THe dedication of Bookes, to the names of men worthy, and of esteem in their generation, takes sanctuary in so Catholick and Antient prescription, that to use any defensative about my walking in the same path, cannot but forfeit the loss of somewhat more, then the paines that would be spent therein. Now although in addresses of this kind, men usually prevaile themselves of the occasion, to deliver their thoughts as to particulars, in great variety according as their concernments may be; yet the Reasons which are generally pleaded as directions for the choise of them, to whom with their labours, and writings they so address themselves, are for the most part uniforme; and in their various course, transgress not the Rules of certaine heads, from whence they flow. To express a gratitude for respects and favours received, by returning things in their kind eternal, for those which are but temporal: to obtaine Countenance and Approbation unto their endeavours in their breaking forth into the world, from names of more esteem, or at least more knowne, then their own: to advance in repute by a Correspondency in Judgment, with men of such esteem, intimated thereby; are the more ingenuous aimes of men in the dedications of their writings. Though these, and sundry other pretences of the same kind, might justly be drawn into my plea, for this address unto you; yet your peculiar designation and Appointment, through the good hand of the providence of God, to the defence of the Gospel; and your eminent Furnishment with Abilities from the same hand, for the performance of that glorious duty, is that alone, upon the account whereof I have satisfied my selfe, and hope that I may not dissatisfie others, as to this present Application. What there is of my own peculiar concernment, wherein I am like to obtaine a more favourable Condescention in Judgment, as to my present undertaking from you, then from other men, will in the close of my address, crave leave to have mention made thereof. Brethren! the outward obligations that are upon you from the God of truth, with the Advantages which he hath intrusted you withal, for the defence of his Truth, above the most of men in the world, are evident, even to them that walke by the way, and turne little aside to the consideration of things of this nature, importance, and Condition. And it is to me an evidence of no small incouragement, that God will yet graciously imploy you in the work and labour of his Gospel, by his constant giving a miscarrying wombe to all them, who have attempted to defraud the Nation, and the Churches of God therein, of those helpes and furtherances of Piety and Literature, with whose management, for their sevlice, you are at present intrusted. Of the Jewels of Silver and Gold, whereof by the Lord's appointment, the Children of Israël coming out from amongst them, spoiled the Egyptians, did they dedicate to the Tabernacle in the wilderness; when, the Lord planted the Heavens, and laid the foundations of the Earth; and said to Sion Thou art my people. Though some outward provisions, and furnitures of Literature, now, through the good hand of God, made serviceable to you in your Attendance upon the great Worke, and imployment committed to you, were first deposited, when thick darkness was over the land: Yet that they may be made eminently subservient to the will of God, in raising up againe the Tabernacle of David, that was falne down, the Experience of a few yeares, I no way doubt, will abundantly reveale and manifest. That in the vicissitude of all things, given them by the mysterious and dreadful wheeles of providence, your good things also, (as every thing else that is pleasant and desirable, or given of God unto the Sons of men hath done) have fallen into the possession and disposal of men, some enemies, others utterly useless, and unfruitful to the Lord in their generations, cannot be denyed: But what is there in his waies, or worship, in his workes, or word, that God hath not, at some season or other, delivered into the power of the men of the world, though they have abused and perverted them to their own destruction? Neither is there any other use of this Consideration, but only to informe them of the Obligations they lye under, to a due and zealous improvement of them, to whose Trust and Cate the Lord committe any of his mercyes, when he rescues them from the Captivity, under which they have been detained, by ungodly men. This is now your lot, and condition, in reference to many who for sundry generations, possessed those places, and advantages of eminent service for the house of our God, which you now enjoy. What may justly be the Expectation of God from you, under this signal dispensation of his goodness, what is the hope prayer, & expectation of very many that feare him, concerning you, in this nation; what are the designes, desires, aimes, and endeavours of all sorts of them, who beare ill will at whatsoever is comely, or praise worthy amongst us, you are not ignorant. Whatever consideration at any time or season, may seem to have had an efficacy upon the minds and wills of men, under the like Sacrament, and designement to the service of truth with your selves, to incite and provoke them to a singularly industrious and faithful discharge of their duty, is eminently pressing upon you also; and you are made a spectacle to men and Angells, as to the acquitment of your selves. The whole of your imployment, I confess, both in the General intendment of it, for the promoting and diffusing of light knowledge, and Truth in every kind whatever, and in the more special designe thereof, for the defence, furtherance, and propagation of the Antient, inviolable, unchangeable truth of the Gospel of God, is in the dayes wherein we live, exposed to a Contention with as much opposition, contempt, scorne, hatred, and reproach, as ever any such undertaking was, in any place in the world wherein men pretended to love light, more then darkness.

It is an hellish darkness, which the light of the Sun cannot expel. There is no ignorance so full of Pride, folly and stubborness, as that which maintaines it selfe, in the midst of plentiful meanes of light and knowledge. He that is in the darke, when the light of the Sun is as seven dayes, hath darkness in his eye, and how great is that darkness? Such is the Ignorance you have to contend withal; stubborne, affected, prejudicate beyond expression; maintaining it's darkness at noon-day, expresly refusing to attend to the Reason of things, as being that alone, in the thoughts of those men, (if they may be so called) who are possessed with it, wherewith the world is disturbed. From those who being under the power of this enthralment do seem to repine at God; that they are not beasts, and clamorously traduce the more noble part of that kind & offspring, whereof themselves are, which attempts do heighten, & improve the difference between Creatures of an intellectual Race, and them, to whom their perishing Composition gives the utmost Advancement; whose eternal seeds, and principles, are laid by the hand of God in their respective beings, you will not I am sure think it much if you meet with Oppositions. Those who are in any measure acquainted with the secret, triumphing exaltations of wisdome and knowledge, against folly and ignorance; with the principles and conditions, wherewith they advance themselves in their gloryings, even then, when the precedency of (that which is bestial in this world) force and violence outwardly beares them down with insultation and contempt, will rather envie, then pity you in any contest that on this foot of account, you can be engaged in. You are not the first, that have fought with men, after the manner of Beasts; nor will be the last, who shall need to pray to be delivered from absurd and unreasonable man, seeing all men have not faith.

Men of prophane & Atheistical spirits, who are ready to say, who is the Lord, what is the Almighty that we should feare him or his truth that we should regard it? whose Generation is of late multiplied on the face of the earth, crying a Confederacy with them, who professing better things, are yet fi •• ed with grievous indignations at the sacrifice that hath been made of their Abominations before their eyes, by that Reformation of this place, wherein you have been instrumental, are a continual goad on the other side, and would quickly be a sword in your very bowels, were not He, that is higher then the highest, your dwelling place, and refuge in your Generation. These are they upon whom God having poured contempt, and stain'd their glory, who instead of accepting of his dispensations, are filled with wrath, and labour to make • then drink of the cup, which hath been offered to themselves. With their reproaches, sleightings, undervaluations, slanders, do your worth, diligence, integrity, labours, contend, from one end: of this earth to the other. He that hath delivered, doth deliver, and in him we trust, that he will deliver.

What other oppositions you do meet, or in your progress, may meet withal, I shall not mention: but waite with patience on him, who gives men Repentance, and chang of Heart to the Acknowledgment of the things, that are of him. This in the midst of all, hath hitherto been a cause of great rejoyoing, that God hath graciously kept off ravenous wolves, from entring into your flocks, where are so many tender lambes, and hath not suffered men to arise from amongst your selves speaking perverse things, & drawing away disciples after them; but as he hath given you, ac obey from your heart that forme of doctrine, which hath been delivered unto you, so He hath preserv'd th •• faith amongst you, which was once delivered to the Saints.

Your peculiar designation to the service of the Gospel, and defence of the Truth thereof, your Abilities for that works, your abiding in it, notwithstanding the opposition you meet 〈◊〉 in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation, are as I sayd before, my Incouragements in this address unto you; wherein I shall crave leave a little further to communicate my thoughts unto you as to the matter in hand. Next to the Son of his love who is the Truth, the greatest and most eminent gift, that God hath bestowed on the Sons of men, and communicated to them, is his Truth revealed in his word. The knowledge of him, his mind and will, according to the discovery which he hath made of himselfe, from his own bosome, having magnified his word, above all his name. The importance hereof, as to the eternal Concernments of the Sons of men, either in ignorance refusing and resisting, or accepting and embracing of it, is that which is owned, and lyes as the bottome and foundation of all, that we any way engage our selves into, in this world: wherein we differ from them, whose hope perisheth with them. Unto an enquiry after, and entertainment of this divine and sacred depositum, hath God designed the fruit and labour of that, wherein we retaine the resemblance of him; which whilest we have our being, nothing can abolish. The mind of man, and divine truth, are the two most eminent Excellencies, wherewith the Lord hath adorned this lower part of his Creation: which when they correspond, and are brought into conformity with each other, the mind being changed into the Image of Truth, there is glory added to glory, and the whole rendred exceeding glorious. By what sutableness and proportion in the things themselves, (that is between Truth and the mind of man,) as we are men, by what Almighty secret and irresistible power, as we are corrupted men, our minds being full of darkness and folly, this is wrought, is not my business now to discuss. This is on all hands confessed: that setting aside the consideration of the eternal issues of things, every mistake of divine Truth, every opposition to it, or rejection of it, or any part of it, is so farre, a chaining up of the mind, under the power of darkness, from a progress towards that perfection which it is capable of. It is Truth alone that Capacitates any soule to give glory to God, or to be truly useful to them who are partakers of flesh and blood with him: without being some way serviceable to which end, there is nothing short of the fulness of wrath, that can be judged so miserable as the Life of a man. Easily so much might be delivered on this account, as to evince the dread of that judgment, whereto some men in the infallibly wise counsel of God are doomed, even to the laying out of the labour and travel of their minds, to spend their dayes and strength in sore labour, in making opposition to this Truth of God. Especially is the sadness of this Consideration encreased, in reference to them, who upon any account what ever, do beare forth themselves, and are looked upon by others, as Guides of the blind, as Lights to them that sit in darkness, as the Instuctours of the foolish, & teachers of Babes. For a man to set himselfe, or to be set by others, in a way wherein are many turnings & cross pathes, some of them leading and tending to places of innumerab • e troubles, and perhaps death and slaughter, undertaking to be a guide to direct them that travel towards the place of their intendments, where they would be, and where they shall meet with rest, for such an one I say, to take hold of every one that passeth by, and pretending himselfe to be exceeding skilful, in all the windings and turnings of those wayes, and pathes, and to stand there on purpose to give direction, if He shall, withal his skill and Rhetorick, divert them out of the path wherein they have perhaps safly set out, and to guide them into those by wayes, which will certainly lead them into snares, and troubles, if not to death it selfe, can he spend his time, labour and strength, in an imployment more to be abhorred? or can he designe any thing more desperately mischievous to them, whose good and welfare he is bound and promiseth to seek and promote! Is any man's condition under heaven more to be lamented, or is any man's imployment more perilous then such an ones, who being not only endowed with a mind and understanding, capable of the Truth, and receiving impressions of the will of God, but also with distinguishing Abilities and Enlargements for the receiving of greater measures of Truth, then others, and the more effectual improvment of what he doth so receive, shall labour night and day, dispending the richest treasure and furnishment of his • bule, for the rooting out, defacing, and destruction of the Truth, for the turning men out of the way, and pathes that lead to rest and peace? I never think of the uncomfortable drudgery, which men give up themselves unto, in laying the hay and stubble of their vaine and false Conceptions, upon the foundation, and heaping up the fruit of their soules, to make the fire that consumes them, the more fierce and severe, but it forces compassionate thoughts of that sad Condition, whereto man-kind hath cast it selfe, by it's Apos • acy from God. And yet there is not any thing in the world, that men more willingly, with more delight and greediness, consecrate the flowre of their Strength and Abilities unto, then this, of promoting the del • sions of their own minds, in opposition to The truth, & waies of God. It is a thing of obvious observation and dayly experience, that if by any meanes what ever, any one closeth with some new, and by opinion, off from the faith delivered to, and received by the generality of the Saints, that be it a thing of never so small concernment in our walking with God, in Gospel obedience, and in love without dissimulation one towards another, yet) instantly more weight is layd upon it, more paines laid out about it, and zeale dispended for it's supportment, and propagation, then about all other most necessary points of Christian Religion. Have we not a deplorable cloud of Examples, of men contending about some Circumstance or other, in the Administration of an ordinance, biting and devou • ing all that stand in their way, roving up and down to gaine Proselytes, unto their perswasion, and in the meane time, utterly ignorant or negligent of the great doctrines and commands of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, which are as in him, the head & Life of Soules? How many a man seemes to have no manner of Religion at all, but some one errour. That is his God, his Christ, his worship; that he preaches, that he discourseth of, that he labours to propagate: until by the righteous judgment of God it comes to pass that such men in all other things wither, & dye away; all the sap and vigour of their spirits, feeding that one monstrous excrescency, which they grow up dayly into. Desire of emerging and being notable in the world, esteem and respect in the hearts and mouthes of them, whom peculiarly they draw after them, with the like unworthy aimes of selfe advancement, may without evill surmizing (when such attempts are, (as in too many,) accompanied with irregularity in Conversation) be supposed to be Advantages given into the hands of the envious man, to make use of them for the sowing of his tares, in the field of the poor seduced world.

That this procedure is also furthered by the burdensomeness of sound doctrine unto the generality of men, who having itching eares, as farre as they care for these things, do spend their time in Religion, in nothing else, but either to tell, or to heare some new thing, cannot be denyed. Besides to defend, improve, give and adde new light, unto old truths (a worke which hath so abundantly and excellently been labour'd in, by so many worthies of Christ, especially since the Reformation) in any eminent manner, so as to bring praise and repute unto the undertakers (which whether men will confess or no, it is evident that too many are enslaved unto) is no easy taske: and for the most part of what is done that way, you may say, Quis leget haec? The world (sayes every one) is burden'd with discourses of this nature. How many have we in our dayes, who might have gone to the grave in silence among the residue of their brethren, and their names have remained for a season in the voisinage, where they might have done God the service required of them in their generation, would they have kept themselves in the forme of wholsome words and sound doctrine; that have now delivered their names into the mouthes of all men, by engageing into some singular opinions, though perhaps raked out of the ashes of Popery, Socinianisme, or some such fruitful heap of errour, and false notions of the things of God?

I desire not to judge before the time; the day will manifest all things: and the hidden secrets of the hearts of men, shall by it be layed open: when all the wai • s, causes, and occasions of their deceiving, and being deceived, shall be brought to light, and every man according to his work shall have praise of God. Only I say as to the present state of things, this is evident (not to speake of those locusts from the bottomless pit, that professedly oppose their strength, to all that is of God, his name, word, worship or truth, will, and commands, rasing the foundation of all hopes of eternity; nor of Him, and His Associates, who exalteth himselfe above 〈◊〉 but is called God, being full of names of blasphemy, sealed up to destruction) very many • ongst our selves, of whom we hoped better things, do, some in greater, some in lesser matters give up themselves to that unhappy labour we before mentioned, of opposing the truths of God, and exalting their own darkness, in the roome of his glorious light. Vtjugulent homines surgunt de nocte latrones; Vt teipsum serves non expergisceris-

Reverend Brethren! if other men can rise early, go to b • d late, and eate the bread of carefulness, spend their lives and strength to do their own work, and propagate their own conceptions, under a pretence of doing the work of God: if the envious man watcheth all night and waites all advantages to sow his tares, how will you be able to lift up your hands with joy, and behold your Masters face with boldness at his coming, if having received such eminent Abilities, endowments, and furnishments from him, for his service, and the service of his sheep and lambs, as you have done, you gird not up the loines of your minds, and lay not out your strength to the uttermost, for the weeding out of the field and vineyard of the Lord every plant which our heavenly Father hath not planted, and for feeding the flock of Christ with sincere milk, and strong meat according as they are able to beare▪ what you have received, more then others, is of free grace, which is God's way of dealing with them, on whom he layes the most unconquerable, and indespensable obligation unto service. Flesh and blood hath not revealed unto you the truth of God, which you do profess but our Father which is in heaven; you do not upon any endeavour of your own, differ from them who are given up to the sore Judgment and ever to be bewailed condition before mentioned. It hath not been from your own endeavours or watchfulness, that you have been hitherto preserved under the hour of temptation; which is come to try the men that live upon the face of the earth. It is not of your selves, that you are not industriously disturbing your own soules and others, with this, or that entrenchment upon the doctrine of the Gospel, and the free Grace of God in Jesus Christ, which not a few pride themselves in, with the contempt of all otherwise minded. And doth not the present state of things, require the full disbursing of all, that you have freely received for the glory of him, from whom you have received it? You are persons who not only as Doctours & Teachers in an Vniversity, have a large, distinct, disciplinary knowledge of Divinity; but also such as to whom the Son of God is come, and hath given an understanding to know him that is true: into whose hearts God hath shined to give the light of the knowledge of his glory in the face of Jesus Christ; & therefore may say, what shall we render to the Lord? how shall we serve him in any way answerable to the grace we have received? I speak not (this the Lord knowes it, before whom I stand) with Reflection on any, as though I judged them neglecters of the duty incumbent on them. Every one of us, must give an account of himselfe to the Lord. The dayly paines, labour and travaile of many of you, in the work of the Gospel, the dilegence and codeavours of others in promoting other useful literature, is known unto all. Only the considerations of my own present undertaking, joyn'd with a sense of mine own insufficiency for this, or any other labour of this kind, and of your larger furnishments with abilities of all sorts, press me to this stirring up of your remembrance, to contend for the faith so much opposed and perverted: Not that I would press, for the needless multiplying of bookes, (whose plenty is the general customary complaint of all men versed in them) unless necessity call thereto; Scribimus indocti, docti que —But that serious thoughts may be continually dwelling in you, to lay out your selves to obviate the spreading of any errour what ever, or the destruction of any already propagated; by such waies and meanes, as the providence of God, and the circumstances of the matter it selfe shall call you out unto, is in the desire of my soule.

Something you will find in this kind attempted, by the weakest of your number, in this ensuing Treatise. The matter of it, I know will have your Approbation, and that because it hath his, whom you serve. For the manner of handling it, it is humbly given up to his grace and mercy, and freely left to your Christian Judgments: The general concernments of this business are so known to all, that I shall by no meanes burden you with a repetition of them. The attempt made by Mr Goodwin against the truth here asserted, was by all men judged so considerable (especially the truth opposed, having a more practical influence into the walking of the Saints with God, then any Other by him assaulted, and the defending of it, giving more advantage into an inquiry after the mind of God, as delivered in innumerable places of Scripture, then any of the rest opposed) as that a removal of his Exceptions to our Arguments, and an Answer to his Objections, was judged necessary by all. Other reasons manifesting this endeavour to be in order and in season, I have further communicated in the entrance of the Treatise it selfe. In my addresses to the work, I could by no meanes content my selfe, with a mere discussing of what was produced by my Adversary. For he having kept himselfe for the most part, within the compass of the Synodal writings of the Remonstr •• ts, which are already most clearly and solidly answered, (by one especially, renowned 〈◊〉 ) to have tyed my selfe unto a contest with him, had been merely actum agere, without promoting the cause I had undertaken in the least. As I account it by no meanes an ingenuous proceeding, for men to beare up their own names, by standing upon the shoulders of others, to deport themselves Authours, when indeed they are 〈◊〉 Collectours, and Translatours; So I am very remote from being so far in love with this way of handling controversies in Divinity, as to think it necessary to multiply books of the same matter, without some considerable addition of Light, and strength to the Cause, whose protection and promotion is undertaken. On this consideration, besides incident discourses, which I hope through the Grace of him, that supplyed seed to the sower, may be of use and have an encrease amongst the Saints of God; I have made it my aime (and what therein I have attained, is with all submission of mind and judgment cast before the thoughts of men, whose senses are exercised to discerne good and evill) to place each Argument insisted on, upon it's own proper basis and foundation: to Resolve every Reason and Medium whereby I have proceeded, into it's own principles: discovering the fountaine and well-head of all the streames that run in the field of this contest, as also to give some clearings and evidence, to our Conclusions from the several Texts of Scripture discussed, by discovering the Reason of them, and intent of God in them. Some Arguments there are, and sundry Texts of Scripture, that are usually produced, and urged in the defence of the cause under consideration, that I have not insisted on: nor vindicated from the exceptions of the Adversaries. Not that I judge them indefensible against their most cunning, or most furious assaults, and so slighted what I could not hold, for indeed I know not any one Text of scripture, commonly used for this end, nor any Argument by any sober man framed to the same purpose, that is not capable of an easy and faire vindication: but meerly because they fell not in regularly, in the method I had proposed to my selfe, nor would so do, unless I had gone forth to the issue of my first intendment, and had handled the abode of Believers with God at large, from it's principles and causes, as I had done, that part of our doctrine which concernes the Continuance of the love of God with, and unto them; which the growth of the Treatise under my hand, would not give me leave to do. What hath been, or may yet further be done, by others who have made, or shall make it their business, to draw the saw of this Controversy, to and fro which Mr. Goodwin, I hope will give satisfaction, as in other things, so in the particulars by me omitted. As to what I have to speak, or at least think it convenient to speak, concerning him, with whom in this discourse I have much to do, and the manner of my dealing with him, being a thing of personal Concernment, not having any influencing Aspect on the merit of the cause, I shall, in not many words, absolve you of your trouble in the Consideration thereof. My Adversary is a person, whom his worth, paines, diligence, and opinions, and the contests, wherein on their account he hath publikely engaged, have delivered from being the object of any ordinary thoughts, or expressions. Nothing not great, not considerable, not some way eminent, is by any spoken of him, either consencing with him, or dissenting from him. To interpose my Judgment in the crowd, on the one side or the other, I know neither warrant, or suffcient cause: We all stand, or fall to our own masters; And the fire will try all our workes. This only I shall crave Liberty to say; that whether from his own genius, and acrimony of Spirit, or from the provocations of others, with whom he hath had to do, many of his Polemical Treatises have been sprinkled with Satyrical Sarcasmes, and contemptuous rebukes of the persons with whom he hath had to do. So that were I not relieved in my thoughts, by the consideration of those Exacerbations and exasperations of spirit, which upon other accounts, besides bare difference of opinion in religious things, have fallen out in the dayes and seasons which have passed over us, all of them labouring to exert something of themselves, in every undertaking of the persons brought under their power, I should have been •• terly discouraged from any contests of this nature. Much indeed of his irregularity in this kind, I cannot but ascribe to that prompt facility he hath, in putting abroad every passion of his mind, and all his conceptions, not only decently clothed, with language of a full and choice significancy, but also trim'd and adorn'd with all manner of signal improvements, that may render it keen or pleasant according to his intendment or desire, What the Latine Lyrick said of the Grecian Poet may be applyed to him.

And he is thereby plainly possessed of not a few advantages. It is true that when the proof of his opinion by Argument, and the orderly pursuit of it is incumbent on him, (a course of all other wherein • soonest faileth,) the medium he useth, and insisteth on, receiveth not the least contribution of real strength from any dress of words, and Expressions wherewith it is adorned and accompanied: yet it cannot be denyed, but that his Allegorical amplifications, illustrations and exaggerations of the things he would insinuate, take great impressions upon the minds of them, who are in any measure intangled with the seeming probabilities, which are painted over his Arguments, by their sophistry, and pretence of Tru • h. The Apostle giving that Caution to the Collossians that they should take heed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , manifesteth the prevalencie of false reasonings when in Conjunction with Rhetorical perswasions. The great store also of words and expressions, which for all occasions he hath lying by him, are of no little use to him, when being pressed with any Arguments, or testimonies of Scripture, and being not able to evade, he is forc't to raise a cloud of them, wherewith after he hath a while darkned the wisdome and Councel of that, wherewith he hath to do, he insensibly slipps out of the cord, wherewith he appeared to have been detained, and triumphes as in a perfect Conquest, when only an unarticulate sound hath been given by his trumpet, but the charge of his Adversaries not once received or repelled. But not any where, doth he more industriously hoist up, and spread the sailes of his luxurient Eloquence, then when he aimes to render the opinion of his adversaries to be, monstrum • orendum, informe ingens, cui lumen ademptum, a dark, dismal, uncomfortable, fruitless, death-procuring doctrine; such as it is marveilous, that ever any poor soul should embrace or choose for a Companion or guide, in it's pilgrimage towards heaven. Rolling through this feild, his expressions swell over all bounds and limits; metaphors, similitudes, parables, all help on the current: though the streames of it being shallow and wide, a little opposition easily turnes it for the most part aside; a noise it makes indeed, with a goodly shew and appearance. Herculeâ non mole minor—Agylleus Sed non ille rigor, patrium que in corpore robur. Luxuriant artus, effusa que sanguins laxo Membra natant—

This, (as I said,) prompts (I feare) the learned person of whom we speak, to deale so harshly with some of them with whom he hath to do. And it is still feared, that —parata tollit cornua; Qualis Lycambae spretus infido Gener, Aut acer hostis Bupalo.

It might indeed be the more excusable, if evident provocation were alwaies ready at hand to be charged with the blame of this procedure, if he said only An si quis a • ro dente me petiverit Multus ut slebo puer?

But for a man to warme himselfe, by casting about his own pen, until it be so filled with indignation and scorne, as to blur every page and almost every line, is a course that will never promote the praise, nor adorne the Truth of God. For what remaines concerning him; do illi ingenium, do eloquentiam, & industriam; fidem, & veritatem utinam colnisset.

The Course & Condition of my procedure with him, whether it be such as becometh Christian modesty, and sobriety, with an allowance of those ingredients of zeal, in contending for the trut, hwhich in such cases the Holy Ghost gives a command for, is referred to the Judgment of all, who are concerned, and account themselves so, in the things of God. As to any bitterness of expression, personal reflections by application of Satyrical invectives, I know nothing by my selfe, and yet I dare not account, that I am hereby justified. The calme and indifferent Reader, not sensible of those commotions, which the discovery of Sophistical evasions, pressing of inconsequent consequences, bold Assertions &c: will sometimes raise in the most candid and ingenuous mind, may (and especially if he be an observer of failings in that kind) espie once and againe, some signes and appearances of such exasperations as ought to have been allayed with a spirit of meekness, before the thoughts that stirred them up, had been turned out of doores, in the expressions observed. Although I am not conscious of the delivery of my selfe in any termes, intimating a Captivitie under the power of such a snare for a moment, yet what shall to the Christian Reader occurre of such a seeming tendency, I humbly refer it to his judgment, being content to suffer loss in any hay or stubble what ever, that I may have layd upon the foundation of truth, which I am sure is firmly fixed by God himselfe, in the business in hand.

For what further concernes my manner of dealing in this Argument, I have only a few things to mention, (Reverend Brethren) and you will be discharged of the trouble of this prefatory address unto you. The matter in hand I hope you will find attended and pursued, without either Iocular or historical diversions, which are judged meet by some to retaine the spirits, and intice the minds of the Readers, which are apt to faint and grow weary, if alwaies bent to the consideration of things weighty and serious. With you, who are continually exercised with severer thoughts and studies, then the most of men can immix themselves withal, such a condescention to the vanity of men • minds, and lightness of their spirits, I am sure can find no approbation. And as for them who make it their business, to run through books of a Polemical nature, in what subject soever, in pursuit of what is personal, ridiculous, invective, beating every Chapter, and Section, to find only what ought not to be there, and recoyling in their spirits, upon the appearance of that which is serious, and pressing to the cause in hand, I suppose you judge them not worthy to be attended to, with such an imposition upon the time and diligence of those who sincrely seek the Truth in love, as the satisfying of their vaine humour would require. It is indeed of sad consideration to see, how some learned men (forgetting the loss of precious houres, wherewith they punish their Readers thereby) in discourses of this naturedo, offend against their professed intendments, by perpetual diversions in long personal H • rang • es, delighting some for a moment, instructing none, in the mattter inquired into. Some parts of this Treatise you may perhaps judge not so closely, & scholastically argumentative, as the regular lawes of an accurate disputation would require. In the same judgment with you, is the Authour: where yet he supposes himselfe not without just Apologie, and that such, as renders his way of procedure not blame worthy: whereas otherwise he should not think any excuse sufficient to exp • ate such an errour. He is worthily blammed, who had not rather chuse to want a fault, then an excuse. The truth is, neither would the matter treated of, nor the persons, for whose sakes cheifly this labour was undertaken, admit of an accurate scholastical procedure in all parts of the Treatise. The doctrine asserted, and the errour opposed, are the concernments of the common people of Christianity. Arminianisme is crept into the bodies of sundry congregations, and the weaker men are, who entertaine it, the more gross and carnal are their notions, and Conceptions in, and about it. Pelagius himselfe was never so injurious to the grace of God, as some amongst us. Now the souls of men, whose good is sought in this work, are no less precious in the sight of God, though they are unacquainted with Philosophical termes, and wayes of arguing, than the soules of the most learned. Besides, that which we account our wisedome, and learning may, if too rigo • ously attended, be our folly: when we think to sharpen the reason of the Scripture, we may straighten the Efficacy of the spirit of it. It is oftentimes more effectual in it's own liberty, then when restrained to our methods of arguing. And the weapons of it keener in their own soft breathings, then when sharpned in the forge of Aristotle. There is a way of perswasion and conviction in the Scriptures, that is more divine & sublime, then to be reduced to any Rules of Art that men can reach unto. God in his word, instructs men to make them wise unto salvation. Syllogismes are not (doubtless) the only way of making men wise with humane wisedome, much less divine: Some Testimonies, on this account, are left at their own liberty, improved only by Explanation, that they might lose nothing of their owne strength, seeing no other can be added to them: Where the corrupt Philosophy, or sophistical arguings, or indeed regular syllo • tical proceedings of the Adversaries, have rendred a more close Logical way of proceeding necessary, I hope your favourable judgments, will not find cause to complaine of the want thereof. Whatever is amiss, what ever is defective, what ever upon any account, cometh short of desire or expectation, as I know none in the world more able to discerne, and find out, then your selves, so there are none from whom I can expect, and justly promise my selfe, a more easy & candid Censure, a more free and general pardon, a more favourable Acceptation of this endeavour for the service of the Truth, then from you. Besides that personal Amity, and respect, which God by his providence hath given me (one altogether unworthy of such an allay of common perplexities in his pilgrimage) with you, and amongst you, besides that readiness and ingenuous promptness of mind, unto condescention, and candid reception of labours in this kind, which your own great worth, and abilities furnish you withal, exempting you, and lifting you above that Pedantick severity, and humour of censure, which posseth Sciolists, & men corrupted with a desire of emerging in the repute of others. You know full well, in what streights, under what diversions, imployments, business of sundry natures incumbent on me, from the Relations wherein I stand, in the University, and on sundry other accounts, this work hath been carried on. The truth is, no small portion of it, owes it's rise to Journeyes, and such like avocations from my ordinary course of studies, and imployments, with some spare houres, for the most part in time of absence, from all books and asisstances of that nature whatever. Not longer to be burthensome unto you, with things of no greater concernment, then what may have respect to one every way so unworthy as my selfe, what is of the seed which God hath graciously supplyed, I am sure will find acceptance with you; and what is of it's worthless Author, or that I have added, I am fully content may be consumed by the fire, that tryes our workes of what sort they are.

My dayly prayer (Honoured Brethren) shall be on your behalfe, that in the dayes, wherein we see so many fall from the truth, & oppose it, on the one hand; a great indifferency as to the things of God, leading Captive so many on the other, so few remaining, made useful to God in their generations, by a conjunction of zeale for the truth, and ability unto it's defence, and those for the most part so closely engaged in, and their hands so filled, with the work of publique beseeching Men to be reconciled to God in Christ, and building up of them, who are called in their most holy faith; You may receive helpe from above, and encouragement to engage you by all meanes possible, to spread abroad a savour of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, & to labour continually that the truths of God, (for whose defence you are particularly appointed) may not be cast down, nor trampled on under the feet of men of corrupt minds, lying in wait to deceive, alluring & beguiling unstable soules, with enticing words of humane wisedome, or any glorious shew and pretence whatever, turning them from the simplicity of the Gospel, and the truth as it is in Jesus: that you may not faint, nor waxe weary, notwithstanding all the opposition, contempt, scorne, you do, or may meet withal; nor ever be turned aside to corrupt Dalliances with errour, and falshood, as is the manner of some, who yet would be accounted sound in the faith; but keeping close to the forme of wholesome words, & answering the mould of Gospel doctrin, whereinto you have been cast, may shine as Lights, in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation; knowing, that it is but yet a little while, and he that shall come, will come, & will not tarry; yea come Lord Jesus, come &c.

So prayes

IF thy enquiry be only after the substance of the Truth in the ensuing Treatise contended for, I desire thee not to stay at all upon this preliminary discourse, but to proceed thither, where it is expresly handled from the Scriptures, without the intermixture of any humane Testimonies, or other less necessary Circumstances, wherein perhaps many of them may not be concerned, whose interest yet lies in the truth it selfe, and it is precious to their Soules. That which now I intend and ayme at, is to give an account to the learned Reader, of some things nearly relating to the doctrine, whose protection (in the strength of him, who gives to his, suitable helps for the works and Employments he calls them to) I have undertaken, and what entertainment it hath formerly found, and received in the Church, and among the Saints of God. For the Accomplishment of this intendment, A breife mention of the Doctrine it selfe will make way. Whom in this controversy we intend by the name of Saints, and Beleivers, the Treatise following will abundantly manifest. The word Perseverantia is of most knowne use in Ecclesiastical writers: Austin hath a book with the inscription of it in it's forehead. The word in the New Testament signifying the same thing is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Of them that followed Paul it is said that he perswaded them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Act. 13. 43. That is: to Persevere. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is of the same import. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Math. 10, 23. He that persevereth to the end; The Vulgar Latin renders that word almost constantly by persevero. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a word also of the same signification, and which the Scripture useth to express the same thing: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, sometimes by a Metathesis expressed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Thence is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , valdé: and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , spoken of him who is of a valiant resolved mind. By faith Moses left Egypt, not fearing the wrath of the King, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He. 11. 27. As eying the invisible he endured (his tryal) with a constant valiant mind. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from thence is most frequently to persevere. Act. 1. 14. and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Act. 2. 42. They persevered in the Doctrine of the Apostles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 once used in the New Testament, is rendred by our Translatours perseverance. Eph. 6. 18. In what variety of Expression the thing is revealed in the Scripture, is in the Treatise it selfe abundantly declared. The Latin word is Classical, Persevero, is Constanter sum severus: In that sense as Seneca saies, Res severa est verum gaudium. It's extreme in excess is, Pertinacy; if these are not rather distinguished from their objects, then in themselves. Varro lib 4. de ling: Lat: Tells us that Pertinacia is a continuance or going on, in that, wherein one ought not to continue, or proceed. Perseverantia is that, whereby any one continues in that wherein he ought so to doe. Hence is that definition of it commonly given by the School-men from Austin: Lib 87. qu: 31, who took it from Cicero (one they little acquainted themselves withall) lib. 2, de Invent: it is say they, In ratione bene fundatâ▪ stabilis & per petua permansio. And this at present may pass for a general description of it, that is used in an Ethical, and Evangelical sense. Perseverance was accounted a commendable thing among Philosophers. Morally Perseverance is that part of Fortitude whereby the mind is established in the performance of any good and necessary work, not withstanding the assaults and opposition it meets withal, with that tediousness and wearisomness, which the protraction of time, in the pursuit of any affairs, is attended withal. Aristotle informes us that it is excercised about things troublesome, lib. 7. Eth: Nicom: giving a difference between Continence with it's opposite vice, and forbearance, or perseverance 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He that abides in his undertaken work, so it be good and honest, notwithstanding that trouble and perplexity he may meet withal is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hence he tells us that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as well as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not pleasant to many, lib. 10. cap. 9. And that because so to live, implies difficulty and opposition. And He also, as Varro in the place above mentioned, distinguishes it from pertinacy; And of men infected with that deprav'd habit of mind, he says there are three sorts, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : all These are in his Judgment, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Nic •• lib. 7. cap. 9. Which perverse disposition of spirit he there clearly manifests to be sufficiently differenced from a stable resolved frame of mind, what ever it may resemble it in. Now though there is no question, but that of two persons continuing in the same work, or opinion, one may doe it out of pertinacy, the other out of perseverance, yet amongst men who judge of the minds of others, by their fruits, and of the Acts of their minds by their objects, these two dispositions or Habits are universally distinguished, as before, by Varro. Hence the Termes of pertinacy and obstinacy being thrust into the definition of herisy, by them who renouncing any infallible living Judge and determiner in matters of faith, to make way for the inflicting of punishment on the entertainers and maintainers thereof, they take no thought of proving it such, but only because it is found in persons embracing such errours; The same Affection of mind, with the same fruites and demonstrations of it, in persons embracing the Truth, would by the same men be termed perseverance. But this is not that whereof I Treat.

Evangellical perseverance, is from the Scripture at large explained in the Book it selfe. As it relates to our Acceptation with God, and the immutability of Justification (which is the the cheife and most eminent part of the Doctrine contended for,) as it hath no conformity in anything, with the moral perseverance before described, so indeed, it is not comprehended in that strict notion and signification of the word it selfe, which denotes the continuation of some Act, or Acts in us, and not the uninterruptibleness of any Act of God. This then is the cause of perseverance, rather than perseverance it selfe; yet such a cause, as being established, the effect will certainly and uncontrolably ensue. They who goe about to assert a perseverance of Saints, cut off from the absolute unchangableness of the decree, purpose, and Love of God, attended with a possibility of a contrary Event, and that not only in respect of the free manner of it's carrying on, whereby he that wills to persevere, may not will so to doe, but also in respect of the issue and end it selfe, will, I doubt not, if they are serious in what they pretend, find themselves entangled in their undertaking. As perseverance is a Grace in the subject on whom it is bestowed, so it relates either to the spiritual habit of faith, or the principle of new life they have received from God, or to the actual performance of those duties wherin they ought to abide. In the first sense it consists in the point of being, or not being. Whilest the habit of faith remaines, there is in respect thereof an uninterrupted perseverance in him in whom it is; and this we contend for. As it respects Actions flowing from that Habit and principle; so it expatiates it selfe in a large fieild. For as it imports not at all a perpetual performance of such Acts without Intermission, (which were naturally as well as spiritually impossible, whilest we carry about us a body of death,) so neither doth it necessarily imply a constant tenour of proceeding in the performance of them, but is consistent with a change in degrees of performance, and in other respects also, not now to be insisted on. Perseverance in this sense being the uninterrupted continuance of Habitual grace, in the hearts of Believers without intercision, with such a walking in obedience, as God according to the tenour of the new covenant will accept, upon the whole of the matter, it is in it's own nature, (as every thing also is that hath not it's being from it's selfe) liable and obnoxious to Alteration; and therefore must be built and repos'd on that which is in it selfe immutable, that it may be rendred on that supposition, immutable also. Therefore is Perseverance in this sense resolved into that Cause of it before mentioned, which to doe is the cheife endeavour of the following Treatise. Of the Groundlessness of their opinion, who granting final perseverance, doe yet plead for the possibility of a final Apostacy, and an intercision of faith, no more need be spoken, but what upon the account last mentioned hath been argued already. Some discourses have passed both of old, and of late, concerning the nature of this perseverance, and wherein it doth propperly consist. Many affirme it not really to differ from the habit of faith and love it selfe, for which Bradwardine earnestly contends. Lib. 2. de Cau: dei: cap. 11. Concluding his disputation, that Perseverantia Habitualis, est justitia habitualiter preservata, preseverantia Actualis, est justitiae perseverantia Actualis, ipsum verò perseverare, est justitiam preservare. Whereupon (su • more) he inferres this corollary. Quod nomen perseverantiae nullam rem absolutam essentialiter significat, sed accidentaliter, & relativè Charitatem videlicet, sive justitiam, cum respectu futurae permansionis Continuè us que in finem; & quod non inprobabiliter posset dici perseverantiam esse ipsam relationem hujus: And therefore in the next Chapter, to that objection, If perseverance be no more but charity, or righteousness, then every one that hath once obteined these, or true grace, must also persevere; He returnes no Answer at all: plainly insinuating his Judgment to be so; of which afterwards: and therefore he spends his thirteenth Chapter of the same Book to prove, that the Holy Spirit is that Auxilium, as he called it, whereby any persevere.

And Chap. 1. He resolves all preseveration from no • being overcome by Tentation, or not being tempted to a prevlencie (the same for substance with perseverance) into the will and purpose of God. Quicun que (saith he) non Tentatur, hoc necessariò est à deo, quod non tentatur. Sicut 11 • pars 13 • primi probat: & per 22um primi, Deus necessariò • abet aliquem actum voluntatis circa tal • m non tentationem, & non nolutionem, quia tunc per decimum primi non tentaretur, ergo volutionem, qnae per idem decimum ipsum tentari non sinit, &c. Others render it as a Gift super-added to faith and love, of which Judgment Austin seems to have been, who is followed by sundry of the School-men, with many of the Divines of the reformed Churhes. Hence is that Conclusion of Alvarez: de Auaeil: lib: 10. disp: 103: secundum fidem Catholicam asserendum est, praeter gratiam habitualem, & virtutes infusas esse necessarium, ad perseverandum in bono us que in finem, auxilium speciale, supernaturale scilicet donum Perseverantiae. And of this proposition he saies, in hâc omnes Catholici Conveniunt. Of the same Judgment was his Master Thomas: Lib 3. con: Gen: cap: 155. Where also he gives this Reason of his opinion; Illud quod naturâ suâ est variabile, ad hoc quòd figatur in uno, Indiget auxilio alici • jus moventis immobilis; sed liberum Arbitrium, etiam existens in gratiâ habituali, ad huc manet variabile, & flexibile à bono in malum; ergò ad hoc quod figatur in bono, & perseveret in illo us que ad finem, indiget speciali Dei Auxilio: The same Argument having been used before him by Bradwardine, though to another purpose, viz: not to prove perseverance to be a super-added gift to saving grace, which (as before was observed) he denyed, but to manifest that it was immediatly and wholy from God: His words are, lib: 2. cap 8. Cocol: Sicut secundum primi docet, Omne quod est Naturale, & non est per se tale, sed est mutabile in non tale, si manere debeat immutatum, oportet quòd imitatur continuè alicui per se fixo; quare & continuè quilibit justus Deo. The same School-men also (a generation of men exceeding ready to speak of any thing, though they know not what they spake, nor whereof they affirme,) go yet farther some of them and will distinguih between the gift of perseverance, and the gift confirmation in Grace. He before mentioned, after a long dispute pag. (104) concludes, ex his sequitur differentiam inter donum perseverantiae, & confirmationis in gratiâ▪ he meanes that which is granted in viâ) in hoc consistere, quòd donum perseverantiae nullam perfectionem intrinsecam constituit in ipsâ gratiâ habituali, quam tamen perfectionem intrinsecam illi tribuit Confirmatio in Gratiâ. What this intrinsecal perfection of habitual grace, given it by confirmation, is he cannot tell: for, in those who are so confirmed in Grace, he asserts only in inpeccability upon supposition, and that not alone from their intrinsecal principle, as it is with the blessed in heaven, but from help and assistance also dayly communicated from without: Durandus in 3. d. 3. q. 4, assignes the deliverance from sin which those who are confirmed in grace doe obtaine unto the Holy Ghost: so far well: but he kicks down his milke by his addition, that he doth it only by the removeal of all occasion of sin: But of these persons, and their Judgment in the point under debate, more afterwards.

For the thing it selfe last proposed, on what foot of account it is placed, and on what foundation asserted, The Treatise it selfe will discover. That the thing aymed at, is not to be straightned or restrained to any one peculiar Act of grace, will easily appear. The main foundation of that which we plead for, is, The Eternal purpose of God, which his owne nature requireth to be absolutely immutable and irreversible. The Eternal Act of the will of God designing some to salvation by Christ, infallibly to be obtained, for the Prayse of the, glory of hu grace, is The Bottome of the whole; Even that foundation which standeth for ever, having this seale, The Lord knoweth who are his. For the Accomplishment of this eternal purpose, and for the procurement of all the good things, that lye within the compass of it's in tendment, are The Oblation and Intercession, (the whole mediatory undertaking of Chist) taking away sinne, bringing in Life and immortality, interposed, giving further causal influence into the truth contended for. In him and for his sake, as God graciously, powerfully, and freely gives his Holy Spirt, faith, with all the things that accompany salvation unto all them, whom he accepts and pardons by his being made sinne • or them, and Righteousness unto them, so he takes them therby into an everlasting Covenant that shall not be broken, and hath therein given them innumerable promises that he will continue to be their God for ever, and preserve them to be, and in b • ing his people: to this end, because the principle of Grace, and living to him, as in them inherent, is a thing in i'ts own nature changable, and lyable to failing, he doth according to his promise, and for the Acccomplishment of his purpose, dayly make out to them, by his Holy Spirit, from the great treasury and store-house thereof, the Lord Jesus Christ, helps and supplies, encreasing of faith, Love, and Holiness, recovering them from falls, healing their back-slidings, strengthening them with all might according to his glorious power, unto all patience and long suffering with joyfulness, so preserving them by his power through faith unto salvation: And in this way of delivering the doctrine contended about, it is clearly made out, that the disputes mentioned are as needless, as groundless, so that we shall not need to take them into the state of the controversy in hand, though I shall have occasion once more to reflect upon them, when I come to the consideration of the doctrine of the School-men, in reference to the opinion proposed to debate. The mayne of our enquiry, is after the Purpose, Covenant, and promises of God, the undertaking of Christ, the supplies of Grace promised and bestowed in him: on which accounts, we doe assert and maintaine; That all true Believers who are in being so, interested in all those causes of preservation, shall infallibly be preserved unto the end, in the favour of God, and such a course of Gospel obedience as he will accept in Jesus Christ.

That, (as was formerly sayd) which at present I ayme at in Reference to this Truth is, to declare it's Rise and Progress, it's course, and opposition, which it hath found in several Ages of the Church, with it's state and condition at this day, in respect of Acceptance with the people of God.

It's rise, with all other divine truths, it owes only to Revelation from God, manifested in the Scriptures of the Old and new Testament; some of the most eminent places wherein it is delivered in the old Testament are: Gen: 3. 17. chap: 17. 1. Deut: 33. 3. Josh: 1. 5. 1 Saw: 12. 22. Psal: 1. 3. Psal: 23. 4, 6. Psal: 37. 39, 40. Psal: 52. 8, 9. Psal: 89. 31, 32, 33, 34, 35. Psal: 33. 9, 10, 11. Psal: 92. 13. &c. Is: 27. 3, 4. Is: 46. 4. Is: 59. 21. Is: 54 9. 10. Is: 4. 4, 5. Is: 40. 27, 28, 26, 30. Is: 43. 1, 2. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Jer: 3▪ 3, 31, 32, 33, 34. Jer: 32. 38, 39. 40. Ezek: 36. 25, 26, 27. Hosea: 2. 19, 20. Zach: 10. 12. Mal: 3. 6: with innumerable other places. In the new Testament God hath not left this truth, and work of his Grace without witness; as in sundry other places, so it is testified unto, Math; 6. 13. Mat: 7. 24, 25 Mat. 12. 20. Mat: 16. 18. Mat: 24. 24. Luk 1. 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75. Luk: 8. 5, 8. Luk: 22. 32. Joh: 3. 36. Joh. 4. 13, 14, 16. Joh. 5. 24. Joh: 6. 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 57. Joh: 7. 38. Joh: 8. 35, Joh: 10. 27, 28, 29, 30. Joh: 13. 1. Joh: 14 15, 16, 17. Joh: 16. 27 Joh: 17. throughout: Act: 2. 47. Act: 13 48. Ro: 6. 14. Rom: 8. 1, 16, 17, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, &c. 1 Cor: 1. 8, 9. 1 Cor: 10. 13, 14. 1 Cor: 15. 49, 58. 2 Cor: 1. 21. Eph: 1. 13, 14. Eph. 3. 17. Eph: 4 30. Eph. 5. 23. Gal: 2. 20: Phil: 1. 6. Phil: 2. 13. 1 Thes: 5 24. 2 Tim: 4. 17, 18. Tit: 1.1. Heb: 6. 19. Heb: 10. 38, 39. Heb: 12. Heb: 9. 14. Heb: 13. 5, 21. 1 Pet. 1. 2, 3, 4, 5. 1 Joh. 2. 19, 24. 1 Joh: 3. 9,19. 1 Joh. 5. 14, 18. Jude 1 Rev: 20. 6. So plentifully hath the Lord secured this sacred Truth wherein he hath enwrapped so much, (if not, as in the meanes of conveyance the whole) of that peace, consolation, and Joy, which he is willing the heires of promise should receive. Whether the faith hereof thus plentifully delivered to the Saints, found Acceptance with the primitive Christians, to the most of whom it was given not only to believe, but also to suffer for Christ, to me is unquestionable. And I know no better proof of what those first Churches did believe, than by shewing what they ought to believe, which I shall unquestionably be perswaded they did believe, unless most pregnant Testimony be given of their Apostacy. That Paul believed it for himselfe, and concerning others is evident. Ro. 8. 38, 39. 1 Cor. 1. 8, 9. Phil: 1. 6. Heb. 6.. 9, 10, are sufficient proof of his faith herein: That he built up others in the same perswasion, to the enjoyment of the same peace and Assurance with himselfe, is undenyable. And if there be any demonstration to be made of the beliefe of the first Christians, of any evidence comparable unto this, I shall not deny but that it ought to be attended unto. But that we may not seem willing to decline the Consideration of what those who went before us in the several Ages and Generations past, apprehended, and have by any means communicated unto us, of their thoughts about the businesse of our contest, (having no reason so to be) I shall after a little preparation made to that work, present the Reader with something of my Observations to that end and purpose.

Of the Authority of the Ancients in matters of Religion and worship of God, of the Right use and improvement of their writings, of the several Considerations that are to be had and exercised by them who would read them with profit and Advantage, after many disputes and contes • s between the Papists, and Divines of the Reformed Churches, the whole concernment of that Controversy, is so clearely stated, Mannaged and resolved by Mounseiur Dalie in his Book of the Right use of the Fathers, that I suppose all farther labour in that kind may be well spared. Those who intend to weigh their Testimony to any head of Christian Doctrine, doe commonly distinguish them into three greater periods of time: The first of these is comprehensive of them, who lived and wrote before the Doctrine, concerning which they are called out to give in their thoughts and verdict, had received any signal opposition, and eminent discussion in the Church on that acccount. Such are the Writers of the first 300 years, before the Nicene Counsel, in reference to the Doctrine of the Trinity: and so the succeeding writers, before The stating of the Mac • donian, Eutichian, and Nestorian Heresies. In the next are they ranked who bare the burthen and heat of the Opposition made to any Truth, and on that Occasion wrote expresly and at large on the controverted doctrines. Which is the Condition of Athanasius, Basil, Gregory, and some others in that Arian Controversy: And in the last place succeed those who lived after such concussions, which are of less or more esteem, according as the Doctrines enquired after, were less or more corrupted in the general Apostacy of the latter dayes. According to this order Our first period of time will be with the Rise of the Pelagian Heresy, which gave Occasion to the through, full, and Cleare discussion of the whole doctrine concerning the grace of God; whereof that in whose defence we are engag'd is no small portion: The next of those whom God raised up to make head against that Subtil opposer of his Grace with his followers, during the space of an 100 yeares and somewhat onwards, ensuing the promulgation of that heresy: What have been the thoughts of men in the latter Ages until The Reformation, and of the Romanists since to this day, manifested in a few pregnant instances, will take up the third part of this designe. Of the Judgment of the Reformed Churches, as they are commonly called, I shall speak particularly in the close of this discourse. For the first of these! not to insist on the paucity of writers in the first 300 yeares, sundry single persons in the following Ages, haveing severally written three times as much, as we have left and remaining of all the others, (the names of many who are said to have written, being preserv'd by Eusebius Eccles: Hist: and Hierome lib: de script: their writings being perished in their dayes) nor in general of that corruption, whereunto They have almost every one of them been unquestionably expos'd, I must be forced to preface the nomination of them with some Considerations: The first in that known passage of Hegesipus, in Euseb: Hist: Eccles:lib, 3. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . So far Hel setting out the corruption of the Church even as to doctrine, immediatly after the Apostles fell asleep: whereof whosoever will impartially, and with disingaged Judgments serach into the writings, that of those days do remaine, will perhaps find more Cause than is commonly imagined, with him to Complaine.

2 The maine work of the writers of the first Ages, being to contend with Heathenish Idolaters, to convince them of their madness, and folly, to write Apologies for the worship of God in Christ in General, so to disswade their Rulers from persecution, or in contesting with Heriticks, for the most part appearing to be men either corrupt in their lives, or mad and brainsick (as we say) as to their Imaginations, or denying the Truth of the person of Christ, what can we expect from them, as delivered directly and on set purpose to the matter of our present contest? Some principles may in them possibly be discovered, from whence by a regular deduction, some Light may be obtained into their thoughts concerning the points in difference. Thus Junius thinks, and not without cause, that the whole business of Predestination, may be stated upon this one principle, that faith is the free Gift of God flowing from his Predestination and Mercy; and concerning this, (saith he) Hoc autem omnes patres uno consensu ex Christo & Paulo agnoverunt; Ipse Justinus Martyr in Apolog: 2: & Gravissime ver • Clemens Alexandrinus, in hâc alioquin palestrâ non itaexercitatus ut sequentia secula: Hom: lib: 2. Basil • i & Valentini dogma esse dicit, quòd fides a naturâ sit. Consid. Senten. Pet. Baroni: without this what Advantage can be taken, or what use can be made for the discovery of the mind of any of the Antients; by cropping of some occasional expressions, from their occasions and aimes, I know not. Especially, would I more peremptorily affirme this could I imagine any of them wrote as Hierome affirmes of himselfe, that he sometimes did. Epist. ad August: which is among his 892. Ita que (saith he) ut simpliciter fateor, legi haec omnia, & in mente meâ plurima coacervans, accito notario vel mea, vel aliena dictavi, nec ordinis, nec verborum interdum nec sensuum memor: should any one say so of himselfe in these days, he would be accounted little better then a mad man: much then on this Account (or at least not much to the purpose) is not to be expected from the fathrers of the first Ages.

3. Another observation to our purpose, lyes well expressed in the beginning of the fourteenth chapter of Bellarmin's second Book de Grat: & lib: Arb. Praeter Scriptur as adferunt alia Testimonia patrum; saith he speaking of those who opposed God's free Predestination: to which he subjoynes: Ne que est hoc novum Argumentum, sed antiquissimum. Scribit enim S. Prosper in Epistola ad S. Augustinum, Gallos qui sententiam ej • sdem Augustixi de Prede stinatione calumniabantur, illud potissimum objicere solitos quòdea sententia doctrine veterum videbatur esse contraria.

Sed respondet idem Augustinus inl ib • de bono perseverantiae, veteres patres, qui ante pelagium flo • uerunt, quaestionem istam nunquam accurate tractasse sed incidenter solum, & quasi per transitum illam attigisse. Addit vero in fundamento hujus sententiae quod est gratiam dei non praevenire ab ullo opere nostro sed contra, ab illâ omnia opera nostera praveniri, it a ut nihil omnino boni, quod attinct ad salutem sit in nobis, quod non est nobis ex des, convenire Catholicos omnes; & ibidem citat Cyprianum Ambrosium, & Nazianzenum, quibus addere possumus Basilium & Crysostomum. To the same purpose with Application to a particular person doth that great, and holy doctor discourse, de doctrin. Christianâ lib: 3 cap: 33: saith he, non erat expertus hanc haeresin Tychoni • , quae nostro tempore exorta, multum nos ut gratiam dei quâ per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum est adversus eam defenderemus exercuit, & secundum id quod ait Apostolus, oportet haereses esse, ut probati manifesti fiunt in nobis, multò vigilantiores diligentiores que reddidit, ut adverteremus in Scripturis Sanctis, quod istum Tychonium minus attentum minus que sine hoste solicitum fugit. That also of Hierome in his second Apologie against Ruffinus in reference to a most weighty Article of Christian Religion is known to all: fieri potest (saith he) ut vel simpliciter erraverint, vel alio sensu scripserint, vel à librariis imperitis corum paulatim scripta corrupta sint: vel certe antequam in Alexandria quasi Daemonium meridianum Arius nasceretur, innocenter quaedam, & minus • ante locuti surt, & quae non possunt perversorum hominum calumniam declinare. And what he spake of the writers before Arius, in reference to the person of Christ, we may of them before Pelagius in refernce to his Grace. Hence Pererius in Rom. c. 8. disput. 22: tells us (how truly ipse viderit, I am not altogether of his mind) that for those Authours that lived befofe Austin's time, that all the Greek Fathers, and a considerable part of the Latine, were of opinion, that the cause of Predestination, was the foresight which God had, either of man's good works, or of their faith, either of which opinions, he assures us is manifestly contrary, both to the Authority of the Scriptures, and particularly to the doctrine of Saint Paul. I am not (as I said) wholy of his mind, partly upon the account of the observations made by his fellow Jesuite out of Austin, before mentioned, partly upon other accounts also. Upon these and the like Considerations, much I presume to the buisness in hand, will not be produced on either side, from the Fathers that wrote before the Rise of the Pelagian Heresy. And if any one of the parties at this day litigant about the Doctrines of the Grace of God, should give that advise, that Sisinniuss and Agellius the Novatians somtimes gave, as Zozomen reports of them. (Hist. Eccles lib. 7. cap. 12) to Nectarius by him communicated to the Emperor Theodosius, to have the quarrel decided by those that wrote before the Rise of the Controversy, as it would be unreasonable in it selfe, so I perswade my selfe neither party would accept of the conditions, neither had the Catholicks of those dayes, got any thing, if they had attended to the advise of those Novatians. But these few observations premised, something as to particular Testimonies, may be attended unto.

That we may proceed in some order, not leaving those we have nothing to say to, nor are willing to examine, whilest they are but thin, and come not in troopes, unsaluted; The first writings that are imposed on us after the Comical Scriptures, are the eight books of Clement, commonly called the Apostles constitutions, being pretended to be written by him at their appointment, with the Canons ascribed to the same persons. These we shall but salute: for besides that they are faintly defended by any of the Papists, disavowed and disclaimed as Apocryphal, by the most learned of them, as Bellarmine de script: Eccles. in Clem: who approves only of 50. Canons: of 85 Baronius An. D • m. 102. 14: who addes 30 more, and Binius with a little inlargement of Canons, in Tit. Can. T. 1. Con. pi. 17: and have been throughly disproved and decryed by all Protestant writers, that have had any occasion to deale with them, their folly and falsity, their impostures and triflings, have of late been so fully manifested by Dallaeus de pseudepigrapis Apostol. that nothing need be added thereunto. Of him may Doctor H. H. learne the Truth of that Insinuation of his, dissert. de Episcop. dis. 2da cap 6. Sect. 3. Canone Apostolico secundo (semper inter genuinos habito:) but of the confidence of this Author in his Assertions afterwards: This indeed (insisted on by Daellaus, and the Learned Usher in his notes upon Ignatius) is childishly ridiculous in them, that whereas it is pretended that these constitutions were made at a convention of the Apostles, as l. 6. c. 14, they are brought in discoursing, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. They they are made to informe ns lib. 2. cap. 57. That the Acts written by Luke and read in the Churches are theirs, and the foure books of the Gospel. Whereas the story of the death of James (here said to be together with the Apostles) is related Act. 12: and John by the consent of all, wrote not his Gospel untill after the dissoluton of his Associates. Also they make Stephen and Paul to be together, at the makeing of those constitutions Const: lib. 8. cap. 4. (whereas the Martyrdome of Stephen, was before the convesiron of Paul,) and yet also mentions the stoning of Stephen: lib. 8.46. They tell us whom they apointed Bishops of Hiesalem after the death of James, and yet James is one of them, who is met together with them l. 7. c. 48: nay mention is made of Cerinthus, and that Marke the heritick, Menander, Basilides and Saturnilus were known and taken notice of by the Apostles, who all lived in the second Century, abought the Raigne of Hadrian, as Eusebius manifesteth, and Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 7.

But to leave such huskes as these, unto them who loath Manna, and will not feed on the bread that our heavenly Father hath so plentifully provided for all that live in his family, or any way belong to his house, let us look onward to them that follow, of whose Truth and Honesty we have more assurance.

The first Genuine piece that presents it selfe unto us, on the Roll of Antiquity, is that Epistle of Clemen's, which in the name of the Church of Rome, he wrote to the divided Church of Corinth, which being abundantly testified to of old, to the great contentment of the christian world, was published, here at Oxford some few yeares since; A writing full of antient simplicity, humility, & Zeal. As to our present business much I confesse cannot be pleaded from hence, beyond a negative impeachment, of that great and false clamour which our Adversarie have raised, of the consent of the primitive Christians with them in their by paths, and and waies of errour. It is true, treating of a Subject diverse from any of those heads of Religion about which our contests are, it is not to be expected that he should any where plainly, directly, & evidenty deliver his judgment unto them. This therfore I shall only say, that in that whole Epistle, there is not one word, iota, or sillable that gives countenance to the tenent of our adversaries, in the matter of the Saints perseverance: but that on the contrary, there are sundry expressions, asserting such a foundation of the Doctrine we maintain, as will with good strength inferre the Truth of it. Pag. 4. Setting forth the virtues of the Corinthiaus before they fell into the schisme that occasioned his Epistle, he minds them that: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That God hath a certain number of Elect to be saved, and for whose salvation by his Mercy the Church is to contend with him, is a principle wholy inconsistent with those, on which the doctrine of the Saints Apostacy is bottom'd. Corresponding hereunto is that passage of his concerning the will of God, p. 12: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A mere consideration of this passage causeth me to recal what but now was spoken, as though the Testimonie given to the Truth, in this Epistle, was not so cleare as might be desired. The words now repeated, containe the very Thesis contended for. It is the beloved of God (or his Chosen) whom he will have made partakers of saving Repentance; & hereunto he establisheth them (for with that word is the defect in the sentence to be supplyed) by, or with the Almighty will: because he will have his beloved partakers of saving Repentance, and the benefits thereof, he confirmes and establishes them in it, with his Omnipotent, or Soveraigne will. The inconsistency, and irreconcileableness of this assertion, with the doctrine of these Saints Apostacy, the Learned Reader needs not any Assistance to manifest to him. Answerably hereunto he saith of God. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , pag. 38: and p 66: mentioning the blessedness of the forgivness of sins, out of Ps. 32: he adds. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Elect of whom he speaks, are those, on whom, through, and for Christ, God bestowes the blessedness of Justification: Elect they are of God anteecedently to the obteining of that blessedness, and through that, they doe obteine it: so that in that short sentence of this Authour the great pillar of the Saints perseverane, which is their free Election, the root of all the bless • dness which afterward they enjoy, is established: other passages like to these, there are in th • t Epistle, which plainly deliver the primitive Christians of the Church of Rome, from any communion in the doctrine of the Saints Apostacy, and manifest their Perseverance, in the doctrine of the Saints Perseverance, wherein they had been so plentifully instructed not long before, by the Epistle of Paul unto them.

He who upon the Roll of Antiquity presents himselfe in the next place to our consideration, is the renowned Ignatius, concernig whom I desire to begge so much favour of the learned Reader, as to allow me a diversion unto some thoughts and observations, that belong to another subject, then that, which I have now peculiarly in hand, before I come to give him a tast of his Judgment in the doctrine under debate.

As this Ignatius Bishop of the Church at Antioch, was in himselfe • man of an excellent spirit, em • nent in holiness, and to whom on the behalfe of Christ it was given not only to believe on him, but also suffer for him, and on that account of very great and high esteem among the Christians of that Age wherein he lived, and sundry others following, so no great Question can be made but that he wrote toward the end of his pilgrimage, when he was on his way to be offered up through the holy Spirit by the mouths of wild beasts to Jesus Christ, that he wrote sundry Epistles to sundry Churches, that were of cheifest note and name in the Countreys about. The concurrent Testimony of the Antients in this matter of fact, will give as good Assurance as in this kind we are capable of: Eusebius reckons them up in order, so doth Hierome.

After them frequent mention is made of them by others, & special sayings in them are transcribed: And whereas it is urged by some, that there is no mention of those Epistles before the Nicene Councell, before which time, it is as evident as if it were written with the beams of the sun, that many false and supposititious writings had been imposed on, and were received by many in the Church, (as the story of Paul and Tecla is mentioned and rejected by Tertull: de Baptis: Hermae Pastor by others) it is answered that they were mentioned by Irenaeus some good while before, Lib. 5. cap. 28. saith he. Quemadmodum quidam de nostris dixit, propter Martyrium in Deum adjudicatus ad bestias; quoniam frumentum sum Christi & per dentes bestiarum moler ut mundus panis Dei inveniar. Which words to the substance of them are found in these Epistles: though some say nothing is here intimated of any Epistles or writings, but of a speech that might passe among the Christians by Tradition, such as they had many among themselves, even of our Saviours, some whereof are mentioned by Grotius on these words of Paul, remember that word of Christ that it is more blessed to give then to receive. What probabilitie or ground for conviction there is in these or the like Observations, and Answers is left to the judgement of all. This is certain that the first mentioning of them in Antiquities is to be clearely received, (and that perhaps with more then the bare word of him, that recites and approves of the Epistles of Jesus Christ to Abgarus the King of the (Edessens) or of him that reckons Seneca among the Ecclesiasticall writers, upon the account of his Epistles to Paul) or the following Testimonies, which are heaped up in abundance by some who think (but falsely) that they have a peculiar interest enwrapped in the Epistles, now extant, will be of very small weight or value.

For my part I am perswaded, with that kind of perswasion wherein in things of no greater moment I am content to acquiesce, that he did write 7. Epistles, and that much of what he so wrote is preserved in those that are now extant, concerning which the contests of learned men have drawne deep and run high in these latter daies, though little to the advantage of the most that have laboured in that cause, as shall be manifested in the processe of our discourse.

A late learned Doctor in his dissertations about Episcopacy, Unicum D. Blondellum aut alterum fortasse inter omnes mortales Walonem Messalinum cap. 25. s. 3. or dispute for it against Salmasius and Blondellus tells us, that we may take a tast of his confidence in asserting Dissert: 2. cap. 23. §: j. that Salmasius and Blondellus mortalium omnium primi, thought these Epistles to be feigned, or counterfeit. And with more words Cap. 24. 1. he would make us believe, that these Epistles of Ignatius where allwaies of the same esteeme with that of Clemens from Rome to the Corinthians of which he treats at large in his fourth Dissertation) or that of Polycarpus to the Philippians which we have in Eusebius he addes in the judgment of Salmasius and Blonde • lus, Solus Ignatius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cujus tamen Epistolae pari semper cum illis per universam ab omni av • patrum nostrorum memoriam reverentiâ Excipiebantur; nec prius a mortalium quovis in judicium vocabantur (multo minus ut in re certâ & extra dubium positâ inter plane 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 rejiciebantur) quam Presbyteri Anglicani patribus suis contumeliam facere caepissent iisque aut suppetias ferre, aut rem gratam facere (quibus illecebris adducti nescio) hi duo non ignobiles Presbyteranae causae hyperaspista in seipsos recepissent. Of his Two learned Antagonists one is dead, and the other almost blind, or probably they would have dealt not much more gently with the Doctor for his Parenthesis (quibus illecebris adducti nescio) then one of them formerly did (Salmas: de subscribendis & signandis Testamentis se • specimen Consula: Animad: Heraldi: Cap: 1. Pag: 19 Nuper quidem etiam nebulo in Angliâ, Capellanus ut audio Regis, Hammendus nomine, libro quem edidit de potestate clavium Salmasse iratus quod aliam quam ipse sententiam probet ac defendat, haud potuit majus convicium, quod ei diceret, invenire, quam si Gramaticum appellaret) for his tearming him a Grammarian, yet indeed of him, (such was the hard entertainment he found on all hands) it is by many supposed that he was illecebris adductus (and they stick not to name the bait he was caught withall) wrought over in a manner to destroy the faith of that, which he had before set up and established.

For the thing it selfe affirmed by the Doctor, I cannot enough admire with what oscitancy or contempt, he considers his Readers (of which manner of proceeding this is very far from being the only instance) that he should confidently impose such things upon them. He that hath written so much about Ignatius, and doth so triumph in his Authority, ought doubtless to have considered those concernments of his Author which are obvious to every ordinary enquirer: Vedelius his Edition of Ignatius at Geneva came forth with his notes in the yeare 1623 long before either Salmasius, or Biondellus had written any thing about the supposititiousness of these Epistles: in the Apologic for Ignatius whereto prefixed, he is forced to labour and sweat in the Answer of one, whom he delervedly stiles Virum Doctissimum; arguing (not contemptibly) that Ignatius never wrote any such Epistles, and that all those which were carried about in his name, were false and counterfeit.

But perhaps the Doctor had taken caution of one of the Fathers of his Church, that à Genevensibus istis Typographis praeter fraisdes, & fucos, & praestigias non est quod quicquam expectemus (Montacu: Appar: lib. 5. Sect: 46. pag: 19.) and so thought not fit to look into any thing that comes from them.

Especially may this be supposed to have some influence upon him, considering the gentle censure added in the next words by that Reverend Father of his Church concerning the endeavour of Vedelius in his notes on that Edition. Ne que Audax ille & importunus Ignatii Censor, quicquam attulit ad paginas suas implendas praeter inscitiam, & incuriam, & impudentiam singularem (nec saevi magne sacerdos) dum ad suum Genevalismum antiquitatem detorquet invitissimam, non autem quod oportuit, Calvinismum amussitat ad antiquitatem. And what I pray is the reason of his Episcopal censure? That he should deale with poor Vedelius in that language wherewith no men of his Order, and Authority were wont to deale with preaching Ministers at their visitations? Why this poor man in that passage which you have in the Epistle to the Magnesians (in that Edition: p: 56.) where treating of the Antient Fathers expectations of the coming of Christ, retaines the common reading of, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 referring the word to their expectation of seeing him come in the flesh, which upon the Testimony of our Saviour himselfe, they desired to see, and saw it not, not correcting it by a change of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , so referring it to their faith in Christ and salvation by him as in his Judgment, he ought to have done 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A little thing would provoke the indignation of a Prelate against any thing that came from Geneva.

I say I would suppose, that this might divert our Doctor from casting his eye upon Vedelius, whose defensative would have informed him that these Epistles had been opposed as false and councerfeit, before ever Salmasius, or Blondellus had taken them into consideration; but that I finding him sometimes insisting on that Geneva Edition.

For whereas Cap: 2. Sect: 2: he tells you that he intends to abide only upon the Edition of Isaac Vossius in Greek, published from the Archives of the Library of Lawrence de Medices, and the Latin Edition published by Bishop Vsher, out of our Library here at Oxford, yet cap. 8: being pressed with the Testimony of the writers of the Epistle to the Magnesians, in that Edition calling Episcopacy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , plainly intimating a comparative Noveltie, in that order to others in the Churches, and fearing (as well he might) that his translation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into, the ordination of a young man, would scarce be received by the men of his own prejudice (for surely he never supposed, that he should impose on any other, by such gross figments) he prefers the Vedelian Edition (where these words are not so used) before it: and informes us that sic legendum (as it is in the Geneva Edition) suadet tota Epistolae series. Now this truly is marvelous to me (if the Doctor consulteth Authors any farther, then meerly to serve his present turne) how he could ever advise with that Edition of Vedelius, and yet so confidently affirme, that Salmasius and Blondellus were the first that rejected these Epistles, as feigned and counterfeited.

But yet a little farther I the first Edition of these Epistles in Latine was Augustae Vindelicorum, an: 1529: in Greek at Basil 1566: Before which time I suppose the Doctor expects not, that any opposition should be made to them, considering the heaps of filth & dung, that until about that time, were owned for the off-spring of the Antient Fathers.

Upon their first appearing in the world what is the entertainment they receive? One who was dead before either the Doctor, or either of his Antagonists were borne, aud whose Renown among the people of God, will live when they are all dead, gives them this welcome into the world: Ignatium quod obtendunt, si velint quicquam habere momenti; probent Apostolos legem tulisse de quadragessima, & similibus corruptelis. Nihil naeniis istis quae sub Ignatii nomine edetae sunt putidius. Quominus tolerabilis est eorum impudentia qui talibus larvis ad fallendum se instruunt. Cal. Instit. lib. 1 cap. 13. Sect: 29.

What ever be the Judgment of our Doctor concerning this man, (as some there are of whom a learned Bishop in this nation long agoe complained, that they are still opening their mouths against Calvin, who hope them to mouthes to speak with: Abbot: ad Thom:) He will in the Judgment of some, be so farre accounted some-body, as to take off from them the confident. Assertion that Salmasius, and Blondellus, were mortalium primi that rejected these Epist • es.

The Centuriators of Magdenburg were esteemed to be some bodies in their dayes: and yet they ma • e bold to call these Epistles into Question: and to tender sundry Arguments to the impa • ing of their Credit and Authority. This then they Cent: 2. cap: 10 De Epi, cop: Antioch: ac primum de Ignatio.

Lectori pio & attento considerandum relinquimus quantum sit illis Epistolis tribuendum. Non enim dubitamus quin in lectione earum cu • libet ista in mentem veniant: primum quod se è in omnibus Epistolis; licet satis Copiesis, occasio scribendi praetermittitur, nec vel divinare licet, quare potissimùmad hanc vel illam Ecclesiam literas voluerit mittere. Deinde ipsius peregrinationis Ratio non parvum injicit scrupulum considerantibus, quod multo rectiore & brevioriitinere, Romam potuerit navigare, ut testatur vel ipsius Pauli Exemplum.—Expende quam longum sit iter, Antiochiâ ad littus Aegaei pelagi se recipere, ibi que rectâ sursum versus Septentricnem ascendere, & praecipuas civitates in littore sitas us que ad Troadem perlustrare, cum tamen Romanum iter sit destinatum versus occasum. Tertiores ejusmodi in istas literas inspersae sunt ut ad eas propemodum obstupescat lector &c. Hac cùm aliàs non somnolento lectori incidant, non existimaverimus &c.

Thus they at the worlds first awaking, as to the Consideration of things of this kind.

To them adde the learned Whitaker Cont: I mâ de perfect: script: quaest: sextâ c: 12: where after he hath disputed against the credit of these Epistles, joyntly and severally, with sundry Arguments at length he Concludes, sed de his Epistolis satis multa, & de hoc Ignatio quid judicandum sit, satis ex its const are potest quae diximus. Ista Papistae non audent tueri &c. To whom sundry others might be added convincing Salmasius and Blondellus, not to have been Mortalium primi that called them into Question.

I have not insisted on what hath been spoken, as though I were wholly of the mind of them, who utterly condemne those Epistles as false and counterfeit; though I know no possibility of standing before the Arguments levyed against them (notwithstanding the fore-mentioned Doctors attempt to that purpose, without acknowledging so much corruption in them, Additions and Detractions from what they were when first written, as will render them not so clearly serviceable to any end or purpose, whereunto their Testimony may be required, as other unquestionable writings of their Antiquity are justly esteemed to be. That these Epistles have fallen into the hands of such unworthy Impostors as have filled the latter ages with labour and travel to discover their deceits, The Doctor himselfe granteth: dissert: 2. cap. 2 Sect: 6: nulla (saith he) quidem nobis insumbit necessitas, ut in tantâ exemplarium & editionum varietate & inconstantiâ, nihil uspiam Ignatio interpolatum aut adsutum affirmemus.

And indeed the foysted passages in many places are so evident, yea shameful, that no man who is not resolved to say any thing, without care of proof or Truth, can once appeare in any defensative about them. Of this sort are the shreds and pieces out of that branded counterfeit piece of Clemens, or the Apostles constitutions which are almost in every Epistle packed in, in a bungling manner, oftentimes disturbing the sense and coherence of the place: yea sometimes such things are thence transcribed, as in them, are considerable Arguments of their Corruption, and falshood: so is that period in the Epistle to the Magnesians taken from Clemens. Constitut lib. 6 cap. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This Abeddadan being mentioned next after Absolom's dying by the loss of his head, is therefore supposed to be Sheba the Son of Bickri, but whence that counterfeit Clemens had that name is not known. That the counterfeit Clemens by Abeddadan intended Sheba is evident from the words he assignes unto him in the place mentioned. Abeddadan said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And joynes him with Absolom in his Rebellion▪ such passages as these they are supposed to have received from that vaine and foolish Impostor: but if it be true which some have observed that there is not the least mention made of any of those fictitious constitutions in the three first Ages after Christ, & that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mentioned by Eusebius, and Athanasius, as also that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Epiphanius, are quite other things, then those eight books of constitutions we now have, it may rather be supposed, that that sottish deceiver rather raked up some of his filth from the Corruption of these Epistles, then that any thing out of him is crept into them. Other instances might be given of stuffing these Epistles with the very garbidge of that beast. Into what hands also these Epistles have fallen by the way, in their journying down towards these ends of the world, is evident from these citations made out of them, by them of old, which now appeare not in them. Theodoret. Dial: 3. adv: Haere: gives us this sentence from Ignatius: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : which words you will scarcly find in that Epistle to the Church of Smyrna, from whence they were taken: Hierome also, Dial. 3. Con. Pelag: hath this passage of him, and from him. Ignatius vir Apostolicus & Martyr scribit audacter, elegit Dominus Apostoles qui super omnes homines peccatores erant: which words as they are not now in these Epistles, so as one observes if ever he wrote them as is pretended, he did it audacter indeed. But of these things our Doctor takes no notice.

The style of these Epistles doth not a little weaken the credit of them, being turgent, swelling with uncouth words, and phrases, affected manner and wayes of expression, new compositions of words, multiplying Titles of honour to men, exceedingly remote and distant from the plainness and simplicity of the first writers among the Christians, as is evident by comparing these with the Epistles of Clement before mentioned, that of Polycarpus in Eusebius, The Churches of Viena in that same Author, and others. Instances for the confirmation of this Observation are multiplied by Blondellus: my designed work will not allow me to insist on particulars. In many good words this charge is waved, by affirming that the Author of these Epistles was an Assyrian, and near to Martyrdome, and that in the Scriptures there are snndry words of as hard a composition, as these used by him: Ham: disser: 2. cap 3. And as he saies, from this kind of writing an Argument of sufficient validity may be drawne to evince him to be the Author of these Epistles. Hierome was of an other mind speaking of Didymus. Imperitus (saith he) sermone est, & non scientia, Apostolicum virum ex ipso sermone exprimens, tam sensuum nomine, quam simplicitate verborum. But seeing Ignatius was a Syrian, and near to Martyrdome (though he writes his Epistles from Troas, and Smyrna, which without doubt were not in his way to Rome from Antioch: & yet every where he saith he is going to Rome: ad Ephes: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which in the close he affirmes he wrote from Smyrna, whither he was had to his Martyrdome) what is it to any man, what style he used in his writings, what swelling titles he gave to any, or words he made use of. Who shall call those writings (especially Ignatius being a Syrian) into question.

But perhaps some farther Question may here arise, (& which hath by sundry been already started) about the use of divers Latine words in those Epistles, wich doubtless cannot be handsomely laid on the same account of their Author being a Syrian, and nigh to martyrdome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , are usually instanced in: words to whose use no Roman customes, observations, Orders, nor rules of Goverment, do administer the least occasion. Of these the Doctor tells you, he wonders only that in so many Epistles, there are no more of this kind: And why so? The Epistles are not so large a Volume; a very few hours will serve to read them over; and yet I am perswaded that in all that compass of reading, in the Greek Fathers which our Doctor ownes, he cannot give so many instances of words barbarous to their language, no way occasioned by the meanes before mentioned, as have been given in these Epistles. But he wonders there are no more, and some wonder that all are not of his mind. But he farther informes us, that a diligent Reader of the Scripture, may observe many more Latine words in the new Testament then are used in these Epistles; and for a proof of his diligence and observation, reckons up out of the end of Passor's Lexicon sundry words of that kind, made use of by the Sacred writers. I feare unto some men, this will scarce be an Apologie prevalent, to the dismission of these Epistles, from under the Censure of being at least fowly Corrupted. Of the whole collection of words of that sort made by Passor, among which are those especially cull'd out by our Doctor to Confirme his observations, there is scarce one, but either it is expressive of some Roman Office, Custome, mony order, or the like: words of which nature pass as proper names (as one of those mentioned by the Doctor is, and no otherwise used in the new Testament) from one Country and language to an other, or are indeed of a pure Greek Original, or at least were in common use in that Age; neither of which can be spoken of the words above mentioned, used in the Epistles: which were never used by any before or after them, nor is there any occasion imaginable why they should: Parvas habent spes Epistolae, si tales habent: I would indeed gladly see a faire, candid, & ingenious defensative of the Style & manner of writing used in those Epistles, departing so eminently from any thing that was customary in the writings of the men of those daies, or is regular for men of any generation, in Repetitions, affected compositions, Barbarismes, Rhyming expressions, and the like; for truly notwithstanding any thing that hitherto I have been able to obtaine for help in this kind, I am enforced to encline to Vedelius his answers, to all the particular Instances given of this nature; this, and that place is corrupted, this is from Clemen's Constitutions, this from this or that Tradition: which also would much better free those Epistles from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , us'd in the sense whereunto it was applyed by the Valentinians long after the death of Ignatius, then any other Apologie, I have as yet seen, for the securing of its abode in them.

It is not a little burdensome to the thought of sober and learned men, to consider how frequently, causlesly, absurdly in the midst of discourses quite of another nature, and tendency, the Author of those Epistles (or some body for him) break in upon the Commendation of Church Officers Bishops and Presbyters, exalting them with titles of honour to the greatest Potentates on earth and compareing them to God the Father and Son; where as none of the Sacred writers that went before him, nor any of those good and holy men who (as is supposed) followed after him do hold the least communion or society with him. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Epist: ad Tral: whereunto is immediatly subjoyned that Doctrine concerning Deacons, which will scarcely be thought to be exegetical of Act. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . What the Writer of this passage intended to make of a Bishop well I know not: but thus he speaks of him Epist: ad Magnes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as the Apostle speaks concerning God, Heb: 6 10.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thus indeed some would have it, who to help the matter, have further framed such an Episcopacy, as was never thought on by any in the dayes of Ignatius, as shall afterwards be made evident. And in the same Epistle this is somewhat uncouth and strange. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Whether the Lord Christ hath bound any such burden upon the shoulders of the Saints, I much question; nor can I tell what to make of the comparison, between God the Father, and the Bishop, Christ, and the rest of the Church; the whole sentence in word and matter, being most remote from the least Countenance from the Sacred writings Epist: ad Philadel: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (well aimed however) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Epistle to the Church at Smyrna is full of such stuff, inserted without any occasion, order, coherence or any colour to induce us to believe that it is part of the Epistle as first written. One passage I may not omit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (in the language of our Saviour repudiating the Pharisees corrupted glosses on the Law) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . So Peter's mistake is corrected: his reasons follow, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as was Jesus Christ) and it is added, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . How well this suits the doctrine of Peter and Paul, the Reader will easily discerne. Caesar or the King is upon all accounts thrust behind the Bishop, who is said to be Consecrated to God for the salvation of the World: him he is exhorted to obey; and in express opposition to the Holy Ghost, the Bishop's name is thrust in between God and the King, as in away of preheminence above the latter: and to doe any thing without the Bishop is made a farre greater crime then to rise up against the King. As this seemes scarce to be the language of one, going upon an Acculation to appeare before the Emperour, so I am certaine, it is most remote from the likeness of any thing, that in this affaire we are instructed in from the Scripture. Plainly this language is the same with that of the false Impostor Pseudo-Clemens in his pretended Apostolical Constitutions. At this rate, or somewhat beyond it have you him ranting Lib. 2, cap. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . All Popes, with all sorts of Persons whatever Priests, Kings, and Princes, Fathers and Children, all under the feet of this Exemplar of God, and Ruler over men. A passage which doubtless eminently interprets and illustrates that place of Peter's Epistle ch. 5. v. 1. 2. 3. The Elders that are among you I exhort, who also am an Elder, and a witness of the suffering • of Christ and also a partaker of the glory that shall be revealed, feed the flock of God, which is among you, taking the oversight thereof not by constraint, but willingly, not for filthy lucre, but of a ready mind, neither as being Lords over God's heritage but • eing Examples to the flock. But yet as if the man were starke mad, with wordldy pride and pompe He afterwards in the name of the Holy Apostles of Jesus Christ, commands all the Laity (forsooth) to honour, love, and feare the Bishop, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lib. 2. Cap 20. And that you may see whither the man drives, and what he aimes at after he hath set out his Bishop like an Emperour, or an Estern-King, in all pompe and glory. He addes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The paying of tribute to them as Kings is the Issue of these descriptions, that they may have wherewithal to maintaine their pompe and greatness, according to the institution of our Lord Jesus Christ and his blessed Apostles. But I shall not rake farther into this dunghil, nor shall I adde any more instances of this kind out of Ignatius, but close into one insisted on by our Doctour, for the proof of his Episcopacy. Dissert. 2. Cap. 25. 7. Saith he Quartò. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Episcopo attendite, ut & vobis Deus attendat, ego animammeam libenter eorum loco substitui cuperem (quod Anglicè optimè dicimus, (my soul for theirs) qui Episcopo, Presbyteris, & Diaconis obsequuntur. I hope I may without great difficulty obtaine the Doctours pardon, that I dare not be so bold with my soule as to jeopard it in that manner, especially being not mine owne to dispose of.

Upon these and many more the like accounts do the Epistles seeme to me, to be like the Children that the Jewes had by their strange Wives. Neh: 13, who spake part the language of Ashdod, and part the language of the Jewes. That there are in them many footsteps of a gracious Spirit, every way worthy of, and becoming the great and holy personage, whose they are esteemed, so there is evidently a mixture of the working of that worldly and carnal Spirit, which in his dayes, was not so let loose as in after times. For what is there in the Scripture, what is in the genuine Epistle of Clêmen's, that gives countenance to those descriptions of Episcopacy, Bishops, and the subjection to them, that are in those Epistles (as now we have them) So insisted on? What titles, are given to Bishops? What Soveraignty, Power, Rule, Dominion is ascribed to them? Is there any thing of the like Nature in the writings of the Apostles? In Clemens, the Epistle of Polycarpus &c. Or any unquestionable legitimate off-spring of any of the first Worthies of Christianity? Whence have they their three orders of Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, upon the distinct observation of which so much weight is laid? Is there any one word, iota, title, or syllable, in the whole book of God giving countenance to any such distinctions? Eph. 4. 8. We have Pastors and Teachers. Rom: 12. 7.8. Him that teacheth, him that exhorteth, him that ruleth, and him that sheweth mercy, Philip. 1. 1. We have Bishops and Deacons: and their Institutions with the order of it, we have at large expressed. 1 Tim: 3. 1. 2. Bishops and Deacons without the Interposition of any other order whatever. Deacons we have appointed Acts the 7. And Elders. Acts 14. 23. Those who are Bishops we find called Presbyters. Titus: 1. 5. 7. And those who are Presbyters, we find termed Bishops. Acts 20. 28. So that Deacons we know and Bishops who are Presbyters, or Presbyters who are Bishops we know, but Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, as three distinct orders in the Church, from the Scripture we know not. Neither did Clemens in his Epistle to the Corinthians, know of any more then we do, which a few instances will manif • st: saith he speaking of the Apostles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Bishops and Deacons (as in the Church at Philippi) this man knowes: but the third order he is utterly unacquainted withal. And that the Difference of this man's expressions, concerning Church Rulers from those in the Epistle under consideration, may the better appear; and his asserting of Bishops, and Presbyters to be one and the same, may the more clearly be evidenced, I shall transcribe one other Passage from him, whose length I hope will be execused from the usefulness of it, to the Parpose in hand. Pag. 57. 58. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (for so it seemes was the manner of the Church in his dayes, that their officers were appointed by the consent of the whole Church) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (or the Bishops of whom he was speaking) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . &c. And sundry other discoveries are there, in that Epistle of the like nature: It is not my designe, nor purpose to insist upon the parity of Bishops and Presbyters, or rather the Identity of office denoted, by sundry Appellations from these and the like places: this work is done to the full by Blondellus, that our labour in this kind, (were that the purpose in hand,) is prevented. He that thinkes the Arguments of that Learned man to this purpose are indeed answered throughly, and removed by D. H. in his fourth dissertation, where he proposes them to Consideration, may one day thinke it needful, to be Able to distinguish between words and things. That Clemens ownes in a Church but two sorts of Officers, the first whereof he calls sometimes Bishops, sometimes Presbyters, the other Deacons, the Doctour himselfe doth not deny.

That in the Judgment of Clemens no more were instituted in the Church is no less evident. And this carries the conviction of it's truth so clearely with it; that Lombard himselfe confesseth, hos solos ministrorum duos ordines Ecclesiam primitvam habuisse, & de his solis praeceptum Apostoli nos habere. Lib. 4. Sen. D. 24. Lib. 3. ext. It seemes moreover that those Bishops and Deacons in those dayes (as was observed) were appointed to the office, by and with the consent of the People, or whole body of the Church: no less do those words import, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Our Doctour indeed renders these words, applaudente aus congratulante Ecclesiâ totâ: and addes (satis pro imperio) nihil hìc de acceptatione totius Ecclesiae, sine quà Episcopos & Diaconos ab Apostolis & Apostolicis viris constitutos non esse, ex hoc loco concludit Blondellus, quasi qui ex Dei jussu & Approbatione constituebantur populi etiam acceptatione indigere putandiessent. Dissert: 4. Cap. 7. 8. 10. And who dares take that confidence upon him, as to affirme any more, what so great a Doctor hath denyed? Though the scope of the place, the nature of the thing, and first most common sence of the word here used, being, willingly to Consent (as it is also used in the Scripture for the most part. Act: 8. 1. 1 Cor 7. 12) to a thing to be done, or to the doing of it, yet here it must be taken to applaud, or congratulate, or what else our Doctour pleases, because he will have it so. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 also, must be Viri Apostolici, men with Apostolical or extraordinary power, when they are only the choice men of the Church, where such a constitution of Officers is had, that are intended because it is our Doctours purpose to have the words so rendred. Ex jussu Dei & Approbatione, as though any particular command or opprobation of God were intimated, for the constitution of the Bishops and Deacons mentioned, beyond the institution of the Lord Jesus Christ, that Elders should be ordained in every Church, because this would seeme to be exclusive wholly of the consent of the people, as any way needful or required to their constitution: which yet as it is practically false, no such thing being mentioned by Clemens, who recoutneth the way and meanes, whereby Officers were continued in the Church even after the decease of the Apostles, and those first ordained by them to that holy employment, so also is it argumentatively weake and Unconcluding. God appointed, designed Saul to be King, approving of his so being, and yet he would have the people come together to chuse him. So also was it in the case of David. Though the Apostles in the name & the authority of God, appointed the Deacons of the Church at Hierusalem, yet they would have the whole Church look out among themselves the men to be appointed. And that the ordaining of the Elders was with the peoples Election Act. 14. 23. It will ere long be manifested, that neither our Doctour nor any of his Associates have as yet disproved. This poore thing the people, being the peculiar people of Christ, the heritage of God and Holy Temple unto him &c. Will one day be found to be an other manner of thing, then many of our great Doctours have snpposed. But he informes us Cap. 4. Sect 3. From that Testimony which we cited before, that the Apostles in the Appointment of Bishops and Deacons (for so the words expresly are) are said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i: e: Saith he Revelationibus edoctos esse, quibus demum haec dignitas communicanda esset; that is, that they appointed those, whom God revealed to them in extraordinary manner to be so ordained, and this is the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and why so? The holy Ghost orders concerning the appointment of Deacons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 1 Tim 3. 10. That those who are to be taken into office and power in the Church had need first to be tryed and approved; is granted. And this worke the Apostles give to the multitude of the Church. Act: 6. Where yet after the peoples Election, and the Apostles Approbation, and the trial of both, one that was chosen is supposed, to have proved none of the best. And yet of him, and them, are the Apostles said by Clemens that they did, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . But how shall it be made to appeare that, Spiritum probantes, trying or proving by the Spirit, or spiritually proving them to try whether, they were able Ministers of the new Testament, not of the Letter, but of the Spirit, proving them by that spirit, which was promised unto them to lead them into all truth, must needs signifie they were taught whom they should appoint by immediate Revelation. To prove by the Spirit, or Spiritually the persons that are to be made Ministers, or Bishops, is to have their names revealed to us. Stephen is said to speak, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Act. 6. 10. And Paul purposed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Act: 19. 21. And we are said to serve God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gal. 5.5. and to make supplication 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eph. 6. 18. With many more expressions of the like nature. Does all this relate to immediate Revelation, and are all things done therby which we are said to doe in the Spirit? Before we were instructed in this mystery, and were informed that, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , did signify to be taught by revelation. We had thought that the expression of doing any thing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 had manifested the Assistance, guidance, and direction, which for the doing of it we receive, by the holy and b • essed spirit of God, promised unto us, and bestowed on, in & through the Lord Jesus Christ. Yea but he addes, that it is also spoken of the Apostles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 praecognitionem (i: e:) Revelationem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they appointed them Bishops and Deacons, by the helpes and presence of the spirit with them, the Apostles examined, tryed those who were to be appointed Bishops, so obtaining, and recieving a perfect foreknowledge, or knowledge of them before their Admission into office. This also expresses Revelation ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) upon tryal it was revealed unto them) and so must any thing else be allowed to be, that our Doctour will have to be so, now he is asserting to that purpose. But had the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , who appointing Bishops and Deacens after the Apostles time, had they also this special Revelation? Or may they not be said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . If not, how will you look upon them under the notion of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , who neglected so great a duty: if they did, let us know when this way of constituting Church officers by immediate Revelation ceased: and what was afterwards took up in the Roome thereof: and who they were that first proceeded on another account, and on what Authority they did it? There are a generation of men in the world, will thank the Doctour for this insinuation, and will tye knots upon it, that will trouble him to loose.

Before we returne, let us look but a little further, and we shall have a little more light given us, into what was the conditon and power of the people in the Church in the daies of Clemens, speaking of them who occasioned the division, and schisme in the Church of Corinth, or them about whose exaltation into office, or dejection from it that sad difference fell out, he gives them this advice. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It seemes the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the multitude, or the people were not such poore inconsiderable things as they are reported to be, when he advises them to stop and stay the sedition, by yeelding obedience to the things by them appointed and commanded. If it were in it selfe evill, disorderly, and not according to the mind of Christ, that the people should order and appoint things in the Church, it had been simply evill for Clemens, to have advised any to yeeld obedience unto things by them so appointed. Where is now Ignatius his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . &c. Even those who are contending about Rule and Goverment in the Church, are advised to stand to the determination of the people, and to cry, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This is also insisted on by Blondellus, who thence argues potestatem plebis Circa Sacra. Disser. 5. Cap. 8. Sect. 4. Ad verba haec (saith our Doctor) prodigii instar est quod notandum duxit Dav: Blondellus [potestatem Plebis Circa Sacra] (de quâ tandem integram dissertationem elucubravit) artificiis quibuscun que asserturus. Hic (inquit) nos monet Clemens fideles etiam de Episcopatu aut Presbyterio contendentes, non ab Episcopi singulari 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nutu, sed à multitudinis praeceptis pependisse. But let not our Doctour be angry, nor cry out so fast of Prodigies: a little time will manifest, that many things may not be prodigious, which yet are contrary to sundry of his conceptions, and Apprehensions. I cannot but acknowledge him to be provoked; but with all must say, that I have found very commonly, that reasons ushered in by such loud Clamours, have in examination proved to have stood in need of some such noyses, as might fright men from the consideration of them. What is in the next Sections set up to sheild the Children of Episcopacy from being afrighted with this prodigy, may perhaps be of more efficacy thereunto, then the exclamations before mentioned: He therefore proceedes. Sect: 5. Certè (saith he) si serio rem ageret Da • Blondellus de Presbyteris suis (non de Episcopis nostris) actum planè & triumphatum erit, nec enim ab universo aliquo Presbyterorum Collegie, quod ille tam afflictim ardet, sed a multitudinis solius Arbitrio, tum contendentes de Episcopo, tum fideles omnes Corinthios pependisse aequè concludendum erit. If any man in the world hath manifested more desperate Affection towards Presbyterie, then this Doctour hath done toward Episcopacy, for my part solus habeto. But though neither Clemens, nor Blondellus speak any one word about the ordering of things, multitudinis solius arbitrio, yet here is that said by them both, as is sufficiently destructive, not only to the Episcopacy the Doctour contends for, as a thing wholly inconsistent with the power, and liberty here granted the people, but of any such Presbyterie also, as shall undertake the ordering and disposing of things in the Church of God, without the consent and Concurrent suffrage of the People. Such a Presbytery it seemes Blondellus does not defend. But yet neither the Doctours Out-cry as at a Prodigy, nor this retortion upon Presbytery, is any answer to the testimony of Clemens, nor indeed is there the least possible reflection upon an orderly Gospel Presbytery in any Church, and Over it, by what Clemens here professeth to be the power of the People, all the appearance of any such things is from the terme Solius, foysted into the discourse of Blondellus by the Doctour, in his taking of it up to retortat. Clemens in the very next words secures us from any thought, that all things depended à multitudinis solius arbitrio. His very next words are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Our Doctours and Masters having stuft their imaginations with the shape, and lineament of that Hierarchichal fabrick, which the Craft, Pollicy, Subtilty, Avarice, Pride, Ambition of many ages successively, had formed, and framed according to the Paterne they saw in the Mount of the World, and the goverments therin, upon the first hearing of a Church, a flock of Christ, walking in orderly subjection, to their own Elders concurring with them, and consenting to them, in their Rule and Goverment, instantly as men amazed, cry out a Prodigy. It is not imaginable into what ridiculous, contemptible miscarriages, pride, prejudice, and selfulness do often-times betray men, otherwise of good abilities in their waies, and very commendable Industry.

But Section the sixth, the Doctour comes closer, and gives his Reason why this Testimony of Clement is not of any efficacy to the purpose in hand, saith He! At quis (sodes) à fidelibus de Episcopatu (ut vis) contra ipsos ab Apostolis constitutos Episcopos contendentibus; quis à populo contra principem suum tumultus ciente; quis verbis ad retundendum seditionem ad plebem factis, argumenta ad Authoritatem populo adjudicandum principi derogandum duci posse existimavit? Though many words follow in the next Section, yet this is all of Answer that is given to this signal Testimony of Clement's. I know the Doctour for the most part meets, not only with favorable Readers, but also partial Admirers; or else certainly his Exclamation would scarce pass for an invincible Argument, nor such Rhetorical diversions as this, be esteemed solid Answers. There is not by Blondellus any Argument taken from the faithful's tumultuating against the Bishops (that if appointed by the Apostles which is thrust in, taken for the persons of those Bishops, is against the express Testimony of Clemens in this Epistle) nor from the peoples seditiously rebelling against their Prince, nor from any word spoken to the People to represse their sedition; neither was any thing of this nature urged in the least by Blondellus: nor is there any colour given to such a collection from any thing in the words cited from the Epistle, or the context of them. It is the advise of the Church of Rome to the persons (whether already in office, or aspiring thereunto) about whom the contention, and division was in the Church of Corinth, that is insisted on. It is not the words nor plea of them who were in disorder, there is not any reprehension given to the body of the Church, the multitude or people who are supposed to tumultuate, to quiet them, but a direction given (as was said) by the Church of Rome to the persons that occasioned the difference, how to behave themselves so, that a timely issue might be put to the division of the Church. To this end are they advised to observe the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the orders, precepts, decrees, or appointments of the multitude, as (from Acts the fifteenth) the body of the Church is called. It is not, that they should yeild to their tumultuating, but to yeild obedience to their orderly precepts. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , are by him approved; & had it not been lawful for them, with the Presbyters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Affaires of the Church, Clemens writing this Epistle to the whole Church, could not possibly have led them into a greater snare.

It is a sad thing to consider the pittiful entanglements, and snares that some men runne into, who will undertake to make good, what they have once engaged for, let what will come against them.

To returne then; It is evident, that in the time of Clement, there were but two sorts of Officers in the Church, Bishops, and Deacons; whereas the Epistles of Ignatius do precisely in every place where any mention is made of them, as there is upon occasions, and upon none at all, insist on three Orders distinct, in name, and things. With Clement it is not so. Those whom he calls Bishops in one place, the very same persons he immediatly calls Presbyters (after the Example of Paul. Act: 20. 28. And Titus. 1. 5. 7.) And plainly asserts Episcopacy to be the office of Presbyters. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : viz: Because they were in no danger to be cast from their Episcopacy. And whereas the fault which he reproves in the Church of Corinth, is their division, and want of due subjection to their spiritual Governours, according to the order, which Christ hath appointed in all the Churches of the Saints, he affirms plainly that those Governours were the Presbyters of the Church: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And in all places throughout the whole Epistle, writing ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) to that particular Church of Corinth, the Saints dwelling there, walking in the order & fellowship of the Ghospel, where he treates of those things, he still intimates a plurality of Presbyters in the Church (as there may, nay there ought to be in every single congregation, Act: 20. 28.) without the least intimation of any singular Person, promoted upon any account whatever above his fellowes. So in the Advice given to the persons who occasioned the division before mentioned; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Had there been a singular Bishop at Corinth, much more a Metropolitan, such as our Doctour speakes him to have been, it had been impossible that he should be thus passed by in silence.

But the Doctour gives you a double answer to this observation, with the several parts whereof, I doubt not but that he makes himselfe merry, if he can suppose that any men are so wedded to his dictates, as to give them entertainment: for indeed they are plainly iocular. But learned men must have leave sometimes to exercise their fancies, and to sport themselves with their own imaginations.

1 Then, for the mention that is made of many Presbyters in the Church of Corinth, to whom Clement in the name of the Church of Rome, exhorts to give all due respect, honour, obedience. He tells you that by the Church of Corinth, all the Churches of Achaia are meant and intended. The Epistle is directed only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , without the least intimation of any other Church or Churches. The difference it is written about, was occasioned by one or two persons in that Church only: it is that Church alone that is exhorted to order, and due subjection to their Elders. From the beginning to the end of the Epistle, there is not one word, apex, or tittle to intimate the designation of it, to any Church, or Churches beyond the single Church of Corinth: or that they had any concernment in the difference spoken to. The Fabrick of after Ages lies so close to the Doctour's imagination; that there is no entrance for the true frame of the Primitive Church of Christ: and therefore every thing must be wrested, and apportioned to the conceit of such an Episcopacy as he hath entertained. Whereas he ought to crop off, both head, & heeles of his own imagination, and the Episcopacy of the latter dayes, which he too dearly affects, he chooseth rather to stretch, & torture the antient goverment of the Church, that it may seem to answer the frame presently contended for. But let us a little attend to the Doctor's learned arguments; whereby he endeavours to make good his assertion.

1 He tels you that Corinth was the chief Citty of Achaia: the Metropolis (in a political sense and Acceptation of the word) of Greece, where the Pro-Consul had his Residence: Diss: 5: cap: 2. Sect. 3. Let us grant this to our learned Doctour, least we should find nothing to gratify him with all; what then will follow? hence (saith he) it will follow (Sect: 4:) that this Epistle which was sent, Ecclesiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , non ad unius civitatis Ecclesiam, sed ad omues totius Achaiae Christianos, per singulas civitates & regiones, sub Episcopis aut praefectis suis ubi que callocatas missa existimetur: But pray Doctour why so? We poor creatures who are not so sharp sighted, as to discerne a Metropolitan Arch-Bishop at Corinth, of whom all the Bishops in Greece were dependant, nor can find any instituted Church in the Scripture, or in Clement, of one denomination, beyond a single Congregation, cannot but think, that all the strength of this Consectary, from the insinuation of such a state of things, in the Church of God, is nothing but a pure begging of the thing in Question, which will never be granted upon such tearmes.

Yea but he adds, Sect: 5: That Paul wrote his Epistle not only to the Church of Corinth, but also to all the Churches of Achaia, therefore Clement did so also: At first view this Argument seemes not very conclusive, yea appeares indeed very ridiculous: the inforcement of it which ensues may perhaps give new life and vigour to it: How then is it proved that Paul wrote not only to the Church of Corinth, but to all them in Achaia also? why saith he in the 2 Epistle: 1. chap: 1. v: it is so exprest: he writes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Very good▪ It is indisputably evident that Paul wrot his second Epistle to the Church at Corinth, and all the rest of Achaia, for he expresly affirmes himselfe so to do, and for the first Epistle, it is directed not only to the Church of Corinth 1: cap: 2. verse, but also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : that is, saith our Doctour, in the whole Region of Achaia. So indeed saies the Doctor's great friend Grotius, to whom he is beholding for more then one rare notion. I say it not in any way of any reproach to the Doctour, only I cannot but think, his careful warding of himselfe against the thoughts of men that he should be beholding to Grotius, doth exceedingly unbecome the Doctour's gravity, and selfe denyal. This is complained of by some who have tryed it in reference to his late comment on the Revelation. And in this dissertation, he is put by his own thoughts, (I will not say guilty) to an Apology cap. 1. Sect. 24 Quâ in resuffragi msuum tulisse Hugonem Grotium 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ex annotationibus posthumis, nuper editis, & postquam haec omnia Typographo transcripta essent, cursim perlectis edoctum gratulor. Let not the Reader think that Doctour Ham: had transmitted his papers full of rare conjectures to the Printer, before Grotius Annotations upon the Revelations were published, but only before he had read them. The Doctour little thinks what a fly this is in his pot of Ointment, nor how undecent with all impartial men, such Apologies, subservient to a frame of spirit in bondage to a man's own Esteem and Reputation, appear to be: but let this pass: and let the Saints that call upon the name of Jesus Christ in every place, be the Saints in every part of Achaia, though the Epistle it selfe (written indeed upon occasion taken from the Church of Co • nth, yet) was given by inspiration from God for the use not only of all the Saints in the whole world, at that time wherein it was written, but of all those who were to believe in any part or place of the world to the end thereof; although the assertion of it be not built on any tolerable conjecture, but may be rejected with the same facility wherewith it is tendred; what now will hence ensue? Why hence it followes that Clement also wrote his Epistle to all the Churches in Achaia. Very good? Paul writing an Epistle entituled cheifly to the Corinthians, expresly and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 directs it to the Saints or Churches of Achaia, yea to all that call upon the name of God in every place, so that his Epistle being of Catholick concernment, is not to be confined to the Church of Corinth only, although most of the particular things mentioned in that Epistle related only to that particular Church; Therefore, Clement directing his Epistle to the Church of Corinth only, not once mentioning nor insinuating an intention of extending it to any other, handling in it, only the peculiar concernment of that Church, & a difference about one or two persons therein, must be supposed to have written to all the Churches of Achaia. And if such Arguments as these, will not prove Episcopacy to be of Apostolical constitution, what will prevaile with men so to esteem it? Si Pergama dextra defendi possent, etiam hâc defensa fuissent. And this is the cause of naming many Elders, or Presbyters in one Church: For my part I suppose the Doctour might more probably have adhered to a former conjecture of his, Dissert. 4tâ cap. 10. Sect: 9. Concerning two sundry different Churches, where were distinct officers in the same Citty: primo (saith he) respondeo non us que qua que verum est, quod pro concesso sumitur, quamvis enim in una Ecclesia aut caetu plures simul Episcopi nunquam fuerint (pray except them mentioned, Act: 20▪ 28: and those Act: 14 23) nihil tamen obstare quin in eadem civitate due aliquando caetus disterminati fuerint. He might (I say) with more shew of probability have abode by this observation, then to have rambled over all Greece, to relieve himselfe against his Adversaries. But yet neither would this suffice. What use may, or will be made of this concession shall else where be manifested. But the Doctour hath yet another Answer to this multiplication of Elders, and the mention of them with Deacons, with the eminent identity that is between them, and Bishops through the whole Epistle, the same persons being unquestionably intended in respect of the same office, by both these appellations Now this second Answer is founded upon the supposition of the former: (a goodly foundation!) namely, that the Epistle under consideration was written and sent not to the Church of Corinth only, but to all the Churches of Achaia, of which Corinth was the Metropolitan.

Now this second answer is, that the Elders or Presbyters here mentioned, were properly those whom he calls Bishops, Diocesans: men of a third rank and order above Deacons, and Presbyters in the Church-Administrations and goverment. And for those who are properly called Presbyters, there were then none in the Church, to give colour to this miserable evasion, Disser: 4. chap. 10 11: He discourseth about the goverment and ordering of Church affaires by Bishops and Deacons, In some Churches that were small, not yet formed or compleated, nor come to perfection at the first planting of them: how well this is accomodated to the Church of Corinth which Clement calls, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : & which himselfe would have to be a Metropolitical Church, being confessedly great, numerous; furnished with great and large gifts, & abilties is seen with halfe an eye. How ill also this shift is accommodated to helpe in the case for whose service it was first invented, is no less evident. It was to save the sword of Phil: 1. 1. From the throat of the Episcopacy he contendeth for; That Epistle is directed to the Saints, or Church at Philippi, with the Bishops and Deacons. Two things do here trouble our Doctor. 1 The mention of move Bishops then one at Philippi. 2 The knitting together, of Bishops and Deacons, as the only two orders in the Church, bringing down Episcopacy one degree at least from that height whereto he would exalt it. For the first of these, he tells you that Philippi was the Metropolitan Church of the Province of Macedonia, that the rest of the Churches, which had every one their several Bishops (Diocesan we must suppose) were all comprised in the mentioning of Philippi: so that though the Epistle be precisely directed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , yet the Bishops that were with them, must be supposed to be Bishops of the whole Province of Macedonia; because the Church of Philippi was the Metropolitan: The whole country must have been supposed to be converted (and who tha • knowes any thing of Antiquity will dispute that) and so divided with Diocesan's, as England of late was: the Arch-Bishops so beeing at Philippi: but how came it then to pass, that here is mention made of Bishops, and Deacons only, without any one word of a third order, or ranke of men distinct from them called Presbyters or Elders? To this he Answers, 2ly, That when the Church was first planted, before any great number were converted, or any fit to be made Presbyters, there was only those two orders instituted Bishops and Deacons: so that this Church at Philippi seemes to have been a Metropolitical Infant. The truth is if ever the Doctour be put upon reconciling the Contradictions of his answers one to another, not only in this, but almost in every particular he deales withall (an entanglement which he is thrown into, by his bold and groundless conjectures) he will find it to be as endless, as fruitless: but it is not my present business to interpose in his quarrels, either with himselfe, or Presbytery. As to the matter under consideration, I desire only to be resolved in these few Queries.

1 If there were in the times of Clement no Presbyters in the Churches, not in so great and flourishing a Church, as that of Corinth; and if all the places in the Scripture, where there is mention of Elders, do precisely intend Bishops, in a distinction from them who are only Deacons, and not Bishops also, as he asserts, when, by whom, by what Authority, were Elders, who are only so inferior to Bishops, peculiarly so termed, instituted and appointed in the Churches? And how it comes to pass that there is such express mention made of the Office of Deacons, and the continuance of it, none at all of Elders, who are acknowledged to be superiour to them, and on whole shoulders in all their own Churches, lies the great weight and burden of all Ecclesiastical Administration. As we say of their Bishops, so shall we of any Presbyter, not instituted and oppointed by the Authority of Jesus Christ in the Church, let them go to the place from whence they came.

2 I desire the Doctour to informe me, in what sense he would have me to understand him: Disser. 2. cap. 29. 21, 22: where he disputes that those words of Hierom. Antequàm studia in Religione fierent, & diceretur in populis, Ego sum Pauli, ego Cephae, communi Presbyterorum consensu ecclesiae gubernabantur, are to be understood of the times of the Apostles, when the first Schisme was in the Church of Corinth, when it seemes that neither then, nor a good while after, there was any such thing as Presbyters in the Church of Corinth, nor in any other Church as we can hear of: As also to tell us whether all those Presbyters, were Bishops properly so called, distinct from Elders who are only so, out of whom one man is chosen to be a Bishop properly so called. To these enquiries I shall only adde.

3ly, That whereas in the Scripture, we find clearly but of two sorts of Church-Officers mentioned, as also in this Epistle of Clement; the third that was afterward introduced, be it what it will, or fall on whom it will, that we oppose. This (saith the Doctour) is that of Presbytery, give us the Churches instituted according to the word of Christ, give us in every Church, Bishops, and Deacons, (rather then we will quarrel give us a Bishop, and Deacons) let those Bishops attend the particular flock, over which they are appointed, preaching the word and administring the holy ordinances of the Gospel, in and to their own flock: And I dare undertake for all the Contenders for Presbytery in this nation, and much more for the independents, that there shall be an end of this quarrel; that they will not strive with the Doctour, no • any living, for the introduction of any third sort, of persons (though they should be called Presbyters) into Church Office and goverment. Only this I must adde, that the Scripture more frequently termes this second sort of men Elders, and Presbyters, then it doth Bishops, and that word having been appropriated to a third sort peculiarly, we desire leave of the Doctour and his associates, if we also most frequently call them so, no waies declining the other Appellation of Bishops, so that it be applyed to signify the second, and not third ranke of men: But of this whole business, with the nature, constitution, and frame of the first Churches; and the sad mistakes, that men have by their own prejudices been ingaged into, in this delineation of them, a fuller opportunity (if God will) may eare long, be afforded.

To returne then to our Ignatius! even upon this consideration of the difference, that is between the Epistles ascribed to him, and the writings of one of the same time with him, or not long before him, as to their language, and expression about Church order and Officers, it is evident that there hath been ill-favour'd tampering with them, by them who thought to prevaile themselves of his Authority, for the asserting of that, which never came into his mind.

As I intimated before, I have not insisted on any of those things, nor do on them altogether, with the like that may be added, as a sufficient foundation for the total rejection of those Epistles which go under the name of sgnatius. There is in some of them, a sweet & gratious spirit of Faith, Love, Holiness zeale for God; becomming so excellent, & holy a witness of Christ as he was, evidently breathing and working. Neither is there any need at all, that for the defence of our Hypothesis concerning the non-institution of any Church officer what ever, relating to more Churches in his Office, or any other Church, then a single particular Congregation, that we should so reject them. For although many passages, usually insisted on, and carefully collected by D. H: for the proof of such an Episcopacy, to have been received by them of old as is now contended for, are exceedingly remote from the way, and manner of the Expressions, of those things, used by the Divine Writers, with them also that followed after, both before as hath been manifested, and some while after the dayes of Ignatius, as might be further clearly evinced, and are thrust into the series of the discourse with such an incoherent Impertinency, as proclaimes an Interpolation being some of them also, very ridiculous, & so foolishly Hyperbolical, that they fall very little short of Blasphemies, yet there are Expressions in all, or most of them, that will abundantly manifest that He who was their Authour (who ever he was) never dreamt of any such fabrick of Church-Order as in after ages was insensibly received. Men who are ful of their own apprehensions begotten in the • by such representations of things, as either their desirable presence hath exhibited to their mind, or any after prejudicate presumption hath possessed them with, are apt upon the least appearance of any likness unto that Church they fancy to imagine that they see the face & all the lineaments thereof, when upon due examination it will be easily discovered, that there is not indeed the least resemblance, between what they find in, and what they bring to the Authors, in and of whom they make their enquiry; The Papists having hatched, & owned by several degrees, that monstrous figment of Transubstantiation (to instance among many in that Abomination) a folly, destructive to whatever is in us, as being living Creatures, Men, or Christians, or what ever by sense, Reason, or Religion, we are furnished with all, offering violence to us in what we heare, in what we see with our eyes, and look upon, in what our hands do handle, and our palats tast, breaking in upon our understandings with vagrant flying formes, selfe subsisting Accidents, with as many express contradictions on sundry accounts, as the nature of things is capable of Relation unto, attended with more gross Idolatry then that of the poor naked Indians; who fall down and worship a peice of red Cloth, or of those who first adore their gods, and then correct them; do yet upon the discovery of any Expressions among the Antients, which they now make use of, quite to another End, and purpose, then they did who first ventured upon them, having minds filled with their own Abominations, do presently cry out, and triumph, as if they had found the whole far dell of the mass, in it's perfect dress, and their breaden God in the middest of it. It is no otherwise in the case of Episcopacy: men of these latter Generations, from what they saw in present being, and that usefulness of it to all their desires and interests, having entertained thoughts of love to it, and delight in it, searching Antiquity, not to instruct them in the truth, but to establish their prejudicate Opinion received by Tradition from their Fathers, and to consult them with whom they have to do, what ever Expressions they find, or can heare of, that fall in, as to the sound of words with what is now insisted upon, instantly they cry out, Vicimus Io▪ Paean • what a simple generation of Presbyters, and Independents have we that are ignorant of all Antiquity, or do not understand what they read and look upon. Hence if we will not believe that in Ignatius his dayes there were many Parish Churches with their single Preists, in subordination to a Diocesan Bishop, either immediatly, or by the interposed power of a Chore • Episcopus and the like, and those Diocesans againe in the precincts of provinces, laid in a due subjection to their Metropolitans, who took care of them, as they of their Parish Priests, every individual Church having no Officer but a Presbyter, every Diocesan Church, having no Presbyter, but a Bishop, and every Metropolitan Church having neither Presbyter, nor Bishop properly related unto it, as such, but an Arch-Bishop, we are worse then Infidels, truly I cannot but wonder whether it doth not sometimes enter into these men's thoughts to apprehend, how contemtible they are in their proofes, for the fathering of such • n Ecclesiastical distribution of Governours, and Goverment, as indeniably lacquied after the civil divisions, and constitutions of the times and places, wherein it was introduced, upon those holy persons whose soules never once entered into the secrets thereof.

Thus fares it with our Doctour, and his Ignatius: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; I shall only crave leave to say to him as Augustus of Quintilius Varus; upon the loss of his Legions in Germany under his command; Quintili Vare reade legiones: Domine Doctor redde Ecclestas: give us the Churches of Christ such as they were in the dayes of the Apostles, and down to Ignatius though before that time (if Hegesippus may be believed) somewhat deflowred, and our contest about Church-Officers, & Goverment, will be nearer at an end, then perhaps you will readily imagine. Give us a Church, all whose members are holy, called, sanctified, justified living-stones, Temples for the Holy Ghost, Saints, Believers, united to Christ the head by the Spirit, that is given to them, and dwelleth in them, a Church whose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that doth nothing by it's members apart, that appertaines to Church-order, but when it is gathered 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; a Church that being so gathered together, in one place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , acting in Church things, in it's whole body under the Rule, and presidence of it's Officers. A Church walking in order, and not as some who 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (of whom saith Ignatius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , such as calling the Bishops to the Assemblies, yet do all things without him, (the manner of some in our dayes) he supposeth no • to keep the Assemblies according to the command of Christ) give us, I say, such a Church; and let us come to them when they are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , such as the Churches in the dayes of Ignatius appeare to have been, and are so rendred in the Quotations taken from his Epistles by the Learned Doctour, for the Confirmation of Episcopacy, & as I said before, the contest of this present digression, will quickly draw to an Issue. Being unwilling to go too far out of my way, I shall not,

1 Consider the severalls instanced in, for the proof of Episcopacy by the Doctour. Seeing indeniably the Interpretation must follow, and be proportioned by the General Issue of that state of the Church, in the dayes wherein those Epistles were writ, or are pretended so to be, if that appeare to be such as I have mentioned; I presume the Doctour himselfe will confess, that his witnesses speak not one word to his business, for whose confirmation he doth produce them. Nor

2ly, Shall I insist upon the degeneration of the Institutions, and Appointments of Jesus Christ, concerning Church Administrations in the mannagement of the succeeding Churches, as principled, and spirited by the operative and efficacious Mystery of Iniquity, occasioned and advantaged by the Accommodation of Ecclesiastical affayres to the civil distributions, and Alotments of the political state of things in those dayes, nor

3 Insist much farther, on the exceeding dissimilitude, and inconformity that is between the Expressions concerning Church-Officers, and a •• aires in these Epistles (whence ever they come) and those in the writings of unquestionable credit immediatly before, and after them, as also the u •• er silence of the Scripture in those things, wherewith they so abound. The Epistle of Clemens, of which mention was made before, was written for the composing, and quieting of a division and distemper that was fallen out in the Church of Corinth. Of the cause of that distention that then miserably rent that congregation, he informs us in that complaint, that some ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) were wrongfully cast from the ministry, by the multitude, & he tells you, that these were good honest men, & faithful in the discharge of their duty; for saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : though they were unblamable both in their conversation, & ministry, yet they removed them from their office; To reprove this evill, to convince them of the sinfulness of it, to reduce them to a right understanding of their duty, & order, walking in the fellowship of the gospel, what course doth he proceed in? what arguments doth he use? He minds them of one God, one Christ, one body, one faith, tells them that Wicked men alone use such waies & practises: bids them read the Epistle of Paul formerly written to them, upon occasion of another division, and to be subject to their own Elders: & all of them leave off contending quietly doing the things which the people, or the body of the Church delivered, & commanded. Now had this Person writing on this occasion, using all sorts of Arguments, Artificial, or inartificial for his purpose, been baptized into the opinion & esteem of a single Episcopacy superintendent, whose Exaltation seemes to be the design of much which is said in the Epistles of Ignatius in the sense wherin his words are usually taken, would yet never once so much as bid them be subject to the Bishop, that Resemblance of God the Father, supplying of the place of Christ, nor told them how terrible a thing it was, to disobey him, nor pawned his soule for theirs, that should submit to him, that all that obeyed him were safe, all that disobeyed him, were rebellious, cursed, and seperated from God. What Apologie can be made for the weakness, and Ignorance of that holy Martyr, if we shall suppose him to have had Apprehensions like those in these Epistles of that sacred Order, for omitting those all-conquering Reasons, which they would have supplied him with all, to his purpose in hand, and pitching on Arguments every way less cogent and useful. But I say, I shall not insist on any such things as these, but only,

4 I say that there is not in any of the Doctor's excerpta from those Epistles, nor in any passage in them, any mention or the least intimation of any Church whereunto any Bishop was related, but such an one, as whose members met altogether in one place, and with their Bishop disposed, and ordered the affaires of the Church. Such was that whereunto the holy Martyr was related; such were those neighbouring Churches, that sent Bishops, and Elders to that Church; And when the Doctour proves the contrary, erit mihi magnus Apollo: From the Churches and their state and Constitution, is the state and Condition of their Officers, and their Relation to them to be taken. Let that be manifested to be such from the appointment of Jesus Christ by his Apostles, or de facto in the dayes of Ignatius, or before the contemperation of Ecclesiastical Affaires occasionally, or by choyce, to the civil constitution of Citties, and Provinces in those dayes, as would, or possibly could beare, a rural Diocesan metro-political Hierarchie, and this controversy will be at end; When this is by any attempted to be demonstrated, I desire it may not be with such sentences as that urged by our Doctour, from Epist: ad Ephes: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The expression in it concerning Christ being unsound, unscriptural, concerning Bishops unintelligible, or ridiculous: But it may be said, what need we any more writing, what need wee any truer proof, or Testimony? The Learned Doctour in his Dissertations Disser: 4. cap: 5: hath abundantly discharged this worke, and proved the seaven Bishops of the seven Churches mentioned Revel: 2. 3: to have been Metropolitans, or Arch-Bishops: so that no just cause remaines, why we should farther contend.

Let then the Reader pardon this my utmost Excursion in this digression, to whose compass I had not the least thoughts of going forth, at the entrance thereof, and I shall returne thither whence I have turned aside.

Dissert: 4. cap. 5. The Doctour tells us that, septem Ecclesiarum Angeli, non tantum Episcopi sed & Metropolitae i: e: Archi-Episcopi statuendi sunt. i: e: principalium urbium 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ad quos provinciae integrae & in iis multarum inferiorum urbium Ecclesiae, earum que Episcopi tanquam ad Archiepiscopum aut Metropolitanum pertinebant.

The Doctour in this Chapter commences per saltum, and taking it for granted that he hath proved Diocesan Bishops sufficiently before, though he hath scarce spoken any one word to that purpose in his whole book, (for to prove one superintending in a Church by the name of Bishop, others acting in some kind of Subordination to him, by the name of Elders, and Presbyters, upon the Account of what hath been offered concerning the state of the Churches in those, dayes, will no way reach to the maintenance of this presumption) he sacrifices his paines to the Metropolitical Archi-Episcopacy dignity, which as we must suppose, is so clearly founded in Scripture and Antiquity, that they are as blind as Bats and Moles, who cannot see the ground and foundation of it.

But first, be it taken for granted, that the Angells of the seven Churches, are taken for the Governours of those Churches, then that each Angel be an Individual Bishop of the Church to which he did belong. 2 Be it also granted that they were Bishops of the most eminent Church or Churches, in that province, or Romane political distribution of those countries, in the management of the Goverment of them, I say, Bishops of such Churches, not urbium 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (as the Doctour termes them) what advance is made by all this to the Asserration of A Metropolitical Archi-episcopacy, I cannot as yet discover. That they were ordinary Officers of Christ's institution, relating in their Office, and ordinary discharge of it, not only to the particular Churches wherein they were placed, but to many Churches also, no less committed to their charge, then these wherein they did reside, the Officers, Rulers, Governours of which Churches, depended on them, not only as to their advise, and counsel: but as to their power and Jurisdiction, holding their place, and employment from them, is some part of that, which in this undertaking is incumbent on our Doctour to make good, if he will not be supposed to pre, varicate in the cause in hand; To this end he informes us, Sect: secundâ, that in the new Testament there is in sundry places, mention made of Churches in the plural number; as Gal: 1. 21. 1 Thes: 2: 14. Acts 9 31. Acts 15. 41. 1. Cor: 16. 1. Gal: 1. 2. Revel. 1. 11▪ some times, of Church only in the singular number; as Acts 8. 1, 15, 4. 22. Acts 11. 26. Rom: 16. 1. 1 Cor: 1. 2. 2 Cor. 1. 1. 1 Thes: 1. 1. Revel: 2. 1. Revel: 2. 8. Revel: 2. 12, 18. Now this is an Observation, which as we are not at all beholding to the Doctour for it, no more I suppose will there be found to be to it, when the reason of it shall be a little weighed and considered. The summe is, that the name Church, in the singular number, is never used, but when it relates to the single congregation, in or of one City, or Towne. That of Churches respecting the several Churches, or Congregations that were gathered in any Country or Province; manifest then is it from hence, that there is in the new Testament, no Church of one denomination beyond a single congregation; And where there are more, they are alwaies called Churches; how evidently this is destructive to any Diocesan, or Metropolitical Officer, who hath no Church left him thereby, of Christ's Institution to be related to, an other opportunity will manifest. For the present let us see what use our Doctour makes of this observation.

Sect: 3. Sayes he Judaea and the rest of the places where Churches are mentioned, are the names of Provinces, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quatenus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 contradistinguntur. But if the Doctour takes these words in an Ecclesiastical sense, he beggs that which will upon such unworthy termes, never be granted him; If no more be intended but that Judaea, Galatia, and the like names of Countryes, were Provinces wherein were many Churches; Smyrna, Ephesus, of Townes and Citties, wherein there was but one. We grant it with him:

And how much that Concession of ours, is to his advantage hath been intimated. And this seemes to be his intendment by his following words, provinciarum inquam in quibus plurimae civitates singulae singularum Ecclesiarum sedes, comprehendebantur, ideo que Ecclesiae in plurali istius sive istius provinciae dicendae. well, what then? cum tamen unaquae que civitas, cum territorio sibi adjuncto ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) ab Episcop • suo administrata, singularis Ecclesia dicenda sit: ideo que quod 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 factum dicitur, Act: 14. 25: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fieri jubetur, Tit: 1. 5. that in every City there was a singular Church in those Provinces (I speak of those where any number were converted to the faith) I grant, for the annexed Territories let the Doctour take care: There being one Church at Corinth, and an other at Cenchrea. So that every single City, had it's own single Church, with it's Bishops in it, as at Philippi. The passage mentioned by the Doctour, concerning the Epistle of Dionysius to the Church at Goryna in Creet, is very little to his purpose: neither doth he call Philip the Bishop of that Church, the Bishop of all the other Churches in Creet, as the Doctour intimates: but the Bishop of them to whom especially and eminently he wrote.

Sect: 4. Application is made of the fore-mentioned Observation. Sect: 2, and the Interpretation given of it Sect: 3, in these words; His sic positis, illud statim sequitur ut (in imperii cognitione) in provinciâ qualibet, cum plures Urbes sint, una tamen primaria, & principalis censenda erat, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ideo dicta, cui itidem inferiores reliquae civitates subjiciebantur, ut civitatibus regiones, sic & inter Ecclesias, & Cathedras Episcopales unam semper primariam & Metropoliticam fuisse.

In this Section the Doctour hath most ingeniously, and truly given us the rise, and occasion of his Diocesan, and Metropolitical Prelates, from the aimes of men to accomodate Ecclesiastical, or Church-affaires to the state and condition of the civil Goverment, and distributions of Provinces, Metropolitan Cities, & chief Townes within the several dependencies, (the neighboring Villages being cast in as things of no great esteem, to the lot of the next considerable Towne, and seat of Judicature,) did the Hierarchy which he so sedulously contendeth for arise: what Advantage were afforded to the worke, by the paucity of Believers in the villages, and less Towne • (from which at length, the whole body of Heathenish Idolaters were denominated Pagans) the first planting of Churches in the greater Cities, the Eminence of the officers of the first Churches in those Citties, the weakness of many rural Bishops, the multiplying and growing in numbers and persons of gifts, abilities and considerable fortunes, and employments in this world, in the Metropolitan Cities, with their same thereby, the tradition of the abode of some, one or other of the Apostles in such Cities, and Churches, with the eminent Accommodation at the administration of civil Jurisdiction, & other Affaires, which appeared in that subordination and dependency whereunto the Provinces, chief Cities, and Territories in the Romane Empire were cast, with which opportunities Sathan got by these meanes, to introduce their waies, state, pompe, words, phrases, termes of honour of the world into the Churches, insensibly getting ground upon them, and prevailing to their declension from the naked simplicity & purity, wherein they were first planted, some other Occasion may give Advantage for us to manifest: for the present it may suffice that it is granted that the Magnifick Hierarchie of the Church, arose from the accommodation of it's state, and condition of the Remans Empire, and Provinces. And this in the instances of after Ages that might be produced, will easily be made yet farther evident; In those shameful, or indeed rather shameless Contests, which fell out among the Bishops of the third Century, and downward, about precedency titles of honour, extent of Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical subjection to, or exemption from one another, the considerableness of their cities in the civil state of the Romane Empire where they did reside, was still the most prevalent and cogent argument in their brawles: the most notable brush, that in all Antiquity we find given to the great Leviathan of Rome, who sported himselfe in those gatherings together of the waters of people, & multitudes, and nations and tongues, or the general counsells (as they are called) was from an Argument, taken from the seate of the Empire, being fixt at Constantinople, making it become new Rome, so that the Bishop of the Church there was to enjoy equal priviledge, with him whose lot was fallen in the old Emperial City; but our Doctour addes;

Sect: 5. Illud ex Judaeorum exemplari transcripsisse Apostoli videntur: cum Mosaicâ id lege cautum esset, ut judices & ministri in qualibet civitate ordinarentur, Deut: 16. 18: illi vero in rebus dubiis ad judicem (Mosis successorem synedrio) Hierosolymitano cinctum recurrere tenerentur, Cap: 179: and in Section 6: he proves Hierusalem to have been the Metropolis of that whole nation. Egregiam vero laudem • But

1 The Doctour I presume knowes before this, that those with whom he hath to do, will never give him the thing in question upon his begging, or request. That which alone falls in under our consideration and enquiry is, whether the Apostles instituted any such model of Church-Order and Goverment, as is by the Doctour contended for; to this he tells you, that the Apostles seem to have done it, from the patterne of Mosaical institutions in the Churche of the Jewes; But, Doctour, the Queston is not, with what respect they did it, but whether they did it at all or no; this the Doctour thought good to let alone uncil another time, if we would not grant him upon his petition, that so they did.

2 This then is the Doctours second argument for his Dioc • san, and Metropolitan Prelates. His first was, from the example of the Heathens, in their civil Administration and Rule, this second from the example of the Jewes. Not to divert into the handling of the Church and Political state of the Jewes, as appointed of God, nor that dissonancy that is between the Institution of civil Magistrates, and Evangelical administrations; this is the summe of the Doctours reasoning in his 5, 6, 7, and 8 Sections. God in the Church and among the people of the Jewes, chose out one City, to place his name there, making it the place where all the Types & ceremonies which he had appointed for the discovery, and shadowing forth of the Lord Jesus Christ, were visibly and gloriously to be managed, acted, and held forth (sundry of them being such, as whose Typicalness would have been destroyed by their multiplication) and principally on this account, making that place or City (which was first Shilo) the seat of the kingdome, or habitation of the cheif Ruler for the administration of Justice, who appointed Judges in all the land, for the good and peace of the people: therefore the Churches of Jesus Christ, dispersed over the face of the whol world, freed from Obligations to Cities, or Mountaines, walking before God, in, and with a pure and spiritual worship, having no one Reason of that former institution, in common with the Church of the Jewes, must be cast into the same mould and figure: I hope without offence I may take leave to deny the Consequence, and what more I have to say to this Argument I shall yet deferre.

But the Doctour proceeds to prove, that indeed the Apostles did dispose of the Churches in this frame and order, according to the patterne of the civil goverment of the Romane Empire, and that instituted of God among the Jewes. The ninth Section, wherin he attempts the proof of this Assertion, is as followeth:

Ad hanc Imaginem, Apostoles Ecclesias ubi que disponendas curasse, & in omnibus plantationibus suit, minorum ab eminentioribus civitatibus dependentiam, & subordinationem constituisse exemplis quidem plurimis monstrari possit, illud in Syria, & Cilicia patet, Act: 16.4. cum enim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , illud, cap: 15. 2. Hierosolymas reforretur ab Ecclesia 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Antiochiae, Cap. 14. 26, & 15. 3. & decretum ab Apostolis denuò ad eos mitteretur, v: 22. in Epistolâ, quâ decretum illud continebatur simul cum Antiochensibus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 comprehensos videmus, v: 23. Dein Epistolâ istâ Antiochenae Ecclesiae reddita v: 30. Paulus tandem & Sylas Syriam & Ciliciam peragrantes, v: 4. cap. 16. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , singulis civitatibus observanda tradiderunt, ut quae ad hanc Antiochiae Metropolin, ut totidem subordinatae Ecclesiae pertinerent; ut & ipsa Antiochia ad Hierosolymas, primariam tam latae (ut ex Philone pradiximus) provinciae Metropolin pertinebat, & ad eam ad dirimendam litem istam se conferebat.

This being all that the Doctour hath to produce from the Scripture to his purpose in hand, I have transcribed it at large; for this being removed, all that follows, will fall of it's own accord.

1 Then the dependance on, and subordination of lesser Citties, to the greater, is asserted as an Apostolical institution; Now because I suppose the Doctour will not assert, nor doth intend a civil dependance, and subordination of Cities, as such, among them selves, nor will a dependance as to Counsel, advice, assistance, and the like supplies which in their mutual Communion, the lesser Churches might receive from the greater and more eminent, serve his turne: but an Ecclesiastical dependance and subordination, such as whereby many particular Churches, with Inferiour Officers residing in them, and with them, depended on, and were in subjection unto some one person of a superiour order, commonly residing in some eminent City, and many of these Governours of a superiour order in the greater Cities were in such subordination unto some one of high degree, termed a Metropolitan, and all this by Apostolical institution is that which he aymeth at, which being a most gallant adventure, in a waking generation, we shall doubtless find him quitting himselfe like a man in his undertaking.

2 Then he tells you that the question about Mosaical Rites, and necessity of their observation, was referred to Jerusalem by the single Church of Antioch. But how does the Doctour make good this first step, which yet if he could, would do him no good at all? It is true, that Paul was now come to Antioch, ch: 14, 26: also that he was brought on his way by the Church, chap: 15. 3: but yet that the Brethren who were taught the Doctrine contested about, v. 1: were only of the Church of Antioch (when it is most certaine from the Epistles of Paul to the Galatians, Colossians, Romanes, & others, that great disturbance was raised farre and wide, in all the Churches of the Gentiles obout this controversy) nothing is offered. It seems indeed that their disputes grew to the greatest height at Antioch, whether Brethren from other parts and Churches did also come, whilest Barnabas and Paul abode there, but that that single Church referred the determining of that controversy, to them at Jerusulem, exclusively to others, the Doctour proves not. And it is most evident, from the returne of the Answer sent by the Apostles from Jerusalem, v: 23: that the reference was from all the Churches of the Gentiles, yea and all the scattered brethren, perhaps as yet not brought into Church Order, not only at Antioch, but also throughout Syria and Cilicia. It is then granted what he next observes, viz: that in the Answer returned from Jerusalem, with them at Antioch, those in Syria and Cilicia, are joyned; the reason of it being manifest, namely their trouble about the same Controversy being no less then theirs at Antioch. It is also granted, that as Paul passed through the Cities, that he delivered them the decrees to keep, that were ordained, by the Apostles and Elders, ch: 16. 4: and that not only to the Churches of Syria and Cilicia, which he left, c: 15. 41: but also to those throughout Phrygia, and the Regions of Galatia v: 6. What now followes out of all this? What? but that Antioch by Apostolical institution was the Metropolitan See of all the Churches of Syria and Cilicia. Good Doctour do not be angry, but tell us how this may be proved. Why doubtless it was so: as Antioch belonged to the Metropolitan Church at Jerusalem, as he told us out of Philo (who was excellently acquainted with Apostolical institutions.) What Jerusalem was to the whole Church, and Nation of the Jewes, whilest the name of God was fixed there, we know; But what was the primitive estate of the Churches of Jesus Christ made of Jewes and Gentiles, tyed neither to City, or Mountaine, I must be pardoned, if I cannot find the Doctour making any tender of manifesting or declaring. The reasons of referring this controversy unto a determination at Jerusalem, the Holy Ghost acquaints us with, Acts 15: 2. That we have no need of this Metro-political figment, to informe us in it. And now; if we will not, not only submit to Diocesan Bishops: but also reverence the grave Metro-Politans, standing upon such cleare Apostolical institution; It is fit that all the world should count us the arrantest Schismaticks that ever lived since Pope Boniface his time. The summe then of this doubty Argument for the Apostolical institution of Metropolitans (that none might ever more dare to call Diocesians into question hereafter) Is this; Paul who was converted about the 3 or 4th yeare of Caligula, 5, or 6 yeares after the Ascention of Christ, having with great success for 3 yeares preached the Gospel, went up to Jerusalem with Barnabas, upon the Persecution rais'd against him at Damascus Act: 9 22: whence returning to his work, he went first to Tarsus, Act. 9. 30: thence to Antioch: where he abode one whole yeare. Act: 11. 25. 26: & was then sent to Jerusalem with the collections for the Saints about the 4th year of Claudius, Ver. 30: thence returning againe to Antioch, he was sent out by the command of the Holy Ghost more eminently, & peculiarly, then formerly, for the conversion of the gentiles, Act: 13. 1, 2, 3: in this undertaking in the space of a yeare, or two, he preached, & gathered Churches (whereof express mention is made) at Salamis Act 13. 5: in the Isle of Paphosv. 6: at Perga in Pamphilia 13: at Antioch in Pisidia. 14: at Iconium chap: 14. 1: at Lystra and Derbe. v: 6: and at Perga, 26: in all these places gathering some Believers to Christ, whom before they returned to Antioch he visited all over, the second time, and setled Elders in the several congregations, chap: 14. 21, 22, 23: in this journey and travel for the propagation of the Gospel, he seemes in all places to have been followed almost at the heeles, by the professing Pharisees, who imposed the necessity of the observation of Mosaical ceremonies upon his new Converts: for instantly upon his returne to Antioch, where during his absence, probably they had much prevailed, he falls into dispute with them, cap: 15. v. 1: and that he was not concerned in this controversy, only upon the Account of the Church of Antioch, himselfe informes us, Gal: 2. 4: affirming that the false Brethren, which caused those disputes & dissentions, crept in to spy out his liberty, in his preaching the Gospel among the Gentiles, 2. v: that is in the places before mentioned throughout a great part of Asia. For the appeasing of this difference, and the establishing of the soules of the disciples which were grieviously perplexed, with the imposition of the Mosaical yoake, It is determined that the case should be resolved by the Apostles, Act: 15. 2: partly because of their Authority in all the Churches, wherein those who contended with Paul would be compelled to acquiesce, & partly because those Judaizing Teachers, pretended the commission of the Apostles for the Doctrine they preached, as is evident from the disclaimure made by them, of any such commission or command, v: 24. Upon Paul's returne from the Assembly at Jerusalem, wherein the great controversy about Jewish Ceremonies was stated, and determined, after he had in the first place delivered the decree, and Apostolical salutation by Epistle to the Church at Antioch, he goes with them also to the Churches in Syria and Cilicia, expressed in the letter by name, as also to those in Pamphilia, Pisidia, Derbe, Lystra, Iconium &c. chap: 16. v: 1, 2, 3, 4: and all the Churches which he had gathred and planted in his travells through Asia, whereunto he was commanded by the Holy Ghost, Act: 13. 1. 2. Things being thus stated, it necessarily followes, that the Apostles had instituted Diocesan and Metropolitan Bishops. For though the Churches were so small, and thin, and few in number, that 7 yeares after this, may we believe our Doctour, the Apostles had not instituted or appointed any Elders or Presbyters in them. viz: when Paul wrote his Epistle to the Philippians, which was when he was Prisoner in Rome, as appeares, cap: 1, 7, 13, 14: chap: 4, 22: about the third yeare of Nero, yet that he had fully built and setled the Hierarchical fabrick contended for, who once dares question?

But if this will not do, yet Ignatius hits the nayle on the head, and is ready at hand to make good, whatsoever the Doctour will have him say, and his Testimonie takes up the sense of the 2 next following Sections, whereof the first is as followes.

Hinc dicti Ignatianiratio constat in Epistolâ ad Romanos, ubi ille antiochiae Episcopus se 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , pastorem Ecclesiae quae est in Syriâ appellet, cùm ad Antiochiam, sci: ut ad Metropolin suam tota Syria pertineret. Sic & Author Epistolae ad Antiochenos, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Eam inseribens totam, Syriam ejus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 esse concludit.

But yet I feare the Doctour will find he hath need of other weapons, and other manner of Assistance to make good the cause he hath undertaken. The words of Ignatius in that Epistle to the Romans are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Because he recommends to them that particular Church in Syria, which by his imprisonment was deprived of it's Pastor, therefore without doubt he was a Metropolitical Arch-Bishop: Tytere tu patulae &c: But the Doctour is resolved to carry his cause, and therefore being forsaken of all fair and honest meanes, from whence he might hope for assistance or successe, he tryes (as Saul the Witch of Endor) the counterfeit, spurious Title, of a counterfeit Epistle to the Antiochians, to see if that will speak any comfortable words, for his relief or no. And to make sure worke, he causes this gentleman so to speak, as if he intended to make us believe that Syria was in Antioch, not Antioch in Syria, as in some remote parts of the world, they say they enquire whether London be in England, or England in Londan. What other sense can be made of the words as by the Doctour transcribed? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . To the Church of God dwelling in Syria which is in Antioch: now if this be so, I shall confess it is possible we may be in more errours then one, and that we much want the Learned Doctour's assistance for our information; the words themselves as they are used by the worshipful writer of that Epistle will scarce furnish us with this learned and rare notion, they are at length. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (for so he first opens his mouth with a lye) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What is here more expressed, then that the latter passage, in Antioch, is restrictive of what went & before was spoken of it's residence in Syria, with reference to the name of Christian, first given to the Disciples in that place, I know not: and therefore it is most certaine, that the Apostles instituted Metropolitan Arch-Bishops 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

But to make all sure the learned Doctour will not so give over: But Sect: 11, he adds that the Epigraphe of the Epistle to the Romans, grants him the whole case that is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ex quâ (saith he) Ecclesiae Romanoe, eius que Episcopo super ecclesiis omnibus in urbicariâ regione, aut provinciae Romana contentis, praefecturam competiisse videmus.

Although I have spent some time in the consideration of mens conjectures of those suburbicarian Churches, that (as is pretended) are here pointed to, and the rise of the Bishop of Rom's jurisdiction over those Churches, in a correspondency to the civil goverment of the Prefect of the City, yet so great a Critick in the Greek tongue as Casaubon. Exerc: 16. ad An: 150: having professed that expression: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to be barbarous and unintelligible, I shall not contend about it. For the presidency mentioned of the Church in, or at Rome, that it was a presidency of Jurisdiction, and not only an eminency of faith and holinesse that is intended, the Doctour thinks it not incumbent on him to prove: those with whom he hath to do, are of another mind: although by this time some Alteration might be attempted, yea there was, as else where shall be shewed: and so much for Ignatius his Archi-Episcopacy.

The example of Alexandria is urged in the next place in these words: idem de Alexandriâ, de quâ Eusebius. Marcum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ecclesias (in plurali) primum in Alexandriâ instituisse. Has omnes ab eo sub nomine 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , administrandas suscepisse Annianum, Neronis anno octavo idem Eusebius affirmat: quibus patet primariam Alexandriae & Patriarchalem cathedram fixam esse, ad quam reliquae provinciae illius ecclesiae à Marco plantatae, ut ad metropoliticam suam pertinebant; doubtless. for 1 There is not any passage in any ancient Author, more clearly discovering the uncertainty of many things in Antiquity, then this pointed to by the Doctour in Eusebius. For first, the sending of Mark the Evangelist into Egypt, and his preaching there at Alexandria what he had written in the Gospel, is but a report. Men said so, but what ground they had for their saying so, he relates not. And yet we know what a foundation of many Assertions by following Writers, this Rumor or report is made to be. 2 In the very next words the Authour affirmes and insists long upon it in the next Chapter that Philo's book, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , was written concerning the Christians converted by Mark's preaching at Alexandria, when it is notoriously known that it treateth of the Essens, a Sect among the Jewes, amongst whole observances many things were vaine, superstitious, and foolish; unworthy to be once applauded as the practise of any Christian in those dayes: that same Philo, as far as can be gathred living and dying in the Jewish Religion, having been employed by them with an Apology to Rome in the daies of Caligula. But 3. Suppose that Marke were at Alexandria, and preached the Gospel there, which is not improbable, and planted sundry Churches in that great and populous City of Jewes and Gentiles, and that as an Evangelist the care of those Churches was upon him, in a peculiar manner, nay, and adde farther that after his death, as Hierome assures us, the Elders and Presbyters of those Churches, chose out one among themselves to Praeside in their convocations & meetings; If I say all this be supposed, what will ensue? why then it is manifest that there was fixed at Alexandria a Patriarchal Chaire, & a Metro-political Church, according to the Appointment of Jesus Chirst by his Apostles, Si hoc non sit probationum satis, nescio quid sit satis. If some few congregations live together in love, and communion, and the fellowship of the Gospel in a City, he is stark blind that sees not that to be an Arch-Bishops See. The reason is as cleare as his in the Comedian, for the freedome of his Wife. Sy: utinam Phrygiam uxorem meam unâ mecum videam liberam Dem: Optimam mulierem quidem. Sy: Et quidem nepoti tuo, hujus filio, hodiè, primam mammam dedit haec. Dem: herclè, verô, serio, siquidem primam dedit hand dubium quin emitti Aequam siet. Mic: ob eam rem? Dem: ob eam: and there is an end of the contest. The Doctour indeed hath sundry other Sections added to these foregoing, which as they concerne times more remote from those who first received the Apostolical institutions, so I must ingeniously profess that I cannot see any thing, wheron to fasten a suspition of a proof, so far as to call it into examination, and therefore I shall absolve the Reader from the penalty of this Digression.

The truth is when I first named Ignatius for a witness in the cause I am pleading for, I little thought of that excursion which I have occasionally been drawn out unto. When first I cast an eye some few months since upon the Dissertation of the Learned Doctor, in defence of Episcopacy. & saw it so Cheker'd with Greek and Latine, so full of quotations divine & humane, I began to think, that he dealt with his Adversaries, hastis que , clypeis que , & saxis grandibus, that there would be no standing before his showre of arguments: but after a little ferious perusal, I must take leave to say, that I was quickly of another mind, with the reason of which change of thoughts, could I once obtaine the leasure of a few dayes or howres, I should quickly (God willing) acquaint them who are concerned in Affaires of this nature. In the meane time if the Reader will pardon me this digression, having given him an account of my thoughts concerning the Epistles of Ignatius, I shall in a procedure upon my first intention bring forth some Testimonies from him, & valeant quantùm valere possunt.

He seemes (in the first place) to speak sufficiently clearly, to the death of Christ for his Church, for Believers, in a peculiar manner, which is one considerable bottome, and foundation of the truth we plead for. Epist: ad Trall 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and againe Epistolâ ad Philad: by Christ (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with many the like expressions. His confidence also of the Saints perseverance for whom Christ thus dyed, he doth often profess; Speaking of the faith of the Gospel he addes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

And againe more clearly and fully to the same purpose Epist: ad Smyrn: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . &c.

And this confirmation and establishment in believing, he ascribes not to their manly considerations, but to the grace of Christ, exclusively to any of their own strength, Epist: ad Smyrn. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he of him selfe) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

To the same purpose and with the same confident perswasion he speakes, Epist: ad Ephes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . &c.

And againe in the same Epistle. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And in his last Epistle, he gives us that noble Expression of his own assurance. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where we leave the holy soule, until the same God gather us to him, & the rest of the spirits of just men made perfect.

And this was the language, these were the Expressions of this holy man, which what they discover of his judgment, to the case under consideration, is left to the learned Reader to consider. This I am certaine, our Adversaries have very little cause to boast of the consent of the Primitive Christians with them in the doctrine of Apostacy, there being in these most antient writers after the Apostles, about the things of our Religion, not the least shadow cast upon it, for it's refreshment.

Adde in the next place the most Antient of the Latines, Tertullian, (that great store-house of all manner of learning and knowledge) saith he, Quemadmodùm nobis arrhabonem spiritus reliquit, ita & à nobis arrhabonem carnis accepit, & vexit in Coelum, pignus totius summae illuc redigendae. Tertullian: de Resur. The certaine salvation of the whole mystical body of Christ, with whom he hath that communion, as to give them his Spirit, as he took their flesh (for he took upon him flesh and blood, because the Children were partakers of the same,) is evidently asserted: which he could not do who thought that any of those, on whom he bestowed his spirit, might perish everlastingly.

And againe de praescripti: ad Haeret.

In pugnâ pugilum & gladiatorum, plerum que , non quia fortis ost, vincit quis, aut quia non potest vinci. Sed quoniem ille quivictus est; nullis viribus fuit: adeò idemille victor bene valenti posteâ comparatus, etiam superatus recedit: non aliter haereses de quorundam infirmitatibus habent, quòd valent, nihil valentes▪ si in benè valentem fidem incurrant. Solent quidem illi miriones etiam de quibusdam personis ab Haeresi captis aedificari in Ruinam; quarè ille vel illa, fidelissimi, prudentissimi, & usitatissimi in Ecclesiâ, In •• am partem tranfierunt? quis hoc dicens non ipse sib • respondet, ne que prudentes, ne que fideles, ne que usitatos aesimandos quos haeresis potuit demutare? He plainly denies them to have been believers▪ (that is truely, throughly properly so) who fall into pernicious haeresies to their destruction.

Cyprian is express to our purpose: saith he, nemo existimet bonos de Ecclesiâ posse disecdere. tritioum non rapit ventus, nec arborem solidâ radice fundatam procella subvertit, inanes paleae tempestate metantur; inva ••• e arbores tutbinis incursione evertuntur. Hos execratur & percutit Apostolus Johannes, dicens, ex nobis exierunt, sed non fuerunt ex nobis, si enim fuissent ex nobis, mansissent uti que nobiscum. Cyp: de Unita: Eccles: The whole Doctrine we contend for, is plainly, and clearly asserted, and bottomed on a text of Scripture, which in a special manner (as we have cause) we do insist upon; all that is lost by temptations in the Church, was but Chaffe, the Wheat abides, and the rooted Tree is not cast down. Those fall away, who indeed were never true believers in heart and union, what ever their profession was. And yet, we are within the compass of that span of time, which our adversaries, without proof, without shame, claime to be theirs. One Principal foundation of our Doctrine, is the bestowing of the holy Ghost upon Believers by Jesus Christ. Where he is so bestowed, there say we he abides: for he is given them for that end. viz: to abide with them for ever. Now concerning him Basil tells us, that though in a sort, he may be said to be present with all, that are baptised yet he is never mixed with any that are not worthy, that is, he dwells not with any that obtaine not salvation. Basil Lib: de Spir: Sanc: Cap: 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . By that seeming presence of the holy Ghost, with hypocrites that are baptized professors, he evidently intends the common gifts & graces that he bestowes upon them, and this is all he grants to them who are not at last (for such he discourses of • ) found worthy.

Macarius Aegyptius. Homil: 5: about the same time with the other, or somewhat before, is of the same mind. He tells us that those who are Christians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : & how men can be assured of Heaven, whilest they live here, by the earnest of it which they have received, as well as if they were crowned and reigning in Heaven. If those who have received that earnest may loose it againe, I know not. The words of Ambrose to this same purpose, Lib: 1. de Jacob: & Vitâ: beat▪ are many: But because they do not only fully assert the truth▪ we contend for, but also insist briefly on most of the Arguments, with which in this case we plead, I shall transcribe them at large, and they are as followeth.

Non gloriabor, quia justus sum, sed gloriabor quia redemptus sum, gloriabor non quia vacuus peccati sum, sed quia mihi remissa sunt Peccata, non gloriabor quia profui, nec quia profuit mihi quisquam, sed quia advocatus pro me apud Patrem Christus est, sed quia pro me Christi sanguis effusus est.—Haeredem te fecit, Cohaeredem Christi, Spiritum tibi adoptionis infudit. Sed vereris dubios vitae anfractus & adversarit insidias, cûm habeas auxilium Dei, habeas tantam ejus dignationem, ut filio proprio pro te non peperce • it?—nihîl enim excepit, qui omnium concessit Authorem. Nihil est igitur quod negari posse nobis ver ••• ur; nihil est in quo de munificantiae divinae diffidere perseverantia debeamus▪ eujus fuit tan • diutu • na & jugis abertal, ut primò praedestinaret, deinde, vocanet, & quos vocavit has & justificaret, & quos justificaret has & glorificaret. Poterit de • erere quos tantis beneficiis ne que ad pr • mia prosecutus est? Inter • ot beneficia Dei, num metuend • sunt aliquae accusationis insidea? sed quis audeat accusare quos electos divine ce • nit judicia? num Dous pater ipse qui Contulit, potest dona sua res • i • dere, & quos adaptione suscapit, eos à paterni affectâs gratiâ religare? sed metus est ne judea severior sit, confidera qu • m judicem habeas; nempe Christo dedit pater omne judicium: poterit te ergò ille demnare, quem redemit à morte, pro quo s • abtulit, cujus vitam suaemortis mercedem esse cognescit? nonne decit quae utilitas in sanguine meo, si damno quem ipse salvavi? deinde consideras judicem, non consideras advocatum?

The foundation of all our glorying in the Love of God, and assurance of salvation, He lays in the free grace of God, in redemption and justification; for the certainty of our continuance in that estate, he urges the decree of Gods pr • destination, the unchangeableness of his love, the Compleat Redemption made by Christ, with his effectual Intercession, all which are at large insisted upon in the ensuing treatise.

Adde to him his contemporary Chrysostome. Ser •• ▪ 3. in 2 Cor: 1. 21. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of these words of the Apostle he given the ensuing exposition. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

The designe and aime of our Establishment by the Spirit is, he tells us, that we be not shaken or moved from the saith of Christ: So establisheth 〈…〉 not to depart & fall away from the faith. And that the argument which he insistion, from what we have presently received to an assurance of abode in our Condition, to the enjoyment of the full inheritanceis not contemtible in the Cause in hand, as is further manifested in the treatise it selfe.

And these instances may suffice for the first period of time mentioned, before the rising of the Pelagian heresy, of which, & those others of the same kind that might be produced, though they may not seem so full, and expressive to the point under Consideration, as these which follow after, yet concerning those Authors and their testimonies, these two things may be asserted.

1 That though some Expressions may be gathred from some of the Writers within the space of Time mentioned, that seem to allow a possibility of defection, and Apostacy in Believers, occasioned all of them by the general use of that word, and the taking in the several accounts, whereon men both in the Gospel, and in common use are so called, yet there is no one of them that ever ascribed the perseverance of them, who Actually & eventually persevere, to such grounds and principles as Mr. Goodwin doth, and which the Reader shall find at large by him insisted on, in the ensuing treatise. The truth is, his maintaining of the Saints perseverance is as bad, if not worse, then his maintaining their Apostacy.

2 That I scarce know any Head in Religion, concerning which the Mind of the Antients who wrote before it received any opposition, may be made out more clearly, then we have done in this, by the Instances produced, and insisted on.

The Pelagian Heresy began about the yeare 417. The first opposers thereof are reckoned up by Prosper, Cap: 2. de Ingrat: The Bishop of Rome, the Palestine Synod in the Case of Pelagius, Hierome, Atticus Bishop of Constantinople, the Synod of Ephesus, Sicily, and two in Africk, he mentions in order, concluding them with the second African gathered to that end and purpose; Anne alium in finem posset procedere sanctum Concilium, cui Dux Aurelius Ingenium que Augustinus erat? quem Christi gratia corni • Vberiore rigans, nostro lumen dedit aevo, Accensum vero de Lumine, nam cibus illi Et vita & requies Deus est omnis que voluptas Vnus amor Christi est, unus Christiest Honor illi: Et dum nulla sibi quaerit bona, fit Deus illi Omnia, & in Sancto regnat sapientia Templo.

And because I shall not burden the Reader, being now entred upon the Place and Time, wherin very many witnesses call aloud to be heard about the Difference in hand, of the first opposers of the Pelagian Heresy, I shall insist only on him, who is indeed Instar omnium, and hath ever been so accounted in the controversies about the Grace of God: And I shall the rather lay this weight on him, because it's evident that he spake the sense of the whole Church, in those dayes wherin he lived. This is Austin, of whom saith the same Prosper—Noverint illis non solum Romanam Ecclesiam Affricanam que , sed per omnes Mundi partes universos promissionis filios, cum Doctrinâ Hujus Viri, sicut in totâ fide, ita in Gratiae confessione congruere: Epist: ad Rusti:

And when his writings began to be carped at by the Semi-Pelagians of France, Caelestine Bishop of Rome in his Epist: ad Gallos, gives him this Testimony: Augustinum Sanctae Recordationis Vir • m pro vitâ suâ & moribus, in nostra Communione semper habuimus, nec unquam hunc finistrae suspicionis rumor saltem aspersit, quem tantae scientiae olim fuisse meminimus, ut inter magistros optimos etiam à meis Praedecessoribus haberetur. His writings also were made use of not only by Prosper Hilary, and Fulgenti •• , but generally of all that engaged against the Pelagians. Zozimus (saith Prosper ad Collat: c: 41:) cùm esset Doctissimus, adversùs Librostamen Pelagianorum beati Augustin • responsa poscebi • . And, Leo Epist: ad Concil: Arausic: transcribes out of him verbatim the things that he would have confirmed and established. And in his own dayes not withstanding the differences between them, that Aged and learned Hierome, tells him Epist: 94: Mihi decretum est te amare, te suspicere, ••• ere, mirari, tua que dicta, quasi mea, defendere. Hence was that out • ry in the Palestine Synod upon the sleighting of his Authority by Pelagius. Dixit Pelagius, Quis est mihi Augustinus? Acclamabant omnes Blasphemantem in Episcopum, • x cujus are dominus Vniversae Africa Vnitatis indulserit sanitatem, non solum à conventu illo, sed ab omni Ecclesiâ pellendum▪ Oros: Apologet: pag▪ 621▪ 622: So also Gelas: biblioth: Pat: T • m: 4 Col • m 553, pag▪ 589.

Fulgen • ius also with then assembled with him at 〈◊〉 , when they were banished Africk by • hrasimundus, in that Synodical Epist: gives them this Counsel: pr • omnibus st • dium gerite libros S: Augustini quos ad Prosperum & Hilarium scripsit, memoratis fratribus legendos ingerere: Epist: Synod: Byzac: much more might be added to manifest the Judgment of Austine to have been the Catholick Judgment of the Church in those dayes. So that in his single Testimony as great a number are included, as in the Testimony of any one man in the world whatever.

Now the Controversy that was between Austin, and the Pelagians, and Semi-Pelagians about Perseverance, Hilary thus expresseth in his Epist: to him: Deinde molestè ferunt (speaking of the Semi-Pelagians) ita dividi gratiam, quae vel tunc, primo Homini data est, vel nunc omnibus datur, ut ille acceperit Perseverantiam, non quâ fieret, ut perseveraret, sed sine quâ per liberum Arbitrium persever are non posset: nunc verò Sanctis in Regnum per Gratiam praedestinatis, non tale adjutorium perseverantiae detur, sed tale, ut eis perseverantia ipsa donetur, non solùm ut sine ilio Dono perseverantes esse non possint, verùm etiam ut per hoc Donum non nisi perseverantes sint. Caeterum quicquid libet donatum sit predestinatis, id posse & amittere, & retinere propriâ voluntate contendunt. The very state of the controversy as now under contest is most cleerly exprest, in this Report of the Difference, between the Semi-pelagians, and the Church of God in those dayes. And because the whole summe of Mr. Goodwin's Book is briefly comprised, in the ninth and tenth Chapter of Prosper de Ingrat: I shall transcribe that tenth chapter, to present to the Reader the substance and pith of That Treatise, as also the state of the Controversy in those dayes. —Quàm sana fides sit vestrapatescat, Gratia quâ Christi Populus sumus, hoc cohibetur Limite vobiscum, & formam hanc adscribitis illi: Vt cunctos vocet illa quidem, invitet que nec ullum Praeteriens, studeat communem afferre salutem Omnibus, & totum peccato absolvere Mundum; Sed proprio quem que Arbitrio parere vocanti, Judicio que suo; motâ se extendere mente Ad lucem oblatam, quae se non subtrahat ulli, Sed cupidos recti juvet, illustret que volentes. Hinc adjutoris Domini Bonitate magistrâ Crescere virtutum studia, ut quod quis que petendum Mandatis didicit, jugi sectetur amor. Esse autem edoctis istam communiter oequam Libertatem animis, ut cursum explere beatum Persistendo queant, finem effectum que petitum Dante Deo, ingeniis qui nunquam desit honestis. Sed quia non idem est Cunctis Vigor, & variarum Illecebris rerum trahitur dispersa voluntas, Sponte aliquos vitiis succumbere, qui potuissent A Lapsu revocare pedem, stabiles que manere.

As I sayd, we have the summe of Mr. Goodwin's Book in this declaration of the Judgment of the Semi-Pelagians, so also in particular the state of the Controversy about the perseverance of the Saints as then it was debated; & I doubt not but the learned Reader will easily perceive it to be no other, then that which is now agitated between me & Mr. Goodwin. The controversy indeed in the matter between Austin and the Pelagians was reduced to 3 heads 1. As to the Foundation of it, which Austin concluded to be the decree of Predestination, which they denyed: the Impulsive Cause of it, he proved to be the Free grace of God, & the measure or quality of that Grace to be such, as that whoever received it, did persevere, it being perseverance which was given, both which they denyed: about the kind of faith, which Temporary professours might have, and fall from it, which were never elected, there was between them no Contest at all. Of his Judgment then, there were these two main heads which he laboured to confirme.

That perseverance is a gift of God, and that no man either did, or could persevere in Faith and obedience upon the strength of any grace received, (much less of his own Ability, stirred up and promoted by such considerations, as Mr. Goodwin makes the ground and bottome of the perseverance of all that so do) but that the whole was from his Grace. Subservient to this, he maintained, that no one Temptation whatsoever, could be overcome but by some Act of Grace, and that therfore perseverance must needs be a work thereof, it being an abiding in Faith and obedience, notwithstanding, and against Temptation. To this is that of his on Joh: Hom. 53; quosdam nimia voluntatis suoe fiducia extulit in superbiam, & quosdam nimia volunta tis sua diffidentia dejecit in negligentiam: Illi dicunt quid rogamus Deum ne vincamur tentatione quod in nostrâ est potestate? Isti dicunt, at quid conamur bene vivere, quod in Dei est Potestate? ô Domine, ô Pater qui es in Coelis, ne nos infer as in quamlibet istarum Tentationum, sed libera nos à malo. Audiamus Dominum dicentem, rogavi pro Te Petre, ne fides deficiat tuae; ne sic existimemus fidem nostram esse in Libero Arbitrio ut Divino non egeat adjutorio. &c. That, with both of these sorts of men, the way and work of the Grace of God, is at this day perverted, and obscured, is so known to all, that it needs no Exemplification. Some require no more to the Conquest of Temptations, but men's own rational consideration of their Eternal state and condition, with the tendency of That, whereto they are tempted: Others turning the Grace of God into wantonness, & supinely casting away all heedful regard of walking with God, being enslaved to their lusts and corruptions, under a pretence of God's working all in all. The latter denying themselves to be men, the former to be men corrupted; And in plaine terms the Milevitane Councel tells us, si quis finxerit ideò Gratiam esse necessariam ad vitanda peccata, quia facit hominem cognoscere peccata, & discernere inter Peccata, & non peccata, quá Discretione per gratiam habitâ, per liberum Arbitrium potest vitare; is procùl, &c. The light of Grace to discerne the state of things, the nature of sinne, and to consider these aright, the Pelagians allowed, which is all the Bottome of that perseverance of Saints, which we have offered by Mr. Goodwin: but upon that supplie of these meanes, to abide and persevere in faith, to fly and avoid sinne, is a thing of our own performance.

This the Doctors of that Councel Anno 420. condemned as a Pelagian fiction, As Prosper also presents it at large, C: 25: against Cassianus the Semi-Pelagian, & further cleares & confirmes it: so Austin againe: De Bono Persev: c: 3: cur ista perseverantia petitur à Deo, si non datur à Deo? an & ista irrisoria Petitio est, cum illud ab eo petitur, quod scitur non ipsum Dare, sed ipso non dante, esse in hominis potestate? sicùt irrisoria est etiam illa Gratiarum Actio, si ex hoc gratiae aguntur Deo quod non donavit ipse, nec fecit: And the same Argument he useth againe, Cap: 6, 9: much resting on Cyprian's Interpretation of the Lord's Prayer: and Cap: 26: he further presseth it, as to the root and foundation of this Gift of God. Si ad Liberum Arbitrium Hominis, quod non secundum gratiam, sed contra eam defendis, pertinere dicis, ut perseveret in Bono quisquis, vel non perseveret, non Deo dante sic perseverat, sed humana voluntate faciente. One or two instances more in this kind, amongst hundreds that offer themselves may suffice.

De Correptione & Gratiâ, Cap: 14. Apostolus Judas, cum dicit, ei autem qui potens est, &c: nonne apertissimè ostendit Donum Dei esse Perseverare in Bono us que ad Finem? quid enim aliud sonat qui potest conservare nos sine offensione, & constituere ante conspectum gloriae suoe, immaculatos in Laetitiâ, nisi Perseverantiam Bonam? quis tam insulsè desipiat, ut neget Perseverantiam esse Denum Dei, cùm dicit Sanctissimus Jeremias, timorem meum dabo in corde eorum ut non recedant à me, &c. I shall adde only that one place more out of the same Book, (c: 59.) where both the matter, & manner of the thing in hand, is fully delivered: in hoc loco miseriarum, ubi tentatio est vita hominum super terram, virtus infirmitate perficitur; qaoe virtus? nisi qui gloriatur, ut in domino glorietur, per hoc de ipsa perseverantiâ Boni noluit Deus Sanctos suos in viribus suis, sed in ipso gloriari, qui eis non solùm dat Adjutorium quod Primo homini dedit sine quo non possit persever are si velit, sed in iis etiam operatur & velle: & quoniam non perseverabunt nisi & possint, & velint, perseverandi eis & possibilitas, & voluntas Divinae Gratiae largitate donatur: tantum quippe Spiritu Sancto accenditur voluntas eorum, ut ideò possint quia sic volunt, ideò sic velint, quia Deus operatur ut velint. Nam si tantâ infirmitate hujus vitae ipsis relinquetur voluntas sua, ut in Adjutorio Dei, fine quo perseverare non possent, manerent si vellent, ne Deus in eis operaretur ut velint, inter tot, & tantas tentationes, infirmitate suâ succumberet voluntas, & ideò persever are non possent, quia deficientes infirmitate voluntatis non vellent, aut non ita vellent, ut possent. Subventum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanae, ut divinâ gratiâ indeclinabiliter, & insuper abilitaèr ageretur, & ideò quamvis infirma non tamen deficiat: It is not possible that any one should deliver his sense more clearly, to the whole of our present Contest, than this holy and learned man hath done, in the words now repeated from him: A gift of God he asserts it to be, (and not an Act or course of our own, whereto we are prompted by certaine Considerations, and assisted with such outward meanes as are also added to us) to the real production of that effect by the efficiency of the Grace of God. And for the manner of this work, it is faith he, by the effectual working, the Actual will of perseverance (in the continuance of our obedience) in a Dispensation of Grace, different from, and beyond what was given to him, who had a Power of Persevering if he would; but received not the will thereof. Now to Adam's Perseverance there was nothing wanting, but his wills confirmation in obedience and his Actuall doing so. Power he had within, and meanes without abundantly sufficient, for that end in their kind. This then He asserts to be given to the Saints, and to be the work of God in them; even their Actual Perseverance. Without this he also manifesteth that such is the infirmity of our wills, and such the Power of our Temptations (that what meanes so ever may be supplyed and left to their Power, or what man-like rational considerations whatever man may engage his thoughts into) that it is impossible any should persevere to the end: which Bradwardine more confirmes, De Caus: Dei Lib: 2. Cap. 8. Coroll: Omne quod est naturale, & non est per se Tale, si manere debeat immutatum, oportet quòd innitatur continuè ali • ui fixo per se: quare quilibet justus Deo.

And the holy man (Austin I meane) concludes, that this work of God being wrought in a man, his will is indeclinably and inseperably fixed so to obedience, as not to fall off from God. This is the foundation that He layes of the Doctrine of the Perseverance of Saints: That it is a Gift of God, and that such a Gift, as he effectually, and Actually works in him on whom he doth bestow it.

A Foundation that will by no meanes regularly beare the hay & stubble, wherewith men think to build up a Doctrine of perseverance: making it a fruit that may, or may not be brought forth, from our own use of the meanes allowed for that end & purpose. And indeed the Asserting of the Perseverance of the Saints in that way, is as bad, if not a worse and more fearful opposition to, and slighting of the Grace of God, as the denyal of it, in the way they oppose: By the latter they oppose the Grace of God, by the former, set up the Power and strength of their own will. Thus far Austin is clearly engaged with us; that perseverance is a Gift of God, that it is given by him to every one that doth persevere: that every one to whom it is given, is inseperably confirmed in Grace, and shall infallibly persevere to the end.

In that earnest, and long Contest, which that learned Doctor insists upon, to prove Perseverance to be the Gift of God (for which he hath sufficient ground from that of the Apostle, 1 Cor: 1. 7, 8: that ye come behind in no Gift, waiting for the coming of our Lord Jesus &c.) two things he especially aimed at: first, an opposing of such a Perseverance, as should not be the fruit & work of the Grace of God in us: but the work and Effect of our own endeavours, upon a supply of such meanes, motives, perswasions, & considerations as we are, or may be furnished withal. Secondly, that it is so given and bestowed, as that on whomsoever it is bestowed, he certainly hath it, that is, he doth certainly Persevere. As it was Heresy to that holy man, to deny Perseverance to be the Gift of God, so it was ridiculous to him, to say that that Gift was given to any, and yet that they received it not; that is, that they might not Persevere. Nobis (saith he) de Cor. & Grat: C: 11.) qui Christo insiti sumus, talis data est Gratia, ut non solùm possimus si velimus sed etiam ut velimus in Christo perseverare. And C: 12: non solùm ut sine illo dono perseverantes esse non possint; verùm etiam ut per hoc Donum non nisi perseverantes sint.

And that which he addes afterwards, is most considerable, concluding from that of our Saviour, you have not chosen me, but I have chosen you, and ordained you to beare fruit; eis (faith he) non solùm justitiam, verùm etiam in illâ perseverantiam dedisse monstravit. Christo enim sic eos ponente ut eant & fructum afferant, & fructus eorum maneat, quis audeat dicere forsitan non manebunt? Though they dare say so, who also dare to to pretend his Authority for what they say! how falsly, how injustly, is evident to all serious observers of his mind and spirit, in and about the things of the Grace of God.

2 As he mentioned Perseverance to be such a Gift of God, as indeclinably wrought in them on whom it was bestowed, a will to Persevere, and on that account Perseverance it selfe (an Assertion as obnoxious to the Calumny, and Clamour of the Adversaries of the Doctrine under consideration, as any we teach or affirme concerning it) so he further constantly taught this Gift and Grace to be a fruit of Predestination, or Election, and to be bestowed on all, and only elected believers: so De Predestinatione Sanc: C. 17. Haec dona Dei dantur Electis, secundum Dei Propositum vocatis, in quibus est & incipere & credere, & in fide ad hujus vitae exitum perseverare. And afterwards C: 9 • . De bono Persev: ex duobus piis (of his meaning in that word afterwards) cur huic donetur Perseverantia, us que in finem, illi non donetur, inscrutabilia sunt judicia Dei: illud tamen fidelibus debet esse certissimum, hunc esse ex Praedestinatis, illum non esse: nam si fuissent ex nobis (ait unus Pradestinatorum quiè pectore Domini biberat hoc secretum) mansissent uti que nobiscum. Quae est ista Discretio? patent Libri Dei, non avertamus aspectum, elamat Scriptura Divina, adhibeamus auditum, non erant ex eis, quia non erant secundum propositum vocati:non erant in Christo Electi ante mundi constitutionem, non erant in eo sortem consecuti, non erant Praedestinati secundum Propositum ejus qui omnia operatur. And unto these Elect, Predestinate Believers, he concluded still, that Perseverance was so given in and for Christ, so proceeding from the immutable will of God wrought by such an efficacy of Grace, that it was impossible that they should not persevere. He compares it further with the Grace that Adam received, Lib. De: Correp: & Grat: Cap. 12: primo ita que homini, qui in eo bono quo factus fuerat rectus, acceperat posse non Peccare, posse non mori, posse ipsum Bonum non deserere, datum est Adjutorium Perseverantiae, non quo fieret ut perseveraret, sed sine quo per liberum Arbitrium persever are non possit. Nunc verò Sanctis in regnum Dei per gratiam Dei praedestinatis, non tantum tale adjutorium Perseverantiae datur; sed tale, ut iis Perseverantia ipsa donetur, non solùm ut sine isto done Perseverantes esse non possint, verùm etiam ut per hoc donum non nisi perseverantes sint. And a little after; ipseita que dat perseverantiam, qui stabilire potens est eos qui stant, ut perseverantissimè stent. And in the eight Chapter of the same Book, expounding that of our Saviour, Luke 22, I have prayed for thee that thy faith faile not, he manifesteth how upon that account, it was impossible that the will of Peter should not actually be established to the end in believing; His words are,—an audebis dicere, etiam rogante Christo ne deficeret fides Petri, defecturum fuisse, si Petrus eam deficere voluisset, id que si eam us que in finem perseverare noluisset? quasi aliud Petrus ullo modo vellet, quàm pro illo Christus rogâsset ut vellet: nam quis ignorat tunc fuisse perituram fidem Petri, si ea quae fidelis erat voluntas ipsa deficeret; & permansuram, si voluntas eadem permaneret? quando ergo oravit ne fides ejus deficeret, quid aliud rogavit, nisi ut haberet in fide liberrimam, fortissimam, invictissimam, Perseverantissimam voluntatem? And in this persuasion he had not only the consent of all the sound, and Orthodox Doctours in his time, as was before manifested; but he is followed also by the School men of all ages, and not forsaken by some of the Jesuites themselves; as we shall afterwards see, when we have added that consideration of the Doctrine of this learned man, which hath given occasion to some, to pretend his consent in opposition to that, which most evidently He not only delivered, but confirmed. There are in Austine, and those that either joyned with him, or followed immediately after him, (notwithstanding the Doctrine formerly insisted on, that Actual perseverance is a Gift of God, and that it flowes from Predestination as an Effect thereof, and is bestowed on all Elect Believers, infallibly preserving them unto the end: (wherein they assert, and strongly prove, the whole of what we maintaine) sundry Expressions commonly urged by the Adversaries of the truth in hand, granting many who were Saints, believing and Regenerate, to fall away and perish for ever: I need not instance in any of their sayings to this purpose: the Reader knowes where to find them gathered to his hand, in Vossius, Grotius, & Mr. Goodwin from them. The seeming contradiction that is amongst themselves in the delivery of this doctrine, will easily admit of a Reconciliation, may they be allowed the common courtesy of being Interpreters of their own meaning. What weight in those dayes was layd upon the Participation of the Sacramental figures of Grace, and what expressions are commonly used concerning them who had obtained that Priviledge is known to all. Hence all baptised persons continuing in the Profession of the Faith, and Communion of the Church, they called, counted, esteemed truly regenerate, and justified, and spake so of them: Such as these they constantly affirme, might fall away into everlasting destruction: but yet what their judgment was, concerning their present state indeed, even then when they so termed them Regenerate, and Believers, in respect to the Sacraments of those Graces, Austine in sundry places clearly delivers his thoughts, to the undeceiving of all that are willing to be free: This he especially handles in his book de Correp: & Grat: Cap: 9: non erant (saith he) filii, etiam quando erant in professione & nomine filiorum • non quiae justitiam simulaverunt, sed quia in eâ non permanserunt: This Righteousness he esteemed not to be meerly feigned, and hypocritical, but rather such as might truly intitle them to the state and Condition of the Children of God, in the sense before expressed.

And againe, isti cùm piè vivunt dicuntur filii Dei, sed quoniam victuri sunt impie, & in eâdem impietate morituri, non eos dicit filios Dei prascientia Dei. And further in the same chapter, sunt rursus quidam qui filii Dei propter susceptam temporalem gratiam dicuntur à nobis, nec sunt tamen `Deo: and againe, non erant in numero filiorum, etiam quando erant in fide filiorum. And, sicut non verè Discipuli Christi, ita nec verè filii Dei fuerunt, etiam quando esse videbantur, & ita vocabantur. He concludes; Appellamus ergo nos & Electos Christi Discipulos, & Dei filios, quos regeneratos (that is, as to the Sacramental signe of that Grace) piè vivere ceruimus; sed tunc verò sunt quod appellantur, si manserint in eo propter quod sic appellantur.

Si autem persever antiam non habent, id est, in eo quod caperunt esse non manent, non verè appellantur, quod appellantur & non sunt. As also de Doct: Christianâ, Lib. 3. C. 32: non est revera Corpus Christi quod non erit cum illo in aeternum.

And these are the Persons which Austine, and those of the same judgment with him, do grant that they may fall away, such as upon the account of their Baptismal entrance into the Church, their Pious devout lives, their profession of the faith of the Gospel, they called and accounted regenerate believers, whom yet they tell you upon a through search into the nature and causes of holyness, grace, and walking with God that they would be found, not to be truly, and really in that state and condition, that they were esteemed to be in; of which they thought this a sufficient Demonstration, even because they did not persevere: which undeniably on the other hand (with the testimonies foregoing, and the like inumerable that might be produced) evinces, that their constant judgment was, that all who are truly, really, and in the sight of God believers, ingrafted into Christ, and adopted into his family, should certainly Persevere: and that all the passages usually cited out of this holy and learned man, to perswade us that he ever cast an eye towards the Doctrine of the Apostacy of the Saints, may particularly be refer'd to this head, and manifested that they do not at all concerne those, whom he esteemed Saints indeed; which is cleere from the consideration of what hath been insisted on. Thus far He, of whom what were the thoughts of the Church of God in the dayes wherein he lived, hath been declared: He who hath been esteemed amongst the Ecclesiastical Writers of old to have laboured more, and to more purpose in the Doctrine of the Grace of God, then all that went before him, or any that have followed after him, whose renowne in the Church hath been cheifly upheld, and maintained upon the account of the blessed paines, and labours wherin the Presence of God made him to excel, for the depressing the pride of all flesh, and the exaltation of the riches of God's love, and efficacy of his grace in Jesus Christ, wherewith the whole Church in succeeding Ages hath been advantaged beyond what is easy to be expressed.

That Prosper, Hilary, Fulgentius, and the men of renowne in the Congregation of God at the end of that Age, did fall in with their judgments, to that which Austine had delivered, I suppose will be easily confessed: Prosper ad Cap: 7. Gal. quomodo eos habeat praeordinata in Christo Electio? cum dubium non sit donum Dei esse Perseverantiam in bono us que ad finem; quod istos, ex io ipso quod non perseverârunt, non habuisse manifestum est. Also the breaking of the Power, and 〈◊〉 of the attempt of Pelagius by sundry Doctors of the Church, and Synods to that end assembled, (whereof Prosper gives us an account, reckoning them up in their order; and Austine before him, Epist: 42. & 47,) with special relation to what was done in Africk; (and in the begining of his verses De Ingratis) with what troubles were raised, and created anew to the Champions of the Grace of God by the writings of Cassianus, Faustus, Vincentius, the Masilienses, with some others in France, and the whole rable of Semi-Pelagians, with the fiction of Sigibert about a Predestinarian Heresy, whereof there was never any thing in being, no not among the Adrumetine Monks, where Vossius hoped to have placed it, the Councel of Arles, the Corruptions, and falsifications of Faustus in the business of Lucidus, the impositions on Goteschalcus, with the light given to that business, from the Epistle of Florus, have exerci • ed the commendable endeavours of so many already, that there is not the least need further to insist upon them. What entertainment that peculiar Doctrine which I am in the Consideration of, found in the following ages, is that which I shall further demonstrate.

After these was Gregory: 1: who Lib. 1. Epist 99: speakes to the same purpose, with them in these words; Redemptor noster, Dei hominum que mediator, Conditionis Humanae non immemor, sic imis summa conjungit, ut ipse in unitate permanens ita Temporalia, occulto Instinctu, piâ consulens moderatione disponat, quatenus de ejus manu antiquus Host is nullatenus rapiat, quos ante Secula intra Sinum matris Ecclesiae adunandos esse praescivit; nam et si quisquam eorum inter quos degit, Statibus motus ad Tempus ut palmes titubet, radix tamen rectae Fidei, quae ex occulto prodit, divino judicio virens manet, quae accepto Tempore fructum de se ostentare valeat, qui latebat. This is the summe of what we contend for: viz: that all those whom God hath predestinated to be added to the Church, receiving a saving faith, though they may be shaken, yet on that account, the Root abides firme, their Faith never utterly perisheth, but in due time brings forth accepted fruits againe.

And most expressive to our purpose is that discourse of his which you have, Lib. 34. Moral. Cap. 8: saith He, Aurum, quod pravis Diaboli persuasionibus quasi lutum sterni potuerit, Aurum ante Dei Oculos nunquam fuit, qui enim Seduci quando que non reversuri possunt, quasi habitam Sanctitatem ante ocules hominum videntur amittere, sed eam ante oculos Dei nunquam habuerunt.

The Exclusion of those from being True Believers, who may be seduced and fall away; doth most eminently infer the Perseverance of all Them, who are so: Adde unto these, Oecumenius (though he be one of a latter date) and those shall suffice for the period of time, relating to the Pelagian Controversy: saith he in Epist: ad Ephes: cap. 1. 14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . All is confirmed and Ratified by the earnest of the Spirit, that is given to them that believe.

Of those that lived after the days of the forementioned, (I meane all of them but the last) that I may not cloy the Reader, I shall not mention any, until the business of Divinity, and the profession of it, was taken up by the School-men and Canonists, who from a mixture of Divine and Homane principles, framed the whole body of it anew, and gave it over into the possession of the present Romish Church, moulded for the most part to the worldly carnal Interests of them on whom they had their Dependency, in their several generations.

But yet as there was none of those, but one way or other, was eminently conducing to the carrying on of the mystery of Iniquity, by depraving, perverting, and corrupting one Truth or other of the Gospel, so all of them did not in all Things equally corrupt their waies, but gave some Testimony more or less to some Truths, as they received them from those that went before them; so fell it out in the matter of the Grace of God, and the Corruption of the Nature of man: though some of them laboured to corrode, and corrupt the ancient received Doctrine thereof, so some againe contended with all their might in their way, and by their Arguments to defend it; as is evident in the Instance of Bradwardine, crying out to God, and Man to help in the Cause of God against the Pelagians in his Dayes, in particular complaining of the great Master of their Divinity. So that notwithstanding all their Corruptions, these ensuing Principles pass currantly among the most eminent of Them, as to the Doctrine under consideration, which continue in credit with many of their Sophistical Successours to this Day.

1 That Perseverance is a grace of God, bestowed according to Predestination, or Election, on men; that is, that God gives it to Believers, that are Predestinated, and Elected.

2 That on whomsoever the Grace of Perseverance is bestowed, they do Persevere to the end; and it is impossible in some sense, that they should otherwise Doe.

3 That none who are not predestinate, what grace soever they may be made partakers of in this world, shall constantly continue to the end.

4 That no Believer can by his own strength or power (incited, or stirred up, by what manlike, or rational considerations so ever) Persevere in the Faith; the Grace of Perseverance being a gift of God: It is true; that their Judgments being perverted by sundry other Corrupt Principles, about the Nature, and Efficacy of Sacraments, with their Conveyance of Grace, ex opere operato, and out of Ignorance of the Righteousness of God, and the Real work of Regeneration, they generally maintaine (though Bradwardine punctually exprest himselfe to be of another mind) that many Persons, not Predestinate, may come to believe, yet fall away and perish.

Now the Truth is, it is properly no part of the Controversy under consideration, whether, or how far, and in what sense, men by Reason of the Profession, & Participation of Ordinances with the work, & effect of common Grace upon them, may be sayd to be True Believers; but the whole, upon the matter, of what we plead for is comprised in the Assertions now ascribed to them; which that it is done upon sufficient grounds, will be manifest by calling in some few, of the most eminent of Them, to speak in their own words, what their thoughts were in this matter.

To bring them in, I desire that one who (though none of Them) was eminent in his undertakings for a mixture of Divinity, and Law, in those dayes wherin they had their eminent rise and Original may be heard. And that is Gratian, who after his manner hath Collected many things to the Purpose in hand: p. 2. c. 33. Q 3. de pan. dis. 2: Charitas (saith he) est juncta Deo inseperabiliter, & unita, & in omnibus semper invicta. And; Electi quippe sic ad Bonum tendunt, ut ad mala perpetranda non redeant; &, Potest discursus, & mobilitas Spiritûs sic intelligi. In Sanctorum quippe eor dibus juxtà quasdam virtutes semper permanet; juxta quasdam verò recessurus venit, venturus recedit:in fide etenim, & Spe, & Charitate, & bonis aliis, sine quibus ad Coelestem patriam non petest veuiri (sicut est H • militas, Castitas, justitia at que Msericor dia) perfectorum corda non deseri • : in Prophetiae verè virtute, doctrina facundiâ, Miraculorum 〈◊〉 , suis aliquanda adest, aliquandose suber 〈◊〉 , Answering the objection, of the Spirits departure from them, on whom he is bestowed, He distinguisheth of the respects, upon the account whereof, he may be said so to do; in respect of some Common gifts (sayth he) he may withdraw himselfe from them on whom he is bestowed, but not in respect of Habitual Sanctifying grace.

Among the School-man there is none of greater name, & eminency, for Learning, Devotion, and Subtilty, than our 〈◊〉 , who was Proctor of this Vniversity, in the yeare 1325; and obtained by general consent the Title of Doctor profundus: Lib. 2: de Causa Dei Cap. 8. This Profound Learned Doctour proposes this Thesis to be confirmed in the following Chapter: quod nullus viater, quantâcun que gratiâ ereatâ subnixus, solim liberi Arbitrii viribus, vel etiam cum adjutorio Gratiae, possit perseverare finaliter, fine alio Dei auxilio speciali. In the long disputation following he disputes out of the Scriptures, and Antient writers abundantly cited to his purpose, that there is no possibility of the Perseverance of any Believer in the faith to the end, upon such Helpes, considerations, and Advantages as Mr. Goodwin proposeth, as the only meanes thereof. That Perseverance it selfe is a gift of God, without which gift, and Grace, none can persevere; the and specialty of that Grace, he expresseth in the Corollary wherewith he closeth the Chapter: which is, quod nullus viator, solius liberi Arbitrii, vel Gratiae Viribus, aut amborum conjunctim, sine alio Dei Auxilio speciali, potest persever are per aliquod Tempus omnino. Further asserting the efficacy of special grace, in, and for every good work whatever: His Arguments and Testimonies I shall not need to recite; they are at hand to those who desire to consult them.

After the vindication of the former Thesis, Chap. 9. 10. Chap. 11: he proposeth further this proposition, to a right understanding of the Doctrine of Perseverance. Quod perseverantia non est aliquod Donum Dei creatum, à Charitate, & Gratiâ realiter differens: And the Corollary wherewith he shuts up that disputation is, quòd Nomen Perseverantiae nullam rem absolutam essentialiter significat, sed accidentaliter, & relativè; Charitatem videlicet, sive justitiam cum respectu futurae Permansionis us que in Finem, & quod non improbabiliter posset dici Perseverantiam esse ipsam Relationem hujus.

After this, knowing well what Conclusion would easily be inferred from these principles, viz: That Perseverance is not really distinct from Faith and Love, that it as such a Grace, and Gift of God that who ever it's bestowed upon shall certainly persevere; namely, that every one who hath received True Grace, Faith and Love, shall certainly persevere: He objects that to himselfe, and plainly grants it to be so indeed, cap. 12. And to make the matter more cleare, chap. 13: he disputes; that, Auxilium sine quo nullus perseverat, & per quod quilibet perseverat, est Spiritus Sanctus, Divina bonitas, & voluntas. Every Cause of bringing sinful man to God, is called by them Auxilium: in these three, Spiritus Sanctus, Divina Bonitas, & Voluntas, he comprizeth the cheif Causes of Perseverance, as I have also done in the ensuing Treatise. By [Divina Voluntas] he intends God's eternal, and Immutable decree, as he manifests, cap. 8.9: whither he sends his Reader. His, Divina Bonitas, is that free Grace, whereby God accepts and justifies us as his. Spirtus Sanctus, is Sanctification; So that he affirmes the perseverance of the Saints to consist in the stability of their Acceptation with God, and continuance of their Sanctification from him, upon the account of his unchangeable purposes and Decrees, which is the summe of what we contend for.

And this is part of the Doctrine, concerning the Grace of God, and his soveraingty over the wills of men, which Bradwardine in his dayes cryed out so earnestly for the Defence of to God & man against the Pelagian encroachement, which was made upon it in those dayes: Thus he turnes himselfe in the conclusion of his Book, to the Pope, and Church of Rome, with zealous earnestnes for their Interposition, to the Determination of these Controversyes: us os iniquè loquentium (saith he) obstruatur, flexis genibus cordis mei imploro Ecclesiam, pracipuè Romanam, quae summâ Authoritate vigere dignoscitur, quatenus ipsa determinare dignetur, quid circa Praemissas Catholicè sit tenendum. Non enim sine periculo in talibus erratur. Simon d • rmis? exurge (speaking to the Pope) exime gladium, amput a qua que sinistra haeretica pravitati • , defende, & protege Catholicam veritatem. Porrò etsi Dominus ipse in Petri navicula dormiat, nimie • ate Tempestatis compulsus, ipsum quo que fiducialiter excitabo, quatenus Spirisus oris sui Tempestate sedatâ tranquillum faciat & serenum. Absit autem, ut qui in prorâ hujus Navicula pervigil laborabat, jam in puppi super cervicali dormiat, vel dormitet. Lib 3. Cap. 53.

With this earnestness above 300 years agoe did this profoundly learned man press the Popes to a determination of these Controversyes, against the Pelagians, and their Successours in his Schooles. The same suit hath ever since been continued by very many Learned men, (in every Age,) of the communion of the Church of Rome, crying out for the Papal definitive Sentence against the Pelagian errours crept into their Church; especially hath this out-cry with supplication been renewed by the Dominican Fryars, ever since the Jesuites have so cunningly guilded over that Pelagian Poyson, & set it out, as the best, & most wholsome food for the Holy Mother, and her children. Yea with such earnestnes hath this been in the last Age pursued, by Agents in the Court of Rome: that (a Congregation de Auxiliis being purposely appointed) it was generally supposed one while, that they would have prevailed in their suit, and have obtained a definitive Sentence on their side, against their Adversaries. But through the just Vengeance of God, upon a pack of bloudy persecuting Idolaters, giving them up more and more to the Beliefe of Lyes, contrary almost to the expectation of all men, This very yeare 1653 Pope Innocent the tenth, who now weares the Triple Crowne conjured by the subtilty, and dreadful interest of the Jesuites in all nations, that as yet wonder after him, by a Solemne Bull, or Papal Consistorian Determination, in the Case of Jansenius Bishop of Ypress, hath turned the Scales upon his first Suppliants, and Cast the Cause on the Pelagian Side. But of that whole business elsewhere.

I shall not perplex the Reader, with the Horrid names, of Trombet, Holcot, Bricot, Sychet, Tartaret, Brulifer, nor with their more Horrid termes and expressions. Let the one Angelical Doctor answer for the rest of his Companions.

That this man then (one of the great Masters of the Crew) abode by the Principles of him before insisted on, may quickly be made evident by some few instances clearing his judgment herein:

This in the first place he every where insists on; that no Habitual grace received, no improvment that can be made of it, by the utmost ability, diligence, and the most rays'd Considerations of the best of men, will cause any one certainly to Persevere, without the peculiar preservation of God. Of this he gives his Reason: Lib. 3. Contrà Gent: Ca: 155. Illud quod Naturâ sua est Variabile, ad hoc, quod figatur in uno, indiget Auxilio alicujus moventis immobilis; sed liberum arbitrium etiam existentis in gratiâ Habituali adhuc manet variabile, & flexibile à bono in Malum; ergo ad hoc, quod figatur in bono & perseveret in illo, us que ad Finem, indiget Speciali Dei Auxilio. An Argument of the same importance, with that mentioned out of Bradwardine: which (howsoever at first appearance it may seem to lye at the Out-skirts of the Controversy in hand▪ yet indeed) is such as being granted, hath an influence into the whole, as hath been manifested.

And this the same Authour further Confirmes, (saith he) p: p: Q: 109. A: 9. Cùm nullum agens secundum agat nisi in Virtute primi, sit que care spiritui perpetuò rebellis; non potest Homo licet jam gratiam consecutus, per seipsum operari Bonum, & vitare Peccatum, abs que novo Auxili • Dei, ipsum moventis, dirigentis, & protegentis; quamvis alia Habitualis gratia ad hoc, ei necessaria non sit. And the Reasons he gives of this conclusion in the body of the Article are considerable. This saith he, must be so; primò quidem, ratione generali propter hoc, quòd nulla Res creata potest in quemcun que Actum prodire, nisi virtute motionis divinae. The Pelagian selfe-sufficiency, and exemption from dependance, in Solidum, upon God both providentially, and Physically, as to operation was not so freely received in the Schooles as afterward.

Secundò (saith he) ratione speciali, propter Conditionem statûs Humanae Naturae, quae quidem licèt per Gratiam sanetur, quantum ad mentem, remanet tamen in eo Corruptio, & Infectio quantum ad carnem, per quam servit legi peccati; ut dicitur, Ro: 7: Remanet etiam quaedam Ignorantiae obscuritas in intellectu, secundùm quam (ut etiam dicitur Rom: 8.) quid eremus sicut oportet nescimus: ideo necesse est nobis, ut à Deo dirigamur, & protegamur, qui omnia novit, & omnia Potest. And will not this man think you, who in his gropings after Light, when darkness covered the Face of the Earth, and thick darkness was upon the Inhabitants thereof, with this his discovery (of the impotency of the best of the Saints for Perseverance, upon the Account of any Grace received, because of the perpetual powerful rebellion of indwelling Lust, and Corruption, and that all that do persevere, are preserved by the power of God unto salvation) rise in Judgment against Those who in our Dayes, wherin the Sun of Righteousness is risen with healing under his wings, do ascribe a sufficiency unto men in themselves upon the bottome of their Rational Considerations, to abide with God, or Persevere to the end?

And this assertion of the Angelical Doctour is notably confirmed by Didacus Alvarez in his Vindication of it from the exception of Medina, that we make use of habits when we will, & if men will make use of their Habitual Grace, they may persevere, without relation to any After Grace of God: saith he: Respondetur, Habitibus quidem Nos uticùm volumus, sed ut velimus illis uti, praerequiritur Motio Dei efficax, praemovens Liberum Arbitrium, ut utatur Habitu ad operandum, & operetur bonum, praesertim quando Habitus sunt supernaturales; quia cùm pertineant ad superiorem Ordinem, habent specialem Rationem, propter quam potentia merè naturalis non utitur eisdem Habitibus, nisi speciali Dei Auxilio moveatur: Alvar: de Aux: Lib. 10. Disput. 100. Though received Graces are reckoned by him as supernatural Habits, yet such as we act not by, nor with, but from new supplies from God.

Having layd down this Principle, Thomas proceeds to manifest, that there is a special Grace of Perseverance, bestowed by God on some, and that on whomsoever it is bestowed, they certainly, and infallibly, persevere to the end: p: p: Quaest: 109: A: 10 C: and contrà Gent: Lib. 3▪ he proves this Assertion from P: 6. 1 Pet: 5: 10. Psal: 16.

But to spare the Reader, I shall give you this man's judgment, together with one of his Followers, who hath had the happiness to cleare his Masters minde, above any that have undertaken the maintenance of his Doctrine, in that part now controverted in the Church of Rome; & therein I shall manifest (what I formerly proposed) what Beamings, and Irradiations of this Truth, do yet glide through that gross darkness, which is spread upon the face of the Romish Synagogue (referring what I have further to adde on this head, to the account which God assisting I shall ere long give of the present Jansenian Controversies, in my Considerations on Mr. Biddles Catechismes, a taske by authority lately imposed on me.) This is Didacus Alvarez whose 10th Book de Auxiliis treats peculiarly of this Subject of Perseverance. In the entrance of his disputation he layes down the same Principles with the Former, concerning the necessity of the Peculiar Grace of Perseverance to this end that any one may persevere. Disput: 103.

Then Disp: 108 He further manifests, that this gift, or Grace of Perseverance, does not depend on any Conditions in us, or any Cooperation of our wills. His position he layes down in these words: Donum perseverantiae, in ratione Doni perseverantiae, & efficacia illius, nullo modo dependet effectivè ex libera Cooperatione nostri Arbitrii, sed à solo Deo, at que ab efficaci, & absoluto Decreto Voluntatis ejus, qui pro suâ misericordiâ tribuit illud Donum cui vult. In the further proof of this proposition, he manifests by clear Testimonies that the Contrary Doctrine hereunto, was that of the Pelagians, and Semi-pelagians, which Austine opposed in sundry Treatises. And in all the Arguments whereby he further confirmes it, he still presses the absurdity of making the Promise of God concerning Perseverance Conditional, and so suspending it on any thing, in and by us to be performed. And indeed all the Acts whereby we persevere, flowing according to him from the Grace of perseverance, it cannot but be absurd to make the Efficient Cause in it's Efficiency, and operation, to depend upon it's own effect: This also is with him Ridiculous, that the Grace of perseverance should be given to any, and he not persevere; or be promised, and yet not given: yet withal he grants in his following Conclusions, that our wills secundarily, and in dependency, do cooperate in our Perseverance.

The second Principle this learned School-man insists on, is, that this gift of perseverance is peculiar to the Elect, or praedestinate: Disput: 104. 1. Con: Donum perseverantiae est proprium Praedstinaterum, ut nulli alteri conveniat: And what he intends by Praedestinati; he informes you according to the Judgment of Austin, and Thomas: Nomine praedestinationis ad Gloriam, felùm 〈◊〉 praedestinationem intelligunt (Augustinus & Thomas) quâ Electi ordinantur efficaciter, & transmittuntur ad vitam aeternam; cujus effectus sunt vocatio, Justificatio & perseverantia in gratiâ us que ad Finem; not that (or such a) Conditional predestination, as is pendent in the ayre, and expectant of men's good final Deportment; but that which is the eternal, free fountaine of all that grace, whereof in time by Jesus Christ we are made Partakers.

And in the pursuit of this proposition, he further proves at large, that the persverance given to the Saints in Christ, is not a supplement of Helps, and advantages, whereby they may preserve it if they will; but such as causes them, on whom it is bestowed certainly, & actually so to do: and that in it's efficacy, and operation, it cannot depend on any free cooperation of our wills, all the Good Acts tending to our perseverance, being fruits of that Grace which is bestowed on us, according to the absolute unchangeable Decree of the will of God.

This indeed is common with this Authour and the Rest of his associates (the Dominicans, and pres ••• Jansenians) in these controversies, together with the residue of the Romanists, that having their Judgments wrested by the abominable figments, of implicite Faith, and the efficacy of the Sacraments of the new Testament, conveying & really exhibiting the grace signified, or sealed by them; that they are inforced to grant, that many may be, & are Regenerate, & made True Believers, who are not predestinate, & that these cannot persevere▪ nor shall eventually be saved. Certaine it is, that there is not any Truth, which that Generation of men do receive, & admit, but more or less it suffers in their Hands, from that gross ignorance of the free Grace of God in Jesus Crhist, the power whereof they are practically under: what the poor Vassailes, and Slaves will do, upon the late Bull of their Holy Father casting them in sundry maine Concernements of their Quarrel, with their Adversaries, is uncertaine; otherwise setting aside some such deviations, as the above mentioned, (whereunto they are enforced, by their Ignorance of the Grace, and Justification with is in Jesus Christ,) there is so much of Antient Candid Truth in opposition to the Pelagians, and Semi-Pelagians, preserved, and asserted in the writings of the Dominican Fryers, as will rise up (as I sayd before) in Judgment against those of our Dayes, who enjoying greater Light, & Advantages, do yet close in with those and are long since Cursed Enemies of the grace of God.

To this Dominican, I shall only adde the Testimony of two famous Jesuites, upon whose understandings the light of this glorious Truth prevailed, for an Acknowledgment of it: The first of these is Bellarmine, whose disputes to this purpose, being full, and large, and the Authour in allmens hands, I shall not transcribe his assertions, & arguments; but only referre the Reader to his l. 2. de Grat. & l. Ar. Cap. 12. Deni que ut multa alia Testimonia, &c: The other is Suarez, who delivers his thoughts succinctly upon the whole of this Matter, Lib. 11. de perpetuitat: vel Amis: Grat: Cap. 2. Sect. 6. saith he: de praedestinatis verum est Infallibiliter, quòd gratiam finaliter seu in perpetuum non amittunt; unde postquam semel gratiam habuerant, ita reguntur & proteguntur à Deo, ut vel non cadant, vel si ceciderint resurgant; & licèt saepius cadant & resurgant, tandem aliquando ita resurgunt ut amplius non cadant: in which few words he hath briefly comprized the summe of that, which is by us contended for.

It was in my Thoughts in the last place to have added the concurrent witness of all the reformed Churches, which that of the most eminent Divines, which have written in the defence of their Concessions: but this Trouble, upon second considerations, I shall spare the Reader & my selfe: for, as many other reasons lye against the Prosecuting of this Designe, so especially the uselesness of spending-Time, and paines, for the demonstration of a thing of so evident a truth, prevailes with me to desist; Notwithstanding the Indeavours of Mr. Goodwin to wrest the words of some of the most antient Writers, who laboured in the first Reformation of the Churches; I presume no unprejudiced Person in the least measure acquainted with the systeme of that Doctrine, which with so much paines, diligence, piety, and Learning, they promoted in the world, with the clearness of their Judgments, in going forth to the utmost compass of their Principles which they received, and their constancy to themselves, in asserting of the Truthes they embraced, owned by their Friends and Adversaries, until such time as Mr. Goodwin discovered their selfe Contradictions, will scarce be moved once to question their Judgments by the Excerpta of Mr. Goodwin Cap: 15: of his Treatise: so that of this discourse this is the Issue.

There remaines only that I give a brief account of some concernments of the ensuing Treatise, and dismisse the Reader from any further Attendance in the Porch, or entrance thereof.

The Title of the book speakes of the Aime and Method of it; the Confutation of Mr. Goodwin was but secundarily in my eye; and the best way for that I judged to consist, in a full Scriptural Confirmation of the Truth he opposed. That I cheifly intended, and therein I hope the pious Reader, may through the Grace of God, meet with satisfaction. In my undertaking to affirme the Truth of what I assert, the Thing it selfe first, and then the manifestation of it, was in my Consideration: for the thing it selfe, my arguing hath been to discover the Nature of it, it's principles, and causes, it's relation to the Good will of the Father, the mediations of the Son and dispensation of the Holy Ghost to the Saints thereupon; it's use and tendency, in, and unto that fellowship with the Father and the Son, whereunto we are called and admitted.

As to the manner of it's Revelation, the proper seates of it in the Book of God, the occasion of the Delivery thereof, in several seasons, the Significant Expressions wherein it is set forth, and the receiving of it by them, to whom it was revealed, have been diligently remarked.

In those parts of the Discourse, which tend to the vindication of the Arguments from Scripture, whereby the Truth pleaded for is confirmed, of the usefulness of the thing it selfe contended about &c. I have been I hope Careful to keep my Discourse from degenerating into Jangling, and strife of words (the usual Issue of Polemical writings) being not altogether Ignorant of the devices of Satan, and the usual carnal Attendencies of such proceedings: The weight of the Truth in hand, The Common interest of all the Saints, in their walking with God therein, sense of my own duty, & the near approach of the Account which I must make of the ministration to me Committed, have given bounds and limits to my whole discourse, as to the manner of handling the Truth therein asserted. Writing in the Common language of the Nation, about the Common possession of the Saints, the meanest and weakest as well as the wisest and the most learned, labouring in the workes of Christ and his Gospel, I durst not hide the understanding of what I aim'd at, by mingling the plaine doctrine of the Scripture, with Metaphysical Notions, expressions of Arts, or any pretended ornaments of wit, or fancy; because I Feare God For the more sublime Consideration of Things, and such a way of their Delivery, as depending upon the acknowledg'd reception of sundry Arts and sciences, which the Generality of Christians neither are, nor need to be acquainted withal; Scholars may communicate their Thoughts and Apprehensions unto, and among Themselves, and that upon the stage of the world, in that language, whereunto they have consented, for, & to that end & purpose: That I have carefully abstayned from Personal reflections, scoffes, Undervaluations, applications of Stories, and old sayings, to the provocation of the Spirit of them with whom I have to do, I think not at all prayse worthy; because that upon a review of some passages in the treatise (now irrecoverable) I feare I have scarce been so careful, as I am sure it was my duty to have been.