A discourse of toleration in answer to a late book intitutled A discourse of the religion of England. Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673. 1668 Approx. 152 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2011-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A54406 Wing P1593B ESTC R36669 15868809 ocm 15868809 104648

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A54406) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104648) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1154:11) A discourse of toleration in answer to a late book intitutled A discourse of the religion of England. Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673. [2], 58 p. Printed by E.C. for James Collins ..., London : 1668. Attributed to Perrinchief by Wing. Errata: verso of t.p. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Includes bibliographical references.

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eng Corbet, John, 1620-1680. -- Discourse of the religion of England. Freedom of religion -- England. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2010-10 Assigned for keying and markup 2010-10 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2011-01 Sampled and proofread 2011-01 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2011-06 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

A DISCOURSE OF Toleration: In Anſwer to a late BOOK, Intituled, A DISCOURSE Of the RELIGION of ENGLAND.

ROM. 16.17. Now I beſeech you Brethren, mark them which cauſe Diviſions, and Offences, contrary to the Doctrine which you have learned, and avoid them.

LONDON, Printed by E.C. for James Collins, at the Kings-Head in Weſtminſter-Hall. 1668.

ERRATA.

PAge 3. l. 1. read men. p. 4. l. 25. r. ſucceeding, p. 6. d. 12. r. extract, p. 21. l. 37. r. in reſiſting, p. 22. l. 11. r. Law, l. 12. r. the Emperours, l. 30. r. had, marg. r. v ternoſae, p. 23. l. 11. r. that, p. 32. l. 37. r. Diſcourſer.

A DISCOURSE OF TOLERATION.
SECT. 1. To form a right Judgment of Toleration, it is neceſſary to conſider the ſubject of it.

THere is ſo much malignity in our corrupt Nature, that Detraction and envious Reflections are eaſily believed; and we daily ſee one man ſport at the loſs of anothers Fame. This corruption appears in nothing more than in the caſe of Magiſtrates; to ſpeak ill of whom, is miſtaken for Liberty, whilſt the commendation of their juſt actions ſcarce eſcapes the infamy of flattery, or ſervitude. Hence it is, that Writings which pretend to plead the cauſe of a Party, whoſe Intereſt is judged inconſiſtent with the publick, have a great vogue, becauſe they do inſinuate the ill management of Superiours, imply their Want of Love to the Truth, Ignorance of their own Concerns, and Cruelty to the Innocent. And ſuch are Diſcourſes for Toleration of Diſſentions in Religion, which finde acceptance with weaker Spirits, becauſe they are both prone to pitty even thoſe that ſuffer juſtly, and have too jealous a fear of thoſe that are in power.

But yet to do right to our humane nature, we muſt acknowledge, that though it be corrupted, yet is not the Light of it wholly extinguiſhed; nor hath it utterly loſt its Notices and Inclinations to good, though it may ſometimes be deceived by its own paſſions in the purſuit of it: ſo that when any thing is diſcovered to be ill in its nature, the product of ſome infamous cauſes, and attended with conſequences of raine, then reaſon will prevail (unleſs ſome baſe luſt hath wholly debauched the Soul) and vindicate it ſelf from the impoſtures of a miſtaken intereſt: And however men may be kinde to a Toleration, when it is conſidered barely, as a bearing with Diſſenters; moderating the Rigors of thoſe whoſe fortune, and power tempts them to an inſolency; as it is a pity due to the Infirmities of mankinde which is ſubject to erre; and hath a ſemblance to the Meekneſs of Chriſtianity; yet when they conſider the ſubject of it, which are Diſſentions in Religion, whoſe prime cauſes are for the moſt part hateful, and the conſequences terrible, they will boggle at it, as being that which will quite enervate Religion, and alſo ſhake, if not overthrow all Societies. To form therefore a right Judgment of Toleration, we muſt firſt conſider the Nature, Cauſes, and Events of the Subject of it.

SECT. 2. The Nature of Diſſentions in Religion.

WHat Diſſentions of Religion are in their nature is beſt known by reflecting upon the wayes and means which Chriſt hath appointed for the maintenance, and continuance of Religion in the World.

Our Bleſſed Lord and Saviour Jeſus Chriſt having purchaſed a great Salvation for Mankinde, and made known the means of obtaining what he had acquired, that this knowledge might be propagated through all Ages to thoſe that were capable of his benefits, did eſtabliſh a Society which ſhould be conſervers of theſe truths, into which all thoſe that did believe what he had done and ſaid, and would ſubmit to thoſe conditions he required, upon the ſolemn profeſſion thereof by Baptiſm, were to be admitted, without any diſtinction of State, Sex, or Nation. And this is his Church. That this Society might perform its Office, and be preſerved to this great end, Unity of the Members among themſelves was more neceſſary for it then for any other Community, becauſe it was for greater and more glorious ends than ever any Society of man was eſtabliſhed for; and without unity it could not poſſibly attain theſe ends: For if thoſe who pretended to ſhew men the way of Life, did diſagree among themſelves, were divided into ſeveral factions, mutually abhorring each others Communion, and condemning each others for falſe or defective Churches; how could thoſe who were without believe the truths which all pretended unto, and yet every one did mutually deny to be found in another? ſince theſe truths (not like thoſe which Philoſophers pretended unto, that were but the Collections of mens Obſervation, and Concluſions of Diſcourſe) were all aſſerted as ſuch which had been revealed by the moſt Wiſe and Faithful God, and were the manifeſtations of the pleaſure of his Will, wherein was no place left to humane invention: every pretender contending, that what he delivered was ſpoken at firſt by the Lord, Heb. 2.3. and confirmed to following ages by thoſe that heard him.

Beſides, thoſe who ſome way or other had convictions of the truth of Jeſus, and deſired to be more fully inſtructed in that way, and to do thoſe duties which Chriſt commanded one Chriſtian to do with another: theſe I ſay, muſt be much diſtracted (being yet Babes and Novices in Chriſt, and ſo ſuppoſed not able to determine) by reaſon of all thoſe controverſies of the different parties with whom they might joyn themſelves unto the Lord: ſo that without this Unity the Church cannot perform thoſe great ends for which it was inſtituted by our Saviour.

Therefore to preſerve this Unity, Chriſt hath done all thoſe things which he thought neceſſary for it. He poured out prayers to his Father That all thoſe that believed on him might be one, Joh. 17.21, 23. and be made perfect in one. He hath ordered that the Supplies of his Spirit ſhould be adminiſtred by their holding of him their Head, and by being fitly joyned, and compacted together. Eph. 4.16. 1 Cor. 12.12. He hath ſo diſpenſed the gifts of his Spirit in that way and meaſure, that the Members of his Body might have the ſame dependance, the ſame benefits as one member of a natural Body hath f om another, and ſo conſerve ſo ſtrict an Unity, as may entitle the Church to the Honour of his Name, and be called Chriſt. He commands them to maintain their Unity by a conſtant, and frequent Communion of his Sacraments. 1 Cor. 10.16, 17. What weight hath he put upon his command of Love, the principle of Unity, and there is no duty more preſſed by him and his Apoſtles, than thoſe of Unity and Peace. Yea, all thoſe Precepts of Longſuffering, Gentleneſs, Goodneſs, Meekneſs, Patience, are in order to this great end of Unity among the Profeſſors of his Doctrine. Thus the neceſſity of Unity, and methods by Chriſt, appointed for its preſervation, muſt needs argue Diſſentions (which are deſtructive of it) to be of a nature hateful to every ſoul that hath a true ſenſe of Chriſtianity.

SECT. 3. The Cauſes of Diſſentions and Schiſms in the Authors of them.

BUt beſides this, they are more odious in their cauſes, whether we conſider the firſt Authors of them, or the Followers. As for the Authors of them, the Apoſtles ſet forth them to be perſons led by ſuch motives as did abandon all reſpect to Chriſt, Rom. 16.18. that They ſerved not the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, but their own Belly. 2 Cor. 3.3. Gal. 5.20. Phil. 3.19. 1 Tim. 1.19. They were called carnal, Seditions, and Hereſies are reckoned amongſt the works of the fleſh. They are ſaid to be the enemies of the Croſs of Chriſt, whoſe God is their belly, and whoſe glory is their ſhame. The putting away of a good Conſcience, and making ſhipwrack of the Faith is their character. Pride and covetouſneſs are ſaid to be their grand principles. ib. c. 6.4. Tit. 3.11. Subverſion and Sin is their ſtate of Life. S. Peter, and S. Jude give them characters full of horror. Thus in the ucceeding ages of the Church, the Hiſtorians who give us an account of thoſe Hereſies and Schiſms which aroſe in it, do alſo tell us how great Monſters they were which did bring them forth; and there was in every Sect many opinions and practices that rendered all Chriſtians (of whoſe number they pretended to be) odious even to the Heathen. The abominations of the Gnoſticks are not to be named even by a ſober Heathen, for the vileſt acts of uncleanneſs which would diſhonour even a Stewes, were taken up by them for Duties of Religion, which ſhewed the cauſes of their diſſentions to be exceeding hateful.

It would be tedious to ſurvey all, and give a particular account of the cauſes of every Sect. One inſtance will be ſufficient, and it ſhall be that of the Donatiſts, a great and laſting diſſention, which had a complication of Wickedneſſes to bring it forth into the world. It began at the Election and Ordination of Caecilianus, Biſhop of Carthage, whereby the ambition of Botrus and Caeleſius, two Presbyters of the ſame Church, and Competitors of the ſame Dignity, being diſappointed, to depoſe him they conſpire with other Presbyters, to whom Menſurius the preceding Biſhop had in the times of perſecution delivered the Church-Plate, to be kept private, that it might not be a ſpoil to the Perſecutors; theſe men had refuſed to deliver to Caecilianus (to whom at his Ordination the Inventory of Church Goods was given up) the things committed to their truſt; and that they might aſcertain the prey to themſelves, they laboured to draw the people from Communion with the Biſhop. This ſeparation was forwarded by one Lucilla; a rich woman, who having been diſpleaſed with Caecilianus, becauſe when he was a Deacon, he had admoniſhed her to behave her ſelf as the other Chriſtians in the publick Worſhip, ſhe continued her paſſion to him now made a Biſhop; and by her gifts and promiſes corrupted others, that they ſhould depoſe Caecilianus, and ſet up in his ſtead one Majorinus, who lived in her houſe. To ſtrengthen this Separation, they call to Carthage, Secundus, Biſhop of Tigiſita, Primate of Numidia; who, together with other Numidian Biſhops in a Council at Cirta, had mutually convicted one the other, to have been Traditores, (i.e. ſuch who had delivered up the Holy Scriptures to be burnt by the Gentiles:) and ſo having pardoned one the other, that they might not be queſtioned by the other Churches of Africk, did willingly embrace this occaſion of making and compleating a Schiſm at Carthage, whereby alſo they might hide their Indulgences one to the other at home, by their ſeverity to others abroad, removing from themſelves the ſuſpicion of that Crime, which they condemned in others. Theſe men being entertained at Carthage, by thoſe whom Ambition, Anger, and Covetouſneſs had made factious, did condemn Caecilianus unheard, as being ordained by Faelix Biſhop of Aptungita who was accuſed to have been a Traditor, and then ſet up Majorinus in his ſtead, and ſo formed that Schiſm, which for a long time troubled all Africk, and polluted it with much blood. This one inſtance is enough to ſhew how Diſſentions in Religion may, and ſometimes do owe their Original to the luſts of men, and that evil Affections, though different and various, may yet amaſs men together in the ſame Schiſm; and that however we hear of nothing now (as it was probable they did ſo then) pretended for a diſſent, but Conſcience: Yet we know that men live and dye by the ſame rules, and the ſame luſts in this age will work as they did of old in the ſame circumſtances; and whatſoever is of ſuch an extract muſt needs be hateful.

SECT. 4. The Cauſes of Diſſentions in the Followers.

AS for the Followers of theſe Diſſentions, although it is poſſible many of them may be led aſide in the ſimplicity of their ſouls by the ſleight of men, and cunning craftineſs of ſuch as lie in wait to deceive, Epheſ. 4.14. yet we find the Scriptures often cenſure ſuch of luſts alſo, which give them over to the arts of thoſe who lead them captive. 2 Tim. 3.6. 2 Tim. 4.3. 2 Pet. 2.19. As an Averſeneſs to the ſound doctrine which contradicts their luſts, an Affectation of Novelty, having itching ears, or of too much Liberty, greater than will comport with the Diſcipline of the Truth: An affectation of ſome more then ordinary knowledge, thus the Apoſtle ſaith, Col. 2.18.23. Jude 16. ſome were beguiled by things which had a ſhew of wiſdom. St. Jude ſaith that the Hereticks of his time did ſpeak great ſwelling words, by which he implyed the Gnoſticks, who did abuſe the people with a ſtrange noiſe of words that ſignified nothing, but their followers imagined to have the ſecrets of wiſdom. And thus St. Auguſtine ſaith, that he was a follower of the Manichees for 9 years together, (having ſleighted the Religion his Parents had educated him in), and that becauſe they promiſed not to require any mans faith, Aug. lib. de Vtilitate cred. c. 1. unleſs they made the truth clear and evident; and therefore this captivated him, being young; and when he was by reaſon of ſome knowledge in the diſputes of the learned Garrulus and Superbus, i.e. talkative and proud. 2 Tim. 4.3. 2 Pet. 2.19. Another cauſe may be a want of love to the Truth, 2 Theſ. 2.10. Hence comes their Loathing all pains that are neceſſary for the ſearching after the Truth, and from this a Compliance with thoſe opinions that are importunately impoſed upon them by their Relations. Add to theſe the Envy at thoſe whom the Providence or Spirit of God hath advanced either by more uſeful Graces, or to more ſplendid conditions, (this was it which made much of that noiſe which was in the divided Church of Corinth). Weakneſs in not differencing between the Lives and Profeſſions of thoſe that continue within the Church, (ſo Audius as Epiphanius ſaith began his ſchiſm) and ſometimes Injuries received from thoſe that are for the Truth, make moroſe and cholerick minds joyn themſelves to thoſe that are Enemies. Thus the calumnies which ſome of the Roman Clergy ſpread of Tertullian as a Montaniſt, made him in truth after imbrace that Sect. The advantages alſo that a man may promiſe to himſelf in a Party, which he cannot hope for in a peaceable Church.

Theſe and many other may move a man to herd himſelf in a factious Congregation, and to ſeparate from an eſtabliſhed Church; and therefore Conſcience, though it be generally pretended, is not the only cauſe of Diſſentions in Religion. And indeed, how can it otherwiſe be imagined of the far greateſt part of Diſſenters, but that as the Scripture ſaith, They are laden with diverſe Inſts. When they trample upon ſo clear, and frequent Commands of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt to follow after Peace, and Unity, and thoſe things that tend to Edification, and ſtick at ſome thing that either is not commanded, or not forbidden by God, and therefore left to the Magiſtrates liberty, or which is but obſcure and doubtful. When they ſwallow great ſins, (as Perjuries, Rebellions, Falſehoods) and yet ſtrain and ſcruple at an indifferent Ceremony. When they place ſo much of the eſſence of Religion and the Worſhip of God, in the forbearing an indifferent Rite, that they think God is prophaned by it, and refuſe Communion with thoſe that ſo worſhip him. When they praecipitate themſelves either through Envy, Paſſion, or Deſign, into the ſeveral Sects of diſſenters, without a ſearch after the Truth, and ſo ignorantly that they know not what it is they embrace, but only that it is contrary to what they have forſaken. When their Separation is attended with ſo many works of the fleſh, (as bitterneſs, evil-ſpeaking, ſlanders of thoſe who diſagree, lies to ſupport their way, reproaches of the Government, cruelty againſt their oppoſites when in their power, and thoſe bloody undertakings to deſtroy the lawful Magiſtrate). How is it poſſible for us to think that Conſcience, and a fear of God is is the only Principle of thoſe Diſſenters? for if that was the great rule of their actions, they would walk by it in thoſe other things wherein there is no occaſion of ſcruple: and therefore it is to be concluded, that though it is poſſible for ſome good ſouls to be deceived, yet the far greater part are firſt blinded and manacled by their own luſts, and ſo are led captive by deceivers.

SECT. 5. The Conſequences and Effects of Diſſentions, as to Religion and the Church.

NOw ſince the Cauſes of Diſſentions in Religion are in themſelves ſo wicked, how can we but fear that their conſequences will be full of horror? for, what can theſe ſpawn but miſery and deſtruction? By them the truth of Chriſtianity is diſhonoured, for the reaſon our Saviour gives of his Prayer for Unity among his Diſciples was, Joh. 17.21. that the world ſhould believe that his Father had ſent him; i.e. that he came from God, and therefore what he ſaid was true; therefore the diſſentions which ſhould happen among them, would give a colour of unbelief to the world, and they would be apt to conclude, that God was no way the Author of that which was full of ſtrife. The Apoſtle tells the Corinthians, that the diſorders which were among them would perſwade Ʋnbelievers to ſay they were mad, 1 Cor. 14.23. The Contentions in the firſt ages of the Church were the ſport of the Gentile Theaters, and every unhallowed ſcorner made the ſtrifes of Chriſtians the ſubject of his mirth.

They alſo obſtruct men in the imbracing the Faith, as was ſhewed above, and therefore Celſus upon this account did reproach the Chriſtians, as if Origen. con. Celſ. lib. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. they envied the world, the acknowledging the Truth, becauſe they no ſooner encreaſed their number, but their Diſſentions were alſo multiplied. Thus they hinder the Propagation of the Goſpel, and forbid thoſe that otherwiſe would come into the Church.

They corrupt alſo thoſe that are within, and hinder the Growth of Grace, which every member ought to promote both in himſelf and others; for the Apoſtle having ſaid of the Corinthians, that they were enriched in all knowledge, and ſo having a plentiful portion of the Spirit, he might have expected to have found them Spiritual, 1 Cor. 1.5. grown up to ſome perfection in Chriſt, 1 Cor. 3.1. yet by reaſon of their diviſions they were ſtill but Babes, ſtill carnal. For Diviſions and Diſſentions in Religion do hinder both the inward and the outward means whereby Chriſtians may grow in Grace, and in the knowledge of God, and of our Lord and Saviour Jeſus Chriſt. The Inward is that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that ſupply of the Spirit which is given to every man to profit the Church withal, 1 Cor. 12.7. And it is ſaid Epheſ. 4.16. that From Chriſt the whole body fitly joyned together and compacted, by that which every joynt ſupplies makes the Increaſe of the body to the edifying of it ſelf in love. But diſſentions hinder this way of ſupply, for either they break the Continuity of the body, as violent winds tear off the branches from the trunck of the tree, which effect the Apoſtle inſinuates when he calls Hereſies, winds of doctrine, in verſ. 14. of the ſame Chapter: Or elſe they ſtir up ſuch humours of Wrath, and Malice, which like tough obſtructions in the veins, and veſſels of our bodies, hinder the current of blood and ſpirits: ſo do theſe hinder that ſupply of ſpiritual nouriſhment that one Member ſhould afford unto another. For all thoſe Parts and Abilities which God hath given, with all that Time which might be imployed in converting men to Holineſs, in reconciling Souls to God, in perſwading men to break off their ſins by Repentance, are ſpent, and waſted in Bitterneſs, and evil ſpeaking one of another; in mutual Contradictions, perverſe Diſputings, doting about queſtions, and Strife of words, in making Proſelytes to the factions rather then in turning them to God, in teaching them the Principles of the party, rather than inſtructing them in the Oracles of life. Then as to the Outward means of edification, which is the Aſſembling of Chriſtians together, (for the Apoſtle Heb. 10.24. having admoniſhed the Hebrews to conſider one another to provoke unto love and good works, preſently adds as a means to this, Not forſaking the aſſembling of our ſelves together; the joyning in the Worſhip of God, being the moſt powerful converſation which can poſſibly beget love and good works of one to the other). This likewiſe is loſt by factions; for where there are theſe diſſentions, Altar is ſet up againſt Altar, and Congregation againſt Congregation, and in ſtead of Provoking to love, and good works: men are enraged to Malice, and Deſtructive deſigns againſt the diſſenters.

For that is another ſad effect of theſe Diſſentions, they do imbrutiſh mankind, make them heady, high-minded, fierce, diſpiſers, and contemners of others, from doting about Queſtions, and ſtrife of words comes railing, envy, evilſurmiſes, and at laſt they come to the ſevereſt Cruelties, for ſuch have been practiced by the Arians, Donatiſts, Circumcelliones, and Papiſts, &c. And how unfit are ſuch ſouls for an habitation of God through the Spirit? How uncapable do they become of the Image of the Lamb, who was lowly and meek, and whoſe voyce was not heard in the ſtreets? Theſe are the miſchiefs they do to Religion, the injuries they bring upon the Church; but they ſtay not here.

SECT. 6. The Conſequences of Diſſentions as to the Civil State.

FOr they vex the State alſo, which being Chriſtian, cannot be ſafe while the Church is in a Tempeſt. The mutual contendings of the divided Parties diſturb the Publick Peace, diſtract the People with fears; how far the malice of the more prevalent will reach, and the ſeveral viciſſitudes of Succeſs on the different ſides hinder the common Settlement, and repreſent new terrors. In Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtories, we often find the great Cities of the World in flames kindled by Diſſentions in Religion, the Streets running with blood, Churches broke open to let in ſome new Intruder, and Armies called to ſuccour the Community, and ſtint the rage of the contending Sects, and the Gentiles though unconcerned which part had Truth, yet felt themſelves involved in the Contentions of both.

But the miſchiefs they bring upon a State are moſt evident in thoſe Injuries they do to Princes, and Magiſtrates; who cannot be diſtreſſed with Difficulties, but the whole Community under them muſt have ſenſible Miſeries. Diſſentions are injurious to them, as they take away that mutual Confidence which ought to be betwixt all the members of the State, and more eſpecially betwixt the Prince, and People: (without which confidence a Nation can never do any great thing;) men do not eaſily and willingly truſt thoſe whom they do not think faithful to God, and ſo every Schiſmatick looks upon his Prince that doth not profeſs the ſame Opinions with himſelf. Hence comes it to paſs that he is obſtructed to any great deſign; Conſtantine complained that he could not wage his War againſt Perſia when the Hereſie of Arius did ſo perplex his Empire. For he might juſtly have ſeared that other effect of Diſſentions, which is, that they give Occaſion to ſome Ambitious Spirit to gain the Affections of the more ſleighted Sect, and ſo fit himſelf with a Party to endeavour at Tyranny: for pretending their Protection, and defence of their Cauſe, he might drive on his own deſigns for a greatneſs not due to him. Beſides, Diſſenters in Religion are fit Inſtruments for an Invading Enemy to weaken the force of a Nation, by pretending Kindneſs to the diſcontented Sects, who eaſily are cheated to think Changes will prove Remedies, and vainly hope for thoſe favours from a Foreigner which they diſpair of under their Lawful King. Nay, ſometimes the diſcountenanced Diſſenters raiſe an Ambition where they found none; for it is uſual with them to give immoderate praiſes to all of their ſide, eſpecially to any Great man, whom they have chanced to deceive; and ſo by ſwelling him to a Pride, flatter him to attempts at Power, that he may vindicate them from their imaginary Oppreſſions.

SECT. 7. What the Magiſtrate ſhould do as to Diſſentions.

THus having ſeen the Nature, Cauſes, and Effects of Diſſentions in Religion, that they are directly contrary to the Intereſt of the Goſpel, that they are derived from Luſts, and Corruptions; and at beſt they are the Infirmities of men, which firſt give them a being, and afterwards nouriſh them, that their Effects are as baſe as their Cauſes, and alſo pregnant with miſery both to Church and State. We may now proceed to form a judgement of Toleration.

Firſt, I conceive all will grant that Every man in his Place and Order is bound, to remove all ſuch things as are ſo diſhonourable to Religion, obſtructive to true Piety, and pernicious to Church and State; for his Obligations to his own Profeſſion, his Intereſt to provide for his own Peace and Safety, and his Love to his Countrey; require no leſs from him: and indeed this every Sect doth practice, and indeavour; for while they labour to draw all to their own party, they plainly declare they would have no diſſentions.

Then it follows, that Magiſtrates, Kings, and Princes, and all concerned in the Legiſlative, and Juridical power of their own People; are likewiſe obliged to the ſame endeavour. For muſt Kings fit ſtill, and be the idle ſpectators of injuries daily acted againſt the Religion they profeſs, be quiet in their own Diſhonour, and their peoples Miſery? and muſt they patiently ſee their Cities, and Communities rendred more unſafe than a Wilderneſs, and more unquiet then herds of Beaſts? ſhall not a Prince labour to prevent the contempt of Religion? binde up the wounds of his divided State, ſtop the avenues to all ambitious Uſurpation? but this cannot be done, unleſs it be his Power and Right, either to prevent theſe Diſſentions, as much as he can, or reſtrain and remove them if they do ariſe. And were it not Lawful for Chriſtian Princes to do ſo, their condition muſt be far worſe by becoming Chriſtians, than when they were ſtrangers to the Faith; and they would be loſers as to their temporal Rights, by falling down before Jeſus Chriſt: which is contrary to the will of our Saviour, who hath commanded his followers to give them all their Dues, their Fear, and Honour; nay, no man either loſes or gains any temporal Right by embracing the Faith; and therefore we are not to think, that when our Lord would have Kings, and all that are in Authority, come to the knowledge of the truth, that they might be ſaved, that he intended they ſhould forfeit their juſt rights, and part with that Power that ſhould keep their People in a due Subjection: For by the Law of Nature, Princes have power to uſe all juſt means to keep their people in peace, and to be Miniſters for their good. But if becoming Chriſtians they may not uſe their power to reſtrain diſſentions in Religion, it is not poſſible for them to ſecure the peace, and preſerve the weaker from the more ſtrong, and violent; nay, nor guard their own juſt Rights from thoſe who will attempt at Tyranny.

How alſo can the promiſe of God be accompliſhed, by which he aſſures the Church, Iſa. 49.23. That Kings ſhall be her nurſing Fathers, and Queens her nurſing Mothers. If thoſe who have the ſupream Dominion cannot preſerve it from the greateſt Peſts that ſhe is obnoxious unto, and defend her from thoſe things which will at laſt bring a Famine of the Word, by which ſhe lives. And how can the Chriſtians hope for that end of their Prayers, that Kings ſhould acknowledge the truth, ſince if they have no power to reſtrain Schiſms, they cannot ſecure them in a quiet and peaceable life.

It is ſaid by thoſe who are afraid that Princes who differ from them, ſhould concern themſelves in the care of Religion, that the Magiſtrate may do his Office towards the propagation of Piety by his own Example, Profeſſion, and Munificence. But alas, however effectual the Examples of Kings, if bad, are to the licenſing of Vice, yet Experience ſhews how little, though good, they prevail to an Imiation of Vertue, eſpecially in a Corrupt Generation; for ſuch cannot bear even with the Virtues of Heroical Princes. Beſides, the Slanders which the ſeveral Sects raiſe upon a King that diſſents from them, blunt all the force of his Example, and draws even his noble Acts to occaſions of Jealouſie. Moreover, it is an unuſual way of Governing, in things of ſo great Concernment as Religion is, only by bare examples: When Corruptions are ſtrong and high, vigorous Laws only can give a check unto them. Nay, the firſt thing that Schiſmaticks and Hereticks are taught, is to Deſpiſe Kings, and caſt of all reverence to Princes; as thoſe that have ſo much of the World, that they have nothing of Chriſt. And although the perſonal profeſſion of a King, may be an encouragement to the Truth; yet it is no proviſion for the Peace. for the neglected Sects will through envy encreaſe their animoſities againſt the indulged party, and ſo lay aſide that reverence which is due to the Prince, as a Common Father, and look upon him with that indignation as is uſed againſt a profeſſed Enemy. As for the Munificence of Kings to the Religious they approve, it doth more enrage the Factions. Conſtantine's Charity to the Catholicks in Africk that communicated with Caecilianus, firſt heated the Schiſmaticks to libel againſt him. Had not the Liberality of our Ancient Kings raiſed Biſhops above ſcorn, and put them in ſuch State, as kept off contempt together with want, they might have been as quiet now as a Preſident of a Presbytery, or a German ſuperintendent, notwithſtanding their pretenſions to ſole power in Church affairs. But now the favour of the Prince is a mark for envy, and if He hath no other Guard for his peace, his Goodneſs ſhall ſummon troubleſome, and envious Spirits to Mutiny and Sedition.

SECT. 8. That a Toleration is not the way to our Peace, and Settlement.

THus it being proved, that the Magiſtrate is obliged, and hath a rightful power to reſtrain Diſſentions in Religion, and to hinder thoſe deſtructive and ſad Conſequences which neceſſarily flow from them, and that he cannot attain his end either by his Example, Profeſſion, or Munificence to what he judges to be truth: I conceive it follows, that he muſt uſe the moſt proper Means of all Government, which are good and wiſe Laws, and a due Execution of them when made. What theſe Laws ſhould be, is not for private and particular perſons to preſcribe: (this was the itch in the late Confuſions, and did increaſe them;) but is to be left to thoſe whoſe Province it is, whoſe Advancement above the common Level gives them the beſt proſpect of the Inconveniences, and Neceſſities of the people, whoſe Experience in the wayes of Converſation can ſuggeſt what is moſt ſuitable; and being Miniſters of God, for this very thing, may expect his bleſſing for their direction. The Undertaking therefore of this diſcourſe is not to determine the uſe of Power, but to ſhew that a Toleration of Diſſentions is not (as is pretended in ſeveral Pamphlets) the way to the peace and happineſs of this Nation: Becauſe it cannot remove the Cauſes of our Diſtempers, nor hinder the deſtructive Effects of them. For if theſe Diſſentious are, as it is ſaid, the wretched cauſes of our want of Settlement, and it can be proved that a Toleration of them will make them neither leſs in Number, nor in their Malignity, how can it be thought that we ſhall be any thing the better for a Toleration of them. I ſhall therefore, 1. Give ſome reaſons in general, that a Toleration will not remove Diſſentions, nor hinder their effects. 2dly. That a Toleration is not for the Intereſt of our Nation at this time. 3dly. I ſhall anſwer the reaſons which are urged for it.

SECT. 9. That a Toleration is not the way to remove our Diſſentions, nor to hinder their effects.

1. UNleſs it were evident, that the men who ſpeak and write for a Toleration do plead their own Intereſt, which commonly impoſes upon the underſtanding, we might wonder how they could ever imagine, that a Toleration were the only way to waſt Diſſentions, or make them languiſh as to their malignancie; that we ſhould have more Peace by permitting the Breaches of it, and come to a Settlement by encouraging our Diſtractions. If indeed it were plainly acknowledged that all theſe Diſſentions grew from a Spirit of Contradiction, then perchance a Toleration might ſuffer them to languiſh in their own fury, and waſt for want of Oppoſition: and by leaving men to their own giddineſs, let them come to Quietneſs by their fall: But then this may render the Condition of Princes deſpicable, who muſt purchaſe their peace by the Proſtitution of their Authority; and get Obedience by giving no Commands. But this Love of Contradiction, although it be ſufficiently implyed to go a great way to the effecting of our Diſſentions, (ſince it is ſo common a maxime among the Diſſenters, that an Indifferent thing becomes unlawful by being commanded) yet this is not publickly profeſſed; and therefore is not urged for a Toleration.

But Conſcience is moſt pretended to be the cauſe of our Diſſentions, To take of this pretence, it is not neceſſary, and it would be tedious, to diſcourſe how vain are the Pretenſions of the greateſt part of Diſſentions to Conſcience, and how difficult it is for the Diſſenters to make out their Pretenſions, and what meaſure of Liberty is to be afforded to them. Our ſubject requires no more then to ſhow, that a Toleration of Diſſentions that pretend to Conſcience will not abate either their Number, or their Effects. For the Conſcience which is pretended to colour Diſſentions, is either Erroneous, or Dubious, or Scrupulous; becauſe in many Diſſentions about the ſame thing, the Conſciences of one party only can be guided by true and certain Principles, all the reſt muſt be abuſed by Errors, Doubts, or Scruples. Now although it lies not in the power of mortal men to keep the Conſciences of others free from any of theſe. Yet they may take of all Incouragements to Error, and ſo make men more Diligent in the ſearch of the Truth, when it will not be ſafe to Deceive or be Deceived. They may alſo reſtrain men from propoſing their doubts and ſcruples to the trouble of weak Conſciences, the diſquiet of the Church, and the ſcandal of thoſe who are without. And for this they have the practiſe of the Apoſtle for their rule, Who commands the Chriſtians, and Churches to do all that in them lay to hinder ſuch things as did adminiſter to Contentions, as by Withdrawing from them and Rejecting them; which are the expreſſions of Excommunication, the greateſt puniſhment the Church could inflict. Thus he commands Timothy, 1 Tim. 6 4, 5. To withdraw himſelf from men that doted about Queſtions and ſtrifes of words, and thoſe men of corrupt minds, who were given to perverſe Diſputings. He commands Titus, To avoid fooliſh Queſtions, and contentions, Tit. 3.9, 10. and ſtrivings about the Law, for they are unprofitable and vain, and to reject a man that is an Heretick. He commands the Church of the Romans, to receive the weak in faith, Rom. 14.1. but not to doubtful Diſputations, and yet the things which were among them diſputed ſeem to be of greater moment, pretended as much to Conſcience, as the Diſſentions among us do, and he gives this rule to every Chriſtian, how he ought to manage his differing opinions of things in which the Kingdom of God is not, Haſt thou faith, Ib. ver. 22. have it to thy ſelf before God; a man was not to publiſh his opinions, however perſwaded in his Conſcience to the hinderance of Righteouſneſs, and Peace, and Joy in the Holy Ghoſt, all which, Diſſentions doe certainly hinder.

This was the Apoſtolical courſe to remove Diſſentions that pretend to Conſcience, which if they be tolerated muſt needs increaſe, for the Itch of diſputing, Opiniaſtrete, deſire of victory and applauſe, and the encreaſe of Congregations, which are Infirmities that ſtick cloſe to the fleſh, even of Conſcientious men, will maintain if not multiply the Diſſentions. And if they are maintained, What ſecurity can there be to the Church and State, that their effects will not be as violent and deſtructive: For, it is a vain ſpeculation to think, that men who differ upon Principles of Conſcience, will not by the ſome Conſcience be prevailed upon to endeavour the Propagation, and enlargement of their way, and if they do ſo, it muſt be with the depreſſion of others, who equally contend for the ſame with them, and then whatſoever Ambition, Anger, or Revenge can find as means for it, ſhall be ſure to put in practiſe on both ſides.

But if Diſſentions (as hath been proved) have for the moſt part no other Original than Luſts both in the Authors and Followers; Can we hope that Carnal deſires will grow modeſt by being Tolerated, and languiſh under a Permiſſion? That men will then certainly grow good, when they may without fear of the Magiſtrate be evil? And that then they will learn peace, when they have an Indemnity for being contentions and quarrelſome? Luſts are hardly retrench'd even by ſevere Laws, but they will certainly grow wanton, and be more curſedly fertile in all their wicked effects when a Law licenſes them.

SECT. 10. Inſtances of Diſſentions increaſed by a Toleration.

THus therefore, whatſoever the Cauſes of Diſſentions are, it is plain that a Toleration of them neither leſſens nor ſoftens them; but this being to be a matter of Fact, the beſt judgment we can form of a thing that is to come, is to conſider how the ſame thing was in times paſt; and if we conſider the Inſtances of a Toleration in former Ages, we ſhall ſoon perceive what we are like to hope for from it, if now it ſhould be put in practice.

The firſt Inſtance ſhall be that Toleration of Julian the Apoſtate, who though at the beginning of his Uſurpation, to delude the Chriſtians to an acquieſcence under his Empire, he did profeſs Chriſtianity, and obſerved their Solemnities; yet when Conſtantius was dead, then he openly applyed himſelf to ſet up the Idolatry of the Gentiles. And that he might do this with eaſe, and without fear of the Chriſtians, by his Edicts he gave a publick liberty to all and every S ct of the Galilaeans, (for ſo he called the Chriſtians). To what purpoſe Ammianus Marcellinus, who was one of his Courtiers and Officers, and of his own Religion tells us, for he ſaith, Am. lib 22. Diſſidentes Chriſtianorum antiſtites cum plebe diſciſſa in palatium intromiſſos monebat, ut civilibus diſcordiis conſopitis quiſ que , nullo vetante, Religioni ſuae Serviret intrepidus. Quod agebat ideo obſtinatè, ut diſſenſiones augente licentiâ, non timeret unanimantem poſtea pleb m: nullas infeſtas hominibus beſtias, ut ſunt ſibi ſerales pleri que Chriſtianorum, expertus. He did this with ſo much the more Induſtry, that Toleration and Licence increaſing their Diſſentions, he need not for the time to come fear that People would agree together, he having had experience that no Beaſts are more ſavage to men, than moſt of the Diſſenting Chriſtians are to one another. How far he attained his end, the murder of Georgius the Arrian at Alexandria, the Tumults about Athanaſius, and the ſuffering of the Orthodox there, the Inſolencies of the Donatiſts in Africk, the commotions at Antioch, and the frequent Apoſtacies, are ſufficient Evidences of the miſchiefs of his Toleration; yet he when he gave it pretended Kindneſs and Peace; for he admoniſhed them to lay aſide their Civil Diſcords, and that every one without fear or contradiction from any, ſhould obſerve his own Religion. It is no great credit for Toleration, that this man's practiſe is propoſed for a pattern, by the Author of a Propoſition for Peace and Happineſs, Page 15. who to abuſe the Age to an inclination of Imitating him, calls him Wiſe, and Brave, (though with an allay of Curſed and Apoſtate). Which is no great wonder, ſince every Sect commends thoſe of their own Judgment: and it appears that that Author is not acquainted with the Hiſtory of that Uſurper; for if he had, he muſt have cenſured him for a vain and light-headed perſon, and muſt have known that the Toleration he granted, and not his Contempt of Chriſtians, did them the greateſt miſchief.

Another Inſtance is that of the Donatiſts, the Authors of which were before ſpoken of. This Schiſm began at the Concluſion of Diocletian's Perſecution, about the year of our Lord 306. For the ſpace of ſix years after they imployed all their arts to root themſelves by ſpreading abroad Calumnies of Caecilianus in all the Churches of Africk, and by confirming in frequent Synods their Sentences againſt him, and all that did adhere unto him. But when Conſtantine began to ſhew his greater care of Chriſtianity, and granting ſeveral Priviledges to the ſeveral Churches, did likewiſe among the reſt take care of the African, and commanded Anulinus the Pro-Conſul, that he ſhould exempt the Clergie of the Catholick Church there, of which Caecilianus had the care, from all Publick, and Civil burdens or Services: and had alſo in his own Letters to Caecilianus commended unto him the diſpenſing of his Charity to the poor of Africk: this honour done to him enraged the envy of the Schiſmaticks. They thereupon exhibit to Anulinus, a Book of Articles againſt Caecilianus, which they deſired might be tranſmitted to Conſtantine: and not content with that, ſend ſome of theirs to proſecute the charge. This being matter of great trouble to that good Emperour, he refers the cauſe to ſeveral Biſhops, and afterwards calls a Council at Arles, in all which the Donatiſts were condemned, and Caecilianus quitted. This Judgment ſo far provoked them, that they ſleight the Sentences of the Referrees, and Council, diſobey the Emperour's Command, That they ſhould not without his permiſſion return to Africk, & they alſo proſecute him with Detraction, as being corrupted by the Catholicks. He being juſtly incenſed by theſe Indignities, commands their Churches to be taken from them, and themſelves to be baniſhed.

Yet about four years and an half after, whether overcome by their importunate Petitions, or being willing to apply himſelf wholly to the buſineſs of Arius, he remits their baniſhment, but with ſuch expreſſions, as ſhews he did abhor them; for in his Letters that left them to their Liberty, Brevic. Coll. Di. 3. cap. 6. he calls them Peſſimos, & Chriſtianae pacis inimicos; i. e. Moſt vile men, and Enemies of the Chriſtian Peace; and he is ſaid therefore to have taken off their Baniſhment, Aug. Ep. 152. and to have permitted them to their own fury, Quia jam caeperat Deus in illos vindicare. i. e. Becauſe God had begun to take vengeance of them. From this time they grew more reſtleſs, and came to that height by the time of Conſtans (to whoſe part of the Empire, Africk did belong) that as Gratus Biſhop of Carthage in his return from the Council of Sardis informed him, the Church of Africk was in a miſerable condition, by reaſon of the Donatiſts; For by their followers the Circumcelliones, they did reſiſt the Governours of the Provinces, and wandering through Towns, Villages, and Fairs, pretended to be the Reſtorers of Publick Juſtice, and upon that account, they ſuffered none to be ſecure of their Poſſeſſions, they did ſet ſlaves at liberty to injure their Maſters, and delivered Debtors from the Creditors, burning the Bonds betwixt them, and many other acts of injuſtice. He therefore adviſed that Emperour, that though there was little hope of reducing the Leaders of the Factions, yet if he would ſend ſome Ambaſſadors thither to perſwade the People to Unity, and to this end to beſtow ſome Charity among the poorer ſort, he might poſſibly prevail to draw them off, and weaken the Schiſmaticks. Conſtans follows the counſel that was given, and ſends Macarius, and Paulus to diſperſe his Charity among the People, and to perſwade them to Unity. The Donatiſts fearing the effects of this Charity, write to all their Sect, that they ſhould not receive the money from the Ambaſſadors, and ſtir up the Circumcelliones to aſſault them with force; upon which Macarius in order to his own ſafety, gets ſome Bands and Troops for his own Guard, who ſlew many of the Phanatick Invaders in their attempts, and having maſter'd their boldneſs, the Council was gathered, called the firſt Council of Carthage, which did again condemn them.

But it was not long after, that Conſtans was murdered, and ſo thoſe Donatiſts returned to their old Inſolencies being not (as is probable) reſtrained by Conſtantius; becauſe they had joyn'd themſelves to the Arrians whom he favoured. But when Julian the Apoſtate had gotten the Empire by Petitioning, Aug. Ep. 48. apudeum Sola Juſtitia locum haberet. and ſlattering that profeſſed Enemy of Chriſtianity, with whom (they ſaid) Righteouſneſs only had place, they gained that power, whereby they drove the Orthodox from the Churches, in thoſe places where their number was moſt prevalent, and committed many Slaughters where they could not be reſiſted, violated the Virgins, that profeſſed Chaſtity, Aug. Ep. 50. put out the Eyes of ſome, cut off the hands, and pull'd out the tongue of a certain Biſhop: burnt the houſes of private men, fired the Churches, caſt the Scriptures into the flames; and committed ſo many crimes as made that place and Generation miſerable and infamous. The following Emperour Valentinian did nothing to ſuppreſs them, only ſet forth an Edict againſt their Rebaptizing, and that without any Mulct at all. His ſon Gratian did alſo forbid the ſame, and Command that thoſe places only which they had taken from the Orthodox in the Rebellion of Firmus ſhould be reſtored. Theſe neglects of the Emperours, either buſied too much with the Cares of the declining Empire, and imployed in the Reſiſting the riſing Tyrants, were not much different from a Toleration. And in that time the Donatiſts grew to that Greatneſs and Security, that they fell into Factions, the Primianiſtae, and Maximianiſtae, and being ſecure from all Laws againſt them, they were ſo bold as to make Laws themſelves, Aug Epiſt. 166. that is one Faction of them againſt the other; for the Primianiſtae ſent a Cryer to proclaim at Sinis, that Wh ſoever ſhould Communicate with Maximianus, his houſe ſhould be burnt. At this time their Number was ſo great, that the Catholicks in the time of Theodoſius, (who made no Law againſt them in Particular, but only againſt Hereticks in General, which Law the two Sects pleaded one againſt the other,) were afraid to deal with them by the Laws of Emperours which were againſt them; and the Pro-Conſuls being terrified by the violence of the Circumcelliones thought it moſt ſafe to Tolerate them.

But notwithſtanding all this, when Honorius the Son of Theodoſius, who ſucceeded him as to the Weſtern Empire, made a ſevere Law againſt them, and bound the Governours of the Provinces under the ſame penalty as was to be inſlicted on the Criminals if they did not execute it; it did ſo much contribute to the Ʋnity of the Church, that Saint Auguſtine in his Epiſt. 48. to Vincentius an Heretick ſaith, He could ſhew him many, Aug. Ep. 48. O ſi poſſem tibi oſtendere, ex ipſis Circumcel ionibus quàm multos jam Catholicos maniſeſtos habeamus, damnantes ſuam priſtinam vitam & miſcrabitem errorem, quo ſe arbitrabantur pro Eccleſiâ Dei facere quicquid inquieta temeritate ſaciebant: qui tamen ad hanc ſanitatent non perducerentur, niſi legum iſtarum quae tibi diſplicent vinculis tanquam phrenetici ligarentur. even of the Circumcelliones (the fieirceſt Zealots of the Donatiſts) now become manifeſtly good Catholiks, who did condemn their former converſation, and miſerable Error, whereby they thought all that their raſh fury ad made them do, was done for the good of the Church of God: who had never been reduced to that Soundneſs of Mind, but by the Laws that were made againſt them. Ib. Quam multi ex ipſis nunc nobiſcum gaudentes, priſtinum pondus pernicioſi ſui operis accuſant, & ſatentur nos ſibi molestos eſſe debuiſſe, ne tanquam mortiſero Somno, ita morbo veternoſae conſuetudinis interirent. And again, How many of them now Rejoycing with us do accuſe their former Practices, and Confeſs that we ought to have been thus troubleſome to them, leaſt they had periſhed in the Diſeaſe of their former Converſation, as in ſome deadly ſleep. And in his Epiſt. ad Bonifacium, He ſaith, Aug. Ep. 50. Jam verò cum istae leges veniſſent in Africam, & p aecipuè illi qui quaerebant occaſionem, aut ſaevitiam ſurentium metuebant, ſuos verecundabantur offendere, ad Eccleſiam continuò tranſierunt. Multi etiam qui ſolâ illic à parenbus traditâ conſuetudine tenebantur, qualem vero cauſam ipſa Haereſis haberet, nuaquam antea cogitaverant, nunquam quaerere aut conſiderare voluerant, nunc ubi caeperunt advertere, & nibil digaum in ea invenire propter quod tanta dam a paterentur, ſine ulla difficultate Catholici facti ſunt. That when thoſe Laws came into Africk thoſe eſpecially who did wait for an occaſion, but were either afraid of the Cruelty of the Phanaticks, or were unwilling to offend their Relations, did immediately joyn themſelves to the Church. Many alſo who were joyned to the Donatiſts by a Cuſtom delivered to them from their Fathers, but had yet never underſtood what cauſe there was for that Hereſie, and never intended to ſearch and conſider it; yet then when they began to inquire into it, and found nothing in it, yet ſhould deſerve an adherence even to ſuffering, they without any difficulty become Catholicks. So that after theſe Laws that Sect did daily decline, and the more obſtinate Remainders of them joyn'd themſelves to the Goths and Vandals that then invaded Africk, or elſe were mingled among the Pelagians, an Hereſie that aroſe about thoſe Times. This inſtance ſhews how Toleration and Connivance doth not diminiſh diſſentions in Religion, and how wholeſome Laws do ſerve to Unity.

But were we without all other inſtances, we cannot forget what was the iſſue of Toleration in our own Nation and our own dayes. That Faction which deſigned the ruine of our Church and State, aiming to get a party for themſelves, after they had quite overthrown all, whoſe Cares were to be for Diſcipline, did then give Liberty to all tender Conſciences. By which the Diſſentions of Religion were ſo far increaſed, that it was the wonder of all conſidering men, how it was poſſible ſo few years could produce ſuch a prodigious Catalogue of Hereſies. All theſe alſo were carried on with the uſual Effects of Schiſm. The Independents faſtening Antichriſtianiſm to the Presbyterians. The Anabaptiſts charging the Independents of ſome relicks of theman of Sin. The Seekers damning all for Apoſtates. The Antitrinitarians and Socinians daily belching out Blaſphemies againſt the Son, and Holy Spirit of God. The Antinomians caſting off the Law of God, and the Quakers all Light to walk by but their own. How was every houſe filled with Strifes and Contentions, and even the very Foundations of Unity and Society, which are Families, torn in pieces. In every Town almoſt which was capable of two Preachers, one Presbyterian, and another Independent were planted there; like the Roman Malefactors, condemned as it were by the Factions, to Diſpute, and Preach, and Strive one with the other for the greateſt Congregation. Hence became they the ſport of Atheiſts and Papiſts. How often did the contending Sects give Diſturbance to the Authors of their Liberty; ſometimes declaring for them, and another while bewailing their Lukewarmneſs; forcing the Uſurpers to all their Arts, now to cajole one Sect, and to morrow to comply with another. The Remainder of the Parliament is one while adored, and at another time ſcornfully ſlung off. The Cruel Tyrant is now their Idol, anon their abomination; and they who raiſed them were often forced to mourn for their Imprudence in a Toleration; which being at firſt invented as an Inſtrument for their Deſign was afterwards the Engine of their Ruine. This is ſo freſh an inſtance, that it is undeniable, that Toleration was in great part, the cauſe of our former Miſeries, and our preſent Diſquiets.

SECT. 11. That a Toleration is not for the intereſt of this Nation at this time.

THoſe who ſo earneſtly preſs for a Toleration of Diſſentions in Religion repreſent unto us for the Neceſſity of it, the great Miſeries of the Nation which come by them, and which we acknowledge to be the moſt neceſſary Conſequences of them. But it is alſo as evident, that a Toleration will not be a Remedy for them, becauſe that hath been the very cauſe which hath hatch'd them to this Number and Strength. Whoever heard of the Names of Seekers and Quakers before the general Licenſe was granted for every one to be as mad in Religion as he pleaſed. Independents were not vulgarly known, and their Name was as Obſcure to the world, as the nature of that Sect was to the Authors themſelves in their beginning; till ſuch time as they were ſummoned from America and Holland to confront Presbytery. Presbytery it ſelf was but in Project, and Deſign managed by a few private perſons in the dark, Miniſters of little note. But when men were free to break their Oaths, to renounce their Subſcriptions, and cancel all the Bonds of Faith; then thoſe who had conformed, Preached, and contended for the eſtabliſhed Worſhip, appeared with the higheſt zeal for that which before they dared not to own: and hoped to get that by the ruines of Epiſcopacy, which they deſpaired to acquire while it was ſtanding. If then a Toleration did open all the avenues to our Miſeries, how can we hope it will be a Way to our Happineſs? And how can that be for the Intereſt of England, to which it owes all her paſt Troubles, and preſent Diſorders?

It is for the Intereſt of England as much as for any other State, to have no Factions, nor to permit any thing that may either form or nouriſh them. But the Diſſentions among us are now but as ſo many ſeveral Factions in the State, which I do not remember can be ſaid, of any of the antient Schiſms and Hereſies in the Church. Some of them might be againſt the Perſons of the Princes who did not favour them: but I have read of none that endeavoured the Change and Alteration of the Government of the Empire. But it is ſo with us, The Papiſts are for the Supremacy of the Biſhop of Rome. Some of the other Sects are for a Commonwealth, and think Monarchy in the State inconſiſtent with the Parity that is to be in the Church. Others are for the Fifth-Monarchy, and think their own Graces a title to Dominion, under him whom they look for to come, and until he doth come. In all of them there be very many of broken Hopes that have fallen from thoſe Fortunes, and Power which they were Maſters of in our Troubles, when they had either ſome great or little Office in their Cities, Shires, or Pariſhes. And now having loſt them, and reſtrain'd in the Tyranny they then acted: think that at preſent the ſafeſt way is to ſmother their Diſcontents under ſome diſſatisfaction in Religion, and that to retrive their loſt Hopes they muſt get a Toleration. For when their Sects are allowed, their eminency in their parties will give them advantages to drive on their deſigns in the State, and make them Conſiderable either to bring about, or obſtruct a change. Therefore Faction in the State being thus interwoven with Diſſentions in Religion, the Toleration of one ſort is the permiſſion of another. And we may juſtly fear that they will uſe their Opportunities (if they get any) to our greater Confuſion. They being now enraged by their former Diſappointments: they have alſo ſeen their miſcarriages, and are thereby inſtructed to a greater Cunning to avoid the rocks they before ſplit upon. It will now be done with greater eaſe: the Waves are not yet quite down ſince our laſt Tempeſt; and therefore the leſſer Winde will ſoon move them: We have not had time enough to recover our laſt ſickneſs, and we may eaſily Relapſe to our former Diſeaſe. Moſt of the ſame men are alive ſtill, who were the Cauſes of our Unhappineſs; they have the ſame Conſidences among their Parties, know all their Tempers and Humors, and the Arts and Means of calling them together. Therefore to permit theſe Factions, which is all one with a Toleration, cannot be for the Intereſt of England, if Peace and Quietneſs, and the ſteddy Adminiſtration of the Laws be for the Intereſt of it.

It is alſo for the Intereſt of England that we have a Rightful Prince to rule over us. Whoſe Juſt Title giving him a right to all the Affections, and Obedience of the People, he ſhall need no Arts of Tyrants to keep them in Fear, and to weaken them to a Vaſſalage. But Uſurpers, conſcious of their want of Right, know that they have not thoſe affections which are due to it, do therefore endeavour to have the fears of ſuch as cannot love them, and to that end do all to weaken them: which nothing doth ſo effectually as Schiſms and Factions. From the Courts of Tyrants crept thoſe monſtrous Idolatries of Dogs, and Crocodiles; and he was no other who taught Iſrael to Sin in Worſhiping Calves. By the ſame way that theſe men uſe their power, do they alſo get it. And Diſſentions in Religion do facilitate the way to Uſurpation. Therefore the Commons in the Parliament, Jac. 19. give this as a reaſon, why the Sect of Papiſts ſhould not be connived at, Ruſhworth's Coll. p. 41. becauſe It openeth too wide a gap for Popularity to any who ſhall draw too great a party. And it is not out of our memory, that Cromwel got his Power by the other ſort of Sectaries. Therefore a Toleration is as much againſt the Intereſt of England as a rightful King is for it.

To keep the people of England in their good Nature, not to have them corrupted in their Manners, is certainly for the Intereſt of the Nation. This people are free, and Openhearted, naturally full of Simplicity, devout and inclinable to Religion: and therefore very obnoxious to Deceivers, that come under the ſhew of Piety. What cruelty would it be to expoſe ſuch a people to the Arts of Impoſtors? to ſuffer them to be ſcattered as ſheep upon the Mountains, without a ſhepheard? to be corrupted in their Natures, to become Barbarous, Perverſe, Jealous, Cruel, Fierce, and Proud? for into ſuch Monſters, doth Schiſms and Factions transform men; and where they finde not an ill nature, they aſſuredly make it. And therefore it is contrary to the Intereſt of England to permit that which makes her people to be ſuch.

SECT. 12. An Anſwer to the Diſcourſe of the Religion in England, That the Reaſons upon which a Toleration is denied to the Papiſts, will conclude againſt the other Sectaries.

HAving ſeen how ineffectual a Toleration is to the removal of our unhappineſs, and ſhewed how little it is for the Intereſt of this Nation at this time: to adjuſt this Diſcourſe, it is fit to conſider the reaſons which are brought for it.

Thoſe which require our notice, are contained in a Diſcourſe of the Religion in England; the Author of which pretends to more Sobriety, than is uſual in the Writers for that way, and indeed he ſeems to be a man of ſuch Parts, as deſerved a better ſubject than that he hath undertaken. In the examination of his Arguments, I ſhall proceed as becomes him who profeſſes no love to Diſſentions: and therefore ſhall paſs over all thoſe things in that tract, which do not immediately concern a Toleration of thoſe Diſſentions and Diſſenters which it pleads for, and leave the Papiſts to anſwer for themſelves, the reaſons upon which a Toleration is denied unto them, viz. 1. That Popery diſpoſeth Subjects to Rebeilion. 2. It perſecutes all other Religions within its reach. 3. Whereſoever it findes encouragement it is reſtleſs, till it bears down all before it, or hath put all in Diſorder. But yet I muſt minde both the Author and Reader, that the Practiſes upon which theſe Reaſons are grounded, are not peculiar to the Papiſts, but are common to all other Sects, as appears in the Arrians, Donatiſts, and other Heriticks. And if the Papiſts have any Doctrines which countenance theſe practices, they are to be accounted as the iſſues of their Inſolency in their own Greatneſs. Every Sect when it is in its beginnings, is lowly, and meek; but having gotten ſtrength ſo far as to lay down Fear, they then boldly take Counſel from their Fortune, and dictate againſt their contemned Inferiours, and profeſſed Diſſenters. 2dly. The Author ought to have made it appear, that the Parties which are pleaded for, are exempt from the guilt of that which is here charged upon the Papiſts.

For, 1. Is not the Diſpoſing Subjects to Rebellion, in a great meaſure effected by that Poſition, That it is lawful to take Arms againſt the King, and that Arms may be taken by his Authority againſt his Perſon, and againſt thoſe that are Commiſſioned by him? Were not theſe the Poſitions and Doctrines that were to ſolve the ſcruples of men in the laſt War? and were not theſe improved to the Murder of a juſt Prince? Thoſe that managed that War were all Diſſenters from the Religion eſtabliſhed by Law; and there cannot (as is conceived) one man be named among them, that was of the Church of England.

For the 2. The perſecuting of all other Religions within its reach. Did not thoſe who took the Covenant binde themſelves to it by Oath? Solemn League and Cov. Art. 2. viz. to extirpate Popery, and Prelacy, and Superſtition, Hereſie, Schiſme, and whatſoever they ſhould finde contrary to ſound Doctrine. And whither this Extirpation was not a Perſecution, let all Ages judge when they ſhall read the Hiſtory of the late times, and there finde the Plunderings of Papiſts: the Sequeſtrings, Plunderings, and Impriſonments in the naſtieſt Priſons, and in holds of Ships, of thoſe Miniſters and Fellows of Colledges, that were the Aſſerters of Liturgy, and the Government legally eſtabliſhed in the Church of England.

As for the 3d. A reſtleſneſs where it finds encouragement, till it bears down all before it, or hath put all in diſorder. The late practices have plainly declared, that this is not peculiar to the Papiſts. For we have ſeen a Party, that from the time of Queen Elizabeth, through all diſcouragements, and in deſpight of the Authority of Princes have ſtill been reſtleſs; till they met with thoſe that thought them neceſſary for other Deſigns: and being then encouraged, they ſo far laboured to bear all down before them, that at laſt they put all in diſorder, and were themſelves upon the brink of Deſtruction, together with a confuſed Nation.

If therefore theſe be ſufficient reaſons to deny a Toleration to one Sect, it will ſeem unequal if it ſhould be granted to others that are no more innocent of the ſame Crimes. So that this Author hath laid down grounds, upon which Toleration is to be denied as well to the other Sectaries, whom he pleads for, as to the Papiſt.

The VIII, IX, and X. Sections of that Diſcourſe is to ſhew that the Reformed Religion makes good Chriſtians, and good Subjects; and it is the permanent Intereſt of this Kingdom, that it ought to be ſettled in its full extent: All which needs no Diſpute, if it be underſtood of The Engliſh Reformation, eſtabliſhed by Law, which I conceive that Author intended; but if it be meant of any Reformation, of that Reformation, he will finde it a difficulty to make others believe him: but I will give him the moſt Charitable conſtruction, and ſo proceed to the reſt.

SECT. 13. That there is no Neceſſity of a Toleration, nor any Intent to extirpate Diſſenters, but only Diſſentions.

IN Sect. XI. He brings his Arguments for the Neceſſity of Toleration, which only can give a colour to it; for Toleration is by the Confeſſion of all, one of thoſe things that are not good in their own Nature. The thing he aſſerts is, That the Diſſenters from the preſent Eccleſiaſtical Polity, are (as he phraſeth it) Momentous in the ballance of this Nation. This he proves, 1. By their Number, They are (ſaith he) every where ſpread through City, and Countrey, they make no ſmall part of all ranks, and ſorts of men, &c. The uſe of this Argument (you muſt obſerve) 1. Hath been one of the ancient Arts of all Diſſenters. In the Conference at Carthage the Donatiſts would needs have the names of all the Biſhops of their Party read, before they would admit any Conference. To this very end that they might by their number daunt the Judge of the Cauſe, and their Oppoſites. In Queen Elizabeths time, when the Diſſenters were but in their beginnings; yet Mr. Hooker tells us, that they publiſhed the Muſters they had made of their Party, Preface to Eccl. Pelit. and proclaimed them to amount to I know not how many thouſands. To the ſame purpoſe is the Number boaſted of at this time. But 2dly. It is leſs terrible now then ever it was. For, though the Multitude of Diſſenters be great, yet their Diviſions are no leſs, which weaken them as to any undertaking; Jealouſies, and divided Intereſts, which are the iſſues of Diſſentions in Opinions, breed confuſions in the Counſels of a Multitude, and diſtract their Force: and therefore this Argument hath the leſs ſtrength to terrifie the Governors, as was intended, or to enforce a Neceſſity of Toleration.

The next argument is, that the diſſenting Miniſters, notwithſtanding all Reproaches, Provocations, and Wiſhes, do appeal to God, that they dare not conform for Conſcience ſake: and whatſoever their grounds of Diſſent are, they ſtill hold out, &c. The force of this argument is, (as I take it) that there is a neceſſity of a Toleration, becauſe the Diſſenting Miniſters will not conform. But if this be a motive ſtrong enough now, it might have been then, when the Covenant was preſſed, when ſo many thouſand Miniſters, and both Ʋniverſities in effect declared, they did not dare for Conſcience ſake to take it, and held it out all the time of Tyranny; and yet there was then no thoughts of a Comprehenſive Ordinance, no Toleration, nor Connivance (unleſs it were of ſome very few, whom their Relations covered from the fury of the Impoſers.) Beſides, the Number of the Non-Conformiſts, compared with thoſe that do now conform, and of thoſe that under the Uſurpers ſuffered for Conformity to the Laws, are ſo inconſiderable, that the Teſtimonies of a few ought not to come in ballance with the multitude on the other ſide. Moreover though it ſhould be granted that their Diſſents are from Conſcience, etiher Scrupulous, Dubious, or Erroneous; yet we cannot ſay their holding out is upon that account: not as that Author ſaith, againſt hopes of Indulgence, but upon hopes of it. For it is ſufficiently known, that about that time the Act of Uniformity was to be put in practiſe, there was then ſpread abroad through the whole Nation, a report, that the King and Council would give an Indulgence; that their friends at London had petitioned for it, and that the ſurer way to obtain what they aimed at, was to hold out from Conforming: When as indeed there was nothing petition'd for, but only an Indulgence for ſome few Miniſters in London, who pretended to have been very induſtrious for the Kings Return, without any conſideration of their Party in the Nation. Yet this had the effect of truth for a time: for it made many Miniſters that were inclined to Conformity, to neglect the Seaſon when they ſhould have done it. And by this means were the greateſt part of them trapann'd into Non-conformity: For having loſt their Livings, and having ſo publickly declared againſt the Law, the Shame of being too changeable, and the Unprofitableneſs of returning made moſt of them hold out. Though we can name ſome after they had given examples to others of ſlighting that Act, did immediately by their Patrons favour in a new Preſentation, gain an inſtitution, by ſubſcribing to what before they declared againſt. and no year is without examples of ſome coming in to Conformity, when they have opportunities of getting a Benefice by it. While the others are almoſt every year abuſed to an Obſtinacy by renewed hopes of Indulgence.

The third Argument is, becauſe the ſeveral Laws for Uniformity for regulating Corporations, againſt Conventicles, for the removal of Non-Conforming Miniſters from Burroughs, &c. have not advanced the eſteem, acceptance, of the Eccleſiaſtical State, and the acquieſcence of the people in it. To this it is anſwered. That theſe Laws have not their intended effect, is not becauſe the King, and the Parliament were miſtaken in their Counſels: but in that thoſe who were entruſted with the Execution have been unfaithfull in their Offices. For it is too apparent how theſe Laws have not been executed to the ends for which they were made. They have been ſometimes interpreted contrary, and beſide the mindes of the Law-givers, and the intent of the Law. Many ſober Juſtices of the Peace having done what their Oaths, and the Law required of them, have been diſcouraged in their D ties, having all their Acts reverſed by others. And when the Laws are not executed, it is much worſe than if they had never been made. For they do more encourage the Wicked, impunity hardens in ſin, and men ſport with Laws that have no hand to ma age them, as with painted Thunderbolts. The Righteous and Juſt are Enſnared by a Law that is not Executed, for doing what that requires; and yet not finding protection by it, they are obnoxious to the malice, and hatred of them againſt whom the Law is made. Nay the Law-givers fall into Contempt, the King and Parliament who ſhould have the Reverence of the People, reap nothing but ſcorn by their Laws which are not Executed. For how apt are ſome to think, that either they have no Judgement in making ſuch Laws, which they care not how they are obſerved: or to be very Changeable and various, apt to diſlike that to morrow which is this days Sanction: or that they have no Love to the Goodneſs which they command others to obſerve: or that they want a Power to enforce what they enjoyn? Which ſoever of theſe it is, upon which the not executing of the Laws is imagined to follow, it expoſes the Law-givers and thoſe that are for them to Contempt: and they who are contemptible cannot be ſafe. Now this being our Caſe, that though Laws have been made for our Settlement, yet they have not been executed, it is no wonder that there is ſo little advancement towards it: but on the other ſide it is ſtrange that we are not in a much worſe condition. So that there can be no pretence for a Toleration, becauſe theſe Laws have done no good, ſince they were not vigorouſly executed to that end.

In Sect. XII. he labours to ſhew, that The Extirpation of the Diſſenters is both Difficult and Unprofitable. This might have been wholly ſpared, but that it is an Artifice of the Diſcourſe to raiſe Fears in the Diſſenters, that they ſhall be proceeded againſt in ſome violent way of Terror, and to raiſe Jealouſies of the King and Parliament, as if they meditated Blood and Cruelty. Nothing of this nature can ever be charged upon the Church of England, though provoked, and incited by the cruelties on both ſides: thoſe of the Papiſts, and thoſe of the Sectaries, which were uſed to extirpate all her Aſſertors, All that is indeavoured is to extirpate Diſſentions and not Diſſenters. For (1) No man's Conſcience is impoſed upon: but notwithſtanding the late Acts, he may enjoy his Opinion in his own houſe, and with his friends, if their number exceed not four. (2.) No man either Lay or Clergy hath any Subſcription enjoyned him as a condition of Communion with us. Only it is required of thoſe who are to be entruſted with the Miniſtery in the Church. That they diſavow all Obligations and Opinions to break the Peace of the Nation: and that they aſſent to the Ʋſe of thoſe things which are for the Unity of Chriſtians in this Kingdom among themſelves. Which is no more then what the Law of Nature hath granted to every Society, which the Church hath in all Ages practiſed, and which our Adverſaries themſelves did uſe; for the Presbyterians required a ſubſcribing their Solemn League, and the Independents had their Church-Covenant. No liberty is denyed, but that of divulging Scruples, Doubts, and Error, to the offence of the weak: they may have their perſwaſions to themſelves before God. Nor is the penalty ſo ſevere after the third Conviction, as that which is inflicted on Remiſh Prieſts at their firſt deprehenſion: which yet theſe men account juſt, and clamoured againſt the late King, as a Favourer of Popery, if it were not executed upon every one of them when they were taken. By which it is evident, that there is no intent to extirpate the Diſsenters, but the Diſſentions: which is not Difficult, nor can be unprofitable. Therefore I ſhall not trouble the Reader with that Author's imaginary fears of Cruelty upon the Diſſenters, ſince there is no neceſſity for the uſe of it, nor any grounds for ſuch apprehenſions. And this the Diſcourſer himſelf was conſcious of: for he brings it in with a Peradventure, ſome think their total Extirpation to be the ſureſt way: and then diſputes againſt Cruelty, and rants with a threatning of beggery in Trading, in caſe they ſhould ſo be dealt with. Was this done as becomes a moderate ſpirit, and one fit for a Comprehenſion? It is too apparent that there is much of a malicious Artifice in this Section. For beſides, what hath been already ſhewed, he is not content to call his own Party an intelligent, ſober, peaceable ſort of men, the Reſidences of the no ſmall part of the Nations Sobriety, Frugality and Induſtry, which is the guiſe of Schiſmaticks ſo to praiſe their own Party to the diſhonour of others. But he moſt malitiouſly implies that the Characters of the Prelatical are Drinking and Swearing; For he ſaith, many will ſwear and be drunk, to declare they are none of them, i.e. of the Presbyterians and other Diſſenters. Thus he hath publickly Printed what the other Miniſters of the Faction do privately perſwade the People: that there are no Miniſters, or others of the Church of England but debauched perſons, and men of no tolerable converſe. To which ſlanderous accuſation we will only ſay, The Lord rebuke them.

The next peice of malice is that he implies (which alſo is a reproach of the Government) The languiſhing of Trade, the fall of Rents, the ſcarcity of Mony, the Neceſſities and Difficulties of private Eſtates; the general Complainings, are from the not right ſtating and purſuing the Nations Intereſt, which is as he Imagines, Comprehenſion and Toleration. As if a great Plague raging for one year in an heavier manner then ever before was known in the City, the great Mart of all our Trading: and another year in many of the Trading Ports & Cities of the Nation. A War for 3 years maintained againſt the moſt powerful Trading Nations in Europe, and ſo conſequently in the World. The great deſtruction of an ineſtimable Treaſure by thefire of London. Beſides the Arts which Phanaticks & Common-wealthsmen uſe to make our neceſſities greivous, and our complaints more clamorous. As if (I ſay) all theſe were no way effectual to our preſent Wants and Decayes; but the People are ſtill taught to cry the Biſhops, and the Clergie, are the great Cauſes of our preſent miſeries. This is like that malice the Devil raiſed againſt the Primitive Chriſtians, when by his Prieſts he inſtructed the common rabble of the Gentiles, that when there was any Publick Calamity, if Tiber flowed too much, or Nile too little, then to cry out Chriſtianos ad Leones, i. e. the Chriſtians muſt be caſt to the Lions. So now the Biſhops muſt down, and Sacriledge muſt repair what our Sins and Vanities have waſted.

Another peice of malice is in the Argument which he makes for his Adverſaries to juſtifie their ſuppoſed cruelty; But this ſort of men (ſaith he) are Inquiſitive, and therefore troubleſome to Rulers: and thus having harnaſſed his Enemy, he attaques him. As if the Church of England did Envy her Children knowledge, and that her Dominion was to be founded upon their Blindneſs. All the Practices and Doctrine of the Church of England declare that ſhe hath the ſame wiſh as Moſes: I Would God that all the Lord's People were Prophets, and that the Lord would put his Spirit upon them. For ſhe fears no diſturbance from thoſe who are Wiſe, and have their ſenſes exerciſed to diſcern Good and Evil: all her troubles ariſe from the Ignorant and Half-witted. Since ſhe propoſes the Scriptures to every Reader, She cannot be judged to be averſe from thoſe that ſearch it, and that are inquiſitive to approve things that are excellent. But indeed ſhe does, as the Apoſtle, abhor thoſe that are ever, learning, and yet never come to the Knowledge of the Truth.

In Sect. XIII. he would perſwade us that what he had ſaid is no Threatning to Rulers, nor Intimation to Rebellion; for he ſaith, Why may not Governors be minded by Subjects of the State of their People, as it is indeed, without any hint or thought of Rebellion? It is true, they may, if ſo be they mind the Governors themſelves, and with that Submiſſion as is due to Magiſtrates: if the Subjects are not Partiſans, and ſo mind their own Intereſt to the Injury of the Publick: if they be ſuch as may be preſumed to have a clear Underſtanding of the Nature of the People, their Grievances, and of proper Remedies. But miſerable muſt the condition of Governors be, if every private perſon who will have the impudence to abuſe their time and patience, muſt be of their Council. If they muſt bear with the Remonſtrances of every Factious Party, and muſt admit thoſe Rules, and Arguments, of Equity, and Safety which they have modelled for their own advantage. If this be admitted, the Thrones of Princes are level'd with the duſt, and Parliaments ſhall have but a precurious Anthority, and no more then what theſe Demagogues will give them. For this was plainly the practice of the late Times; by which we were reduced to Anarchy, and then bow'd down our necks to the yoke of Tyranny.

And now, Let thoſe who (as he will have it) are not tranſported with Paſſion judge, what it is, to tell the Diſcontented Party themſelves (as well as others) in Print: That they are an Intelligent, Sober ſort of men, the Reſidences of no ſmall part of the Nation's frugality and Induſtry; that with them Trading, Civility, and Good Converſation do cohabit, and remove; That they are momentous in the ballance of the Nation, Numerous and every where ſpred. That their Miniſters are Examples to them of Conſtancy, and Reſolution. That hitherto they have been ſucceſsful againſt the Laws. That if any meditate their total Extirpation, as perchance ſome do: yet they cannot do it without hazard of the Publick ruin, or the loſs of Trade and Wealth. That the not gratifying of them hath brought a Decay already. And that their Cauſe is good: for it is for their Inquiries into Religion. Let them judge I ſay, whether to tell this to the People, ſo, that the Supream Governor (it is probable) may have no notice of it but in a Mutiny, nor ever ſee theſe Rules of Safety and Equity, till they be preſented on the Swords of a Popular Rout: whether this is to mind Governors of the State of the People, or to prepare the People to mind their own State?

But he ſaith, Should they whom he pleads for meditate Rebellion and War, they were abandoned of their own Reaſon. We ſay ſo to. Nevertheleſs it is no ſuch impoſſible thing, but that a People may eaſily be praecipitated into ways of violence, by ſuch Popular Diſcourſes as theſe are; for the laſt War had not more ſpecious pretences nor higher incouragements then are here repreſented.

And indeed they need not War, for the Author doth inſinuate another way more plauſible, and leſs hazardous: and yet as effective; for he ſaith, There be ſullen Mutinies that make no noiſe, but may looſen all the Joynts and Ligaments of Policy. But it will be an hard matter to juſtifie ſuch a Mutiny from the guilt of Rebellion: For that doth not conſiſt only in taking up Arms, but in a wilful refuſal of Obedience, which is the meaning of ſuch ſullen Mutinies. And it is as contrary to the Commands of Chriſt, as taking the Sword. For he commands Obedience for Conſcience ſake: and not only when the Magiſtrate is to be feared. So that the Author while he endeavours to divert the Imputation of one Sort of Rebellion, doth yet threaten another.

SECT. 14. That to Moderate the Eſtabliſh'd Order is neither Prudent nor Safe, nor for the Peace of the Church.

IN Sect. XIV. the Author propoſes three Expedients to comprehend all Diſſenters and ſaith, That the Setling of a Nation may be made up of an Eſtablishment, a Limited Toleration, a Diſcreet Connivence. He is not ſo true to his own Diſcourſe, and his Reputation of a Judicious perſon as to tell us what he means by every one of theſe, and how they ſhall be compoſed; yet he is moſt kind to the Eſtabliſhment, as that which concerns himſelf and his own party, and though he do not tell us what it is in particular, or ſhall be; yet in

In Sect. XV. he tells us in General, That the Eſtabliſhed Order ſhould be ſo broad, that by its own force it may be chief, and controle all Parties. That it be compact to promote Sound Doctrine and godly Life: and to keep out all wicked Error and practiſe. And therefore muſt not have narrower bounds, then things neceſſary to Chriſtian Faith, and Life, and godly Order in the Church. But we ſay this Eſtabliſhment is not enough for a Settlement, becauſe it doth not ſecure the Peace; and how can we ſettle but in that? To this the Author queſtioneth, Why ſhould not the great things of Chriſtianity in the hands of Wiſe Builders, be a ſufficient Foundation of Church-Unity and Concord? We anſwer (1) that they are not: For it is plain the Church of England and the Presbyterians are agreed in the great things of Chriſtianity, and yet there is no Concord betwixt them. (2) They alone cannot be, Becauſe there may, and does ariſe Diſſentions about the Perſons, to whoſe care theſe great things ſhall be entruſted to ſee them conveyed to Poſterity: whether they ſhall be Single Perſons, or a Conſiſtory, or each ſingle Congregation. And men alſo may differ concerning the Means of Conveying theſe things; the Worſhip of God, and the Circumſtances of it, as we ſee they do. Therefore to preſerve Peace among her Members; (who if they Diſſent cannot be brought to Unity, but by the Determinations and Injunctions of their Lawful Superiour) the Church hath need to determine more then the great things of Chriſtianity: and to enjoyn more then what is barely neceſſary to Faith and Order. We ſay as well as he, that Moderation and Charity are far more excellent than glorying in Opinions, Formalities, &c. but we ſay alſo that Charity cannot be where there is not Peace.

The next argument is, That ſome parts of enjoyned Uniformity are but Indifferent, and have been long Diſputed from Biſhop Hooper's time to the preſent Non-Conformiſt, and, if this be concluding, they ought therefore not to be enjoyned. To which we anſwer 1. that they being Indifferent, i. e. neither Commanded, nor forbidden by God, are therefore the proper matter for the Injunctions of the Magiſtrate. Since we are Obliged to the things Commanded by God, although the Magiſtrate do not Command, yea though he doth Contradict: and what God hath forbiden we are bound not to do, though the Magiſtrate leave us to Our ſelves, or Command the contrary; and therefore a thing Indifferent is the moſt proper ſubject of the power of man, therefore becauſe it is ſo, it cannot be concluded, that it ought not to be enjoyn'd.

2. If things long Diſputed, and Doubted may not be enjoyned, then let them tell us what may; for there is ſcarce any Truth which hath not had its Hereſie contrary to it: and therefore the Church may not enjoyn things neceſſary to Faith and Order: which this Author in few lines before granted to her. Beſides, Would not this Argument be as well urged by the Papiſts; for their Cauſe hath been diſputed even from the beginning of Luther's Reformation by ſeveral men of great Parts and Abilities, that wanted not Pretenſions to the Titles of Learned, and Conſcientious. So alſo may the Socinians urge that the Points we hold againſt them have been Diſputed almoſt from the beginning of the Reformation. But yet the Author contends, 'tis not fit that the firſt ſhould have a Toleration, and I ſuppoſe he will be aſhamed to pretend for the laſt.

But then he inquires, What ſhall a man do that doubts of the things enjoyned, ſeeing the Apoſtle ſaith, He that doubts, is damned if he eats becauſe he eateth not of Faith. To Doubt (we anſwer) doth ſuppoſe Arguments on both ſides, and in ſuch caſe the Common Rule is, the ſafeſt part is to be followed. Now let all ſober men judge, whether it is not ſafer to keep the Peace and Unity of the Church, which is ſo frequently, and with ſo much Authority Commanded by Chriſt: to be Obedient to the Higher Powers in thoſe things which are proper matter for their Commands, and wherein God himſelf hath determined nothing: to Obey them that are over us in the Lord, (all which are clear and plain Duties:) then for a ſcruple or doubt of the Uſe of a thing that God hath left to humane Liberty (which the Magiſtrate hath power to confine) to cauſe Schiſms in the Church; Factions in the State, Deſpiſe the Laws of Princes, and the Government of the Church? As for the Text of the Apoſtle, He that doubts is, &c. It is an admonition given to the Jews that were become Chriſtians, that they ſhould not do that in which the Church had not interpoſed her Authority, by the Example of others, which they themſelves thought not lawful, or did very much doubt whether it were ſo or no; for he that did go againſt his own perſwaſion, did condemn himſelf in that which his practice did ſeem to allow. Therefore that Text doth not concern this Caſe at all.

The 2d. attempt is, That the Church not claiming an Infallibility, cannot ſettle the Conſcience by her ſole Warrant, but ſtill leaves room for doubting: and in preſcribed Forms and Rites the Conſcience that doth its office, will interpoſe, and concern it ſelf, &c.

I am willing to hope, that the Diſcourſer writ this in Ignorance, and that he is not guilty of ſuch portentous Malice: that ſo he might deſtroy the Authority of the Church, he did not fear to publiſh ſuch an Opinion as would diſturb all Government, both in Families, and in the State: that would confound all Society, and extirpate Feith and Juſtice from among the ſons of men. For if, whoſoever diſelaims Infallibility cannot ſettle, i. e. oblige (for if it doth not ſignifie that, it ſignifies nothing) the Conſcience: Then neither the Laws of Kings, nor the Commands of Fathers, and Maſters (who diſ ••• Infallibility) are to be obeyed for Conſcience ſake, or in the Lord: but only as the power of the Superiour is able to enforce Obedience, or Puniſhment. No man likewiſe is obliged in Conſcience to perform his Vows, Promiſes, and Contracts: becauſe when he made them he was not Infallible, and being not ſo, he cannot ſettle his own Conſcience, but leaves room for doubting; and if he doubts (as he applyes the Apoſtles Text) he is damned, if he does perform; and therefore it will not be ſafe to perform them. Thus this Mine that is wrought to blow up the Churches Authority, will bury all Government, and Common Honeſty in the ruines of it.

Such are the goodly Doctrines, whereby theſe men keep their Party cloſe unto them, and make them boggle at whatſoever the Magiſtrate requires from them, as terrors to their Conſcience. If the Author thinks he hath ſecured himſelf from the ſhame of the abſurd Conſequences of this Opinion, by that clauſe, Her ſole Warrant, he is unjuſt, and unfaithfully repreſents her Doctrine; as if ſhe pretended to binde the Conſcience by her own Authority, which is very falſe. For when We hold, That humane Laws of things not unlawful, do oblige the Conſciences of men ſubject to the Law-givers. We do not refer the Obligation, which is a neceſſity of Obedience, to the matter of thoſe Laws, for that being in its nature Indifferent, cannot be Neceſſary: But to thoſe commands of God, which enjoyns us to be ſubject to the higher powers. To obey them that are over us in the Lord. For thoſe commands do of themſelves, and directly enforce a Neceſſity of Obedience to whatſoever humane Laws are not in themſelves unlawful, upon the penalty of God's diſpleaſure. For the Truth of which, as it is eaſie to prove, (were it not to render the Diſcourſe too long by interweaving Incidental Controverſies) ſo do we appeal to the Judgment of all ſober Divines whatſoever. We have for it the Teſtimony of Mr. Calvin the Founder of the Presbyterian Government, and the Greateſt Ornament that ever they had; who though he diſputes againſt Humane Conſtitutions, yet meeting with the Objection raiſed from that Text: We muſt be ſubject not only for Wrath but alſo for Conſcience ſake. Anſwers by Diſtinguiſhing betwixt the Genus and Species; For (ſaith he) although the particular Laws in themſelves, Cal. Inſtitut. l. 4 c. 10. ſect. 5. do not touch the Conſcience, yet are we Obliged by that General Command of God which commends unto us the Authority of Magiſtrates, which is as much as we deſire, for if the Authority of Magiſtrates do either Directly, or Indirectly; in General or Particular; by it ſelf, or by vertue of Gods Command; bind the Conſcience, then muſt it needs be falſe which this Author ſaith, that In preſcribed Forms and Rites of Religion, the Conſcience that doth its office will interpoſe and concern it ſelf, &c. For that Conſcience which is guided by the fear of God, will know its Office is to ſubmit for God's Commands ſake, to what thoſe that are over us in the Lord do carefully preſcribe.

In the next place he brings in the Teſtimony of Woful Experience, crying out, No more of ſuch Injunctions than needs muſt. It is true indeed, We have had Woful Experience of men, who to free themſelves of ſuch Injunctions; have put the Nation into Confuſion: and thoſe who ſcrupled at a Surplice, made no Difficulty to roll many Thouſand Garments in Blood. And yet the Injunctions of our Church were no more than needs muſt. For at the beginning of the Reformation there were two ſorts of men; Reaſons of the Ceremonies before the Common-Prayer-Book. One that thought it a great matter of Conſcience to depart from a place of the leaſt Ceremony, they were ſo addicted to their old Cuſtomes. Another ſort were ſo new fangled, that they would Innovate all things, and nothing could ſatisfie them, but what was new. Whether was it not Neceſſary for the Church to interpoſe for Peace ſake, and by her Determination to put an end to thoſe Controverſies? If it was neceſſary that ſhe ſhould interpoſe, ſhe muſt either fling off one of the Parties, or make a Determination that might ſatisfie both ſides, if Moderation would prevail: To have flung off that Party that were for Ceremonies, had been imprudent, being the greateſt Number comprehending all thoſe who ſtaid at home, and did not fly in the time of Queen Mary's Perſecution; which did facilitate the return of Proteſtancy at Queen Elizabeth's Reception to the Crown: It had been alſo the more dangerous, for it would have made them more obnoxious to the temptations of Romiſh Prieſts, who would have ſoon took the Advantage of ſo numerous a Diſcontented Party, and wrought their Diſſatisfaction to a relapſe to Popery. That Party which were againſt Ceremonies, though they were but ſmall, as being but ſome few of thoſe that led beyond Sea, (for all were not ſo vain to like thoſe things they ſaw abroad, becauſe they had no ſuch at home) though they had likewiſe brought a Diſhonour to the Reformation, and an Infamy upon our Nation, by their unquiets and troubles they cauſed at Frankfort: yet it had been great pity to have caſt them off, ſince they had ſuffered for Religion, and gave evidence that they had a zeal for Piety, though in ſomethings not according to knowledge. Beſides, it would not have been of good report in the Churches abroad, among whom theſe men had converſed, and with whom it was expedient for Ours to hold a good Correſpondence, and Brotherly Communion, although ſhe was no more obliged to receive all their practices, than they to receive hers. Nor was it ſafe in their firſt beginnings to have rejected or deſpiſed any number of men, when the Common Enemy was Numerous and Induſtrious. Thus it being neither Prudent nor Safe to reject either Party, it was neceſſary for the Church to conſult her own Peace betwixt them. But this was not poſſible for her to do, without pleaſing each Party, to their Edification in ſome things: Which being Indifferent were therefore in her Power either to Confirm or Condemn; and alſo enjoyning ſome things to the Common Obſervance of all. The Church therefore did take away the exceſſive Multitude of Ceremonies, as thoſe which were dark, that had been abuſed by the ſuperſtitious blindneſs of the Unlearned; and ſuch as did adminiſter to the Covetouſneſs of others. This might have ſatisfied the Innovators if reaſon could or if they, had had any deſires of Peace, any compaſſion for their Oppoſites that were ſubject to the ſame Infirmities with themſelves, though under different forms. On the other ſide, the Church retained thoſe few that were for Decency, Diſcipline, and apt to ſtir up the dull mind of man to the remembrance of his duty to God. And this did ſatisfie thoſe which were againſt too great, and many Innovations. Now let any man judge whether the Church's Injunctions at firſt were not neceſſary? The ſame Neceſſity for them continues ſtill. Becauſe thoſe that are for the Church are as unwilling to have theſe Ceremonies taken away, as her Enemies are for the removal both of them and her; And are theſe to be revoked by a complyance with thoſe that will never be ſatisfied? Shall the Church abandon thoſe who in Conſcience adhered to her in the ſevereſt Perſecution, to gratifie thoſe who pretended Conſcience to deſtroy her? Beſides the imputations that have laid upon the things enjoyned, as Antichriſtian, Idolatrous, Superſtitions, &c. the War that was undertook to remove them; makes the Church think it her behoof to keep them, leſt Conceſſions in that kinde, may be urged by her Adverſaries for a confeſſion of thoſe crimes, and taken as a colour to charge her with all the Blood that has been ſpilt in that quarrel: For ſo theſe very men ſerved the late Murdered King. Moreover, what a reproach is it for a Church, whoſe Foundation is upon a Truth, to be various. And what advantage do the Popiſh Prieſts make of our very Temptations to Inconſtancy, which makes all that have Authority contemptible; and Changes are full of danger. So that the Injunctions are become as neceſſary as Prudence, Safety, and Honour can make them. It was the importunity of Hereticks that made the Primitive Church determine many things in their ſeaſons, which before were not matter of obſervation; and take up ſome expreſſions which were not vulgarly known in the Church before. So likewiſe Diſſentions about things indifferent have neceſſitated the Church to Injunctions; for as other Laws ariſe from Corruptions in manners, ſo Schiſms in Religion do beget Injunctions. We wiſh as well as you that Injunctions were fewer, i. e. we wiſh you had never given occaſion for them.

But that we may know what is neceſſary, he tells us, That the Indiſputable Truths of Faith, and the Indiſpenſable duties of Life, are the main object of Church Diſcipline. Yet he leaves us ſtill in the dark; for what are thoſe Indiſputable Truths? ſince there is ſcarce any Truth of Faith that hath not been diſputed againſt; if theſe be the main of her charge, ſhe hath a narrow Province; and Papiſts, and Socinians, and every Heretick may promiſe themſelves exemptions from her care. And as for Indiſpenſable Duties, is there any one duty more Indiſpenſable, that is more ſtrictly enjoyned then the Unity, and the Peace of the Church? and yet all this diſpute is to deprive her of the means that were proper for it: and becauſe ſhe will ſtill take care of it, ſhe cannot avoid the ſlander in the laſt words of that Paragraph.

In the next place, he would have the Moderation which the Church of England uſes in her Articles of Predeſtination, &c. to be likewiſe uſed in the preſent Orders and Ceremonies. But the caſe is not the ſame. Thoſe points are ſo full of difficulty, that they, and queſtions of that nature, have been matter of Diſpute in all Ages, and all Religious: therefore our Church did with prudence take notice that there were ſome common Truths on both ſides, which have analogy to the Faith, and are a Foundation for Good Life; and theſe ſhe is tenacious of, and leaves the nicer ſpeculations to the curioſity of Diſputers. But about her Orders and Ceremonies, this is the only thing to be reſolved; Whether the Church hath power to enjoyn an indifferent Ceremony? which ſure may be ſoon diſputed, and determined. Beſides, the Diſſenters are not able to name any one Church beſides Ours, from which there was a Schiſm made for a Ceremony.

His laſt Argument againſt Injunctions, is, Men might more eaſily agree in the uſe of theſe little things, or of ſome of them, were their Internal Judgments ſpared, and ſubſcriptions not enjoyned. Churches and States have never thought it ſafe to permit the concernments of their Peace to the Ingenuity of men, but have ſecured their Quiet by ſtrict Laws, and the Ingagements of thoſe who were to miniſter in them. I have ſhewed above that Toleration of Diſſentions (that is, a leaving men to their different opinions) hath not abated, but encreaſed them. It hath been found neceſſary that men ſhould declare their Internal Judgments to keep off their Diſputes againſt things in practice; for if men were left to this Itch of Wrangling and doting about Queſtions, the ſmalleſt Doubts and Scruples may be blown up to the moſt bloody Contentions. It was obſerved that the Controverſies betwixt the Lutherans, Europe Spec. p. 172. Edit. 1637. and Calviniſts were but a coal, which a wiſe man with a little moiſture of his mouth might ſoon have quenched: but at length the Miniſters, with the winde of theirs in their Diſputings, have ſo enflamed them, that it threatneth a great ruine and calemity of both ſides. So that to take off Injunctions on this ſcore, is neither Prudent not ſafe. But alas, there is no Probability, that, if they be not enjoyned, they will ever be uſed: they themſelves have given us too full an experience. For all the time from the King's coming home, to the time that the Act of Uniformity was to be put in Practice, there was a ſuſpention of theſe Injunctions: yet it is ſufficiently known that none of the preſent Non-Conformiſts did in the leaſt meaſure agree in the uſe of any theſe little things (as he calls them) but Writ, Preached, and Railed againſt them. And though deſired by the King, to read ſo much of the Liturgy as themſelves had no exception againſt, and ſo could have no pretenſion from Conſcience. Yet the honour of their Party, and their Credit, was not to be reconciled with ſuch a compliance to the Condeſcentions of their Sovereign, they thought to bring Him and the Parliament to lower terms, by being high in their own Reſolutions. So freſh an experiment cools us as to all the hopes this Author ſuggeſts unto us of what they may do. When as neither he, nor they will give any aſſurance, that they will do ſo. It is needleſs therefore to argue with him, what the Church ſhould do in caſe their own good nature would bring to them Conformity, ſince it appears but a Chimera of his own Fancy, and it would be but ſport to talk of that which neither was, nor is, nor is like to be.

It is as vain and needleſs to ſpeak to the XVIth. which enquires, Whether the Diſſenters are capable of being brought into ſuch a Comprehenſion. For ſince this Comprehenſion is to be formed by moderating the eſtabliſhed Order; and this Moderation is to be performed by taking away all the Injunctions that the Church and State have made for peace ſake; which abrogation cannot be proved to be either ſafe or Prudent, and would be the Proſtitution of the Authority of the King and the Parliament, to the forwardneſs of men that will not be ſatisfied, and therefore not fit to be done: to what purpoſe then will it be to argue, Whether they would receive, what is dangerous to give? Beſides, the Diſſenters are of ſeveral Sects, and every one of them have the ſame common pretenſions. For they all profeſs they dare not conform for Conſcience ſake: They are angry if you do not believe them to be as Godly, Sober, Civil, as they themſelves ſay they are: They boaſt of their Number, and that Trading and Commerce will either Languiſh or Flouriſh as they are uſed: and yet for all this, this very Author gives over all other Sects, but only the Presbyterians: for he ſaith, Be it ſuppoſed that ſome among them ſeem not reducible to Publick Order; but another ſort there are, whoſe Principles are fit for Government, i. e. Presbyterians. Thus all this noiſe for comprehenſion is but for one only Sect that hath no other pretenſions to the kindeneſs of the State, but what are common to all, and therefore in equity ſhould be no more conſidered than the others. Nay but, ſaith the Diſcourſer, they are of chiefeſt moment, their Principles are fit for Government, the ſtability whereof hath been experimented in thoſe Countries, where they have had the concurrence of the Civil Powers. But yet this cannot ſatisfie us; for no experiment hath yet ever been in the World, of Presbytery permitted, and encouraged where there was a Proteſtant Epiſcopacy, (as this comprehenſion ſuppoſeth.) For where Epiſcopacy is eſtabliſhed by the Antient and Fundamental Laws of a Nation, there Presbytery is no other but a Sect; and being ſo, will, as (the Author ſaith of) Popery, and as every Sect; and as we have had a late experiment of this very Presbytery, be reſtleſs till it bear all down before it, or hath put all into Diſorder.

It is alſo not for the credit of Presbytery, which the Author adds, that Their way never yet obtained in England, nor were they favoured with the Magiſtrates vigorous Aid, &c. For if thoſe that brought it to the light, encouraged it, bound themſelves, and all they could either perſwade or terrifie, to it by a Solemn League and Covenant. If they who for this plundered, Sequeſtred, and Undid many thouſand Families in the Nation, (for the Covenant was to Eſtabliſh this Presbytery) were yet afterwards Sick of it, and gave it no more, nay, not ſo much countenance as they did to the other Sects, whom this Author ſaith, are not reducible to publick Order: it is a ſtrong preſumption that they found the principels of Presbytery no more fit for Government than the Principles of any other Sects. So that it is to be conclued, that in the Judgment of the firſt Admirers and Friends of Presbytery, it is no more capable of being brought into a Comprehenſion than any other Sect. For as they made uſe of it to undermine Epiſcopacy, ſo they hiſſed for all other Sects to affront, reproach, and baffle Presbytery.

But notwithſtanding all this, the Author, though he waves the Aſſerting of their Diſcipline, yet he makes this inquiry, Whether the Presbyterians be of a Judgment and Temper that makes them capable of the Magiſtrates Paternal Care and conduct to ſuch a ſtated order as will comport with this Church and Kingdom? This in plain Engliſh for the Original is a Dialect of Canting, is, whether Presbytery is to be eſtabliſhed together with Epiſcopacy? or, Whether Miniſters that are of the Presbyterian perſwaſion, are equally, and together with the Miniſters of the Church of England to be admitted to all the Benefits and Offices in it? In this queſtion we are for the Negative, upon theſe reaſons. 1. Becauſe the Principles of Presbyterian Perſwaſion do not admit any Stability, but may be drawn out to patronize the wildeſt Sects that are, or have been. This was long ſince obſerved by Arch-Biſhop Whitgift, and Learned Mr. Hooker, men of great Judgment, Biſhop Sanderſon's Preface, Sect. 23. and famous in their times; who did foreſee, and foretel, that if ever Puritaniſm, (which was the Name in thoſe dayes for Presbytery) ſhould prevail among us, it would ſoon draw Anabaptiſm after it: and ſince their dayes we have had a clear experience of it, that not only Anabaptiſm, but alſo Quakers, and Seekers, grew up out of their principles. And how can we ever hope for ſettlement, if ſuch an Avenue be opened to every Sect?

2. If men that are perſwaded in their Conſciences, that our Ceremonies are Idolatrous, and Superſtitious, and at beſt but trifles, our Liturgy and Government Popiſh and Antichriſtian, be joyned with men far otherwiſe perſwaded in their Conſciences; what a vanity is it to think we ſhall have peace? eſpecially ſince by their perſwaſions the very means of Peace, the Determination and Injunction of a Superiour is alſo cut off. For this Author ſaid before, Nothing that hath not infallibility can ſettle the Conſcience. To think that theſe Differently perſwaded men will content themſelves with their own Opinions, is to imagine they will all be Wiſe on both ſides; which is not to be dreamt of. For there will be ſome Pedantique, Diſputative, and Paſſionate Divines that will often embroyl both Parties; and we muſt be continually quarreling to the ſport of our Enemies, the reproach of the Goſpel, and the diſquiet of our Nation.

But yet the Author is for Comprehenſion, a pattern of which he gives drawn by one ſuſpected for a Socinian; but he doth not tell us, that this he will ſtick to, or any other; but he ſaith, This or the like Latitude. When he is fixed in his meaſures, we may conſider how to anſwer. That the Presbyterians are capable of a Comprehenſion, he would perſwade us by ſhewing how far they agree with us about the things in Queſtion: All which is nothing to the purpoſe; for in every Controverſie there be many things wherein the Diſſenters agree: but they are ne're a whit the nearer peace in that wherein they differ. He doth not tell us of any advance towards Unity that they have made in their Opinions; and the account he gives us of the debates about Eccleſiaſtical Affairs, do but ſtill ſpeak our Diſtance; and therefore we have no reaſon to conclude, that they are yet in a Temper capable of a Comprehenſion.

Sect. XVII. being deligned for an Harangue, That Acquieſſence in the Widened Eſtabliſhment is the ſafety of Religion, can expect no anſwer, till we know how Wide the Eſtabliſhment is. Which this Author hath no where laid down, but only talks looſely, in general that ſome ſuch thing is neceſſary, and negatively, that it muſt be without Injunctions: Which we have ſhewed can never be an eſtabliſhment; and therefore I ſhall not trouble the Reader in arguing at random againſt an uncertain Notion.

The like uncertainty we are at Sect. XVIII. which mentions Toleration and Connivence, but tells not what they are, nor their bounds, nor to what Sects he aſſigns them. Being little Sollicitous, it ſeems, for this; having before provided a place of reſt for himſelf, and his Party, in the Stated Order, the Widened Eſtabliſhment, and the Comprehenſion. Only to commend a Toleration, he ſaith, The World wants not an experiment of the ſafety of a Toleration. But we want an inſtance of the ſafety of Toleration in any Nation whatſoever, where the Supream Governor had not a Standing Army, to Circumſcribe, and Confine the heats of D ſſenters in Religion to their own breaſts, and keep off the deſtructive effects of Schiſm. So that the Experiments the world hath had, reach not home to our Caſe. For his Majeſty graciouſly declines all ſuch Power as may give any ſuſpition of Terror to the Nation.

In Sect. XIX. He adviſes Diſſenters of Narrow and Rigid Principles to Moderation: a good undertaking, and therefore not to be contradicted by any Party; for all may, and do, make uſe of the ſame counſel to their Oppoſers. But if the Author had exemplified it in himſelf, he needed not to have troubled himſelf, or the World, in Writing this Diſcourſe. For that is the ſureſt way to an Eſtabliſhment, If every Chriſtian would be deeply ſenſible of the Common Intereſt of Reformed Chriſtianity, which is incomparably more valuable than thoſe private Opinions, which may have much of his Fancy and Affection: And in deſpight of Diſſatisfaction, acquieſs in his Private Securi y and Freedom, and not reach after that Liberty that may unſettle the publick Order, and undermine the Common Safety.

His laſt attempt is to reconcile this Comprehenſive Way to three Important Intereſts, and firſt to that of the King, Sect. XX. In which I cannot finde one Argument to prove that this Comprehenſive Way is for the Intereſt of the King. And indeed it cannot: for the grand Intereſt of the King, as of all other Princes, is the mutual Confidence betwixt Him and His People, which can never be attained in eſtabliſhing Diſſentions among the People: for in that State he ſhall then be alwayes incumbred with the Jealouſies of ſome one Part or other; and then all the Bleſſings they have enjoyed by his Government ſhall be turned to ruine him, when their Advantages do encourage. Witneſs the Late King, againſt whom was uſed the Wealth, and Plenty with which His and his Predeceſſors Reigns had bleſſed the Nation; and therefore it follows that the greateſt Intereſt of the King is to have no Diſſentions, that ſo he may have the moſt aſſured Confidence of the People.

But the Author minds not Arguments for his Poſition, he is more buſie to ſhew how kind His Party have been to Monarchy, and that the unkindneſs which men of their Perſwaſion ſhewed to it at the beginning of the War, (when they would have reduced it to the Royalty of a Duke of Venice) did ariſe from other Cauſes, that lie at the bottom. That they declared againſt the Murder of the late King, and acted vigorouſly for the Reſtitution of His Preſent Majeſty. I for my part would be glad to believe, and therefore leave others to contradict it; and there are ſome in the world that do no leſs for this Authors Party, then he hath done for the Papiſts; that is, take of all their Pretenſions on this ground, to the kindneſs of the King. If they be friends to Monarchy, they are not very happy, and few know of it; for there is no Prince, that we have had ſince they were known, but have thought otherwiſe of them, and given them ſuch Characters as no man would have given to his Friends: When he ſaith, that the Anti-Puritan Intereſt, as occaſion ſerves, can conteſt with Kings, and pretend Conſcience too; If he means this of the Church of England, he is not able to give an Inſtance, and an Accuſation without a Proof is but a Slander. If he meant it of the Papiſt; Why doth he urge it againſt us? for they do as all other Sects do.

But he would not have theſe things repeated; for he ſaith, Acts of Indempnity, ſhould be alſo Acts of Oblivion. I hope he would not have us loſe our Underſtandings, as well as our Memories of what was done. The Act did not intend this, that bound us, not to Remember to Revenge; but yet Reaſon would have us Remember to a Caution; that we come not to the ſame Miſeries, and that is beſt done by conſidering what is paſt.

In Sect. XXI. he conſiders this Latitude in reſpect to the Intereſt of the Church, and Clergy. In this Conſideration he firſt Commends the Non-Conformiſts; and having ſhewed how far they agree with us, he ſaith, The Miniſters of this Perſwaſion are Godly and Learned, able, and apt to teach the People, and no ſmall part of the Congregations in England feel the loſs of them. We are not to wonder that he aſſigns ſo great Virtues to Miniſters of his own Perſwaſion: It hath been the practice of old, for every Sect to be immoderate in the praiſes of their own Party: Nay, it is very rare, if they do not impale all that is praiſe-worthy to themſelves, Tert. l. de Praeſcript c. 41. Nunquam facilius proficit que quàm in Caſtris rebellium ubi ipſum eſſe illic, promereri eſt. ſo Tertullian obſerved of the Schiſmaticks in his time: Proficiency in Virtue was no where ſo eaſie as in the Congregations of thoſe that revolted from the Church, for to be among them was to be deſerving. But let it be true concerning ſome of them, as I believe it is; yet we do not take it as an evidence that they are ſo, nor that they are the more ſo, becauſe they ſcruple the Injunctions of the Church. Beſides, even Godly men may and have been through ſome Infirmity, Prejudice, or Miſt k , through want of Experience in the ways of Converſe, or through Implicity of heart being obnoxious to the arts of other men, and ſo made their properties for ſome ſtrange deſigns: Such perſons, I ſay, may and have been the Cauſes of great Diſturbance to the Church. Which men, had they kept themſelves in their proper Sphears, might have been thought the Bleſſings of their Generation, and ſuch as the World was not Worthy of. But forcing the Bounds of their own private Condition, endeavouring to ſet up Ʋnpracticable Forms of Government, or Impoſing upon others; have ſet the World in ſuch diſorders, that they have been deem'd the Peſts of their times. Sozon. l. 8. c. 11. Thus the Religious men that lived a devout Life in the Deſarts of Aegypt, while they kept themſelves in their Cells, had the admiration of all that knew them; but when their Weakneſs had betrayed them to that groſs Hereſie of the Anthromorphitae; and they would by a Sedition impoſe their Opinion upon the Biſhop of Alexandria, they were then a reproach to Chriſtianity, and a trouble to the World. The caſe of Savonarola at Florence was the like, Guicciardin Hiſt. l. 3. while he kept himſelf to his own duty in Preaching Repentance to the debauched Italians, and ſeverely taxed the Corruptions of the Church of Rome, he had a reverence due to him; and did much good in his place. But when he did ſeem ambitious of, or at leaſt not decline, the eſteem of a Prophet; and did endeavour by the Authority he had got, to change the form of the Commonwealth, and therein to regard more the Intereſt and humours of his Party than the Publick good; he met with the Publick hatred, and fell as a diſturber of his People. Thus Godly men may be the Cauſes of the publick diſquiet; their godlineſs makes them not Infallible, nor fit for Government. Which if they aim at without, or againſt a Lawful Authority; the Church may reject them lying under ſuch Circumſtances, and anſwer the Lord of the Harveſt, with the direction, one of his Chief Shepherds St. Paul hath given, Mark them that Cauſe Diviſions and Offences, contrary to the Doctrine you have received, and avoid them. But how will they anſwer the Great Shepheard, for having declined the feeding his Sheep only for Trifles, (as they call them) i. e. things not unlawful, yet Commanded by the Magiſtrate his Subſtitute, and the Church his Spouſe? let them think upon that dreadful Account with horror.

In the next place he charges the Biſhops with more crimes then he could number virtues for his own friends; but the beſt of it is, he cannot prove them. And he was ſenſible that he could not, for he doth not downright affirm them but as Impotent women vent their Paſſions, he inſinuates them by many malicious, and implying Interrogations; as 1. Whether the Biſhops and Dignified Clergy, and thoſe of their Perſwaſion can believe, that the Church of God in theſe Nations is terminated in them alone? No, they do not believe it: for it is even hoped by them that Chriſt hath a Larger Intereſt in theſe Realms, and according to their hope they admit thoſe very Diſſenters to the Communion of the Church. But obſerve where this Author places the larger Intereſt in Chriſt, that is, in Non-Conformiſt Miniſters, for they only are debarr'd from the Opportunities of the Miniſtery. 2. He asks, Whether it ſhall be ſaid of the Engliſh Prelacie, that it cannot ſtand without the ejection of Thouſands of Orthodox Pious Miniſters? Men may ſay what they pleaſe, if they never think of giving account of every idle and falſe word, but they have no reaſon to ſay ſo; For the Engliſh Prelacie is the greateſt encouragement of Orthodox, and Pious Miniſters, that ever Proteſtancy ſaw: and hath had the Teſtimonies and Obſervance even to ſufferings, of far more exceeding Number of Thouſands, then ever their Adverſaries could be accounted. Do but compare thoſe many thouſands that were undone by the Covenant, with thoſe few that did not Conform; and then it will appear but an empty boaſt to talk of their Number. Howſoever neither Epiſcopacy, nor any Government Civil or Eccleſiaſtical, can ſtand if it do not ſecure it ſelf, by fruſtrating the attempts of thoſe that Plot, and contrive againſt it.

How great a ſlander it is to ſay, That Prelacy dreads Knowledge in the People, I have ſhewed before: and I never heard of any but this Author that had that Maxim, No Ceremony, No Biſhop. How worthy had it been for this Author to have proved, that the Biſhops did fear the Preaching of Indubitable Truths? but this can no more be proved, than that his Party are Peaceable. The Eſtabliſhed Clergy refuſe not their Brethren, if they will come to joyn in the Work of the Lord, and give but Security that they will be Peaceable; all the Emoluments of the Church are obvious to them. Thus I have ſhewed how falſe are all theſe Slanders.

After theſe moſt falſe Accuſations of the Biſhops and Clergy, he proceeds to ſhew how weak their State is, which he ſaith, Is not advanced by theſe preſent Rigors, nor more rooted in the hearts of the People. To this we anſwer; That it is no wonder that a Form of Church-Government ſhould meet with many Difficulties, in its return after the Proſcription of twenty years. For in that ſpace, ſome hundred thouſand Souls that were not born before, or had not before come to the uſe of their Reaſon, muſt needs be tainted with a prejudice againſt it, by hearing nothing almoſt from the Pulpits but Invectives and ſlanders of it. And it is no eaſie thing to raſe out the firſt Impreſſions that are made upon the mind. Beſides this, it was not to be expected, but that the Reſtitution of that Church ſhould vex all thoſe whom the Ruins of it had made rich. And that when they were to Diſgorge what they had Sacrilegiouſly devoured; they would alſo vomit out all their Choler, empty their Spleen, and vow an eternal hatred againſt thoſe that recalling their own Proprieties reduced them to their former Wants, and confine them again to their ancient narrow homes. Add to theſe all ſuch as are Caſt from their Power, broken in their Fortunes, diſappointed in their Hopes, by the return alſo of the Civil Government. Which when they dare not directly oppoſe, they think they may with more ſecurity oppugn by aſſaulting the Eccleſi ſtical State, that is a prop and ſupport of it: who hope to Wound the King through the ſides of the Church; and are therefore more induſtriouſly and deſignedly malicious againſt her. Others there are who provoked by ſome unkindneſſes of particular Church-men, rail at all. Some that cannot get the Promotions of the Church, are angry with thoſe that have them. Many that like poor Miniſters of the Church of England, do yet envy thoſe who have no neceſſity to crouch before them. The Spirit of Contradiction, the Variety of Changes in the late Times; the ſmall reverence that People have for Governours, (contracted by being uſed to ſpeak againſt the Uſurpers, who had no right to their Affections) have ſo far corrupted the Common Converſation of this Nation; that every Party which is uppermoſt cannot eſcape their reproaches, and hatred. And the Arts of the Sectaries to thwart, diſcourage all endeavours to Uniformity; to ſlander all thoſe whoſe Offices, or Parts are moſt obſtructive to them, (for there is not a man of ſuch eſcapes the dirt, they can ſling) is not the leaſt cauſe of the ſlow progreſs. All theſe conſidered, it cannot ſeem ſtrange to an Obſerving perſon, that Prelacy drives but heavily. It muſt be a Generation or two, not ſeven years, that can wear out all theſe Difficulties. All this doth not take off from the Intrinſick Worth of Prelacy. Whilſt on the other ſide, Presbytery languiſhed almoſt as ſoon as it had a being, Eraſtians, and Independants baffled it in the Aſſembly, which was its Cradle, and propoſed it to a Publick ſcorn. Therefore it is imprudently done for them to upbraid us of Weakneſs, who themſelves could not keep their ſtanding for above two or three years.

The Particulars by which he Remonſtrates our weakneſs are either unavoidable: as what remedy can there be if the Latitudinarians Indifferent men, and Conforming Puritans do not Conform in the ſimplicity of Spirit as becomes the Miniſters of Chriſt. We can have no greater Security than the Faith of men. Or elſe are common to all perſwaſions, as to have ſome among them that are a reproach unto the whole, whoſe behaviour may diſguſt other. And we can never hope while the Church is on Earth, that it will be free from all Corruptions. We are ſure the number of ſuch among us are far leſs than what the Diſſenters repreſent, who condemning the moſt unblameable, will not be very ſhie in miſ-reporting thoſe that are not ſo ſtrict as they ſhould be. Therefore neither of theſe ſorts ought, nor can debaſe the Intrinſick State of Prelacy in the minds of Wiſe and Good men.

As to the Queſtion, If the Affairs of the Common-wealth ſhould go backwards, (I hope they do not intend to drive it that way) Can the Clergy alone be at reſt in their Honour, Power and Wealth? We anſwer no, and we do not deſire it. We cannot do, as the ſeveral Sects of Diſſenters did, make our Addreſſes to every Uſurper, Congratulate every New Form of Government, Blaſpheme the Providence of God for their ſakes, and pray for every one that had killed, and taken Poſſeſſion. No, we cannot do it, we muſt fall upon the ſame Scaffold where Monarchy bleeds to death, and be buried under the ruines of the State. You know we did ſo, and you may be ſure it will be ſo again. No Party nor Church doth more ſtrictly aſſert the neceſſity of Allegiance to Princes than the Church of England.

He doubts of the truth of that Obſervation, No Biſhop, No King; which the late practices have made as evident as the day. But (he ſaith) It is not evident, that the preſent frame of Prelacy, hath an Immutable Intereſt in the Regal Name and Power. The Doctrines which Prelacy maintains, in oppoſition to Presbytery, have ſo much Truth, and are ſo much for the Safety of Kings, that we cannot imagine they will be ſo unkind to themſelves as to ſuppreſs them. And the Kings of England have ſeen ſo many reaſons to hate Sacriledge, that we cannot fear they will take away the Revenues of Biſhops, and therefore we think the Prelacy has as immutable an Intereſt in the Regal Power, as the Regal Power hath in them.

In the laft place, after he hath ſaid, That the Religion of any State muſt be held up by its Venerable Eſtimation among the People, and that muſt be the reality of Devotion and Sanctity, (which is a very great Truth.) He ſincerely (as he ſaith) wiſhes well to the Clergy, for which we as ſincerely thank him; but then he adds theſe three Conditions.

1. That Biſhops muſt not be the head of Ignorant, Lewd and Scandalous Miniſters, &c. This we think alſo they ought to take care of as much as they can. But yet if ſuch get within their Dioceſs, the fault may not be theirs. For they are bound up by the Laws, and it is not with them as with the Triers, that had as abſolute a Tyranny as their Maſters had over Miniſters, and might reject whom they pleaſed without any account. But now if Patrons preſent Unworthy Perſons, which have the Qualifications the Law requires, the Biſhops muſt not reject them. Nor can they as Committees turn a Miniſter out of his Living at their Pleaſures, but muſt give an account to the Laws.

The Second Condition is, That by their management the Sound Knowledge of God may be encreaſed, that Holineſs and Righteouſneſs may flouriſh, &c. This alſo we acknowledge to be their Duty, and if they do not perform it ſincerely, God will require an exact account of them. But as to this they are much hindred by the Obſtructions which Diſſentions make, and being diſtracted by the perverſneſs of thoſe that are without, they cannot be quiet, to look after thoſe that are within the Church.

But the third Condition is the main thing the Author drives at, The Setling the Church in a due Extent. If the Extent here ſpoken of, be to Comprehend all the Different Perſwaſions, and Contrary Opinions, this they cannot do, it is contrary to the Duty which Biſhops owe to God and Man, to permit Errors, and embrace a Communion with Darkneſs. But if it be meant of an Extent and Comprehenſion of Perſons that have laid aſide thoſe falſe Perſwaſions, and will now contend together with Biſhops to feed the Flock of Chriſt, and to preſerve the Unity of it. This Biſhops ought to do as their Intereſt, and the Intereſt of the Goſpel, (from which theirs cannot be ſeparated). And this the Biſhops have done, and are ready to do. For all men know how willingly they have Inſtituted thoſe to Livings, who before had been the Enemies of their Order: how they have invited into their Order, and the Church Preferments, thoſe that have preached and writ againſt them, and we want not any Examples that they have been ſincere in their Tender, for ſome have really received what was offer'd; and we ſhould have had more, had not their followers hinder'd them by minding them of their own former Doctrines. And in this our Biſhops teſtified themſelves to be of that Peaceable Temper of the Primitive Biſhops. For the Catholick Biſhops Melchiades of Rome, Aug. Ep. 162. and others of Africk offer'd to the Donatiſts, that if they would joyn themſelves to make up the Unity of the Church, they would give them Communicatory Letters, although they had been Ordained by the Donatiſt Biſhops; and that whereſoever there were two Biſhops, one of the Catholick Part, the other of the Donatiſts, yet he ſhould be firſt Confirmed that was firſt Ordain'd, which ſoever it was: and that the other ſhould be provided for elſewhere, or elſe the ſurvivor ſhould ſucceed in the ſame Church. And when the Donatiſts objected to the Catholicks, that they coveted and took away their Livings. St. Auguſtine anſwers, Aug. Ep. 50. Would to God they would become Catholicks, and then let them poſſeſs not only what they call their own, but alſo whatſoever is ours, in Peace and Charity with us. This is a Latitude which the Church did allow, and which the Biſhops are now ready to admit.

The third Intereſt which is that of the Nobility and Gentry, which in Sect. XXII. he endeavours to reconcile to his Latitude, which he thinks they may diſlike, as that which will render the Citizens and Commonalty, and all ſorts more Knowing, and leſs Servile. Here the Author goes upon two miſtakes. 1. That this Latitude will make men more Knowing, which I have already ſhewed it will not do; for inſtead of building up men in the Knowledge of Chriſt, it will fill them with empty notions of their Way and Party, ſo Tertul. de Praeſc c. 42 De verbi adminiſtratione quid dicum; cum hoc ſit negotium illis non ethnicos convertendi, ſed nostros evertendi? Tertullian obſerved of the Hereticks of his time, What ſhall I ſay of their Preaching, when this is their buſineſs, not to Convert Unbelievers, but to ſubvert thoſe in our Communion. 2d. Miſtake is, That the Nobility and Gentry do not like the Commonalty ſhould be knowing. This is the ſame Suſpition he raiſed of the Clergy, that they were afraid of the Diffuſion of Knowledge; and this is ſo unworthy an Humor, that I cannot think Noblemen and Gentlemen inclinable to it. But he fays, that by being knowing they will be leſs Servile, and leſs Obſequlous to the Wills of Great men. The Laws of England ſecure every man from Servitude; the pooreſt Cottager is a free-born Subject; and therefore as the Nobility and Gentry cannot expect the ſlavery of Citizens and Commons: ſo they cannot diſlike their knowledge upon this only account, that it makes them more free. But this Author conceals the true Cauſe why this Latitude ſhould be dreadful to the Nobility and Gentry; which is, that it will increaſe Factions and Diſſentions in Religion; and where they Raign there is not that Reſpect and Reverence given to Perſons of Honour, as is due to them. Clem Rom. p. ad Cor. For Clemens Romanus minding the Corinthians of the ſad Effects of their Diſſentions, puts this as One, The Baſe roſe up againſt the Honourable, and the Vile againſt the Noble. And they may well remember how often they were affronted and ſlighted by mean Perſons in the times of the late Toleration. All that the Author ſaith upon this head, is ſome Politick Obſervations, but nothing to the purpoſe.

He concludes in Sect. XXIII. With the General Security that comes by this Latitude, in which he ſuppoſes the Common Peace may be ſetled in this Comprehenſive way; which he neither hath, nor can prove, nor will (as he dreams) the Neceſſity of Powers, and proceedings extraordinary be taken away by it, but rather encreaſed. For no Nation doth tolerate Diſſentions in Religion, which hath not a Standing Army to reſtrain the Effects of it, as appears in Hiſtories of Antient times, and in the Practices of modern Nations: And therefore this is it which more needs thoſe wayes and means as may trouble them who are tender of the Lawful Rights and Liberties of Engliſh men, than the enforcing the Laws upon Diſſenters, which may be done by the Ordinary Civil Power. We are not to be Frighted with what he ſaith, That the Severities of Laws againſt Diſſenters may at length come home to them, or theirs, who are for the Execution. For we are to do whatſoever is found neceſſary for the Safety of the Church and State, and leave the future Events to the Providence of the God of Peace. We know that the more peaceable we are at Home, the more Powerful we ſhall be abroad. But we alſo know that Licenſed Diſſentions will always perſwade our Neighbours that we are Weak. It is well known, how foreign Writers have obſerved Our Ruine might be eaſily wrought by the Puritans, who did Diſſent from the Publick Eſtabliſhment. They are not to be accounted Diſturbers of the State, nor of their own Houſe, who follow the Advice of the Wiſeſt King, To fear God and the King, and not to meddle with theſe that are given to Change: For their Calamity ſhall riſe Suddenly.

FINIS.