The firſt Chapter proveth by the teſt mony of Scripture, that Kings are not puniſhable by man, but reſerved to the Judgement of GOD.

KINGS have their Authority from God,Rom. 13.1 and are his Vicegerents in earthPro. 8.15., to execute juſtice and judgement for him amongſt the ſonnes of Men2 Chron. 196.. All Subjects (as well Prelates and Nobles, as the inferiour people) are forbidden with the tongue, to revile Kings,Exo. 22.28 with the heart, to thinke ill of themEccl 10.20, or with the hand, to reſiſt themRom. 13.2. The great King of Heaven doth impart his owne Name unto his LIEUTENANTS the Kings of the Earth: and calleth them Gods, with an ego dixi Pſal. 8 2.6. Whoſe Word is Yea and Amen: with this only difference, that theſe Gods ſhall dye like men Pſal. 82.7, and fall like other Princes. Wherefore Nathan the man of God, muſt reprove David, 2 Sam. 12.7., that he may repent, and be ſaved. And the Sages, Iudges, and Nobles, (without feare or flattery) muſt adviſe and direct Roboam. 1 Reg. 12.7. Other attempts againſt Kings, the King of Kings hath neither commanded in his Law, nor permitted in his Goſpel. David (ſaith Ambroſe) null • s Legibus tenebatur, &c. David though he were an Adulterer, Apolog. David cap. 10. and an Homicide, was tyed to no Law: for Kings are free from bonds, and can by no compulſion of Law, be drawn to puniſhment, being freed by the power of Government. Thus far Ambr.

Saul the firſt King of Iſrael was rather a monſter, than a man: after the ſpirit of God had forſaken him, & the evil ſpirit was come upon him1 Sam. • 6.14.. There were not many ſins againſt God, Man, or Nature, wherein he tranſgreſſed not; yet his exceſſe was puniſhed, neither by the Sacerdotall Synod, nor the ſecular Senate: Who can loy his hand on the Lords Annointed, and be guiltleſſe 1 Sam. 16 9:? The very Annointment was the cauſe of Sauls immunity from all humane coerſion: as Auguſtine affirmeth, Quaero ſi non habebat. Saul ſacramenti ſanctitatem, Aug. contr. lit. Petil l. 2 c. 48. quid in eo David venerabatur? If Saul had not the holineſſe of the Sacrament, I aske what it was that David reverenced in him; he honoured Saul for the ſacred and holy unction, while he lived: and revenged his death. Yea, he was troubled and trembled at the heart, becauſe he had cut off a lappe of Saules garment. Loe, Soul had no innocency, and yet he had holineſſe: not of life, but of unction. So far Auguſtine.

Who queſtioned David for his murther and adultery? who cenſured Salomon for his idolatry? though their c •• nes were capitall by the Law of God. After that Kingdome was divided, all the Kings of Iſrael, and moſt of the Kings of Iudah, were notorious Idolaters: yet during thoſe Kingdomes, which endured above 200 yeares, no Prieſt did challenge, no States-men did claime power from the higheſt, to puniſh or depoſe their Princes. And the Prophets perſwaded all men to obey, and endure thoſe idolatrous Princes, whoſe impiety they reproved with the loſſe of their lives,

Chriſt ſled when the people would have made him a KingJoh. 6.15. He payed tribute for himſelfe and Peter Mat. 17.27.. When the queſtion was propounded concerning the Emperours Subſidy, he concluded for Caeſar Mat. 22.21.. And ſtanding to receive the judgement of death before Pilate, he acknowledged his power to be of GodIoh. 19.15., This Saviour of Mankind, whoſe actions ſhould be our inſtruction, did never attempt to change that Government, or to diſplace thoſe Governours, which were directly repugnant to the ſcope of information that he aymed at.

Iohn Baptiſt did indeed reprove King Herod with a Non licet Mar. 6 18, but he taught not the Souldiers to leave his ſervice, or by ſtrife and impatience, to wind themſelvs out of the band of allegiance, wherin the Law had left them, and the Goſpell found themLuk. 3.14.

The Apoſtle delivered unto the Church the Doctrine of obedience and patience, which they had learned by the Precept, and obſerved by the practiſe of our Lord Chriſt. Peter commandeth obedience to all manner of men in Authority1 Pet. 2.15.. Paul forbiddeth reſiſtance againſt any powerRom. 13.1, 2, 3.4., And S. Iude maketh it blaſphemy, to revile Government, or to ſpeake evill of GovernoursIude 8.. If therefore an Angell from heaven preach otherwiſe, than they have delivered, let him be accurſed Gal. 1.8..

The ſecond Chapter prooveth the ſame by the Fathers of the firſt 300 yeares.

THe true Church, which had the Spirit of underſtanding, to diſcerne the voyce of Chriſt, from the voyce of a ſtranger, never taught, never practiſed, never uſed or approoved other weapons, than ſalt teares, and humble prayers againſt the Paganiſme, Hereſie, Apoſtacy and Tyranny of earthly Kings.

Iuſtinus Martyr, Tertullian and Cyprian, ſhall beare witneſſe for 300 years, wherein the Kings and Potentates of the earth, bathed themſelves in the bloud of innocents, and proſeſſed enmity againſt Chriſt and his ſervants.

Ad inquiſitionem veſtram, Christianos nos eſſe profitemur, &c. At your inquiſition we profeſſe our ſelvs to be Chriſtians, though we know death to be the guerdon of our profeſſion (ſaith Iustin Martyr to the Emperor Antonius) did we expect an earthly kingdom,Second. apolog. ad Ant. Imp. p. 113. we would deny our Religion, that eſcaping death, we might in time attain our expectation: But we feare not perſecution, which have not our hope fixed on the things of this life, becauſe we are certainly perſwaded that we muſt dye. As for the preſervation of publike peace, we Chriſtians yeeld to you (O Emperor) more help and aſſiſtance, than other men. For we teach, that no evill doer, no covetous man, nor ſeditious that lyeth in wait for bloud, can have acceſſe to God: And that every man doth paſſe to life or death, according to the merit of his deeds. Thus far he.

We (ſaith Tertullian to Scapula the Viceroy of Carthage) are defamed,Tertull. lib. au Scap. for ſeditious againſt the Imperiall Majeſty: Yet were the Chriſtians never found to be Albinians, Nigrians, or Caſſians (Albinus, Niger, and Caſſius were traytors againſt Marcus Antonius, Commodus, Pertinax and Severus the Emperors) but they that ſweare by the Emperors deity, the very day before; they that vowed & offred ſacrifice for the Emperor's health, are found to be the Emperor's enemies. A Chriſtian is enemy to no man, much leſſe to the Emperor: knowing, that the Imperiall Majeſty, is ordained of God, and therefore neceſſarily to be loved, reverenced, and honored, whoſe proſperity, together with the welfare of all the Roman Empire they deſire ſo long as the world ſtandeth. We do therfore honour the Emperor, in ſuch ſort, as is lawfull for us, and expedient for him: we reverence him as a mortall man, next unto God, of whom he holdeth all his authority, only ſubject to God, and ſo we make him, ſoveraigne our all, in that, we make him ſubject, but to God alone: So far Tertullian.

S. Cyprian ſheweth many good reaſons, for the patience of the Saints, in his book againſt Demetrianus. God (ſaih he) is the revenger of his ſervants, when they are annoyed. Wherefore no Chriſtian when he is apprehended, doth reſiſt or revenge himſelf againſt your unjuſt violence, though the number of our people be very great. The confidence we have, that God will reward, doth confirm our patience, the guiltleſſe give way to the guilty, the innocent reſt content with their undeſerved puniſhment and tortures, being certainly aſſured that the wrong done to us, ſhall not be unrewarded. The more injury we ſuffer, the moſt juſt and grievous ſhall God's vengeance be on them that perſecute us. It is therfore cleare and manifeſt, that the plagues which comed own from Gods indignation, do not come through us poore perſecured Chriſtians, but from him whom we ſerve, for the wrong done unto us. So far Cyprian.

As many as lived according to Chriſt's inſtitution, did never revile the government of Tyrants, much leſſe by force reſiſt their violence, following the patience of Chriſt, who could by his own power, the might of his Angels, or the ſtrength of his creatures, have at the firſt withſtood, or at the laſt revenged, the injury of the people,Ioh 19.15 Iohn 8.22 Luk. 23.11 Mar. 15 15 Mat. • 7.27, 28, 29. the buffet of the Prieſts ſervant, the ſcorn of Herod, the judgment of Pilate, and the violence of the ſouldiers. He yeelded himſelfe patiently to death, to teach all his Diſciples, that an injury done by authority, is patiently to be endured, not forcibly to be repelled. As ſoon alſo as Paul became a Chriſtia, his ſeditious and bloudy ſpirit, which he had learned of the Phariſies, was changed into a deſire of peace and quietneſſe. He honored the heathen Magiſtrates, as Agrippa, Foelix and Liſias, ratifying his doctrin, by the practiſe of his life. I know that Cardinall Alane, Cardinall Bellarmin, Ficlerus, Simancha, and other upholders of the Papall tyranny, that Stephanus Iunius, Franciſcus Hottomanus, Georgius Buchananus, and other pillars of the Puritan anarchy, do anſwer, that the Church then, as it were ſwathed in the bonds of weakneſſe, had not ſtrength ſufficient to make powerfull reſiſtance. But theſe Fathers that then lived, do convince them, and all other ſectaries of falſhood, by making demonſtration of the ſtrength and potency of the godly Chriſtians, in caſe they would have put their forces to the ſtrongeſt proofe. Seeing that all publike places, as Courts, Camps, Conſiſtories, Cities, and countrey Villages, were ſtored and furniſhed with men of that profeſſion and quality, as doth moſt evidently appeare by the words of Tertullian, in his Apologetical defence of the Chriſtians; Ʋna nox pauculis faculis, &c. One night with a few firebrand, would yeel us ſufficient revenge, if it were lawfull for us to requit evill for evill. But God forbid, that Chriſtians ſhould either revenge themſelves with humane fire, or be grieved to ſuffer that wherewith they are tried. Were we diſpoſed, not to practiſe ſecret revenge, but to profeſſe open hoſtility, ſhould we want number of men, or force of Armes? Are the Moores, or the Parthians, or any one nation whatſoever, more in number than we, that are ſpread over all the World? We are not of you, and yet we have filled all the places and rooms which you have. Your Cities, Iſlands, Caſtles, Towns, Aſſemblies, your Tents, Tribes, and Wards; yea, the Imperiall Pallace, Senate and ſeats of Iudgment. For what war, were not we able & ready, though we were fewer in number than you, that go to our Martyrdom ſo willingly? If it were not more lawfull in our Religion to be ſlaine, than to ſlay? We could without armour, not by rebelling againſt you, but by departing from you, do you diſpleaſure enough, even with our ſeparation. For if ſo great a multitude, as we are ſhould break out from you, in any other corner of the world, the loſſe of ſo many citizens would ſhame and puniſh you. You would feare to ſee your ſelves left ſolitary, even amazed, as among the dead. You ſhould then ſee ſilence and deſolation every where. You would have many more enemies than inhabitants. Whereas now, you have fewer enemies, becauſe of the multitude of your citizens that are almoſt all Chriſtians. Haec Tertullianus.

We ſee by theſe three witneſſes, that the Church of God, in the firſt 300 years wanted, neither number of men, ſtrength, nor courage to reſiſt perſecution, and to have eſtabliſhed the Chriſtian Faith, if that courſe had been lawfull: but becauſe their Lord had given them no ſword to ſtrike withall, they choſe rathe to be crowned Martyrs for their Religion, than to be puniſhed as traytors for rebellion. What number of men, what ſtrength of armes had the Church (thinke you) the next 300 years after it had been backed by Princes, defended by Laws, provoked by Honorable favors to profeſſe Chriſtianity? Yet all that while the ſervants of God, neither did nor would reſiſt Apoſtaſie, Hereſie, or Tyranny: but yeelded their lives with all ſubmiſſion, though they wanted neither meanes nor multitude, convenient for any wars, as the next chapter by impregnable demoſtration ſhall ſhew.

The third Chapter prooveth by the Fathers of the ſecond 300, years, that the pleaſure of Princes must be endured with patience, when their decrees cannot be obeyed with a good Conſcience.

THe next 300 yeares, the Chriſtians did as patiently endure Hereſie, Apoſtaſie and Tyranny, to the glorious tryall of their Faith, and the eternall reward of their Patience. Whereof wee have a cloud of witneſſes, namely, Hoſius, Liberius, Athanaſius, Hilarius, Baſilius Magnus, Gregorius Nazianzenus, Lucifer Calaritanus, Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Optatus Milevitanus, Ambroſius, Auguſtinus, Chryſoſtomus, Leo the firſt, and Gregory the great.

Hoſius was a famous Confeſſor in the Church, before Conſtantine the great, a worthy Biſhop during that Emperor's raigne, and after his death greatly eſteemed of all good men, yea even of Conſtantius the Arrian Emperor himſelfe, for his old age, great experience, excellent learning, and good converſation. When this worthy Prelate, was commanded by the Emperour, to ſubſcribe to the condemnation of Athanaſius, he returned to the Imperiall Majeſty, this ſtout, conſtant, Chriſtian and dutifull anſwer; Ego confeſſionis munus imple vi primum, cum perſecutio moveretur, ab avo tuo Maximiniano: Obſequere & ſcribe contra Athanaſium qui enim contra illum ſcribit ille planeonobiſcum, &c. I was then a confeſſor when your grandfather Maximinian perſecuted the Church. And if you do now raiſe perſecution, I am ready to endure any thing, rather then bettray the truth and ſhed innocent bloud. I do not like your manner of writing againſt Athanaſius; Ceaſe from it, be not of the Arrian opinion; Give no eare to the Eaſtern Biſhops: beleeve me rather, that for age might be your grandfather. Leave off, I beſeech you, and call to mind, that you are a mortall man. Feare that dreadfull day of Iudgment. Enterpoſe not your ſelfe (O Emperor) into the Eccleſiaſticall ſervice, neither command us in this kind to condemne the innocent; but learn rather of us. God hath entruſteed your Majeſty with the Empire, and committed unto us the ſervice of the Church: he that with an envious eye maligneth your Imperiall Soveraignty, contradicteth the ordinance of God. Hoſius apud Athan. ad ſolitariam vitam agentes. Take heed (O Prince) leaſt drawing to your ſelfe the right of the Church, you become guilty of grievous tranſgreſſion, It is written, Give unto Caeſar the things that are Caeſars, and to God the things that appertaine to God: it is therefore, neither lawfull for us Prieſts to uſurpe your Kingdome; nor for you Princes, to meddle with the ſacred ſervice and ſacrifices of the Church. Thus far Hoſius.

You ſee the grounds, that this good Biſhop ſtood upon: rather reſolved to ſuffer any death or torture, than by his conſent to betray the truth, or to condemne the guiltleſſe. He admoniſheth freely, and reprooveth ſharply, he offereth his life to the Prince's pleaſure: It was far from his meaning, to revile the ſacred Majeſty, or to ſtir up any rebellion againſt this Hereticall Emperor, which infringed the Canons of the Church, without all regard of truth or equity, to ſerve the humors of the Arrians, and to wrek his anger on them all, which yeelded not to that Hereſie.

Liberius, a Biſhop of Rome, did neither excommunicate nor depoſe this wicked Emperour Conſtantius, but appeared at his command, and endured his pleaſure, to the admiration of the Arrians and the confirmation of the Chriſtians, as we find in Athanaſius, Trahitur Liberius ad Imperatorem, &c. Liberius was haled to the Emperor, when he came to his preſence, he ſpake freely, Ceaſe (ſaith he) O Emperor, to perſecute the Chriſtians, go not about by any meanes, to bring hereticall impiety into the Church of God. Liberius quo ſupra apud Athanaſ. We are ready, rather to endure any torture, than to be called Arrians. Compell us not to become enemies unto Chriſt. Fight not againſt him (we beſeech you) that hath beſtowed the Empire upon you. Render not impiety to him for his grace, perſecute them not which beleeve in him, leaſt you heare,Acts 9.5, it is hard for thee to kicke againſt the pricke. Oh would to God you did ſo heare it, that you might (as Paul did) beleeve it. Loe we are at hand, and come to your preſence, before our enemies the Arrians can invent any thing to informe againſt us, we haſtened to come at your command, though we were aſſured of baniſhment: that we might abide our puniſhment, before any crime could be objected, much leſſe prooved againſt us. Whereby it may appeare, that all Chriſtians are (as we now be) undeſervedly puniſhed, and the crimes laid to their charge not true, but fained by ſycophancy or deceitfull ſubtilty.

Thus ſpake Liberius, and every man admired his reſolution; but the Emperour for anſwer commanded him to baniſhment. Thus far he.

Pope Liberius had not learned the language of his ſucceſſour Pius Quintus, when hee bellowed againſt our late Queene, nor that principle of the Puritans, that the inferiour officer may uſe force of armes againſt the chiefe Magiſtrate that ſhall become a tyrant (whereof every ſeditious ſectary will be judge) and not only defend himſelfe and his own people, but alſo any other that ſhall fly unto him. Politia Christ. lib. 6 cap. 3. Which opinion Lambertus Danaeus avoucheth, contraty to the Law, the Goſpel and the generall conſent of all Orthodoxall Fathers.

Hilarius, a Biſhop of France, wrote the ſame time to this ſame Emperor in moſt humble manner, Hilarius ad Imper. Conſtant. Benefica natura tua domine beatiſſime Auguſte: Your milde nature, moſt bleſſed Emperor, agreeing with your gracious diſpoſition, and the mercy which floweth aboundantly from the fountain of your fatherly godlineſſe, do aſſure us, that we ſhall obtaine our deſire. We beſeech you, not only with words, but alſo with teares, that the Catholique Churches, be no longer oppreſſed with grievous injuries, and endure intollerable perſecutions, and contumelies, and that (which is moſt ſhamefull) even of our brethren. Let your Clemency provide, &c.

Surely, if it had then been known that the Pope, by his abſolute power or indirect authority, could have puniſhed or depoſed Kings, which the Papiſts avouch, or for the Peeres or the People to have done it, which the Puritanes affirme, ſome of theſe old Biſhops would have preſſed that point againſt this hereticall Prince, which abuſed his ſword to the blaſpheming of Chriſt, the murthering of the Saints, the ſeducing of many thouſand ſoules: by ſtrenghtning, maintaining and eſtabliſhing the Arrian error. But they took it to be no Chriſtian mans part, to beare armour (no not defenſive) againſt his Prince, though never ſo wicked, cruell or ungodly.

Holy Athanaſius confeſſeth the power of Kings to bee of God, and their impiety not to be puniſhed by man. Sicut in toto mundo Deus Rex eſt Imperator & poteſtatem exercet in omnibus: As God is King and Emperor over all the World, Ad Antioch. queſt. 55. and exerciſeth his power in all creatures: ſo the King and Prince is over all earthly men, and doth by his abſolute power what he will, even as God himſelf. Haec ille.

When it was objected againſt this reverend Father Athanaſius, that he had incenſed Conſtans the religious Emperor of the Weſt, againſt Conſtantius, Apolog. Athan. ad Conſtant. in the behalfe of the perſecuted Chriſtians: he cleared himſelf from that accuſation, in an Apology to the ſaid Emperor Conſtantius. The Lord, ſaith he, is my record, and his annointed your brother, that I never made mention of your Majeſty for any evill before your brother of bleſſed memory, that religious Emperor Conſtans. I did never incite him againſt you, as theſe Arrians do ſlander me, but whenſoever I had acceſſe unto him, I recounted your gracious inclination. God knoweth what mention I made of your godly diſpoſition. Give me leave and pardon, moſt courteous Emperor, to ſpeake the truth. The ſervant of God Conſtans was not eaſily drawn to give eare to any man in this kind. I was never in ſuch credit with him, that I durſt ſpeake of any ſuch matter, or derogate from one brother before another, or talke reproachfully of one Emperor, in the hearing of another. I am not ſo madde, neither have I forgotten the voyce of God, which ſaith, Curſe not the King in thine heart, and backbite not the mighty in the ſecrets of thy chamber: for the birds of the ayre ſhall tell it, and the winged foule ſhall bewray thee. If then, the things that be ſpoken in ſecret againſt Princes cannot be hid: Is there any likelyhood, that I in the Emperor's preſence and before ſo many, as continually attended his perſon, would ſay any thing otherwiſe then well of your Majeſty? Thus far Athanaſ.

L Cook in his ſpeach at Garnets arraignement.This is ſounder and ſeemelier doctrin for Subjects, than that which Henry Garnet and Robert Teſmond, taught ſome Romiſh Catholike Gentlemen of England, who imployed Thomas Winter into Spaine, in the month of December, Anno Dom. 1601, to make requeſt to the Spaniſh King, in the behalfe and names of the Engliſh Pope-Catholiques, that he would ſend an army hither into England, for the advancement of their Catholique cauſe; and to promiſe, that the forces of the Papiſts here ſhould be ready to do him ſervice againſt the late Queen.

The ſelfe ſame doctrin of ſedition was publiſhed in the yeare after, viz. Anno Dom. 1602, by Guilielmus Bucanus, a man of no mean eſteeme among the Puritans, and that at the earneſt requeſt of Beza and Goulartius, the chiefeſt Miniſters of the Church of Geneva, (if the Author himſelfe belye them not) whoſe words are as followeth: Subditis 〈◊〉 fit publica & manifeſta jaeviti • , licet fieri ſupplices, implorare auxilia ab aliis, & ſuſcipere eorum defenſionem aliis Regibus licet: Subjects when they endure publique and manifeſt wrong,Loc. com. Theol. loco. 77. p. 845. may lawfully become ſuppliants to foraign States, and crave their ayd againſt their Princes, and other Kings ought to take upon them their defence and protection. So far Bucan.

Subjects muſt ſquare their ſubjection, according to the rule of Gods Word, not after the affection and fancies of men.1 Sam. 22 • 8. Saul commanded Doeg to murther 85 Prieſts, to deſtroy their City, men, women and children with the edge of the ſword. Did David for whom they were ſlain, when he had Saul in his power, take revenge, or ſuffer his ſervants to do it, when they were ready and offred themſelves to ſlay Saul? David 2 Sam. 11.4.17. defiled Ʋrias his bed, and cauſed him to be killed: Did Abſolon well, to conſpire againſt him, that was both a murtherer and an adulterer? Salomon 2 Reg. 11.8. brought into the land many ſtrange wives, and as many different Religions into the Church: Did the high Prieſt, the Peeres, the Prophets, or the people offer to chaſtice or depoſe him? Achab 1 Reg. 21 8, 9. ſuffered Jezabel to put Naboth to death, and to kill the Lords Prophets: Did Elias depoſe him, intice his ſubjects to rebell againſt him, or implore foraigne aide to deſtroy him? Herod Marke 6.27. Act. 12.24. beheaded John Baptiſt, kill'd Iames, impriſoned Peter, and would have ſlain him alſo, if he had not been delivered by an Angell: Did Peter take vengeance on Herod, which he might have done with a word, as wel as onAct: 5.5: Ananias? No, he did leave him to the Lord, whoſe iudgment inſued in moſtActs 12.23. fearefull manner. In a word, wicked Princes have never been lawfully puniſhed by Prelates, Potentates, or people of their Kingdome, as the Papiſts and Puritans aver; but muſt be reſerved to the judgement of God, as the Proteſtants affirme.

Gregory Nazianzen, in this Oration at the funerall of S. Baſil, reporteth, that the Emperor's Deputy in Pontus, Baſilius magnus. commanded S. Baſil to put out a widow, that had taken ſanctuary to ſave her ſelfe from forced marriage. The Biſhop (not willing to violate the Eccleſiaſticall Laws granted by the Imperial Majeſty) refuſed ſo to do. The Governor call the Biſhop before him, threatned to whip him, and to teare his fleſh with iron books; the people hearing that indignity offered to the Biſhop, fell to an uprore, and would have ſlaine the Lieutenant,Monodia Nazian, inter opuſcula Baſil, fol: 95 had not that innocent man of God, with much ado, ſtayd that furious tumult, & delivered his perſecutor from that perill, to whoſe pleaſure he did afterward ſubmit himſelfe.

The ſame Nazianzen, for his admirable learning called the Divine, writeth of Iulian the Apoſtata-Emperor's death: Iulian was puniſhed by the mercy of God, thorough the teares of Chriſtian men; which teare: were many, and ſhed of many, for that they had no other remedy, againſt that perſecutor. Thus far Nazianzen.

This godly father lived under five Emperors, Conſtantius, Iulianus, Valens, 2 O • at. cont. Iulian Valentianus and Theodoſius, in all which time, he could finde no remedy againſt the Tyranny, Hereſy and Apoſtaſy of Princes, beſide prayers and teares: The Devill of Hell had not as yet hatched the diſtinctions of propriè and impropriè, directé and indirectè, ſimpliciter and ſecundum quid, abſolutè & inordine ad ſpiritualia, wherewith the Ieſuites do fill the ſchooles with clamorous evaſions, the Church with erroneous ſuperſtition, and many Chriſtian ſtates with tragicall ſedition.

Lucifer Calaritanus, in ſundry books againſt Conſtantius, uſeth many immodeſt and diſloyall ſpeeches: but he perſwaded not the Pope to depoſe him, the ſtate to puniſh him, the people to rebell againſt him or forraine aide to ſuppreſſe him; but threatened him with the dreadfull puniſhment of God. He that (in the ſervency of zeale) durſt call ſo cruell an Emperor, Theef, Church-robber, Murtherer, Beaſt, Hangman, Heretique, Apoſtata, Idolator, the fore-runner of Antichriſt, and Antichrist himſelfe, would ſurely have encouraged the Pope, the Peeres, or the people, to have removed that evil King, and placed a better in his ſtead: If there had been any ſuch opinion in thoſe daies, as our moderne Ieſuites and Puritans beare now the World in hand. As this Father in his writings kept not the modeſty of the other Fathers, which lived in that age under Conſtantius: ſo he did not continue in the unity of the Catholique Church.Orat, in obit. ſratris Satir. Lucifer (ſaith Ambroſe) divided himſelf from our Communion, though he were baniſhed with us for our Religion.

When Ambroſe was commanded, to deliver up his Church in Millaine to Maxentius an Arrian Biſhop, he declared his reſolution in a ſermon to the people, which were very ſory for his departure.Orat. Ambroſii adpopulum inter epiſt. 32.33. Quid turbamini? volens nunquam vos deſeram: Why are you troubled? I will never willingly depart from you. If I be compelled, I have no way to reſiſt: I can ſorrow, I can weep, I can ſigh, my teares are my weapons againſt Souldiers, Armour, Gothes: ſuch is the munition of a Prieſt; by any other meanes than teares, I neither ought nor can reſiſt. So far Ambroſe.

Not diſability but duty, not want of ſtrength and martial forces, but a reverend regard of the Emperors Majeſty, commanded by the Law of God, kept this bleſſed Ambroſe from reſiſting. For hé might eaſily have wrought the Churches liberty, his own ſafety, and the Arrians calamity, by the overthrow of the Emperour, through the force of the Gariſon in that City, which refuſed to attend the Prince to any other Church than that wherein Ambroſe was. The ſtout and peremptory anſwer of the Captaines and Souldiers, is thus reported by Ambroſe in an Epiſtle to Mercellina, a religious woman. Si prodire vellet haberet copiam ſe praeſto futuros: Epiſt. 35. The Emperor may go at his pleaſure, they would be ready to attend him, if he would go to the Catholique Aſſemblies, or otherwiſe, they would keep on their way to that Congregation wherin Ambroſe was. Thus far the Souldiers.

They refuſed (as you ſee) to obey, and preferred God's true Service, before the Emperor's favour: they reviled not his ſecred perſon, they reſiſted not his Soveraign power, but yeelded themſelves to his mercy and pleaſure,Epiſt eadem to ſave their ſoules from Gods wrath and diſpleaſure, as we find in the ſame Epiſtle, Ʋnum Iob miraturus aſcenderam, I went to Church to extoll the patience of Iob, where I found every one of my hearts, a Iacob, worthy to be extolled. In every one of you, Iob is revived; in each of you his patience, and vertue ſhined; what could be ſaid better by Chriſtian men, than that which the Holy Ghoſt this day ſpake in you? We beſeech (O Emperor) we offer not to fight, we feare not to dye, we intreat your clemency. Oh it was ſeemely for Chriſtian Souldiers, to deſire the tranquility of Peace and Faith, and to be conſtant in truth, even unto death. Thus far Ambroſe.

S. Auguſtin relateth the ſame of the Chriſtian Souldiers, under Iulian the Apoſtata Emperor: Iulianus extitit Imperator inſidelis, Iulian was an unbeleeving Emperor, was he not an Apoſtata? An Oppreſſor and an Idolater? Chriſtian Souldiers ſerved that unbeleeving Emepror: When they came to the cauſe of Chriſt, they would acknowledge no Lord but him that was in Heaven: when they were commanded to adore Idoles, and to offer ſacrifice, they preferred God before their prince. But when he called upon them to war,Auguſt: in Pſal. 124. and bad them invade any Nation, they preſently obeyed. They did diſtinguiſh their eternall Lord, from the temporall King, yet they ſubmitted themſelves to their temporall Lord, for his ſake that was their eternall King. Deſchiſm. Donatiſt. Lib. 3. So far he.

Optatus Milevitanus, is another pregnant witneſſe: Cum ſuper Imperatoren nemo ſit niſi ſolus Deus. Seeing there is no man above the Emperor, beſide God alone, which made the Emperor; Donatus, by advancing himſelfe above the Emperour, doth exceed the bounds of humanity, and maketh himſelf a God rather than man, in that he feareth and reverenceth him not, Com. in Evang. Ioh l. 12. c. 36. whom all men ſhould honor, next after God. So far Optat.

S. Cyril is of the ſame judgment. Cui legis prevaricatores liberare licet niſi Legis ipſius authori? Who can acquit them that break the Law, from tranſgreſſion, beſide the Law-giver? As we ſee by experience, in all humane States, no man can without danger breake the Law, but Kings themſelves, in whom the crime of prevarication hath no place. For it was wiſely ſaid of one, that it is a wicked preſumption, In Epist. ad Timoth. c. 2. v. 1. to ſay to a King, Thou doeſt amiſſe. So far he.

And alſo S. Chryſoſtome. What meaneth the Apoſtle, ſaith he, to require Prayers & Supplications, Interceſſions and Thankſgiving, to be made for all men? He requireth this to be done in the dayly ſervice of the Church, and the perpetuall rite of Dive Religion. For all the faithfull do know, in what manner prayers are powred out before the Lord morning and evening, for all the word: even for Kings, and every man in authority. Some man will (peradventure) ſay, that, for all, muſt be underſtood of all the faithfull. Which cannot be the Apoſtles meaning, as may appeare by the words following, viz for Kings: ſeeing that Kings neither did then, nor in many ages after ſerve the living God, but continued obſtinatly in infidelity, which by courſe of ſucceſſion they had received. Thus far Chryſoſt.

See the preface before Baſilic. Dor. Our Modern Reformers teach us that which Paul and Chryſoſt. neither knew nor beleeved, that wicked Princes are not to be prayed for, but to be reſiſted, &c.

When the faction of Eutiches had prevailed againſt the Catholikes, Leo the firſt, had no other remedy than Prayers to God, ſighs, teares and petitions to the Emperor: Omnes partium noſtrarum Eccleſiae, &c. All the Churches of theſe parts,Bpiſt. 24. ad Theod. Imper. all we Prieſts even with ſighs and teares, beſeech your Majeſty, to command a generall Synode to be held in Italy, that all offences beeing remooved, there may remaine, neither error in Faith, nor diviſion in L •• e. Favor the Catholiques, grant liberty to protect the Faith againſt Heretiques, defend the ſtate of the Church from ruin, that Chriſt his righthand may ſupport your Empire. Thus far Leo.

When Gregory the great was accuſed for the murther of a Biſhop in priſon, he wrote to one Sabinianus, to cleare him to the Emperor and Empreſſe. Breviter ſuggeras ſereniſſimis Dominis meis: Epist. lib. 7. Epiſt. 1. You may briefly enforme my ſoveraigne Lord and Lady, that if I their ſervant, would have buſied my ſelf with the death of the Lombards, that Nation would by this time have had neither Kings, nor Duks, nor Earles, and ſhould have been in great confuſion and diviſion: but becauſe I ſtood in aw of God, I was ever afraid to meddle with the ſhedding of any mans bloud So far Gregory.

Theſe Lombards were Pagans, invaders of the Countrey, ranſackers of the City, perſecutors of the Saints, robbers of the Church, oppreſſors of the poore: whom Gregory the firſt might, and would not deſtroy, quia Deum timuit, becauſe he ſeared God. It is very like, that his ſucceſſor Gregory the 7, feared neither God nor man, when he erected the papall croiſier againſt the regall ſcepter, and read the ſentence of deprivation againſt the Emperor Henry: Ego authoritate Apostolica, &c. I by the power Apoſtolicall, do bereave Henry of the German Kingdome, and do deprive him of all ſubjection of Chriſtian men, abſolving all men from the allegiance, which they have ſworne unto him. And that Rodolph, whom the Peeres of the Empire have elected, may govern the Kingdome: I grant all men, that ſhall ſerve him againſt the Emperor, forgiveneſſe of their ſins,Carol. Sigon. de Regoo It • . l. 9. in vita Hen. 3. in this life and in the life to come. As I have for his pride dejected Henry from the Royall dignity, ſo I do exalt Rodolph for his humility, to that place of Authority. Thus far Gregory the 7.

Benno Gard in vit. Greg 7. It is no wounder, that Gregory his chaire clave a ſunder, as ſome writers affirme, at the giving of this ſentence; becauſe the proud Pope, and his wicked ſentence, were too heavy a burthen for Peters ſtoole of humility to beare.

The fourth Chapter proveth the Immunity of Kings by the Fathers of the third 300 yeares.

AFter the death of Gregory the great, which was about the year of our Lord 604. Sabinianus did ſucceed him, who lived but one yeare, after whom came Boniface the 3, which obtained of Phocas to be called Ʋniverſall Biſhop; ſince that time periit virtus Imperatorum & pietas Pontificum, the Emperours waxed weake, and the Biſhops wicked. What the judgement of thoſe Fathers then was, concerning ſubjection to wicked Kings, I will make evident by the teſtimony of of Gregorius Turonenſis, Iſidorus, Damaſcenus, Beda, Fulgentius, Leo the 4, and the Fathers aſtembled in a Councell at Toledo in Spaine.

Gregory Turonenſis, acknowledgeth ſuch an abſolute power in Childerick a moſt wicked King of France, Hiſtor. lib. 5 cap. 1. as was free from all controll of man. Si quis de nobis (Rex) juſtitiae limites tranſcendere voluerit, &c. If any one of us (O King) do paſſe the bonds of juſtice, you have power to correct him, but if you exceed your limit, who ſhall chaſtice you? We may ſpeake unto you; if you liſt not to hearken, who can condemn you, but that great God, who hath pronounced himſelf to be righteouſnes? Hactenus ille.

Iſidorus ſaith no leſſe for the immunity of the Kings of Spaine. Let all earthly Princes know, that they ſhall give account of the Church which Chriſt hath committed to their protection. Yea, whether the peace and diſcipline Eccleſiaſticall be advanced, by faithfull Kings, or diſſolved by the unfaithfull, he will require a reckoning at their hands, which hath left his Church in their power. So far Iſidor,

John Damaſcene pleadeth not only for the Exemption of wicked Kings themſelves, but alſo of their Deputies.Parall • l. 〈◊〉 1. c. 21. The Governours (ſaith he) which Kings create, though they be wicked, though they be theeves, though they be unjuſt, or otherwiſe tainted with any crime muſt bee regarded. Wee may not contemne them, for their impiety: but muſt reverence them, becauſe of their authority, by whom they were appoynted our Governours. So farre he.

Fulgentius ſaith, that no kind of Sedition can ſtand with Religion. Cum pro noſtra fide libere respondemus. &c. When we anſwer freely for our profeſſion, we ought not to be taxed with the leaſt ſuſpition of diſobedience or contumely, ſeeing we are not unmindfull of the Regall dignity, and do know, that we muſt feare God, and honour the King, according to the Doctrine of the Apoſtle, Give to each one his due, feare to whom feare,Fulgent. ad Thraſim Reg. 1 Pet. 2.7. honour to whom honour appertaineth. Of the which feare and honour Saint Peter hath delivered unto us the manifeſt knowledge, ſaying, As the ſervants of God, honour all men. love brotherly fellowſhip, feare God, honour the King. Thus farre Fulgent.

Our Countriman Beaa, for his great learning called Venerable, Lib. 4 expoſ. in Samuel. • Sam. 24.6. is of the ſame mind. David (ſaith he) for two cauſes ſpared Saul, who had perſecuted him moſt maliciouſly Firſt, for that he was his Lord, annoynted with holy oyle. And ſecondly, to inſtruct us by morall precepts, that wee ought not to ſtrike our governours, (though they unjuſtly oppreſſe us) with the ſword of our li • s: nor preſume ſlanderouſly, to teare the hemme of their ſuperfluous actions. So far he.

Leo the fourth about the yeare 846. agniſed all ſubjection to Lotharius the Emperours:Cap. de 〈◊〉 dist. 5. I do profeſſe and promiſe (ſaith Leo) to obſerve and keepe unviolably, as much as lieth in me, for the time preſent and to come, your Imperial ordinances and commandements: together with the decrees of your Biſhops, my predeceſſors: It any man inform your Majeſty otherwiſe, know certainly, that he is a lyer. So far Leo.

The Biſhops of Spaine aſſembled in a Nationall Councell at Toledo, made this Decree againſt Perjury and Treaſon.Concil. Tol. 5. Can. 2 〈◊〉 ann. Dom. 636. Quicunque amodo ex nobis: Whoſoever among us ſhall from this tune forward, violate the oath which he hath taken for the ſafegard of this Countrey, the ſtate of the Gotiſh nation, and the preſervation of the Kings Majeſty: whoſoever ſhall attempt the Kings death, or depoſition: whoſoever ſhall by tyrannicall preſumption aſpire to the Regall Throne; let him be accurſed before the Holy Spirit, before the bleſſed Saints, let him be caſt out of the Catholike Church, which he hath polluted by perjury, let him have no Communion with Chriſtian men, nor portion with the juſt, but let him be condemned with the Devill and his angels eternally, together with his complices, that they may be tyed in the bond of damnation, which were joyned in the ſociety of ſedition. Thus far the Fathers in that Synod.

I conclude therefore with theſe learned Fathers, that it is not for the people, otherwiſe then with humility and obedience, to control the actions of their Governors: but their duty is only to call upon the God of Heaven, and ſo ſubmit themſelves to his mercy, by whoſe ordinance the Scepter is fallen into his hand and power, that enjoyeth the Crown, whether he be good or bad. A right of depoſing, muſt be either in him that hath an higher power, which is only God: or in him, that hath better right to the Crown, which the Pope cannot have, becauſe he is a ſtranger: nor the Peeres or people, becauſe they are ſubjects. Be the King for his Religion impious, for his Government unjuſt, for his Life licentious, the ſubject muſt endure him, the Biſhop muſt reprove him, the Councellor muſt adviſe him, all muſt pray for him, and no mortall man hath authotity to diſturbe or diſplace him, as may evidently be ſeene by the Chapter following.

The fift Chapter confirmeth this Doctrine by the Fathers of the fourth 300 yeares.

IN this age of the Church, the Popes exalted themſelves above all that is called God, and upon private diſpleaſures and quarrels, did curſe and ban Princes, incenſing their neighbour-Nations, and perſwading their own Subjects to make war againſt them, as if Chriſt had ordeined his Sacraments, not to be ſeales of Grace, and helps of our Faith, but hookes to catch Kingdoms, and rods to ſcourge ſuch Potentates as would not, or could not procure the Pope's favour. How far theſe Popiſh practiſes, did diſpleaſe the godly and learned, I will ſhew by S. Bernard, Waltramus Biſhop of Nanumberg, the Epiſtle Apolegeticall of the Church of Leige againſt Paſchalis the Pope, and the Author of Henry the fourth his Life.

Saint Bernard, in one of his Sermons upon the words of Chriſt, I am the Vine, commendeth the anſwer of a certaine King, Bene quidam Rex, cum percuſſus humana ſagitta, &c. It was well ſaid of a King when he was ſhot into the body with an arrow, and they that were about him, deſired him to be bound untill the arrow's head were cut out, for that the leaſt motion of his body would endanger his life; no, (quoth he) it doth not beſeem a King to be bound let the Kings power be ever ſafe and at liberty. And the ſame Father in an Epiſtle to Ludovicus Craſſus the King of France teacheth ſubjects, how to rebell and fight againſt their Princes; Quicquid vobis de Regno veſtro de anima & Corona veſtra facere placuerit: Whatſoever you pleaſe to do with your Kingdom,Bernard Epiſt. 221. your ſoule, or your Crown, we that are the children of the Church cannot endure or diſſemble the injuries, contempt, and conculcation of our mother, Queſtionleſſe we will ſtand and fight even unto death in our mothers behalfe, and uſe ſuch weapons, as wee may lawfully, I meane not Swords and Speares, but Prayers and Teares to God.

When Gregory the 7, had depoſed Henry the 4, he gave away the Empire to one Rodolphus Duke of Saxony, that was a ſworn ſubject to that diſtreſſed Emperor; which Rodolph, in a battaile againſt his Soveraigne Lord, loſt his right-hand, and gained a deadly wound. After his death, the Pope made one Hermanus King of Germany, who enjoyed his Kingdom but a little time, for he was ſlaine with a ſtone, which a woman threw upon him from a turret, as he made an aſſault (in ſport) againſt his own caſtle,Ex vita Henr. 4. quae habetur in faſciculorerum ſcien • io um Col ••• ae impreſſo. to try the valour of his Souldiers. Then did Egbertus, by the Popes encouragment aſcend the Imperiall Throne, whereon he ſat but a while: for as he ſtepped aſide from his Army into a Mill, to reſt himſelf in the heat of the day, he was diſcovered by the Miller to the Emperor's friends, and loſt his life for his labour. During this hurly-burly in that State, Walthramus a godly Biſhop, wrote to one Ludovicus, an Earle of the Empire, diſwading him from partaking with the ſeditious againſt that good Emperor, whom the Pope had depoſed. Walthram by the grace of God, that he is, to Lewes the noble Prince, with inſtance of prayer, offreth himſelfe in all things ſerviceable. Concord is profitable to every Realme, and Iuſtice much to be deſired: theſe vertues are the mother of devotion, and the conſecration of all honeſty. But whoſoever ſeeketh after civill diſſention and incenſeth other to the effuſion of bloud, he is a murtherer and partaketh with him, who gaping for bloud, goeth about ſeeking whom he may devoure: The worthy veſſell of election, that was taken up to the third Heaven, proteſteth, ſaying, Let every ſoule ſubmit himſelfe to the higher power, there is no power but from God. He that reſiſteth power, reſiſteth the ordinance of God. If that be true (which ſome men prate among women and the vulgar ſort) that we ought not to be ſubdued to the Kingly power, Then it is falſe which the Apoſtle teacheth, that every ſoule muſt ſubmit himſelfe under power and ſuperiority. Can the truth lye?Epiſt. Wald. quae habetur in appendice Marian. Scot. Did not Chriſt the Lord ſpeake by the Apoſtle? Why do we provoke the Lord? Are we ſtronger than he? Doth not he thinke himſelfe ſtronger than the Lord, the reſiſteth the ordinance of God? Seeing there is no power but of God: What ſaith the Prophet? Confounded be they that ſtrive againſt the Lord, and they that reſiſt him ſhall periſh. Rodolphus, Hermanus, Egbertus, with many other Princes, reſiſted the ordinance of God, in Henry the Emperor, but loe they are confounded, as though they had never beene, for as their end was ill, their beginning could not be good, &c. Haec ille.

Pope Paſchalis ſeeing the bad ſucceſſe of thoſe ſeditious ſubjects, which his predeceſſors Gregory and Ʋrbanus had armed againſt Henry, that worthy Emperor: did perſwade the Emperor's own ſon, againſt all Law of God, Nature and Nations, to rebell againſt his father. The Biſhop of Leige tooke the Emperors part, againſt this young Prince, for the which he was excommunicate, his Church interdicted, and Robert Earle of Flaunders commanded by the Pope, as he hoped to have the forgiveneſſe of his ſins, and the faof the Church of Rome, to deſtroy that Biſhop and his falſe Prieſts.

The Churchmen of Leige terrified with the Popes excommunication, and fearing the Earles oppreſſion, wrote an Apology for themſelvs about the yeare 1106.Epiſt. Leodienſium apud Simonem Scard. We are excommunicate (ſay they) becauſe we obey our Biſhop, who hath taken part with his Lord the Emperor. Theſe are the beginnings of ſorrow; for Satan beeing looſed, compaſſeth the earth, and hath made a diviſion between the Prince and the Prieſt: who can juſtly blame the Biſhop that taketh his Lords part, to whom he hath ſworn allegiance? Perjury is a great ſin, whereof they cannot be ignorant, that by new ſchiſme and novell traditions do promiſe to abſolve ſubjects from the guilt of perjury, that forſweare themſelves to their Lord the King, &c.

In the progreſſe of their Apology they determine three great queſtions.

Firſt, whether the Pope hath power to excommunicate Kings?

Secondly, to whom it belongeth to inflict temporall puniſhment, when Church-men offended againſt Faith, unity or good manners?

And thirdly, what remedy ſubjects have againſt their Kings, that are impious or tyrannous? Si quis reſpectu ſancti Spiritus, &c. If any man having reſpect to the Spirit of God, ſhall turn over the old and new Teſtament, he ſhall plainly find that Kings, ought not at all or very hardly be excommunicate, whether we conſider the etimology of their names, or the nature of their excommunication. Even til this day hath this point been queſtioned, and never determined Kings may be admoniſhed and reproved, by ſuch as be diſcreet and ſober men, for Chriſt the King of Kings in earth, who hath placed them in his own ſtead, hath reſerved them to his own judgement, &c.

Their anſwer to the ſecond queſtion, is grounded on the teſtimony of Saint Auguſtine, the practiſe of Princes, and the authority of Paul, Kings (ſay they) and Emperors by their publique Lawes, have forbidden heretiques, to enjoy any wordly poſſeſſion. Wherfore ſeeing we are no heretiques, and that it belongeth not to the Pope, but to Kings and Emperors to puniſh hereſies, why doth our Lord Paſchalis ſend Robert, his armour-bearer, to deſtroy the poſſeſſions and to overthrow the villages of the Churches, which in caſe they deſerved deſtruction, ought to be deſtroyed by the Edict of Kings and Emperors, which cary the ſword, not without good cauſe? &c.

For anſwer to the third queſtion, they ſhew by ſundry places of Scripture, that there is no other helpe againſt evill Princes, than prayer and patience. Nihil modo pro Imperatore noſtro dicimus, &c. We will for the preſent ſay nothing in defence of our Emperor, but this we ſay, though he were as bad as you report him to be wee would endure his government, becauſe our ſins have deſerved ſuch a Governor. Even ſuch a Prince ought not to be reſiſted by violence, but endured by patience and prayer. Moſes brought many plagues upon Pharaoh, whoſe heart God had hardened, but it was by prayer and the lifting up his hands to heaven. And S. Paul requireth prayers to be made for all men, for Kings and ſuch as are in authority: which Kings were neither Catholikes nor Chriſtians. Baruch alſo from the mouth of the Prophet Jeremy, wrote unto the Iews, which were captives unto the King of Babylon, that they muſt pray for the life of Nabuchadnezzar the King of Babylon, and Balthazar his ſon, that their dayes in earth may be as the dayes of Heaven, Epiſt. Leod. &c. S. Paul teacheth why we ought to pray for evill Kings namely, that under them we may lead a quiet life. It would becom an Apoſtolike man, to follow the Apoſtles doctrin: it were propheticall to follow the Prophet, &c. Thus far they in their Epiſtle Apologeticall.

He that wrote the life of this Emperor Henry the 4,Vita Hen. 4 quo ſupra. an auncient, a modeſt, and an impartiall relator of ſuch occurrents as happened in his time, declareth his diſlike of the Popes practiſes, and the Germaines tumults againſt their ſaid Soveraigne Lord. Magnum mundo documentum datum eſt. A great inſtruction was given to the World, that no man ſhould riſe againſt his maſter. For the hand of Rodolph being cut off ſhewed a moſt juſt puniſhment of perjury; he feared not to violate his fidelity ſworn to the King, and his right hand was puniſhed, as if other wounds had not beene ſufficient to bring him to his death, that by the plague of the rebellious, the fault of rebellion might be perceived. Thus far he.

The ſixth Chapter proveth the ſame by the testimony of the Writers from the 1200 yeares downward.

I Will for concluſion produce Otho Friſingenſis, Thomas Aquinas, Gratianus, Philip the faire King of France, the Parliament of England, in the time of Edward the 1, Vincentius and Aeneas Silvius, that afterward was Pope, by the name of Pius Secundus.

Otho Friſin in his Epiſtle dedicatory before his Chronicle. Otho Friſin genſis hath an excellent ſaying in his Epiſtle dedicatory to Frederick Barbaroſſa, Cum nulla perſona mundialis inveniatur quae mundi Legibus non ſubjaceat, &c. Although no earthly man can be found, that is not ſubject to the Laws of the World, and in reſpect of ſubjection, liable to correction: Kings as it were placed over Laws, are not reſtrained by them, but reſerved to the examination of God, according to the words of the King and Prophet, Against thee only have I ſinned. Pſal. 51.5. It becommeth therfore a King, both in reſpect of the noble diſpoſition of his mind, and the ſpirituall illumination of his ſoule, to have God, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, ever in his mind, and by all meanes poſſible to take heed, that he fals not into the hands of God, ſeeing it is (as the Apoſtle ſaith) a fearefull thing to fall into the hands of the living God. It is more fearefull for Kings, than for any other; becauſe Kings have none but God himſelfe above them, whom they need feare. It ſhall be ſo much more horrible for them, by how much they may offend more freely than other men. So far Otho.

Thomas Aquinas, Aquin▪ de regimine prin. lib. 1. cap. 6. (if the tractate de Regimine Principum be his) maketh three ſorts of Kings; Kings by Election, Kings by Subordination, and Kings by Succeſſion.

For the firſt, he ſaith, that they which did eſtabliſh, may aboliſh.

For the ſecond, we muſt have our recourſe to him that did ſurrogate the ſubordinate King: as the Iews did to Caeſar againſt Herod: for the laſt, his reſolution is, Recurrendum eſſe ad omnium Regem Deum, that we muſt fly to God, the King of all Kings, in whoſe only power it is to molifie the cruell heart of a Tyrant. And that men may obtaine this at the hands of God, they muſt ceaſe from ſin; for wicked Princes, by Divine permiſſion are exalted to puniſh the ſins of the people, tollenda eſt igitur culpa ut ceſſat tyrannorum plaga, we muſt therefore remove our ſins, that God may take away his puniſhment. Thus far Thomas.

Gratianus, which compiled the Decrees, is very peremptory, that the Biſhop of Rome ought not to medle with the temporall ſword, the ſtate of Common-wealths, or the change of Princes. He ſaith nothing indeed de Regni ordinibus, which in his time, and a 100 yeares after him, never dreamed of any ſuch authority. Cum Petrus qui primus Apoſtolorum à Domino fuerat electus, materianlem▪ ladium exerceret: When Peter whom the Lord had firſt choſen of all the Apoſtles, drew the material ſword, to defend his Maſter frō the injuries of the Iews, he was commanded to ſhearh his ſword:Mat. 26.52 For all that take the ſword, ſhall periſh by the ſword. As if Chriſt ſhould have ſaid, Hitherto it was lawfull for thee and thine aunceſtors to perſecute Gods enemies with the temporall ſword, hereafter thou muſt put up that ſword into his place, and draw the ſword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God, to ſlay the old man: Cauſ. 23. queſt. 8. pa • ag. 1. Rom. 13▪ 4. whoſoever beſide the Prince, and without his authority, that hath lawfull power, and as the Apoſtle teacheth, beareth not the ſword in vaine, to whom every ſoule muſt be ſubject, whoſoever (I ſay) without or beſide the Princes authority, beareth the ſword, ſhall periſh by the ſword. Thus far Gratian.

About the yeare 1300 began a quarrell between Boniface 8, and Philipus Pulcher the French King, about the collation of Benefices, Prebends and other Eccleſiaſticall promotions. Whereupon the Pope wrote unto the ſaid King, as ſolloweth: Boniface Biſhop the ſervant of Gods Servants, to his well-beloved Son Philip, by Gods grace King of France, greeting and bleſſing Apoſtolicall. Feare God and keepe his Law: We give thee to underſtand that thou art ſubject to us both in Spirituall things, and Temporall, and that no gift of benefices or prebends belongeth to thee. If thou have in thy hand any vacant, keep the profits of them to the Succeſſors and if thou haſt beſtowed any, we decree the collation voide, and recall it, how far ſoever it hath proceeded. Whoſoever beleeveth otherwiſe, we account him a foole: Dated at Lateran the fourth of the Calends of December, and in the 6. yeare of our Papacy. King Philip returned his hautineſſe, a correſpondent anſwer, viz. Philip by the grace of God, King of France, to Boniface bearing himſelfe for Pope,Philip. Pulcher. Salutem modicam ſive nullam Sciat tua maxima fatuitas. Lattle health or none at all. Let thy great fooleſhip know, that in temporall things we are ſubject to no man. And that the gifts of prebends and Eccleſiaſticall promotions, made and to be made by us, were and ſhall be Lawfull, both in time paſt and in time to come. For ſuch collations belong to us in the right of our Crown: wherefore, we will manfully defend the poſſeſſours of the ſaid dignities, and do judge them that thinke otherwiſe fooles and mad men. Given at Paris the Wedneſday after Candlemaſse, 1301. Queſtionleſſe this King that did ſo ſcornefully reject the Popes chalenge pretended from Chriſt, would little regard the claime of the Nobles, derived but from the people.

The ſame buſie Boniface, of whom ſome write, that he came in like a Foxe craftely, raigned like a Lion cruelly, and dyed like a Dog miſerably, would take upon him the deciſion of a controverſie between the Kings of England and Scotland, and commanded King Edward of England either to ceaſe his claime, or to ſend his procurators to the Apoſtolike ſea, to ſhew his right, and to receive ſuch order from the Pope, as juſtice and equity would require. The Lords and Commons then aſſembled in Parliament at Lincolne, ſent Boniface this anſwer in the Kings behalfe. Whereas our moſt dread Lord Edward by the grace of God, the Noble King of England, cauſed your Letters to be read openly before us, touching certaine occurrents of ſtate between him and the King of Scotland, we did not a little marvaile at the contents thereof, ſo ſtrange and wonderfull, as the like hath never been heard of. We know (moſt holy father) and it is well known in this Realme, and alſo to other nations, that the King of England ought not to make anſwer for his right before any judge Eccleſiaſticall or ſecular: by reaſon of the free eſtate of his Royall dignity and cuſtome,Parliament at Lincolne quoted by M. Beken-ſhaw. without breach at all times unviolably obſerved: Wherefore after treaty had and diligent deliberation, this was our reſolution, that our ſaid King ought not to anſwer in judgement, nor ſend procurators or meſſengers to your court: ſeeing that tendeth manifeſtly to the diſinheriting of the right of the Crown, the overthrow of the ſtate of the Kingdome, and the breach of the Liberties, Cuſtomes, and Lawes of our Fathers, for the keeping whereof, we are bound by the duty of an oath, and will (by Gods help) maintaine and defend with all our power and ſtrength, &c. Dated at Lincolne Ann. Dom 1301. & anno, Edwardi primi 29. This was then the reſolution of the ſtate of this land: if our late ſectaries Popiſh or Puritan, bring in any other Doctrine, we may not leave the cawſey of truth and obedience, whereon our forefathers walked to their commendation, to follow theſe new guides, in their by-paths of pride, diſobedience, and contempt of authority, to our deſtruction.

Vincentius in his Speculo Hiſtoriali hath a notable place to diſſwade from ſedition and perjury. Ʋt pace omnium bonorum dixerim, li. 15. c. 84. haec ſola novitas (ne dicam haereſis) nec dum è mundum emerſerat. That I may ſpeake with the favour of all good men, this meere novelty (if not hereſie) was not ſprung up in the world, that Preiſts ſhould teach Subjects, that they owe no ſubjection to wicked Kings, and albeit they have given an oath of fidelity unto them, they are not bound to keep it: Nay they that obey an evill Prince, are to be held as excommunicated, and all ſuch as rebell againſt him, are free from the guilt of the crime of perjury. So far he.

I will end this Chapter with Aeneas Silvius, Pius 2. de o • tu & author, imperii cap. 23. who dyed in the yeare 1464 Sit tandem finis litium, Let there be an end of contention, and one principall head to determine all Temporall matters: let the occaſion of perpetuall debate be taken away, let men acknowledg themſelvs ſubject to their Prince, and give reverence to him, whom God hath made his vicegerent on earth. As that which God commandeth muſt be obeyed without contradiction, ſo the Temporall Commandements of Caeſar, may not be reſiſted. But let the Kings themſelvs beware that they opreiſe no man unjuſtly, nor give their people cauſe to cry to God againſt them, for the earth is the Lords and the fulneſſe thereof: he will not forget the cry of the poore: and for the ſin of the Prince he tranſlateth the Government from one Nation to another. There is nothing more offenſive to the greateſt God the King and Creator of Heaven and Earth, then the neglect of juſtice, and the oppreſſion of the poore: as the Pſalmiſt ſaith, The poore ſhall not alway be forgotten, and the patient abiding of the needy ſhall not periſh for ever. So far Silvius.

The Seventh Chapter ſheweth the concord of Papiſt and Puritan for the depoſition of Kings, and their diſcord about the meanes and perſons to be imployed in the execution of their Deſignements.

CHilderick was depoſed, and Pipine crowned King of France about the yeare 750. The truth of which Hiſtory is this: Childerick voyd of all Princely gravity, gave himſelfe over to pleaſure and wantonneſſe, leaving the burthen of the State to Pipinus, that was his Lord Marſhall: Who conſpired with the Nobles, to advance himſelfe, by the deſition of the King his maſter. To ſet a better colour on the matter, Pipine ſent his Chaplaine to Pope Zacharie, to have his anſwer to this Queſtion: Whether ſhould be King, he that bare the name and did nothing, or he he that grverned the Kingdome? The Pope gave ſentence with the Marſhall againſt the King, whereupon, Childerick was made a ſhorne Monke, and Pipine a crowned King.

It is a wonder to ſee how theſe oppoſite ſectaries, do inſiſt upon this fact of the French-men, to juſtifie their dangerous Doctrine, and ſeditious conſpiracies againſt Princes. As Card. Bellarmine de pontif. lib. 2. cap. 17. Thomas Harding againſt the Apologie of the Church of ENGLAND fol. 181. Franc. Fevardentius in his Commentary on Heſter page 85. Boucher, alias Raynolds de juſta abdicatione Henrici. 3 lib. 3. cap. 14. Ficklerus de jure magiſtratuum fol. 30. Alexander Carerius patavinus de poteſtate Papae, lib. 2 cap. 3. D. Marta de temporali & ſpirituali pontificis poteſtate, lib. 1. cap. 23. and Doleman in his conference touching ſucceſſion parte. 1. cap. 3. page 48. And alſo theſe Puritans, Chriſtopher Goodman in his treatiſe of obedience, pag. 53. George Buchanan de jure Regni apud Scotos, pag. 47. Danaeus de politia Chriſtiana lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 221, Brutus Celta de jure magiſtratuum pag. 286. Philadelphus dialogo 2, pag. 65. Franc. Hottomanus in his Francogallia cap. 12. and Speculum tyrannidis Philipi Regis pag. 27.

Cardinall 'Pellarmine the grand-maſter of Controverſies, De • ontiſ. lib. 2. c. 17. cannot endure to heare that this depoſition was done by any other then the papall Authority.

Caeterum quod monachus iſte (ſaith Lambertus Danaus) whereas this monke Bellarmine contendeth that Childerick was lawfully depoſed by Pope Zacharias, a ſtranger, a Prieſt, no Magiſtrate, but (in this reſpect) a private perſon, though he were Biſhop of Rome. Reſp. Danaei ad Bellar. l. 2. c. 17 pag. 316. Will he ever be able to prove or defend his aſſertion? Can Zacharie have authority in France, being a ſtranger? Can he depoſe the publike Magiſtrate, being but a private perſon? or transferre that principality to Pipin that he hath no right unto? and commit ſo many ſacriledges and impieties, ſtealing from Childerick, and giving to Pipin another mans right? authoriſing ſubjects to violate their oaths, which they had ſworn to their King? tranſporting Kingdomes from one man to another, wheras it doth only belong to God to depoſe Kings, and diſpoſe of Kingdoms? Thou maiſt ſee (Bellarmin) how many outrages this thy Zachary hath committed, beſide that he did thruſt his ſickle into another mans harveſt, and meddled with the Cobler beyond his Laſt, in that, being but a Prieſt, he took upon him the deciſion of the right of Kingdomes. Thus far Danaeus, who is not ſo violent againſt the Pope,Danaeus pol. Chriſt. l. 6 c. 3 pag. 414. as he is virulent for the depoſing power of Peeres, or States of the Kingdome.

Men cannot ſay (as it is in the Proverb) nimium altercando veritas amittitur, ſeeing that in this oppoſition, the truth is not loſt, but divided among them. For their premiſſes, brought together, will unavoidably conclude, that this depoſing power, is neither in the Pope, the Peeres, nor the People. Though it were, the reaſon of the ſeditious Papiſts and Puritans, à facto, adjus, is ſophiſticall in the Schooles, where nothing can be concluded ex meris particularibus, of meere particular inſtances. Abſurd in Law, quia legibus non exemplis vivitur, for men muſt do as the Law requireth, not as other men practiſe. Erroneous in Divinity, non ideo quia factum credimus, Auguſt. ad Conſen. de mendac. c. 9. faciendum credamus, ne violemus praeceptum dum ſectamur exemplum: We may not do that, which hath been done by other men, leaſt we break the Law of God, in following the example of man. And dangerous in policy, as my Lord of Northampton, the ornament of learning obſerveth. The fly (ſaith that noble Earle) ſetting on the cart-whele, might as well wonder at the duſt raiſed in the way, as Gregory or Zachary, draw counſell to power, and make that fact their own which was hammered in the forge of ambition, contenanced with the colour of neceſſity, and executed by Pepin, a miniſter, that being weary of ſubordination, reſolved by this trick, when the meanes were fitted and prepared to the plot, to make himſelfe abſolute. The caſe of Kings were pitifull, if ex factis ſingularibus, it were lawfull to draw leaden rules in their diſgrace. Thus fas the Earle.

The eight Chapter ſheweth the danger of this Doctrine, and the Originall of the Puritan poſition, concerning the power of ſtateſmen to puniſh and depoſe Princes in Monarchies.

THeſe deſperate attempts, ſuggeſted by the Devill, executed by the people, encouraged by the State, and approved by the Pope, muſt ſerve as admonitions to Princes, to humble themſelves before God: Qui non dabit Sanctos ſuos in captionem dentibus corum, who will not give his Saints for a pray to their teeth. For it is not heard (as our great King remembreth) That any Prince forgeteth himſelfe in his duty to God, Law of Monarch. pag. 60. or in his vocation? But God with the greatneſſe of the plague revengeth the greatneſſe of his ingratitude.

Theſe practiſes therefore muſt be no preſident for Peers or People to follow, becauſe God hath forbidden Chriſtian ſubjects to reſiſt, though Kings raigne as Tyrants: and commanded them to endure with patience, though they ſuffer as Innocents. And alſo, becauſe that in ſtead of releeving the Commonwealth out of diſtreſſe, which is ever the pretence of ſeditions practitioners, they ſhall heape miſchief on it, and deſolation on themſelves: as (Aquinas) if he be the Author of the book de regim. principum, ſheweth manifeſtly. Eſſet multitudini periculoſum & ejus rectoribus: de reg. prin. l. 1. c. 6. It were dangerous to ſubjects and governors, that any ſhould attempt to take away the life of Princes, though they were Tyrants: for commonly, not the well diſpoſed, but the ill affected men, do thruſt themſelves into that danger. And the government of good Kings, is as odious to bad men, as the rule of Tyrants to good people. Wherefore the Kingdome, by this preſumption would be rather in danger to forgo a good Prince, than a wicked Tyrant. So far Thomas.

They that are the authors or abettors of ſedition, can neither avoyd ſhame in Earth, nor eſcape eternall damnation. Though God the great Iudge do ſometime permit Rebels, in his Iuſtice to prevaile againſt Kings for their contempt of the Law of the higheſt, and the neglect of their own duty; The reward of Rebellion ſhall be no better than the recompence of Satan, who is the inſtrument of the Lords wrath for the puniſhment of all diſobedience. It is moſt true that as ſick men, neer their death, have many idle fancies,Chryſoſſ. ſo the World before the end thereof ſhall bee troubled with many errours. In theſe declining dayes of the World, many Countreys, Cities and Cantons, renounced their old government, and ſubmitted themſelves to ſuch a new regiment as they beſt liked: for confirmation of which practiſes, there wanted not politike Divines, (what wine is ſo ſoure that ſome hedgegraps will not yeeld) to inveſt the people and Nobles with the power over Kings, to diſpoſe of their Kingdomes.

Marſilius Patavinus ſaith, the depoſition of a King,Marſilius Patav. de tranſlat. Imporii, c. 6. and the inſtitution of another in his place, belongeth not to the Biſhop of Rome, to any Prieſt, or to the Colledge of Prieſts, but to the univerſall multitude of the Subjects. So far he.

From theſe, the Puritans have learned their error, of the power of States-men over Kings, then which, no opinion can be more dangerous: where the Nobility are as ready to practiſe, as the Puritan preachers are to preſcribe. What preſumption is it in men, to paſſe the bounds which God hath ſet them, to controll the wiſdome of the Lord, and his unſpeakable goodneſſe, when he maketh tryall of the patience of his Saints, by the out rage and tyranny of cruell Kings, that they which are found patient in trouble, conſtant in truth and loyall in ſubjection, may be crowned with glory. Were we perſwaded, that the hearts of Kings are in Gods hand, that the haires of our head are numbred, and that no affliction can befall us, which God doth not diſpoſe to the exerciſe of our Faith, the tryall of our conſtancy, or the puniſhment of our ſin, we would as well admire the Iuſtice of God, in permitting Tyrants, that our ſins may be judged, and puniſhed in this world, as praiſe his mercy and favour, in giving reſt to his ſervants, under the protection of godly and gracious Princes.

The ninth Chapter ſheweth the generall conſent of the Modern Puritans touching the coercion, depoſition, and killing of Kings, whom they call Tyrants.

THe Citizens of Geneva, changed the Government from a Monarchy to a Democrity, in the year of Chriſt 1536 In the which yeare, John Calvin came into that City, to viſit his friend Farellus; And was choſen the publike reader of Divinity. At his firſt comming thither, he publiſhed his Teologicall Inſtitutions; Wherein he doth very learnedly and Chriſtianly intreat of the authority of Princes, and the duty of Subjects. One only place is harſh, and dangerous: delivered in obſcure and doubtfull tearmes, to excuſe (as I conceive) the outrage of the Citizens againſt their ſoveraigne Magiſtrates.Inſtit. l. 4. c. 20. § 31. His words are theſe, Si qui ſunt populares Magiſtratus, ad moderandam regum libidinem conſtituti.

Chriſtopher Goodman publiſhed a Treatiſe of obedience at Geneva, Pag. 119. not without the very good liking and approbation of the beſt learned in that City, 1557, Wherein he affirmeth, That if Magiſtrates tranſgreſſe Gods Law themſelves, and command others to do the like, they loſe that honor, and obedience which otherwiſe is due unto them: and ought no more to be taken for Magiſtrates: but to be examined and puniſhed as private tranſgreſtors. So far Goodmā.

1577, Pag. 206. Came forth the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, with this reſolution, That Princes are choſen by God, eſtabliſhed by the people; every privat man is ſubject to the Prince; the Multitude and the Officers of State which repreſent the Multitude, are Superiors to the Prince, yea they may judge his actions, and if he make reſiſtance, puniſh him by forcible meanes, So far he.

Anno 1588, Hermanus Renecherus publiſhed obſervations upon the 1 Pſalm, wherin he inveſteth the Presbitery with all the Popes prerogatives. Concerning the Presbiterian power over Kings, this is his notable annotation: Pag. 72. God (ſaith he) hath ordained the Civill Magiſtrate for the good of the Eccleſiaſticall order, therefore the Eccleſiaſticall State is the higheſt throne of Gods earthly Kingdome, the ſupreame Seate of all excellency, and the chiefeſt Court wherein God himſelfe is preſident, to diſtribute eternall gifts to his ſervants. Whereas the politicall Empire is but as it were an inferior bench, wherein Iuſtice is adminiſtred according to the preſcription of the Eccleſiaſticall ſoveraignty. Thus far Renecherus.

I will make an end with William Bucanus, whoſe book was publiſhed at the requeſt and with the approbation of Beza and Goulartius, maine pillars of the Church of Geneva, 1602. They (ſaith Bucanus) which have any part of Office is the publike adminiſtration of the Common-wealth, Loco 76 p. 844. as the Overſeers, Senators, Conſuls, Peeres, or Tribunes, may reſtraine the inſolency of vill Kings. Thus far he.

This Puritan dangerous error, is directly repugnant to the Law, the Goſpell, the precepts of the Apoſtles, the practiſe of Martyrs, and the doctrine of the Fathers, Councels, and other Claſicall Writers, as I have proved in the 6 former Chapters, wherin the holy Texts of Scripture, which the Papiſts and Puritans do damnably abuſe againſt the Eccleſiaſtical and Civil authority of Kings, ſhal be anſwered by the godly Proteſtanes: whoſe labour God uſed to reforme his Church ſince the yeare of our Lord, 1517. and by the ancient Fathers and Orthodoxall Writers in every age of the Church.

Inferiour Magiſtrates (ſaith Iohannes Baptiſta Ficklerus) are the defenders and protectours of the Lawes and Rights of the State,De jury magiſt. fol. 18. and have authority (if need require) to correct and puniſh the ſupreame King. So far Ficklerus.

An Engliſh fugitive, which was the Author of the booke de juſta abdicatione Henrici Tertij, affirmeth, That all the Majeſty of the Kingdome, is in the aſſembly of Stateſmen, to whom it belongeth to make Covenants with God, to diſpoſe of the aſſſiſes of the Kingdome, to appoint matters pertaining to war and peace, lib. 3 c. 8. to bridle the Kingly power, and ſettle all things that belong to publike Government. So far he.

And the moſt ſeditious Dolemon ſaith,Part 1. c. 4. pag. 72. that all humane Law and order Naturall, Nationall, and Poſitive, doth teach, that the Common wealth, which gave Kings their authority for the common good, may reſtraine or take the ſame from them if they abuſe it to the common ill: ſo far Doleman: and of this opinion are many other as may appeare by D. Morton by whom they are diſcovered and refuted.

How far this gangrene will extend, I know not. The Kings of Chriſtendome are dayly crucified, (as Chriſt their Lord was) between two theeves; I meane the Papist and Puritan, which have prepared this deadly poyſon for Princes, whom they in their own irreligious and traiterous hearts, ſhall condemne for tyranny. I hope neither Peeres nor People will be ſo fond to beleeve them, or wicked to follow them, which pretend the Reformation of Religion, and defend he ſubverſion of Chriſtian States. If inferiour officers, or the publike aſſembly of all States, will claime this power, it ſtandeth them upon, (as they will avoyd everlaſting damnation) not to derive a title from Rome, Lacedemon, or Athens, (as Calvin doth, whom the reſt follow) but from the hill of Sion, and to plead their intereſt from the Law or the Goſpell. Si mandatum non eſt praeſumptio, & ad poenam proficiet, non ad praemium: Auguſt in queſt mixt. quia ad contumeliam pertinet conditoris, ut contempto Domino colantur ſervi, & ſpreto Imperatore, adorentur Comites. If their oppoſition againſt Kings be not commanded of God, it is preſumption againſt God: for it is a contumely againſt God the Creator of all States, to deſpiſe Lords and honour ſervants, to contemne the Soveraigne Emperour, and to reverence the Peeres of the Empire. So far Auguſtine. My ſonne (ſaith Salomon) feare God and the King, Pro. 24.21. and meddle not with the ſeditious: for their deſtruction ſhall come ſodainly, and who knoweth the end of them? The concluſion of all is, That Kings have ſupreame and abſolute authority under God on Earth, not becauſe all things are ſubject to their pleaſure, which were plaine tyranny, not Chriſtian Soveraignty: but becauſe all perſons, Within their Dominions, ſtand bound in Law, allegiance, and conſcience, to obey their pleaſure, or to abide their puniſhment. And Kings themſelves, are no way ſubject to the controule cenſure, or puniſhment of any earthly man, but reſerved by ſpeciall prerogative to the moſt fearfull and righteous judgement of God, with whom there is no reſpect of perſons. He whoſe ſervants they are, will beat them with a rod of iron, and breake them in peeces like a potters veſſell, if they abuſe that great, and ſoueraigne power, (which God hath endued them withall,) to ſupport error, to ſuppreſſe truth, and to oppreſſe the innocent. God, of his great mercy grant us the ſpirit of truth, to direct us in all loyalty, that we being not ſeduced by theſe ſeditious Sectaries, may grow in grace, ſtand faſt in obedience, embrace love, follow peace and encreaſe more and more in the knowledge of our Lord Ieſus Chriſt. To whom be all praiſe, power, and dominion now and for ever. Amen.

FINIS.