Helmet, Breast-plate, &c. Now let the Synod declare what they do discern in these things. All did an­swer with one voice, A strange wound must be cauterized; if by his corrupt members he had done ill to himself only, and not to all others, he might in some way have been tolerated; how many chast persons are become filthy by following him? How many good persons are, through his example, become Reprobates? Therefore we wish, that by the power of your Imperial Maje­sty, such a Monster which is not redeemed by any vertue from his vices, may be removed from the holy Roman Church, and another set in his place, which may go before us in example of godly conversation....Catal. test. ver. out of Luithpr. lib. 6. cap. 11. Then (as Io. Naucler. vol. 2. generat. 33. writes) said Otho, Ye Romans, unto whom the election of your High-Priest be­longeth, set God before your eys, chuse a worthy man, and when he is cho­sen, I will confirm him. So with common consent, or without any difference and deposed. John was deposed, and Leo was chosen, An. 963. In another Session of the same Synod, this is the sum of the oration of Leo, It is not unknown, that all these evils are entred into the Church through the ambition of Bishops, The Emperors power is re­vived. who respecting their own authority more than the peace of the Church, have taken that priviledge from the Emperours, which Pope Adrian acknowled­ged to appertain unto Charls the Great, in governing the Church, and the election of the Bishop of Rome; wherefore the reformation of the Church requires, that the Constitution of Pope Adrian be renewed. Sigon. After some disputation the same was renewed, and the Decree is in Gratian. dist. 63. cap. In Synodo, these are the words: From henceforth let no man, of what­soever dignity or religion, have power to elect a Patricius or Bishop of the highest Apostolick Seat, or to invest any Bishop, without the consent of the Emperour, which notwithstanding must be done without money; and he himself must be a Patricius and King: But if any be chosen by the Clergy and People, let him not be consecrated, unless he be approved and invested by the King. If any man shall enterprize against this Apostolick authority, we discern him subject to excommunication, &c. At this time Pope John made promise to distribute the treasure of Saint Peter, unto them who would kill the Emperour. The inconstant Romans were moved with this promise, nor did they love the government of a German; so they arose against the Empe­rour. He was forewarned, and put them to flight. Thereafter the Romans dealt for peace, they acknowledged the Emperour's clemency, and do vow [Page 201] to abide loyal in time coming; and for assurance the Emperour would have a 100 persons in pledge. So Otho returns into Germany, and within a short space Leo was expelled, and Pope John was received at Rome. Wherefore the Emperour went back, and laied siege to Rome, did through famine cause them to render. When he was entred the City, he restored Leo; and for ta­king away the schism, he calleth a meeting of the Clergy. Benedict the V. (who was chosen after John) came in his Pontificals into the Synod; and Benedict a Cardinal Arch-Deacon said unto him, By what right couldst thou put upon thee the Papal Ornaments and Vesture, so long as Pope Leo was alive? Whom thou didst chuse; canst thou deny, that thou didst swear be­fore the Emperour, that thou without his authority, or the authority of his son, wouldest never chuse or vote to any Pope? He answereth, if I have done amiss, I pray forgive me. Then said Otho, It is equitable, O Fathers, to forgive him, seeing he confesseth his fault. Benedict did cast himself down at the Emperour's feet, and craved pardon. Leo deprived him of the degree of Priesthood, and the Emperour sent him into Germany, with Adaldag Bi­shop of Hamburg, where he died. Sigon. lib. 7. Now the Emperour made another face on Italy, he created many Dukes, who afterwards were the cau­ses of many troubles; and by their favour the Popes waxed stronger. Now also Otho had conquered Pulia and Calabria, and was called the Great; he ordained his son to be his Successour, and caused him to be Crowned Empe­rour conjunct with himself, after the ancient custom of Emperours; and then did return into Germany where he died, An. 9 [...]4. Pet. Mexia Hist. Roma­nus Emperour of Constantinople had two sons; but Nicephorus a valiant Captain was chosen Emperour, and not long after he was deprived and slain; and then John Zimisces, another Captain, was made Emperour. He expelled 300000 Roxellans out of Bulgaria, and annexed that Province unto the Crown, and for his victory he made triumph. After six years, through the treachery of his Subjects he was poisoned, and left the sons of Romanus, Ba­silius and Constantine of equal authority. Zonar.

5. OTHO the II had Wars with the Duke of Sclavonia, then with Lo­tharius The Empire is weakned a­gain. King of [...]rance, for the Dukedom of Lorain and Austrich, and had good success. He married Theophania the sister of Basilius, Emperour of Constantinople, and with her the Emperour did renounce the Title of Sici­ly, Pulia and Calabria. Theod. à Nyen in Nemor. tract. 6. cap. 34. Neverthe­less he seeing Otho pestered with so many troubles, came into Italy to reco­ver Pulia and Calabria, which also he did. In the second fight Otho suffered great loss; and Basilius might have taken Rome, if he had pursued his Vi­ctory. Otho not daring to incounter him any more, fled into a boat to es­cape by Sea, and fell into the hands of a Pyrat, who carried him into Sicily, not knowing who he was: he was ransomed, and returned into Rome, where he died An. 984. Then again was contention at Rome for a new Emperour. The Romans would have had their Consul Crescentius chosen. Henry Duke of Bavier, and cousin of Otho the II, did challenge the right of educating the late Emperour's son Otho, and sought the Empire for himself. The Princes of Germany (for fear of Crescentius) did with one consent speedily chuse Otho, although but 12 years old.

6. OTHO the III, with natural fortitude, was learned in Grecian wise­dom; The Emperour is great again and puts a Pope to death. for his rare gifts he was accounted the wonder of the World. He sup­pressed Crescentius, and was received by all Italy. He caused his Uncle Bru­no to be chosen to the Papal Chair, this was Pope Gregory the V. The Ro­mans did hardly condescend unto his election; and therefore when Otho was gone into Germany, Crescentius caused Pope John the XVIII. to be elected. [Page 202] The Emperour returned with speed, and forced the Romans to submit, and deprived Pope John of life. Aventinus writes, that they threw his body over the Wall of the Capitol, and since that day a Pope may not visit the Capi­tol. Also he did set Crescentius upon a vile horse, after he had cut off his nose and ears, and caused him to be carried through the City, and then hanged him. The Romans were still discontented, and feared lest the Empire might return to Constantinople, because Otho was so neer in blood unto Basilius, and so a new mutiny began. So soon as the Emperour had intelligence, he (having no male children) by advice of the German Princes (saith Naucler. The order for electing an Emperour. chronogr. vol. 2. gener. 34.) and of his Uncle Gregory the V, would provide against insurrection in time coming. Many do call this the work of Pope Gregory; but if his power at that time be duly considered, we may rather think with Naucler, that Otho laid this foundation of electing an Emperour. First, That from henceforth none may challenge the Empire by right of in­heritance, but by election only. 2. That the electers should all be Germans. 3. That the Emperour should be a German. 4. When the Seat is vacant, the Empire shall be administred by the electers. 5. That the Emperour should be chosen at Frankford, and be called King of the Romans, untill he be Crow­ned by the Pope, and then be called Caesar Augustus. 6. Some do add that the Emperour should be Crowned with three Crowns, one of straw in Mentz, another of iron at Millain, and the third of gold at Rome. He devised some of these conditions to satisfie the Italians, and by the others he thought to establish the Empire in Germany; the Articles thereafter were more particu­larly cleared. Henry Duke of Bavier, for the good service he did for the Em­perour at Rome (as followeth) got the first place of the Civil Estate, and was made Portitor ensis; the Marquess of Brandeburg was designed Camerarius; and the Count Palatine of Rhine was created Archidapifer: Unto them were conjoined three Bishops, of Mentz, Colein and Trevers; and if these could not agree, the odd voice was to be given unto the Duke of Bohem. The Peers of France were not well pleased, because their Kingdom was altoge­ther excluded; nevertheless because their Royal race was lately changed from the blood of Charls the Great, to the house of Hugh le grand, Earl of Paris, they let it pass. Platin. in Gregor. 5. In the year 1001 the Sarazens invaded Italy, and took Capua. Otho did quickly overthrow them, and returning into Rome, said, that he would reform some things that were amiss in the King­dom and Church, according to ancient custom. Sigon. de regn. Ital. lib. 7. and some write that he purposed to fix his manure at Rome. He begun to build a Palace in the place where Julian the Apostate had dwelt. The Ro­mans in a sudden uproar slue many Germans, took Otho; and had slain him in his chamber, if Henry Duke of Bavier, and Hugh an Italian Marquess, had not feigned a capitulation with the Citizens; and in the mean time Otho disguised himself, and escaped their hands. It was not without the Supream Providence (saith Genebrard in Chronol. lib. 3. about the year 315.) that the Kingdom of the Church might have place, as it was foretold by Daniel. If he had said the Kingdom of Antichrist foretold by Paul and John, he had hit the mark. Otho returned into Germany, and thereafter he went back to Rome, where he was poisoned by a golden cup, which the wife of Crescen­tius sent unto him; and his body was carried into Germany, An. 1002. Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 4. cap. 26.


CArdinal Baronius in tom. 10. ad An. 903. § 1. forewarneth his Rea­der, Popes were not Succes­sours of Apo­stles. that now he shall see the abomination of desolation in the Tem­ple, as it was fore-told by Daniel and by our Lord. What doth he insinuate in these words, but that the Reader should flie out of Babel, and leave her abominations? and the rather, because he continueth lamen­ting and crying, Fie for shame! alas for sorrow! that so many Monsters, horrible to be seen, were thrust into the See which deserves reverence of An­gels! how many miseries, how many tragedies have proceeded from them! And Fascicul. temp. ad An. 894. saith, Oh, oh good God! how is the gold become so darkned! how many scandals do we read, that have been about these times in the Apostolical See, which thou hast kept with so great zeal hi­therto! what contentions, sects, ambitions, intrusions, persecutions! oh the baddest times, when the godly man hath failed, and truth is perished from the children of men! alas! what convention, what congregation, what man shall now be secure, seeing primitive holiness hath so failed! A little before An. 914. he saith, There was presented unto Lewis, a Monster with a dogs head, and all the other members of a man; which did resemble (saith he) the estate of that time; for men without a head did wander hither and thither, barking like dogs. And Genebrard. in Chronol. ad An. 901. saith, This age was unhappy for one thing, that in the space of almost 150 years, were about fifty Popes (from John the VIII, till Leo the IX) which made defection from the truth of their Predecessours; and they were Apotactici, Apostataeve potius quàm Apostolici; that is, out of all order and Apostates, rather then the fol­lowers of the Apostles. And Naucler. loc. cit. gener. 31. speaking of Pope Ro­manus, saith, Behold how far these have degenerated from their Predecessours; for these holy men did maintain the decrees of their Predecessours as their own; but now they have forsaken the worship of God, and do exerce enmi­ty one against another, no other way then most cruel Tyrants, for fullfilling their own lusts, when there was none to restrain their vices. Therefore did God pull them quickly away as Monsters, that they might do the less harm. Who will not wonder that in the time of the Reign of Lewis the VIII, Popes did possess the chair of blessed Peter; and he did not reign above 12 years. In a word, all old Historians do write of these times, that the Popes were not Successours of Peter; and I do premit these testimonies, because the Pa­pists may possibly say, that what follows is all written maliciously, although it be written most truly.

1. BONIFACE the VI, came next to Formosus; he sate short time, saith Naucler. Platina saith, he sate but 26 daies, because nothing is writ­ten of him. They who deny the She-Pope, and the vacancy for eight years, would fill up the time here, and say that Boniface sate 12 years. But see whe­ther that can stand with these former testimonies in the general, concerning the short lives of the Monsters, and with their practices that follow; and by this example others may judge what credit is to be given unto the late Popish Historians.

2. STEPHEN the VI did so envy the name of Formosus (because he Against Popes. hindred his ambition) that in a Synod he did abrogate all his Decrees, and ordained his body to be taken up, two of his fingers to be cut off, and his right hand (because therewith they consecrated the Priests) to be cast into Tibris; and the remnant of his body to be buried in a Lay-man's burial. Pla­tina [Page 204] subjoineth, This was a great controversie and a bad example, seeing thereafter this custom was almost evermore kept, that the following Popes did either violate or altogether abrogate the decrees of their Predecessours. Baronius ad An. 900. § 5. 6. saith, This wicked man, who entred into the Sheep-fold as a theef, ended his life in a rope by the judgment of God. So in­deed (saith he) all things both sacred and civil were confused at Rome; that the advancing of the Pope was in the power of them who were more potent; so that now the Nobles of Rome, and the Princes of Hetruria, did by their secular power thrust in and out the Romish High-Priest at their pleasure. Ste­phen sate 15 moneths.

4. ROMANUS the I annulled all the Decrees of Stephen, and sate three moneths.

5. THEODORE the II condemned all the Acts of Stephen, and ap­proved all the Acts and friends of Pope Formosus; and sate 20 daies.

6. JOHN the X advanced the Decrees of Pope Formosus so highly, that the Romans conspired against him; and he was forced to fly unto Ravenna, where he held a Synod of 74 Bishops, and disproved the Decrees of Pope Ste­phen, and confirmed the Acts of Formosus. Baronius ad An. 904. § 4. hath the words of this Synod; to wit, The Synod that was held in the time of Pope Stephen the VI, our Predecessour of godly memory, in which the venerable body of the worshipfull Pope Formosus was dragged along the ground out of the violated grave, and as if it had been brought into judgment, and they did presume to judge and condemn it; (the like is not reported to have been done by any of our Predecessours;) that Synod penitus abdicamus; and in the margine, al. abrogamus, we do altogether reject or abrogate; and we forbid that in no way it be presumed by any to be done, by whatsoever judg­ment of the Holy Ghost. Baronius addeth these words, Here consider Rea­der, with what reverence the succeeding Popes did regard their Predecessours, how much soever they were worthy of reproof; that John called Stephen of godly memory, although he was to be abhorred, both for his ingiring him­self into the Chair, and while he sate for all his wicked deeds, worthy to be ac­cursed. Platina saith, I would think that the Popes themselves had left the steps of Saint Peter, à Petri vestigiis discesserint. If thou wert to day at Rome, Platina, thou shouldst suffer the fire for these words. John sate 2 years.

7. BENEDICT the IV sate 3 years, and 4 moneths. Platina calleth him and his successours monstra & prodigia, by whose ambition and bribery the Chair of Peter was rather usurped then possessed.

8. LEO the V, in something more then a moneth, was taken by Chri­stophorus a Presbyter, and his familiar, and cast into Prison. How great the authority of the Pope was, through the fault of their Predecessours, it may be known (saith Naucler.) by this, when so great a dignity was in a moment, by force and faction, usurped by a private man. Some think that Leo died in sorrow, that he was spoiled by one whom he had fed in his family as a Wolf; according to the Proverb of Theocritus, [...]; that is, feed young Wolves and Dogs to devour thee. Naucler.

9. CHRISTOPHOR came to the Chair by evil arts, and lost it mi­serably; for in the seventh moneth he was cast out, & meritò quidem, and dri­ven into a Monastery. Naucler.

10. SERGIUS the III took Christophor out of the Monastery, wherein the Romans had thrust him, and put him in a more close prison. Platina saith, He was a rude and unlearned man, very proud and cruel. He had been hin­dred by Pope Formosus from preferment, and by that faction was banished [Page 205] from Rome; therefore now he causeth the body of Formosus to be taken up, and then degraded him, cut off his head; and lastly, cast his body into Tibris as unworthy of Christian burial; and also he deposed all the Bishops and Priests which had been consecrated by Formosus, Platin. Sergius did first ordain, that Candles should be carried about on the day of Maries purification. Behold, I pray (saith Platina) how far these Popes had degenerated from their Prede­cessours! for they were most holy men, and refused the dignity when it was tendred unto them, because they would attend on praying and Christian do­ctrine; but now they sought and got the Papacy by bribery and ambition, they contemned the worship of God; they kept continual enmity and hatred one against another, like most cruel Tyrants; being set to satiate their lusts, when there was none to restrain their vices. He sate 8 years.

11. ANASTASIUS the III follows. In his time they report, that the body of Pope Formosus was found in the River by Fishers; and when it was brought into Saint Peter's Church, the Images did salute it. Let the indiffe­rent Reader judge, whether a body lying so many years in one grave, and then in another; and then so many years in the water, could remain whole; and being without the head and hands, could be discerned to be the same. Certainly if the Images gave such reverence unto the Corps, Satan hath mo­ved the Idols before the Idolaters, as sometime he spoke out of them. Ana­stasius sate 2 years. Because this is the last place where mention is made of Pope Formosus, I would ask the Romanists, whether Pope John did erre in Some questi­ons are pro­pounded unto Papists. degrading Formosus? If he did erre, how then stands their doctrine that a Pope, in his Chair, with his Cardinals cannot erre? Bellarm. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 4. cap. 3. 5. & 6. If John did not erre, how then did not Pope Martin erre in repelling the doings of his Predecessour? Or how did not Pope Formosus erre in all that he did and said contrary to his Canonical Oath? If Formosus did not erre, how did his Successours not erre; of whom one did annull his Decrees and Consecrations, and another did confirm them, and annull the contrary? Bellarmin saith, A Pope may erre in matter de facto, or in quae­stione facti, non juris. But here we see, that one of them condemned the De­crees of another in quaestione juris, or in respect of lawfullness; yea the law­fulness of their being Popes; and although Pope John, in his Synod at Ra­venna, had discharged that the like be not attempted by any judgment of the Holy Ghost, [and are not these words blasphemous?] Yet Pope Sergius the III would not be discharged, but did the like and worse. Was not here Pope contra Pope, and that in their very Chair and Synod? And do not all the an­cient Historians condemn these men as unlawfull Popes, who had forsaken the waies of the more ancient good Bishops? What is now become of their continual succession? And from whom have they now their Ordination and Consecration? even from such as both Popes and Cardinals have judged wor­thy to be accursed.

12. LANDUS lived obscurely six moneths, at that time when Ro­dulph overcame Berengarins, as Platina thinks. Then (saith Sigonius) they assembled to chuse a new Pope, but nothing was done according to Laws; for Aldebert, by the perswasion of his mother-in-law Theodora, gave a Pope, not from the Romans, nor by the votes of the Clergy; but as she pleased, from Ravenna.

13. JOHN the XIII came to the Papacy in this manner, as Luithprand Behold the Succession of Popes. Arch-Deacon at Ticino hath written, at the same time. Theodora a most shameless whore, and Roman Lady, burned in lust with the beauty of this John, coming to Rome she had not only lust, but compelled him to lie with her; in the mean time the Bishop of Bononia died, and John was set in his [Page 206] place; before John was consecrated, Peter Bishop of Ravenna died; and through ambition of the whore John forsook Bononia, and usurped the See of Ravenna. Then God did take away the Pope who had so unjustly instal­led him; and the whore, not willing that her Paramour should be so far di­stant from her imbracing, forced him to accept the Papal Chair. When Baro­nius had related these words of Luithprand, he subjoins; Thou hast heard, Reader, the most lamentable estate of this time, when Theodora the elder, a noble whore, held the Monarchy in the City; but whence came so great di­gnity unto so infamous a woman? she was a noble Roman of the blood of the Senatours, excellent in beauty, and crafty in wit, and conquered the Mo­narchy by her Adulterer. [Stephen the VI. mark the succession of Popes.] The­odora having attained the Dominion of Rome, caused her posterity to follow in the same; she had two daughters, Marozia and Theodora, not only alike, but more given to venery. Marozia married the fore-named Aldebert; and in adultry she did bear unto Pope Sergius a son, called John. Aldebert usurped the Dominion of Rome; and then the whores did cut off, and thrust in, Popes at their pleasure. This John shewed himself a Souldier, more then a Bishop, for he did take Arms against the Sarazens in Italy, and expelled them. Platina saith, The Church had need of such a Bishop. At the intreaty of King Ro­dulph, he ordained a child of five years old to be Bishop of Rhemes. Where­fore Baronius ad An. 908. §. 4. cried, Thou seest, Reader, by authority of what Pope (if he may be called a Pope) this was brought into the Church; to wit, of John, then whom none is more filthy. As his entry into that Chair was most infamous, so his death was most wicked; for when Adelbert was defunct, Marozia would have married Guido or Vido Marquess of Tusca­ny, that so she might convey unto him the Dominion of Rome, which did appertain unto her son Albericus. Pope John withstood her; therefore she caused Vido to pluck him out of the way, and having put him in prison, he caused a Pillow to be laied upon his mouth, in the 14 year of his Papacy. Platin.

14. JOHN the XII, son of Pope Sergius the III, was preferred by his mother Marozia; the people would not consent unto his election. Onuphr. in Annotat. on Platin. ad Ioh. 11. Fasciculus tempor. saith, He was intruded and immediately cast out again, therefore he is not reckoned in the Catalogue of Popes; and in a tumult,

15. LEO the VI was set up. He is commended by Platina for his civil vertue, in respect of these corrupt times. Io. Funccius saith, He did nothing worthy of knowledge, except that he was desirous of peace; because (saith Bale.) perhaps he was glad that Jesabel would suffer him to live; but she could not comport the repulse, and so caused him to be poisoned in the 7 moneth.

16. STEPHEN the VII was like to his Predecessour, and after 2 years was poisoned by Marozia. After the death of Vido, Marozia invited Hugh Duke of Burgundy, and now King of Italy, to take the Dominion of Rome; which he could not bring to pass, unless he would marry her, although he was the brother of Vido; and therefore Luithprand writ of her, Nubere ger­manis satagens Herodia binis, &c. It hapned that when Albericus, at his mo­thers command, was holding the water (in an uncomely gesture) under the hands of his stepfather, Hugh gave the boy a blow; he resolved to revenge it, and stirred the Romans against Hugh, and was the first assaulter in his own Palace. Hugh leapt over the wall, and escaped. Albericus brought again the former government by Consuls, and under that title he governed Rome; and the election of the Pope depended on him, and after Stephen he set up again his brother John.

[Page 207] 17. JOHN the XII being restored, did nothing worthy of record, saith Platina. He sate 4 years 10 moneths.

18. LEO the VII is also obscure: he sate 2 years.

19. STEPHEN the VIII was vexed by the Romans. Naucler. saith, For his unhonest wounds he came not abroad, and lived a wretched life for a space: he sate 3 years, and died An. 932. Onuphr.

20. MARTIN the III in 2 years restored some Churches, and was boun­tifull to the poor; but he fed not souls, neither did Baronius exclude him from the name of Monster.

21. AGAPETUS the II was chosen in a troublesom time; therefore he sought the aid of Otho, as is said before. Fasciculus tempor. ad An. 964. saith of him and his Successours, Holiness left the Popes, and went unto the Em­perours at this time, as is most evident. He sate 9 years 7 moneths.

22. JOHN the XIII, the son of Albericus, succeeded. How old this fa­ther of fathers could be, may be gathered by supputation of years; when Hugh was expelled, Albericus was but a boy; and till this time were not passed 20 years; neither was this Octavius, or Pope John his fathers eldest son, as Baro­nius hath marked; and therefore he saith, He who could not be a Deacon for age, like a Stage-player acteth the Pope; and nevertheless (saith he) consent made him Pope; for it is a lesser evil to have a monstrous head, then to be in­famous with two heads. And a little after he preferred this Pope, above others which were chosen Canonically by the Clergy. Let Platina tell what he was; One (saith he) defiled from his infancy with all shame and filthiness, given to hunting, if he could spare any time from his luxury, more then to prayer. By the advice of the Senate he sent for Otho, against Berengarius; and when he was releeved, he practised against his redeemer; therefore (as is before) he was deposed, and restored again by the Romans. And immediately, even in these same daies (saith Platin.) the most wicked man was judged to be struc­ken of God, lest the Church had been wasted with a schism: Some write (saith he) that this Monster was taken in the act of adultry and killed. But he was intruded, at that time, by his father powerfully; and delighting himself with another man's wife, died suddenly without repentance. Sigebert saith, Sine viatico. Fascic. temp. saith, Behold! O everliving God, how unlike are they unto former Bishops! O the depth of God's judgments! who can search them out! Let Bellarmin excuse him among the rest, and pass him over in si­lence. Platina saith, he was worse then any Pope before him; but he saith not, and worse then any after him, for worse Popes are coming. Onuphrius on that place of Platina saith, He first changed his name, because he thought not his Christian name honourable enough; but we have heard that others have done the like. He sate 10 years.

23. BENEDICT the V was chosen by the Romans, although Leo the VIII (who was advanced by the great Synod) was yet alive; wherefore Otho returned to Rome in wrath, and restored Leo, as is before.

24. LEO the VIII sitting now peaceably, did renounce in favour of the Emperour and his Successours, all the Donations of Justinian, of Charls the The Pope's resignation of former Dona­tions. Great, of his son Lewis. The words of the Bull, in Crantz. Saxon. lib. 4. cap. 10. are; Leo Bishop, the servant of God's servants, unto Otto our spiritual son in Christ, the Emperour Augustus, and unto all his Successours, Emperours, and Kings of Italy: Whatsoever the Lord Charls King of France and Lom­bardy, and Patricius Romanus; as also his father Pipin, have given of the Roy­alty of this Kingdom of Italy, unto blessed Peter the Apostle in the Church of Rome, whether they were given by instruments by the Notary Etherius, or whether they came by Oaths or Donations, or any other way from Justinian [Page 208] Emperour, or King Arithpert; all these things we give and adjudge unto you Otto Emperour, and to Alheida your wife and consort of the Empire, and unto your consorts and successours of this Kingdom of Italy for ever; being present the holy Evangelists, and many Patronages of the Saints.......that ye may have and possess all these things for ever, for the uses of your Court, the Military affairs, and to fight against Pagans and Rebels of the Roman Empire; and therefore by authority of this instrument, we confirm and streng­then unto your posterity from generation to generation for ever; and if any shall destroy this our authority, and be found to violate it, or do contrary un­to it, let him know that he shall fall under the wrath of blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and our wrath, and of all our Predecessours: And more­over, if he repent not of the evil, let him be liable unto the Julian Law of Laese Majestatis, &c. After the solemn form, fiat, fiat, this Bull was subscribed, by all the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Cardinals, Priests and Deacons, chief Officers of the Roman Church; by the Consuls also, Exconsuls, Senatours and civil Lords; and by all which by subscribing could give any confirmation. The names fill up a page. This Bull was kept at Florence for the use of the Empe­rour; as Henry token a Canon of Magdeburg witnesseth, in Catal. test. ver. lib. 11. Onuphrius proveth, that this Leo was a lawfull Pope: And whatso­ever can be said against the Bull or Instrument, Crantz. li. cit. cap. 11. saith, It is more authentical and legal then that Decree of Constantine's Donation, in longa Palea. This Leo sate 2 years.

25. JOHN the XIV was not chosen, till Otho sent his Messengers unto the election; as also this Pope did in other things reverence the Emperour; and for this cause Peter Captain of the City, two Consuls, and the Elder men, whom they call Decarchones, and others rose against him; they laid hands on him in the Lateran Church, and kept him in Prison 11 moneths. The Em­perour made hast to Rome, and put all the above-named persons in Prison till the cause was examined; and then the Consuls were exiled into Germany, the Elder men were hanged, and Peter was given unto the pleasure of the Pope, who caused him to be stript naked, to shave his beard, and hang him by the hair a whole day, and set him upon an Ass with his hands under her tail, then so to be led through the City, in the mean time being scourged with rods; and lastly banished out of the City. After this manner did this Ghostly Father obey the Gospel, Love your enemies, saith Platina. This Pope did first baptize Bells; he called the great Bell in Lateran, John. He sate 7 years.

26. BENEDICT the VI succeeded in place and miseries; he was ta­ken by Cintius Captain of the City, and cast into the Prison of malefactors, where he was strangled; or as others say, famished in the 18. moneth: But I fear (saith Platina) that the reward of Benedict was according to his merits, since none hath written that his death was revenged; and Otho is accounted a very good man, and a most ready defender of the Roman Church.

27. DONUS the II sate one year, without doing any thing worthy of record.

28. BONIFACE the VII came to the Papacy by unlawfull means. Pla­tin. When he saw that the Citizens conspired against him, he hid himself; and seeing no appearance of tranquility, he stole all the Ornaments of Saint Peter's Church, and fled into Constantinople. Then

29. BENEDICT the VII was set up by the Romans. Otho was offen­ded that they had transgressed the Acts made in his fathers time; he hastned to Rome, and exerced severity against the rebellious Romans; they in suffer­ing deserved death, did take unto themselves the name of Martyrs: But Fasc. temp. maketh a distinction; they were killed as some in the primitive Church [Page 209] were killed; alike punishment, but not alike cause. Benedict followed the Em­perour in this tumult, and received from him a temporal sword; that is, au­thority The Pope hath a Sword gi­ven him. to punish all seditious persons within the City; and so he banished some, and imprisoned others. His Successours have inlarged the petty juris­diction. Stella cler. Catol. test. ver. lib. 11. He sate 9 years.

30. JOHN the XV was no sooner set in his Chair, but Pope Boniface the VII, having made monies of his sacriledge, levieth an Army and entreth Rome; he took Pope John, pulled out his eys, and thrust him into Prison; where (as some say) he was murthered by Ferracius a Noble Roman, and fa­ther of Boniface now Pope again. Within 11 months Boniface died sudden­ly, and his Corps were drawn by the feet along the streets, the people ex­claiming against him. Platin. John and Boniface sate 15 months, and died An. 982.

31. JOHN the XVI was expelled the City by Consul Crescentius. When the Consul heard that the Pope was sending his complaint unto the Emperour, he was content to reconcile with him. So between prosperity and adversity he sate 10 years, 10 months. Platin.

32. GREGORY the V was advanced by the Emperour, no man con­tradicting, saith Alb. Crantz. Saxon. lib. 4. cap. 26. The Romans took it ill, that the Emperour and Pope were both Germans; and in a sedition they set up JOHN the XVII, a Greek; and by the power of Crescentius, whom he had bought with money; for he had brought so much money from Constan­tinople, that even constant men might have been allured to wickedness by his gifts; but he died with ignominy in the 10 month, saith Naucler. vol. 2. ge­nerat. 34. Because he was not lawfully chosen, he is not inrolled among the Popes, by some. Hence is so great variance amongst the Johns following; for they who omit the She-Pope, and this John, call the next John the seven­tienth, whereas others call him the ninetienth; and so forth of the rest. Gre­gory staied in Hetruria till John was installed, and then did run unto his Ne­phew Otho, who came with all hast into Italy, took Rome by force, and apprehended Pope John and Crescentius, as is before. After this Gregory did ratifie, quod Otho 3 ex Consilio Principum Germaniae constituit, saith Nau­cler. lo. cit. that is, what the Emperour had ordained, by the advice of the German Princes, concerning the election of the Emperour in time coming. Naucler nameth the persons of the Electers, and their places, otherwise then I have named them from Platina; for he nameth first the Count Palatine of Rhine, second the Duke of Saxon, &c. But Platina speaks probably, and it is certain, that upon other considerations, some Articles were changed after­wards. The Jesuit Dion. Petavins in Ration. temp. par. 1. lib. 8. cap. 17. saith, The report is, that Gregory the V did tie the power of electing an Emperour, unto the suffrages of certain Princes, whom being seven in number, either he or some successour is thought to have appointed. But it is clear by the History that the Emperour had more power then the Pope, at that time, both in Italy and Germany; and certainly, the following Popes have taken occasion, by this manner of election, to usurp above the Emperours; or (as in Fascic. temp.) upon this occasion the Eagle did lose many feathers, and was at last made to­tally naked. Gregory sate 4 years, and died An. 999. Of this Century we see generally, that the Popes which were chosen by the Romans were wicked men; and as they sought the Chair ambitiously for honour and power, so they had no respect to religion (even as the Popes following in the next Cen­tury) and therefore the Emperour had the greater reason to indeavour, and could the more readily obtain that order concerning the election of the Popes; but it was soon wrested out of his hands; as followeth.

CHAP. III. Of Divers Countries.

1. IN this Century diligence decaieth, and every vertue fainteth through A description of a miserable age. want of established Princes, especially in Italy: The distressed Pastours, in more ancient times, did shine in doctrine and holiness, when the Church was under persecution, or Pastours under correction of Architecto­nical power; but when Priests began to glance in silks and colours, and had liberty from subjection unto Princes, their lives became odious and filthy; their licence brought forth such monsters of men, who by avarice and am­bition entred into the places of good men, and did not discharge their office. There was little study of Liberal Sciences; few and empty Schools of langua­ges; the Clergy and Priests, having forsaken their old discipline, were given to lucre, nor were they respected by their Flocks; and only Monks were no­ted to have some eloquence. Nevertheless as it was ordained in Synods of the former Century, that Priests and Monks should read the Scriptures and Writings of the Fathers, now by reading and preaching the same doctrine by some, God did sequester some here and there, which did beleeve truly in Christ, although in so great fear of tyranny and tumults of War, that they durst scarcely speak of corruptions, idolatries, superstitions and wickedness, which at that time were so luxuriant. I will not mention divers signs that were seen in Heaven, pottending so great evils. Great alterations befell in every Kingdom almost, the Hungarians oppress Italy and Germany, although they were restrained; besides many other broils in both those Nations; France hath another race of Kings; incessant were the Wars in Spain between the old inhabitants and the Moors; the Sarazens suffered neither Greece nor Asia to rest in peace. Bellarmin in Chronolo. speaking of this Century, saith; Behold an unhappy age, in which are no famous Writers, no Councels, bad Empe­rours, and no good Popes, God then providing that no heresie did arise. And Baron. ad An. 900. § 1. saith, A new age beginneth, which for rudeness and barrenness of goodness, is called The Iron Age; and for deformity of evil abounding, is Leaden; and for want of Writers, is called The Dark Age. And ad An. 912. saith more sharply, What was the face of the Roman Church! how filthy, when most lude and potent whores did reign in Rome! at whose pleasure Bishopricks were changed, Bishops were given; and which is most horrible to be heard, their Paramours were thrust into Saint Peter's See, which are written but to fill up the role of Popes; for who can call these lawfull High-Priests which were thrust in, without any order, by such whores? no mention of the Clergy chusing and consenting, the Canons were prest in si­lence; what manner of Cardinals, Priests and Deacons canst thou think were chosen by these Monsters? seeing nothing is more natural then that every one beget others like to himself; and who can doubt but that these did consent in all things unto them who had chosen them? After this manner he continued bewailing and detesting the iniquity of those times. It may justly then be ad­ded, Since the face of the Roman Church was so blurred, and those in the Chair of Peter (as they speak) were so abhominable and wretched; what is become of the line of succession whereof they boast? And since that wicked generation did continue so long space of time, from whom have they ordina­tion in the following ages? And here we may remember what Pope Gregory the I writ on Iob. lib. 34. cap. 2. I will yet declare a sadder thing, by the fear­full order of hid dispensation; ere that Lemathan shall appear in that damned man which he shall assume, the signs of vertue shall be withdrawn from the [Page 211] Holy Church; for prophecy shall be hid, the vertue of abstinence shall be di­minished, the words of doctrine shall cease, and no miracles shall be seen. Which things indeed Divine dispensation will not take away altogether; but he sheweth not these openly and in plenty, as in former times. And this is done by admirable dispensation, that by one thing both the piety and justice of God may be fulfilled; for while, the signs of vertue being withdrawn, the Church seems more contemptible, both the reward of good men groweth, which do esteem her under hope of heavenly things, and not for present signs; and the mind of wicked men against her appears the more easily, who neg­lect the promised invisible things, while they are not ingaged by visible things. Therefore while the humility of Beleevers is as it were destitute of the multi­tude and manifestation of signs, by the terrible trial of Divine dispensation, mercy is bestowed on good men; even by the same means, whereby just wrath is heaped upon the wicked. So far he. Now what do these two Cardi­nals, in these their lamentations; and that Pope in this fearfull Prophecy of Divine dispensation, but confirm what is the usual doctrine of the Reformed Churches, that The Church did lurk for a space of time. But the Romanists in these daies will not hear this, and the deluded people are made to beleeve that the Church of Rome hath continued through all ages in glorious Maje­sty. And yet even in these darkest times were some witnesses of the truth, al­though not without some dross of the corrupt age.

2. Ambrosius Ausbert, a French Monk, in the beginning of this Century, writ Commentaries on the Psalms and Song of Salomon, and ten books on the Revelation; out of which I have selected these testimonies. Lib. 3. cap. 5, The old and new Testament are called one book; because the new cannot be separated from the old, not the old from the new; for the old Testament is the new vailed, and the new is the revelation of the old......The Lord said unto Peter, bearing the type of the Church, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church; as if he had said, Upon me will I build thee. Lib. 4. cap. 8. It is no wonder that our prayers and tears are offered unto God not in our name, but by the great High-Priest; seeing Paul exhorts us, say­ing, Through him let us offer up the sacrifices of praise unto God. Lib. 5. cap. 11. When God rendreth reward unto his servants, he rewardeth his own gifts in them; for he would not say, He rendreth a reward, unless he had got­ten the works of reward; but we could not have the works of reward, unless we had gotten from Him that we were able to work; in this sense we ask dai­ly, Give us this day our daily bread; if it be ours, why ask we it daily to be given us? It is ours by receiving, which was not ours by having. Lib. 6. cap. 13, The book of Predestination, as it containeth the Elect written in it by unmovable eternity; so by no means receives it the Reprobates to be written in it: But why so? If this be asked of me, I answer briefly, Because God is most good, mercifull, meek and just; mercifull, because he freely saves some sinners; just, because for the merit of reprobation, and not without justice he condemneth the ungodly. Lib. 8. cap. 17, If the [...]lect follow prevening grace, and the Reprobates cannot accuse his justice. And Cap. 19, Grace goeth be­fore a man, to shew him the way whither he should go; and grace follows him, to move him unto that which it shews.....In this we give glory unto God, when we confess that by no precedent merit of our good works, but by this mercy only we have attained so great dignity. Lib. [...]0. cap. 22, How doth he which will take that blessed water, if it be given to each one freely? And tru­ly saith the Apostle, It is not of him that willeth or runneth, but of God who shews mercy. How can he who willeth take it, but because in both these the mercy of God is commended? which both makes the unwilling to become [Page 212] willing, and also freely bringeth the willing unto that which he desireth: As if the giver of that grace were saying, Who being freely inspired, hath begun to desire heavenly things; let him be confident, that he may freely attain those things; for no other but who willeth takes the water of life freely; be­cause none other is brought unto eternal life even freely, but he who begin­neth first to will, being prevened by grace: Hence is it said, God worketh in us both the will and the deed, according to good pleasure: But the Apostle seemeth to contradict this, when he saith, To will is present with me; but how to perform that which is good I find not. But know, that whereas he saith, To will is present; he knew that he had received from God that where­by he would; which he himself proveth, saying, What hast thou, that thou hast not received? Understand, Nothing at all. Say then, Who thirsteth let him come...that is, who being unwilling is made willing (by no pre­ceding merits of good works, but by the gracious will of God) let him drink aboundantly of the water of eternal joy, out of the invisible fountain.

3. Theophylact Arch Bishop of Bulgaria, in the beginning of this Cen­tury, writ on the four Evangelists and the Epistles of Paul. His testimony is the more to be accounted, because Christophor Porsena, Prior of Saint Balbina in Rome (which did first translate his works, and then dedicated them un­to Pope Sixtus the IV.) testifieth of him, that as a Bee he hath gathered into his Honey-hive the most approved sentences out of many Authours, especi­ally out of Chrysostom, as out of a golden fountain, he had drawn very gol­den interpretations. And Berald (who at the order of Michael Bodet Epist. Lingonen. did review that Translation, when it was to be reprinted An. 1533. by Iod. Bad. Ascens.) saith in his Epistle unto the Reader, This is certain enough, that all these Commentaries are pious and orthodox, and differ far from those things which the multitude of I heologians, in these daies, do with much pride beat into the ears of the unlearned people; for he not only ex­pounds the Apostles mind every where, but likewise refert, sapit ac spirat, he resembleth, savoureth and breatheth it; which or how few it can be justly said, he may easily understand who will compare the new Divines with the ancient both Latine and Greek. So far Berald. Out of these two testimonies, observe that Theophylact doth agree with the Ancients before him, as Chry­sostom, Basilius, and others of those ages, whom he often quoteth; and doth disagree from the multitude of Preachers in the Roman Church, about the year 1533. Where then is their frequent gloriation of the constancy, and uni­ty of the Roman Church with the Ancient Fathers? Hear then what Theo­phylact saith in the Articles of controversie in those daies. In Prolog. before Evang. Matth. he saith, Because heresies were to bud forth, which are ready to wast our manners, it was thought necessary that the Gospels should be writ­ten; to the end, that we learning truth out of them, should not be deceived with the lies of heresies, and our manners should not altogether be undone. On Cap. 13. near the end, speaking of Christ and his mother, he saith, The mother would shew some human thing, that she had power over her son; for as yet she had no great thoughts of him; and therefore while he was yet spea­king, she would draw him unto her: Porsena here addeth on the margine, Lege cautè. To wit, he saw that these words are against the Tenets of Rome, that the Virgin was free from all sin, and by right of her mother-hood she can command her son. On Cap. 16. Because Peter had confessed that Jesus is the son of God; he said, that this confession which he had confessed, shall be the foundation of Beleevers; so that every man which shall build the house of faith, shall lay this foundation; for although we build many vertues, and have not this foundation, a right confession, we do build unprofitably..... [Page 213] They have power of binding and forgiving, who receive the gift of Episcopa­cy [or oversight] as Peter did; for although it was said unto Peter, I will give unto thee; nevertheless it was granted unto all the Apostles. When? when he said, Whose sins ye forgive they are forgiven: For when he said, I will give; he signifieth the time coming, that is, after the resurrection......When Peter speaks rightly, Christ calleth him blessed; but when he feareth without reason, and will not have him to suffer, he lasheth him; and saith, Go behind me, Satan. In Luc. cap. 2. Bishops should keep their Flock; and [...], that is, sing in the field, sing spiritual things, and teach the people, and hear di­vine visions and sayings. Bethleem is the house of bread; and what other is the house of bread but the Church, in which bread is provided? it is there­fore the duty of spiritual Shepheards to seek heavenly bread; which when they have seen, they must preach it unto others.....The things whereof the Scripture is silent, we should not inquire. On Cap. 16. Nothing is so profita­ble as diligent searching of the Scriptures; the Divel may falsely and appa­rently make a search of the dead, to deceive the unwise; and from Hell he may sow doctrine according to his wickedness; but those who do duly search the Scriptures, nothing can delude them; for the Scriptures are a lantern and light, which when it shines the theef is found and made manifest; therefore we should beleeve them, and not regard the rising of the dead. And a little be­fore he saith, As it is impossible for any man to pass from the company of the just into the place of sinners; so it is impossible, as Abraham teacheth us, to pass from the place of punishment into the place of the just....The bosom of Abraham is the possession of good things, which are prepared for the just, passing from the Waves of the Sea into the Haven of Heaven. On Ioh. cap. 1. The new Testament is called grace; because God gives freely unto us, not only remission of sins, but the adoption of children. And it is called truth; because whatsoever the Fathers saw in figure, or spoke, He hath here prea­ched these clearly...........Here we learn that the miracles of Christ's child­hood are but feigned and lies, and made up by them who would scorn the mystery; for if these had been true, how could the Lord have been unknown which wrought them? for it is no way likely that he was not famous which did such miracles: But it is not so; for before he was baptized, he wrought no signs, neither was he known. On Cap. 3. If thou knowest not the wind, which is a Spirit subject to sense, how searchest thou curiously of regenerati­on by the Spirit of God, how and from whom it is breathed? If this spirit cannot be comprehended, far less is the grace of the Holy Ghost subject to the laws of nature. Confounded therefore be Macedonius the fighter against the Holy Ghost, and Eunomius before him; for he would make the Spirit a servant, although he hear, in this place, that the Spirit bloweth whither it will; far rather hath the Holy Ghost a more free motion, and doth work where he willeth, and after what manner he willeth......When thou hearest that the Son of man came down from Heaven, think not that his flesh came down from Heaven; this did Apollinarius teach, that Christ had a body from Hea­ven, which did pass thorow the Virgin, as thorow a Conduit: But because Christ is one person consisting in two natures, therefore whatsoever belongs to the Man-hood, is spoken of the Word; and again, what belongs unto the Word, is spoken of the Man: So here the Son of Man is said to come down from Heaven, because He is one person; and again, lest when ye hear it said, The Son of Man came down, you would think that he is not in Heaven: He saith, even he which is in Heaven; for do not think that I am not there, be­cause I came down; but both am I here bodily, and I sit there as God with the Father.....Here we learn that the old Testament is like, or of the same [Page 214] nature with the new; and there is but one giver of the old and new Testa­ment, although Marcion and Manicheus, and that rabble of Hereticks deny it. He teacheth also, that since the Jews, beholding the brazen Serpent, did escape death, far rather we looking on him which was crucified, and belee­ving, shall escape the death of the soul.....Adam died justly, because he sin­ned; but the Lord died unjustly, because he had not sinned....and because he died unjustly, he overcame him by whom he was killed, and so delive­red Adam from death, which was laid justly upon him. On Cap. 6. Diligent faith is a guide unto good works, and good works do conserve faith; for both works are dead without faith, and faith without works.......He saith, I am the bread of life; he saith not, I am the bread of nourishment, but of life; for when all things were dead, Christ maketh us alive by himself, who is that bread, in so far as we beleeve that the leaven of mankind is heated by the fire of his God-head; and He is the bread of life, not of this natural, but of that unchangeable life, which fails not by death: And who beleeveth in that bread shall not suffer hunger by hearing the Word of God, nor suffer spiritual thirst; because he hath the water of Baptism, and sanctification of the Spirit...And shewing that faith in Christ is not a common thing, but a gift of God, and given by the Father to the upright in heart; he saith, Whomsoever the Father gives unto me, he shall come unto me; that is, they shall beleeve in me, whom my Father gives unto me....And I will not cast him out which comes unto me, that is, I will not lose him, but I will save, and I will refresh him with much diligence; for I came from Heaven to do no other thing but the will of my Father. And near the end of that Chapter he saith, When ye hear that his Disciples went away, do not think it of his true Disciples, but of them who did follow in the order of Disciples, and seemed to have the form of Di­sciples, while they were taught by him; for there were some among his Di­sciples, who being compared with the other multitude, were called his Di­sciples; for they abode longer time then the multitude; but being compared with others which were true Disciples, they were not to be considered, be­cause they beleeved him but for a time, and (as I might say) with a cold heat....The flesh profiteth nothing...the flesh, that is, to expound these words car­nally, profiteth not, but are the occasion of scandal: So then they who under­stood carnally the things spoken by Christ, were offended: Therefore he ad­deth, The words I speak, are spirit, that is, are spiritual; and life, having no fleshly thing, and bringing eternal life: Shewing that it is the excellency of the God-head to reveal these hid things, he saith, There be some among you who beleeve not; when he saith Some, he excepteth the Disciples. On Cap. 10. He sheweth the sure tokens of a good Shepheard, and of a Wolf...and first of the pernicious Shepheard, saying, He entreth not by the dore, that is, by the Scriptures; for he useth not the Scriptures and Prophets as witnesses; for certainly the Scriptures are the dore, by which we are brought unto God, and these suffer not Wolves to enter; for they forbid Hereticks that we may be se­cure, and they give a reason of every thing; therefore he is a theef who en­treth not into the fold by the Scriptures, and so is found by them....Because the Scriptures are understood and opened by the Holy Spirit, they do shew Christ unto us; the Porter is justly expounded the Holy Spirit, by whom, as the Spirit of wisdom ann knowledge, the Scriptures are opened, and by them the Lord entreth to have a care of us, and by them the Shepheard is known. And the Sheep hear the voice of the Shepheard; for because they had often called him a deceiver, and they would through incredulity confirm this, say­ing, Doth any of the rulers beleeve in him? Christ shews that they should not think him a deceiver, though none of those beleeved in him, but rather [Page 215] they should be cast out of the sheep-fold; for, saith he, if I come in by the dore, it is clear that I am the true Shepheard; and ye which beleeve not in me, seem not to be sheep. On Cap. 12. speaking of the word Osanna, he saith, Out of these Texts any man may understand, that the Scripture attributes salvation unto God only. On Cap. 20. Though many signs of his resurrection were gi­ven, yet these only are written; and that not for ostentation, or that the glo­ry of the only begotten may be shewed; but that ye may beleeve, saith he: What is the gain? who reapeth it? not Christ; for what gain hath he that we beleeve? But it redounds unto us; for he saith, That ye beleeving might have life through his name. On Rom. 1. What righteousness can we have who are defiled with abomination and filthy deeds? but God hath justified us not by our works, but by faith. On Cap. 3. If the Law had power to justifie, what need had we of Christ? If thou wilt say, By what law is this glorying exclu­ded? is it by works, seeing the Law commandeth, He who doth these things shall live by them? for these things did the Law of Moses command. He saith, Not, but by the Law of faith, which gives righteousness by grace, and not by works. You see how he calleth faith a law, because this name was in such ve­neration amongst the Jews. On Cap. 6. He calleth life, grace, and not a reward; as if he had said, Ye do not receive the reward of works, but by grace are all these things given unto you through Christ, which worketh and doth them all. On Cap. 10. The righteousness of God is by faith, which requires nothing glorious or grievous of us, but all our hopes is on the grace of God. On Cap. 11. If of works, then no more of grace, or else work were no more work; if we be made acceptable unto God through works, grace were superfluous; but if grace be superfluous, then must works also be taken away; for where grace is, working is not requisite; and where working is, no grace is requi­red. What then?....When he hath shewed what grace is, and that it is the gift of God without the works of men; he asserteth, that the Israelites have not attained justification, though they sought it, because they sought it not rightly; and they thought to have righteousness by works, which could not be: But (saith he) the election, that is, they which are chosen have attained it; and by this word election he shews, that the excellency of things to come, and all other things are bestowed on men by the gift of God. On Cap. 13 He [the Apostle] teacheth that all men, whether a Priest or Monk, or an Apostle, should be subject unto Princes. On Cap. 16. The Apostle teacheth that dis­sensions and scandals, that is, heresies are brought in, by them which bring any doctrine besides the doctrine of the Apostles. On 1 Cor. 3. Miracles are done, very often, for the profit of others; and therefore are they done some­times, even by unworthy men. Cap. 14. Signs are for unbeleevers, for belee­vers have no need of them, seeing they do already beleeve...but prophecies are profitable both to beleevers and unbeleevers......Behold how by de­grees he proveth plainly, that he who speaks with his tongue only, and under­stands not, doth the less good even to himself; and this was the meaning of Basilius on this place.....What then is more to be sought of God? that we may pray in the Spirit, that is, with grace, and with the mind, that is, with me­ditation to conceive what we should pray. On 2 Cor. 4. That the excellency may be of the power of God, and not of us; that it may be clear (saith the A­postle) that the excellency of the apparent vertue comes not from us, but from God; or lest it be thought that we can do any thing worthy of praise, as of our selves, let us ascribe all unto God, and let us acknowledge that is of his gift, whatsoever we do well. On Gal. 2. Paul demonstrates, in this place, that he was equal unto Peter; for (saith he) he who wrought by Peter in the Apostle­ship of circumcision, wrought also by me amongst the Gentiles......Some [Page 212] say, It was not Peter the excellent follower of Christ, which was rebuked by Paul; but another Cephas...But hear most wise man, for neither do we say, that Peter, as ignorant what he should have done, was rebuked by Paul; but we say, that he willingly did admit reproof, that he might give unto others an example of patience. On Eph. 1. at these words, The exceeding greatness of his power in us; he saith, Nor is it easie to be understood, how great is that power and vertue which changeth a man's mind from the wonted custom, and to pull it out of errours; from which to draw a man sticking in them, so great power is requisite, that so great power scarcely appears in raising the dead; for the Lord did raise the dead with one word, and yet he converted not the Jews to him, by perswading with multitudes of words and miraculous works: He saith therefore, the revelation of the Spirit is necessary, that we may learn the same faith, which we have received, that we have received it by the grea­test power and working of God; for as he raised Christ from the dead, so hath he brought us unto light when we were dead, and hath drawn us from infidelity; and therefore he saith, it was done by the exceeding greatness of his power, and the power of his vertue. On Cap. 2. Yea it is to be thought a greater power, to bring into the right way straying souls and addicted to sin, then to raise up the dead. And at these words, By whose grace ye are saved; he saith, He puts in this as being strucken with astonishment, wondring at the unspeakable gift of God; for he saith, Ye are not saved by your travel or work, but only by grace; as for your works, certainly ye were worthy of wrath and punishment. On Cap. 6. The Apostle sheweth how Parents may bring their children into obedience; if ye will, saith he, have your children obedient unto you, bring them unto, and acquaint them with the word of God; and say not, let Monks study the holy Scripture, for it is the duty of eve­ry Christian, and especially of him who converseth in worldly affairs; and the rather, that he hath need of more help, as who is driven among the waves of the World; therefore it is most profitable for thee that thy children both hear and read the holy Scripture; and out of them they shall learn, Honour thy fa­ther and thy mother: but if thou breed thy children in the books of Heathens, they will learn very bad things out of them; which shall not be, if they be ac­quainted with the word of God. On 1 Thess. 1. It is manifest that souls are brought unto faith and salvation, not by perswasion of man, but by the power of God. On 2 Thess. 2. The Lord will not come, unless there come first a de­parting, that is, the Antichrist; whom he calleth a departing, because in very deed he will cause many to depart from Christ....So that he sits in the Tem­ple of God as a God; not in the Church of Jerusalem only, but he will sit in all Churches every where: Shewing himself that he is God; he saith not Saying, but Shewing, that is, he will attempt to prove that he is God; for he will make such great works and signs that he may deceive all men....What with-holds, that is, hindreth; but what is that? some have said it is the grace of the Spirit; some say the Roman Empire, to which opinion John Chrysostom agreeth; for unless the Roman Empire be destroied, Antichrist can have no way to do as he willeth. Paul hath expressed this darkly, for he would not rashly take upon him the malice of the Romans, nor cast himself into danger in vain: for if he had said, the Roman Empire will be taken away shortly, they pre­sently would have buried him quick, as threatning the ruine of the Empire; and they would have killed all the Beleevers that followed him, as if they wish­ed the overthrow of so great an Empire....Only he that with holds shall with-hold....that is, when the Roman Empire shall be taken away, then shall he come; for so long as they are under the fear of this, no man will ea­sily submit himself unto another; but when this is overthrown, he will be­gin [Page 217] another dominion; and as if all were his, he will pervert the things that concern both God and man; for as other Monarchies were taken away one by another, before the height of the Romans....so this Kingdom of the Romans shall be destroied by the Antichrist, and Daniel hath prophecied that it shall be so. Some understand otherwise, but I would have thee to think, as we have said with blessed Chrysostom. On 1 Tim. 1. at the last words, he saith, Thou seest how to search curiously into divine things, turned into blasphemy; for it is injurious against God, when we indeavour to comprehend in our mind and thought the things that are done by his will and dispensation. On Cap. 3. One may ask why the Apostle omitteth the Priests? because what things are spoken of Bishops, belong unto Priests; for these are commanded to instruct others, and to govern the Churches, and are inferiours unto them by the only ceremony of consecration. On 2 Tim. 3. That the man of God may be perfect; amendment, saith he, must be sought from the Scriptures, that nothing may be lacking to him which walks according to God: if there­fore thou desirest to be perfect, and wishest neither to be cast down with ad­versity, nor puft up with prosperity, (for that is perfection) seek advice of the holy Scriptures when thou wantest me: And since he writ of such reading un­to Timothy, being filled with the holy Spirit, how much more are we to be exhorted thereunto which have need of this Spirit? And observe how we can­not be upright and perfect, unless the holy Scriptures do help us. On Heb. 9. so, And Christ was once offered; by whom was he offered? by himself, and not by another man; for though he was the High-Priest, he was also the sacri­fice and the oblation. To take away the sins of many....Why, saith he, of many, and not of all men? Because all men beleeve not; but Christ's death is equal to the perdition of all men, that is, it is sufficient that all men perish not, and and it was paied for the salvation of all men, and he died for all men so far as was in him; and nevertheless he hath not taken the sin of all men, be­cause they fight against him; and so they had made the death of Christ unpro­fitable unto themselves, which certainly is horrible to be spoken, and very lamentable, seeing that death brought salvation unto many. This was the mind of Basilius also; and nevertheless we find in the Gospel, That he might give his life a ransom for many, to be expounded for all. Cap. 10. Can never with these sacrifices which were offered year by year.....If they, being once offered, had been available, they should no more have been offered; but when the oblation was made year by year, and often, it is clear that they were too weak for bringing salvation unto them who were desirous of it; and therefore after the first offering followed another, and again, and again another; for amongst Drugs that are called most valid and efficacious, which being but once applied or drunken, doth heal and cure; but what must be often chan­ged and applied, hath the less vertue of healing, and doth no good unto the sick. But one may ask, Do we not offer without blood? Yea indeed, but then we remember the death of Christ, and we have but one oblation, and not many, seeing He is offered but once; for we offer him continually; or rather, we remember his oblation, even as if at this time He were sacrificed; wherefore it is certain that we have but one sacrifice, and the Law had many; although (as it is said before) it was offered the oftner, that it might be the more profitable unto many, which nevertheless is far otherwise: But our sa­crifice (as I have said) is but one and once offered, and continueth whole both in this life and that to come, and it is more perfect; for it is but one blood, and once poured forth; and one body, although it was offered for many; and it is not many, as it is but one sacrifice which is offered; for we do offer that continually as if it were present. So far from Theophylact. But here some [Page 218] may object, that Theophylact agreeth not with the Reformed Church in Theoph [...]lact is vindicated many particulars. It is true, and therefore I say often, we must make separati­on of the dross from the pure gold; but his difference is supposed to be grea­ter then it is. Porsena in his Epistle unto the Reader before the Gospels, saith; Theophylact follows Chrysostom concerning free-will and faith, and some other things; and therefore in expounding some places he is somewhat more violent: which I say, that herein you should use discretion, which knowest thy self to be ad­dicted unto the Canonical Scriptures only; and not to scar thee from reading of him, as some are wont when any passage displeaseth, they throw the book away: So say I, in reading of any book written by man, we who are addicted to the holy Scriptures only, must use discretion. But it seemeth, Porsena speaks not this unto Papists, because they are not addicted to the holy Canonical Scriptures only; and he saith that Theophylact is more violent in expounding some places; where certainly Porsena understands, that he crosseth the Tenets of the Romish Church. But this may be more clear by particulars. 1. Porsena hath often marked the margine with liberum arbitrium, as if Theophylact did in point of free will, there assert the Romish errour concerning free-will; and I know that others do alledge his testimony against the doctrine of the Reformed Church, how­beit he speak nothing against us, nor for them; as is clear by inspection of particular places. On Luk. 15. fol. 103. on the margine is Liberum arbitrium; and in the line is, The substance of man is rational, whereupon followeth free-will; for all rational creatures have a free-will, and the Lord hath given them reason that they may use it freely, &c. It is clear, that Theophylact speaks there of the nature of man absolutely, or without any relation to any particular condition of man, before the fall or after the fall; and he speaketh against the Stoicks and Manicheans, which did hold that the actions of men were carried by fate or pressing necessity; and therefore it follows there, If God would have us to be compelled, he had not made us rational, and of a free-will. On Ioh. 6. at the words, Will ye also go away; he saith, The Lord saith not, Go ye away; for this had been to repel them; but he asketh, will ye go away? whereby he makes it free, whether they will follow him or not; and he sheweth that he will not have them to follow him in fear. On these words also hath Porsena fixed Liberum arbitrium. As also on Mat. 16. at the words, If any will follow me; he saith to the same purpose, The Lord saith, If any will; to shew free-will and not coacted vertue. These and many more places are clearly spoken against the necessity of fate or coaction; which now is not controverted. But if you ask, By what power is an unregenerated man converted? he hath said it already on 2 Cor. 4. and Eph. 1 and 2. Or if you ask, By what power doth a regenerate man continue in the faith and practise of godliness? Theophylact teacheth that on Phil. 2. at the words, For it is God who worketh in you both to will and to do: Whereas he had said, with fear and trembling; now he saith, that they need not fear; for I have not spoken so, that ye should despair, but be the more wary; for if ye take heed and be diligent God will make all perfect; for it is he which makes you prompt to such a good will, that we will good things, and also bringeth such prompti­tudes of our mind unto an end; for God worketh in us both the will, that is, he inableth you that ye desire good things, and he will augment this good will, and kindle it that it may be the more fervent.....the Apostle takes not away free-will, but willeth that we should alwaies give thanks unto God, and committed all unto him: Mark (saith Theophylact) but this manner of spea­king; he saith, in you who work your salvation with fear and trembling; for in such men which are willingly led unto good, God worketh all things. Accor­ding to good will, that is, that it may be fullfilled in you, what is acceptable un­to [Page 219] God.....for God will inable us to live rightly, although it were no other cause but only this, because so he willeth. 2. It is objected, that Theophy­lact and election by foreseen faith or works, saith, that election was made upon the fore-sight of faith and good works; as on Eph. 1. it is, When he saith, He hath chosen, he pointeth forth both the mercy of God, and their vertue, to wit, whom God had separated, as who were to be good. I answer, In these words Theophylact toucheth not the moving cause of election; but only teacheth, that God had chosen none but such as were to be good and godly; and this he insists oft upon, against them which held, that faith, or profession of faith, is sufficient to salvation, although men do not good works, as is clear by the words following; for when the Text saith, That we may be holy and without blame before him; he ad­deth, Lest it come into ones mind, that God hath chosen whom he willeth to be saved, and thereupon one be slack and think it is not any more need­full to study unto vertue, that one may attain life, seeing they are already cho­sen according to the pleasure of God, and there is no more hope unto others; unto this he saith, God hath chosen us that we should be holy and without blame; that is, that we should live in that holiness which God hath given unto us who have been washed in baptism; therefore let us continue and keep a godly life. Whence it is clear, that he judgeth the moving cause to be the only will of God; and thereupon follows that scruple which he removeth; and this may be cleared from his words on v. 2. ch. 2. 10. 3. Porsena marketh in the mar­gine and Transub­stantiation, at the words of institution in Matth. 26, Panis qui sanctificatur in alta­rio corpus & caro Domini est, non figura; and the words in the line are, When he saith, This is my body; he sheweth, that the bread which is sanctified on the Altar, is the same body of Christ, and not an answering figure; for he said not, This is a figure, but This is my body; for by unspeakable operation it is trans­formed, although it seem unto us to be bread; because we are infirm, and do abhor to eat raw flesh, especially the flesh of man; and therefore it appears bread, and is flesh. And on Mar. 14, When he had blessed, that is, had given thanks, he broke the bread; which also we do, adjoining prayer. This is my body; this I say, which ye take; for the bread is not a figure only, and some exemplar of the Lord's body, but the body of Christ is converted into it: For the Lord said, The bread that I will give you, is my flesh; he said not, it is the figure of my flesh, but it is my flesh. And again, Unless ye eat the flesh of the son of man. But you will say, How is not the flesh seen? O man, that is because of our infirmity; for because bread and wine are of such things wherewith we are accustomed, we abhor them not; but if we saw blood and flesh set before us, we could not indure them, but would abhor them; there­fore the mercifull God condescending unto our weakness, keeps still the forms of bread and wine, but transelementateth them into the vertue of flesh and blood. These be his words, without any fault, in the translation. Now behold the vanity of man's mind, when it is fond on a thing. Ixion (as the fable is) would so fain have had Iuno, that he thought he had her in his imbracement, when he had but the wind or cloud. So the Romanists think, they have here their transubstantiation, when they have but words far different from what they do fancy. In these testimonies they lay hold on two passages: First, The bread which is sanctified, is the same body of Christ, and not an answering figure. I would they could conjoin the words on Mark, It is not a figure only, and some exemplar of the Lord's body. Where the Authour denieth not simply or absolutely, that the bread is a figure and exemplar of Christ's body; but saith he, It is not a figure only; or, it is not only a figure and some exemplar; there­fore according to his mind, It is a figure and some exemplar, but more then a bare figure, and a special kind of exemplar. Against whom is this said? I [Page 220] have read it imputed unto some that the bread is a meer sign of Christ's body; but I never read any who hath so affirmed, except Socinians or Anabaptists. So then in these words Theophylact speaks according to the mind of the Re­formed Church. But he saith, It is the same body of Christ. And so saith Christ himself, This is my body; and so say we: Therefore the question is, in what sence the bread is his body? Next they say, It is by transubstantiation of the bread into the body of Christ. Here first mark, that the former passage pro­veth it not. 2. Where saith Theophylact so? they say, in these words, By unspeakable operation it is transformed, although it seem to be bread. I answer, In so great a matter the words ought to be considered attentively. What is transformation? it is two-fold, if we speak properly, external and internal. External is when the outward form of a thing is changed into another; but this is not in the Sacrament, which keeps still the forms of bread and wine; as it is said expressly in the words on Mark. Internal transformation is when not only the outward form is changed, but the inward nature and essence of a thing is changed into another which was before; as when Lot's wife was tur­ned into a Pillar of salt, or Moses's rod into a Serpent. But Theophylact saith, It appears bread, and is flesh. Wherefore he meaneth not a proper transfor­mation, but an improper kind; and so saith the Reformed Churches. The Romanists say, he saith, The bread is transformed into the body of Christ. Where saith he so? not on Matthew, for his words are, But the body of Christ is turned or converted into it. It is one thing the bread is transformed into the body of Christ; and another thing, Christ's body is converted into the bread; and therefore he saith, God transelementeth the bread into the vertue of flesh. So neither on Matthew nor Mark, either first or last, doth Theophylact assert a transformation or transubstantiation of the bread into the body of Christ; but in the first place, he speaks of a converting of Christ's body into the bread; and in the other, he speaks of a transelementation of the bread into the vertue of flesh; and the Papists do hold neither one nor the other. As yet I speak not of the truth of the matter, nor of the meaning of the Authour, but shew how the Papists delude themselves with his words. As for his meaning in this matter, unless his words be contrary one to another, the first words must be expounded by the latter; that is, when he saith, The body of Christ is converted into the bread; he meaneth, God keeps still the forms of the bread and wine, both outward and inward; but transelementates them into the vertue of Christ's flesh and blood; that is, from bare and earthly things, he translates them into another rank (for this is the proper signification of [...], to set in ano­ther file or rank) of things, even of spiritual things; even of sealing and con­veying unto us the vertue of Christ's body and blood. [...] properly, is to remove a souldier from one file into another, and then the souldier changeth not his nature, but his place and use; and so it is with the elements of the Sa­crament. And we may be the more assured, that this is the mind of Theophy­lact, because for confirmation he adds, The Lord said, The bread that I will give you is my flesh; and on these words in Ioh. 6. he saith, Note well, that the bread which is eaten by us in the Sacrament, is not only some figuration of the Lord's flesh, but the same flesh of the Lord; for he said not, The bread that I will give, is a figure of my flesh, but it is my flesh; for by mysterious words it is transformed, by mystical blessing and accession of the Holy Ghost, into the Lord's flesh: And at the words, Vnless ye eat the flesh of the Son of man; he addeth, When we hear, unless ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, ye shall not have life; we must in taking the Divine mysteries [or Sacrament] hold undoubted faith, and not ask what way; for the natural man, that is, who follows human and natural thoughts, is not capable of spiritual things which are above nature; and so he un­derstandeth [Page 221] not the spiritual eating of the Lord's flesh; of which they who are not partakers, are not partakers of eternal life, because they have not received Iesus, who is eternal life; for it is not the flesh of a meer man, but of God; and is able to Deifie us, to wit, being united unto the God-head. That flesh is also verily food, because it indureth not for a little time, nor can be corrupted, as corruptible food, but it is a help unto eternal life. In these his words, we see that he speaks not absolutely, as he did seem to speak on Matthew; but as he spoke on Mark, The bread is not only some figuration; and then he saith, It is transformed by mystical blessing and accession of the Holy Ghost. And then he saith, In taking the Divine mysteries we must hold undoubted faith; then they who have not faith undoubted, cannot eat that mysterious Sacrament. And we must not ask what way; to wit, as they do now, whether the substance of the bread be turned into the substance of Christ's body; or whether the substance of the bread is turned to nothing, and Christ's body comes into the form of the bread; or &c. Theophylact is far from asserting any of these waies. And when he saith, That flesh is verily food, because it indureth not for a little time, nor can be corrupted; he speaks not of the visible bread, which experience teacheth to be corrupti­ble; but he speaks of the Lord's flesh, which we receive by faith. In a word then, Theophylact speaks nothing of transubstantiation, but rather against it; and the Papists delude themselves, and