The great case of liberty of conscience once more briefly debated & defended ... which may serve the place of a general reply to such late discourses as have oppos'd a tolleration / the authour W.P.

THE GREAT CASE OF Liberty of Conſcience Once more Briefly Debated & Defended, BY THE Authority of Reaſon, Scripture, and Antiquity:

Which may ſerve the Place of a General Reply to ſuch late Diſcourſes, as have Oppos'd a Tolleration.

The Authour W. P.

For whatſoever ye would that men ſhould do unto you, that do you unto them, Matth. 7. 22. Render unto Caeſar, the things that are Caeſars; and to God, the things that are Gods, Matth. 12. 27.

Printed in the Year, 1670.

ERRATA. Reader,

Grant the common Civility of excuſing the Author from the Errors of the Preſs; ſome of which are here Corrected.

Page, Line, Error, Corrected. 9. 15. of for 10. 8. defected defective 11. 10. ten fourteen 18. 10. impo'd impos'd 19. 12. pervert perverts 22. afflictions reflections 20. 29. conform conforms 22. 2. when what 4. conſcience conſciences 23. 29. one he 26. 17. for from 32. demur demure 27. 33. hat that 30. 10. Book Cook 39. 7. kinds kind 45. 16. one once 48. 5. reverence revenge.

Page, Line, Error, Corrected. 25 21 are pleaſed are not pleaſed. 55 15 defined defended. 19 point Faith point of Faith.

TO THE Supream Authority OF ENGLAND.

TOLLERATION (for theſe ten years paſt) has not been more the Cry of ſome, then PERSECUTION hath been the practice of others, though not on Grounds equally rational.

The preſent cauſe of this Addreſs, is to ſolicite a Converſion of that Power to our Relief, which hitherto has been imployd to our Depreſſion; that after this large experience of our innocency, and long ſince expir'd Apprentiſhip of Cruel Sufferings, you 〈…〉 pleased to cancel all our Bonds, and give 〈…〉 of thoſe Freedoms, to which we are 〈…〉 Engliſh Birthright.

This has been often promiſed to us, and we as earneſtly have expected the performance; but to this time we labour under the unſpeakable preſſure of Naſty Priſons, and daily Confiſcation of our Goods, to the apparent ruin of intire Families.

We would not attribute the whole of this ſeverity to Malice, ſince not a little ſhare, may juſtly be aſcrib'd to Miſ-intelligence:

For 'tis the infelicity of Governors to ſee and hear by the Eyes and Ears of other men; which is equally unhappy for the People.

And we are bold to ſay, that Suppoſitions and meer Conjectures, have been the beſt Meaſures, that moſt have taken of Us, and of our Principles; for whilſt there have been none more inoffenſive, we have been mark't for Capital Offenders.

'Tis hard that we ſhould alwayes lie under this undeſerved imputation; and which is worſe, be Perſecuted as ſuch, without the Liberty of a juſt Defence.

In ſhort, if you are apprehenſive, that our Principles are inconſiſtant with the Civil Government, grant us a free Conference about the Points in Queſtion, and let us know, what are thoſe Laws, eſſential to preſervation, that our Opinions carry an oppoſition to? And if upon a due enquiry we are found ſo Hetrodox, as repreſented, it will be then but time enough to inflict theſe heavy penalties upon us.

And as this Medium ſeems the faireſt, and moſt reaſonable; ſo can you never do your ſelves greater Juſtice, either in the vindication of your proceedings againſt us, be we Criminal, or if Innocent, in diſ-ingaging your ſervice of ſuch, as have been Authours of ſo much Miſ-information.

But could we once obtain the favour of ſuch debate, we doubt not to evince a clear conſiſtency of our Life and Doctrine with the Engliſh Government; and that an indulging of Diſſenters in the Sence defended, is not only moſt Chriſtian and Rational, but Prudent alſo. And the contrary (how plauſibly ſoever inſinuated) the moſt injurious to the Peace and deſtructive of that diſcreet Ballance, which the Beſt and Wiſeſt States, have ever carefully Obſerv'd.

But if this fair and equal Offer, find not a place with you, on which to rest its Foot; much leſs that it ſhould bring us back the Olive Branch of TOLLERATION; we heartily embrace and bleſs the Providence of God; and in his Strength reſolve, by Patience, to outweary PERSECUTION, and by our conſtant Sufferings, ſeek to obtain a Victory, more glorious, than any our Adverſaries can atchive by all their Cruelties.

Vincit qui patitur. Newgate, the 7th of the 12th Moneth, call'd February, 1670. From a Priſoner for Conſcience Sake, W. P.

The PREFACE.

VVEre ſome as Chriſtian, as they boaſt themſelves to be, 'twould ſave us all the Labour we beſtow in rendring Perſecution ſo unchriſtian, as it moſt truly is: Nay were they thoſe men of Reaſon they Character themſelves, and what the Civil Law ſtiles good Citizens, it had been needleſs for us to tell them, that neither can any external Coercive Power convince the underſtanding of the pooreſt Idiot, nor Fines and Priſons be judg'd fit, and adequate Penalties for Faults purely intellectual; as well as that they are deſtructive of all civil Government.

But we need not run ſo far as beyond the Seas, to fetch the ſence of the Codes, Inſtitutes, and Digeſts, out of the Corpus Civile to adjudge ſuch practices, incongruous with the good of civil ſociety, ſince our own good, old, admirable Laws of England, have made ſuch excellent proviſion for its Inhabitants, that if they were but thought as fit to be executed by this preſent Age, as they were lightly judg'd neceſſary to be made by our careful Anceſtors: We know how great a Stroak they would give ſuch, as venture to lead away our Property in Triumph (as our juſt Forfeiture) for only Worſhipping our God in a differing Way, from that which is more generally Profeſt and Eſtabliſht.

And indeed it is moſt truly lamentable, That above others (who have been found in ſo Un-natural and Anti-chriſtian an Imployment) thoſe, that by their own frequent Practices and voluminous Appologies, have defended a Separation from the Papacy) ſhould now become ſuch earneſt Perſecuters for it, not conſidering, that the Enaction of ſuch Laws, as reſtrain Perſons from the free Exerciſe of their Conſciences, in matters of Religion, is but a knotting Whip cord to laſh their own Poſterity; whom they can never promiſe to be conformed to a national Religion. Nay, ſince Mankind is ſubject to ſuch Mutability, they can't enſure themſelves, from being taken by ſome Perſwaſions, that are eſteem'd Hetrodox, and conſequently ketch themſelves in Snares of their own providing. And that men thus lyable to change, and no wayes certain of their own Belief to be the moſt infallible,) as by their multiply'd Conceſsions, may appear) to enact any Religion, or prohibit Perſons from the free Exerciſe of theirs, ſounds harſh in the Ears of all modeſt and unbya'ſt men. We are bold to ſay our Proteſtant Anceſtors thought of nothing leſs, then to be ſucceeded by Perſons Vain-glorious of their Reformation, and yet Adverſaries to Liberty of Conſcience; for to People in their Wits, it ſeems a Paradox.

Not that we are ſo ignorant, as to think is within the reach of humane Power to fetter Conſcience, or to reſtrain its Liberty ſtrictly taken: But that plain Engliſh, of Liberty of Conſcience, we would be underſtood to mean, is this; namely, The Free and Uninterrupted Exerciſe of our Conſciences, in that Way of Worſhip, we are moſt clearly perſwaded, God requires us to ſerve him in (without endangering our undoubted Birthright of Engliſh Freedoms) which being matter, of FAITH, we Sin if we omit, and they can't do leſs, that ſhall endeavour it.

To tell us, we are Obſtinate and Enemies to Government, are but thoſe Groundleſs Phraſes, the firſt Reformers were not a little peſtered with; but as they ſaid, ſo ſay we, The being call'd this, or that, does not conclude us ſo; and hitherto we have not been detected of that Fact, which only juſtifies, ſuch Criminations.

But however free we can approve our ſelves of Actions prejudicial of the Civil Government; 'tis moſt certain we have not ſuffered a little, as Criminals, and therefore have been far from being free from Sufferings; indeed, in ſome reſpect, Horrid Plunders: Widdows have loſt their Cows, Orphans their Beds, and Labourers their Tools. A Tragedy ſo ſaid, that methinks it ſhould obliege them to do in England, as they did at Athens; when they had ſacrificed their Divine Socrates to the ſottiſh fury of their lewd and commical Multitude, they ſo regreeted their haſty Murder, that not only the Memorial of Socrates was moſt venerable with them, but his Enemies they eſteemed ſo much theirs, that none would Trade or hold the leaſt Commere with them; for which ſome turned their own Executioners, and without any other Warrant then their own Guilt, Hang'd themſelves. How neer a kin the wretched Mercenary Informers of our Age are to thoſe, the great reſemblance that is betwixt their Actions manifeſtly ſhews.

And we are bold to ſay, the grand Fomenters of Perſecution, are no better Friends to the Engliſh State, then were Anytus and Ariſtophanes of old to that of Athens, the Caſe being ſo nearly the ſame, as that they did not more bitterly envy the Reputation of Socrates amongſt the Athenians for his grave and religious Lectures (thereby giving the Youth a diverſion from frequenting their Plays) then ſome now emulate the true Diſſenter, for his Pious Life, and great Induſtry.

And as that famous Commonwealth was noted to decline, and the moſt obſerving Perſons of it, dated its decay from that illegal and ingrateful Carriage towards Socrates (witneſs their dreadful Plagues, with other multiply'd Diſaſters) So is it not leſs worthy Obſervation, that Heaven hath not been wholly wanting to ſcourge this Land, for, as well as their Cruelty to the Conſcientious, as their other multiply'd Provocations.

And when we ſeriouſly conſider the dreadful Judgments that now impend the Nation (by reaſon of the Robbery, Violence, and unwonted Oppreſſion; that almoſt everywhere, have not only been committed, upon the Poor, the Widdow, and the Fatherleſs; but moſt tenaciouſly juſtified, and the Actors manifeſtly encourag'd) in meer pitty, and concern, for the everlaſting welfare of ſuch as have not quite ſinn'd away their Viſitation (for ſome have) we once more bring to publique view, our Reaſons againſt Perſecution, backt with the plaineſt Inſtances, both of Scripture and Antiquity. If but one may be perſwaded, to deſiſt from making any farther progreſs in ſuch an Anti-proteſtant, and truly Anti-chriſtian Path, as that of perſecuting honeſt and vertuous Engliſh men, for only worſhipping the God that made them, in the Way they judge moſt acceptable with him.

But if thoſe, who ought to think themſelves oblieg'd to weigh theſe affairs with the greateſt deliberation, will obſtinately cloſe their Eyes, to theſe laſt Remonſtrances; and ſlightly over-look the pinching Caſe of ſo many thouſand Families, that are by theſe Severities expoſ'd for Prey, to the unſatiable appetites of a Villanous Crew of broken Informers (doubing themſelves with that deluding Apprehenſion of pleaſing God, or at leaſt of profiting the Country; (whilſt they greatly diſpleaſe the one, and evidently ruin the other) as certain as ever the Lord God Almighty deſtroy'd Sodom, and lay'd waſte Gomorah, by the conſuming Flames of his juſt Indignation; will he haſten to make deſolate this wanton Land, and not leave an Hiding-place for the Oppreſſor.

Let no man therefore think himſelf too bigg to be admoniſh'd, nor put too ſlight a value upon the Lives, Liberties, and Properties of ſo many thouſand free-born Engliſh Families, Embarqu't in that one concern of Liberty of Conſcience. It will become him better to reflect upon his own Mortality, and not forget his Breath is in his Noſtrils, and that every Action of his Life the everlaſting God will bring to Judgment, and him for them.

The CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. WHat is meant by Liberty of Conſcience. What by Perſecution, &c. The Queſtion Stated. That Gods Prerogative is Invaded by Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution: 1. They robb God of his Right of Creation: 2. They ſuppoſe infallibility in man, contrary to Proteſtant • Principles 3. They attribute all to Man, and take Gods ſhare and his own too: 4. They defeat the Work of his Grace: 5. They aſſume the Judgment Seat. CHAP. II. They overturn the Chriſtian Religion; 1. In the Nature of it; which is Meekneſſ 2. In the Practice of it, which is Suffering; 3. In the Promotion of it, ſince all further Diſcoveries are prohibited; 4. In the Rewards of it, which are Eternal. CHAP. III. They oppoſe the plaineſt Teſtimonies of Divine Writ that can be, which condemn all Force upon Conſcience, CHAP. VI. They are Enemies to the Priviledge of Nature; 1. as rendring Some more, and Others leſs then Men; 2. as ſubverting the univerſal Good that is Gods Gift to men; 3. as deſtroying all natural Affection. Next, they are Enemies to the noble Principle of Reaſon, as appears in eight great Inſtances. CHAP. V. They carry a Contradiction to Government; 1. In the Nature of it, which is Juſtice; 2. In the Execution of it, which is Prudence; 3. In the End of it, which is Felicity. Seven Common, but Grand Objections, fairly ſtated, and briefly anſwered. CHAP. VI. They reflect upon the ſenſe and practice of the Wiſeſt, Greateſt, & Beſt States, and Perſons of Ancient and Modern Times; as of the Jews, Romans, Aegyptians, Germans, French, Hollanders, nay Turks and Perſians too. And Cat • , Livy, Tacitus, Juſtin Martyr, Tertullian, Jovianus, Chaucer, Dominicus Soto, Malvetzy, Grotius, Raleigh, Doctor and Student, French and Duch Proteſtants in England, Dr. Hamond, Dr. Tayler, A nameleſs but great Perſon, Lactantius, Hillary, Jerome, Chryſoſtom, Poliſh and Bohemian Kings, King James, and King Charles the firſt. A Poſtſcript to the whole; explaining the tearms of the Act, and vindicating peaceable Meetings from Sedition, &c.

CHAP. I. That Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution for Conſcience ſake, highly Invade divine Prerogative, and Diveſt the Almighty of a Right, due to none beſide himſelf, and that in five eminent Particulars.

THe great Caſe of Liberty of Conſcience ſo often Debated and Defended (however diſſatisfactorily to ſuch as have ſo little Conſcience as to Perſecute for it) is once more brought to publique view, by a late Act againſt Diſſenters, and Bill of an additional one, that we all hop'd the wiſdom of our Rulers had long ſince laid aſide, as what was fitter to be paſſ'd into an Act of perpetual Oblivion. The Kingdoms are allarum'd at this Proceedure, and Thouſands greatly at a ſtand, wondring what ſhould be the meaning of ſuch haſty Reſolutions, that ſeem as fatal as they were unexpected: Some ask what Wrong they have done; others, what Peace they have broken; and all, what Plots they have form'd, to prejudice the preſent Government, or occaſions given, to hatch new Jealouſies of them and their Proceedings, being not conſcious to themſelves of guilt in any ſuch reſpect.

For mine own part, I publickly confeſs my ſelf to be a very hearty Diſſenter from the eſtabliſh' • Worſhip of theſe Nations, as believing Proteſtants to have much degenerated from their firſt Principles, and as owning the poor deſpiſed Quakers in Life and Doctrine, to have eſpouſ'd the Cauſe of God, and to be undoubted Followers of Jeſus Chriſt, in his moſt Holy, Straight and Narrow Way that leads to the eternal Reſt. In all which I know no Treaſon, nor any Principle that would urge me to a Thought injurious to the Civil Peace. If any be defected in this particular, 'tis equal, both Individuals and whole Societies ſhould anſwer for their own Defaults, but we are clear.

However, all conclude that Union very Ominous, and Unhappy, which makes the firſt diſcovery of it ſelf, by a John Baptiſts Head in a Charger, They mean that Feaſt ſome are deſign'd to make upon the Liberties and Properties of Free-born Engliſh-men, ſince to have the I •• ail of thoſe undoubted hereditary Rights cut off for matters purely relative of another World) is a ſevere beheading in the Law; which muſt be obvious to all, but ſuch as meaſure the juſtice of things only by that proportion they bear with their own intereſt.

A ſort of men that ſeek themſelves, though at the apparent loſs of whole Societies, like to that barbarous Fancy of old, which had rather that Rome ſhould burn, then it be without the ſatisfaction of a Bone-fire. And ſad it is, when men have ſo far ſtupified their Underſtandings with the ſtrong doſes of their private intereſt, as to become inſenſible of the Publicks. Certainly ſuch an Over-fondneſs for ſelf, or that ſtrong inclination, to raiſe themſelves in the ruine of what does not ſo much oppoſe them, as that they will believe ſo, becauſe they would be perſecuting, is a malignant Enemy to that Tranquility, which all Diſſenting Parties ſeem to believe, would be the conſequence of a Toleration.

In ſhort we ſay, there can be but two ends in Perſecution, the one to ſatisfie (which none can ever do) the inſatiable appetites of a decimating Clergy (whoſe beſt Arguments are Fines and Impriſonments) and the other, as thinking therein they do God good Service; but 'tis ſo hateful a thing upon any account, that we ſhall make it appear by this enſuing Diſcourſe, to be a declar'd Enemy to God, Religion, and the Good of humane Society.

The whole will be ſmall, ſince it is but an Epitomy of no larger a tract then ten ſheets; yet divides it ſelf into the ſame particulars, every of which we ſhall defend againſt Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution, though not with that ſcope of Reaſon (nor conſequently Pleaſure to the Readers) being by other contingent diſappointments, limitted to a narrow ſtint.

The Tearms explained, and the Queſtion ſtated.

Firſt, By Liberty of Conſcience, we underſtand not only a meer Liberty of the Mind, in believing or disbelieving this or that Principle or Doctrine, but the Exerciſe of our ſelves in a viſible Way of Worſhip, upon our believing it to be indiſpenſibly required at our hands, that if we neglect it for Fear or Favour of any Mortal Man, we Sin, and incur divine Wrath: Yet we would be ſo underſtood to extend and juſtifie the lawfulneſs of our ſo meeting to Worſhip God, as not to contrive, or abet any Contrivance diſtructive of the Government and Laws of the Land, tending to matters of an external nature, directly, or indirectly; but ſo far only, as it may refer to religious Matters, and a Life to come, and conſequently wholly independent of the ſecular affairs of this, wherein we are ſuppos'd to Tranſgreſs.

Secondly, By Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution, we don't only mean, the ſtrict requiring of us to believe this to be true, or that to be falſe; and upon refuſal, to incur the Penalties enacted in ſuch Caſes; but by thoſe tearms we mean thus much, any coerſive let or hindrance to us, from meeting together to perform thoſe Religious Exerciſes which are according to our Faith and Perſwaſion.

The Queſtion ſtated.

For Proof of the aforeſaid Tearms thus given, we ſingly ſtate the Queſtion thus.

Whether Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution, upon perſons for Exerciſing ſuch a Liberty of Conſcience, as is before expreſſed, and ſo circumſtantiated, be not to impeach the Honour of God, the Meekneſs of the Chriſtian Religion, the Authority of Scripture, the Priviledge of Nature, the Principles of common Reaſon, the Well-being of Government, and Apprehenſions of the greateſt Perſonages of former and latter Ages.

Firſt, Then we ſay that Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution, for matters relating to Conſcience, directly Invade divine Prerogative, and Diveſt the Almighty of a Due, proper to none beſides himſelf. And this we prove by theſe five Particulars.

1. Firſt, If we do allow the honour of our Creation, due to God only, and that no other beſides himſelf has endow'd us with thoſe excellent Gifts of Underſtanding, Reaſon, Judgment, and Faith, and conſequently that he only is the Object as well as Author, both of our Faith, Worſhip, and Service, then whoever ſhall interpoſe their Authority to enact Fa • th and Worſhip, in a way that ſeems not to us congruous with what he has diſcover'd to us, to be Faith, and Worſhip (whoſe alone property it is to do it) or to reſtrain us from what we are perſwaded; is our indiſpenſible duty, they evidently uſurp this Authority and invade his incommunicable right of Government over Conſcience: For the Inſpiration of the Almighty gives underſtanding: And Faith is the Gift of God, ſays the divine Writ.

2. Secondly, ſuch Magiſterial determinations carry an evident claim to that infallibility, which Proteſtants have been hitherto ſo jealous of owning, that to avoid the Papiſts, they have denied it to all, but God himſelf.

Either they have forſook their old Plea, or if not, we deſire to know when, and where they were inveſted with that divine excellency, and that Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution, were deem'd by God ever the Fruits of his Spirit: However, that it ſelf were not ſufficient; for unleſs it appear as well to us, that they have it, as to them who have it, we cannot believe it upon any convincing Evidence, but by Tradition only; an Anti-Proteſtant way of believing.

3. Thirdly, It enthrones man as King over Conſcience, the alone juſt claim and Priviledge of his Creator, whoſe Thoughts are not as mens Thoughts, but has reſerv'd to himſelf, that Empire from all the Caeſars on Earth; for if men in reference to Souls, and Bodies, things appertaining to this and to'ther World, ſhall be ſubject to their Fellow-Creatures, what follows? but that Caeſar (however he got it) has all, Gods ſhare, and his own too; and being lord of both, both are Caeſars, and nothing Gods.

4. Fourthly, It defeats the Work of his Grace, and the inviſible Opperation of his eternal Spirit, which can alone beget Faith, and is only to be obey'd, in and about Religion and Worſhip, and attributes mens conformity to outward force & corporal puniſhments. A Faith ſubject to as many revolutions as the powers that enact it.

5. Fiftly and laſtly, Such perſons aſſume the Judgment of the great Tribunal unto themſelves; for to whomſoever men are impoſedly or reſtrictively ſubject and accountable in matters of Faith, Worſhip and Conſcience; in them alone muſt the power of judgement reſide; but it is equally true that God ſhall judge all by Jeſus Chriſt, and that no man is ſo accountable to his fellow Creatures, as to be impos'd upon, reſtrain'd, or perſecuted for any matter of Conſcience whatever.

Thus and in many more particulars are men accuſtom'd to entrench upon divine Property, to gratifie particular Intereſts in the world (and at beſt) through a miſguided apprehenſion, to imagine they do God good ſervice, that where they cannot give Faith, they will uſe force, which kind of Sacrifice is nothing leſs unreaſonable, then the other is abominable: God will not give his honor to another, and to him only that ſearches the heart and tries t •••• ins, it is our duty to aſcribe the gifts of Underſtanding and 〈◊〉 without which none can pleaſe God.

CHAP. II.

THe next great evil which attends externall force in matters of faith and worſhip, is no leſs then the overthrow of the whole Chriſtian Religion, and this we will briefly evidence in theſe four particulars. 1. Firſt, that there can be nothing more remote from the nature 2. Secondly, the practice. 3. Thirdly, the promotion. 4 Fourthly, the Rewards of it.

1. Firſt, it is the priviledge of the Chriſtian Faith above the dark ſuggeſtions of ancient and modern ſuperſtious Traditions, to carry with it a moſt ſelf evidencing verity, which ever was ſufficient to proſelite believers, without the weak Auxilaries of external power; The ſon of God, and great Example of the world, was ſo far from calling his Father's omnipotency in legions of Angels to his defence, that he at once repeal'd all Acts of force, and defin'd unto us the nature of his Religion in this one great ſaying of his, MY KINGDOM IS NOT OF THIS WORLD. It was ſpiritual, not carnall, accompanied with weapons, as heavenly as its own nature, and deſign'd for the good and ſalvation of the ſoul, and not the injury and deſtruction of the body: no Goals, Fines, Exiles &c. but ſound reaſon, clear truth, and a ſtrict life. In ſhort, the Chriſtian Religion intreats all, but compells none.

2. Secondly, that Reſtraint and Perſecution overturn the practiſe of it; I need go no further then the allow'd Martyrologies of ſeveral ages, of which the Scriptures claim a ſhare; begin with Abel go down to Moſes, ſo to the Prophets, and then to the meek example of Jeſus Chriſt himſelf; How patiently devoted was he, to undergo the contradictions of men? and ſo far from perſecuting any, that he would not ſo much as revile his Perſecutors, but pray'd for them; thus liv'd his Apoſtles and the true Chriſtians, of the firſt three hundred years: Nor are the famous Stories of our firſt Reformers ſilent in the matter; witneſs the Chriſtian practiſes of the Waldenſes, Lollards, Huſsites, Lutherans, and our noble Martyrs, who as became the true followers of Jeſus Chriſt, enacted and confirm'd their Religion, with their own blood, and not with the blood of their Oppoſers.

3. Thirdly, Reſtraint and Perſecution obſtructs the promotion of the Chriſtian Religion, for if ſuch as reſtraint, confeſs themſelves miſerable ſinners, and altogether imperfect, it either followes, that they never deſire to be better, or that they ſhould incourage ſuch as may be capable of further informing and reforming them; they condemn the Papiſts for enco •• ening the Scriptures and their Worſhip in an unknown tongue, and yet are guilty themſelves of the ſame kind of fact.

4. Fourthly, they prevent many of eternal Rewards, for where any are Religious for fear, and that of men, 'tis ſlaviſh; and the recompence, of ſuch Religion is condemnation, not peace: beſides, 'tis man that is ſerv'd, who having no power but what is temporary, his reward muſt needs be ſo too; he that impoſes a duty, or reſtrains from one, muſt reward; but becauſe no man can reward for ſuch Duties, no man can or ought to impoſe them, or reſtrain from them. So that we conclude impoſition, reſtraint, and perſecution, are deſtructive, of the Chriſtian Religion, in the nature, practice, promotion and rewards of it, which are Eternall.

CHAP. III.

WE further ſay, that impoſition, reſtraint, and perſecution are repugnant to the plain Teſtimonies and precepts of the Scriptures.

The inſpiration of the Almighty gives underſtanding, 1. Job 32. 8.

If no man can believe before he underſtands, and no man can underſtand before he is inſpir'd of God, then are the impoſitions of men excluded as unreaſonable, and their perſecutions for non-obedience as inhumane.

Wo unto them that take counſell, but not of me, 2. Iſa: 30. 1.

Wo unto them that make a man an offender for a word, and lay a ſnare for him that reproves in the gate, and turns aſide the Juſt for a thing of naught, 3. Iſa. 29. 15, 21.

Let the Wheat and the Tares grow together until the time of the harveſt, or end of the World. 4. Mat. 13. 27, 28, 29.

And Jeſus call'd them unto him, and ſaid ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exerciſe dominion over them, and they that are greateſt exerciſe authority upon them, but it ſhall not be ſo amongſt you. 5 Ma • t: 20▪ 25, 26.

And Jeſus anſwering ſaid unto them, Render unto Caeſar the things that are Ceſars, and unto God the things that are Gods, 6 Luke 20. 21, 22, 23, 24, 25.

When his Diſciples ſaw this (that there were Non-conformiſts then as well as now) they ſaid, wilt thou that we command fire to come down from heaven and conſume them, as Eliſha did; But be turned, and rebuk'd them, and ſaid, Ye know not what ſpirit ye are of; for the Son of Man is not come to deſtroy me • s lives but to ſave them, 7. Luke 9. 54. 55. 56

Howbeit, when the ſpirite of truth is come, he ſhall lead you into all Truth. • . John 16. 8, 13.

But now the anointing which ye have received of him abides in you, and you need not that any man teach you (much leſs impoſe upon any, or reſtrain them from what any are perſwaded it leads to) but as the ſame anointing teaches you of all things and is truth, and is not lye. 9. Iohn. 1, 9, 27.

Dearly beloved, avenge not your ſelves but rather give place unto Wrath (much leſs ſhould any be Wrath that are call'd Chriſtians where no occaſion is given) therefore if thine Enemy Hunger Feed him, and if he Thirſt, give him Drink; Recompence no man Evil for Evil. 10 Rom. 12. 19, 20, 21.

For though we walk in the fleſh (that is in the body or viſible world) we do not war after the fleſh, for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal. 11 2. Cor. 3. 4, 5. (but Fines and Impriſonments are, and ſuch uſe not the Apoſtles Weapons that employ thoſe) for a Biſhop, 1 Tim. 3. 23 (ſaith Paul) muſt be of a good behaviour, apt to teach, no ſtriker, but be gentle unto all men, Patient in Meekneſs, Inſtructing (not Perſecuting) thoſe that oppoſe themſelves, if God peradventure will give them, Repentance to the acknowledgment of the Truth, 2 Tim. 2. 24, 25.

Laſtly, We ſhall ſubjoyn one Paſſage more, and then no more of this Particular; Whatſoever ye would that men ſhould do unto you, do ye even ſo unto them. 12. Matt. 7. 12. Luke 6. 31.

Now upon the whole we ſeriouſly ask, Whether any ſhould be Impo'd upon, or Reſtrain'd, in matters of Faith and Worſhip? Whether ſuch Practices become the Goſpel, or are ſutable to Chriſts Meek Precepts and Suffering Doctrine? And laſtly, Whether thoſe, who are herein guilty, do to us, as they would be done unto by others?

What if any were once ſevere to you; many are unconcern'd in that, who are yet lyable to the Laſh, as if they were not. But if you once thought, the Impoſition of a Directory Unreaſonable, and a Reſtraint from your way of Worſhip Unchriſtian, can you believe that Liberty of Conſcience is changed, becauſe the Parties in points of Power are? or that the ſame Reaſons do not yet remain in vindication of an Indulgeance for others, that were once Employ'd by you for your ſelves? Surely ſuch Conjectures would argue groſs Weakneſs.

To conclude, Whether Perſecutors at any time, read the Scriptures we know not; but certain we are, ſuch practiſe as little of them as may be, who with ſo much Delight reject them, and think it no ſmall Acceſſion to the diſcovery of their Loyalty, to lead us and our Properties in Triumph after them.

CHAP. IV.

WE further ſay, That Impoſition, Reſtraint, and Perſecution are alſo deſtructive of the great Priviledge of Nature and Principle of Reaſon. Of Nature in three Inſtances:

1. Firſt, If God Almighty has made of one Blood all Nations, as himſelf has declar'd, and that he has given them both Sences Corporal and Intellectual, to diſcern things and their differences, ſo as to aſſert or deny from Evidences and Reaſons proper to each; then where any Enacts the Belief or Disbelief of any thing upon the reſt, or Reſtrains any from the Exerciſe of their Faith to them indiſpenſible, ſuch Exalts himſelf beyond his Bounds, Enſlaves his Fellow-Creatures, Invades their Right of Liberty, and ſo pervert the whole order of Nature.

2. Secondly, Mankind is hereby rob'd of the uſe and benefit of that inſtinct of a Diety, which is ſo natural to him, that he can be no more without it, and be, then he can be without the moſt eſſential Part of himſelf; For to what ſerves that divine Principle in the univerſallity of Mankind, if men be reſtricted by the Preſcriptions of ſome Individuals? But if the excellent Nature of it, inclines men to God, not Man; if the Power of Accuſing and Excuſing be committed to it; if the troubled Thoughts and ſad Afflictions of Forlorn and Dying men, make their tendency that a way only, (as being hopeleſs of all other Relief and Succour from any external Power or Command) What ſhall we ſay? but that ſuch as invallid the Authority of this Heavenly Inſtinct, (as Impoſition and Reſtraint evidently do) deſtroy Nature, or that Priviledge which men are born with, and to.

3. All natural Affection is deſtroy'd; for thoſe who have ſo little tenderneſs, as to perſecute men that cannot for Conſcience ſake yield them compliance, manifeſtly act injuriouſly to their Fellow-Creatures, and conſequently are Enemies to Nature; for Nature being one in all, ſuch as ruin thoſe who are equally intitled with themſelves to Nature, ruin it in them, as in Liberty, Property, &c. and ſo bring the ſtate of Nature to the ſtate of War, the great Leviathan of the times, as ignorantly as boldly does aſſert.

2. But ſecondly, We alſo prove them deſtructive of the noble Principle of Reaſon, and that in theſe eight Perticulars.

1. Firſt, In that thoſe who Impoſe or Reſtrain are uncertain of the truth and juſtifiableneſs of their actions in either of this, their own Diſcourſes and Confeſſions are pregnant Inſtances, where they tell us, that They do not pretend to be infallible, only they humbly conceive 'tis thus, or it is not. Since then they are uncertain and fallible, how can they impoſe upon, or reſtrain others whom they are ſo far from aſſuring, as they are not able to do ſo much for themſelves? What is this, but to impoſe an uncertain Faith upon Certain Penalties?

3. As he that Acts Doubtfully is Damn'd, ſo Faith in all Acts of Religion is neceſſary▪ now in order to believe, we muſt firſt Will; to Will, we muſt firſt Judge; to Judge any thing, we muſt firſt Underſtand; if then we cannot be ſaid to Underſtand any thing againſt our Underſtanding; no more ca • we Judge, Will, and Believe againſt our Underſtanding: and if the Doubter be Damn'd, what muſt he be that conform directly againſt his Judgment and Belief, and they likewiſe that require it from him? In ſhort, that Man cannot be ſaid to have any Religion, that takes it by another mans choice, not his own.

4. Where men are limitted in Matters of Religion, there the Rewards which are entail'd on the free acts of men, are quite overthrown; and ſuch as ſuperceed that Grand Charter of Liberty of Conſcience, fruſtrate all hopes of Recompence, by rendring the Actions of men unavoidable: But thoſe think perhaps, They do not deſtroy all Freedom, becauſe they uſe ſo much of their own.

5. Fifthly, They ſubvert all true Religion; for where men believe not becauſe it is True, but becauſe they are required to do ſo, there they will unbelieve, not becauſe 'tis Falſe, but ſo commanded by their Superiors, whoſe Authority their Intereſt and Security obliege them rather to obey, then diſpute.

6. Sixthly, They Delude, or rather Compel people out of their eternal Rewards; for where men are commanded to act in reference to Religion, and can neither be ſecur'd of their Rewards, nor yet ſav'd harmleſs from puniſhments; their ſo acting and believing diſpriviledges them forever of that Recompence, which is provided for the Faithful.

7. Seventhly, Men have their Liberty and Choice in external matters; they are not compelled to Marry this Perſon, to Converſe with that, to Buy here, to Eat there, nor to Sleep yonder; yet if men had Power to Impoſe or Reſtrain in any thing▪ one would think it ſhould be in ſuch exteriour Matters; but that this Liberty ſhould be unqueſtion'd, and that of the Mind Deſtroy'd iſſues here, that it does not Unbruit us, but Unman us; for take away Underſtanding, Reaſon, Judgment, and Faith, and like Nebuchadnezar, let us go Graze with the Beaſts of the Field.

8. Eightly and laſtly, That which moſt of all blackens the Buſineſs is PERSECUTION; for though it is very unreaſonable to require Faith, where men cannot chuſe but doubt, yet after all, to puniſh them for Diſobedience, 'tis Cruelty in the abſtract; for we demand, Shall men Suffer for not doing when they cannot do? Muſt they be Perſecuted here if they do not go againſt their Conſcience, and puniſhed hereafter if they do? But neither is this all; for that part that is yet moſt unreaſonable, and that gives the cleareſt ſight of Perſecution, is ſtill behind, namely, The monſtrous Arguments they have to Convince an Heretick with: Not thoſe of old, as Spiritual as the Chriſtian Religion, which were to Admoniſh, Warn, and finally to Reject; but ſuch as were imploy'd by the Perſecuting Jews and Heathens againſt the great Example of the World, and ſuch as follow'd him, aud by the inhuman Papiſts againſt our firſt Reformers, as Clubbs, Staves, Stocks, Pillories, Priſons, Dungeons, Exiles, &c. in a word, Ruin to whole Families, as if it were not ſo much their Deſign to Convince the Soul, as to Deſtroy the Body.

To conclude, There ought to be an Adequation and Reſemblance betwixt all Ends, and the means to them, but in this caſe there can be none imaginable; the End is the conformity of our Judgments and Underſtandings to the acts of ſuch as require it, the Means are Fines and Impriſonments (and bloody Knocks to boot.

Now what Proportion or Aſſimulation theſe bear, let the Sober judge: The Underſtanding can never be convinc'd, nor properly ſubmit, but by ſuch Arguments, as are Rational, Perſwaſive, and Sutable to its own Nature; ſomething that can Reſolve its Doubts, Anſwer its Objections, Enervate its Propoſitions, but to imagine thoſe Barbarous Newgate Inſtruments of Clubbs, Fines, Priſons, &c. with that whole Troop of external and dumb Materials of force ſhould be fit Arguments to convince the Underſtanding, ſcatter its ſcruples, & finally, convert it to their Religion is altogether irrational, cruel, and impoſſible. Force may make an Hipocrite; 'tis Faith grounded upon knowledge, & conſent that makes a Chriſtian. And to conclude, as we can never betray the honour of our Conformity (only due to Truth) by a baſe and timorous Hypocriſie to any external Violence under Heaven, ſo muſt we needs ſay, unreaſonable are thoſe Impoſers, who ſecure not the Impoſed or Reſtrained from what may occur to them, upon their account; and most inhuman are thoſe Perſecutors that puniſh men for not obeying them though to their utter ruin.

CHAP. V.

WE next urge, that Force in matters relating to Conſcience, carry a plain Contradiction to Government in the Nature, Execution, and End of it.

By Government we underſtand, an external Order of Juſtice or the right and prudent Diſciplining of any Society, by juſt Laws, either in the Relaxation, or Execution of them.

1. Firſt it carries a Contradiction to Government in the Nature of it, which is Juſtice, and that in three Reſpects.

1. It is the firſt Leſſon that great Synteriſis, ſo much renowned by Phyloſ • phers and Civilians, learns Mankind, to do as one would be done to, ſince he that gives, what he would not take, or takes what he would not give, only ſhews care for himſelf, but neither Kindneſs nor Juſtice for another.

2. Secondly, The juſt Nature of Government lies in a fair and equal Retribution; but what can be more unequal, then that men ſhould be rated more then their Proportion, to anſwer the Neceſſities of Government, and yet that they ſhould not only receive no Protection from it, but by it be diſſeiz'd of their dear Liberty and Properties; we ſay to be compell'd to pay that Power, that exerts it ſelf to ruin thoſe that pay it, or that any ſhould be requir'd to enrich thoſe, that ruin them, is hard, and unequal, and therefore contrary to the juſt Nature of Government. If we muſt be Contributaries, to the maintenance of it, we are entituled to a protection from it.

3. Thirdly, It is the Juſtice of Government to proportion Penalties to the Crime committed. Now granting our Diſſent to be a Fault, yet the infliction of a Corporal or External Puniſhment, for a meer mental Error (and that not voluntarily too) is Unreaſonable and Inadequate, as well as againſt particular directions of the Scriptures, Tit 3. 9, 10, 11. For as Corporal Penalties cannot convince the Underſtanding; ſo neither can then be commenſurate Puniſhments, for Faults purely Intellectual: And for the Goverment of this World to intermed •• e with what belongs to the Government of Another, and which can have no ill Aſpect or Influence upon it, ſhews more of Invaſion then Right and Juſtice.

2. Secondly, It carries a Contradition to Government in the Execution of it, which is Prudence, and that in theſe Inſtances.

The ſtate of the Caſe is this, That there is no Republick ſo great, no Empire ſo vaſt, but the Laws of them are Reſolvable into theſe two Series or Heads, Of Laws Fundamental, which are Indiſpenſible and Immutable: And Laws Superficial, which are Temporary and Alterable: And as it is Juſtice and Prudence to be punctual in the Execution of the former, ſo by Circumſtances it may be neither, to Execute the latter, they being ſuited to the preſent Conveniency and Emergency of State; as the Prohibiting of Cattle out of Ireland, was judg'd of advantage to the Farmers of England, yet a Murrin would make it the good of the whole, that the Law ſhould be broke, or at leaſt the Execution of it ſuſpended. That the Law of Reſtraint in point of Conſcience is of this number; we may further manifeſt, and the imprudence of thinking otherwiſe: For, firſt, if the ſaying were as true as 'tis falſe; No Biſhop, no King, (which admits of various readings; As no decimating Clergy, or no Perſecution, no King, we ſhould be as ſilent, as ſome would have us: but the confidence of their Aſſertion, and the impollicy of ſuch as believe it, makes us to ſay, that a greater injury cannot be done to the preſent Government. For if ſuch Laws and Eſtabliſhments are fundamental; they are as immutable as mankind it ſelf; but that they are as alterable as the Conjectures and Opinions of Governors have been, is evident; ſince the ſame fundamental indiſpenſable Laws and Pollicy of theſe Kingdoms have ſtill remain'd, through all variety of oppoſite Ruling Opinions and Judgments, and disjoynt from them all. Therefore to admit ſuch a fixation to temporary Laws, muſt needs be highly imprudent, and deſtructive of the eſſential parts of the Government of theſe Countries.

2. Secondly, That ſince there has been a time of connivance, and that with no ill ſucceſs to publick Affairs, it cannot be prudence to diſcontinue it, unleſs it was imprudence before to give it, and ſuch little deſerve it that think ſo.

3. Thirdly, Diſſenters not being conſcious to themſelves of any juſt Forfeiture of that Favour, are as well griev'd in their Reſentments of this Alteration, as the contrary did oblige them to very gratefull Acknowledgments.

4. Fourthly, this muſt be done to gratifie all, or the greateſt Part, or but ſome few only; it is a demonſtration all are pleaſed with it; that the greateſt Number is not, the empty publick Auditories will ſpeak: In ſhort, how ſhould either be, when ſix Parties are ſacrificed to the ſeventh; that this cannot be Prudence, common Maxims and Obſervations prove.

5. Fifthly, It ſtrikes fatally at Proteſtant-ſincerity; for will the Papiſts ſay, Did Proteſtants exclaim againſt us, for Perſecutors, and are they now the Men themſelves? Was it an Inſtance of Weakneſs in our Religion, and is't become a Demonſtration in theirs? Have they tranſmuted it from Antichriſtian in us, to Chriſtian in themſelves? Let Perſecutors anſwer.

6. Sixthly, It is not only an Example, but an Incentive to the Romaniſts, to Perſecute the Reformed Religion abroad; for when they ſee their Actions (once void of all Excuſe) now defended by the Example of Proteſtants, that once accus'd them (but now themſelves) doubtleſs they will revive their Cruelty.

7. Seventhly, It overturns the very Ground of the Proteſtants Retreat from Rome; for if men muſt be Reſtrain'd upon pretended Prudential Conſiderations, for the Exerciſe of their Conſcience in England; why not the ſame in France, Holland, Germany, Conſtantinople, &c. where matters of State may equally be pleaded? This makes Religion, State-pollicy; and Faith and Worſhip, ſubſervient to the Humors and Intereſts of Superiors: Such Doctrine would have prevented our Anceſtors Retreat; and We wiſh it be not the beginning of a Back-march; for Some think it ſhrewdly to be ſuſpected, where Religion is ſuited to the Government, and Conſcience to it's Conveniency.

8. Eighthly, Vice is incourag'd; for if Licentious Perſons ſee Men of Vertue moleſted for Aſſembling with a Religious Purpoſe to Reverence and Worſhip God, and That are otherwiſe moſt ſerviceable to the Common-Wealth, they may and will inferr, it is better for them to be as they are ſince not to be demur, as they call it, is half way to that kind of Accompliſhment, which procures Preferment.

9. Ninthly, For ſuch perſons as are ſo poor ſpirited as to truckle under ſuch Reſtraints; What Conqueſt is there over them? that before were Conſcientious men, and now Hypocrites; who ſo forward to be aveng •• of them, that brought this Guilt upon them, as they themſelves? And how can the Impoſers be ſecure of their Friendſhip, whom they have taught to change with the Times?

10. Tenthly, Such Laws are ſo far from benefiting the Country, that the Execution of them will be the aſſured ruin of it, in the Revenues, and conſequently in the Power of it; For where there is a decay of Families, there will be of Trade; ſo of Wealth, and in the end of Strength and Power; and if both kinds of Relief fail; Men, the Prop of Republiques; Money, the Stay of Monarchies; this as requiring Mercenaries, that as needing Freemen (farewell the Intereſt of England; 'tis true, the Prieſts get (though that's but for a time) but the King and People loſe; as the event will ſhew.

11. Eleventhly, It ever was the prudence of wiſe Magiſtrates of Obliege their people; but what comes ſhorter of of it then Perſecution? What's dearer to them then the Liberty of their Conſcience? What cannot they better ſpare then it? Their Peace conſiſts in the enjoyment of it: And he that by Compliance has loſt it, carries his Penalty with him, and is his own Priſon. Surely ſuch Practices muſt render the Government Uneaſie, and beget a great Diſreſpect to the Governours, in the Hearts of the people.

12. Twelfthly, But that which concludes our prudential part, ſhall be this, That after all their Pains and Goodwill to ſtretch men to their Meaſure, they never will be able to accompliſh their End: And if he be an unwiſe Man, hat provides Means where he deſigns no End, how neer is be kin to him that propoſes an end inobtainable. Experience has told us. 1. How Invective it has made the Impos'd. 2. What Diſtractions have inſued ſuch Attempts. 3. What Reproach has follow'd to the Chriſtian Religion, when the Profeſſors of it have us'd a coercive Power upon Conſcience. And laſtly, That Force never yet made, either a Good Chriſtian or a Good Subject.

3. Thirdly and Laſtly, Since the proceedings we argue againſt, are prov'd ſo deſtructive to the Juſtice and Prudence of Government, we ought the leſs to wonder that they ſhould hold the ſame malignity againſt the End of it, which is Felicity, ſince the Wonder would be to find it otherwiſe; and this is evident from theſe three brief Conſiderations.

1. Firſt, Peace (the End of War and Government, and its great Happineſs too) has been, is, and yet will be broken by the frequent Tumultuary Diſturbances, that enſue the Diſquieting our Meetings, and the Eſtreeting Fines upon our Goods and Eſtates. And what theſe things may iſſue in, concerneth the Civil Magiſtrate to conſider.

2. Secondly, Plenty (another great End of Government) will be converted into Poverty by the Deſtruction of ſo many thouſand Families as refuſe Compliance and Conformity, and that not only to the Sufferers, but influentially to all, the reſt; a Demonſtration of which we have in all thoſe Places where the late Act has been any thing conſiderably put in Execution. Beſides, how great Provocation ſuch Incharity and Cruel Uſage, as ſtripping Widdows, Fatherleſs, and Poor of their very Neceſſaries for human Life, meerly upon an account of Faith or Worſhip, muſt needs be to the Juſt and Righteous Lord of Heaven and Earth; Scriptures, and plenty of other Stories plainly ſhew us.

3. Thirdly, Unity (not the leaſt but greateſt End of Government is loſt) for by ſeeking an Unity of Opinion (by the wayes intended) the Unity requiſit to uphold us, as a Civil Society, will be quite deſtroy'd. And ſuch as relinquiſh that, to get the other (beſides that they are Unwiſe) will infallibly loſe both in the end.

In ſhort, We ſay, that 'tis unreaſonable we ſhould not he entertain'd as men, becauſe ſome think we are not as Good Chriſtians as they pretend to wiſh us; or that we ſhould be depriv'd of our Liberties and Properties, who never broke the Laws that gave them to us: What can be harder, then to take that from us by a Law, which the great indulgence and ſolicitude of our Anceſtors took ſo much pains to intail upon us by Law; An. 18 Ed. 3. ſtat 3. alſo ſtat. 20. Ed. 3. cap. 1. again Petition of Right, An. 3. Car. and more fully in Magna Charta; further peruſe 37 Ed. 5. cap. 8. 28. 42 Ed. 3. cap. 3. 28 Hen. cap. 7.

And we are perſwaded, that no Temporary Subſequential Law whatever, to our Fundamental Rights (as this of Force on Conſcience is) can invalid ſo eſſential a part of the Government, as an Engliſh Liberty and Property: Nor that it's in the power of any on Earth, to deprive us of them, till we have firſt done it our ſelves, by ſuch Enormious Facts, as thoſe very Laws prohibit, and make our Forfeiture of that benefit we ſhould otherwiſe receive by them; for theſe being ſuch Cardinal and Fundamental Points of Engliſh Law-Doctrine, individually, and by the collective body of the People agreed to; and on which as the moſt ſolid Baſis, our Secondary Legiſlative Power, as well as Executive is built; it ſeems moſt rational that the Superſtructure cannot quarrel or invalid its own Foundation, without manifeſtly endangering its own ſecurity, the Effect is ever leſs noble then the Cauſe, the Gift then the Giver, and the Superſtructure then the Foundation.

The ſingle Queſtion to be reſolved in the caſe, briefly will be this, Whether any viſible Authority (being founded in its primitive Inſtitution upon thoſe Fundamental Laws, that inviolably preſerve the People in all their juſt Rights and Priviledges) may invalidate all, or any of the ſaid Laws, without an implicit ſhaking of its own Foundation, and a clear overthrow of its own Conſtitution of Government, and ſo reduce them to their Statu quo prius, or firſt Principles: The Reſolution is every mans, at his own pleaſure. Read Hen. 3. 9. 14. 29. 25 Ed 3. Book Juſtit. 2. 19. 50, 51.

Thoſe who intend us no Share or Intereſt in the Laws of England, as they relate to civil Matters, unleſs we correſpond with them in Points of Faith and Worſhip, muſt do two things: Firſt, It will lie heavy on their parts to prove, That the Ancient Compact and Original of our Laws, carries that Proviſo with it; elſe we are manifeſtly diſeized of our Free-Cuſtoms.

Secondly, They are to prove the Reaſonableneſs of ſuch Proceedings to our Underſtandings, that we may not be concluded by a Law, we know not how to underſtand; for if I take the matter rightly (as I think I do) we muſt not Buy or Sell unleſs of this or that Perſwaſion in Religion; not conſidering civil Society was in the World before the Proteſtant Profeſsion; Men, as ſuch, and in Affairs peculiarly relative of them, in an external and civil capacity, have ſubſiſted many Ages, under great variety of Religious Apprehenſions, and therefore not ſo dependent on them as to receive any Variation or Revolution with them. What ſhall we ſay then? but that ſome will not that we ſhould Live, Breath, and Commerce as men, becauſe we are not ſuch model'd Chriſtians as they coercively would have us; they might with as much Juſtice and Reputation to themſelves forbid us to look or ſee unleſs our Eyes were Grey, Black, Brown, Blew, or ſome one colour beſt ſuiting theirs: For not to be able to give us Faith, or ſave our Conſciences harmleſs, and yet to perſecute us for refuſing conformity, is intollerable hard meaſure.

In ſhort, That coercive way of bringing all men to their height of Perſwaſion, muſt either ariſe from Ex • rbitant Zeal and Superſtition; or from a conſciouſneſs of Error and Defect, which is unwilling any thing more ſincere, and reformed ſhould take place; being of that Cardinals mind, who therefore would not hearken to a Reformation, at the ſitting of the Counſel of Trent; becauſe he would not ſo far approve the Reformers Judgment (for having once condeſcended to their Apprehenſions, he thought 'twould forever inſlave them to their Sence) though otherwiſe he ſaw as much as any man, the grand neceſſity of a Reformation, both of the Roman Doctrine and Converſation.

Some grand Objections in the way must be Conſidered.

Objection 1. But you are a People that meet with Deſigns to Diſaffect the People, and to ruin the Government.

Anſwer, A Surmiſ • is no Certainty, neither is A may be, or Conjecture, any Proof; That from the firſt we have behaved our ſelves inoffenſively is a Demonſtration; that our Meetings are open, where all may hear our Matter, and have liberty to object or diſcuſe any Point, is notorious. Ignorant Calumnies are Sandy Foundations to build ſo high a Charge upon: Let us fairly be heard in a publique Conference, how far we can juſtifie our Principles from being deſervedly ſuſpected of Sedition or Diſloyalty, and not over-run us with meer Suppoſitions. We declare our readineſs to obey the Ordinance of man, which is only relative of Human or Civil Matters, and not Points of Faith, or Practiſe in Worſhip: But if Accuſations muſt ſtand for Proofs, we ſhall take it for granted, that we muſt ſtand for Criminals; but our Satisfaction will be, that we ſhall not deſerve it otherwiſe then as prejudice ſeeks to traduce us.

Object. 2. But you ſtrike at the Doctrine, at leaſt the Diſcipline of the Church, and conſequently are Hereticks.

Anſw. This Story is as old as the Reformation; If we muſt be objected againſt out of pure Reputation, let it be in ſome other matter then what the Papiſts objected againſt the firſt Proteſtants; otherwiſe you do but hit your ſelves in aiming at us? To ſay you were in the Right, but we are in the Wrong, is but a meer begging of the Queſtion; for doubtleſs the Papiſts ſaid the ſame to you, and all that you can ſay to us: Your beſt Plea was, Conſcience upon Principles, the moſt evident and rational to you: Do not we the like? What if you think our Reaſons thick, and our ground of Separation miſtaken? Did not the Papiſts harbour the ſame Thoughts of you? You perſwaded as few of them, as we of you: Were you therefore in the Wrong? No more are we: It was not what they thought of you, or enacted againſt you, that concluded you: And why ſhould your Apprehenſions conclude us? If you have the way of giving Faith beyond what they had, and have the faculty of Perſwaſion, evidence as much; but if you are as deſtitute of both, as they were to you; why ſhould Fines and Priſons, once us'd by them againſt you, and by you exclaimed againſt, as Unchriſtian Wayes of reclaiming Hereticks (ſuppoſing your ſelves to be ſuch) be employ'd by you as rational, Chriſtian, and Convincing upon us? To ſay we deſerve them more, is to ſuppoſe your ſelves in the Right, and we in the Wrong, which proves nothing. Beſides, the Queſtion is not barely this, whether Hereticks or no Hereticks; but whether an Heretick ſhould be Perſecuted into a diſclaiming of his Error; your old Arguments run thus, as I well remember.

1. Error is a Miſtake in the Underſtanding.

2. This is for want of a better Illumination.

3. This Error can never be diſlodged, but by Reaſon and Perſwaſion, as what are moſt ſuitable to the Intellect of man.

4. Fines, Goals, Exiles, Gibbets, &c. are no Convincing Arguments to the moſt erring Underſtanding in the World, being ſlaviſh and bruitiſh.

5. This way of Force makes, inſtead of an honeſt Diſſenter, but an Hypocritical Conformiſt; then whom nothing is more deteſtable to God and man.

This being the Proteſtants Plea, we are not to be diſliked by Proteſtants, for following their own avow'd Maxims and Axioms of Conſcience in defence of its own Liberty.

In ſhort, either allow ſeparation upon the ſingle Principle of, My Conſcience owns this, or diſowns that; or never dwell in that Building, which knew no better Foundation (indeed good enough) but accuſing your Fore-fathers of Schiſm, and Hereſie, return to the Romiſh Church. What ſhort of this can any ſay to an Anti-liberty-of-Conſcience-Proteſtant.

Object. 3. But at this rate ye may pretend to Cut our Throats, and do all manner of ſavage Acts.

Anſw. Though the Objection be frequent, yet it is as fouly ridiculous. We are pleading only for ſuch a Liberty of Conſcience, as preſerves the Nation in Peace, Trade, and Commerce; and would not exempt any man, or Party of men, from not keeping thoſe excellent Laws, that tend to Sober, Juſt, and Induſtrious Living. It is a Jeſuitical Morral, To Kill a man before he is Born: Firſt, to ſuſpect him of an Evil Deſign, and then kill him to prevent it.

Object. 4. But do not you ſee what has been the end of this Separation? Wars, and Revolutions, and Danger to Government; witneſs our late Troubles.

Anſ. We ſee none of all this, but are able to make it app • ar, that the true cauſe of all that perplext Diſturbance, which was amongſt the Homouſians & Arrians of old, & among us of later years (as well as what has modernly attended our Neighbouring Countries) tooks its firſt riſe from a narrowneſs of ſpirit, in not Tollerating others to live the Freemen God made them, in External Matters upon the Earth, meerly upon ſome difference in Religion.

And were there once but an Hearty Tolleration eſtabliſht, 'twould be a Demonſtration of the truth of this Aſſertion. On this Ground, Empire ſtands ſafe; on the other, it ſeems more uncertain.

But theſe are only the popular Devices of ſome to traduce honeſt Men, and their Principles; whoſe lazy Life, and intollerable Avarice become queſtion'd, by a Tolleration of people better inclin'd.

Object 5. But what need you take this Pains to prove Liberty of Conſcience Reaſonable and Neceſſary, when none queſtions it; all that is required is, That you meet but four more then your own Families; and can you not be contented with that? Your Diſobedience to a Law, ſo favourable, brings ſuffering upon you.

Anſw. Here is no need of anſwering the former part of the Objection; 'Tis too apparent throughout the Land, that Liberty of Conſcience, as we have ſtated it, has been ſeverely proſecuted, and therefore not ſo franckly injoyed: The latter part, I anſwer thus, If the words Lawful or Unlawful, may bear their ſignification from the nature of the things they ſtand for, then we conceive that a Meeting of Four Thouſand is no more Unlawful, then a Meeting of Four; for Number ſingly conſider'd criminates no Aſſembly: but the reaſon of their Aſſembling; the Poſture in which; and the Matter tranſacted, with the Conſequences thereof.

Now if thoſe things are taken for granted, to be things diſpenſible (as appears by the allowance of Four beſides every Family) certainly the Number can never render it Unlawful; ſo that the Queſtion will be this, Whether if Four met to worſhip God, be an Allowable Meeting, Four Thouſand met with the ſame Deſign be not an Allowable Meeting?

It is ſo plain a Caſe, that the Matter in the Queſtion reſolves it.

Object. 6. But the Law forbids it.

Anſw. If the enacting any-thing can make it lawful, we have done; but if an Act ſo made by the Papiſts againſt Proteſtants, was never eſteem'd ſo by a true Proteſtant; and if the nature of the matter will not bear it; and laſtly, that we are as much commanded by God to meet Four thouſand as Four; we muſt deſire to be excuſed, if we forbear not the aſſembling of our ſelves together, as the manner of ſome is.

Object. 7. But the reaſon of the prohibition of the number is (for you ſee they allow all that can be ſaid to Four Thouſand to be to ſaid the Family and Four) that Tumults may ariſe, and Plots may be made, and the like Inconveniences happen to the Goverment.

Anſw. Great Aſſemblies are ſo far from being injurious, that they are the moſt inoffenſive; for, Firſt, They are open, expoſed to the view of all, which of all things Plotters are the ſhyeſt of; but how fair an opportunity 'twere, for men ſo principled, to do it in thoſe allowed Meetings of but four beſides the Family, is eaſie to gueſs, when we conſider, that few make the beſt and cloſeſt Council; and next, that ſuch an Aſſembly is the moſt private and clandeſtine, and ſo fitted for Miſchief and Surprize.

Secondly, Such Aſſemblies, are not only publique and large, but they are frequented, as well by thoſe that are not of their Way, as of their own; from whence it follows, that we have the greateſt reaſon to be cautious and wiſe in our Behaviour, ſince the more there be at our Meetings, the more Witneſſes are againſt us, if we ſhould ſay or act any thing that may be prejudicial to the Government.

Laſtly, For theſe ſeveral years none could ever obſerve ſuch an ill uſe made of that Freedom, or ſuch wicked Deſigns to follow ſuch Aſſemblies; and therefore it is high Incharity to proceed ſo ſeverely upon meer Suppoſitions.

To this we ſhall add ſeveral Authorities and Teſtimonies for further confirmation of our ſenſe of the matter, and to let Impoſers ſee, that we are not the only Perſons, who have impleaded Perſecution, and juſtified Liberty of Conſcience, as Chriſtian and Rational.

CHAP. VI.

A Brief Collection of the Sence and Practice of the Greatteſt, Wiſeſt, and Learnedſt Common-Wealths, Kingdoms, and particular Perſons of their Times, concerning Force upon Conſcience.

1. Firſt, Though the Jews above all people had the moſt to ſay for Impoſition and Reſtraint within their own Dominions, having their Religion inſtituted by ſo many ſignal Proofs of Divine Original, it being deliver'd to them by the Hand of God himſelf, yet ſuch was their indulgence to Diſſenters, that if they held the common receiv'd Noachical Principles tending to the acknowledgment of one God, and a juſt Life, they had the Free Exerciſe of their diſtinct Modes or Wayes of Worſhip, which were numerous. Of this their own Rabbies are Witneſſes, and Grotius out of them.

Secondly, The Romans themſelves, as ſtrict as they were, not only had Thirty Thouſand Godds (if Varro may be credited) but almoſt every Family of any note, had its diſtinct Sacra, or peculiar Way of Worſhip.

3. Thirdly, It was the ſence of that grave, exemplary Common-wealths man, Cato, in Saluſt, that among other things which ruin any Government want of Freedom of Speech, or mens being oblieged to humor Times is a great one; which we find made good by the •• wrentine Republick, as Guicceardine relates.

4. Fourthly, Livy tells us, It was a Wonder that Hannibals Army, conſiſting of divers Nations, divers Humors, differing Habits, contrary Religions, various Languages, ſhould live 13 years from their own Country under his Command without ſo much as once mutining, either againſt their General, or among themſelves. But what Livy relates for a Wonder that ingenious Marqueſs, Virgilio Malvetzy gives the Reaſon of, namely, that the difference of their Opinion, Tongues, and Cuſtoms, was the reaſon of their Preſervation and Conquest; For ſaid he, 'Twas impoſſible ſo many contrary Spirits ſhould Combine, and if any ſhould have done it, 'twas in the Generals power to make the greater Party by his equal hand; they owing him more of Reverence, then they did of Affection to one an another: This, ſays he, ſome impute to Hannibal, but how great ſoever he was, I give it to the variety of Humors in the Army. For (adds he) Romes Army was ever leſs given to Mutining when joyned with the Provincial Auxilaries, then when intirely Roman; thus much and more, in his publique Diſcourſes upon Cornelius Tacitus.

5. Fifthly, The ſame, beſt Statiſt of his Time, C. Tacitus, tells us in the Caſe of Cremtius, That it had been the intereſt of Tiberius not to have puniſhed him, in as much as Curioſity is begotten by Reſtriction of Liberty to Write or Speak, which never miſt of Proſelites.

6. Sixthly, Juſt. Martin. I will forbear to quote, in leſs then this, two whole Apollogies, dedicated to Adrian and Antonius Pius, as I take it.

Seventhly, Tertullian ad ſcapulum, that learned and juditious Appollogiſt, plainly tells us. That 'tis not the Property of Religion to Compel or Perſecute for Religion, ſhe ſhould be accepted for her Self, not for Force; that being a poor and beggarly one, that has no beeter Arguments to Convince; and a manifeſt Evide • ce of her Superſtition and Falſhood.

8. Eightly, Of this we take the nine Moneths Reign of the Emperor Jovianus to be an excellent Demonſtration, whoſe great Wiſdom, and admirable Prudence ingranting Tolleration (expreſly ſaying, He would have none 〈…〉 for the Exerciſe of their Religious Worſhip) Calm'd the impetuous Storms of Diſſention betwixt Homouſians and Arrians; and reduc'd the whole Empire, before agitated with all kinds of Commotions during the reign of Conſtantine, Conſtantius, and Julian, to a wonderful Serenity and Peace, as Socrates Scholaſticus affirms.

9. Ninthly, That little Kingdom of Aegypt had no leſs then Forty Thouſand Perſons retir'd to their private and ſeperate Wayes of Worſhip, as Euſebius out of Philo Judeus, and Joſephus relates.

10. Tenthly; And here let me bring in honeſt Chaucer, whoſe Matter (and not his Poetry) heartely affects me: 'twas in a time when Prieſts were as rich, and lofty, as they are now, and Cauſes of Evil alike.

The primative State of things obſerved by a Poet, more then 300. year old; by which the Clergy may read their own Apoſtacy and Character. THe time was once, and may return again, (for oft may happen that hath been befor • ) when Shepherds had none Inheritance, ne of Land, nor Fee inſufferance, But what might ariſe of the bare Sheep, (were it more or leſs) which they did keep, Well ywis was it with Shepherds tho: nought having, nought fear'd they to forgo, For PAN (God) himſelf was their Inheritance, and little them ſerv'd for their Maintenance, The Shepherds God ſo well them guided, that of nought were they unprovided; Time and Proſperity corrupted them, & then they grew States-men. Butter enough, Honey, Milk, and Whay, and their Flock Fleeces them to array. But Tract of Time and long Proſperity, (that Nurſe of Vice, this of Inſolency) Lulled the Shepheards in ſuch ſecurity, that not content with Loyal obeyſance, Some gan to gap for greedy governance, and match themſelves with mighty Potentates. 'Twas now they began to Perſecute; they hated any that were more devout then themſelves: Devotion was counted Diſaffection; Religious Aſſemblies, Conventicles; primitive Spirited Chriſtians, Upſtart Hereticks; thus the Tragedy began, Cain ſlaying Abel about Religion. Lovers of lordſhips and troublers of ſtates; then gan Shepheards Swains to look aloft, And leave to live hard, and learn to lig ſoft, though under colour of Shepheards ſome while There crept in, Wolves full of fraud and guile, that often devour'd their own Sheep, And often the Shepheard that did them keep, He truly maketh their Avarice the cauſe of their Degeneration; for 'tis the Root of all Evil. This was the firſt ſource of the Shepherds ſorrow. that nor will be quit, with hale, nor borrow.

II. Who knows not that our firſt Reformers were great Champions for Liberty of Conſcience, as Wicklif in his Remonſtration to the Parliament. The Albigences to Leuis the 11th and 12th of France. Luther to the ſeveral Dye • s under Fredrick and Charles the fifth; Calvin to Francis the firſt, and many of our Engliſh Martyrs, as the poor Plowman's Famous Complaint, in Foxes Martyralogy, &c.

12. The preſent affairs of Germany, Plainly tell us that tolleration is the preſervation of their ſtates; the contrary having formerly, almoſt quite waſted them.

13. The ſame in France: who can be ſo ignorant of their Story, as not to know that the timely Indulgence of Henry the fourth, and the diſcreet Tolleration of Richlieu and Mazarin ſaved that Kingdom from being ruin'd both by the Spaniards; and one another.

14. Holland, then which, what place is there ſo improved in Wealth, Trade and Power, chiefly owes it to her Indulgence in matters of Faith and Worſhip.

15. Among the very Mahumetans of Turky, and Perſia, what variety of opinions, yet what Unity and Concord is there? we mean in matters of a Civil Importance.

16. It was the opinion of that great Maſter of the ſentences, Dominious a Soto, that every man had A natural right to inſtruct others in things that are good: and he may teach the Goſpell truths alſo; but cannot compell any to believe them, he may explain them, and to this (ſays he) every man has a right, as in his 4 Sent: Diſt. Art. 510. Pag. 115. 7.

17. Strifes about Religions ſaid Judicious and learned Grotius, are the moſt pernicious and deſtructive; where praviſion is not made for Diſſenters: the contrary moſt happy; As in Muſcovy; he further ſays upon the occaſion of Campanella, that not a rigid but eaſy Government ſuits best with the Northren people; he often pleads the relaxation of temporary Laws to be reſonable and neceſſary. As in the caſe of the Curatij and Heratij, and Fabius Vitulanus; and others ſtincted to time and place, as the Jewiſh Laws &c. Polit. Maxims P. 12 18. 78, 98.

18. The Famous Raleigh tells us, that the way for Magiſtrates to govern well and gain the eſteem of their People is to Govern by Piety, Juſtice, Wiſdom, and a Gentle and Moderate Carriage towards them: And that Diſturbance attends thoſe States where men are ruin'd or depreſs'd by Parties. See his Obſervations and Maxims of State

19. If I miſtake not, the French and Duch Proteſtants enjoy their Separated Wayes of Worſhip in London, if not in other parts of theſe Lands, without Moleſtation; we do the like in remote Countries, but not in our own.

20. This muſt needs be the meaning of the learned Doctor to his inquiſitive Student, in their Juditious Diologue about the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdoms, when he ſays, That ſuch Laws as have not their Foundation in Nature, Juſtice, and Reaſon are void ipſo Facto. And whether Perſecution or Reſtraint upon Conſcience be congruous with either, let the Impartial judge. lib. 1. chap. 6.

21. Doctor Hammond himſelf, and the Grand Patron of the Engliſh Church, was ſo far from urging the Legallity of Reſtriction in Matters relating to Conſcience, that he Writ, Argu'd, and left upon his Dying Bed his ſenſe to the Contrary: As the Author of his Life might have been pleas'd to obſerve, but that intereſt ſtood in the way; the Doctor exhorting his Party, not to ſeek to Diſplace thoſe then in the Univerſity; or to Perſecute them for any matter of Religious difference.

22. That a Perſon of no leſs ability In the Iriſh Proteſtant Church did the ſame, I mean D. Jer. Taylor, his whole diſcourſe of Liberty of Propheſy, is a moſt pregnant demonſtration.

23. It was the ſaying of a Perſon once, too great to be Nam'd Now. That liberty of Conſcience is every mans Natural Right, and be who is depriv'd of it, is a Slave in the midſt of the greateſt Liberty: And ſince every man ſhould do as he would be done to, ſuch only don't deſerve to have it, that won't give it.

24. Lactantius reflects upon Perſecutors thus, If you will with Blood, with Evil, and with Torments defend your Worſhip, it ſhall not thereby be Defended but Polluted, lib. 5. cap. 20.

25. Hillary againſt Auxentius, ſaith, The Chriſtian Church does not perſecute, but is perſecuted.

26. Jerom, thus, Hereſie muſt be cut off with the Sword of the Spirit, Proam lib. 4.

27. Chryſoſtum ſaith, That it is not the manner of the Children of God to perſecute about their Religion, but an evident Token of Antichriſt—Relig. Uriſ. pag. 192.

28. Stephen King of Poland declared his mind in the point controverted thus, I am King of Men, not of Conſcience; a Commander of Bodies, not of Souls.

29. the King of Bohemia was of Opinion, That mens Conſciences ought in no ſort to be Violated, Urged, or Conſtrained.

30. And laſtly, let me add (as what is, or ſhould be now of more force) the ſenſe of King James, and Charles the firſt, Men fam'd for their great natural abilities, and acquir'd Learning; that no man ought to be puniſhed for his Religion nor diſturb'd for his Conſcience; In that it is the duty of every man to give what he would Receive. It is a ſure Rule in Divinity, ſaid King James, that God never loves to plants his Church by Violence and Bloodſhed. And in his Expoſition on Revel. 20. he ſaith, That PERSECUTION is the note of a falſe Church. And in the laſt Kings advice to the Preſent King, he ſayes, Take heed of abetting any factions; your Partiall adhearing to ANY ONE SIDE gains you not ſo great advantages in ſome mens hearts (who are proue to be of their Kings Religion) as it loſeth you in others, who think themſelves, and their profeſſion, firſt diſpis'd, then perſecuted by you.

Again, Beware of exaſperating any Factions by the Croſneſs, and Aſperity of ſome mens Paſsions, Humours, or private opinions imployed by you, grounded only upon their difference in leſſer matters, which are but the Skirts and Suburbs of Religion. Wherein a Charitable Connivence, and Chriſtian Toleration often diſsipates their ſtrength, whom rougher oppoſition fortifies; and puts the deſpiſed and oppreſſed Party, into ſuch combinations as may moſt enable them to get a full revenge on thoſe they count their Perſecutors, who are commonly aſſiſted by that vulgar Commiſeration, which attends all that are ſaid ſuffer under the notion of Religion.

Always keep up SOLLID PIETY and thoſe fundamentall Truths (which mend both hearts and lives of men) with Impartial favour and Juſtice. Your Prerogative is beſt ſhown and exercis'd in remitting, rather then exacting the rigour of Laws; there being nothing worſe than Legall Tyranny.—

NOW upon the whole, we ask, What can be more Equal, what more reaſonable then Liberty of Conſcience; ſo correſpondent with the Reverence due to God, and Reſpect to the Nature, Practice, Promotion, and Rewards of the Chriſtian Religion; the Senſe of Divine Writ; the Great Priviledge of Nature, and Noble Principle of Reaſon; the Juſtice, Prudence, and Felicity of Government; And Laſtly, to the Judgment and Authority of a whole Cloud of Famous Witneſſes, whoſe Harmony in Opinion, as much detects the Unreaſonableneſs, and Incharity of Perſecutors, as their Savage Cruelties imply an highcontempt of ſo ſollid determinations; of which number I can not forbea • the mention of two, whoſe Actions are ſo near of kin to one another, and both to inhumanity, as the ſame thing can be to it ſelf.

The firſt is a great Lord of Buckingham-ſhire; but ſo hearty a Perſecutor of the poor Quakers, that rather then they ſhould peaceably enjoy the Liberty of Worſhipping God, (and to ſupply the County-defect of Informers) he has encourag'd a pair of ſuch Wretches, that it had bin a Diſgrace for the meaneſt Farmer to coverſe with; one having been Priſoner in Alsbury for Theft, & ſaid to have bin burnt in the Hand; and the other of a Complexion not much leſs Scandalous and Immortal.

To give an undeniable teſtimony of their Merit once for all, I ſhall briefly relate a moſt notorious piece of Perjury. They ſuſpecting a Religious Aſſembly to be at a certain place in the ſame County came, and finding one in reallity, repaired to one they call Sr. Tho Clayton, and a Juſtice, where they depos'd, That not only a meeting was at ſuch an Houſe, but one Tho. Zachery and his Wife were there, who at the ſame time (as at the Tryal upon Indictment for Perjury at Alsbury was proved by ſnfficient Witneſſes from London) were then in that City, yet fined not only for being there, but for the Speaker alſo, though none ſpoke that day.

Upon the proſecution of theſe Men, as perjur'd men, and by the Law diſpriviledged of all Imply, and never to be credited more in evidence, ſeveral delays were made, much time ſpent, and not a little pains beſtow'd, all in hopes of an Exemplary Succeſs; which proved ſo, but the wrong way; for the very laſt Seſsions, when the matter ſhould have receiv'd an abſolute Deciſsion, and the Attendants have been diſmiſt (eſpecially on the ſcore of the Witneſſes, that came from London the ſecond time, upon no other account) a Letter was reported to have bin writ from the aforeſaid Lord, in favour of theſe Informers, to this purpoſe, That ſince Sr. Tho Clayton was not preſent, the buſineſs could not well be determin • d, but if the Court would undertake the ending of it, he beſeecht them to be favourable to thoſe HONEST MEN. If this be as true as ſaid, 'tis a moſt aggravated ſhame to Nobility: what! to protect them from the Laſh of Law, who went about to deſtroy Truth the Life of it: 'Tis a Diſhonour to the Government, a Scandal to the County, and a manifeſt Injury to an inoffenſive and uſeful Inhabitant.

'Tother is as well known by his Cruelty, as by his Name, and he ſcarce deſerves another; However, he is underſtood by that of the Reading Knight, Arrant, and alwayes in Armour for the Devil; a man, whoſe Life ſeems to be whole BONNER reviev'd: Hogeſtraut, the Popiſh Inquiſiter, could not hate Martin Luther more, then he does a poor Diſſenter; and wants but as much Power, as he has Will, to hang more then he has Impriſoned. The Laws made againſt Papiſts, he inflicts upon the Quakers; And makes it Crime enough for a Prim •• ire to have an Eſtate to loſe.

The ſingle Queſtion is not, Were you at ſuch a Meeting? which the Act intends: But will you Swear, which it intends not; and Women eſcape him as little for this, as thoſe of his own Tribe do for SOME THING ELSE: but what of all things moſt aggrivates the mans Impiety, is the making a devilliſh ſnare of a Chriſtian Duty; ſince ſuch as have come to viſit the impriſon'd, have been impriſoned themſelves for their Charity; ſo that with him it ſeems a current Maxime, that thoſe muſt not come to ſee Priſoners, and not be ſuch themſelves, who will not take the Oath of Allegiance to do it.

To relate the whole Tragedy would render him as Bad, as the Diſcourſe Big; and the latter not leſs Voluminous, then the former Odious. But three things I ſhall obſerve.

Firſt, That he has clouded 72 Perſons (of thoſe call'd Quakers) Men and Women, immodeſtly into Goal, not ſuffering them to enjoy common Conveniencies. And for his Divertion, and the Puniſhment of little Children, he pours Cold Water down their Necks.

2d His Impriſonments are almoſt perpetual. Firſt he premunires them, without any juſt cauſe of Suſpition; thea Impriſ • ns them; and laſtly, Plunders them, and that by a Law enacted againſt Romaniſts; which, if all be true, that is ſaid, is more his concern then theirs, If without offence, it may be ſuppos'd he has Religion at all.

3d Some have been there about Eight Years, and ſhould be Eighteen more, were he as ſure to live (being more then 70.) and enjoy his Power, as doubtleſs he hopes to die before thoſe good Laws over-take him, that would make an Example of ſuch an Oppreſſor; in ſhort, Wives, Widdows, Poor and Father leſs, are all Fiſh for his Net; & whether over or under Age he caſts none away, but ſeems to make it his priviledge to correct Law by out-doing it. When we have ſaid all we can (and we can never ſay too much, (if enough) he is ſtill his own beſt Character.

Such are the Paſsion, Follies, and Prejudices, Men devoted to a ſpirit of Impoſition, and Perſecution, are attended with, Non enim poſſ • mus quae vidimus, et audivimus non loqui.

In ſhort, What Religious, what Wiſe, what Prudent, what Good-natured Perſon would be a Perſecuter? Certainly it's an Office only fit for thoſe who being wide of all reaſon, to evidence the verity of their own Religion, fancy it to be true, from that ſtrong Propenſity and greedy Inclination they find in themſelves to Perſecute the Contrary; A Weakneſs of ſo ill a conſequence to all civil Societies, that the admiſſion of it ever was, and ever will prove their utter Ruin, as well as their great Infelicity who purſue it.

And though we could not more effectually expreſs our Revenge, then by leaving ſuch Perſons to the ſcope of their own Humors; Yet being taught to Love and Pray for our very Perſecutors, we heartily wiſh their better information, that (if it be poſſible) they may Act more ſuitably to the good pleaſure of the Eternal juſt God, and beneficialy to theſe Nations.

To conclude, Liberty of Conſcience (as, thus Stated & Defended) we ask as our undoubted Right by the Law of God, of Nature, and of our own Country: It has been often promiſed, we have long waited for it; we have Writ much, and Suffered more in its Defence, and have made many true Complaints, but found little or no Redreſs.

However, we take the Righteous Holy God to Record aga • nſt all Objections that are ignorantly, or deſignedly rais'd againſt us. That.

1ſt We hold no Principle deſtructive of the Engliſh Government.

2 • That we plead for no ſuch Diſſenter (if ſuch an one there be.)

3 • That we deſire the Temporal and Eternal Happineſs of all Perſons (in ſubmiſſion to the Divine Will of God) heartily forgiving our Cruel Perſecutors.

4thly, And Laſtly, We ſhall engage, by Gods aſsiſtance, to lead peaceable, juſt, and induſtrious lives amongſt men, to the good and example of all. But if after all we have ſaid, this ſhort Diſcourſe ſhould not be credited, nor anſwer'd in any of its ſober Reaſons, and Requeſts; but Sufferings ſhould be the preſent Lot of our Inheritance from this Generation, be it known to them all, THAT MEET WE MUST, & MEET, we cannot but encourage all to do (whatever Hardſhip we ſuſtain in Gods Name, & Authority, who is Lord of Hoſts and King of Kings; at the revelation of whoſe Righteous Judgments and Glorious Tribunal, Mortal Men ſhall render an Account of the Deeds done in the Body; and whatever the Apprehenſions of ſuch may be, concerning this Diſcourſe, 'twas writ in Love, and from a true ſenſe of the preſent State of things: and TIME, and the EVENT will vindicate it from Untruth. In the mean while, 'tis matter of great Satisfaction to the Author, that he has ſo plainly cleared his Conſcience, in pleading for the Liberty of other Mens, and publickly born his honeſt Teſtimony for God, not out of Seaſon to his POOR COUNTRY.

Poſtſcript. A few brief Obſervations upon the late Act, and the uſual Tearms of Acts of this Nature.

That which we have to ſay, relates, either to the Tearms of the Act, or the Application of them to us.

As to the Tearms of the Act, they are theſe, Seditious Conventicles, Seditious Sectaries, and Meetings under Colour or Pretence of Religion, P. 1.

1 SEditious, from Sedition, imports as much as Turbulent, Contentious, Factious, which ſowes Strife, and Debate, and hazards the Civil Peace of the Government.

2. Conventicle, is a diminutive private Aſſembly, deſignning and contriving Evil to particular Perſons, or the Government in generall, ſee Lamb. p. 173. In Tertullians ſenſe it is an Aſſembly of immedeſt and unclean Perſons, at leaſt it was ſo taken in thoſe dayes, and objected againſt the Chriſtians as their practiſe, whom he defends.

Ter. Apol.

3. Sectaries, muſt be ſuch as disjoyn or diſ-member themſelves from the body of Truth, and confeſs to a ſtrange and untrue opinion. If any Subject of this Realm being 16 years of age or upwards, ſhall be preſent at any aſſembly, Conventicle or pretence of Religion &c. which can ſignifie no more then thus much, that true it is ſome may meet and aſſemble to Worſhip God, and upon a religious account, that are diſsenters, ſuch we cenſure not, but thoſe who under colour or pretence of any exerciſe of Religion conſpire &c. they are to be ſuſpected and Proſecuted. This being the true explanation of the tearms of the Act; we proceed to ſhow how unreaſonably they are applyed to us.

1. Words are but ſo many intelligible Marks, and Characters ſet and employ'd, to inform us of each others conceptions, and therein of the nature of thoſe things they ſtand for; Now becauſe we take the Act to mean what it ſpeaks, and that the Law concludes no man guilty upon conjectures, but from the detection of ſome fault; we affirm our ſelves altogether unconcern'd in that word Seditious, becauſe 'twas never our practiſe in words, or actions to diſturb the Government; or ſuggeſt Principles that might hatch Conſpiracies, or feed the vulgar with diſaffection to their Rulers; but before the Kings coming in, at his coming in, and ever ſince, notwithſtanding our frequent ſuffering, we have made it our buſineſs to heal Animoſities, Preach forgiveneſs and Charity amongſt men, and that they would by an hearty repentance turn to God, rather then hunt after revenge upon one another: therefore we aſſert we have not done one thing that may be prov'd Seditious in the ſenſe above mention'd.

2. That we are Strangers to Conventicles is moſt evident, for where the parts that render it ſuch, are wanting, there can be no Conventicle; but that they are in our Aſſemblies, appears.

Firſt, Becauſe our Meetings are not Small. 2. Neither are they private or Clandeſtine; but in the view of all People. 3. Nor are they riotous, liſcentious, or otherwiſe immodeſt, or immorall; but on purpoſe to diſwade perſons from ſuch impieties; ſo that we are clear in the Interpretation of the Law. 13 H. 5. cap. 8. 19. and 19. H. 7. cap. 13. and in the ſenſe of the famous Father Tertullian.

3. Sectaries, is a word, that whoſoever has but confidence enough to conceit himſelf in the Right, by conſequence wants none to ſuppoſe the contrary in the wrong, and ſo to call him a Sectary; but this is but a meer begging of the Queſtion; For to ſay thoſe are Sectaries, do's not conclude them ſuch, nor does the Act ſpeak ſo plainly of Diſſenters: but granting it did, yet they muſt be Seditious Ones, or elſe all will be in vain; where we may obſerve, that purely to be a Sectary, is not what the Act ſtrikes at, but to be a Seditious One: for a man may differ in judgement about matters of Faith, from the national Religion, and yet correſpond with the Government in matters civil: ſo that ACT upon the whole, aims not at Sectaries ſimply, but they muſt be ſuch as are Enemies to the civil conſtitution to be rendred Seditious Ones, from which we have ſufficiently clear'd our ſelves.

4. That we meet under Colour and Pretence, and not really to Worſhip God; we deny, and none can prove. 'Twere high Incharity to affirm poſitively, This, or that People meet only under a Colour of Religion; yet unleſs the Act had ſo expres'd it ſelf, we conceive their Authority lame and imperfect that Perſecute us by it. It will help but little to ſay, The King, Lords and Commons, by the following words, in other manner then acc • rding to the Liturgy of the Church of England, meant, that ſuch meet under a Pretence th • t did not conform to that Worſhip; ſince the precedent words ſay, under Colour or Pretence of any Exerciſe of Religion in other manner, &c. So that they are only ſtruck ar, who are not ſincere Diſſenters, but that are ſuch, with Deſign to carry on another End.

Obj But may ſome ſay, 'Tis granted, you have very evidently evaded the Force of the Act, ſo far as relates to theſe recited Expreſsions; but what if a Bill be ready, for an Explanatory and Supplementory Act to the former, wherein this Scope for Argument will not be found, becauſe your Meetings will be abſolutely adjudged Seditious, Riotous, and Unlawful.

To which we Anſwer, That as the granting of the firſt, which none reaſonably can deny, is a manifeſt Impeachment of ſuch as have violently proſecuted people for being preſent at Religious Aſſemblies (almoſt to their utter Undoing) ſo ſhall we as eaſily anſwer the ſecond, which amounts to the force of an Objection, and briefly thus.

Firſt, It is not more impoſſible for Mankind to preſerve, their Society without Speech, then it is abſolutely requiſit that the Speech be regular and certain. For, if what we call a Man, a Lion, a Whale to day, we ſhould call a Woman, a Dog, a Sprat to morrow; there would be ſuch Uncertainty and Confuſion, as it would be altogether impoſſible to preſerve Speech or Language intelligible.

Secondly, it is not in the power of all the men in the World to reconcile an abſolute Contradiction, to convert the nature of Light into that of Darkneſs, nor to enact a thing to be that which it is not; but that Thoſe endeavour to do, who think of making our Religious Meetings Routs and Riots; for firſt they offer Violence to our common Propriety of Language, it being the firſt time that ever a Religious and Peaceable Aſſembly would be enacted a Rout or Riot: Nature, Reaſon, the Law of the Land, and common Practice, and Obſervation, give a clear contrary definition of a Rout and Riot.

Secondly, They endeavour to reconcile Contradictions; for they would have a thing that which by nature it cannot be; for that which is Peaceable cannot be Riotous, and what is Religious can never be Seditious. For any to ſay our Meetings are not R • ligious, is not only a poor Evaſion, but great Incharity; for that is properly a Religious Aſſembly where Perſons are co • gregated with a real purpoſe of Worſhipping God, by Prayer, or otherwiſe, let the Perſons met be eſteem'd Doctrinally Orthodox, or not. Can any be ſo Ignorant, or ſo Malitiou • , as to believe we do not Aſſemble to Worſhip God, to the beſt of our Underſtanding? If they think otherwiſe, they muſt, and do aſſume unto themſelves a Power beyond the Arrogancy of the POPE himſelf, that never yet adventur'd to tell man his Thoughts, nor the Purpoſes and Intents of his Heart, which he, or they muſt do, that definitively judge our Aſſemblies, void of Sword or Staff, Drum or Musket, Tumult or Violence, and circumſtantiated with all the Tokens of Chriſtian Devotion, a Rout or a Riot. And truly, If Proteſtants deny the Legallity of thoſe Acts or Edicts, which were contriv'd and execu • ed in order to their ſuppreſsion, by the reſpective Kings and Parliaments that own'd the Romiſh Faith and Authority, where they either did or do live, let them not think it ſtrange, if we on the ſame Tearms (namely, Scruple of Conſcience) refuſe compliance with their Laws of Reſtraint. And as the firſt Reformers were no whit daunted at the Black Characters the Romaniſts faſtened on them, neither thought their Aſſemblies in away of profeſt ſeperation, the more unlawful, for their repreſenting them ſuch; no more are we ſurpriz'd or ſcar'd at the ugly Phr • ſes, daily caſt upon us by a ſort of men, that either do not know us, or would not that others ſhould: For we are not ſo eaſily to be Brav'd, Menac'd, or Perſecuted out of our Senſe, Reaſon, and Priviledge.

They ſay, LOSERS have leave to Speak, at leaſt, we take it; none being greater Loſers, then ſuch as for Diſſenting from national inſtitutions in point of Faith or Worſhip, are depriv'd of their Common Rights and Fr • edoms, and hindred as much as may be, from reverencing the God that made them, in that Way which to them ſeems moſt acceptable to him.

To Conclude, we ſay, and by it let our Intentions in our whole diſcourſe be meaſur'd, that we have not defin'd any Diſſenters, whoſe quarrell or diſſent is rather Civill and Politticall, then Religious and Concientious; for both we really think ſuch unworthy of Protection from the Engliſh • overnment, who ſeek the ruin of it; and that ſuch as are Contributries to the preſ • rvation of it, (though Diſſen • ers in point Faith or Worſhip) are unqueſtionably Intituled to a Protection from IT.

THE END.