A Persvvassion to Loyalty, OR THE SVBIECTS DVTIE.

VVherein is proved that resisting or de­posing of Kings (under what specious preten­ces soever coached) is utterly unlawfull.

Collected by D. O.

Dedicated to all dutifull Subjects.

LONDON, Printed. 1642.

To the dutifull Subject.

THe Puritan-Church-Policie, and the Iesuitical society began together:See M. Heokers pre­face. And the preface of Che [...]nic before his examen a­gainst the [...] of the Coun­cell of Trent. the one in Geneva, 1536. and the other in Rome, 1537. since their beginning, they have be­stirred themselves busily (as he that compasseth the Iob. 1.7. Earth, or they that coasted sea and land) each one in his order. The Puritan to breake downe the wall of Sion, by disturbing the peace of the Reformed Church: the Iesuite to build up the ruines of Babilon,, by maintaining the abhomination of the deformed Synagogue. These (though brethren in sedition and heady) are head-seve­red, Mat. 23.15. the one staring to the Presbytery, and the other to the Papacy, but they are so fast linked behind, and tayle-tyed together with firebrands betweene them, that if they be not quenched by the power of Majesty, they cannot chose (when the meanes are fitted to their plot) but set the Church on fire, and the state in an uprore. Their ma­ny and long prayers, their much vehement preaching, and stout opposition against orders established, their shew of austerity in their conversation, and of singular learning in their profession, (as the evil fiend transformd into an an­gell of light) brought them first to admiration Whereby they have not only robbed widowes houses under pretence of prayer, & ransacked their seduced disciples by shew of [Page]devotion, but also battered the courts of Princes, by ani­mating the Peers against Kings, and the people against the Peeres for pretended reformation. And wheras God hath inseparably annexed to the Crown of earthly Majesty, a su­preme Ecclesiastical soveraignty for the protection of piety and an absolute immunity from the juditiall sentence, and Martiall violence, for the preservation of policie: These sectaries bereave Kings of both these their Princely pre­rogatives, exalting themselves (as the sonne of perdition) above all that is called God: 2 Thel. 2.3, 4. Least they might seeme sine ratione insanire, to sow the seeds of Sedition without shew of reason, Caedem faciunt Scripturarum (as the here­tikes in Tertullians time were wont to do) in materiam suam, they kill the Scripture to serve their turnes: and pervert the holy Word of the eternall God, by strange in­terpretation, and wicked application against the mea­ning of the Spirit, by whom it was penned; the Do­ctrine of the Church, to whom it was delivered; and the practice of all the Godly, (as well under the Law as the Gospel) that did beleeve, understand, and obeyit; to main­taine their late, and lewd opinions. I have in my hand a­bove forty several places of the old and new Testament, which both the brethren of the enraged opposite faction do indifferently quote, and seditiously apply, in defence of their dangerous opposition, and damnable error, against the Ecclesiasticall supremacy, and the indeleble character of royal inunction. Vnto the which places, falsly expounded, perverted and applyed, I have added the interpretation, of the learned Protestants since the time of Martin Lu­ther, who began to discover the nakednesse of the Ro­mish Church, 1517. More especially insisting in theK. Henry 8. K. Iames. The Cranmer. Io. Whitgist. Rich. Bancrost. Archb. of Cant. Henry Earle of Northampton. Robert Earle of Salisbury. most [Page]mighty Kings, the most reverend Prelats,The L. Burleigh L. Treasurer of England. The L. Elsmere. L. Chancelor of England. The L. Stafford The L Cooke. B. Jewell. B. Horne. B. Pilkington. B Elmere. B. Couper. B. Bilson. B. Babington. B. Andrews. B Barsow. B Bridges. D. Ackworth. D. Saravia. D. Cosens. D Surcliffe. D. Prythergh. D. wilkes. D. Morton. D. Tocker. M: Bekinsaw. M. Foxe M. Nowell. M. Hooker, and many others. honourable Lords, loyall Clergy and other worthy men, that have in the Church of England, learnedly defended the Prin­cely right, against disloyall and undutifull opponents: I protest in all sincerity, that I have not detorted any thing, to make either the cause it selfe, or the favourers of it more odious, than their own words, (published with the general approbation of their severall favorits) do truly infer and necessarily inforce. I hope the loyall Subject, and Godly affected, will accept in good part my endeavour, and industry, intended for the glory of God, the honor of the King, and the discovery of the sediti­ous. The displeasure of the Malecontented-factious (which can no more abide the truth, then the owles can light, or the frantique the Physitian) I neither re­gard nor care for. Farewell.

The Table of the Book.

  • The
    • duty of
      • Prelates,
      • Peeres,
      • People, by
        • Scripture, Chap. 1. Pag. 1.
        • Fathers of the
          • first 300 yeares, cap. 2 pag. 3
          • second 300 yeares, cap. 3 pag. 6
          • third 300 yeares, cap. 4 pag. 14
          • fourth 300 yeares, cap. 5 pag. 16
          • fift 300 yeares, cap. 6 pag. 20
    • Sedition of
      • Putitans
      • Papists
        • Concord in the matter, of sedition. cap. 7. p. 24.
        • Discord in the manner, of sedition. cap. 7. p. 24.
        • Danger of their doctrine to Prince. People, cap. 8. p. 26
        • Puritan-Jesuitisme, or the generall consent of the principall Puritans and Iesuits, against Kings, from the yeare 1536, untill the yeare 1602, out of the most authentique Authors. cap 9. p. 27.

The first Chapter proveth by the test mony of Scripture, that Kings are not punishable by man, but reserved to the Judgement of GOD.

KINGS have their Authority from God,Rom. 13.1 and are his Vicegerents in earthPro. 8.15., to execute justice and judgement for him amongst the sonnes of Men2 Chron. 196.. All Subjects (as well Prelates and Nobles, as the in­feriour people) are forbidden with the tongue, to re­vile Kings,Exo. 22.28 with the heart, to thinke ill of themEccl 10.20, or with the hand, to resist themRom. 13.2. The great King of Heaven doth impart his owne Name unto his LIEUTENANTS the Kings of the Earth: and calleth them Gods, with an ego dixi Psal. 8 2.6. Whose Word is Yea and Amen: with this only difference, that these Gods shall dye like men Psal. 82.7, and fall like other Princes. Where­fore Nathan the man of God, must reprove David, 2 Sam. 12.7., that he may re­pent, and be saved. And the Sages, Iudges, and Nobles, (without feare or flattery) must advise and direct Roboam. 1 Reg. 12.7. Other attempts against Kings, the King of Kings hath neither commanded in his Law, nor permitted in his Gospel. David (saith Ambrose) null [...]s Le­gibus tenebatur, &c. David though he were an Adulterer,Apolog. David cap. 10. and an Homicide, was tyed to no Law: for Kings are free from bonds, and can by no compulsion of Law, be drawn to punishment, being freed by the power of Government. Thus far Ambr.

Saul the first King of Israel was rather a monster, than a man: after the spirit of God had forsaken him, & the evil spirit was come upon him1 Sam. [...]6.14.. There were not many sins against God, Man, or Na­ture, wherein he transgressed not; yet his excesse was punished, [Page 2]neither by the Sacerdotall Synod, nor the secular Senate: Who can loy his hand on the Lords Annointed, and be guiltlesse 1 Sam. 16 9:? The very An­nointment was the cause of Sauls immunity from all humane coer­sion: as Augustine affirmeth, Quaero si non habebat. Saul sacramenti sanctitatem,Aug. contr. lit. Petil l. 2 c. 48.quid in eo David venerabatur? If Saul had not the holi­nesse of the Sacrament, I aske what it was that David reverenced in him; he honoured Saul for the sacred and holy unction, while he lived: and revenged his death. Yea, he was troubled and trem­bled at the heart, because he had cut off a lappe of Saules garment. Loe, Soul had no innocency, and yet he had holinesse: not of life, but of unction. So far Augustine.

Who questioned David for his murther and adultery? who cen­sured Salomon for his idolatry? though their c [...]nes were capitall by the Law of God. After that Kingdome was divided, all the Kings of Israel, and most of the Kings of Iudah, were notorious I­dolaters: yet during those Kingdomes, which endured above 200 yeares, no Priest did challenge, no States-men did claime power from the highest, to punish or depose their Princes. And the Pro­phets perswaded all men to obey, and endure those idolatrous Prin­ces, whose impiety they reproved with the losse of their lives,

Christ sled when the people would have made him a KingJoh. 6.15. He payed tribute for himselfe and Peter Mat. 17.27.. When the question was propounded concerning the Emperours Subsidy, he concluded for Caesar Mat. 22.21.. And standing to receive the judgement of death before Pilate, he acknowledged his power to be of GodIoh. 19.15., This Saviour of Mankind, whose actions should be our instruction, did never at­tempt to change that Government, or to displace those Gover­nours, which were directly repugnant to the scope of information that he aymed at.

Iohn Baptist did indeed reprove King Herod with a Non licet Mar. 6 18, but he taught not the Souldiers to leave his service, or by strife and impatience, to wind themselvs out of the band of allegiance, wher­in the Law had left them, and the Gospell found themLuk. 3.14.

The Apostle delivered unto the Church the Doctrine of obedi­ence and patience, which they had learned by the Precept, and ob­served by the practise of our Lord Christ. Peter commandeth obe­dience to all manner of men in Authority1 Pet. 2.15.. Paul forbiddeth resi­stance against any powerRom. 13.1, 2, 3.4., And S. Iude maketh it blasphemy, to re­vile Government, or to speake evill of GovernoursIude 8.. If therefore an Angell from heaven preach otherwise, than they have delivered, let him be accursed Gal. 1.8..

The second Chapter prooveth the same by the Fathers of the first 300 yeares.

THe true Church, which had the Spirit of understanding, to dis­cerne the voyce of Christ, from the voyce of a stranger, never taught, never practised, never used or approoved other weapons, than salt teares, and humble prayers against the Paganisme, Heresie, Apostacy and Tyranny of earthly Kings.

Iustinus Martyr, Tertullian and Cyprian, shall beare witnesse for 300 years, wherein the Kings and Potentates of the earth, bathed themselves in the bloud of innocents, and prosessed enmity against Christ and his servants.

Ad inquisitionem vestram, Christianos nos esse profitemur, &c. At your inquisition we professe our selvs to be Christians, though we know death to be the guerdon of our profession (saith Iustin Mar­tyr to the Emperor Antonius) did we expect an earthly kingdom,Second. apo­log. ad Ant. Imp. p. 113. we would deny our Religion, that escaping death, we might in time attain our expectation: But we feare not persecution, which have not our hope fixed on the things of this life, because we are certainly perswaded that we must dye. As for the preservation of publike peace, we Christians yeeld to you (O Emperor) more help and assistance, than other men. For we teach, that no evill doer, no covetous man, nor seditious that lyeth in wait for bloud, can have accesse to God: And that every man doth passe to life or death, ac­cording to the merit of his deeds. Thus far he.

We (saith Tertullian to Scapula the Viceroy of Carthage) are de­famed,Tertull. lib. au Scap. for seditious against the Imperiall Majesty: Yet were the Christians never found to be Albinians, Nigrians, or Cassians (Albi­nus, Niger, and Cassius were traytors against Marcus Antonius, Com­modus, Pertinax and Severus the Emperors) but they that sweare by the Emperors deity, the very day before; they that vowed & offred sacrifice for the Emperor's health, are found to be the Emperor's e­nemies. A Christian is enemy to no man, much lesse to the Empe­ror: knowing, that the Imperiall Majesty, is ordained of God, and therefore necessarily to be loved, reverenced, and honored, whose prosperity, together with the welfare of all the Roman Empire they desire so long as the world standeth. We do therfore honour the Emperor, in such sort, as is lawfull for us, and expedient for him: we reverence him as a mortall man, next unto God, of whom he holdeth all his authority, only subject to God, and so we make him, [Page 4]soveraigne our all, in that, we make him subject, but to God alone: So far Tertullian.

S. Cyprian sheweth many good reasons, for the patience of the Saints, in his book against Demetrianus. God (saih he) is the reven­ger of his servants, when they are annoyed. Wherefore no Chri­stian when he is apprehended, doth resist or revenge himself against your unjust violence, though the number of our people be very great. The confidence we have, that God will reward, doth confirm our patience, the guiltlesse give way to the guilty, the innocent rest content with their undeserved punishment and tortures, being cer­tainly assured that the wrong done to us, shall not be unrewarded. The more injury we suffer, the most just and grievous shall God's vengeance be on them that persecute us. It is therfore cleare and manifest, that the plagues which comed own from Gods indigna­tion, do not come through us poore persecured Christians, but from him whom we serve, for the wrong done unto us. So far Cyprian.

As many as lived according to Christ's institution, did never re­vile the government of Tyrants, much lesse by force resist their vio­lence, following the patience of Christ, who could by his own power, the might of his Angels, or the strength of his creatures, have at the first withstood, or at the last revenged, the injury of the people,Ioh 19.15 Iohn 8.22 Luk. 23.11 Mar. 15 15 Mat. [...]7.27, 28, 29. the buffet of the Priests servant, the scorn of Herod, the judg­ment of Pilate, and the violence of the souldiers. He yeelded him­selfe patiently to death, to teach all his Disciples, that an injury done by authority, is patiently to be endured, not forcibly to be re­pelled. As soon also as Paul became a Christia, his seditious and bloudy spirit, which he had learned of the Pharisies, was changed into a desire of peace and quietnesse. He honored the heathen Ma­gistrates, as Agrippa, Foelix and Lisias, ratifying his doctrin, by the practise of his life. I know that Cardinall Alane, Cardinall Bellar­min, Ficlerus, Simancha, and other upholders of the Papall tyranny, that Stephanus Iunius, Franciscus Hottomanus, Georgius Buchananus, and other pillars of the Puritan anarchy, do answer, that the Church then, as it were swathed in the bonds of weaknesse, had not strength sufficient to make powerfull resistance. But these Fathers that then lived, do convince them, and all other sectaries of falshood, by making demonstration of the strength and potency of the godly Christians, in case they would have put their forces to the strongest proofe. Seeing that all publike places, as Courts, Camps, Consisto­ries, Cities, and countrey Villages, were stored and furnished with men of that profession and quality, as doth most evidently appeare [Page 5]by the words of Tertullian, in his Apologetical defence of the Chri­stians; Ʋna nox pauculis faculis, &c. One night with a few firebrand, would yeel us sufficient revenge, if it were lawfull for us to requit evill for evill. But God forbid, that Christians should either re­venge themselves with humane fire, or be grieved to suffer that wherewith they are tried. Were we disposed, not to practise secret revenge, but to professe open hostility, should we want number of men, or force of Armes? Are the Moores, or the Parthians, or any one nation whatsoever, more in number than we, that are spread o­ver all the World? We are not of you, and yet we have filled all the places and rooms which you have. Your Cities, Islands, Ca­stles, Towns, Assemblies, your Tents, Tribes, and Wards; yea, the Imperiall Pallace, Senate and seats of Iudgment. For what war, were not we able & ready, though we were fewer in number than you, that go to our Martyrdom so willingly? If it were not more lawfull in our Religion to be slaine, than to slay? We could with­out armour, not by rebelling against you, but by departing from you, do you displeasure enough, even with our separation. For if so great a multitude, as we are should break out from you, in any other corner of the world, the losse of so many citizens would shame and punish you. You would feare to see your selves left solitary, even amazed, as among the dead. You should then see silence and desola­tion every where. You would have many more enemies than in­habitants. Whereas now, you have fewer enemies, because of the multitude of your citizens that are almost all Christians. Haec Ter­tullianus.

We see by these three witnesses, that the Church of God, in the first 300 years wanted, neither number of men, strength, nor cou­rage to resist persecution, and to have established the Christian Faith, if that course had been lawfull: but because their Lord had given them no sword to strike withall, they chose rathe to be crowned Martyrs for their Religion, than to be punished as tray­tors for rebellion. What number of men, what strength of armes had the Church (thinke you) the next 300 years after it had been backed by Princes, defended by Laws, provoked by Honorable fa­vors to professe Christianity? Yet all that while the servants of God, neither did nor would resist Apostasie, Heresie, or Tyranny: but yeelded their lives with all submission, though they wanted neither meanes nor multitude, convenient for any wars, as the next chapter by impregnable demostration shall shew.

The third Chapter prooveth by the Fathers of the second 300, years, that the pleasure of Princes must be endured with pa­tience, when their decrees cannot be obeyed with a good Conscience.

THe next 300 yeares, the Christians did as patiently endure Heresie, Apostasie and Tyranny, to the glorious tryall of their Faith, and the eternall reward of their Patience. Whereof wee have a cloud of witnesses, namely, Hosius, Liberius, Athanasius, Hilarius, Basilius Magnus, Gregorius Nazianzenus, Lucifer Cala­ritanus, Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Optatus Milevitanus, Ambrosius, Au­gustinus, Chrysostomus, Leo the first, and Gregory the great.

Hosius was a famous Confessor in the Church, before Constantine the great, a worthy Bishop during that Emperor's raigne, and af­ter his death greatly esteemed of all good men, yea even of Constan­tius the Arrian Emperor himselfe, for his old age, great experience, excellent learning, and good conversation. When this worthy Prelate, was commanded by the Emperour, to subscribe to the con­demnation of Athanasius, he returned to the Imperiall Majesty, this stout, constant, Christian and dutifull answer; Ego confessionis mu­nus imple vi primum, cum persecutio moveretur, ab avo tuo Maximi­niano: Obsequere & scribe contra A­thanasium qui enim contra il­lum scribit ille planeono­biscum, &c. I was then a confessor when your grandfather Maximinian persecuted the Church. And if you do now raise persecution, I am ready to endure any thing, rather then bettray the truth and shed innocent bloud. I do not like your manner of writing against A­thanasius; Cease from it, be not of the Arrian opinion; Give no eare to the Eastern Bishops: beleeve me rather, that for age might be your grandfather. Leave off, I beseech you, and call to mind, that you are a mortall man. Feare that dreadfull day of Iudgment. Enterpose not your selfe (O Emperor) into the Ecclesiasticall ser­vice, neither command us in this kind to condemne the innocent; but learn rather of us. God hath entrusteed your Majesty with the Empire, and committed unto us the service of the Church: he that with an envious eye maligneth your Imperiall Soveraignty, contradicteth the ordinance of God.Hosius a­pud Athan. ad solitari­am vitam agentes. Take heed (O Prince) least drawing to your selfe the right of the Church, you become guilty of grievous transgression, It is written, Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to God the things that appertaine to God: it [Page 7]is therefore, neither lawfull for us Priests to usurpe your King­dome; nor for you Princes, to meddle with the sacred service and sacrifices of the Church. Thus far Hosius.

You see the grounds, that this good Bishop stood upon: rather resolved to suffer any death or torture, than by his consent to betray the truth, or to condemne the guiltlesse. He admonisheth freely, and reprooveth sharply, he offereth his life to the Prince's pleasure: It was far from his meaning, to revile the sacred Majesty, or to stir up any rebellion against this Hereticall Emperor, which infringed the Canons of the Church, without all regard of truth or equity, to serve the humors of the Arrians, and to wrek his anger on them all, which yeelded not to that Heresie.

Liberius, a Bishop of Rome, did neither excommunicate nor de­pose this wicked Emperour Constantius, but appeared at his com­mand, and endured his pleasure, to the admiration of the Arrians and the confirmation of the Christians, as we find in Athanasius, Trahitur Liberius ad Imperatorem, &c. Liberius was haled to the Emperor, when he came to his presence, he spake freely, Cease (saith he) O Emperor, to persecute the Christians, go not about by any meanes, to bring hereticall impiety into the Church of God.Liberius quo supra apud Atha­nas. We are ready, rather to endure any torture, than to be called Ar­rians. Compell us not to become enemies unto Christ. Fight not against him (we beseech you) that hath bestowed the Empire up­on you. Render not impiety to him for his grace, persecute them not which beleeve in him, least you heare,Acts 9.5, it is hard for thee to kicke against the pricke. Oh would to God you did so heare it, that you might (as Paul did) beleeve it. Loe we are at hand, and come to your presence, before our enemies the Arrians can invent any thing to informe against us, we hastened to come at your com­mand, though we were assured of banishment: that we might a­bide our punishment, before any crime could be objected, much lesse prooved against us. Whereby it may appeare, that all Christi­ans are (as we now be) undeservedly punished, and the crimes laid to their charge not true, but fained by sycophancy or deceitfull subtilty.

Thus spake Liberius, and every man admired his resolution; but the Emperour for answer commanded him to banishment. Thus far he.

Pope Liberius had not learned the language of his succes­sour Pius Quintus, when hee bellowed against our late Queene, nor that principle of the Puritans, that the inferi­our [Page 8]officer may use force of armes against the chiefe Magistrate that shall become a tyrant (whereof every seditious sectary will be judge) and not only defend himselfe and his own people, but also any other that shall fly unto him.Politia Christ. lib. 6 cap. 3. Which opinion Lambertus Danaeus avouch­eth, contraty to the Law, the Gospel and the generall consent of all Orthodoxall Fathers.

Hilarius, a Bishop of France, wrote the same time to this same Emperor in most humble manner,Hilarius ad Imper. Con­stant. Benefica natura tua domine beatis­sime Auguste: Your milde nature, most blessed Emperor, agreeing with your gracious disposition, and the mercy which floweth a­boundantly from the fountain of your fatherly godlinesse, do assure us, that we shall obtaine our desire. We beseech you, not only with words, but also with teares, that the Catholique Churches, be no longer oppressed with grievous injuries, and endure intollerable persecutions, and contumelies, and that (which is most shamefull) even of our brethren. Let your Clemency provide, &c.

Surely, if it had then been known that the Pope, by his absolute power or indirect authority, could have punished or deposed Kings, which the Papists avouch, or for the Peeres or the People to have done it, which the Puritanes affirme, some of these old Bishops would have pressed that point against this hereticall Prince, which abused his sword to the blaspheming of Christ, the murthering of the Saints, the seducing of many thousand soules: by strenghtning, maintaining and establishing the Arrian error. But they took it to be no Christian mans part, to beare armour (no not defensive) a­gainst his Prince, though never so wicked, cruell or ungodly.

Holy Athanasius confesseth the power of Kings to bee of God, and their impiety not to be punished by man. Sicut in toto mundo Deus Rex est Imperator & potestatem exercet in omnibus: As God is King and Emperor over all the World,Ad Anti­och. quest. 55. and exerciseth his power in all creatures: so the King and Prince is over all earthly men, and doth by his absolute power what he will, even as God himself. Haec ille.

When it was objected against this reverend Father Athanasius, that he had incensed Constans the religious Emperor of the West, against Constantius, Apolog. A­than. ad Constant. in the behalfe of the persecuted Christians: he cleared himself from that accusation, in an Apology to the said Em­peror Constantius. The Lord, saith he, is my record, and his an­nointed your brother, that I never made mention of your Majesty for any evill before your brother of blessed memory, that religious Emperor Constans. I did never incite him against you, as these Ar­rians [Page 9]do slander me, but whensoever I had accesse unto him, I re­counted your gracious inclination. God knoweth what mention I made of your godly disposition. Give me leave and pardon, most courteous Emperor, to speake the truth. The servant of God Con­stans was not easily drawn to give eare to any man in this kind. I was never in such credit with him, that I durst speake of any such matter, or derogate from one brother before another, or talke re­proachfully of one Emperor, in the hearing of another. I am not so madde, neither have I forgotten the voyce of God, which saith, Curse not the King in thine heart, and backbite not the mighty in the secrets of thy chamber: for the birds of the ayre shall tell it, and the winged foule shall bewray thee. If then, the things that be spoken in secret against Princes cannot be hid: Is there any likelyhood, that I in the Emperor's presence and before so many, as continually at­tended his person, would say any thing otherwise then well of your Majesty? Thus far Athanas.

L Cook in his speach at Garnets arraigne­ment.This is sounder and seemelier doctrin for Subjects, than that which Henry Garnet and Robert Tesmond, taught some Romish Ca­tholike Gentlemen of England, who imployed Thomas Winter into Spaine, in the month of December, Anno Dom. 1601, to make request to the Spanish King, in the behalfe and names of the English Pope-Catholiques, that he would send an army hither into England, for the advancement of their Catholique cause; and to promise, that the forces of the Papists here should be ready to do him service against the late Queen.

The selfe same doctrin of sedition was published in the yeare af­ter, viz. Anno Dom. 1602, by Guilielmus Bucanus, a man of no mean esteeme among the Puritans, and that at the earnest request of Beza and Goulartius, the chiefest Ministers of the Church of Geneva, (if the Author himselfe belye them not) whose words are as follow­eth: Subditis [...] fit publica & manifesta jaeviti [...], licet fieri supplices, implorare auxilia ab aliis, & suscipere eorum defensionem aliis Regibus licet: Subjects when they endure publique and manifest wrong,Loc. com. Theol. loco. 77. p. 845. may lawfully become suppliants to foraign States, and crave their ayd against their Princes, and other Kings ought to take upon them their defence and protection. So far Bucan.

Subjects must square their subjection, according to the rule of Gods Word, not after the affection and fancies of men.1 Sam. 22 [...]8. Saul com­manded Doeg to murther 85 Priests, to destroy their City, men, women and children with the edge of the sword. Did David for whom they were slain, when he had Saul in his power, take re­venge, [Page 10] or suffer his servants to do it, when they were ready and of­fred themselves to slay Saul? David 2 Sam. 11.4.17. defiled Ʋrias his bed, and caused him to be killed: Did Absolon well, to conspire against him, that was both a murtherer and an adulterer? Salomon 2 Reg. 11.8. brought into the land many strange wives, and as many different Religions into the Church: Did the high Priest, the Peeres, the Prophets, or the people offer to chastice or depose him? Achab 1 Reg. 21 8, 9. suffered Jeza­bel to put Naboth to death, and to kill the Lords Prophets: Did E­lias depose him, intice his subjects to rebell against him, or implore foraigne aide to destroy him? Herod Marke 6.27. Act. 12.24. beheaded John Baptist, kill'd Iames, imprisoned Peter, and would have slain him also, if he had not been delivered by an Angell: Did Peter take vengeance on Herod, which he might have done with a word, as wel as onAct: 5.5: Ana­nias? No, he did leave him to the Lord, whose iudgment insued in mostActs 12.23. fearefull manner. In a word, wicked Princes have never been lawfully punished by Prelates, Potentates, or people of their Kingdome, as the Papists and Puritans aver; but must be reserved to the judgement of God, as the Protestants affirme.

Gregory Nazianzen, in this Oration at the funerall of S. Basil, re­porteth, that the Emperor's Deputy in Pontus, Basilius magnus. commanded S. Basil to put out a widow, that had taken sanctuary to save her selfe from forced marriage. The Bishop (not willing to violate the Ecclesia­sticall Laws granted by the Imperial Majesty) refused so to do. The Governor call the Bishop before him, threatned to whip him, and to teare his flesh with iron books; the people hearing that indig­nity offered to the Bishop, fell to an uprore, and would have slaine the Lieutenant,Monodia Nazian, in­ter opuscula Basil, fol: 95 had not that innocent man of God, with much ado, stayd that furious tumult, & delivered his persecutor from that perill, to whose pleasure he did afterward submit himselfe.

The same Nazianzen, for his admirable learning called the Di­vine, writeth of Iulian the Apostata-Emperor's death: Iulian was punished by the mercy of God, thorough the teares of Christian men; which teare: were many, and shed of many, for that they had no other remedy, against that persecutor. Thus far Nazianzen.

This godly father lived under five Emperors, Constantius, Iuli­anus, Valens, 2 O [...]at. cont. Iulian Valentianus and Theodosius, in all which time, he could finde no remedy against the Tyranny, Heresy and Apostasy of Princes, beside prayers and teares: The Devill of Hell had not as yet hatched the distinctions of propriè and impropriè, directé and indirectè, simpliciter and secundum quid, absolutè & inordine ad spiri­tualia, wherewith the Iesuites do fill the schooles with clamorous [Page 11]evasions, the Church with erroneous superstition, and many Chri­stian states with tragicall sedition.

Lucifer Calaritanus, in sundry books against Constantius, useth many immodest and disloyall speeches: but he perswaded not the Pope to depose him, the state to punish him, the people to rebell a­gainst him or forraine aide to suppresse him; but threatened him with the dreadfull punishment of God. He that (in the servency of zeale) durst call so cruell an Emperor, Theef, Church-robber, Mur­therer, Beast, Hangman, Heretique, Apostata, Idolator, the fore-runner of Antichrist, and Antichrist himselfe, would surely have encouraged the Pope, the Peeres, or the people, to have removed that evil King, and placed a better in his stead: If there had been any such opini­on in those daies, as our moderne Iesuites and Puritans beare now the World in hand. As this Father in his writings kept not the modesty of the other Fathers, which lived in that age under Con­stantius: so he did not continue in the unity of the Catholique Church.Orat, in o­bit. sratris Satir. Lucifer (saith Ambrose) divided himself from our Communi­on, though he were banished with us for our Religion.

When Ambrose was commanded, to deliver up his Church in Millaine to Maxentius an Arrian Bishop, he declared his resolution in a sermon to the people, which were very sory for his departure.Orat. Am­brosii adpo­pulum inter epist. 32.33. Quid turbamini? volens nunquam vos deseram: Why are you trou­bled? I will never willingly depart from you. If I be compelled, I have no way to resist: I can sorrow, I can weep, I can sigh, my teares are my weapons against Souldiers, Armour, Gothes: such is the munition of a Priest; by any other meanes than teares, I nei­ther ought nor can resist. So far Ambrose.

Not disability but duty, not want of strength and martial forces, but a reverend regard of the Emperors Majesty, commanded by the Law of God, kept this blessed Ambrose from resisting. For hé might easily have wrought the Churches liberty, his own safety, and the Arrians calamity, by the overthrow of the Emperour, through the force of the Garison in that City, which refused to at­tend the Prince to any other Church than that wherein Ambrose was. The stout and peremptory answer of the Captaines and Soul­diers, is thus reported by Ambrose in an Epistle to Mercellina, a re­ligious woman. Si prodire vellet haberet copiam se praesto futuros: Epist. 35. The Emperor may go at his pleasure, they would be ready to at­tend him, if he would go to the Catholique Assemblies, or other­wise, they would keep on their way to that Congregation wherin Ambrose was. Thus far the Souldiers.

[Page 12] They refused (as you see) to obey, and preferred God's true Ser­vice, before the Emperor's favour: they reviled not his secred per­son, they resisted not his Soveraign power, but yeelded themselves to his mercy and pleasure,Epist eadem to save their soules from Gods wrath and displeasure, as we find in the same Epistle, Ʋnum Iob miraturus as­cenderam, I went to Church to extoll the patience of Iob, where I found every one of my hearts, a Iacob, worthy to be extolled. In e­very one of you, Iob is revived; in each of you his patience, and vertue shined; what could be said better by Christian men, than that which the Holy Ghost this day spake in you? We beseech (O Emperor) we offer not to fight, we feare not to dye, we intreat your clemency. Oh it was seemely for Christian Souldiers, to desire the tranquility of Peace and Faith, and to be constant in truth, even unto death. Thus far Ambrose.

S. Augustin relateth the same of the Christian Souldiers, under Iulian the Apostata Emperor: Iulianus extitit Imperator insidelis, Iulian was an unbeleeving Emperor, was he not an Apostata? An Oppressor and an Idolater? Christian Souldiers served that unbe­leeving Emepror: When they came to the cause of Christ, they would acknowledge no Lord but him that was in Heaven: when they were commanded to adore Idoles, and to offer sacrifice, they preferred God before their prince. But when he called upon them to war,August: in Psal. 124. and bad them invade any Nation, they presently obeyed. They did distinguish their eternall Lord, from the temporall King, yet they submitted themselves to their temporall Lord, for his sake that was their eternall King.Deschism. Donatist. Lib. 3. So far he.

Optatus Milevitanus, is another pregnant witnesse: Cum super Imperatoren nemo sit nisi solus Deus. Seeing there is no man above the Emperor, beside God alone, which made the Emperor; Dona­tus, by advancing himselfe above the Emperour, doth exceed the bounds of humanity, and maketh himself a God rather than man, in that he feareth and reverenceth him not,Com. in E­vang. Ioh l. 12. c. 36. whom all men should ho­nor, next after God. So far Optat.

S. Cyril is of the same judgment. Cui legis prevaricatores liberare licet nisi Legis ipsius authori? Who can acquit them that break the Law, from transgression, beside the Law-giver? As we see by ex­perience, in all humane States, no man can without danger breake the Law, but Kings themselves, in whom the crime of prevarica­tion hath no place. For it was wisely said of one, that it is a wicked presumption,In Epist. ad Timoth. c. 2. v. 1. to say to a King, Thou doest amisse. So far he.

And also S. Chrysostome. What meaneth the Apostle, saith he, to require Prayers & Supplications, Intercessions and Thanksgiving, [Page 13]to be made for all men? He requireth this to be done in the dayly service of the Church, and the perpetuall rite of Dive Religion. For all the faithfull do know, in what manner prayers are powred out before the Lord morning and evening, for all the word: even for Kings, and every man in authority. Some man will (peradven­ture) say, that, for all, must be understood of all the faithfull. Which cannot be the Apostles meaning, as may appeare by the words fol­lowing, viz for Kings: seeing that Kings neither did then, nor in many ages after serve the living God, but continued obstinatly in infidelity, which by course of succession they had received. Thus far Chrysost.

See the pre­face before Basilic. Dor.Our Modern Reformers teach us that which Paul and Chrysost. neither knew nor beleeved, that wicked Princes are not to be pray­ed for, but to be resisted, &c.

When the faction of Eutiches had prevailed against the Catho­likes, Leo the first, had no other remedy than Prayers to God, sighs, teares and petitions to the Emperor: Omnes partium nostrarum Ec­clesiae, &c. All the Churches of these parts,Bpist. 24. ad Theod. Imper. all we Priests even with sighs and teares, beseech your Majesty, to command a generall Sy­node to be held in Italy, that all offences beeing remooved, there may remaine, neither error in Faith, nor division in L [...]e. Favor the Catholiques, grant liberty to protect the Faith against Hereti­ques, defend the state of the Church from ruin, that Christ his right­hand may support your Empire. Thus far Leo.

When Gregory the great was accused for the murther of a Bishop in prison, he wrote to one Sabinianus, to cleare him to the Emperor and Empresse. Breviter suggeras serenissimis Dominis meis: Epist. lib. 7. Epist. 1. You may briefly enforme my soveraigne Lord and Lady, that if I their servant, would have busied my self with the death of the Lombards, that Nation would by this time have had neither Kings, nor Duks, nor Earles, and should have been in great confusion and division: but because I stood in aw of God, I was ever afraid to meddle with the shedding of any mans bloud So far Gregory.

These Lombards were Pagans, invaders of the Countrey, ran­sackers of the City, persecutors of the Saints, robbers of the Church, oppressors of the poore: whom Gregory the first might, and would not destroy, quia Deum timuit, because he seared God. It is very like, that his successor Gregory the 7, feared neither God nor man, when he erected the papall croisier against the regall scepter, and read the sentence of deprivation against the Emperor Henry: Ego authoritate Apostolica, &c. I by the power Apostolicall, do bereave [Page 14] Henry of the German Kingdome, and do deprive him of all subje­ction of Christian men, absolving all men from the allegiance, which they have sworne unto him. And that Rodolph, whom the Peeres of the Empire have elected, may govern the Kingdome: I grant all men, that shall serve him against the Emperor, forgive­nesse of their sins,Carol. Sigon. de Regoo It [...]. l. 9. in vita Hen. 3. in this life and in the life to come. As I have for his pride dejected Henry from the Royall dignity, so I do exalt Rodolph for his humility, to that place of Authority. Thus far Gre­gory the 7.

Benno Gard in vit. Greg 7.It is no wounder, that Gregory his chaire clave a sunder, as some writers affirme, at the giving of this sentence; because the proud Pope, and his wicked sentence, were too heavy a burthen for Peters stoole of humility to beare.

The fourth Chapter proveth the Immunity of Kings by the Fathers of the third 300 yeares.

AFter the death of Gregory the great, which was about the year of our Lord 604. Sabinianus did succeed him, who lived but one yeare, after whom came Boniface the 3, which obtained of Pho­cas to be called Ʋniversall Bishop; since that time periit virtus Im­peratorum & pietas Pontificum, the Emperours waxed weake, and the Bishops wicked. What the judgement of those Fathers then was, concerning subjection to wicked Kings, I will make evident by the testimony of of Gregorius Turonensis, Isidorus, Damascenus, Beda, Fulgentius, Leo the 4, and the Fathers astembled in a Coun­cell at Toledo in Spaine.

Gregory Turonensis, acknowledgeth such an absolute power in Childerick a most wicked King of France, Histor. lib. 5 cap. 1. as was free from all con­troll of man. Si quis de nobis (Rex) justitiae limites transcendere vo­luerit, &c. If any one of us (O King) do passe the bonds of justice, you have power to correct him, but if you exceed your limit, who shall chastice you? We may speake unto you; if you list not to hear­ken, who can condemn you, but that great God, who hath pronoun­ced himself to be righteousnes? Hactenus ille.

Isidorus saith no lesse for the immunity of the Kings of Spaine. Let all earthly Princes know, that they shall give account of the Church which Christ hath committed to their protection. Yea, whether the peace and discipline Ecclesiasticall be advanced, by [Page 15]faithfull Kings, or dissolved by the unfaithfull, he will require a reckoning at their hands, which hath left his Church in their power. So far Isidor,

John Damascene pleadeth not only for the Exemption of wic­ked Kings themselves, but also of their Deputies.Parall [...]l. [...] 1. c. 21. The Governours (saith he) which Kings create, though they be wicked, though they be theeves, though they be unjust, or otherwise tainted with any crime must bee regarded. Wee may not contemne them, for their impiety: but must reverence them, because of their authority, by whom they were appoynted our Governours. So farre he.

Fulgentius saith, that no kind of Sedition can stand with Re­ligion. Cum pro nostra fide libere respondemus. &c. When we answer freely for our profession, we ought not to be taxed with the least suspition of disobedience or contumely, seeing we are not un­mindfull of the Regall dignity, and do know, that we must feare God, and honour the King, according to the Doctrine of the A­postle, Give to each one his due, feare to whom feare,Fulgent. ad Thrasim Reg. 1 Pet. 2.7. honour to whom honour appertaineth. Of the which feare and honour Saint Peter hath delivered unto us the manifest knowledge, saying, As the servants of God, honour all men. love brotherly fellowship, feare God, honour the King. Thus farre Fulgent.

Our Countriman Beaa, for his great learning called Venerable, Lib. 4 expos. in Samuel. [...] Sam. 24.6. is of the same mind. David (saith he) for two causes spared Saul, who had persecuted him most maliciously First, for that he was his Lord, annoynted with holy oyle. And secondly, to instruct us by morall precepts, that wee ought not to strike our governours, (though they unjustly oppresse us) with the sword of our li [...]s: nor presume slanderously, to teare the hemme of their superfluous actions. So far he.

Leo the fourth about the yeare 846. agnised all subjection to Lo­tharius the Emperours:Cap. de [...] dist. 5. I do professe and promise (saith Leo) to observe and keepe unviolably, as much as lieth in me, for the time present and to come, your Imperial ordinances and comman­dements: together with the decrees of your Bishops, my prede­cessors: It any man inform your Majesty otherwise, know certain­ly, that he is a lyer. So far Leo.

The Bishops of Spaine assembled in a Nationall Councell at Toledo, made this Decree against Perjury and Treason.Concil. Tol. 5. Can. 2 [...] ann. Dom. 636. Quicun­que amodo ex nobis: Whosoever among us shall from this tune forward, violate the oath which he hath taken for the safegard [Page 16]of this Countrey, the state of the Gotish nation, and the preservation of the Kings Majesty: whosoever shall attempt the Kings death, or deposition: whosoever shall by tyrannicall presumption aspire to the Regall Throne; let him be accursed before the Holy Spirit, before the blessed Saints, let him be cast out of the Catholike Church, which he hath polluted by perjury, let him have no Com­munion with Christian men, nor portion with the just, but let him be condemned with the Devill and his angels eternally, toge­ther with his complices, that they may be tyed in the bond of dam­nation, which were joyned in the society of sedition. Thus far the Fathers in that Synod.

I conclude therefore with these learned Fathers, that it is not for the people, otherwise then with humility and obedience, to control the actions of their Governors: but their duty is only to call up­on the God of Heaven, and so submit themselves to his mercy, by whose ordinance the Scepter is fallen into his hand and power, that enjoyeth the Crown, whether he be good or bad. A right of depo­sing, must be either in him that hath an higher power, which is on­ly God: or in him, that hath better right to the Crown, which the Pope cannot have, because he is a stranger: nor the Peeres or people, because they are subjects. Be the King for his Religion impious, for his Government unjust, for his Life licentious, the subject must endure him, the Bishop must reprove him, the Councellor must advise him, all must pray for him, and no mortall man hath autho­tity to disturbe or displace him, as may evidently be seene by the Chapter following.

The fift Chapter confirmeth this Doctrine by the Fathers of the fourth 300 yeares.

IN this age of the Church, the Popes exalted themselves above all that is called God, and upon private displeasures and quarrels, did curse and ban Princes, incensing their neighbour-Nations, and perswading their own Subjects to make war against them, as if Christ had ordeined his Sacraments, not to be seales of Grace, and helps of our Faith, but hookes to catch Kingdoms, and rods to scourge such Potentates as would not, or could not procure the Pope's favour. How far these Popish practises, did displease the godly and learned, I will shew by S. Bernard, Waltramus Bishop of Nanumberg, the Epistle Apolegeticall of the Church of Leige a­gainst [Page 17] Paschalis the Pope, and the Author of Henry the fourth his Life.

Saint Bernard, in one of his Sermons upon the words of Christ, I am the Vine, commendeth the answer of a cer­taine King, Bene quidam Rex, cum percussus humana sagitta, &c. It was well said of a King when he was shot into the body with an arrow, and they that were about him, desired him to be bound un­till the arrow's head were cut out, for that the least motion of his body would endanger his life; no, (quoth he) it doth not beseem a King to be bound let the Kings power be ever safe and at liberty. And the same Father in an Epistle to Ludovicus Crassus the King of France teacheth subjects, how to rebell and fight against their Princes; Quicquid vobis de Regno vestro de anima & Corona vestra facere placuerit: Whatsoever you please to do with your Kingdom,Bernard Epist. 221. your soule, or your Crown, we that are the children of the Church cannot endure or dissemble the injuries, contempt, and conculcati­on of our mother, Questionlesse we will stand and fight even unto death in our mothers behalfe, and use such weapons, as wee may lawfully, I meane not Swords and Speares, but Prayers and Teares to God.

When Gregory the 7, had deposed Henry the 4, he gave away the Empire to one Rodolphus Duke of Saxony, that was a sworn subject to that distressed Emperor; which Rodolph, in a battaile against his Soveraigne Lord, lost his right-hand, and gained a deadly wound. After his death, the Pope made one Hermanus King of Germany, who enjoyed his Kingdom but a little time, for he was slaine with a stone, which a woman threw upon him from a turret, as he made an assault (in sport) against his own castle,Ex vita Henr. 4. quae habe­tur in fasci­culorerum scien [...]io um Col [...]ae impresso. to try the va­lour of his Souldiers. Then did Egbertus, by the Popes encourag­ment ascend the Imperiall Throne, whereon he sat but a while: for as he stepped aside from his Army into a Mill, to rest himself in the heat of the day, he was discovered by the Miller to the Emperor's friends, and lost his life for his labour. During this hurly-burly in that State, Walthramus a godly Bishop, wrote to one Ludovicus, an Earle of the Empire, diswading him from partaking with the seditious against that good Emperor, whom the Pope had depo­sed. Walthram by the grace of God, that he is, to Lewes the noble Prince, with instance of prayer, offreth himselfe in all things servi­ceable. Concord is profitable to every Realme, and Iustice much to be desired: these vertues are the mother of devotion, and the consecration of all honesty. But whosoever seeketh after civill dis­sention [Page 18]and incenseth other to the effusion of bloud, he is a murthe­rer and partaketh with him, who gaping for bloud, goeth about seeking whom he may devoure: The worthy vessell of election, that was taken up to the third Heaven, protesteth, saying, Let e­very soule submit himselfe to the higher power, there is no power but from God. He that resisteth power, resisteth the ordinance of God. If that be true (which some men prate among women and the vulgar sort) that we ought not to be subdued to the Kingly power, Then it is false which the Apostle teacheth, that every soule must submit himselfe under power and superiority. Can the truth lye?Epist. Wald. quae habe­tur in ap­pendice Ma­rian. Scot. Did not Christ the Lord speake by the Apostle? Why do we provoke the Lord? Are we stronger than he? Doth not he thinke himselfe stronger than the Lord, the resisteth the ordinance of God? Seeing there is no power but of God: What saith the Prophet? Confounded be they that strive against the Lord, and they that re­sist him shall perish. Rodolphus, Hermanus, Egbertus, with many o­ther Princes, resisted the ordinance of God, in Henry the Empe­ror, but loe they are confounded, as though they had never beene, for as their end was ill, their beginning could not be good, &c. Haec ille.

Pope Paschalis seeing the bad successe of those seditious subjects, which his predecessors Gregory and Ʋrbanus had armed against Henry, that worthy Emperor: did perswade the Emperor's own son, against all Law of God, Nature and Nations, to rebell against his father. The Bishop of Leige tooke the Emperors part, against this young Prince, for the which he was excommunicate, his Church interdicted, and Robert Earle of Flaunders commanded by the Pope, as he hoped to have the forgivenesse of his sins, and the fa­of the Church of Rome, to destroy that Bishop and his false Priests.

The Churchmen of Leige terrified with the Popes excommuni­cation, and fearing the Earles oppression, wrote an Apology for themselvs about the yeare 1106.Epist. Leodi­ensium apud Simonem Scard. We are excommunicate (say they) because we obey our Bishop, who hath taken part with his Lord the Emperor. These are the beginnings of sorrow; for Satan bee­ing loosed, compasseth the earth, and hath made a division between the Prince and the Priest: who can justly blame the Bishop that taketh his Lords part, to whom he hath sworn allegiance? Perju­ry is a great sin, whereof they cannot be ignorant, that by new schisme and novell traditions do promise to absolve subjects from the guilt of perjury, that forsweare themselves to their Lord the King, &c.

[Page 19] In the progresse of their Apology they determine three great questions.

First, whether the Pope hath power to excommunicate Kings?

Secondly, to whom it belongeth to inflict temporall punish­ment, when Church-men offended against Faith, unity or good manners?

And thirdly, what remedy subjects have against their Kings, that are impious or tyrannous? Si quis respectu sancti Spiritus, &c. If any man having respect to the Spirit of God, shall turn over the old and new Testament, he shall plainly find that Kings, ought not at all or very hardly be excommunicate, whether we consider the etimology of their names, or the nature of their excommunication. Even til this day hath this point been questioned, and never deter­mined Kings may be admonished and reproved, by such as be dis­creet and sober men, for Christ the King of Kings in earth, who hath placed them in his own stead, hath reserved them to his own judgement, &c.

Their answer to the second question, is grounded on the testimo­ny of Saint Augustine, the practise of Princes, and the authority of Paul, Kings (say they) and Emperors by their publique Lawes, have forbidden heretiques, to enjoy any wordly possession. Wher­fore seeing we are no heretiques, and that it belongeth not to the Pope, but to Kings and Emperors to punish heresies, why doth our Lord Paschalis send Robert, his armour-bearer, to destroy the possessions and to overthrow the villages of the Churches, which in case they deserved destruction, ought to be destroyed by the E­dict of Kings and Emperors, which cary the sword, not without good cause? &c.

For answer to the third question, they shew by sundry places of Scripture, that there is no other helpe against evill Princes, than prayer and patience. Nihil modo pro Imperatore nostro dicimus, &c. We will for the present say nothing in defence of our Emperor, but this we say, though he were as bad as you report him to be wee would endure his government, because our sins have deserved such a Governor. Even such a Prince ought not to be resisted by vio­lence, but endured by patience and prayer. Moses brought many plagues upon Pharaoh, whose heart God had hardened, but it was by prayer and the lifting up his hands to heaven. And S. Paul requi­reth prayers to be made for all men, for Kings and such as are in au­thority: which Kings were neither Catholikes nor Christians. Baruch also from the mouth of the Prophet Jeremy, wrote unto the [Page 20]Iews, which were captives unto the King of Babylon, that they must pray for the life of Nabuchadnezzar the King of Babylon, and Balthazar his son, that their dayes in earth may be as the dayes of Heaven,Epist. Leod. &c. S. Paul teacheth why we ought to pray for evill Kings namely, that under them we may lead a quiet life. It would becom an Apostolike man, to follow the Apostles doctrin: it were pro­pheticall to follow the Prophet, &c. Thus far they in their Epistle Apologeticall.

He that wrote the life of this Emperor Henry the 4,Vita Hen. 4 quo supra. an auncient, a modest, and an impartiall relator of such occurrents as happened in his time, declareth his dislike of the Popes practises, and the Ger­maines tumults against their said Soveraigne Lord. Magnum mun­do documentum datum est. A great instruction was given to the World, that no man should rise against his master. For the hand of Rodolph being cut off shewed a most just punishment of perju­ry; he feared not to violate his fidelity sworn to the King, and his right hand was punished, as if other wounds had not beene suffici­ent to bring him to his death, that by the plague of the rebellious, the fault of rebellion might be perceived. Thus far he.

The sixth Chapter proveth the same by the testimony of the Writers from the 1200 yeares downward.

I Will for conclusion produce Otho Frisingensis, Thomas Aquinas, Gratianus, Philip the faire King of France, the Parliament of En­gland, in the time of Edward the 1, Vincentius and Aeneas Silvius, that afterward was Pope, by the name of Pius Secundus.

Otho Fri­sin in his Epistle de­dicatory before his Chronicle. Otho Frisin gensis hath an excellent saying in his Epistle dedicato­ry to Frederick Barbarossa, Cum nulla persona mundialis inveniatur quae mundi Legibus non subjaceat, &c. Although no earthly man can be found, that is not subject to the Laws of the World, and in re­spect of subjection, liable to correction: Kings as it were placed over Laws, are not restrained by them, but reserved to the exami­nation of God, according to the words of the King and Prophet, Against thee only have I sinned. Psal. 51.5. It becommeth therfore a King, both in respect of the noble disposition of his mind, and the spirituall il­lumination of his soule, to have God, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, ever in his mind, and by all meanes possible to take heed, that he fals not into the hands of God, seeing it is (as the Apostle saith) a fearefull thing to fall into the hands of the living God. It is [Page 21]more fearefull for Kings, than for any other; because Kings have none but God himselfe above them, whom they need feare. It shall be so much more horrible for them, by how much they may offend more freely than other men. So far Otho.

Thomas Aquinas, Aquin▪ de regimine prin. lib. 1. cap. 6. (if the tractate de Regimine Principum be his) maketh three sorts of Kings; Kings by Election, Kings by Subor­dination, and Kings by Succession.

For the first, he saith, that they which did establish, may abolish.

For the second, we must have our recourse to him that did sur­rogate the subordinate King: as the Iews did to Caesar against He­rod: for the last, his resolution is, Recurrendum esse ad omnium Re­gem Deum, that we must fly to God, the King of all Kings, in whose only power it is to molifie the cruell heart of a Tyrant. And that men may obtaine this at the hands of God, they must cease from sin; for wicked Princes, by Divine permission are exalted to pu­nish the sins of the people, tollenda est igitur culpa ut cessat tyranno­rum plaga, we must therefore remove our sins, that God may take away his punishment. Thus far Thomas.

Gratianus, which compiled the Decrees, is very peremptory, that the Bishop of Rome ought not to medle with the temporall sword, the state of Common-wealths, or the change of Princes. He saith nothing indeed de Regni ordinibus, which in his time, and a 100 yeares after him, never dreamed of any such authority. Cum Pe­trus qui primus Apostolorum à Domino fuerat electus, materianlem▪ la­dium exerceret: When Peter whom the Lord had first chosen of all the Apostles, drew the material sword, to defend his Master frō the injuries of the Iews, he was commanded to shearh his sword:Mat. 26.52 For all that take the sword, shall perish by the sword. As if Christ should have said, Hitherto it was lawfull for thee and thine auncestors to perse­cute Gods enemies with the temporall sword, hereafter thou must put up that sword into his place, and draw the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God, to slay the old man:Caus. 23. quest. 8. pa­ [...]ag. 1. Rom. 13▪ 4. whosoever beside the Prince, and without his authority, that hath lawfull power, and as the Apostle teacheth, beareth not the sword in vaine, to whom every soule must be subject, whosoever (I say) without or beside the Princes authority, beareth the sword, shall perish by the sword. Thus far Gratian.

About the yeare 1300 began a quarrell between Boniface 8, and Philipus Pulcher the French King, about the collation of Benefices, Prebends and other Ecclesiasticall promotions. Whereupon the Pope wrote unto the said King, as solloweth: Boniface Bishop [Page 22]the servant of Gods Servants, to his well-beloved Son Philip, by Gods grace King of France, greeting and blessing Apostolicall. Feare God and keepe his Law: We give thee to understand that thou art subject to us both in Spirituall things, and Temporall, and that no gift of benefices or prebends belongeth to thee. If thou have in thy hand any vacant, keep the profits of them to the Successors and if thou hast bestowed any, we decree the collation voide, and recall it, how far soever it hath proceeded. Whosoever beleeveth o­therwise, we account him a foole: Dated at Lateran the fourth of the Calends of December, and in the 6. yeare of our Papacy. King Philip returned his hautinesse, a correspondent answer, viz. Philip by the grace of God, King of France, to Boniface bearing himselfe for Pope,Philip. Pulcher. Salutem modicam sive nullam Sciat tua maxima fatuitas. Lat­tle health or none at all. Let thy great fooleship know, that in tem­porall things we are subject to no man. And that the gifts of pre­bends and Ecclesiasticall promotions, made and to be made by us, were and shall be Lawfull, both in time past and in time to come. For such collations belong to us in the right of our Crown: where­fore, we will manfully defend the possessours of the said dignities, and do judge them that thinke otherwise fooles and mad men. Given at Paris the Wednesday after Candlemasse, 1301. Questi­onlesse this King that did so scornefully reject the Popes chalenge pretended from Christ, would little regard the claime of the No­bles, derived but from the people.

The same busie Boniface, of whom some write, that he came in like a Foxe craftely, raigned like a Lion cruelly, and dyed like a Dog miserably, would take upon him the decision of a controver­sie between the Kings of England and Scotland, and commanded King Edward of England either to cease his claime, or to send his procurators to the Apostolike sea, to shew his right, and to receive such order from the Pope, as justice and equity would require. The Lords and Commons then assembled in Parliament at Lincolne, sent Boniface this answer in the Kings behalfe. Whereas our most dread Lord Edward by the grace of God, the Noble King of Eng­land, caused your Letters to be read openly before us, touching cer­taine occurrents of state between him and the King of Scotland, we did not a little marvaile at the contents thereof, so strange and wonderfull, as the like hath never been heard of. We know (most holy father) and it is well known in this Realme, and also to o­ther nations, that the King of England ought not to make answer for his right before any judge Ecclesiasticall or secular: by reason [Page 23]of the free estate of his Royall dignity and custome,Parliament at Lincolne quoted by M. Beken-shaw. without breach at all times unviolably observed: Wherefore after treaty had and diligent deliberation, this was our resolution, that our said King ought not to answer in judgement, nor send procura­tors or messengers to your court: seeing that tendeth manifestly to the disinheriting of the right of the Crown, the overthrow of the state of the Kingdome, and the breach of the Liberties, Customes, and Lawes of our Fathers, for the keeping whereof, we are bound by the duty of an oath, and will (by Gods help) maintaine and de­fend with all our power and strength, &c. Dated at Lincolne Ann. Dom 1301. & anno, Edwardi primi 29. This was then the resolution of the state of this land: if our late sectaries Popish or Puritan, bring in any other Doctrine, we may not leave the cawsey of truth and obedience, whereon our forefathers walked to their commenda­tion, to follow these new guides, in their by-paths of pride, diso­bedience, and contempt of authority, to our destruction.

Vincentius in his Speculo Historiali hath a notable place to dissw­ade from sedition and perjury. Ʋt pace omnium bonorum dixerim, li. 15. c. 84. haec sola novitas (ne dicam haeresis) nec dum è mundum emerserat. That I may speake with the favour of all good men, this meere novelty (if not heresie) was not sprung up in the world, that Preists should teach Subjects, that they owe no subjection to wicked Kings, and albeit they have given an oath of fidelity unto them, they are not bound to keep it: Nay they that obey an evill Prince, are to be held as excommunicated, and all such as rebell against him, are free from the guilt of the crime of perjury. So far he.

I will end this Chapter with Aeneas Silvius, Pius 2. de o [...]tu & author, imperii cap. 23. who dyed in the yeare 1464 Sit tandem finis litium, Let there be an end of contenti­on, and one principall head to determine all Temporall matters: let the occasion of perpetuall debate be taken away, let men ac­knowledg themselvs subject to their Prince, and give reverence to him, whom God hath made his vicegerent on earth. As that which God commandeth must be obeyed without contradiction, so the Temporall Commandements of Caesar, may not be resisted. But let the Kings themselvs beware that they opreise no man unjustly, nor give their people cause to cry to God against them, for the earth is the Lords and the fulnesse thereof: he will not forget the cry of the poore: and for the sin of the Prince he translateth the Govern­ment from one Nation to another. There is nothing more offen­sive to the greatest God the King and Creator of Heaven and Earth, then the neglect of justice, and the oppression of the poore: [Page 24]as the Psalmist saith, The poore shall not alway be forgotten, and the patient abiding of the needy shall not perish for ever. So far Silvius.

The Seventh Chapter sheweth the concord of Papist and Puritan for the deposition of Kings, and their discord about the meanes and persons to be imployed in the execution of their Designements.

CHilderick was deposed, and Pipine crowned King of France about the yeare 750. The truth of which History is this: Chil­derick voyd of all Princely gravity, gave himselfe over to pleasure and wantonnesse, leaving the burthen of the State to Pipinus, that was his Lord Marshall: Who conspired with the Nobles, to ad­vance himselfe, by the desition of the King his master. To set a bet­ter colour on the matter, Pipine sent his Chaplaine to Pope Zacha­rie, to have his answer to this Question: Whether should be King, he that bare the name and did nothing, or he he that grverned the King­dome? The Pope gave sentence with the Marshall against the King, whereupon, Childerick was made a shorne Monke, and Pipine a crowned King.

It is a wonder to see how these opposite sectaries, do insist upon this fact of the French-men, to justifie their dangerous Doctrine, and seditious conspiracies against Princes. As Card. Bellarmine de pontif. lib. 2. cap. 17. Thomas Harding against the Apologie of the Church of ENGLAND fol. 181. Franc. Fevardentius in his Commentary on Hester page 85. Boucher, alias Raynolds de ju­sta abdicatione Henrici. 3 lib. 3. cap. 14. Ficklerus de jure magistratuum fol. 30. Alexander Carerius patavinus de potestate Papae, lib. 2 cap. 3. D. Marta de temporali & spirituali pontificis potestate, lib. 1. cap. 23. and Doleman in his conference touching succession parte. 1. cap. 3. page 48. And also these Puritans, Christopher Goodman in his treatise of o­bedience, pag. 53. George Buchanan de jure Regni apud Scotos, pag. 47. Danaeus de politia Christiana lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 221, Brutus Celta de jure magistratuum pag. 286. Philadelphus dialogo 2, pag. 65. Franc. Hottomanus in his Francogallia cap. 12. and Speculum tyrannidis Philipi Regis pag. 27.

Cardinall 'Pellarmine the grand-master of Controversies,De [...]ontis. lib. 2. c. 17. can­not endure to heare that this deposition was done by any other then the papall Authority.

Caeterum quod monachus iste (saith Lambertus Danaus) whereas [Page 25]this monke Bellarmine contendeth that Childerick was lawfully de­posed by Pope Zacharias, a stranger, a Priest, no Magistrate, but (in this respect) a private person, though he were Bishop of Rome. Resp. Da­naei ad Bel­lar. l. 2. c. 17 pag. 316. Will he ever be able to prove or defend his assertion? Can Zacha­rie have authority in France, being a stranger? Can he depose the publike Magistrate, being but a private person? or transferre that principality to Pipin that he hath no right unto? and commit so many sacriledges and impieties, stealing from Childerick, and gi­ving to Pipin another mans right? authorising subjects to violate their oaths, which they had sworn to their King? transporting Kingdomes from one man to another, wheras it doth only belong to God to depose Kings, and dispose of Kingdoms? Thou maist see (Bellarmin) how many outrages this thy Zachary hath committed, beside that he did thrust his sickle into another mans harvest, and meddled with the Cobler beyond his Last, in that, being but a Priest, he took upon him the decision of the right of Kingdomes. Thus far Danaeus, who is not so violent against the Pope,Danaeus pol. Christ. l. 6 c. 3 pag. 414. as he is virulent for the deposing power of Peeres, or States of the King­dome.

Men cannot say (as it is in the Proverb) nimium altercando ve­ritas amittitur, seeing that in this opposition, the truth is not lost, but divided among them. For their premisses, brought together, will unavoidably conclude, that this deposing power, is neither in the Pope, the Peeres, nor the People. Though it were, the reason of the seditious Papists and Puritans, à facto, adjus, is sophisticall in the Schooles, where nothing can be concluded ex meris particulari­bus, of meere particular instances. Absurd in Law, quia legibus non exemplis vivitur, for men must do as the Law requireth, not as o­ther men practise. Erroneous in Divinity, non ideo quia factum cre­dimus, August. ad Consen. de mendac. c. 9. faciendum credamus, ne violemus praeceptum dum sectamur ex­emplum: We may not do that, which hath been done by other men, least we break the Law of God, in following the example of man. And dangerous in policy, as my Lord of Northampton, the orna­ment of learning observeth. ‘The fly (saith that noble Earle) set­ting on the cart-whele, might as well wonder at the dust raised in the way, as Gregory or Zachary, draw counsell to power, and make that fact their own which was hammered in the forge of ambition, contenanced with the colour of necessity, and executed by Pepin, a minister, that being weary of subordination, resolved by this trick, when the meanes were fitted and prepared to the plot, to make himselfe absolute.’ The case of Kings were pitifull, [Page 26]if ex factis singularibus, it were lawfull to draw leaden rules in their disgrace. Thus fas the Earle.

The eight Chapter sheweth the danger of this Doctrine, and the Originall of the Puritan position, concerning the power of statesmen to punish and depose Princes in Mo­narchies.

THese desperate attempts, suggested by the Devill, executed by the people, encouraged by the State, and approved by the Pope, must serve as admonitions to Princes, to humble themselves before God: Qui non dabit Sanctos suos in captionem dentibus corum, who will not give his Saints for a pray to their teeth. For it is not heard (as our great King remembreth) That any Prince forgeteth himselfe in his duty to God, Law of Monarch. pag. 60. or in his vocation? But God with the great­nesse of the plague revengeth the greatnesse of his ingratitude.

These practises therefore must be no president for Peers or Peo­ple to follow, because God hath forbidden Christian subjects to re­sist, though Kings raigne as Tyrants: and commanded them to en­dure with patience, though they suffer as Innocents. And also, be­cause that in stead of releeving the Commonwealth out of distresse, which is ever the pretence of seditions practitioners, they shall heape mischief on it, and desolation on themselves: as (Aquinas) if he be the Author of the book de regim. principum, sheweth ma­nifestly. Esset multitudini periculosum & ejus rectoribus: de reg. prin. l. 1. c. 6. It were dangerous to subjects and governors, that any should attempt to take away the life of Princes, though they were Tyrants: for com­monly, not the well disposed, but the ill affected men, do thrust themselves into that danger. And the government of good Kings, is as odious to bad men, as the rule of Tyrants to good people. Wherefore the Kingdome, by this presumption would be rather in danger to forgo a good Prince, than a wicked Tyrant. So far Thomas.

They that are the authors or abettors of sedition, can neither a­voyd shame in Earth, nor escape eternall damnation. Though God the great Iudge do sometime permit Rebels, in his Iustice to pre­vaile against Kings for their contempt of the Law of the highest, and the neglect of their own duty; The reward of Rebellion shall be no better than the recompence of Satan, who is the instrument of the Lords wrath for the punishment of all disobedience. It is [Page 27]most true that as sick men, neer their death, have many idle fancies,Chrysoss. so the World before the end thereof shall bee troubled with ma­ny errours. In these declining dayes of the World, many Countreys, Cities and Cantons, renounced their old government, and submitted themselves to such a new regiment as they best liked: for confirmation of which practises, there wanted not politike Di­vines, (what wine is so soure that some hedgegraps will not yeeld) to invest the people and Nobles with the power over Kings, to di­spose of their Kingdomes.

Marsilius Patavinus saith, the deposition of a King,Marsilius Patav. de translat. Imporii, c. 6. and the in­stitution of another in his place, belongeth not to the Bishop of Rome, to any Priest, or to the Colledge of Priests, but to the univer­sall multitude of the Subjects. So far he.

From these, the Puritans have learned their error, of the power of States-men over Kings, then which, no opinion can be more dange­rous: where the Nobility are as ready to practise, as the Puritan preachers are to prescribe. What presumption is it in men, to passe the bounds which God hath set them, to controll the wisdome of the Lord, and his unspeakable goodnesse, when he maketh tryall of the patience of his Saints, by the out rage and tyranny of cruell Kings, that they which are found patient in trouble, constant in truth and loyall in subjection, may be crowned with glory. Were we perswaded, that the hearts of Kings are in Gods hand, that the haires of our head are numbred, and that no affliction can befall us, which God doth not dispose to the exercise of our Faith, the tryall of our constancy, or the punishment of our sin, we would as well admire the Iustice of God, in permitting Tyrants, that our sins may be judged, and punished in this world, as praise his mercy and fa­vour, in giving rest to his servants, under the protection of godly and gracious Princes.

The ninth Chapter sheweth the generall consent of the Modern Pu­ritans touching the coercion, deposition, and killing of Kings, whom they call Tyrants.

THe Citizens of Geneva, changed the Government from a Mo­narchy to a Democrity, in the year of Christ 1536 In the which yeare, John Calvin came into that City, to visit his friend Farellus; And was chosen the publike reader of Divinity. At his first com­ming thither, he published his Teologicall Institutions; Wherein he doth very learnedly and Christianly intreat of the authority of [Page 28]Princes, and the duty of Subjects. One only place is harsh, and dan­gerous: delivered in obscure and doubtfull tearmes, to excuse (as I conceive) the outrage of the Citizens against their soveraigne Ma­gistrates.Instit. l. 4. c. 20. § 31. His words are these, Si qui sunt populares Magistratus, ad moderandam regum libidinem constituti.

Christopher Goodman published a Treatise of obedience at Geneva, Pag. 119. not without the very good liking and approbation of the best lear­ned in that City, 1557, Wherein he affirmeth, That if Magistrates transgresse Gods Law themselves, and command others to do the like, they lose that honor, and obedience which otherwise is due un­to them: and ought no more to be taken for Magistrates: but to be examined and punished as private transgrestors. So far Goodmā.

1577,Pag. 206. Came forth the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, with this resolu­tion, That Princes are chosen by God, established by the people; e­very privat man is subject to the Prince; the Multitude and the Of­ficers of State which represent the Multitude, are Superiors to the Prince, yea they may judge his actions, and if he make resistance, punish him by forcible meanes, So far he.

Anno 1588, Hermanus Renecherus published observations upon the 1 Psalm, wherin he investeth the Presbitery with all the Popes prerogatives. Concerning the Presbiterian power over Kings, this is his notable annotation:Pag. 72. God (saith he) hath ordained the Civill Magistrate for the good of the Ecclesiasticall order, therefore the Ecclesiasticall State is the highest throne of Gods earthly King­dome, the supreame Seate of all excellency, and the chiefest Court wherein God himselfe is president, to distribute eternall gifts to his servants. Whereas the politicall Empire is but as it were an in­ferior bench, wherein Iustice is administred according to the pre­scription of the Ecclesiasticall soveraignty. Thus far Renecherus.

I will make an end with William Bucanus, whose book was pu­blished at the request and with the approbation of Beza and Gou­lartius, maine pillars of the Church of Geneva, 1602. They (saith Bucanus) which have any part of Office is the publike administra­tion of the Common-wealth,Loco 76 p. 844. as the Overseers, Senators, Consuls, Peeres, or Tribunes, may restraine the insolency of vill Kings. Thus far he.

This Puritan dangerous error, is directly repugnant to the Law, the Gospell, the precepts of the Apostles, the practise of Martyrs, and the doctrine of the Fathers, Councels, and other Clasicall Writers, as I have proved in the 6 former Chapters, wherin the ho­ly Texts of Scripture, which the Papists and Puritans do damnably [Page 29]abuse against the Ecclesiastical and Civil authority of Kings, shal be answered by the godly Protestanes: whose labour God used to re­forme his Church since the yeare of our Lord, 1517. and by the ancient Fathers and Orthodoxall Writers in every age of the Church.

Inferiour Magistrates (saith Iohannes Baptista Ficklerus) are the defenders and protectours of the Lawes and Rights of the State,De jury magist. fol. 18. and have authority (if need require) to correct and punish the su­preame King. So far Ficklerus.

An English fugitive, which was the Author of the booke de ju­sta abdicatione Henrici Tertij, affirmeth, That all the Majesty of the Kingdome, is in the assembly of Statesmen, to whom it belongeth to make Covenants with God, to dispose of the asssises of the King­dome, to appoint matters pertaining to war and peace,lib. 3 c. 8. to bridle the Kingly power, and settle all things that belong to publike Go­vernment. So far he.

And the most seditious Dolemon saith,Part 1. c. 4. pag. 72. that all humane Law and order Naturall, Nationall, and Positive, doth teach, that the Com­mon wealth, which gave Kings their authority for the common good, may restraine or take the same from them if they abuse it to the common ill: so far Doleman: and of this opinion are many o­ther as may appeare by D. Morton by whom they are discovered and refuted.

How far this gangrene will extend, I know not. The Kings of Christendome are dayly crucified, (as Christ their Lord was) be­tween two theeves; I meane the Papist and Puritan, which have prepared this deadly poyson for Princes, whom they in their own irreligious and traiterous hearts, shall condemne for tyranny. I hope neither Peeres nor People will be so fond to beleeve them, or wicked to follow them, which pretend the Reformation of Re­ligion, and defend he subversion of Christian States. If inferiour officers, or the publike assembly of all States, will claime this pow­er, it standeth them upon, (as they will avoyd everlasting damna­tion) not to derive a title from Rome, Lacedemon, or Athens, (as Cal­vin doth, whom the rest follow) but from the hill of Sion, and to plead their interest from the Law or the Gospell. Si mandatum non est praesumptio, & ad poenam proficiet, non ad praemium: August in quest mixt. quia ad contu­meliam pertinet conditoris, ut contempto Domino colantur servi, & spre­to Imperatore, adorentur Comites. If their opposition against Kings be not commanded of God, it is presumption against God: for it is a contumely against God the Creator of all States, to despise Lords [Page 30]and honour servants, to contemne the Soveraigne Emperour, and to reverence the Peeres of the Empire. So far Augustine. My sonne (saith Salomon) feare God and the King, Pro. 24.21. and meddle not with the sediti­ous: for their destruction shall come sodainly, and who knoweth the end of them? The conclusion of all is, That Kings have supreame and absolute authority under God on Earth, not because all things are subject to their pleasure, which were plaine tyranny, not Christian Soveraignty: but because all persons, Within their Dominions, stand bound in Law, allegiance, and conscience, to obey their plea­sure, or to abide their punishment. And Kings themselves, are no way subject to the controule censure, or punishment of any earthly man, but reserved by speciall prerogative to the most fearfull and righteous judgement of God, with whom there is no respect of persons. He whose servants they are, will beat them with a rod of iron, and breake them in peeces like a potters vessell, if they abuse that great, and soueraigne power, (which God hath endued them withall,) to support error, to suppresse truth, and to oppresse the innocent. God, of his great mercy grant us the spirit of truth, to direct us in all loyalty, that we being not seduced by these seditious Sectaries, may grow in grace, stand fast in obedience, embrace love, follow peace and encrease more and more in the knowledge of our Lord Iesus Christ. To whom be all praise, power, and dominion now and for ever. Amen.

FINIS.

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