Some Traditionall Memorialls on the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth.

1. AFter the death of Mary, eldest daugh­ter of Henry the eighth, had deliver­ed this Nation (for that time) from an imminent danger of becoming Tributary to the spa­nish King (who ownes none for a naturall Subject, indued with lesse Pride and Austerity then may serve [Page 2] to face a Tyranny equall to the Grand Signior's). And left the Crowne to her Sister Elizabeth, not only swept and washed from all Competition or Claimes by the bloud of Queene Ieane, but garnished with the ap­plause and consent of the people; no less amazed at the huge fires she had daily kindled to devoure the eni­mies of the Court of Rome, then jea­lous of the partiality shewne to the Priests, whose exactions were be­come no lesse odious in things tem­porail, then their latine Mumsimus had made them appeare in what re­lated to the worship of God; Ed­ward the sixt's reigne being too short to give them a satiety, or make all the inconveniences appeare, likely to follow so totall a defection from a Church reverenced by all Christi­an Princes besides. It might be no weak motive to the new Queene, so fairely to demeane her selfe at first, [Page 3] that though she entertained the Pro­testants in hope, no perswasions could tempt her to cast the Papists into dispaire, till the Pope (better seen in the Dignity belonging to his greatnesse, then the Arts his Prede­cessors had used in their conduct to it) did, by denying her Embassa­dors a favorable Reception, reduce her to a present necessity, of re­nouncing the Roman Miter, or her pretence to that Crowne she had without any considerable oppositi­on so happily possest: There being no way so probable to continue her in power, after the Popes so publike manifestation of a blemish in her Birth, as by adhering to a Party which during the Reigne of her Si­ster, did justify in the flames of a hot persecution, That the Autho­rity of his Holinesse was spurious it selfe, and the owners of it no better then Anti-Christs, which attempt [Page 4] of hers might possibly have worse succeeded, but for the protection Philip the second afforded during the infancy of her power, flattered to it in hope of Marriage, no lesse then compelled out of a feare to see Eng­land possessed by the Scots, a peo­ple ever in conjunction with France, and therefore likely to prove ma­lignant to his affaires. And as these considerations had made him solici­tous of her safety during his Match with her Sister, they continued still so prevalent as he did not only for­beare him selfe, but restrayned o­thers from making use of that ad­vantage, so totall a defection could not but afford. Nor was the aspect of a Councill then sitting in Trent, (to which she omitted not to send her Ministers) of small consequence to her designe; Because not only this nation, but all Europe were in the strongest of their labour to pro­duce [Page 5] a Reformation; Though farre short of the pretences of Luther, to whose memory the Queene had an unappeasable feud, ever since he upbrayded her Father with the Re­pudiation of Charles the fifts Sister: whose birth by this became so un­happy as to be not only disapprov­ed by the Catholickes, but the Foun­der of that profession she meant to establish. Nor were the Religious bouses and lands, possessed promis­cuously by those of both tenents, a weak shelter to this new Princesse, looked upon by all as the likeliest and most obliged person to keepe them from reverting to their anti­ent use; And therefore in hope to be vigorously asserted by the Pro­testants, and at worst but weakly opposed by such as had not yet quite relinquished the Roman yoake.

2. And that the penners of this Story may be as free from the im­putation [Page 6] of malice as Ignorance, though they acknowledge her ra­ther thrown, then of her selfe fallen from the obedience of Rome, is de­ducible from the Ceremonies used at her Inauguration, all purely Catho­like, and the retention of the Ring, Crosse and Surplice, contrary to the grayne of her strongest assertors: From whence her ayme may be ghest as not poynting at a greater dissent from the doctrine of Rome then her Fathers proceedings had chalked her out; Commanding the Common prayer book (which con­taines most of the Masse in english) to be publikely read, And its op­posers the Brownists, Anabaptists, Fa­mily of Love with a number of o­ther crawling errors, the unnaturall heate of Luthers difputes had produ­ced like Insects over all Germany, to be restrained under no slighter pe­nalty then Death or Imprisonment. [Page 7] Nor was she tempted to this out of a vainer hope then to draw her neighbour Princes to the same reso­lut on, already in dispaire of procu­ring good from any milder inde­vours then those of power (The Roman Courtiers participating so much of the nature of the Mules they ride on, as they will rather in­dure through a sullen obstinacy, the last extremity, then remoove ne­ver so little out of their track of ho­nour and profit; no lesse manifest through all Ages, then in their carri­age towards this Princesse and their later proceedings with the Repub­lique of Venice) From whence more connivance then love, fell to the share of the Puritans, that abhor'd the lenity of the Queene, in not coun­tenancing such as bent their force a­gainst the Church of Rome (betwixt which and the Court there may be a wider difference then our grosser dis­putes [Page 8] will suffer us to discerne) from whose practice, though some desired a Reformation, a farre greater part thought it damnable to reject it quite: few yet acknowledging any Descent or Ordination but what was derived from the Catholike Church, a terme of too great a Latitude to be concealed for a day, much lesse for whole ages as many indeavour to prove. But leaving these dis­putes to Dr Iuell and the rest of her Divines (at that time better able to play the Scholars prize, then a­ny amongst the Fryers, were found in their Answers) Her Iuncto, in which she had a choyce number con­sisting of both Factions, did think it prudence not to stray farther then the inexorable necessity of the time compeld, from that union of Do­ctrine which had a Councill to vouch, That no faith was to be held with any but themselves; which must have [Page 9] rendered all her Leagues voyd or uselesse to the very Oaths she took of her Subjects: yet notwithstan­ding these Shackles she spunne out a long and as happy a Raigne as ever this Nation did injoy.

3 The precedent Reasons joyn­ing forces with the deplorable con­dition she lived in during the Go­vernment of her Sister, and meeting with so Fortunate a Catastrophe, caused a no lesse consternation in the hearts of the Papists (already much broken and unsetled in their passage through so many suddaine and unexpected changes) then it produced joy in those of the Refor­mation, who apprehending her suc­cesse as issuing out of the immediate care God had of their affaires, became so farre incouragad and sedulous, that whilest the other party stood amazed in an expectation which way this new Princesse would incline, [Page 10] the ensuing Parliament was wholy made up of such persons, as had al­ready voted in their words and acti­ons every thing the Queene could desire to have confirmed in the House: so as no side but were mis­taken in their account, the Prote­stants gaining more, and the Catho­licks lesse then could be expected, to the taking the title of head of the Church, and conferring it on her Ma­jesty, which was thought unsutable to her Father and Brother, and therefore farre more unbecoming the person of a Woman; the cause a Declaration was not long after is­sued out, to shew in what senses it was to be understood. And to prove they more intended the limitation of the Roman power: then to secure themselves from Tyranny at home, an Act was passed inabling the Queene and Commissioners for the time being, to alter or bring what [Page 11] Ceremontes or Worship they thought decent into the service of God, with­out excepting that formerly ex­ploded: whereby a returne, (like­lyest to be made use of) or a farther remoove was left arbitrary at the will of the Queene: whose succes­sors not being mentioned in the Act, left roome to question, It ought to be no longer in force then her life. For whose gratification a­lone her Privy Counsell (that did then and indeed almost all her time governe Parliaments) had intended it. But King Iames and the Bishops finding the Advantage it brought the Crowne no lesse then the Church, did not only owne it amongst the Statutes unrepealled and in force, but did print it with a Proclamati­on to strengthen it, at the begin­ning of the book of Common Pray­er. Neither had the high Commis­sion any better vizard to face the [Page 12] Tyranny daily practised by the Clergy, but what the authority this Act did afford; which may one day tempt the people to a new, if not a more dismall Reformation, after experience hath taught them how pernitious it is to intrust ei­ther Prince or Priest with any pow­er capable of abuse: yet to the ho­nour of this Princesse it may justly be said, that she never made use of her owne liberty to inslave the na­tion, but repaid or rather exceed­ed in thanks and acknowledgments all power they gave her; an Art lost in these latter times or thought un­kingly. But I leave this her wis­dome to be justified by the happy successe.

4. After the Queen had in Par­liament, cleansed her birth from all the spots the poyson of tongues had aspersed her with, and received for the future from the Houses in the [Page 13] name of the three Estates a promise of Assistance, together with an Oath of Obedience, by which she might rest secure from within; her next indeavour was to line and fortify her out-workes: In the prosecution of which she was forced through Reason of State upon a deeper in­gratitude then I believe any thing but an impulsive necessity could have cast her into: For after a firme settlement she became the severest Scourge to Spaine, that it ever had, since emancipated from the Moors. The occasion of which some lay at the haughty and proud Gate of the Spaniard, who grew implacable af­ter he found he was deluded of his hope to marry her; others to a na­ture residing in all Princes, not to acknowledge any friends or kindred but what are allied to a capacity of doing them some future good, which Philip the second was not likely to [Page 14] do upon any remoter occasion then the possession of her person, his ends being intent upon an absolute Monarchy: which obliged not on­ly England but all the Princes in Europe to oppose him. Nor could any favour received in the relation of a private person bind her more to requitall, then greater injuries did to revenge. Therefore since she forgave the latter, when she had power to have taken it without dan­ger, she seemes more excusable in omitting the first, which could not have beene done without losse, and exposing her subjects to a visible inconvenience, if not a totall rume.

Yet this is manifest in the histo­ries on both sides, that the Queene did by way of mediation, long in­deavour for a milder Governing of his Dutch Subjects (of whose op­pression both Heaven and Earth ape witnesses) before a Sword was [Page 15] drawne in their defence. And for the Treasure taken at Sea, and at first owned but as borrowed, it was not more then the Faith of England might have been a sufficient secu­rity for, without being made the subject of a warie. Nor did the Catholike King remaine long in a condition able to distresse the af­fayres of England, his power being diverted through a malecontented party that stood up for Religion in the Netherlands, at first fomented by France, and after more cordi­ally assisted by our Queene; who delighted more from her first as­sumption to power in raising broyles, and making her selfe an ar­bitrator of others differences, then in any quarrell contracted of her owne: by which she did not only keep her selfe in plight at home, by sparing mony (harder parted with by the English then bloud) but [Page 16] gained so much reputation abroad, as no publique or private indeavours of his holinesse could stop other na­tions (already scandalized at his base and unworthy Iugling in the Council) from confirming or ma­king new or straighter Leagues with England then formerly they had done: looking upon her Defection as a president they might one day be forced to follow, in case the Court of Rome continued still her Contumacy towards Princes: And therefore likelier to meet her with comfort and assistance, then any force to oppose her. From whence his Holinesse was necessitated, in vindication of his honour, to im­ploy the Iesuits, his owne emissa­ries, by Artifice, Poyson or the Knife to bring about that his sword was not able to execute; so as the peace of her Kingdome was at first more interrupted through privy Conspi­racies [Page 17] then open force: which accor­ding to the guise of all unsuccesse­full Treasons, turned to the disad­vantage of themselves and their party, the poore Catholickes; a­gainst whom nothing in relation to the generality remaines upon due proofe sufficient to justify the seve­rity of the Lawes daily enacted and put in execution against them; wherewith they were ground in pieces between the Popes Obstina­cy, and a Ielousy these practises bred in there naturall Prince; by whom they were without question prosecuted rather out of feare then malice: which his Holinesse at length perceiving did offer what he denied; which was to confirme her Title, and ratify the use of the Com­mon-Prayer, with the most of what the Parliament had confirmed upon her; provided she would receive them as favours from the Apostoli­call [Page 18] Sea. But after this his too late compliance had cast him into their condition that have unadvisedly out stood the Market, he in no shal­lower Malice then dispaire, cast not only the person of the Queene but the whole Nation under a bot­tomlesse Interdict; which was thun­dered out at Rome, and hung like: squib by one Felton upon the Bishop of London's Gate, where after the execution of the party that did it, all other malignancy ceased but what fell upon his owne creatures, who till then were not forbidden to communicate (in publique service) with the Church of England, and so harder to be discovered, then since this open rupture. Nor was the Queene of Scots (whose Tragicall History is to be found every where written at large) more obliged to her Catholick Father, through whose inoouragement she was tempted [Page 19] to assume the Title and Armes of England very unseasonably du­ring her husbands sicknesse, and before her owne Kingdome was setled, or any considerable force manifested, in her favour: It not pleasing France it selfe (of whose King she was after the Relict) to see all Britanny united under one Crowne: and from whence dropped so much of the venome of Iealousy into the hearts of Elizabeth and her Counsell, as no meanes was left unsought likely to distresse her, especially by the Puritan party, whose safety lay in her destruction, and who shunned no undecency car­rying any probability of being in­strumentall in her remove; forget­ting that the persons of Princes have been thought by all wise men too sacred to have any hand or Iu­stice appeare in their death but Gods. Now as these studied all [Page 20] waies to destroy her, so there was as considerable a Faction in the English Court that desired her pre­servation, the cause not only that held her long captive (many wish­ing her restraint that abhorred her execution) but deterred all who had either estate or honour to loose, from attempting in their owne per­son, or conniving at any other like­ly to be so wicked as to make her away: though our Queene may be found in many of her Letters inti­mating so much to such as kept her, who were so wise as not to understand what was meant, else they might have fallen into the fortune of Davison, who unadvi­sedly ventering between the ho­nour and safety of his Prince, was ground to nothing betwixt the fu­ry of one party and shame of the o­ther: Thus because no body either would or durst do it alone, the re­proach [Page 21] was intayled upon the whole Nation, by the apparition of a mi­nicall and counter feit Iustice: Rea­son of State in such nice points as these, being so contrary to that in the Schooles, as it is most safe and honourable when it hath the least Authority to vouch it. And if the Actors of this Tragedy had not found more security from the long reigne of Elizabeth, then the ap­plause they had from Scotland was able to have afforded them upon the next change, I believe so ma­ny of their race had not sate in the house of Lords. Nor was the amo­rous rather then traiterous blood of the Duke of Norfolke, spilt on the scaffold for her sake, more consonant to Iustice or the affections of her Subjects, though quietly indu­red, as a number of other particu­lars which happened in her time, that were not able to make answer [Page 22] or give a perfect account, some to Iustice, others to Discretion. This proves: that the common people are like rivers which do seldome grow so impetuous as to transcend the banks of Obedience, but upon the overflowing of an epidemicall and illegall Oppression.

5. Not to wade any farther in this, the greatest blur I find obje­cted to her honour, or prudence of those assisted at the helme, whose miscarriage lay more in the Cere­mony then substance of the thing, no lesse gratefull to the present af­fayres of the Protestants in Scot­land then England: it being the policy of those times, as I believe it ought to be of these, to rend [...] Alliance no lesse acceptable to friends, then terrible to enimies, through a seasonable supply of men and mony before delay (the be­trayer of all confederations) hath [Page 23] rendered affayres desperate: not o­ [...]itted by her, who by sea and land [...]ade it her constant practice to an­ [...]oy the Spaniard through the con­ [...]uct of those Sonnes of Neptune,Drake, Furbusher, Cavendish, S^r VValter Rawly &c. and in that suc­ [...]essefull first expedition to Cales [...]nder the Command of Essex (a [...]an of a contexture not only suta­ [...]le to a Camp but gratefull to La­ [...]ies) by which the Catholick King, was so unexpectedly alarum'd, as Cardinall D'Ossat ownes it for the most universall Opinion, that the whole Nation or a great part of it might have been gained, had he prosecuted his immediate fortune to the extent of their feares; a number of the Morisco race desi­ring in that Iuncture to change their master, for one more Chri­stian, though lesse Catholick, and under whom no Inquisition was ex­ercised. [Page 24] This made his coming back so soone thought as miracu­lous as his successe by those that were strangers to his Commission, which he exceeded upon the temp­tation of a present terrour his lan­ding caused in the Inhabitants, who in a confidence of their Castles had removed none of their goods, which rendered the booty so farre considerable as few returned empty handed, and many by there future living made demonstration of so great an abundance, that he gained so much love on all sides as his eni­mies durst not impute to him for a fault, any direction he had trans­gressed, in being too prodigall in exposing himselfe and the Army to danger; though his abusing that Article of making knights so appa­rently, had produced this Libell,

This happy successe did not only estate him in the affections of the Militia and those addicted to the service of Mars, but put a no lesse high esteeme on his counsells and indeavours, then it abated the price of his opposers, the most of whom belonged to the side-robe (not seldome at odds in warre, but ever at enmity with souldiers during peace) who grew jealous that this sparke, worne already in the same place of the Queenes affection, from whence Lecester that terrestriall Lu­cifer was cast, for abusing his So­veraignes favour to pride and Mur­ther, [Page 26] might through the Queenes mediation or his owne arts one day gaine the Crowne, to the prejudice of their interest, who had alrea­dy vowed the uttermost of their in­deavours to the Scotish Title; of whom he had this advantage, that whereas Lecester was hated by the people for the death of many, and amongst the rest of the Earle of Es­sex his Father in Ireland, this a­bounded in their Love, no lesse then in the favour of his Prince, in whose heart his person had made as deep an impression, as his valour and af­fable nature had wonne upon her Subjects.

6. That she fomented Divisi­ons abroad I hinted before, And now I must tell you she was not wanting in her indeavours to main­taine Factions at home, by which she attained to the knowledge of all things that happened: so as no suite [Page 27] or designe passed the royall assent, before she understood as much of reason as enemies or friends could bring for and against it; hearing the judgments of all, to her very Ladies and ordinary Servants: nor did this freedome of communication betray her future resolutions to discove­ry; for through a seeming uncon­stancy, or, as others will have it, one more naturall, she did so often va­ry, as it was not easy to discover where or when she would conclude her buzzing, and give the blow: by which unsteady carriage she so be­fooled the Spyes and Pensioners of forraine Princes, as they were at a losse what to informe their Patrons of, or themselves how to resolve: The cause of the Spanish Armado in Eighty eight, an attempt held ri­diculous by the Flemings and all ac­quamted with our seas, and only brought about through the over­confidence [Page 28] his Holinesse had in a Catholick party, which he assured himselfe would appeare upon the approach of a Navy stiled by him invincible. Here may be noted that counsels grounded upon forraine ad­vice or any thing but a visible ex­perience, do rarely succeed; for In­terest in such as desire a change doth not seldome make them apprehend more advantages then really there are, and cover doubts and dangers they are privy to, out of a feare to dishearten the Prince they indea­vour to imbark in their defence; as it fell out here, where not one man appeared in favour of the Spaniard: the very Papist's themselves being no lesse unwilling then the rest to see their native country in subje­ction to the ordinary cruelty found in Strangers.

7. But to be sure the former mentioned art of dissemb'ing with others [Page 29] had stamped such a deepe im­pression upon the Queenes owne Nature and passions, as she fixed upon nothing with precipitation. The distrust she had of all sides obliging her to the Iustice of e­quall hearings, which few in Sove­raignty will be at the trouble to af­ford: And from hence grew the infinite indulgence that appeared so long in favour of Essex; who be­coming wanton from his late Suc­cesse, though after moderated by some lesse happy, he grew into such heats and insolences towards any his Iealousy had marked for ene­mies, that the Queene, to keep even the scales betweene him and those of the Cecilian party, not only forbore to pamper him with new favours, but did not seldome frowne upon him; though he had yet so true a friend of her affection, that upon the least semblance of [Page 30] submission and promise of returne to a better temper, it did mediate for him: Lave, like a bone, becoming more strong by breaches; he being certaine upon every reconciliation to receive from her double the va­lue of that her anger had cost him; Till these frequent repetitions of his faults and her forgivenesse had swelled him into such a Confidence of his owne mediation that he look­ed upon all as enemies, that in their words or actions acknowlegded not his friendship, or, which was very ordinary in respect of his profuse Liberality, did not weare some badge of his favour. And amongst a number of these S^r Francis Bacon was one, who in an Apology he printed to vindicate his fame from the imputation of ingratitude to Essex, confesseth him farre richer in obligations then payments; the fate of all that set too high a value [Page 31] upon friends purchased by any o­ther coyne, then what beares the impresse of an Interest depending upon a future hope; It being the po­licy of Courtiers, if not the nature of Love, to conclude where it begins, which is for the most part in Expe­ctation. Now because the genera­lity of such as desired his ruine might think that the favour his Mistris shewed him proceeded from a nea­rer familiarity then I have been in­formed it did, by such as reported her apter both in her selfe and o­thers to kindle the flames of Love, then quench them, They placed Blunt, a gallant Gentleman, and of an honourable extraction, in the ball of her eye, hoping by his ap­plication to draw from her heart the affection they thought mortall to them and their designes: but the whole result concluding in a Duell, did rather inflame then abate the [Page 32] former account she made of him; The opinion of a Champion being more splendid (in the weak and Romantick sense of women, that admit of nothing fit to be made the object of a quarrell but them­selves) and farre above that of a Captaine or Generall: So as S^r Ed­mund Cary, brother to the Lord Hunsden, then Chamberlaine and neer Kinsman to the Queene (from whose mouth I have most of this) told me, that though she chid them both, nothing pleased her better then a conceit she had, that her beauty (of which her flatterers had bred in her a higher esteeme then an impartiall eare or eye can think due from others report or her owne pictures) was the subject of this quarrell; when God knowes it grew from the stock of honour of which then they were very ten­der, and some meane expressions [Page 33] Essex used of Blunt, about his being imployed in Ireland, and not her amorous caresses, which age and in a manner an universall di­stribution of them had by this time rendered tedious if not loathsome; intimated in a modest expression ut­tered in my hearing by S^r VValter Rawley, none of her least respected Servants, who upon some discourse of the Duke of Buckingham, said to this purpose, That Minions were not so happy as vulgar judgments thought them, being frequently commanded to uncomely and sometimes unnaturall imployments.

8. But his enemies finding all complaints made to his disadvan­tage, though true, neglected, or hung upon the file amongst such as she re­solved at her better leasure to in­quire into the proofes of, And re­maining as obstinate in a resolution to destroy him as she did yet ap­peare [Page 34] in his preservation; did in­deavour, as a last refuge, to actu­ate his distruction by accumulating upon him such high favours and ho­nours as they observed most suta­ble to his humour, and fortunes of the Sword-men through whose con­sells they found him the most easy to be led, and amongst whom ma­ny were placed neere his person by themselves, And from these they received upon all emergencies ad­vice of his carriage: It faring with him as it doth ordinarily betide ho­nest and generous Natures, that pe­rish oftener through confidence, then distrust. Nor could any other meanes have removed this! Court Leviathan (too deeply strook with the harping-irons of malice), from the ocean of favour he lay: in but so ample A Commission as might givo his Ambition full power and room to expatiate in, by which he was [Page 35] most likely to be tug'd a ground; Not wise enough to apprehend Ma­ny things he found inserted in his Patent, as liberty to Pardon or pu­nish the Irish Rebells sutable to his owne will, and power to reward with lands or honours all he esteemed wor­thy, were such flowers of the Crown as his enemies (to the disadvantage of whose friends he might imploy them) could not in reason but have found cause to oppose, had they been pick'd out for any milder de­signe, then to deck a Garland for that head they meant to sacrifice to their malice and revenge. But this being acted (though long before studied) amongst the last Scenes of her Tragedy, I shall deferre the conclusion till some other time, In­deavouring here (according to my weak fancy; prompted only by Re­port) to draw a prospect of her Court: where, all her raigne, Maje­sty [Page 36] and Thrift did strive for preemi­nence without incroaching upon any confine either of Basenesse or Pro­digality. Nor can this be wonder­ed at by such as know the power she derived from Law or custome to be furnished with all Provisions at a set price, By which a heavy Impositi­on was cut off, found by experience to load Greatnesse, seldome admitted to a cheap Market: Sellers recom­pensing their want of honour, by the Excise they put on such as owne it. And because this was Arbitra­ry at the will of the Greene cloth (a Court only intending Provision and Carriages) The Purveyors, upon whom lay the execution, And so by consequence the envy, were, if guilty, at the mercy of every accuser, being not seldome hang'd or put in the Pillory upon the discovery some­times of small abuses: Her Govern­ment appearing so full of policy, as [Page 37] she was rarely found to interpose the power of the Crowne in her owne cause: Who by turning her face to­wards the sinnes, and countenancing the punishment of such Harpies, did besides stop the future current of their Corruption; Through which she became not only better serv'd, but gained an opinion of Iustice, and Mercy towards her people: it being the male-administration, more then badnesse of any Office, I ever knew during her raigne or her Successours, legally erected, that raised murmur­ing in the people, the il-boding voice of Sedition; which if heard, is not to be neglected, but like the Sea stopped by the bankes of Iustice; for if once it growes epidemicall, all indeavours do rather inflame then moderate it, as thought to proceed more from necessity then love.

9. And here I think it not im­pertinent to insert a Story as it was [Page 38] related by an eye witnesse. A A Purveyor having abused the Coun­ty of Kent, upon her remove to Green-wich (whether she often re­sorted, being as I have heard the first ayre she breathed, and there­fore most likely to agree with her) a Country man watching the time she went to walk, which was com­monly early, and being wise enough to take his time when she stood un­bent and quiet from the ordinary occasions she was taken up with, placing himselfe within the reach of her eare, did after the fashion of his coat, cry aloud which is the Queen? whereupon, as her manner was, she turned about towards him, and he continuing still his question, she her selfe answered I am your Queene, what would'st thou have with me? you, replied the Fellow, are one of the ra­rest Women I ever saw, and can eate no more then my daughter Madge, [Page 39] who is thought the properest Lasse in our Parish, though short of you, but that Queene Elizabeth I looke for, devoures so many of my Hennes, Ducks, and Capons, as I am not able to live. The Queene, no lesse auspicious to all sutes made through the mediation of her comly shape, of which she held a high esteeme after her Looking Glasses (long laid by before her death) might have con­futed her in any good opinion of her Face, then malignant to all Oppres­sion above her owne, inquired who was Purveyer, and as the story went suffered him to be hang'd, after a spe­ciall order for his triall, according to a Statute formerly made to prevent abuses in this kind.

10. This Princesse, in imita­tion of her Father Henry the eighth did admit none about her for Pensi­oners, Privy-Chamber-then, Squiers of the body, Carvers, Cup-bearers, [Page 40] Sewers &c. (that were not a few in number) but persons of stature, strength and birth, refusing to one her consent (demanded before a­ny could be admitted to the meanest place in her house,) because he wanted a tooth, yet was never knowne to desert a­ny for age or other infirmity after once inrolled, but either continued them, or, upon their discharge, gave them considera­ble and well paid pensions. As for her Guard, Ushers, Porters, and all attending below Stayers, they were of a no lesse extraordi­nary size, then activity for Shoot­ing, throwing the Barre, Weight, Wrastling &c. So that such as came hither from beyond the seas upon Embasy or curiosity (who calculate the strength, wis­dome and honour of a Nation by [Page 41] the apparitions they behold at Court) had no other cause but to report at their returne, That though a Feminine Constellation governed the Fate of England, yet there rèmained little hope to any forraigne Malignity of ope­rating with successe; because her designes were begotten under Mercury, and brought forth by the assistance of Mars in case of opposition: She owning Soul­diers no lesse able to act, then Counsellours to advise; In whose choyce (for the most part) wis­dome was solely looked upon, not putting by Sufficiency though ac­companied with a meane Birth, and Crooked person, as it chanced in a Father and Sonne of the Ce­cills, both incomparable for Pru­dence. It being sometimes neces­sary to make wise men Noble, [Page 42] where Noblemen are too lazy and addicted to pleasure to indea­vour to be wise.

11. It is the highest step of ad­vantage a Prince can meet with, To have for Counsell about him, per­sons whose fortunes are of the same peice with his owne: The conside­ration of which may abate the won­der: Queene Elizabeth prospered so well at the beginning, when incum­bered both within and without by such difficulties, or how she came to out-reach (before scarce able to stand upon her owne leggs) so ex­act a Master in King-craft, as the Spaniard. I confesse her being a woman did render the delay of Mar­riage more sutable to his patience and her honour, then otherwise it could have been; But the dexterons management of this advantage must be attributed to the great wit of her Inncto, amongst whom her grea­test [Page 43] Confidents were of the Au­gustan Confession and therefore un­likely to continue in favour, if in being, after such a Conjunction as Philhip the second desired. Nor could distance of place, the deluder of eyes, hinder the inspection of that Prince, who having commanded in England some yeares under the right of Ma­ry, could not but in probability heare all that was to be knowne. And if we may guesse at the Queenes car­riage in this, by her proceedings in the two Treaties of Marriage after with France, we may presume she did purchase this delay, (if not buy off the discovery of some Infirmity) with the Articles of her Opinion contrary to those of Rome, and to which, as appeares by an old letter, the Catholick King was not at that time averse. Though upon her delu­ding him, to avoid such a Schisme in the lower Germany as had happened [Page 44] in the upper, he did indeavour to introduce the Inquisition: For­tune having rendered him so in­dulgent from the beginning to the Queenes preservation, that he sold the Low-Countryes, the only place able to purchace her peace, a bar­gaine (as I have heard from the Earle of Lecester the last English man Governour of Flushing) fo­mented by those that treated this Match for her Majesty: which found, Pope Pius darted out the for­mer mentioned Excommunication, till then restrained through the me­diation of Philhip. I shall not de­termine whether it was Godly zeale or worldly interest that prompted their judgments to these accurate counsells, since I finde both in some part gratified by future successe: Though I see cause enough in the latter to imploy all the braines, [Page 45] both of the Protestants and Papists in power about her; the one own­ing their lives to her well being, and the other Abby - Lands to the continuance of it: for though S^r Iohn Parsons told me he had seene a Bull amongst M^r Seldens Antiquities, by which the Pope con­firmed the lands of the Church in the hands of their present possessours, provided they in other respects con­tinued under his Obedience, yet whether this might be safely tru­sted to, I leave in suspence, and to their consideration that may re­member they were fifty yeares a­go valued much below other Titles and Demeanes.

12. The cause, It may be thought Intererest as much as Love in her Privy Counsell that till Lecesters daies, none are found to have received Pensions from forraine [Page 46] Princes or to play booty or deale treacherously in his Imployments either at home or abroad: nor were honourable and gainfull offices du­ring her abode at the helme given to men of no larger capacities then were meerly requisite to the execu­tion of the place; But bestowed up­on such publique Spirits as were a­ble to advise in the most crabbed af­faires, by which the charge of their support was borne and the Com­mon-weale served with men under a double Capacity. Now though we must yeild to Solomon, that safety is to be found in a multitude of Counsellors, Yet Secrecy is com­monly absent in all Assemblies but where a few resolve: for which and perfect Intelligence from abroad (the light and director of the bark of Pru­dence) if any age before, I am sure none since can be compared with the daies of Burgly and Walsingham in [Page 47] this particular; whose steps Arch-Bishop Bancroft followed so close, as by somenting a difference between the Iesuites and Regulars, he made a breach in their Unity, the strong­est argument they have to support the Papacy; And, illuminated by so cleare a judgment, did through their clashing make so perfect an inspe­ction into the secular practices of the Consistory in Rome, as he pre­vented many dangers might have other waies fallen upon the Nati­on: for which Blackwell, the then Popish Metropolitan, lay under some suspicion from the contrary Facti­on, how justly I know not. Yet have heard, that No Priest was landed any time in England, but the Bishop had a perfect Character of his temper and relations; The ea­sier brought about by him that (in the estimation of the Puritans) own­ed most of their Tenents, being be­side [Page 48] no rigid persecuter of any who had not in his composition the gall of Treason mixed with Religion: the Regulars being then in a high esteeme, because their opposers the Iesuits were about that time banish­ed France, and their Cells demo­lished, with a Pyramid erected to their infamy, for an indeavour to Assassinate Henry the fourth. And from this Indulgence of the Arch-Bishop grew more security then dan­ger, because such Priests as were connived at (the most of other Or­ders) looked upon the Iesuits as enemies, and all new - comers of their owne under a no milder aspect then intruders on their profit, And therefore the more inquisitive after their conditions, and if found prag­maticall, it was no hard matter to purchase their remove by the me­diation of one so neere the helme as the Bishop was, who besides the [Page 49] quality of Secrecy remaining so constant to his promise, as it was more safety then danger for them to rely upon his word. And that some cunning Seminaries did indea­vour the monopolizing amongst themselves all the profit to be made by the English Catholickes, I have a presumption of mine owne from a Priest I [...]et with on the other side the water, who told me he lived farre better during the Tyranny (as he was pleased to call it) of Queene Elizabeth, then since the licence af­forded under King Iames, by which divers young Schollars of both the Universities were daily tempted in­to Orders, and many (restrained be­fore out of love to their safety) did now goe over in shoales, to the great detriment of the old stan­ders. Yet not withstanding the in­comparable diligence of this Pre­lat, under two Princes, for the pre­servation [Page 50] of peace and unity, He was abominated by the preciser sort, the heat of whose zeale appeares the more unnaturall, because their mouths were furred with bitter and unsavory Invectives, which follow­ed him after the hand of Death had laid him out of the reach of all o­ther favour but what is due to his desert from Charity and Gratitude, Therefore to be strongly presumed the worst malice could invent, And inserred by me, according to the Mode of an Historian, whose plow (for the sake of posterity) I wish I were able to drive; However I am no waies correspondent for the praise or blame due to any verses found here, such as these,

I confesse I have heard him Chara­ctered for a Ioviall Doctor, but very Iealous of the Clergies revenue, no lesse then his countries safety, which he indeavoured to bring about through a reduction of Britanny in­to one forme of worship, by the traine of Calvine most rigidly op­posed: But the two contrary Facti­ons [Page 52] at Court (one of them think­ing all things fit to be destroyed the other laboured to preserve) did, upon the vacancy of every Bishop­prick, put one in sutable to their humours that had the luck to pre­vaile: The cause the present In­cumbent did, like the web of Pene­lope, unravell what his Predecessour had with more policy and charity twisted: By which meanes the Dio­cesses of Canterbury and Yorke were at one and the same time of contra­ry Iudgments, And the best of Clergy men (driven into a medi­um by the scorching hence of the one side, and chill indifferency of the other) lost their labour and all hope of preferment in a vaine indea­vour for a reconciliation, impossible to be brought about, the one party being fomēted by hypocrisy to bear out their Ignorance, and the other from power and a feare of reverting [Page 53] into the primitive Austerity: which held so long in this unconstant vi­cissitude, till what was continued meerly out of policy at Court, did in a short time branch forth in Ci­ty and Country into divers popular differences, sutable to the mold of every head and the interest of such persons as had the subtilty to fit them to their occasions: Zele, like Lead, being as ready to drop into bulletts, as to mingle with a Compo­sition fit for medicine. So as in those daies it was unpossible for men in Power but to be scandalous to one side or other.

13. Dispatches from the Counsell table (of which I have seene Volumes) began and held on throughout in a plaine and the same Stile, not seldome admitting of se­verall constructions, if of any inter­pretation at all where the businesse related to a thing whose consequence [Page 54] could not easily been seen into: As appeares at the beginning of all Treaties, And especially in the two offers of Marriage with France, which the Queen managed with such dexterity and secrecy, That wise Walsingham (as appeares by his Letters) through whose hands the whole businesse passed, did not know certainly whether she was re­all or no: But in what was thought proper for Transaction, all things were plaine drawne in Latine: This put together did much facilitate the Office of her Secretaries.

14. Now as wisdome and Se­crecy appeared in her Counsell Chamber, So Hospitality, Charity and Splendor were dilated over the whole Court; where, upon the least acquaintance, all strangers from the Noble man to the Pesant, were in­vited to one Table or other (of which she kept abundance, where [Page 55] ever she removed from one standing house to another, unlesse she return­ed to White Hall at night) the least considerable suting with three, foure, or five hundred pounds per Annum expence; And for bread, beere and wine (commonly called by the name of Budge) though the Pur­veyors that brought it in, were cal­led to strict accounts, such as issued them out were rarely questioned, but in case they sold it: And by this Generosity the ordinary sort of peo­ple were so indeared, as I have knowne some brag of their enter­tainment at Court twenty yeares after; such, like dogges seldome bi­ting those have once fed them, Though with the same meate they have been at the paines to catch themselves; It coming all out of the Country mans Barnes or yards, The wine being little when Cu­stome was abated.

[Page 56]15. Yet though she was thus plentifully provided of all things at home, She did not seldome fetch an Entertainment at such Grandces houses as were understood to be most popular: By which she remov­ed her Subjects eyes from intending wholy the influence of these in­feriour Starres, and fixed them up­on a greater splendor of her owne: besides her out-doing them in the art of Popularity, acting to the life the Pageant of the people (which all Princes really are, and the wisest the most Gaudy) from whence it is farre more indeering to throw flow­ers then wild-fire: And if this her affability did not work upon the will, The greatnesse of their Ex­pence did not faile to render them lesse able to hurt: And in case this was not sussicient to moderate their ambitious thirst after popularity, she found them diversions in forraigne [Page 57] Imployments, whither they were sent Embassadours or Agents, by which their estates were gelt, and the ow­ners rendered the lesserampant and unable to maintaine their former be­witching humour of Hospitality; so as in Parliaments they became asser­tors of the profit of the Crowne, in hope to have such debts refunded as had beene contracted by themselves in the service of the State; whose honour she preserved at the lowest expence that ever Prince did, and not seldome at their charge who might other wise have imployed their revenues in fomenting Sedi­tion.

16. The Parliament, knowing not where to fix upon a Successour to the Crowne without the hazard of Religion, or danger of a Civill warre; the Regent of Scotland ha­ving yet no Child, and being too strongly supported from France to [Page 58] miscarry under a title so firmely built as the Catholicks maintained hers was to this Nation (if not in present) upon the death of the Queene; did in the first Petition they made invite her Majesty to take a Husband: In which they min­ded more their future, then present felicity, not so likely to result from a Married as a Single Prince, whose expense cannot choose but swell proportionable to the offpring pro­duced: And in this they were so mo­derate as to passe by all mention of a Successour, ever ungratefull to her eares during the whole Series of her raigne, and not seldome fatall to such as were so hardy as to move it: So as it cost some dearer, and Pigot and VVentworth their Liberty, though they proposed it in Parlia­ment; The safety she her selfe found in the concealing her intent, out­voting, the danger of a Civill warre, [Page 59] which in all humane reason could not but impend the nation, in case of her death: For whilest she obser­ved this impartiall neutrality, none could pretend cause of complaint. And in case any one had made osten­tation of a Title before the people, she had the rest ready to asperse it; there remaining none free from Ob­jections, the most legitimate in ap­pearance passing for an Alien and so uncapable, or an Enemy and so in­competent to governe: It being as impossible to please, as dangerous to oppose the weakest interest of the Papist, Puritan or Protestant. But to this request of her great Counsell (which she could not hin­der, being the desire of the Court, as well as the Sense of the Parlia­ment) she returned a stout, though but an uncertaine Answer, as is le­gible in the common Chronicles, whose recitalls I professe wilfully to [Page 60] shunne, feeding my pen rather with such scraps as I have picked out of Letters and Discourse, the store house of Tradition. Not so likely to flat­ter, if to lye, as the writings of those meane Contemporaries that for the most part have imbarked their pens in our English affaires; who had still some feare or hope at their elbowes ready to jog them towards the interest of the present or future Governours: Confessed by learned Cambden himselfe, whose lines were directed by King Iames, and he lead rather to vindicate the honour and integrity of his Mother, then to do right for a Mistris, that had from a School-master raised him to a capacity of being the first King at Armes.

17. Her Sex did beare out ma­ny impertinences in her words and actions, as her making Latine spee­ches in the Universities, and profes­sing [Page 61] her selfe in publique a Muse, then thought something too Thea­tricall for a virgine Prince, but es­pecially in her Treaties relating to Marriage. Towards which some thought her uncapable by nature, others too propense, as may be found in the black relations of the Iesuits, and some French and Spa­nish Pasquilers That pretend to be more learned in the Art of Inspecti­on, then wise Henry the fourth their King, who in a joviall humour told a Scotish Marques, There were three things inscrutable to intelligence: 1. Whether Maurice then Prince of Orange (who never fought battaile, as he said) was valiant in his per­son. 2. What Religion himselfe was of. 3. Whether Queene Eliza­beth was a maid or no: which may render all reports dubious that come from meaner Men: yet it may be true that the Ladies of her bedcham­ber [Page 62] denied to her body the ceremo­ny of searching and imbalming, due to dead Monarchs: But that she had a Son bred in the State of Venice, and a Daughter I know not where nor when, with other strange tales that went on her, I neglect to in­sert, as fitter for a Romance, then to mingle with so much truth and integrity as I professe: In which if I am in any thing mistaken, let it be laid on mine own want of knowledg, or their Ignorance that misted me. This I may safely attest, that the smallest chip of that incomparable Instrument of honour, Peace and Safety to this now unhappy Nati­on, would have been then valued by the people of England above the loftiest branch in the Calydoni­an Grove. Who as she was the choycest Artist in King-craft that ever handled the Scepter in this Northern Climate, So she went be­yond [Page 63] all her Ancestors in adapting to her Service the most proper tooles, in whose fittest applicati­ons she was seldome mistaken; The only cause can be given why she so rarely changed her Secret Counsell, Especially those she made privy to any of her last results, which did not weakly contribute to her safety: Such resembling Keyes, that once lost or misplaced, no future securi­ty remaines but in changing the lock. And though this hath already fal­len under my consideration, yet I am forced to resume it againe in the vindication of the choyce of some Officers about the middle of her Raigne, accused since for Weak­nesse; which if not a Mistake made by envy or for want of an exact un­derstanding of the parties use; some being placed, after the Counsell grew numerous, only to tell tales and ballance votes she disliked in [Page 64] publique, without the least under­standing of what was thought neces­sary to succeed in private, a multi­tude of hands adding dignity to in­land affaires, it being ordinary with the generality to esteeme wisdome according to measure, rather then weight. And amongst these few can be found out of her Kindred or such Friends as her Fathers Honour or her owne C. atitude for kindnesse shewed during the life of her Sister, kept her from excluding them the lists, though the stronger heads of others were wholy imployd when her occasions called her to grapple with any difficulties. Nor was there more then the honour and profit of Lord high Admirall intrusted with the Earle of Notingham, but execu­ted by a Commission selected out of the ablest seamen that age did af­ford; he being imployd for his, fide­lity, knowne to be impregnable in [Page 65] relation to Corruption: Neither was there a goodlier man for per­son in Europe, as my eyes did wit­nesse though they met not with him before he was turned towards the point of 80, no youth being more celebrated for gallantry and good fortune then his. I confesse that in his age he married a young Lady al­lied to King Iames, which set his wisdome many degrees back in the repute of the world.

But to discharge this cavill from any farther dispute, No Prince then extant took an exacter estimate of her Subjects Abilities to serve her, or made a deeper inspection into their Aptitude, Nature and Hu­mours; to which with a rare dexte­rity she fitted her favours and their Imployments: as may be instanced in Francis Vere, a man nobly descen­ded, Walter Rawly exactly qualifi­ed, with many others set a part in [Page 66] her Iudgment for military services, whose Titles she never raised a­bove Knighthood; Saying, when importuned to make Generall Vere a Baron, that in his proper Sphere and in her estimation he was above it already, Therefore all could be expected from such an addition, would be the intombing of the spi­rit of a brave Souldier in the corps of a lesse sightly Courtier, And by tempting him from his charge, hazard that repute upon a Carpet, his valour had dearly purchased him in the Field. Nor could she indure to see her Subjects weare the titles of a forraigne Prince, the cause she committed S^r Mat­thew Arrondell of Warder in the West, for accepting from the Ger­man Caesar the Dignity of a Count, And denied S^r Philhip Sidny the Crowne of Poland.

18. The example of made sty her [Page 67] Souldiers exprest in the Nether-lands rarely found amongst Auxiliaries, with her refusall to own or impose the name of her Vassals upon the Dutch, gained her a huge confidence amongst her Neighbours, that her complexion was pure from the con­tagion of any more destructive Am­bition, than the preservation of her honour and those Nations her birth no lesse than desert had presented her with: which made them una­pter to offend her; none but Ca­tholicks, and they for the most part Priests, wishing her remoove, as not knowing where to finde a Prince lesse offensive and more debonaire; the cause many Treasons concluded in the losse of their heads that pro­jected them, or sought to put them in execution. Yet in this her tem­perament of desire in relation to augmentation of Empire, her pru­dence so minded her of the nations [Page 68] future safety, as That friends under persecution doe not seldome face about upon the approach of Secu­rity and power: wherefore she made sure of Flushing and Brill; which in regard of situation were so full a Content of their whole strength, As the application of it could not, upon their miscarriage in relation to the Catholicke King, or their own future Ingratitude, obliterate the advantage England might make of that revolt: Though the mony lent cover'd it in Reason and Iustice from much of the envy it might have contracted, had she imployed force or fraud in their purchase. Nor did the receiving from the hands of the French Hugonots, Haver de Grace (upon a like exigency) signify more Ambition than the reduction of Calis; which might have un­doubtedly succeeded, had she not according to her usuall custom, [Page 69] starved the designe for want of mo­ny and men; a fault the more excu­sable, because it relates to the ten­der care and respect had of her Sub­jects Lives and Estates. And here by the way it is worth noting, That the Holanders could not so easily have attayned Freedom, but through the help of the Ministers of Spaine, who by eradicating the an­tient Nobility and Gentry reduced them into a Parity, and so by con­sequence made them capable of u­nity, the nource of all Combina­tions.

19. Amongst all her Minions none (according to report) bad fairer for the Queens Brid-bed than Lecester, who, finding by the con­tinuall high beating of her heart, that she would never allow of so great an abatement of Soveraignty as a Match with a forraine Prince, could not but in honour have the [Page 70] sayles of his expectation somewhat sweld therewith. He would in her gayeties (which' till the death of Essex were very frequent) aske her, ‘If she did not think she had some Subje­cts of her own, able (though it must be confessed none worthy) to make an Heire for the Kingdom of Eng­land? Since her Father was known to doe it, yet a Man, & so uncapable of any eclipse of honour by the high­est Princesse? Neither did his often repeated condescentions in making Subjects his after-wives breed him that danger that he sustained by the first glorious Match (accor­ding to expectation) that he made with the Sister. of Charles the Emperor, which all the Prudence he owned could not unravel with­out strayning the cordes of Go­vernment, if not Conscience, by that desperate leape he made out of the Church of Rome, and sepa­rating [Page 71] himselfe from the union of other Princes. Nor did Philip the second prove more happy to your Sister for the present, nor to the future expectation of the Nation that lacked nothing to intaile ser­vitude upon them but an Heire of her body; which yet had not been wanting, according to report, but supplied by a Cushion, but that the generosity of the Spani­ard, and the perswasion of a bet­ter successe from your imbraces (which his hopes flattered him with) did for the present make him to detest it: The cause it was after voyced to be a false conception.’ All which I have heard often, And read some where, though the Au­thor hath escaped my memory: Nor could Lecester render his bed vacant to a more thriving end (as he is rumor'd to have done) than to make roome for the greatest and most for­tunate [Page 72] Princes the Sun ever looked upon without blushing in relation to Oppression or Blood: This may be allowed upon the score of pro­bability, That his Lordship would hardly have been so rampant and un­civill without some extraordinary invitation, as to draw a blow in her presence from an other Privy-Coun­sellor, more zealous possibly than discreet, to whom when the Queen sayd, He had forfieted his hand; his reply was, he hoped she would suspend that iudgment, till the Traylor had lost his head, who did better deserve it: But this accident bordering so neere the confines of her Honor did admit no farther debate; it being no other than she in a lesse spright­full humor might have given him her selfe, none being more flexi­ble to all kind of Iollities than the mindes of Princes when unbent from publique affaires. Now, whether [Page 73] these Amorosities were naturall, or meerely poeticall and personated, I leave to conjecture, That may ever find imployment in the actions of Kings. This I am sure of, these gaudy gleams of favour shone not long upon any single person, but were soone eclipsed upon the appa­rition of a fresh Sparke. And here to conclude any farther discourse of Lecester, he was a man of eminen­cy for Person, but branded by his enemies (of which he had not a sew) for a defect in Wisdom or In­tegrity during his aboad in the Ne­ther-lands where with no good suc­cesle he executed the place of the Queens Generall.

20. This Princess used never to precipitate a retaltation in refe­rence to forraine Injuries: by which her Enemies had leasure given them to consider of a reparation, no lesse than her selfe of Revenge in case of [Page 74] Contumacy, and time to put her strength in the better array; Ma­nifest throughout her whole expe­dition into Scotland, where though she had fomented such a party of the Nobility of that Nation as were able to receive and secure a force of her own, which upon their inter­cession she sent, yet was it without any Commission to fight or take notice of the Crowne of France, from whom the Scotch Queen was immediatly assisted, but only against the house of Guise that were meer­ly instrumentall in behalfe of their Sister Mary. Contrary to the most ordinary practice of our lesse advised Monarches, who to gra­tify the clamor of a few imbarged Merchants, and to vindicate an ho­nor capable of diminution, but from a totall neglect or visible incapaci­ty of being ever able to right it selfe, doe, like inconsiderate Bees, in a [Page 75] rash and passionate Distemper, by misimploying their Stings (all the naturall force they have) render themselves (for the future) weak and contemptible, by an unseasona­ble demonstration of the worst they can doe; which, till experimented, is for the most part imagined grea­ter than in truth it is.

21. Her frequent calling Parlia­ments, and not staying till she was compelled, kept them in so mode­rate a temper, as they were more aw­full to the country than the Court; where some grievances might be connived at, but never approved, so the easier accompted for when cal'd to question: nor doe I find her con­cession granted to any Statute for her peoples good, by way of ex­change, but purely out of grace, and for the most part before it was de­sired: Wisely projecting, that when Necessity is the Chapman, the Mar­ket [Page 76] doth naturally runne high. There­fore being chast from all other in­trusion upon the nations liberty, but what respected common safety and the honour of the Crowne; she was able without murmer to commit such of the house of Commons as pre­sumed to medle or enquire who was most fit or had the best right to suc­ceed her. Neither was she lesse ten­der and jealous of Disputes in Reli­gion, an apple in the eye of Gover­ment, which if once suffered to roll and grow wanton, will render the peoples mindes unsteady be­twixt the obedience they owe to God and their Prince: sondly ima­gining the first may gratified at the prejudice of the latter. Zeale being the Flint, and ambition the Steele out of which the sparkes of Rebel­lion have in our dayes kindled the most fatall mischiefes; which she kept during her reigne from clash­ing, [Page 77] by denying the Parliament all farther debate of Ecclesiasticall cere­monies, And shewing them their no lesse injustice than levity to question what they had so firmly estated in her Person, who was yet resolved to introduce no more than what was lately confirmed by themsesves, or their Fathers; so notorious to all, as the Doctrine professed most ge­nerally in England bore in forraigne nations the name of Parliament-Faith. Nor was this her prudent restraint looked upon with any great reluctancy by any but Cartwright and some such adle heads, whose Iudgments were trimmed according to the Mode of Amsterdam; of whose distempered passions the Queen made so much advantage, as to keep the Church humble and quiet whilest she gelt their Sees by exchanges, and other mortifications of their power and estates, which [Page 78] during her life were not suffered to blaze out in their Ecclesiasticall offi­ces, as since they did: which is the only visible cause can be given, why so much worth as resided in this Princess is so little celebrated. And all this wheeled about with the lesse disturbance of the higher Orbes, because few opposers of Church-dis­cipline were in her dayes eligible, or so much in favour with the peo­ple, being for the most part oppres­sors, or indicted of hypocrisy; the most eminent for Parts, Titles, or Estates (as it fals out in relation to new schismes) growing weary or full satisfied with the profit already gai­ned by the great leap themselves, or their Ancestors had made from Rome: Nor were the poorer sort better apayd when they compared the Present hospitality with that re­ported of old before the Religious houses were demolished, the cause [Page 79] I have not seldome my selfe heard them wish a returne to the Catholick Church under the title of the old Learning: Not so well pleased with the saving doctrine of the Protestant profession, as they formerly were under the more liberall distributions of the Monasteries. Nor was it the guise of thse prudent times to dis­solve Parliaments in discontent (by which a quarrell seemed to be pitck­ed with the whole nation) But to adjourne them in Love. Wherefore having to doe with the same men, she was seldome compelled to alter her course; it being unpossible that a Prince who had her peoples affe­ction in grosse, should find it wan­ting in their Representative. And it is no lesse remarkable, that in so long a raigne she never was forced (as I have heard) to make use of her Negative power; But had still such a party in the house of Lords as [Page 80] were able to save her that labour. Neither was she ever terrified by feare, to bestow Office or Honour upon any out of no other reason than to draw them from the con­trary party; unlesse Seminaries, and of this she grew at last weary, say­ing once in publicke, she would not rasome her selfe from enemies at the price of their preferments that lov'd her. But in case she found any like­ly to interrupt her occasions, she did seasonably prevent him by a chargable Employment abroad, or putting him upon some service at home she knew least gratefull to the people: contrary to a false Maxim, since practised with far worfe fuc­cesse, by such Princes who thought it better husbandry to buy off Ene­mies, than reward Friends: which once observed, it tempted some that were ambitious to lay out the strongest of their endeavours against [Page 81] their Prince only in hope to be bought off. And for such as desi­red a farther recoyle from the Pope than was thought fit to be made, they were not so numerous or well agreed yet, as to actuat any distur­bance, being for the most part poore, and, as all Schismatiks doe at first, glorying more in Suffering, than in any other opposition but what they are able to raise with their pennes or tongues, in which they were no lesse lavish than bold and indiscreet: yet meeting from the most in power only blame and con­tempt, they sought out new ha­bitations for themselves and vents for their opinions in Amsterdam, where the Dutch alowed a generall Mart for all Religions (the Papa­cy excepted) without any nicer li­mitation than obedience to the Ma­gistrate in things purely Civill. And by this they did not only draw much [Page 82] of our coyne thither, but our Ma­nifactures of Weaving, Dying, Fal­ling, Spinning and Dressing of Cloth, Stuffe &c: Easy to have been prevented, by affording them an Amsterdam in England, some small City of Refuge, over which her Majesty might have set a discreet Governour with a Garison, whose charge they would willingly have borne, besides the payment of a large excise for their folly. Nor was there any danger in this, it being unpossible to make them una­nimous: But the Hierarchy had been so bitten already by the Covetous­nesse of Princes and the sharp and discerning Learning of the Layity, who uninterested in the generall Controversies might have mode­rated to their disadvantage or set on foot a farther and more rigid Re­formation (which, though a terror to those in power, is most delight­full [Page 83] to the eares of the people) That they perswaded the Queene, it was against Prudence and Piety to give them harbor; yet in the meane time connived at Lecturer and weekly Preaching, through which they let in more by the Posterne, than they could croud out at the great Gate. Wherefore, this found out, wis­dome should rather have left the attempt in the hands of Time, the Moderator of all things dispu­table, Than rendered them incorri­gible through Opposition, the promoter of Error. I am the lar­ger in this, lest posterity should be to seek for the foundation of the most destructive Revolution the Sun ever held light to, which was begun by thousands who never in­tended it, and wrought the ruine of that both sides labour'd to preserve, with an excessive advantage to such as could neither expect or deserve it.

[Page 84]22. Amongst the greatest things laid to her charge, as cast behind the dore of neglect, was the con­duct of the affaires of Ireland; a place lying, all her Halcion daies, under so great a contempt, (before England's lesse future felicity had brought it to esteeme) that wise Walsingham thought it no Treason to wish it buried in the Sea, consi­dering the charge it brought: yet she kept the Pale in good order, not suffering the Spanish party to grow more potent in the North, than was convenient to consume his forces and divert him from nee­rer and more dangerous attempts. It being unpossible for her, without appearing grievous to her people (a Rock she chiefly studied to a­void) at one time to maintaine so dreadfull a Navy at sea, and foment the Dutch and French, towards whose assistance she was called by [Page 85] a louder Necessity, then to render a Nation quite desolate: None be­ing willing during her life to ex­change the present Government of a Naturall Princesse, for the lesse happy. Tyranny of a Viceroy; of which the most did study more their respective grandure by extending the warre, then the ease of the In­habitants and lessening the Queenes expence: Till the Noble Lord Mountjoy was imploy'd, who had no other designe then the conclu­sion of the work; which he had not yet so easily brought about but that the Spaniards found themselves be­trayed through the covetousnesse and cowardise of the Natives, that for small sums would sell not only such forraigners as came to help them, but their nearest Relations: Wherefore unlikely to keep faith with their Prince, being of so false and unconstant a Nature, as by a [Page 86] continuall relapsing into Seditious practises they did with the same breath demand Pardon, and yet pan­ted to accomplish something wor­thy of Death. Nor was it possible to reduce them to more Civility (the inhabitants being of such an amphibious education) but by cu­ring the Boggs and Fastnesses, or building more Castles and Garri­sons then she could spare Mony or Men from her other occasions to furnish: But that which raised the greatest difficulty in relation to an absolute subjugation of this Pro­vince, was the power the Priests ex­ercised over the Natives Consci­ences, who not able to resolve them­selves, were implicitly led by their perswasions to cast off the English yoke and distresse the Queene, who in the Roman dialect was stiled He­retick, and in whose favour no com­pact could be made, much lesse kept [Page 87] without Mortall Sinne in the per­former, especially upon the offer of any (though but seeming) advan­tage. Nor was the defection of Ire­land one of the smallest inconveni­ences that resulted to this Crowne from the Protestant Profession.

23. In this miserable Nation, that wanted not only wisdome and virtue to purchase her owne Free­dome, but a competency of pati­ence quietly to submit to the Eng­lish Civility, the former mentio­ned Earle of Essex buried his fortune. For after his more subtill Enemies, prompted by malice and his owne destructive Ambition, had placed him so farre off, it proved no hard matter (working upon her Maje­sties age and parcimonious humour) to distresse him, for want of coyne and other necessary provisions for so expensive an expedition: which cast him upon disadvantagious Trea­ties [Page 88] with Tyrone, the capitall Re­bell, And might occasion the pri­vate discourse he had with him a­lone on horse-back in the middest of a River: which hinted to the Queen the first cause of that fatall suspici­on, He might through the assistance of the Irish and English Army (al­ready wholy at his devotion) at­tempt some novelty; a dismall whis­per the contrary Faction did houre­ly inspire her withall: And to give it a deeper tincture of probability, S^r Robert Cecill gained leave of the Queene to advertise Essex, first of her being past hope, and after of her Death, stopping in the meane time all ships else, but what came loaden with this fatall intelligence: And to secure her person no lesse then his owne, in case he took the wiser counsell of his friends to land in Wales with all the power he could raise, the English militia were put [Page 89] in a posture of defence: of which no use was made; for the Earles com­position having alwaies participa­ted more of truth and loyalty to his Soveraigne, with zeale to the Pro­testant Religion, then prudence or Reason of State, He, not only contrary to the will of his friends, but beyond the highest hopes of his Enemies, came over attended with some few Gentlemen; and in this naked condition finding the report false, he cast himselfe habited as a travellor at the feet of his Mistris, whom after he never met (unlesse since in heaven) being presently confind; yet to no stricter prison then his Chamber, and under no other guard but the obedience he owed to his Soveraignes Commands, who though daily importuned, could not be brought to signe a warrant for any severer Commitment, till after his passage through the City, [Page 90] In which he did not only exceed the extent of his owne ordinary rash­nesse, But the highest and most ex­traordinary plots of his Enemies. And thus was the Earle snatched out of the armes of his Mistris, and torne from the hearts of the people that were his Servants, by the sub­tilty of his Enemies, and in the sight of both brought to an untimely death: It appearing no lesse wonder that Prince and Subject did meet in their affections, Then that they should both be so quiet spectators of his ruin. But as God shewed in his death the weaknesse of the arme of flesh, so not long after he decla­red as plainly the power of his Iu­stice in a strict account he took from those that were the principall agents in it: For after the blow given, The Queene, presaging by a multi­tude of teares shed for him, the great drouth was likely to appeare [Page 91] in the eyes of her Subjects, when the hand that signed the warrant for it should be cut off, fell into a deepe Melancholly, whereof she died not long after. And for the Fame that immediatlly followed her (if mul­titudes were not fouly mistaken) she was more beholding to her suc­cessors miscarriages in the generall opinion, then any popular esteeme attending her to the grave: her death being reported to proceed from an occasion that would have beene thought ridiculous in an ordinary Lady, much more in a person of her magnitude: But such as take Princes for other then Men, shew they never saw them in true light: who, like the Gods of the Hea­then, cannot in their actions or speeches during Life be discern­ed from ordinary Mortalls, but by the worship given them; being so remote from owning any reall Di­vinity, [Page 92] As with the Crowne they put on greater frailties then they do devest: For during the criticall minute of the Queenes strongest affe­ction (which was upon Essex his returne from Cales) he had im­portuned her for some signall token which might assure him, that in his absence (to which his owne Ge­nius, no lesse then the respect he bare to the promotion of her ho­nour, and obedience to her com­mands did daily prompt him) his Enemies (of whom he had many about the Chaire of State) should not through their Malice or Sub­tilty distresse him, or render him lesse or worse deserving in her e­steeme: upon this, in a great deale of familiatity, she presented a Ring to him; which after she had by oathes indued with a power of free­ing him from any danger or distresse his future miscarriage, her Anger, [Page 93] or Enemies malice could cast him into, she gave it him, with a pro­mise, that at the first sight of it all this and more if possible should be granted. After his commitment to the Tower he sent this Iewell to Her Majesty, by the then Countesse of Notingham, whom S^r Robert Cecill kept from delivering it: This made the Queene think her selfe scorned, a Treason against her Honour, And therefore not unlike­ly to be voted by the pride of so great a Lady more Capitall then That pretended against her Person, which power doth rarely suffer to scape unpunished: besides he had been tempted through passion to say, or his enemies to devise, That she now doted, and owned a mind no lesse crooked then her body; A high blasphemy against such a divine Beauty, as Flatterers, the Idolizers of Princes, had enshrined here in. [Page 94] And from these his misfortunes, led on by the weaknesse Iealousy and Age had bred in her, his Malig­ners took advantage, so as his Head was off before discretion, love or pity had leasure to dictate, The Ring might be miscarried and the former relation false. But the La­dy of Notingham coming to her death bed, and finding, by the daily sorrow the Queene expressed for the losse of Essex, her selfe a principall agent in his destruction, could not be at rest till she had discovered all, and humbly implored mercy from God and forgiveness from her earth­ly Soveraigne: who did not only re­fuse to give it, but having shook her as she lay in her bed, sent her ac­companied with most fearefull cur­ses to a higher Tribunall. Not long after the Queenes weaknesse did appeare mostall, hastened by the wishes of many, that could not [Page 95] in reason expect pardon for a fault they found she had so severely pu­nished in her selfe, as to take com­fort in nothing after. But upon all occasions of signing Pardons would upbraid the movers for them with the hasty anticipation of that brave mans end, not to be expiated in re­lation to the Nations losse by any future indeavour, much lesse so un­seasonable an uncharitablenesse to a dying Lady.

24. After Essex was thus laid by, the totall management of State-af­faires fell to S^r Robert Cecill in right of wisdome, who free from compe­tition became bold enough to in­forme the Queene, that too many yeares had beene already lapsed, and the peoples quiet hazarded by her de­lay, in not fixing upon one certaine Successour: Nothing remaining wan­ting, but her concession, to free the Nation from a Civill warre, in de­claring [Page 96] the King of Scots her law­full Heire, who besides an immediate right, had the greatest power at hand to quell the hopes of all contra­ry pretenders, at that time more then a few; having long beene imbolden­ed either through her Majesties In­dulgence or Prudence, an Artifice dangerous for her people and not un­possibly now destructive to her selfe, the love of whome was by good Go­vernment for forty years, so deeply rooted in her Subjects, as it could be buried in nothing but her grave. Nor did he alone beat her eates with these sounds, no lesse terrible to her age at that day, then they had beene formerly ungratefull to her youth: But the generality of all abouth er; there remaining after Es­sex remove, no Faction at Court able to rescue any from the present or future revenge of this man, with whom the most did comply, for [Page 97] feare of having their hopes blasted by this Northern Sunne that began to rise proportionable to the declen­sion of the Queens health. The truth of which the most incredulous may find throughout the whole Arraignment of Cobham, Gray, and Rawly, professed Antagonists to Essex, under whose shelter they might have been protected in rela­tion to their cause, though by them imprudently managed. This proves it no great hyperboly to affirme The Queene did not only bury Af­fection, but her Power in the Tombe of Essex, who having the Love of the people would execute without feare any Command, which they wanting durst not un­dertake: The cause Cecil thought it more prudence to rely upon the promise of a Prince his Father had made Motherlesse, than in the for­givenes of a multitude whose odium [Page 98] he had by many proceedings con­tracted; But especially in being in­strumentall in the death of Essex, and those hopefull young Gentelmen that lost their lives & fortunes with him: Amongst whom was S^r Henry Lee, for only wishing well to the three Earles in the Tower, and an other executed in Smithfield for writing the newes of their Apprehension to his Father that was out of London. But not to exceed the designe of this piece which was not to asperse any, especially one allied so neerly to my Grand-Mother, and a Fami­ly now rendered Illustrious by two Earldomes and a number of glori­ous Matches; I shall relate only his wise indevours to make Iames succeed, by whom he was cour­ted with many Letters, and larger promises than, as I have heard, were ever performed, & other proposals made, amongst which was a treaty of [Page 99] peace with Spaine, passionatly de­sired of the Scotish King, who by this gratefull service thought to muzle the mouthes of the Iesuites, and to have his offers of connivance more secretly and succesfully pre­sented at Rome: and upon the same score, Tyrones pardon was moved to the Queene, and though at first refused by her with high disdaine, yet after brought about for want of strength and Counsell to oppose it. Nor was an Inquisition after the Will of Henry the 8th omitted, which a Cursiter did about that time justify he had inrolled, though then not to be found, having be­fore been taken off the File by some as small friends to the Scotish title as any other but their owne; Har­fords, Huntingtons &c. being then rise in every man's discourse. But to avoide all semblance of triumph over a Right allready under the [Page 100] weight of the severest misfortune: I shall conclude with the most happy condition this unparallel'd Princess left the Kingdome of England in.

25. It had no considerable Ene­my besides the Catholicke King, And his power so maimed by the fre­quent blowes received from her Ma­ritime Militia, that he sought peace in a posture far below the usuall pride and Rhodomontado gallantry of that Nation; apparent in the rich Donatives bestowed on all a­bout King Iames who were any way likly to farther or obstruct it. As for the wild Irish (a terme that age bestowed on the Rebels) they were dayly found dead in bogs and woods with grass in their mouthes, giving no farther trou­ble to the English Souldiers (at her death not numerous, many having quitted the imployment out of grief for their Generall) than to burne [Page 101] and spoile the Corne and other pro­visions of the Natives; far easier done, than they overtaken in their Fastnesses and Bogs, impassable to our Army. The French were by obligation wound up at least to a neutrality, if not in Policy bound to assist us in case the warre had gon on with Spaine: Henry the fourth's former Defection, though covered with a late formall Conversion, ha­ving yet not so strongly estated him in the affection of Rome as to make him despise the English Aliance or exchange it for any in judgment lesse remote from the Pope: or in case of his death or forgetfulnesse she had the Hugonotes to friend, who in all walled Townes prayed for her in publique, owning her for litle lesse than their Princess under the title of a Protecteress. Though the Dutch were no lesse hers by In­terest than Gratitude, yet least pro­sperity [Page 102] should in a resty humor straine these cords, her hands were strengthened by Cautionary Townes, which did not only bridle them, but abate much of the danger our Merchants were in from those re­maining under the Crowne of Spaine; Not so much recruited a­bout this time by the reduction of Ostend after three years siege, as weakned by the former losse of Sluce in a far lesse considerable time. As for Denmarke, Sweden and other Nations that ordinary calculation hath seated east of us, she held good correspondence with them, But lay obnoctious to no o­ther inconveniences from them, Than what she sustained by the Frost, Snow and tedious weather the vicinity of their icy coasts useth to infest more happier Climats with­all.

26. Nor can she appeare lesse [Page 103] Lovely, wise and Successfull at home, to any that is able to fix his eyes upon so great a Radiancy as did compasse the head of this Princess, without the darke vale of preju­dice, not hetherto drawn from be­fore the face of this nation by the visible indeavours of many. Com­parisons being apt to raise no lesse Odium at home then envy abroad. For through the series of her Raigne she kept Parliaments, the Pulse of this Nation, in such a temper as no signes appeard either of Anarchy or Tyrannicall Oppression; her Govern­ment having been handed to the people with that sweetnesse, that it was esteemed of no lesse advan­tage to them, than their obedience brought honour to her: under whom the Crowne remained in such credit, as the Exchequer was estee­med equall security with the Ex­change; The Tellers of that Court [Page 104] being as ready to issue out moneyes, as those that had Debenturs were willing to receive it. And if any con­trary practice since brings the truth of this into suspence, let the Pro­verbe As sure as Check bayle me from the least suspition of hyperbo­ly. Her Lands, of which she had a vast proportion, were loaden with Timber fit for all imployments, lying rea­dy upon occasion either to raise a Navy, or Mony to pay Souldiers or Mariners. Nor was her Trea­sury quite empty, or the Crowne burdened with any considerable debts, but what a Parliament would without murmur have refunded; No cause of Iealousy remaining in rela­tion to an incroachment upon their liberty or estates, Since she did not extend to the least generall preju­dice her owne unquestioned inte­rest in the perquisites of the Crowne; So as her Parkes, Forrests and Cha­ses [Page 105] were rather a relief than burthen to the Subject, it being then as rare to find a man of quality de­nied Venison, as to heare of one (if not too intemperate) punish­ed for stealing it. And as the Iu­stice in Oyer was moderate in his Courts that related only to the pre­servation of Game, So those in Westminster-hall were as carefull to distribute Equity and Right: or, if in her time some Cushions in Chan­cery, Chequer, and Court of Wards were taken with the Moth of cor­ruption, it was after her Inspection fayled her, for want of a contrary Faction truly to informe, and no propensity in her Nature to pro­tect such courses. The ordinary plea used after, of selling Dear, because they bought so, being voyd the most of her dayes; in which no visi­ble Bribes for Offices were offered or accepted but what resulted from [Page 106] vour or desert. The Church in her dayes lay not disfigured in the filth of profanesse, nor was it daw­bed by the varnish of Hypocrisy: Ceremony and Sabbath (the ordina­ry pretences for Sedition) being decently not rigidly commanded or observed. So as the wall-eyed blanchers at them were followed more out of reproach than approba­tion; And might have been so still, had not the State rendered them more considerable by their notice, than really they were; fondly ima­gining the hatred found in succee­ding Parliaments to the Papists re­sulted from a Puritanicall affection, when it was for a long time in the most a feare of shaking the titles of Abbry-Lands, or a desire to free the Laity, in all things temporall and mulctable, out of the hands of the Church; who about the setting of this glorious Planet became some­thing [Page 107] more red and severe, than suted with a Calling no better supported: For though zeale in the Clergy may bias men towards religious duties, yet it hath often been found so much to alter the gate of the Rable; as they have quite for saken-the end of all Professions which is Obedi­ence to God and their Governours, And inclined to more uncouth and distructive Opinions, than an open and unsuborned temper in Religion was ever yet found guilty of.

27. Thus I may have in part expi­ated for the neglect if not malice ob­servable from the most Relations concerning this Lady; No lesse than vindicated my owne Gratitude, (Whose Grand-Father and Fa­ther did both injoy a quiet, happy and plentifull fortune under her) though in a stile and method far below her merit, As best appeares by the Bonfiers & loud acclamations [Page 108] used still by the people upon the day of her Inauguration: The feli­city of which was never since match­ed, nor have we had yet any cause to hope it will be, especially du­ring my Life, which began under this beloved Princesse.