ESSAY On such as Condemn All they understand not a Reason for.

THeir Presumption is no lesse uncivill, then Prodigious, That having nothing else to warrant them, but a Pettish and So­litary Opinion of their own, will un­dertake, to arraigne, the Truth of all they cannot apprehend, or is not quite arrived within the Perfect Cognizance of their Reason. And by this Impudence, do not only, pro­claim themselves Judges of the pre­sent [Page 2] understandings; but present, the scanty measure of their own, as an unquestionable Standard, for all may succeed. Forgetting, to what base Offices they have put such Conceits, and Results to, upon a more serious Consideration; which at their first Conception, they esteemed Authen­tick, and not misbecoming the Cabi­net of a Prince. And if thus Capa­ble of Deceit from Themselves; What Security are they able to give for the Spurious Censures they passe upon Others, that one day they shall not be taken off from Wisdom's File, and some more True and Honourable placed in their room, to the Eternall Insamy of such, as are scandalized at any thing, former­ly, a Stranger in the Schools? Nor is this Humor the Continent of a lesse Malignity, then what hath been Ca­pable heretofore, (Nor is it lesse busie now) to obstruct, and Discou­rage [Page 3] all farther prosecution after Knowledg, by branding Reason with an Imputation of Atheism: and Han­ging what they understand not, un­der the Notion of Witchcraft; as Foster, a Country-Parson, did the Weapon-Salve: Against which, he Conjured up not onely the Fathers, Schoolmen, &c. but (so far as his Weak Talent could extend) did sub­orne Philosophy to attest against Her Self. Nor had this mad Duel be­tween Him, and Dr. LLoyde, (who being both of no great Strength did weaken the Nations repute abroad) been parted, but That Authority (to vindicate the usual cure of the Kings Evil from being an Operation of the Divel) did step in betwixt Them. The First, gaining the Opinion of as High an Impudence, for Beginning; as the Other, did of Folly, for main­taining so impertinent a Quarrel.

It was the Custom of King James, [Page 4] (and no question, of no small Im­provement to his Understanding) to Discourse during Meals, with the Chaplain that said Grace, (or Other Divines) Concerning some point of Controversie in Philosophy. And fal­ling one Day upon Atheism, He did by undenyable Arguments main­tain, No Man could be found so Irra­tional, as to deny a First Cause: (which could be no other then that Power we call God.) And Therefore, no such thing in Nature, as an Atheist.

What his Judgement was of Witchcraft, you may, in part, find by His Treatise on that Subject, and Charge he gave the Judges, to be Circumspect in Condemning those, Committed by Ignorant Justices, for Diabolical Compacts. Nor had he Concluded his Advice in a Nar­rower Circle, (as I have heard) Then the Denyal of any such operations, but out of Reason of State: and to [Page 5] gratifie the Church, which hath in no Age, thought fit to explode out of the Common-peoples minds, An Apprehension of Witchcraft. The greatest Miracles, now extant, ma­king their Apparitions, in the Dark Corners of this clouded Imagination. Into whose Cause I shall not pre­sume further to peep; as esteeming it more Dangerous then Terrible. Yet, for the better Vindication of such Innocents, as are daily obser­ved, to pass out of this Back-gate of Injustice, to another World, (Whose Posterns are the Ignorance of Judges, and Folly of our Lawes) I will here relate a Story of my own Knowledge, which if too Weak to refel this Common Errour, cannot be divested of Strength enough, to perswade more Discretion, and Charity, then is ordinarily imployed, in the Tryal of such poor Creatures, That are first made mad, as Solomon saith, through [Page 6] Poverty, and Affliction; and After Hanged, for being no better advised, then to Confess what they never did, or any Flesh and Blood was ever able to do.

Sir Humphry Winch, (none of the least Honest, and Conscientious Iti­nerant Judges of his Time,) was, in the Northern Circuit presented with this Evidence, against Three Silly Women, That they had out of propense Malice, not onely bewitched divers Cattle, and Children to Death: But the principal Cause of their Commitment, arose from the Son of a Gentleman, that was supposed to have layn divers Moneths under their Fascination; who at certain Times, would Contract his whole Body, within the Compass of a Joyn'd-stool, and write in Hebrew, and Greek Characters, though not knownto be skilled in those tongues; That a Spirit came then into [Page 7] him, sent by these poor Wretches, by which he was so Tormented, as he did, in his Fits, foame at the Mouth. Nor was there a greater, and more probable Evidence wanting; For, that Night the Judges entred the Town, One of the Witches, did pri­vately desire the Jaylour, to bring Her into a room by her Self, where without any Compulsion, (a thing not omitted by our Witch Finders) She told Him, she used a Familiar, together with the Rest; And that they had joyned to bewitch the said Boy; but did humbly beseech Him, her Fellows might not know it, nor she be returned to the same lodging, for fear, They should torment Her: And within few Hours dyed. Now upon the Keepers Evidence, and o­thers of like Nature, the Two were found guilty, and Condemned to be Hang'd. But under this Pro­viso, That in Case they continued [Page 8] obstinate in the Denyal of the Fact, The Sheriff should remand them back, where they were to live, till the Progress, which was to be North­ward, that Summer. The King be­ing gratified by nothing more, then an Opportunity to shew his Dexterity in Discovering an Imposture, (at which, I must confess Him, The Promptest Man Living) upon his Ar­rival convented The Boy. Where, before Him, (possibly daunted at his Presence, or Terrified by his Words) he began to faulter, so as The King discover'd a Fallacy. And did for a further Confirmation, send him to Lambeth; where the Ser­vants of George Abbot, did in a few Weeks, discover the Whole Deceit. And He was sent back to his Maje­sty, before the end of the Progress. Where upon a Small Entreaty, He would repeat all his Tricks often­times in a Day. Nor did He do and [Page 9] suffer all this, for a more Serious Cause, Then to prevent a present Whipping, and avoyd going to School. Amongst other Prancks, he lived in an Orchard a Week, upon Apples onely.

I shall make no Paraphrase, nor pursue the Argument further, to a­voyd Prolixity, no less, then Offence. The Doctrine of such &c. Being a Diana, out of Which, no small Profit is made, and Credit purcha­sed, in reference to Opinions, other­wise Ridiculous, and Untenable.

Give me neither Poverty nor Riches, Prov. 8. 30.

From this Wise Kings Prayer, we may Learn the Danger that resides, in these two Gulphs, Poverty and Riches. The Latter, alluring no less to Pride, then the First tempts, if not Compels towards Atheism, and [Page 10] Infidelity. Both gathering Strength and Aggravation, from the Com­plexion, and Education of the pati­ent; So as if Abundance proves the Lot of a Mean Birth; and Want, the Companion of one bred in Plenty and Eminency; it elevates the First, as far above the Sphaere of Moderation, as it dejects the Other, below the Centre of Patience. Pride despising Gods power, no less then Poverty distrusts it. For as a perfect and Harmonious Joy comes neerest to that pleasure and Content, assured us in Heaven: So Anxiety and Discon­tent are a representation of Hell. Melancholly being the worst of Hu­mours, because the Devils; (if he may be thought, to participate of any) who apprehends all ill about Him, and cannot but despair of bet­ter. Wherefore Poverty must be allowed the most dangerouus Conditi­on, because infested with all those [Page 11] prodigious Effects, this Diabolicall Passion is lyable to produce. Which are, in a manner, all we do in this World, either Punish, or Admire: Sin being a Result of Want; from whence it becomes so far more Ille­gal, then Unnatural, as S. Paul owns the Law, for the most Manifest Ori­ginal, and exactest measure of his prevarioations.

I know Abundance hath been by Good men, prized below Want, when offered to be made the Wages of Iniquity; though None besides Our Saviour, was ever found, able to grapple with the Enemy of Mankind being Hungry and in Want, as He was in the Wilderness. Which re­mains none of the Weakest Effects, left us, of his Divinity: And rather inserted, as a Mark of his own Pow­er, then an Example for our Immi­tation. Yet such Monastical persons, as endeavour to come neerest to it, [Page 12] have enough to Satisfie, though pos­sibly, not to pamper Nature. The Name of Voluntary Hope of Merit, and the Worldly Respect it brings, bearing most of the Charges belong­ing to it. Nor have they Wives and Children, which looked through, do like Opticks, multiply the Bulk of Want.

When Others (not wilfully) Sick of this Loathsom Plague, as if it were Infectious, are not onely Forsaken of All, but exposed to the Tyranny of Every Hand desires to oppress them. Law it Self, (a Friend to all else) being so heavy an Enemy to the poor Beggar, as it seeks to Dis­charge the Common wealth of Them, with no less industry, then the Phi­sitian, doth the Body of man, from Humours putrid and noxious to its Health. I know Some make a Trade of Want; and by it, are able to live, not one'y Idly, but in an Unbridled [Page 13] Luxury; Whereas, Those here meant, Consume their Bodies, by La­bour, or which is more Painful, in the Study of the Mind; yet cannot obtain so much, as to purchase bread sufficient, to stop the Mouths of their Family, from Barking at Heaven, and tearing God under the Vail of Fortune, for pouring upon others, with­out Limitation, what is denyed to them in the Meanest Proportion. Indeed the Ancient Stoicks, no less, then the more Modern Divines have, and do still continue their endeavours, to vindicate this unequal Distribution from the Tincture of Partiality; but have in my mind, left it more Am­biguous. Onely our Saviour in his Answer penned for Dives, seems (no less then in other Places of his Gospel) to assign Heaven, meerly for an Inheritance, to such, as Want here; and Hell for Those that abound: As he that marks the Words, can­not [Page 14] but imagine, Nor dare I apply the Figure of Hyperbole, to any Say­ing of His. Which exactly weigh­ed, is but a Salvo for a Mistake, An Indefinite Number or Quantity, suit­ing better the Mouth of an Ignorant Man, then the Immense Knowledg of our Blessed Redeemer. Wherefore (under the Correction of a more per­fect Light) I think the Simile of a Camel, (or Cable) and the Eye of a Needle justly and Mathematically proportioned, to the Salvation of a Rich man, who is uncapable of it, without a more Miraculous Extensi­on of the Mercy of our Maker, then is by Himself best known to Suffice such, as in this World, have not en­joy'd so much Plenty.

And, That an Observation of the Law is not Enough, seems to ap­pear, by Christs bidding Him that had Done it, To Sell All that he Had, &c. as the thing most acceptable to God.

[Page 15]Wherefore I could wish, That this Tithing the Minth and Cummin of Others Errours and Opinions, were not so nicely performed, and Chari­ty with her Concomitance Probity (the Whole performance of the Com­mandements) so quite neglected. Which no doubt, is the great Occa­sion of so much Indigence, as may be observed now; and so Contrary to That in Christs Time, as it rather hinders, then Facilitates, the Wayes to Heaven: So as it appears, That the Devil himself had never expe­rimented so much power in any Per­son, as was able to resist the Temp­tation of Misery and Want, till he met with Job. Which gave him the boldness to wager (as it were) with God, That in case, he removed the Hedge, his Love had placed a­bout him, He would Curse him to his Face.

Wherefore, it cannot be estee­med, [Page 6] a slight provocation was the Greatest, Mans Enemy could invent. Had he onely touched his Health, the Means of Recovery might have remayned: But his Livelyhood being lost, nothing continued, but Lean Patience; far too weak wholly to ward this Blow, though it may dis­semble the taking it, or Cover the Wound for a Season.

It is no less Wholesome then De­cent, to travel on Foot, with a Horse in thy Hand; but to the Destitute of a like ease, Tedious. Wherefore Seneca may make Demonstration of Wit, and prescribe Rules, for the more quiet enduring of Penury, but deserves the less Credit, because writ at a time, when himself had oc­casion to use more Moderation, then Patience; Which makes me believe, his Mind (together with the rest of the Puritanical Stoicks) was far a­verse from their Doctrine; since a [Page 17] decent Frugality out of the Society of a more Sordid Covetousness, could not have accumulated so immense a Treasure, as Tacitus reports, was found about Him. Yet Concludes his Documents, with a Peremptory Advise, rather to Die, then abide in so little Ease, as this, and far less in­tollerable Earthly Inconveniences are observed to bring with them. Which indeed were more to the purpose, Could Christianity make use of this his last Receipt: Who is prescribed by her Institutes, to Tide it out, although the Stream of its Inconveniences runs never so strong against the Nature of Man. So as if God had set any lower precipice, as the Bottom of the Leap, then Eternal Damnation, I think none so pusilla­nimous, as would not rather once take it, then to remain still under the Weight, of so heavy and unsoci­able a Calamity, that produceth all [Page 18] things Hurtful or Hateful to Nature, For when God mans-out his Hosts, the Poor are found in the Forlorne Hope; and Famine takes up her Head-Quarters under Their Roof. Nor doth the Pestilence find a more Convenient place, to hatch her Ma­lignities in, then the Bosom of the Indigent. And when the Sword is so Noble, as to spare him, it is not so much out of Mercy as Contempt. He being in this onely Happy, That his Condition is not in a capacity to become worse, no more then in any great probability of Amendment; Since in a general Felicity, he only is unhappy. Because Want renders her Owners uncapable of Trust, By creating Suspicion, before any Fault is Committed: For where Necessity abounds, there Theft and Deccit are supposed, as an Infallible Conse­quence. When a Felony, or Murther is committed, the next Poor Houses [Page 19] are ordinarily searched. Where the lesse is found of their own, the greater Suspicion is conceived of what be­longs to others. And so Loathsom is a Beggar esteemed; as he that is so Charitable as to make him Drink, is yet, thus uncivil towards Him, as to shut the Door, and wash the Cup after Him: as if it were impossible for a Person in want, either to be True or Wholsom. Being shunned of the Herd, as one struck by the seve­rest arrow of his Makers vengeance; and left nothing to accompany him, but Misery. -- Yet none may possibly apprehend him so wretched, as He thinks Himself. Being for the most part, deprived not only of Terrestri­all, but Future Comforts. For if Con­scious of Ill, (as what meanes hath he of living by, or doing any thing else but Evill?) through Death (the only way to lead him out of his transitory Misery) he apprehends one [Page 20] prepared for him that is Eternall. The Indigent person like the flying Fish, being not only persecuted in his Own Element, by those more Mighty; But upon leaving it, falls into their terrible Clawes, to whom is assigned the Dominion of the Ayr. This Crosse having wrought so strongly with some Complexions, as to purge away all Belief of Provi­dence, and revive that Old damnable Opinion, of a Double Nature in God. Now though our Blessed Saviour is not found above twice, to sustain his Followers a miraculous way, and that in the Desart, where Nature failed; yet, by making the Rich to divide with the Poore, he supplyed that Defect, this uneven-Distribution oc­casions in the World. And, that no small stress of Christian Wisdom lay in it, may seem to appear, in the se­verer Punishment inflicted by S. Peter (in many places styled the Prince of [Page 21] The Apostles) upon Ananias and Sap­phira, then ever was observed to at­tend such, as whipped, stoned, and persecuted Christ; not onely in his own person, but that of his Follow­ers. Wherefore, if those thus set upon, do daily fall into Heterodox Opini­ons, or are, not seldom observed, To hang up their Sheild of Faith, in the Temple of Despair; and Con­vert the Study of unrewarded Vertue, into the more Thriving Opportuni­ties, Deceit affords: they ought to receive pitty from us, because lyable to the like Lapses our Selves, who through Excess are found to rob the Poor, more then Necessity dares do the Rich, out of Feare of the Iron­teeth of the Law; in all Nations farre more severe, then those of Christ. Who, by not reproving his Disciples for Taking the Eares of Corn, gives the Hungry Belly a Larger Charter, in the enjoyment of Earthly Bles­sings, [Page 22] then the Tyranny of Power is willing to subscribe; it being no small Augmentation of the Needy's Misery, and one of the greatest tor­ments in Hell, to see All Plenty about Him, and want within. To Conclude, all further Discourse, on this Tragicall Calamity, I shall say, (but not peremptorily) If Sampson found Mercy that destroyed Him­selfe, for the Gratification of his Re­venge; what reason is there, in de­nying it to These, upon the Greater Provocation of want?

A Contemplation on Adams Fall.

SUch as think Gods first Injun­ction Trivial, in prohibiting Adam, to eat of the Forbidden Fruit, and the Temptation to break [Page 23] this Commandement, easie to be a­voided, Do not Consider, that Man in his Innocency, had no use of any Externall thing, but Meat: nor other Capacity of improving his In­tellects, save in Knowledge. A Desire, so diffused throughout the whole Masse of Humanity, that such as are too weak to apprehend Reason of State, will pry into the Causes of their Land Lords-Actions; or, that failing, raise Tumults, amongst Themselves, by a too neare inspecti­on, and Revelation of the Newes of each others Miscarriages. And this being the most universall Humour now, may render it more probable to Have been the same did accom­pany Man at the First: Nature re­maining Depraved, not Eradicated. Wherefore this Prohibition, was placed, according to Prudence, upon that Side, our Parents were weakest on; and so, more fit to receive a [Page 24] Caution. For, had God forbidden them Theft, or Murther, they could not have apprehended his Meaning: Nothing but Will corrupted by Pas­sion, being able to bring forth, such uncooth Sins into Action, which ha­ving once fallen, within the Com­passe of Experience, They, by Conse­quence, came within the Notion of Knowledge, nothing being yet pre­sented to their Imaginations, but what was already arrived within the Circuit of their Senses. The First Man appearing to me, no better fur­nished with Knowledge, then an In­fant in his Primitive Innocency; but That, his Organs being made Per­fect, he was Capable to apprehend all things, with the same Dexterity, his Senses were able to feed his Fancy: In which they might take so much Pleasure, (since Nothing is more Tastfull to Humanity, then Understanding) That to make, this [Page 25] Spring of Knowledge more fluent, he swallowed the Apple, the Fountain of his Infelicity; which instead of gratifying his Tast and Desire, de­praved both. If he gave Names to the Creatures, suitable to the Sinfull Use, was after to be made of them, He did not only Prophesie Their fu­ture misery, but His own: And if foreseen, why did he not prevent it? Wherefore the Fault must ly, either upon his Ignorance, or Will. For till his Fall, he seemes, to have as little need, of the Elephant's Docility, or the Oxes Industry, as it is improba­ble, but that They were both made for Imployment: which had been quite lost, together with all the Trades, the Blessing [of Encrease and Multiply] is sustained by; had not Adam fallen from his Originall Integrity. This makes me wonder, to finde Eve willing, or at leasure, to Chat and Gossip it with the Serpent; [Page 26] the most remote in Symmetry, from her own glorious Form, if not in Nature, from her Temper and Com­plexion; Especially, having so much the more Excellent and adapted Companion, as her Husband neere her to Converse with. Which might give Credit to their Opinion, That the Fall was long after the Trans­gression: but that the Impossibility of her Conceiving a Contaminated Issue, whilest pure in Themselves of­fers more then a probable Confuta­tion. It not being likely, they should Forget, for any Considerable time, to neglect one of their principall Er­rands, which lay, in performing the Blessing, of Diffusing his Like: The most Rationall Cause such can pro­duce, as attribute their Prevaricati­on, to an Excesse in Concupiscence; through which, the Tree growing in the midst of the Garden, became Contaminated. But to Bury this [Page 27] Conjecture, (no lesse, then the Opi­nion of Josephus, ‘That the Ser­pent had, together with all Creatures else, before the Fall, an Articulate voyce)’ in the more certain Relati­on of Moses; (though in nothing more Concise, and Abstruse, then a­bout the Beginning; not unpossi­bly, That he might preserve Truth, at the least prejudice to Tradition, in the Preservation of which, the People of God, were extreame, if not Superstitiously Tender.) I shall mo­destly propose, That if the Serpent, was really active, in the seducing of Man: (as may seem to appear, by the Curse layd upon him no lesse Diffusive, in reference to this World, then Ours, it reaching the whole Spe­cies; observed at this Day, to (rawle upon the Ground) Whether we may not inferre, That this-now-Despica­ble-Creature, was the First that went about to infringe the Ordinance of [Page 28] God: Since those that make the Ser­pent, only Instrumentall, to the De­vils Activity, Borrow it, from Con­jecture, not Reason, which was never observ'd to punish the Sword; but the Hand that did manage it to De­struction. Wherefore, if it was the Devils Sin, nothing but the Serpents Consent in making it selfe Instru­mentall, could procure a Punishment: No more then to the Winds that through his incitation, destroyed the Children of Job. Which put to­gether, may crowd a roome for this Conjecture, That the Devill posses­sed the Serpent with Envy First, at so glorious a Creature as Man was: And After, gained its Consent, to be Instrumentall in our Destruction, and so a Cooperator with Satan, and a Fellow in his Sin. For if it be thought unpossible, the Serpent should do so ungratefull a Service, to Humane Nature, upon its own Instigation, it [Page 29] appears as unreasonable, why it should bear all the Penalty; The Divel having augmented, if not Be­gun, his Rebellion, against his Maker, by seeking to destroy, this his Han­dy-Work.

These seeming Contradictions, together with the Appellation of an Evening and a Morning before the Luminaries (the onely Dividers of Time) were made, might tempt Philo the Jew, to dress in the Life of Moses, The Story of the Creation in an Allegory, or Fable: Who stan­ding Neerest those Times, and in a Better Light, may be thought by such as love to be Sceptical, most probable. But since the Ancient and Apostolical Church (To whose Creed, so far, as my Darker Infidelity, will give me leave, I shall submit my Judgement in all Humility) hath Ac­commodated it to Another Sense, I think it, as far from Prudence, as [Page 30] Christianity, to oppose, or in the least, Contradict it.

Though Apt to Consent, That the Lapsed-Angels might entertain more Commerce upon Earth, be­fore the Promise of our Saviour, and whilst Man stood upon his own Legs; then after God had taken him into his Protection; as not thinking it meet to trust such Frailty, with so Potent an Enemy. Wherefore he confined the Devil into Holes and obscure places, out of which upon his own Instigation, or Imitation of the Prophets of the Lord, he gave his ambiguous Oracles, till by the brigh­ter Apparition of the Star of Jacob, they were struck as irrecoverably Dumb, as they were Blind before: Averred by Plutarch in his Morals, in the Genius, or Ghost of Socrates. And he that would find a Reason, Why our First Parents were Asha­med of their Nakedness, must not [Page 31] seek it, in the Nature they Convey­ed to us, where Bashfulness is a Re­sult of Custom, but from the Contem­plation of some creature then in sight really, or seemingly more beautiful then Themselves: There being no Occasion for shame, but in respect of a more Transcendent Perfection. It remaining indubitable, That Chil­dren with us, and Men and Women a­mongst the Indians, (not to be de­nyed the Exactest Followers of the primitive Dictates of pure Nature,) are no more Sensible of Shame, in relation to those Parts Adam and Eve are said to have Covered, then the Europeans express, when found Bare-Faced. Blushing being a silent Confession of a Fault; not to be found, amongst The Works of God: Nor any where, till the Law had stamped the Figures of Reward and Punishment, upon such Humane Acti­ons, as do Advance, or Depress the [Page 32] general Felicity. Custom being so exact a Disposer of the Convenien­cy, if not Consent of Mankind, as to make Divers Wives in Turkey, lye quietly, under one and the same Covering. So as it requires more then an Ordinary Intelligence, to di­stinguish, between the Free Govern­ment of Nature, and the Imperious Tyranny, if I may not call it Anar­chy (for it is not in all places alike) of Education. But lest I should ap­pear rather a Disciple of Plato, then Moses, I shall pass by the Rabbys no less then the Modern Philosophers, that Consume more time, in Hunt­ing after the Original of the Disease, then the Means to Cure it, Not to be found but in Jesus Christ. Yet, as I said before, Since no Heart is empty of the Humour of Curiosity, The Beggar being as attentive in his Station, to an Improvment of Know­ledge, as the Prince; It is not unlike­ly, [Page 33] to have been the Primary and Centrical Sin; from whence The Lines of All Humane Vanities are drawn, and to which they are Fast­ned. For if our Latter Artists think it no ill Argument, to prove the Ba­sis of the Earth Magnetical, because the Loadstone is in all Clymates found: Why may it not be Con­cluded from as great a Diffusion, That A too Dilated Desire of Inspe­ction into things was Original Sin? Since not onely Observable in Solo­mon himself; but in the picture of the Fool he draws, who ran after Variety: Which is onely New Knowledge of a Strange Woman. And if I am not deluded by those More Learned, One Word in the Original is taken for Both. But to Proceed: When Eve saw the Fruit, she did covet; And Concupiscence is enough, Now to Condemn us, though nor then. The Text placing the Trans­gression [Page 34] in Eating, not Desiring: That remayning impossible to be prevented, All things till Contamina­ted by Sin, being in so high a Degree of Perfection, as they did enforce a Coveting in all did Behold them: ‘It appearing, too low a Sacrament of Duty in Man the Supreme Vice-Ge­rent of The Almighty, To have for a Testimony of Obedience, onely ab­stained from What was in it self but meerly Indifferently Good.’

It is not likely, He covered his Nakedness, with Leaves of the same Tree, from whence he gathered his Destruction: As those imagine, who suppose the Indian Fig to be the Forbidden Fruit: For how should he Dare to Touch that a Second time, had Wounded him, at First, quite through Himself, and his Posterity? Though Confess'd, a perfect Repre­sentation of Guilt. One Root being so Diffusive, as by a Gum that distills [Page 35] from the Boughs, to dilate it Self into the Vast Shade of a Desart, suffi­cient to cover an Host of Men.

Nor is Curiosity, and a Lickorish Desire of enjoying That we never Tryed, (though known to be the cloud, in which all the Storms im­pending Life are engendred,) yet Cured in us. ‘Who by Retail, drop into the same Errour, we Consider in Him, as the Highest and most Impertinent Folly. The Apple of a Wandring Eye, not be­ing Seldom found able to Over-ballance the Wisdom of Solomon, and the Piety of David.’

Wherefore it is time to give-o­ver upbraiding those Names of Adam and Eve: All things we never saw, or Knew, being Empty sounds, and Impertinent Appellations. Not sel­dom Loaden out of Ignorance in the Contents of their Story, (as a number of other Dead Voyces are,) [Page 36] with insignificant Praise or Blame. Especially, since Moses, and the Pro­phets are not heard to Condemn them; As Conscious to Themselves, they either would, or could not but have done the Like. Yet we may Safely say, That between the Sus­pension of the Promise and The Fall, (which might possibly Answer the time, Christ remained on the Cross) Adam endured greater Agonies, then e're was matched, but by God and Man: Who onely, knew the Way to untread the Maze, in which Man had lost Himself, and All that should Succeed; If so Wicked as to harbour a desire of dilating himself, and brin­ging an Off-spring into a like Dilem­ma, in which, he saw nothing for the Present, but Horrour, joyned with a Fearful Expectation of Worse to come. Not having so much, as the Weak Twig of Hope to sustain him from falling into Despair. [Page 37] Which could not spring but from the Root of an Experience, arising from a Former Experimented Mercy: The Garden having not yet produ­ced any Fruit so Lateward. There being as little Marks of Forgiveness, as there was a Dismal Example of Justice, stamped upon the Disobedi­ent Angels. Whose condition was yet, so far better, then Mans, as an already Determined Judgement is more tollerable, then One that re. mayns still Arbitrary, at the Will of an Omnipotent power; And in this ‘miserable anxiety, God saves Adam, whom, nothing else was so merci­ful, as to kill.’

Now I can do no less, Then pre­dicate here, a more charitable Opini­on, then Theirs That Conclude the Greatest proportion of men Lie under the Kingdom of Satan: By which, the Promise of Redemption comes to be Restrained, and so the Truth of [Page 38] its performance Obstructed. It being no where observable, in the Digni­ty of Reason, That a Superlative pow­er, should go less, or Beneath its Word in relation to Good. It excee­ding the Reach of the most Riged Distinction, or Strictest Interpretati­on, to find a Parity, or Equal propor­tion between the Head and the Heel: If any were discoverable, between crushing and biting. ‘This makes me Tremble at their Presumption, who Carry Breath in their Nostrils, yet, are not affraid to Affirm That all things so Dear to our Maker, as to be capable of a Future Happiness, are not to be found out of the Pale of Christendom, This, or That Church, or rather Chappel.’ No Single Profession extant, carrying a great­er Proportion, with the whole World then a peculiar Parish, doth to a Pro­vince. As if the Fountains of Gods mercy were not as ingenious, and his [Page 39] seven Spirits as Diffusive as those of Nilus; by which the Want not the Neglect of Rain is supplied in Egypt. Nor can it be imagined with any Salvo, to the Dignity, Pitty, Wisdom, Omnipotency, and the Promise of God First made, and therefore likely to be most inviolably kept, (he not be­ing as man, that he should repent) For, That the Earth is the Lords, and all that therein is, the Fulness thereof, cannot be True, if Hell swallow up the major part. And that Christ his Son should be found, at the last Assi­zes, with a smaller Trayn (let their Glory be never so Great) then his, shall march in the head of those mi­serable Souls, cloathed with the Wrath of God. Can any in Prudence, if in Equity, think That the Malice of his Enemy should be more Disfu­sive in relation to particulars, then the mercy of our Blessed Saviour? who did not like the Divel Fall for [Page 40] our Destruction, but Rise for our Ju­stification. There now lives not a greater Infidel, then S. Thomas was: yet the Apostles do not excommuni­cate him, nor Christ reject him, but cure him through a palpable manife­station of those wounds, the Greatest part of the World have not nor ever had any Knowledge of: Nor those most Reserved, any Inspection into; but what they make through so smal a Faith, as doth not answer the Pro­portion, of a grayn of mustard-seed; Else they would remove those mountains that shadow Truth. And if so single an Attestation as mine, might be allowed the boldness to appear, against such a Cloud of wit­nesses, as have found the Turk and Pope guilty in person, of the Title of Anti-Christ, I should reverse the Sentence; and pronounce it rather against That Order of Men, or Discipline, that put the Forgiveness of [Page 41] God under a Bushel, (which according to his Dignity and Promise, ought to Diffuse it self over all the Nations of the World) rendring by this means, the inexhaustible Treasure of Mercy, like the Philosophers stone: (of which some have made the Gospel of Jesus Christ but an Allegory) onely attain­able by a People, thus Scituated, In­structed and qualified: Whereas None that Call upon the Name of God (a custom appears by Genesis not to have begun till after Adam) are exempted out of the primitive Grant. The Fault of the Angels, if compared with that of Man, will not be found, upon a true Survey, much Different.

The First endeavouring to Equal their Maker in his Power; the Latter in his Wisdom.

It is harder to find a Reason for the Angels Sin against God, then their Malice to Man: It being usual for Malefactours to hate their Judge, [Page 42] and after Sentence, to endeavour the Hindrance of its Execution, and to bring Others, (at least those they know he Favours) into a like Con­demnation; Having Themselves no better Condition, to Hope for, nor Worse to Fear. Like the Wicked of this World, which seek that Ease a­mongst Company, they are not able to find Alone. Wherefore the pre­venting Satans further Triumph, may not improbably be numbred amongst the Causes why God shewed Mercy to Men; in the Salvation of whom, had he been so sparing as some imagine, His Justice would appear more prevalent, then his Mercy. And so run out into such a Dishonorable Extreme, as cannot be matched in the Practise of the Greatest Tyrants that ever were: Which are not found to make a Temporal Punishment to extend to a Major part, much less one Eternal.

[Page 43]What ever the Text may seem to import to our Dull Capacities, There was no Likelyhood That Adam would have in this Condition (if he rightly understood Himself) Eat of the Tree of Life: But rather have swallowed Poyson, (had that Place afforded it.) Who by Catching at the shadow of Divinity, lost the Re­al Substance of Humanity; at the suggestion of the Devil: who seeing God forme a Governour, out of the Dust, the most Despicable part of his Government, yet a more Honourable beginning then His, (Any thing be­ing better then Nothing) he might look upon it, with Disdain, as un­worthy the sentence of Goodness. Nei­ther might this Humour of Pride be provoked, if he be admitted so much Inspection into Future Success, as to see the Creature he despised, should not onely inherit the Glory he was fallen from, but Exceed the An­gels [Page 44] that Continued in Integrity. Thus the Serpent growing Fruitfull in Presumption, endeavours to fru­strate his Makers Intention, by la­bouring to Deface his Image in Man.

But Omnipotency struck Light, out of Darknesse, by making the Prince of it, Instrumental to the Pro­duction of his Son. And these Joyful Tydings, That the seed of the Woman should prevail against the gates of Hel, God brings Himself as a Token that he meant to performe it in his own Person. Neither is it to be passed without Notice, That, he saith, The seed of the Woman onely. For by that, might be prefigured the mira­culous Conception of our Blessed sa­viour without a Man; Noless, Then the Perversness of Depraved Nature. For though Adam had thus offen­ded and felt an Effect of the Punish­ment in his present Apprehension, [Page 45] yet he was not able to Lay hold on the Weak Vertues of Repentance and Acknowledgement; the Lawfull Daughters of Hope, with whom, yet he had no Acquaintance, much less Interest, before The Promise of Christ. But instead of these Tokens of Grace, he wanted not the Impu­dence, to lay the Fault on God; as if the Woman had been made and gi­ven him, for his Destruction. And in this Eves sin was Lesse, and her Manners more; ‘For though She would not take it to herself, but Cast it on the Serpent, yet She doth not upbraid God, with the Making of it.’

Now by Gods mild Answer in this no less then in his Colloquie held with Cain, after the murther of his Brother, we may find, He is not An­gry according to the mode of men, or as some represent him with Thunder continually in his Hand. As if our [Page 46] Prevarications and Miseries had Cre­ated passions in our Maker, and taught him to be Angry, or Merci­full. Since if ever he had been Ca­pable of Fury, it had Now appeared, when he found Malice, Ingratitude, Folly, and Pride laid all in the way, to interrupt his Work, which his Justice must have ruined, had it not been quenched by Love: A Vertue taken out of the Hidden Fountain of his Goodnesse; which till then, he was not pleased to reveal.

And Here his passing-by all No­tice, of the Devils operation, in A­dams Transgression may Colour their Opinion That think ‘Sin did Then, and Now doth proceed from Our selves.’

A Character of Honour.

Honour is one of the grand Impostures of the Earth; through whose false Splen­dour, unadvised Ambition is, as it were, Trepan'd out of its Life, Li­berty, &c. No Folly transcending theirs, esteeme themselves onely Happy in a vaine Title, or Syllable; at the beginning pronounced by the Prince, and after reverberated by the Meager, empty, and hollow Eccho, of the insignificant Rabble; no lesse ready, upon the Change of [Page 120] Fortune, to Murther, then Father, all Markes of Desert; to those very Particular ones, their own Indul­gence had informed. Opinion being for the most part printed in such blind Ink, as it hardly remaines legi­ble, to the Second Generation. The Merit of the first Proprietor becom­ming mortify'd by Oblivion, or quite dissipated, and lost in the Wilder Fields of a no lesse Nume­rous, then Vitious Posterity. So re­mote from improving any Talents left them by their Ancestours, as like the improvident Usurer in the Go­spel, they do not only expose them to Rust, and Cankers, but waste the Estate, with all other glorious En­dowments in which they were wrapped.

The Promoter of their Family, be­comming by this meanes, an Occa­sion of the Ruine of it. It lying in the Nature, no lesse then the Custom [Page 121] of Honour, to put as unreasonable an Excize on the Vices, as the Vertues of its Owners. I never thought it Prudence, or Discretion, to articulate over-severely on the worst of Modes I have had the Good, or Ill Fortune to be Born and Bred under; yet it seemes to Crosse the Grayn of Wis­dom, if not of Candid Charity, to arraign as guilty of Absurdity, all we finde in ordinary Practise abroad, though on the other side the Pale of Christianity. And for a particular instance; That, used amongst the Turks: where no Title but what be­longs to the Emperour, is made He­reditary.

‘Honour being hardly managable within the Compasse of Decency, by any are not perfect in the Steps that lead to it.’ Splendid Epithets, where there resides no reall Ability in the Party to deserve them, Cheating the Beholders, by an Expectation of [Page 122] more Vertue, and the Possessour with lesse, then his Parasites (a Vermine Capitall Fortunes are infested with­all) may have possibly insinuated into his formerly suborned imagina­tion. But to descend to a more ex­act Definition of Honour: It is a meere Ray or Beame darted from the Favour of a Prince, who in one body contains the Abstract of all Delated Dignities. And the Reward of every Desert is either Reall, or by him supposed, in the Nature or Actions of those he thinks fit to ad­vance: Amongst which none are more glorious, then they in Turky; where Worth is alwayes found the Antecedent to every Reward. Those in Christendom, that relate wholly to the Passions, and Affections of the Donor, not appearing. so Naturall, but further remote from the purer and unsophisticated Elements of Ma­jesty, then what is found inherent in [Page 123] the Party. The true Cause of Ad­vancement amongst us, being, com­monly so triviall, and foule, as for Shame, they forbore to recite it in their Patent. From whence, some may Conclude, those Disparities amongst Men proceeded at first, like Hills and Dales, from the Deluge of Pride, So long, a Succession of Go­vernment, hath powred upon the Face of the Earth. Courts by such Canting Termes advancing their par­ticular interest; which would be abated, were the Devourers, in an equall Parallel with those they feed on. The Rabble, for want of a more elated Prudence, imagining their Go­vernours to proceed, like the Gyants of old, from some Diviner Extracti­on then their Own. Not wise enough to apprehend, That Honour hath no advantage, really, in it Selfe, but what it is able to deduce from the Lower Condition, and basencsse of [Page 124] Others. All Titles, to Those relating to God Himself, as they were absent, before the Creation; So Reason informs us, they could not be Present now, were there no Crea­tures, endued with so much under­standing, as to be able to pronounce them. The most relucent Honour being Offuscated, and blinded in the Shades of Solitude. Wherefore, if it had a Name, it wanted an Owner, till something was made willing to promote it. No Age, ever repre­sented it more Naked to the World, then This we live in. Whereas the Jewes do in Italy, by the Ancient Roman Coynes, So, the Grave Visa­ges of 25 Bishops have been struck off, and put upon many Thousand Presbyterians; whereupon the Image, and Superscription of the Primitive Church, is quite defaced, and Obli­terated, through the Impresse they are exchanged for: which ownes no [Page 125] worth, but from the Gravity of the First. Being it self, of no greater Antiquity, then John Calvin, who did not but with some Difficulty as Boyes do Giggs, whip this Younger Go­vernment out of a Word, taught for many Ages to signifie Episcopacy onely; making it currant in Geneva. Now, if it be no lesse frequent in the Practise of Men, then in the Dialect of the Scriptures, to rob God of his Honour; why should any, but meerly Mortall, place Stability in it? Especially, since the Trash these Earthly Tumours swell withall, is by the Basest of, &c. render'd so per­spicuous.

Valour and Cowardice.

I Should much wonder how Valour and Cowardice, both strangers, if not Contrary to the Practice of [Page 126] undistracted Nature, could passe so long without the Errata, in the Place-Book of virtue and vice: But that I finde it, The Design of Policy, to advance, or abate the Credit of all things found Useful or Destru­ctive to her own, or the Generall uti­lity: And, where she can bring in the least Colour for it to paint, what is necessary to Commerce, with the gratefull Approbation of Religion; And to render the Contrary in the Dark Sense, and Black Characters of Hell. Allowing all Supports as De­cent and quadrating with the Beauty of Holiness, though Above or A­gainst the Lights of Reason, if found, any way requisite, to sustain Go­vernment. Of such force is Custom, that it is able, through the Assi­stance of Credulity, to stifle, and trample upon the Senses them­selves.

Now, though it may be no Indis­cretion [Page 127] in a Patient, to suffer himself for his Recovery, to be deluded by his Physitian; yet out of a Panique Fear, or effeminate Nicety, to swal­low more Drugs, and in greater Quantities then is unavoydably ne­cessary, may appear a Madnesse, ari­sing from the more Dreadfull, then Dangerous Phantasmes mustered up by the Fumes of a formerly-subor­ned Melancholy; rather then the Substantiall Dictates af an unsophisti­cated Judgement, which a Wise man may retain, and feast himself with, though for Manners sake, and to a­voyd the Danger, no lesse then Shame, impending Singularity, he may seem to own the most universall Opinion.

Now to shew, how Policy, no less then Religion, imposeth upon frail Humanity, in both the Fore-menti­oned Particulars (Though to the ap­prehension of Sense, absolutely repug­nant [Page 128] one to the other) they are sci­tuated as near Damnation, that ap­pear Overdaring in the prosecution of private Revenge; as such who out of Remissenesse, and Fear, betray The Cause of their Country; in De­fence of which, is placed, under all Professions extant, the Highest step of our Duty to God and our Neighbour. Which cannot be denyed to stand further remote in Nature, then what really Concerns Our selves: found recorded in Job, by the Divell; a far Ancienter Philosopher then the so­much-venerated Aristotle. From whence we may Conclude, ‘That Resolution and Dread instituted by Nature at first, for the Vindication and safety of every respective Indi­viduall, are since Tyranny and Pro­priety have forced us into Commu­nalties, reduced by Common Consent of Law, and Conveniency into a Pub­liaue stock, for the Preservation of [Page 129] All. So as we are suffered, to own no more in reference to our selves, then Prudence is able to filtch out of the Treasury of the State:’ and that upon no slighter a Penalty, then Law doth inflict; Which found too dim-sighted to penetrate further, then Externall Evidence can reach; Religion, whose Results (and those no weak ones) lye in Conscience, supplyes the place of a Diviner-Guard; Brandishing like the Angell in Paradise, the flaming sword of Hell: Which operates more or less, upon the Affections, proportionall to the Tincture, received from Educa­tion. Not seldom Proof (as we find in Hereticks) against the Dictates of Reason her Self; Nothing being har­der to be lost, or Convinced of Fals­hood then Opinions sucked in with the Nourses Milk. And this may raise an Use of Caution, in relation to what we call Pusillanimity, and Va­lour. [Page 130] Which in a Naturall and pri­mitive sense, signifie onely Evasi­on. And where that will not serve in order to our own Preservation, a vigorous and stout Resistance to the losse of Life it Self, as is manifest in every Creature, in the absence of hope; and therefore impossible to be found Wanting, in the pure and unsuborned Nature of Man. And so in the primitive Construction unca­pable of any Forreigner Interpreta­tion, then what is deduceable from our own judgement, without refe­rence to Fame, or Reward. Termes unintelligible, during the Originall Felicity: And before the Thirst af­ter Generation had swelled the World, into such an Ocean of Inhabi­tants, as could not be Kept within the Compass of Moderation, but by Mounds and Bancks; in the making of which all things are imployed that own the power to Terrifie or Flatter [Page 131] the Rabble into Obedience, without bearing any Nicer Respect, to single Individualls, then through Evading, or Over-ruling the Law, Power or Prudence is able to purchase to them­selves, by Mastering, Flattering, or Contemning publick Fame. After which, it may be sometimes less po­licy to run, then not to be too gree­dy, to give it welcom when it courts us: Opinion being a Bird oftner catcht by Chance, then Endeavour. Nor shall any one that carryes her on his First, ever want Envy, or Scratching by Others. And he that hath but the Patience, to attend Good or bad Re­port to the end of the race, shall ob­serve them like Cocks to change their Oddes: one unlucky Blow being able to depresse more, and draw a greater Concourse of Abettors to the Other side, then Twenty as strong and probable endeavours, without Successe can possibly advance. Or, [Page 132] if this fail, the Gamesters together with what they strove for, will by the hand of Time, be laid in Oblivi­on. Whereas the reall Wounds, and sensible Inconveniencies accruing ftom a too Serious Attention, and exact Observance of the Various Cadences of the Trumpet of Fame, subject to be put out of Tune, by the Change of every Blast, do not onely exceed the Cure of the Chie­rurgeon, but all endeavours to that of Wisdom it Self. Nor hath Policy any cheaper Trash to load the oppo­site Scale withall, then Honour and Titles; which like Horse-Bells, onely affect the Eare, as Diamonds do the Eyes; encreasing, rather then les­sening the Burthen of Life: which, with its Concomitance Envy, Dan­ger, and Jealousie signifies nothing, proportionable at least, to what the Purchase requires; Seldom enjoy'd of the Owner long, without Contro­versie; [Page 133] unlesse by dying in Possession he cuts off all contrary Claims. Wherefore such as have the Dexte­rity, to passe their Dayes, at the least Expence of Trouble and Conve­niency, may be truely said, to hus­band Discretion best. Nor are they likely to be misled, in such a vast number of Fooles and Madmen, as are daily observ'd, to Sacrifice their own Ease and Content to promote the Ambition and Small Plots of Others: Grounding their Hopes upon those, that have no Assurance Themselves. But this runs so con­trary to the grain of Practice, as it may not unpossibly, set such Teeth on Edge, as are able through Detra­ction, or Power, to blast the Authour of this Advice.

A Character on a deboshed Souldier.

HE carries no Signe of Repu­tation but in his Mouth; and that he suffers to run over, with tedious Stories of his own Va­lour: to justifie which, he hath wished his Damnation so often, as it is now sure; rendring him uncapa­ble of any other Peace of Conscience, but what he findes in Drink, or the operation of no Diviner Spirit, then that incites to Lust and Revenge; his Religion being so farre of his owne making, as he imagines God, like his [Page 188] Old Host, best pleased, by the Lar­gest Reckonings. With his Tongue he desires Warres, but is in Heart at peace with All, but his Maker. He had rather be thought behind-hand for Money, then Word: and will sooner, satisfie an Enemy, then a Friend, being readier to requite, what he receives in Anger, then Love; Injuries, then Good Turns. Rendring himself a Slave to Mar­tiall and arbitrary Justice for a small Salary, under the improbable pre­tence of Freeing Others. Nor dares this Gladiatour, that rants so high in Taverns, and on the Ale-bench, op­pose any thing but Patience, to the highest Affront, a Superiour Officer is pleased to put upon him. Though no Papist, he abhorres the Church. And like some of our Reformists, carries no more Marks of a Prote­stant, then what is legible in Perjury, &c. yet brags more of his Whoring [Page 189] and Drinking, then any Catholick doth of his Good Works. Who is thus farre Happy, that though he wants Faith to make him a True Saint, he ownes not so much Hypo­crisie, as to appear so. And there­fore more capable of Repentance, then those that Plunder and Mur­ther others, under a secret Pretence, of Honouring that God, he openly prophanes. He brags much of his Scarres, which truly examined, prove rather the Effects of Intem­perance, then Marks of Valour: his Face bearing the Hideous Impresse of Pots and Glasses, received not in the Fields of Mars, but the easier-entred Sconces of Bacchus. Whose Dis­course, though it travell'd still be­twixt one besieged place, or Leaguer, to another, yet it was alwayes Tedious. And if you altered the Subject, his understanding appeared proof against all Sense. [Page 190] After whom followed this E­pitaph.

On a Cook.

A Cook is a Baud to the Mouth. That Kills his own Stomack, to quicken his Master's. Who Lives like a Bear by licking his Fingers. Before a Feast, he in his White sleevs, and Apron resembles the Ephod of a Priest; and seems to be preparing rather a Sacrifice, then a Supper. In which, the Grand-Sallat may justly be thought to personate an Idoll. His office is a representation of hell: where all sorts of Creatures are tor­mented in Flames, to satisfie the de­praved and Various Nature of the Tastes of men. Whose Pleasures, and highest Contentments, are no otherwayes to be compleated, but at the prejudice of their Fellow Ani­malls: [Page 196] Over which, Reason, not Strength, hath purchased them the Soveraignty, So much abused in this world, as may render the worst of punishments, just, in the next. His profession somthing quadrates with Heraldry: Varying no lesse in Sawces, then they do in Colours, Bendes, Fesses and metalls; And are as much puz'led about marshalling the Dishes, and calculating the pre­cedency, at the Table, of a Wood-Coek, or Wigeon; a Gull, or Gosling, as, the other are, in placing Lords, and Ladyes. But this, and all the rest of his Learning, and Industry, concludes as I do, in an Excrement: which I wish in his — &c. And so, leave him to Blaspheme in the Kitchin: or Cooling his Tongue in the Cellar.

A Character of an Host.

AN Host is one who Thrives with Drinking, and growes Rich by Entertainments. He is of vast Acquaintance, but can num­ber Few Friends: besides Those resulting from Travaile, or Ne­cessity. His Conversation is alike to All men, that he may gain the more Money. Being, equally Ho­spitable, to every Religion he can save by. Giving his Guest the best Content or'e Night, out of hope to please himself in the mor­ning. The Government of his house is Tyrannicall, all Taxes being Arbitrary, at the will of [Page 198] his Wife, who sits Regent in the Kitchin. Yet every one that en­ters, takes his Chamber, for the time he stayes, as his own, With no lesse assurance, then Don Quixot did the whole Mansion, for an Enchanted Castle. He ventures, that reason he hath, in all Com­panyes. And in Defiance of any Drink the weary Travelour plea­seth to call for, which if said to be mingled, or adulterate, He calls the Name of God, and the person of the Drawer to attest the Con­trary. The Signe is the Scheme, by which, you may take the A­scendent of his Understanding. And his Half-peck, the Measure of his Conscience; of which his Osteler is Chancellour, and keeps the Key: Making no more of Cheating a Strangers Horse, then his Mistresse doth in Over-reaching both. If her Husband be grown into his [Page 199] perfect Symmetry, his Belly bears the exact proportion, of the big­gest Jugg. And his Face of That, in the First Edition of Frier Ba­con's Works. He suits his Discourse, as Fidlers do their songs, to the Eares of the Hearers: choosing rather to offend Truth, then his Company. And, in case, any ride double, he proclaims them Man and Wife: as far more willing to foment Bawdery, then foule two pair of sheets. He is seldome far out of the way, though Drunk or Hang'd: The First, being as neer the Road of his Profession, as the Latter is of that of his Desert.

Deductions from the History of the Earl of Essex, who was executed for Treason, under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; with a modest Answer to Sir Henry Wotton.

THe Love of a People, may be observed, of no lesse dange­rous a consequence for a Subject to trust to, then their hatred proves to such Princes as are so un­wary as to neglect it. For after that Sir Robert Cecil had prevailed so farre upon his own Brother, the Earl of Exceter (most else refusing the imployment, out of Love or feare) as to proclaim Essex Traitor: He appeared, deserted by all, but [Page 202] some few unfortunate Gentlemen, whose Lives out of Gratitude, or Want, depended wholly on his.

Nor is the Affection of a Prince, lesse permanent, then their Anger deadly. And in the first of these the Queen was unconstant, in the lat­ter inexorable. Wherefore, if du­ring so long a reign, no great quan­tity of Blood was spilt, it rather re­sulted from her Subjects Innocency, then any propensity to forgiveness, in­herent in her Nature. Nothing com­ming so hardly from her, as a par­don; I mean of such faults, as con­cerned her self. And in this she shew­ed a rare prudence, in becoming a­ble to raise a prositable use out of a Naturall defect, for (born of that sex, allowed by all as the weakest in Judgement) she lay more obnoxi­ous to a Censure of insufficiency, then that of Tyranny: the stern­nesse of whose looks, hath in all a­ges [Page 203] scared away contempt, the inse­perable Companion of a cheap and effeminate Nature.

So as neither Leicester, Hatton, nor any other Minion, could ever ex­tract so much favour from her, as might serve their Lands or Heires, from refunding what their Fathers had mis-spent: Her favours keep­ing no Servant company, beyond the Land of the Living. The most apparent reason why the Lady Eli­zabeth Hatton cast her selfe into the contaminated arms of Atturny Cook Nor could her disposition to severl­ty be in any thing more manifest, then the extraordinary meanes u­sed but to defer the execution of the Earl of Southampton, who had besides pity, the enemies of Essex to plead for him: yet she continu­ed inflexible towards mercy, till the same hand that led her into the temptation, did like the Divels, [Page 204] shew her the glory she was fallen from already, in her Subjects opini­on, by quenching his, and their ene­mies malice with the Blood of their Darling. Nor was this hard-extra­cted Mercy unsuitable to the emer­gency of the present occasion, for (as I have been often told) not one­ly those that did in the peoples opi­nion, contribute to the murther (as many called it) of the Earle: But the Queen herself, was exposed to some publique affronts. The spe­ctators she passed through in every town, (especially in London) be­comming far thinner and muter then formerly they were.

Some Princes love not that Child is in order to succeed them: but all abominate a stranger lyes un­der that notion; the cause that she, contrary to the well-being of the Subject, no lesse then the priviledge of Parliament, Committed Pigot and [Page 205] Wentworth, for moving to know the Man, and beheaded Essex, but for making a smal demonstration of of­fering himself: Though the later Ro­man Tyrants took that little securi­ty they did enjoy, from a quite con­trary course. But this was at a time when the blood Royall lay extinct, and the possession of the crown fell to his share had the Keenest Sword and strongest head-piece: In which case the most probable way to se­cure the Prince, was the declaring his Successour, who to preserve his own dignity, was likely to take re­venge on any should assassinate him in the throne before, a thing very ordinary in those depraved times; not so in England, where during her Reign, there were no lesse then fourteen titles, good and bad, which by her Silence were all kept quiet. For till she made a publique declaration, none had a just cause to [Page 206] complain. And in case any endea­voured to have succeeded by force, she had a fair choice out of the rest to make opposition, none being free from some considerable defect or other. The Parliament remain­ing wholly at her devotion, and no Ill-willers to Essex; The Commons being as fearfull of the Regiment of a Stranger, as the Peerage were jea­lous of the house of Harford, or any else deducible out of their own Bo­dy. Fortune appearing then in all particulars so strong on Essex side, as she seemed rather unable, then un­willing to bear out the charge of his folly, who put her upon such Im­pertinent errands, as the Dutch youth do fooles on the second of Aprill: Through which she became so far tired, as she was forced at last to return him a Block and a Hatchet. This unconstant Deity, being in the number of such giddy Auxilia­ries, [Page 207] as none can be sure what side she will take, and therefore not to be trusted by a wise man. The most steady if not signall events, having been brought about without any o­ther mediation of hers, but what is unpossible to be avoided; in which sense she is rather capable of the title of Providence, then Luck. For­tune resembling a cane, which no wise man, but in an unavoidable ne­cessity will hazard the weight of his whole rest upon. Wherefore the Earl of Essex, if he had not been be­fated with a strong Opinion of suc­cess in all his actions, (though built on the weakest foundation) would never have referred his life & future well-being to the sole arbitration of Chance, and the unconstant guidance of a Womans Affection: which being onely skin-deep, could not but in a Court, furnish a person of far lesse magnitude then a Soveraign power [Page 208] with choice enough: Especially af­ter his enemies, for their own secu­rity, had so far Indulged his, as to furnish him with an Army paid by the Queen, and chosen by himself. Nor were the greatest families then in Rebellion in Ireland, (rendred by the most probable reports) lesse o­bedient to him then his respective Officers: And if these advantages had been too little to have set the Crown upon his head, after the de­cease of his Mistrisse, he might have had any men, or mony from the most Catholick King; who would have advanced his designes, or any naturall English Subjects else, that had but opposed the Scot­tish Succession. Which was for­merly projected by Leicester, and the onely visible occasion he mana­ged the English force in the Ne­therlands with so little care, and worse successe, who immediately [Page 209] began to prosper upon his remove. But Essex had Religion and Fidelity, inherent in his Nature, Humours known so Incompatible with Ambi­tion, as it was no lesse unsafe for him to court a Crown, then it did after prove Incongruous and mis-becom­ming, for his more frigid Son to make Love, and Importune Ladies. Nor is this a conjecture of my own, but what I have often heard aver­red by the friends of Sir Charles Danvers, whose youngest Sister married my eldest Brother. And that the Honesty of Essex (never de­nied to exceed his Discretion) might for the present moderate his Ambi­tion: But how he would have be­haved himself in the company of an absolute power, may be safer now disputed by us, then at that time ex­perimented by the Queen. Successe in those that wear it, expunging like Aqua Fortis all former marks of [Page 210] Allegiance or Probity. For though his first thoughts might be of no larger extent, then to remove Cecil, and other declared enemies, under the notion of evil Counsellers, that powred into her Eares such tales as were disadvantagious to the true Religion, and Policy of the State: Yet that point gained, he could not from a lower Station then a Throne, have satisfied so many, wiser men then himself, whose clearer insight into the advantages he was then in pos­session of, had tempted to be adven­turers with him. So as all the favour could have accrued to his Mistris from a more happy success then be­fell the Earl, exceeded not the Complement of continuing her in his lap, (a place not likely to sute long with her Age, or his occasi­ons.) Queen Elizabeths Reign, ha­ving been too reserved, quietly to have indured from an Administrator [Page 211] (she remaining yet in being) so pro­fuse an expence of honour and Riches, as was expedient to be thrown to such a needy party, as had already Imbarqued themselves in his service, whose fidelity and strength (the Nurslings of hope, re­ward and preferment) was requisite to maintain him on the Stage. For though possibly, his desires might terminate in a removall of his Ene­mies; They had no honester design then to raise themselves, without much reference had to the meanes. From whence it is easie to contem­plate the prodigious Disparities in Rebellion; which though begun upon never so just, moderate, or Re­ligious pretences, necessity, ambition, and Humane frailty will interject so many new and unexpected preten­ces, and events, as it rarely con­cludes, without the ruine of it self, or the Commonwealth; which once [Page 212] suffered to grow intemperate and run over, it doth like a Pot consume its own fat, and loseth its former strength and Glory, by raising the drosse and dregs of her Subjects, uppermost.

One cause of his presumption was, The fond Opinion he had, that she would not rob her eyes of the great delight she took in his Person. A fantasticall over-weening of himself, and womans Affection, to whom, no single mans perfections was ever yet found continually Gratefull.

Now such as wonder, how she durst bring him to the Scaffold, for fear of her own Honour, are not throughly studied in the boldnesse of Princes (whose faces are conti­nually steeled with the varnish of a grosse Flattery, put upon their worst Actions) no more then the com­punctions of Dying Men, who desire rather to clear themselves towards [Page 213] God, and the world, then imperti­nently to accuse others: Besides, a hope of Pardon, not to be cut off but with his Head, was a sufficient Rea­son to restrain him from breaking out into any intemperate ranting a­gainst his Prince: As Biron of France, did not long after, most Imprudent­ly fall into, in reference to his King, Henry the Fourth, Dying in the opi­nion of the generality, rather like a mad man, then a Christian. Yet had Essex unloaded his bosome of all it did contain, it might possibly not have swelled to so great a bulk, as did then appear in the Opinion of the most: or that it may after be blown up to by flatulent Posterity (sel­dom endued with so even a fortune, as to have truth and falshood weighed to it in an equall Ballance) manisest in a number of Relations extant at home, and abroad. The Bloud she inherited, no lesse then her Father's [Page 214] humour, having procured her no good opinion from the Church, ac­cording to whose Dialect the gene­rality did heretofore, out of Igno­rance, or reverence, tune their belief.

Had he been true to his first Prin­ciples, moulded by some more dex­terous heads then his own, which was to spin out his time, together with the Irish war, till a certain report of the Queen's sickness, or death had come to him, from such an unquestioned number of his own Confidents, as were able to have assured belief; It might in reason have presented him with his wish, or at worst so much power, as would have made him arbitrator of the next suc­cession. But hast, proceeding from a Naturall Impatience to live out of England, and the contrary advice re­ceived from some neer about him (suborned to destroy him) rendered [Page 215] all addle: By perswading his return without an Army, upon a false report raised of her Majesties Death, the time assigned, wherein to shew himself. And to this end, the Warres in Ireland were prolonged, with no weaker endeavours, then Montjoy used after to conclude them, Owner of no other project but the reducing of that Province unto obedience: Essex presuming so farre upon the peoples affections, that he thought the sound of his coming able to raise an Army whereever he came.

Essex, if he had been master of parts strong enough to have mount­ed him into the Saddle of Soveraign­ty, might have found by the beat­ing of the Parliament (a true pulse of the Nation) That there was no probability to raise any advantagi­ous distemper for him, during the life of the Queen: The people ap­prehending [Page 216] little other cause of dis­content, but what might arise from the thought, that their present feli­city depended only on the continu­ance of an Old Lady; After whom, they expected more dismall dayes, then their Love could ever have imagined from the Government of Essex.

Wherefore to lay the Sceane of any thing carried but the vizard of a Rebellion in London (at that time abounding with riches and felicity) was an act savouring of so great Im­prudence, as I wonder his enemies should bring him to it, or his Friends suffer him to prosecute: As I have often told some at that time neer about him, who made me no other answer, but that he perished be­tween his own presumption, and others Infidelity. His security might have been more, and losse lesse, had he gone into Wales, when he passed [Page 217] through London, where he had great love both by Inheritance from his Father (a good Landlord) and his own purchase, alwayes of a liberall Nature. Nor did he fail to wear a Leek on St. David's day, but be­sides, would upon all occasions vin­dicate the Wetch Inhabitants, and own them for his Countrymen, as Queen Elizabeth usually was wont, upon the first of March. And by this the Earl grew so popular amongst these people (especially such as had little to lose,) that without all que­stion, so many would have appeared in his favour, as might have procu­red him audience from her Majesty, and not improbably the removall of his enemies, under that notion ha­ted by the generality, no lesse then those linked to him, under a more strict friendship. Or if this had been too hard a task, their strength and meanes was not likely to want [Page 218] power, to land him again in Ireland, from whence he had been drawn by his own folly, and the wisdom of his maligners; where not onely the English, but the natives (to those in actuall Rebellion) were his reported servants. The Catholiques, till they were better Cajoled by the Scotish Kings Confidents, not obstructing his Designes. And how secure he would have been, in that Province, may be guessed by Tyrone, the Capi­tall Rebell, who notwithstanding more impartial indeavours then the Lord Lieutenant Essex had used, did obtain his Pardòn, in a manner mau­gre the English forces.

Essex was too honest to have re­moved every Impediment lying in the way to Soveraignty, nothing but death being able to gagg a per­son robb'd of a Crown. Yet her Successour met with no opposition, though bred in an ayre ever Pestife­rous [Page 219] to this Nation; which wisely considered, might have tempted a people to have disputed his en­trance, till caution given. But the Riches and felicities injoyed, during the incomparable Reign of Queen Elizabeth, hung yet like holy dayes at their fingers ends, by which they were become so effeminate, and un­advised, as to choose rather to fall into an Incurable Consumption, then hazard a little the shaking by a few fits of a Fever; which if chosen, might not unlikely have proved as wholesome Physick for King James as England; Who wanting a Legall pretext, had nothing left him in safety strong enough to refell the Brazen-faced Impudence of his Countrymens Importunity. But the last Scene of Princes, like the Cata­strophe of a Play, is so hudled up, and every one so intent upon his own particular Interest, (being muf­fled [Page 220] by hope or fear) as that is left meerly to the disposition of For­tune, which ought onely to be in­trusted with Prudence her self. Nor did the readiness of the Scots to Arm, (in hope of so much plunder, as this Nation might afford, shrou­ded under the specious pretence of Henry the 7^s. eldest daughter) por­tend less in the ears of the unresol­ved, then a possibility of Conquest, the most ungratefull sound to the formerly free People of England. Neither did these conjectures re­ceive small aggravation from those formerly suborned, to promote the entrance of the Stuarts, who if Essex had remained true to his principles, might have been saluted on the borders, by an Army strong enough to have moderated the Scots condi­tions, or advanced his own. Though it was the universall Opinion, that Essex's Ambition, did like the great [Page 221] Earl of Warwick's, terminate in a desire to bring in James on his own score.

It is not probable the Earle car­ried any evill meaning towards the Common-wealth, because neither his enemies, nor friends are found to mention any endeavour in him to call in a Forreigner: Wherefore if the Crown was his Mistresse, he used the most decent way of wooing her, which was onely through the Me­diation of her native Subjects. Yet I doubt whether he had justly calculated the weight of this Cir­cumstance, That Conscience is as dangerous in an Usurper, as Cruelty, and excesse is deadly, and undecent, in him doth Legally succeed.

I have heard it, though looked upon by me as a Paradox, that Essex would have vindicated the English freedom, by reviving such ancient Priviledges as had been pretermit­ted, [Page 222] during the Tyrannicall reigns of the two last Henries; And no wayes indulged by Queen Eliza­beth, which not extending all her time beyond a few particulars, was then less discernable. No act of hers being registred so contrary to the grain of her own people, as the death of this man; the Queen of Scots being looked upon as a Ca­tholick, which in the generall dia­lect of England at that time, signifi­ed no less then a sworn enemy to God and the Prince, (so zealous, if I may not say surious, are all changes) that it was passed over, without any apprehension of honour, or pitty, as justified by the cruell Massacre com­mitted not long before upon the French Hugenots, at the instigation of that Kings Mother. An Act through which the Integrity of Prin­ces was much ahated. But whether his nation by reason of her divers [Page 223] titles, and disparity in estates, was ca­pable of that absolute freedom, hath since been fancied by some, I leave to the Arbitration of greater Poli­titians.

Onely this I am confident of, that no fair capitulation could have disobliged King James, who lay under too many doubts, and strong desires, to have refused so peaceable an entry as he found, upon any law­full limitations; manifest in the ad­vice given to his Son; Wherein are more Popular rules, then himself was ever observed to follow.

By the vast quantity of teares let fall from the Multitude upon his Grave, may be noted, how far ea­sier it is to find pitty, then prote­ction, Though his friends if united, would have proved the major part. Who for want of a good head-piece to follow, this universall affection, like floting Atomes, made onely a world [Page 224] of Calamity for himself and his par­ty. But this blow past recalling, set the peoples teeth so much an edge, as all the Queen did after, was thought bitter, and her Government too peevish and effeminate for so warlike a Nation: Nor did she de­cline lesse in the opinion of the Court it self, no counsel daring after to appear, but what was sutable to the Cecilian gusto.

Here may be noted, with what Circumspection Princes ought to play their Game, since Counsellors, their Card-holders, are not seldom Cheaters, and intend more particular Interests then their Masters: As ap­peared in the remove of Essex, a man thought farre more necessary to the Queen's Service, and Eng­lands safety, then such as purchased his ruine. The banding of two factions, being the most probable way to keep, this already superannu­ated [Page 225] Princes from falling into con­tempt. For such Commands, as under both parties would have been readily obeyed, were after one had got the absolute disposure of af­fairs, wholly neglected. Essex's re­turn (which no question would have been indeavoured, upon the least discontent of her Majesty) appearing of so dismall a consequence to his enemies, as nothing might procure it, was thought safe, or what did ob­struct it, dangerous. Nor was it pos­sible for this planet, so neer its de­clension, to Influence another party: None daring to run the Hazard of an unavoydable future Ruine upon the contemplation of a year or two's power; which was more then her age, and present weaknesse did in any probability promise.

This proves, it had been the Queen's better policy, to have con­ceded the Life of the Earle to the [Page 226] teares, and vowes of the people, through which their Love had not onely been preserved intire, but (what was next considerable) so great a restraint put upon the con­trary Cabal, as might contain them within the compasse of Obedience; out of fear she should have let loose this Lyon, who to that end she might have kept in the Tower, his death not being probable, as her Subjects stood affected, to have countervalued the advantage of his Life. And this oversight was the more inexcusable, because the Ancestours of the Earl's chiefest enemies had by the same arts ren­dred her ungratefull to the People of England, in a like case of severity towards the Duke of Norfolk.

Nor did she apprehend till it was too late, the wound given her own Power, through the mediation of the Hangman in the death of Essex; [Page 227] Not being able ever after, to mo­derate the Insolency of those, that now did not stick to slight her, and story openly in her ears the necessi­ty she lay under, to declare the Scotch King her Successor, lest the Parl. should be (for their own safety) compelled to do it themselves; which had not been omitted, but (as I have been told) to endear King James more to some particular families, of which the most noble for birth, found af­terwards little cause to applaud their Designe. Neither were other reports wanting, which being usuall at the Death of all Princes, I shall here wilfully omit, as quite unsatis­fied of their truth. Nor had I said this, but that there hath been from the beginning of the uncivill wars (wherein none were masters of what they had) diverse imperfect Copies of my own hand left in the custody of one did print some of them, un­der [Page 228] a namelesse Author, though very false, And might have done this, if not timely prevented.

Nor did this blow terminate on­ly in the ruine of the Earls friends, but extended to the disadvantage of his Maligners themselves, apparent in Sir Walter Raleigh, who wanting Strength, though not Wit to be the treasurers Corrivall, Perished because not thought to own humility enough to be his Servant: it being more safe at Court to have many Enemies of equall power, then one false ambi­tious friend, that hath attained to the absolutenesse of Command. The agi­tations and tempests, arising from considerable factions in the houses of Princes, (resembling some winds at sea, by which men are driven though by contrary means, to one and the same end) would of necessi­ty have miscarried, or perished, had any single party prevailed. The one [Page 229] still thinking it honourable to pre­serve and advance what the other esteems safe to suppresse and destroy. And this Raleigh was often heard to say, he did not apprehend, Before his Genius had dictated it to him, as he came in a Boat from the executi­on of the Earl of Essex, which was done at the Tower. Nor could the wisest of his endeavours free him from the dire effects of this Portent, or to name it more properly, a ne­cessary cause of such events, as did after befall him.

The Death of Essex like a Me­lancholy cloud, did shade the pro­spect of her peoples affection, from being so discernable at the shutting of her dayes, as it was during the Dawning and Meridian of her reign. Yet if Essex had been try'd by a Peerage of Angels, they would have passed a like sentence upon him, or exposed Monarchy to contempt. [Page 230] Wherefore Prudence cannot lay the fault at the door of her Justice, but the ill-management of her Mercy, as not knowing how to imploy it, to­wards the best advantage of her fu­ture Affairs. But after an Impartiall Reflection made, in reference to pri­vate persons averseness towards any apprehension of defect, we may pos­sibly learn to wonder, why she made no better provision against contempt, till that hower a meer stranger to this Princess, who had all her sails conti­nually fill'd with flattery or success.

Now to vindicate her Majesty from the obvious aspersion I have so often heard her prudence upbraided withall, (for neglecting the Italian mode quite, in the removall of Ma­ry the Scottish Queen, and Dowager of France, so much the more unde­cent, as the hand of a Hangman is less honourable then that of a Physi­tian.) I may say, That since those, [Page 231] who for their own sakes as well as their Soveraigns, thought it not safe to be left undone, wanted the skil or spirit to do it a clandestine way, i was more discretion then folly to refuse e­jecting one so uncouth herself; such a lesson being easier learned then forgot­ten, & might have been afterward pra­ctised to her personall disadvantage.

And if reports on all hands were not mistaken, little thanks is due to those who made the Nation accessary through this solemn Try all to the Death of her mother they meant next to set up. Nor can an undoub­ted desire in the Scots to have her removed, the better to facilitate the Succession of their King (who did more indulge his Patience then Honour, in passing unrevenged those houses, sprinkled by her blood) justi­fie their discretions, that could not but know all Obligation was more likely to be lost in the shame, then [Page 232] found in any gratefull acknowledg­ment of such actions as these. And if their Posterity taste of the like Ju­stice, they may sacrifice repentance to such nets, as themselves spread to insnare this Queen first, and then Essex; the fault of the last being in reference to the Innocent driving on the designe, as far below such severity, as the majesty of the other was a­bove it.

Nothing commends the good­ness of Queen Elizabeths reign more, then that she and her Subjects should have one and the same Mi­nion, as happened in Essex: where­as the hatred of the people, proved after an undoubted consequence of her Successor's Love, remaining no less confident of the choyce of the one, than diffident of the others. The Queen wanting no medium to nterpose between her and their fu­ry: from whence grew a confidence, [Page 233] that she would not countenance an unworthy man. Neither was it a small advancement to this general complyance, that the people ap­peared not at the cost to raise him. It being the custom of this thrifty Prince, to let her Favorites taste, not surfet, on the wealth of the Na­tion, conveying her Largesses by Spoons, not Buckets: The names of Monopolies, and extrajudiciall Taxes, not being intelligible to experience all her days. Neither were her ears stopped against her peoples complaints, ever thought by her just, and so fit to receive a present redresse; the cause her Parliaments were no further inquisitive then she was pleased to informe them.

Had her Successor retained the like Moderation, the power of our Representative had never fallen un­der the malleation of so extensive a dispute, which hath raised mens [Page 234] minds up to so impetuous a Billow, as it is questioneble, whether that which supported her power, may not through a contrary application utterly ruine those may succeed. Queen Elizabeth being not onely fortunate in her conduct at home, but able to diffuse peace and plenty over such Neighbour-Nations, as she was advised by true Reason of State, to maintain in strength and good plight. Not suitable to the late practise of a Prince, that first brake with Spain, then France, and after was hardly restrained from kindling a fire in the Netherlands, which lyes in a manner in the bo­som of England.

Now I should conclude here, but that I find Sir Henry Wotton (late Provost of Eaton, and a long time before Ambassadour with the most Illustrious State of Venice) hath published a Manuscript amongst his [Page 235] friends, and may since be made more generall; where he offers to compare the Duke of Buckingham with the Earl of Essex; much to the disadvantage of the latter, who lay­ing this action by, did never own the doing any thing so ungratefull, as might make him fear the Anger, or beg the favour of a Parliament, much less owe his Life to the disso­lution of one already called. He is not charged with many deeds of Improbity, unless Women be cast up­on his account, not in Justice to be done, the other standing by. The awe he bare to the Religion then Professed was discernable by his Death, which in the Opinion of ma­ny, reached something below the Garb of a Souldier; so busie are Cri­ticks (that like Flyes spare nothing savours of Fame or Infamy) to the Grave it self.

That he was thought no instru­ment [Page 236] of Tyranny or Oppression, ap­pears manifest, in the Monument of Love, remains still undemolished in the hearts of most Englishmen: whereas the Duke retains the gene­rall tincture of, &c. Nor can his well-known bounty to Friends and Servants expunge it, because drai­ned from the people, or taken out of the publique Treasure, if not from the generall safety of the Nation. Whereas Essex obliged his Confi­dents out of his own store, or by o­ther so innocent wayes, as the Subject had no just cause to be scandalized at it.

The Earles Naturall parts were as good as the Dukes, his Learning and Birth higher, the one being of an honourable, the other at best but of a Gentile extraction. Nor can so in­considerate an Action, that in charity rather deserves the title of a Riot then of a Treason, come up to so [Page 237] great an Ingratitude and Indignity to the Nation, as Buckinghams procee­dings at Rochell, calculated after the French account, the summe of which I leave for more voluminous Pens to cast up; onely I shall assume the boldness to say, That the Duke shewed no less folly in accumulating so great a hatred of the people, then Essex did in mis-applying their Love. And if his shadows were left exact to posterity, he was not be­hind him in handsomness, the sole and primary cause of Villers ad­vancement. Onely in this Essex came short, in having a Mistresse would be attentive to Reason, from whence soever it came, whether through the Organs of Friendship or Malice. Whereas the Dukes fortune depended on two Princes, That in reference to their own weakness or his strength, remained deaf to all complaints else, but what were pre­sented [Page 238] through his own mediation, or those of his Creatures, with which he was ever made first acquainted, under no slighter a penalty then his displeasure, so much more heavier then the Kings, as his memory was better, and Interest more.

Concerning their Deaths, I can attest, the Dukes did occasion no less joy, then the other did sorrow, not matched by the saddest acci­dent did happen in Queen Eliza­beths reign; No not if her Death be cast in, though deplorable enough, as I have often been informed by those did approve the Sentence, but not the so suddain execution of it. Nor was the Hangman reported to be willingly hired to do it, whereas Felton seemed to be Inspired by some Daemon, if not the Genius of our Nation.

This had not been said, but in vindication of that, I never found [Page 239] cause yet to question the truth of, and to unwarp their judgements (if any such be) that may be drawn a­side, by the goodness of Sir Henry Woottons parts, in knowing mens o­pinions, much contaminated by his too over-zealous celebration of this Man, as may be easily found in the Records of Parliament, to which I refer the Reader, together with what I have in this behalf written.

Some Advantages may be deduceable from Court-Factions.

IT may be thought I hope no less impertinent, then what went be­fore, if according to my rambling Method, I shall drop some conje­ctures in reference to a benefit may redound to the Subject from Court-factions: All which in conclusion will reach the Prince, who cannot be safe and happy, if his people live miserably; Not likely to be avoyd­ed, where preferments depend whol­ly upon the mediation of a single and uncontroulable party. In which case the oppressed have no power for the present to appeal to. The cause our later Parliaments have been peste­red with Clamours and Complaints, seldom, if ever heard of in the Gol­den [Page 241] dayes of Queen Elizabeth. And from whose root sprung those bran­ches of misery, by which the greatest felicity any nation ever injoyed, is become over-shadowed, so that the detection of corruption in Officers, and the gratification of the malice of some, and Ambition of others, in their expulsions and Punishments, gave them at last the boldness to question the integrity of the Crown.

Divers persons of equall autho­rity, though both wicked, do in experience produced more justice then a greater probity in a single Indivi­duall, hath been (at least in these depraved ages) heard to pronounce: For though Bribery cannot be de­nyed a deflourer of equity; yet re­maining more palpable in referencd to detection, it may not happily be of so bad a consequence, as the ef­fects of the more uneasily detected propensities, found to follow the [Page 242] inclinations of love, fear, or hope: as it is easily deduced from the pra­ctise usual in private families, where a great advantage accrues to the first Delator, and prejudice to the party accused; It not lying in the strength of vertue, if in any agility of defence, to keep a person immaculate from the blurs of Calumny, for want of proof, or an indifferent ear, which su­perlative powers cannot be at leasure to afford. Nor is the advantage to be drawn from two equall Cabals, better discerned, then by compa­ring the tempers of King James his Parliaments with those holden un­der the Queen; for the first, being wholly led by a single and passionate affection to one Minion, lived to see: never a tolerable Minister relating to the Crown, or any in Authority so resolute, as not to prefer the Fa­vorites Command before his Ma­sters, as esteeming the frown of the [Page 243] last more deadly. Now the huge rate set upon places of Judicature, taught Judges to sell their votes, and people to complain: Who by devouring of Instruments, came at last so well ac­quainted with their own strength, as not to spare the principall, and first cause. One Concession ever crouding room for a greater, if not a more un­reasonable demand. Whereas such instruments of State as Queen Eli [...] beth had use of, being strained through the double and contrary In­terests of a divided party, no vertue was excluded, or vice admitted, any way beneficiall, or of prejudice to Prince or people; contrary to the cu­stom of later times, wherein the most probable designs were pinched and miscarried, through the smal­nesse of their parts were imployed to keep them on foot. No more solid Reason appearing in the advance­ment of the most, but Mony or fa­vour; [Page 244] As no question will be found instanced in a prodigious number of examples, when time shall have pur­chased impunity, for the manifesta­tion of truth; not so likely to have proved the result of a divided Court, where the creatures of one were the enemies of an other, no lesse power­full; and so they both became ly­able to accusation, or capable of de­fence. And from the sparkles of this clashing, not onely persons and actions, but the Queens Coun­cils came to be refined from the rust and Cankers, that after grew through the corruption of forraign coyn, no less currant at Court all my time, then pieces of two and twen­ty shillings, Jacobuses themselves. Now though Monarchy may (whe­ther out of perfection or defect I shall not here dispute) make use of this Recipe, it seems dangerous, if not mortall, in reference to a freer [Page 245] Government, where the least siding is a step towards Tyranny: the weakest part being as apt to call, as a potent neighbour may be to come and assist, upon so advantagious an errand. All disparities or contentions, but meerly rationall and in reference to an uni­versall welfare, tending to popularity and disunion, wherefore above all things to be avoyded. Nor is any neer dependance upon a forreign Prince, more mighty then them­selves, compatible with Liberty: Which renders lending of vast Summs little less dangerous then borrowing. And through which the Catholique King may one day attain Genoa; it being naturall to all Credi­tors to favour their designs that owe them mony, in hope of Payment; and so become Traitors to the gene­rality, out of the desire of a parti­cular reimbursement. Such folly lyes in many Citizens, as they pre­ferre [Page 246] destruction in grosse, before the hazard of their private Interests.

But when Power is Monopolized in a single person, Faction can be no more spared, then an eye or an ear. Kings for the generality, out of Ig­norance in the world, if not for want of wit, or too much Flattery, being unable to value what they give or receive; or whether they gratisie or depresse vertue or vice, especially if they have no other information, but what is deduced from a Minion, whose judgement is no less clouded through Pride, then his is by affecti­on, and a supposition of worth and a­bilities not really present; Such Servants owning contrary interests to their Masters, who by bearing the charges of those follies they daily commit, do not seldom prove Banckrupts themselves of all ought to be esteemed dear in Soveraignty.

Nor are those single Trustees of [Page 247] the Royall assent, found by practise so impartiall in the distribution of rewards and punishments, but that they diminish by the first, no less their Princes Love, then they aug­ment in the latter the peoples hatred; which an even debate would so far Moderate, as to give such satisfacti­on as might preserve the generality in obedience, by nothing so soon for­seited, as a continued succession of cruell punishments, and unjust Cen­sures. I remember after Felton had given the fatall blow to George Duke of Buckingham, one Savil, a lusty fellow, formerly burnt in the Shoulder for a Rogue (finding how acceptable the news was, where ever it came) gave out, he was the man that did it: And that though an ho­nourable persons brother, he wanted mony to convey him away; upon which he was apprehended, and though not worth a groat, fined a [Page 248] considerable sum in the Star-Cham­ber, to which, the wisdom, equity and justice of that Court, added (because they wanted power to hang him) this Corporall punishment, viz. That he should be whipped from the Fleet where he lay prisoner, to the Pilory in Westminster-palace-yard, there to be for two hours nailed, & after to lose one ear, have his nose slit, and then to be branded in the forehead; all which, as long as the bowels of hu­manity would give me leave, I looked upon: Nor was this more then half his punishment, as much being to be done to him in Cheapside, but that (as I heard) the King more charitable then his Judges, did par­don it; Though his perpetuall re­sidence in Bridewell was not remit­ted, till for another thing (some thought unlikely to be done under such a restraint) he was hanged at Tiburn. I had not touched upon [Page 249] this, as relating to a time which none can remember without being agitated by envy, or grief: but to acquaint posterity, with the opinion of a Lord, looked upon as the wisest for counsell, (however he might have failed in reference to execution) in his time: Who at dinner that day with some of the promoters of the fore-mentioned Sentence, said, that though he hoped it would never be executed, yet it grieved him, a president of that high nature should remain upon record, no less to the dishonour of their Mercy, then the Justice of his Majesty, upon whose scoreit might not unpossibly one day lye heavy: Nor did it scape the no­tice of the next Parl. as any may find, can procure a sight of a book written by Regall autority, wherein the Subject was prohibited so much as to name a Parliament, &c. But the conclusion of the fore-mentio­ned [Page 250] prudent Lord, was to prove, that of all punishments death was soonest forgotten; whereas Whipping and Pilory were alwayes remembred: from whence Governours may ob­serve, That the greatest Cruelty is exercised by Subjects have had their foundations laid in pitty. Nor can this digression be thought imperti­nent, by those shall consider, that such exorbitant and unnaturall repe­titions of Punishments, were stran­gers during the domination of two equall factions. Through the per­cussion of which, like Flint and Steel, all things came to light, which these pleas might advance, or Eclipse the glory of the Prince.

Nor should I prosecute this Epi­demicall mischief of Favorites, at this time common with France and Spain, but to answer such as plead for it: Whom I have heard so impudent, as to alledge the example [Page 251] of our blessed Saviour; and no lesse foolish in citing the autori­ty due to the Prudence of Italy, where no Pope lives without a Nephew: Forgetting the whole management of the Church was not left to Saint John; nor the wise Conclave swayed by his Holinesse Kindred, who being in­circled on all sides with enemies, and destitute by reason of his elective honour, of any heredi­tary friendship, cannot in Reason provide better for his safety, a­gainst the dangers have for ma­ny Ages waited upon the Table and Cup of the Pope, then by raising a person to so high a dig­nity about him, as may tran­scend any preferments likely to be offered by an enemy. The cause he that is stiled his Nephew, values his preservation equally with his owne. And he that shall [Page 252] yet seek further satisfaction, may finde it in the unhappy manage­ment of such Princes affairs, as have suffered themselves to be ingrossed by Minions, taken onely upon the bare recommendations of their private Affections.