THREE SERMONS UPON THE SACRAMENT IN WHICH Transubstantiation is impartially consi­derd, as to Reason, Scripture, and Tradition.

To which is added a Sermon upon the Feast of S. George.

By N. N. Preacher in Ordinary to their Majesties.

LONDON. M.DC.LXXXVIII.

A SERMON Preacht before the KING AT WHITE-HALL, June. 14. 1688.

Quomodo fiet istud?
How shall this be done?
Luke. 1.34.

THe Enemies of Christ's Di­vinity abhorr the Faith of it, as contrary to Sense, be­cause all those who saw him, plainly saw he was a Man; and oppo­site to Reason, because it seems to them impossible, either for Immensity to be comprehended in the compass of a man, or for one Person to sub­sist [Page 4]in two Natures. The Enemies of Transubstantiation urge the same ar­guments against it. They say 'tis con­trary to Sense, because all those who see it, plainly see 'tis bread; and op­posite to Reason, because it seems to them impossible, either for Christ's body to be comprehended in so small a compass, or for one body to be at the same time in two places, Never was S. Paul's advice more seasonable than in this Age of ours. He tells us, that it is our Duty* to cast down ima­ginations, and every high thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of God, bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ. I must confess, 'tis naturall enough to entertain a doubtfull thought of what is far above the reach of Reason. When things are so extremely difficult, that no man can conceive the man­ner how they are perform'd, we pre­sently are apt to think they are im­possible; How shall this be done? But this is a proud thought that must be humbled; 'tis a rebellious imagination which (if S. Paul says true) must be cast down; it exalts it self against the [Page 5]knowledg of God, and must be brought into captivity. S. Iohn Damascen in his Orthodox Faith, * proposes an il­lustrious example of our Duty, in a parallell betwixt the Incarnation & Eucharist; and by the Blessed Virgin's humble submission to that mystery, shews how we ought to captivate our understanding in believing this. Thus he discourses & compares both myste­ries, How shall this be done, said the Blessed Virgin, seeing I know not a man? The Archangel Gabriel answerd; The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, & the Power of the Highest shall over­shadow thee. You also ask me the like Question; How can bread be made the body of Christ, & wine mixt with wa­ter become the blood of Christ? I also give you the same answer; The Holy Ghost descends, & effects such things as far exceed not only our expressions, but our understandings. The mysteries of Faith would be no longer myste­ries, if Reason comprehended them, much less would they deserve that Name, if Sense discoverd them. We commonly say, that Seeing is Belie­ving; and amongst Men acquainted [Page 6]with the cheats of a deceitfull world, we find the wisest are the slowest in believing what they do not see. But yet the word of God has so much credit with us, that we confidently trust him farther than we see him: and when we hear him say, This is my body, we believe it though we do not see it. Nor is it any wonder, that we boldly venture to believe such things as are beyond the reach of Sense; more than it is, that we believe such points as are above the reach of Reason. If Transubstantiation were either contrary to Sense or Reason; then indeed the clamours of our Ad­versaries would be something plausi­ble: But if it be neither contrary to Sense, as I shall plainly shew in my first part; nor contrary to Reason, as I shall endeavour to prove in my se­cond; all their unreasonable clamours will be little valued; and all their noise, which is the last and weakest refuge of a baffed Cause, will signifie just nothing. Permit me only, in the first place, to beg the assistance of my Saviour whose cause I plead, and to desire his Virgin Mother, with all the Angels & Saints in Heaven, to joyn their prayers with mine.

FIRST PART.

We are all of us willing to believe our eyes; and truly we have rea­son to believe them, especially when all mens eyes agree, and in all times & places give the same information to our understandings. Not that I think it is impossible for the Almighty to deceive the eyes of all men by a con­stant miracle of his Omnipotence; but that I have good reason to suppose he uses methods more conformable to reasonable nature. One great occasion of men's thinking that their senses are imposed upon, is but a false persua­sion, that when they see the Sacra­ment, they must believe the outward form, the surface, & the qualities, which we see, touch, & tast, to be the true Body & Blood of Christ. If this were so, they would have reason to be jealous of their senses being con­tradicted. But if these people would reflect, that all this outward form, the surface, and the qualities, which we observe, are really in all respects the very same as they are represented to our senses: that they are not belie­ved [Page 8]by us to be the true Body and Blood of Christ, but only the coat which cloaths it, the curtain which is drawn before it, the veil which shrouds it and hides it from our senses: that when we fall down on our knees to adore our Saviour Jesus Christ, whom we firmly believe to be really and substantially present by a miracle in­sensible and imperceptible to all our senses, we do not adore the coat which cloaths him, nor the curtain which is drawn before him, nor the veil which shrouds & hides him from us: we on­ly adore the God of our Salvation, who in the mystery of the Incarna­tion hid his Divinity in flesh, & in the mystery of Transubstantiation hides his flesh & blood under the forms of bread & wine: Verily, says the Pro­phet Isaiah, * Thou art a God that hidest thy self, O God of Israel, the Saviour. If people would but leisurely reflect, that all which they perceive by any of their senses is really and truly the same as they perceive it; that Faith dos not oblige them to be­lieve the contrary, but only to believe that under the superficies of these [Page 9]outward forms the Body and Blood of Christ are hid miraculously, & conceal'd from all their senses: Then they would easily conclude that Transubstantiation is not contrary to sense. My word a­lone perhaps has not sufficient credit with you: you may hear S. Anselm, in the end of the eleventh Century, after the condemnation of Berenga­rius. In the 1. ch. of his Tract de Sacramento Altaris, he plainly says, That similitude of bread which upon the Altar appears to our corporeal eyes, considerd in it self, is not the body of our Lord. No, no: you may believe your eyes, that all the exteriour forms of bread are truly there; 'tis only ne­cessary to believe that the body of our Lord is really containd & hidden under them. And thus the Council of Trent expressely declares in the 1. ch. of the 13. Session; not that the sensible things themselves are truly the Body of Christ, but that under them his Bo­dy is containd.

'Tis written in the 1. of Samuel; * Men look upon the outward appea­rances, but God looks upon the heart. In like manner, our Senses only per­ceive [Page 10]the outward appearances of their objects; but our Understanding, by which we are made to the image of God, is the onely Faculty which can discern the inward substance. The na­ked notion of subsistent Being cannot be perceiv'd by any sense, because it neither has dimension, motion, pos­ture, figure, colour, nor any of those modifications which affect our senses. The qualities and modes of matter in­tercept our sight, no sense can pene­trate the superficies of it, & discern the nakedness of substance through the cloaths it wears; we neither see it, nor feel it, more than we see or feel the substance of the Soul which animates our Body.

Now, I must needs acknowledge that, if when we receive the Sacra­ment, we saw it round, and yet be­lievd it square; if we saw it white, & yet believd it black; if we felt it rough, & yet believd it smooth; if we felt it dry, & yet believd it moist; if we tasted sweetness in it, and yet be­lievd it bitter; No man could then deny but that our Faith would teach things evidently contrary to what our Senses tell us. But, as the case stands [Page 11]with us in this article, I never yet could see how any thing, but igno­rance, can possibly excuse all those who flap us ore the mouth with the absurdity of contradicting all our sen­ses. We really believe, the superficies or outward form is round and white, just as we see it; if we feel it rough and dry, we take it to be such; and when we tast it sweet, we do not question but it is so. We firmly, with­out any hesitation, believe all that our Senses represent unto us; we declare to all the world that we believe our Sen­ses; we live & dy in a persuasion that in this mystery our Senses tell us no­thing but what's true; And yet some people have the face to tell us, that we contradict our senses. A strange world it is, we live in now, that makes no conscience of saying any thing!

I know very well, you'l readily ob­ject, that after consecration we see the Substance of bread, and we believe the Substance is not there: is not this, contradicting of our Senses? I grant, that after consecration we see the sub­stance as plainly as we did before; but this I flatly deny, that any man ever saw the substance of bread either be­fore [Page 12]or after. 'Tis true; most men, who do not understand Philosophy, are apt to think that when they see bread lie before them, they see the substance of it: They never imagine that there is as much difference betwixt seeing bread, & seeing the substance of bread, as there is betwixt seeing substance with all its cloaths on, and seeing of it na­ked. When they see the length, breadth, depth, the figure, texture, colour, of the parts of bread, they think they see the substance; and 'tis no wonder, that they are mistaken, because they do not understand what substance is. But if they would go to school to Aristotle or Cartesius, the two chief Masters of the old & new Philosophy, the First would reach them, that when they think they see or feel the substance of any body, they only see & feel the accidents, the quantity & qualities that cover it; The second would easily inform them, and let them know they only see & feel the superficies & modes of matter, which may remain the same, to all intents & purposes, and make the same impression upon our senses, although the entity of matter be entirely chang'd. If any of you are [Page 13]so curious, you may read Cartesius himself upon this subject, in the end of his Meditations, pag. 137 of the 5. edition, printed at Amsterdam, in the year 1670.*

Some of my Auditory may perhaps be a little surprised to hear so much Philosophy deliverd in a pulpit, whence they usually expect the Law of God & Christian Doctrine. If without Phi­losophy we cannot find the way to Heaven, what will become of all those Christians who never found the way to school? Pray give me leave: There are a great many Christians (let them be as ignorant as you please, especially in matters of Philosophy) who never the less think they are wise enough to judge the greatest mysteries and secrets of it: And when they hear the Catholick Church affirm, that, in the Eucharist, the interiour substances of bread & wine are chang'd into the body & blood of Christ, no­thing remaining (but the outward forms) of bread & wine; in stead of receiving humbly the Christian Doc­trine which the Church proposes, they immediatly take upon them to con­demn it as an errour, & cry it down [Page 15]as a ridiculous absurdity which con­tradicts our senses. All this while they never consider how little it becomes them to pretend to judge of things, they do not understand. Tell them that in the principles both of the old & new Philosophy, we never see the nakedness of any substance what­soever, but only the outward forms which hide it from us; and there­fore, if the Almighty have a mind to change the substance only, not the ac­cidents, we may watch him as nar­rowly as we please, & never discover any alteration, because all that our senses can perceive, remains the same; and as, before the substance was mi­raculously chang'd, we could not see it; so, after 'tis miraculously chang'd, we cannot miss it. Talk to them of these notions in the plainest terms you can, they'l ask you what you mean. & wonder what you would be at. They neither know the nature of the substance nor the accidents; they know not whether Transubstantiation be contrary to sense or no; and yet they still will tell a man, it contradicts their senses. 'Tis very hard, in such a case as this, if they who do not un­derstand [Page 16] Philosophy, may tell us, we deny our senses; and they who un­derstand it, may not be allow'd to tell them fairly, they are very much mistaken. Mistakes in matters of reli­gion are dangerous: And certainly so much Philosophy as is needfull to set us right, cannot but be allowable when such mistakes as these proceed from want of understanding it.

I shall conclude this part of my discourse, with shewing, in as easie terms as the matter will bear, that tis impossible for any of our senses to give evidence against our faith of Transubstantiation. If we believd that Transubstantiation were a sensible change, a change of any thing that is sensible in the bread & wine; then in­deed, our senses being judges of sensi­ble things might easily give evidence against our faith: They might depose, that nothing sensible is chang'd, but that all things sensible remain the same as formerly they were; and no man could deny but that our Faith would contradict our Senses. But, on the contrary, if we do not believe that Transubstantiation is a sensible change; if we believe no change of [Page 17]any thing which is sensible; then, truly, our senses, not being judges of insensible things, cannot give evidence against us; they cannot depose that no insensible thing is chang'd, because insensible matters fall not within their cognizance; and therefore, whether they are chang'd or not, is more than they can tell. If there should happen a dispute concerning difference of co­lours, whether they are chang'd or not? Would you remit it to the ar­bitration of five blind men? Since there­fore the dispute betwixt us, is about the insensible difference of substance, whether it be chang'd or not, How can our senses give their sentiment one way or other, either for it, or against it?

This argument is so convincing, that it will not bear the least appea­rance of a solid Answer; and withall so plain, that any man without Philo­sophy may clearly understand it. To which I shall only add a word or two more, to put a stop to all the cavills which may possibly arise from the diversity of schoolmen's fancies.

Tis evident that the Catholick Church, by the substance which is be­liev'd [Page 18]to be chang'd in the Sacra­ment, dos not understand any thing that is sensible in bread & wine. The Council of Trent in the 2. Canon of the 13. Session, supposes as a certain & undoubted truth, that all things sensible remain the same; manentibus speciebus panis & vini: And, in the 1. ch. of the same Session, tells us, that the body & blood of Christ are con­tain'd under them, sub specie illarum rerum sensibilium. Tis true, the Coun­cil dos not offer to define what sub­stance is; it dos not tell us what it understands by substance; it meddles not with definitions of Philosophy but only definitions of Faith, determining what Truths were first deliver'd to the Church by Christ & his Apostles. But, though we know not in particu­lar what 'twas the Council meant by substance, This we know for certain, that it meant not any of those sensi­ble things, but only that insensible subsistent Being which is hidden un­der them: And this is enough to si­lence all disputes about the Evidence of Sense. Let, who will, tell us that the substances of bread & wine are sensible, we always shall have this to [Page 19]say, That if by substance they mean something which is sensible, the Coun­cil dos not mean the same; They mean one sort of substance, The Council means another; & therefore all their ar­guments from evidence of sense are every one misplac'd; they are levell'd against a chimerical Transubstantia­tion of their own invention, and not against that which the Council has de­fin'd. In a word, if any Transubstan­tiation be contrary to sense, Let them look to't; we are not at all concern'd in the matter; such a Transubstantia­tion is not ours but theirs. I humbly recommend this to your serious thoughts, & undertake to prove, that Transubstantiation is not contrary to Reason, in the second part of my Dis­course.

SECOND PART.

The Oracles of Holy Scripture, in the book of Iob, assure us,* God is great, and we know him not. As we do not know him, so we do not know his power; and therefore it is written in the following chapter;* He dos [Page 20]great things which we cannot compre­hend. His works are great; we cannot comprehend them: But hence it dos not follow that they are impossible, be­cause He can do great things which we cannot comprehend. We all of us agree that mysteries of Faith are far above the reach of Reason, but 'tis our great misfortune, and one of the worst effects of our original Corruption, That though we thus agree in generalls, yet in the examen of particulars we easily confound their being above Reason with their being contrary, and pre­sently conclude them contrary because they are above it. All this proceeds from nothing but a secret pride or va­nity, which make us willing to suppose that we are wiser than we are; that we comprehend the secret Natures of things; understand clearly the essentiall constitution of their Beings; see evident­ly all the attributes appropriated to them, & all the qualities irreconcilea­bly repugnant to their natures. Suppo­sing this, we readily pronounce, This is impossible, That cannot be, This is a meer chimera, That's a contradiction; And, all this while, reflect not that we may perhaps be very much mistaken [Page 21]in our arbitrary notions, from whence we draw so easily these bold Conclu­sions. We do not consider the History, as well as Theory, of Natural Philoso­phy; if we did, we should find such strange varieties & alterations in it, as would demonstrate the uncertainty of of all its principles. Corpuscular Philo­sophy was well enough received in an­cient times under Democritus & Epi­curus: Afterwards it was, in a manner, quite laid by, & Aristotle's Notions succeeded in the place: And now, the world begins to seem unsatisfied; his matter & form, his quantity & quali­ties begin to look a little out of coun­tenance; and the Corpuscular Philoso­phy begins to come in play again. If we would spend one serious thought upon these Revolutions in the very fun­damentalls of our Natural Philosophy, we should learn the best & the most beneficial knowledg in the world, which is the knowledg of our igno­rance: We should find that the vain hu­mour, which inclines some few to dog­matize in Natural Philosophy, pro­ceeds not from their being wise than their neighbours, but rather from the strength of their imaginations than the [Page 22]power of their Reasons: We should see, that, since the Fall of Adam, even the works of nature are above our reach,* No man, says Solomon, can find them out from the beginning to the end: When any mystery of Faith seems not to sute so well, as we would have it, with the notions which we fancy most, We should rather sus­pect that we may be mistaken in our principles, than cry it down as a chi­merical absurdity, below God's Majes­ty, above his Art, & beyond the ut­most stretch of his Omnipotence.

As the mystery of the Incarnation seemd meer folly to the Gentiles, and a scandal to the Jews; so now the mystery of Transubstantiation seems impossible to some, incredible to others. It seems impossible, 1. for the Natural Body of Christ to be con­sin'd within so small a compass; 2. for one Body to be at the same time in two places. It seems incredible. 1. that Christ should put himself to the expence of so superfluous a mira­cle, since he might easily haue given us the very same grace without it; 2. that he should humble himself so low as to expose his sacred body & [Page 23]blood to almost all the abuses & in­dignities which bread & wine are sub­ject to. These are the principal consi­derations whence some are pleas'd to draw this inference; That Transubstan­tiation is evidently contrary to Rea­son.

Tis strange to see, when once our minds are prepossesst with an aversion from any doctrine, how blind we are in our enquiries, how partial & une­qual in our judgments. We easily be­lieve the Incarnation, and although we know that God is infinitely grea­ter than our little souls are able to conceive, although we know that there can be no limits in the vast ex­tension of his boundless Being, al­though we know that his Immensity has every where a Center, no where a Circumference, yet because this is an article which we are willing to be­lieve, we make no doubt but all Gods Greatness may be lodg'd within the compass of a man; and that this man, who lived & died amongst us, is the great Creatour & Conserver of the Uni­verse. Why have you not the impu­dence to ridicule this mystery, & say tis evidently contrary to Reason? Why [Page 24]do you not tell the world that it in­volves clear contradiction, infinity mea­sur'd, incomprehensibility comprehen­ded, Immensity containd within the compass of a man? The reason is, be­cause you like this article well enough; your education has not arm'd you a­gainst it; your first institution to piety has been accompanied with dayly per­suasions & inducements to submit your reason to it, & not to admit of every probable appearance of impossi­bility as a sufficient evidence against it. How comes it then, that, in an Age so sceptical in all things else, you are so positive & so, dogmatical in this, That 'tis impossible for the Body of Christ to shrink into the compass of a little bit of bread? or, at the same time, be in several places? You can beleeve one Nature in three Persons really distinguisht, and one Person in two Natures, And yet you can't be­lieve one Body in two Places. Is not this, streining at the lesser difficulty & swallowing the greater? & had not our Saviour reason to complain of the* blind Guides that strein at a Gnat, & swallow a camel?

The Common Answer to this Ar­gument is: That we are better acquain­ted with the Nature of a Body, than of a Spirit. Bodies are the familiar ob­ject of our Senses, and if we do not know the Nature of them, we know nothing at all: But our Notions of a Spirit are so imperfect, that it is an argument of wisdom, rather than weak­ness, to submit our judgments in things we cannot understand.

I must confess; if we consider only the superficial knowledge of Bodies. our Mathematicians measure very skillfully their three dimensions, we demonstrate many ingenious Truths, both usefull & delightfull, and have knowledge enough to make us proud: But, if we consider the inward con­stitution or nature of these very same bodies which we measure so skillful­ly, we shall soon find we have igno­rance enough to humble us. Tis an easie thing to tell me the length of a Line, & to measure it by so many inches; But, who can tell me what this line is made of? is it a chain of indivisible points immediatly linkt to­gether? or is it compos'd of parts which may be really divided lesse & [Page 26]lesse, for ever & ever, world without end? The first is an unconceivable piece of nonsense: And the second is a Labyrinth which when our Reason enters it can never find the way out. What are we more acquainted with, or what is more familiar to us, than Light & Colour? And yet no body can tell certainly what they are: The Learned have disputed some thousands of years about it, & are not agreed upon the point. We see; and we be­lieve our eyes; And nothing is more certain than that we do so: Yet ne­vertheless when we come to exa­mine strictly, by what means, & how this operation is perform'd; we are as much in the dark as if we were stark blind. We move from place to place; we measure our motion, as to time & space; we know very well, whether one motion be longer or shorter, whether it be swifter or slower, than another: And yet when our Natural Philosophers enquire into the nature of this Motion, nothing is more un­certain: The greatest Wits have ever been at a losse when they pretend to explicate how Motion is possible; And Zeno's argument has never been clear­ly [Page 27]answerd. In the same manner, al­though nothing is more certain than that all the Bodies, which we ever were acquainted with, have three di­mensions, length, bredth, & depth; yet if we strictly enquire into the essen­tiall notion of a Body by which it differs from a Spirit, we shall find it not so easie to determine, but that this matter is very dark, as well as others I haue mentiond. To make it as clear as I can, I suppose; 1. that there is no substance but what is ei­ther a body or a Spirit; 2. that no Spirit either has dimensions, or is ca­pable of having them: From whence I conclude; 1. that every substance which either has dimensions or is ca­pable of having them, is a body and no spirit; 2. that actual dimensions are not the essence of a body, because the Idea of them presupposes the capacity of having them, & this Capacity is the first Idea by which a Body differs from a Spirit. The Question is; Whe­ther 'tis possible for a Body to be stript naked of all its dimensions, & subsist without them?

Tis no wonder, there is such con­fusion [Page 28]in deciding of this Case, be­cause our Philosophers & Mathematici­ans are not Country men; They have each a peculiar language to them­selves; and (which is worst of all) when they use the same words, they understand them in a different sense. A Mathematician never considers the Nature of a Body, neither is it to his purpose; all his business is to mea­sure it. The vulgar part of mankind never consider what a Body is made of, any farther than they can either use it, or make money of it. So that a Body miraculously stript of all its dimensions, being neither measurable, nor usefull, nor marketable, is cer­tainly (in the language of Mathema­ticians, & of the Vulgar) no Body at all. All the trade they drive with Bodies is by weight & measure; and therefore 'tis no wonder, if by the word Body, they conceive nothing but Dimensions. These people, by their own confession, have only a superfi­cial knowledg of a Body: They de­clare frankly, they know nothing of it but the outside. Philosophers are the onely men that consider the inside of Nature: They are not content to gaze [Page 29] without; but endeavour to enter the very Sanctuary, & discover what lies hid behind the Veil. And these men, if the rest of the world would give them a fair hearing & not make too much noise, would soon decide the difficulty. The Question is (putting the Case, that a Body were divested of its natural dimensions) whether the Remainder would be still a Body, or not?

Tis evident that, in the Mathema­tical or Vulgar sense, it would not be so: Neither is that the true mean­ing of the Question. We do not ask, whether the Dimensions would remain when they are gone? We know very well, it implies a most manifest con­tradiction. Our enquiry is only con­cerning the Essence of a natural Body, that is, of a Substance which is not a Spirit. And, without all doubt, when we suppose nothing to be taken from a Body but its actual dimensions, That which we conceive to remain is still a natural Body, because 'tis certainly no Spirit: it still retains a reall capa­city of having its natural dimensions, and this Capacity is absolutely repug­nant to the nature of a Spirit. Thus [Page 30]you plainly see, that the Supposition, we talk of, dos not destroy the Essence of a natural Body; it dos not imply any Contradiction; And therefore dos not leave any reasonable ground of denying the possibility of it. Men may fancy what they please; and will ever do so, without asking their neigh­bours leave; There's no remedy for it: But, after all, He must be a bold man that undertakes to demonstrate the absolute impossibility of the Hypo­thesis I speak of.

To return to my argument, I would now gladly enquire; since, in the In­carnation and Trinity, it is no argu­ment of weakness, but of wisdom, to submit our judgments; Why is it not so in this? If the Nature of God, & the divine Persons, are objects so spiri­tual, and so much out of our reach, that it dos not become us to dogma­tize in matters belonging to them: Pray, tell me what acquaintance have we with a Body divested of all its natural dimensions, & reduced to the condition of a Spirit? All our Mathe­matical & Vulgar notions, of which we are so confident, are (in this case) so far from giving us any light, that [Page 31]they are rather like so much dust in our eyes that hinders us from seeing. Tis no part of our Faith, that Christ in the Sacrament has all his natural dimensions: if it were, Then indeed these Notions might furnish something to say against it. One might argue, as S. Augustin dos against Faustus, that Christ as to his corporal presence could not, at the same time, be in the Sun & Moon, & on the Cross. But, in our present Hypothesis, all our experimen­tal knowledge of a Body is out of doors; And all our pretended demon­strations are meer nonsense. Tis evident, that without local extension a Body is neither confin'd by being in one place, nor divided by being in two: And 'tis as easie a matter to measure a line without length, an angle with­out space, or a circle without diame­ter, as it is to find work for Mathe­matical conclusions in a Body without dimensions.

Some will ingenuously confess, they do not think that Transubstantiation is impossible; but they are apt to think it is incredible, either that Christ should work so great a miracle with­out necessity, or humble himself to [Page 32]all those great indignities to which the Sacrament is every day exposed.* O man, says the Apostle, who art thou that replyest against God? His Goodness is as infinite as his Omnipo­tence; and tis as great an insolence to give laws to the one, as to give limits to the other. He seems to value more the reputation of his Goodness than of his Power; and if we trace his Provi­dence throughout the Conduct of the Moral World, we cannot but observe that He has taken much more pains to shew his goodness than to shew his greatness. In the Creation of the Universe He shewd his Power: But what was that to the Incarnation of the Son of God? All the Perfections of Creatures disappear, & shrink to nothing, when compar'd to the per­fection of their great Creatour; And the whole Universe, by which God shews his Greatness, is nothing in comparison of Jesus Christ by whom he shews his Kindness to us. You all are scandaliz'd at their ingratitude, who will not give God thanks for this inestimable favour; will not be­lieve that he has been so good, so [Page 33]mercifull, so kind. They say, that though 't were possible it is not credible that God should work so great a miracle without necessity; that there was none at all for him to come him­self in person; that he might have sent a holy man for our instruction, he might have charg'd him with our sins, he might have pardon'd both him and us without condign satisfaction: Tis true, The Scripture seems to speak in plain terms the Divinity of Christ; but yet may bear another sense, and may admit a much more credible interpretation. If a Socinian should urge this argument against you, you would scarce have patience to hear him. Why then do you object the same against the mystery of Transub­stantiation? Why do you tell us, 'tis incredible that God should work so great a miracle without necessity? that the real presence is not absolute­ly necessary? that the Sacrament might have sufficient efficacy to give grace without it? Why do you say, that though the Scripture plainly speaks in favour of this mystery, yet we are not obliged to take it in the literal sense? that the figurative sense [Page 34]is much more easie to conceive, & therefore is a much more credible interpretation? O man, says S. Paul to the Romans, * Who art thou that replyest against God? * How unsearch­able are his judgments, and his ways past finding out! Who has known the mind of the Lord, or who has been his Counsellour! This is the onely answer you can give to a Socinian; Apply it to your selves, & rest con­tent: Your argument is just the same, and either proves both mysteries in­credible, or neither.

When you object, that nothing can be more incredible, than that the Body & Blood, the sacred Humanity of Christ is shrouded under the outward forms of bread & wine, and conse­quently exposed to all indignities which they are subject to. Pray, give me leave to ask you, whether or no it be not more incredible, which we read in S. Paul, & in the Prophet Isaiah; that* God was manifest in flesh; that in this flesh* He was despised & rejected of men, and we esteem'd him not: He bore our griefs, [Page 35]& carried our sorrows: He was woun­ded for our transgressions, & bruised for our iniquities: He was oppresst, he was afflicted: * He made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a servant; & being found in fashion as man, humbled himself & became obedient unto death? Is not this more incredible than all that you can say of the Sacrament?

Ah! my dear Jesus! it grieves my heart to see, that thou hast made thy self of no reputation, by taking upon thee the form of bread; and that, by being found in fashion as bread, thou hast humbled thy self so low, as to be still despised, rejected, & disesteem'd by men. But yet it is a comfort to me, when I think that thy most sacred Body in the Sacrament is now im­mortal & impassible; thou dost not now bear all our griefs, & carry all our sorrows; thou art not wounded there for our transgressions, nor bruised for our iniquities; thou art not capable of being now afflicted & oppresst. Compute then, if you please, all the indignities the Sacrament is subject to; and by the way take notice that [Page 36]it is a Sacrament no longer than the Sacramental forms are incorrupted; Remember that the natural altera­tions, which they undergo, can never operate upon him; Take these consi­derations along with you, And, if you have that candour & sincerity which I am willing to suppose you have, you will ingenuously confesse that these indignities which Christ now seems to suffer in the forms of bread & wine, are nothing in com­parison of those which once He sufferd in the form of man.

S. Paul writes to the Colossians; * Beware least any man deceive you, by Philosophy & vain fallacy, accor­ding to the Tradition of men, and the elements of the world, & not accor­ding to Christ. He writes to the Co­rinthians, that tis their duty to* cast down imaginations, and every high thing that exalts it self against the knowledg of God, bringing into capti­vity every thought to the obedience of Christ. He writes to the Romans, that they* stand by faith; bids them not be high-minded, but fear; [Page 37]& in the following chapter bids them have a care of being* wise in their own conceits. These Admonitions of the Apostle were superscribed to the Colossians, Corinthians, & Romans; they were not written to us; but yet they were written for us, & for our instruction. Tis a great insolence for human Reason to exalt it self against Omnipotence: an insolence much greater than the Pride of Lucifer: He only sayd, he would be like the Highest; but we are not content with that, we will be Higher than the Highest. We summon the Highest God of Heaven and Earth before the high Tribunal of our Reason; we make him accountable to us for his actions; And by our arbitrary notions of precarious Philosophy We make no scruple to pronounce, what sentence we think fit, upon his Wisdom, Power, and Goodness. But the day will come, when they who thus exalt themselves shall certainly be humbled; and (as S. Peter assures us) They who now* humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, shall be [Page 38] exalted in due time: which happy­ness may the Almighty grant us through the grace and merits of his onely beloved Son our Saviour Jesus Christ, Amen.

A SERMON Preacht before their MAIESTIES AT WINDSOR. August. 26. 1688.

Hoc est Corpus meum.
This is my Body.
Math. 26.26.

AMongst the nine & thirty articles of the pretended Reformation, the twenty eighth asserts; 1. that Tran­substantiation cannot be prov'd by holy Writ; 2. that it is repugnant to plain words of holy Scripture. It neither is my inclination nor design to throw dirt in the face of any men, but only [Page 40]to wipe it inoffensively & fairly of our own; by appealing to their own Translation of the Bible; and shewing, 1. that Transubstantiation is not any way repugnant to plain words of holy Scripture; 2. that nothing can be better provd by holy Writ. This is in short the whole extent of my design, and shall be the subject of your en­tertainment, as soon I have begg'd the assistance of my Saviour, desiring his Virgin Mother with all the Angels & Saints to second my petition.

FIRST PART.

That all men do not rightly under­stand the word of God in Scripture, is a Truth which no man can deny that has a grain of common sense. Every man plainly sees how in our Nation the reformed religion is crum­bled into multitudes of Sects, as oppo­site in many things to one another, as they are to us. They all read Scrip­ture, follow Scripture, prove & dis­prove what they please by Scripture; and all the while, as they agree in nothing more than in the book, so they agree in nothing lesse than in [Page 41]the sense. No man is bound to think his neighbour, or the whole Church, wiser than himself; but every man has as much liberty, as he has vanity, to think himself the best interpreter of Scripture for himself. Amidst this great confusion, what wonder is it, if we find that many, with as little modesty as reason, face us down, that Transubstantiation is repugnant to plain words of holy Scripture?

The Text, which first appears against us, is in the 3. ch. of the Acts where it is said of Christ, that* the Heavens must receive him till the time of restitution of all things: whence it plainly follows, that his body is in heaven, & must be in heaven till the time of restitution, that is, till the day of judgment. All this is very true; and we believe it as much as any of our neighbours. But how comes this Text to contradict his real presence in the Sacrament? The Scripture tells us that our Saviours Body is in hea­ven; but where dos it teach us that it is not at the same time upon earth? Where dos it plainly say, No miracle can make one body at the same time [Page 42]be in several places? Shew us but this deliverd plainly in the Scripture, and then wee'l grant that Transubstantia­tion is repugnant to it. Some, upon this occasion, produce the Angel's words, who in the last chapter of S. Matthew, told the women at the se­pulchre, He is not here, for He is risen: where the Angel seems to con­clude, that because his body was in another place, therefore it was not in that place. All the whole stress of this argument depends upon a word of so little moment, that the last of S. Mark quite leaves it out; & the last of S. Luke not only leaves it cut, but puts another in the place: in S. Mark, the Angel says, He is risen, He is not here; in S. Luke he says, He is not here, but is risen. But however, if the Angel's Reasoning in S. Matthew must be so much magnified; when they have made the best they can of it, 'twill amount to neither more nor less than this; He is not here, because he is risen, that is, He is not here because he is gone from hence; which infe­rence is not a jot the worse, although we should suppose that the same body may be, at the same time, in a thou­sand [Page 43]places. Let us suppose his Body at the same time, if you please, in millions of places; yet, if it be true, that he is risen & gone from hence, it follows evidently that he is not here.

The second Text is found in the 3. ch. of S. Paul to the Colossians; where he gives both them & us good coun­sel; bids us* seek for things above, things which are only to be found in heaven, where Christ sits at the right hand of God; joys which are heavenly & everlasting, which in the same chapter he calls the* reward of our inheritance; He bids us raise our hearts above the world, above the vanities the pleasures & temptations of it: Alas! all this is nothing to our present purpose; all this we believe, although we know his body is as really on earth, as 'tis in heaven. Did not our Saviour preach the same to his Apos­tles? And yet he lived amongst them upon Earth.

The third Text lies before us in the 14. of S. Mark, where our Re­deemer makes a plain Antithesis be­twixt him & the poor, compares [Page 44]himself with them, & shews the diffe­rence betwixt their case & his.* You have the poor with you always, says he, and when you will you may do them good, but me you have not al­ways: as if he should say; you will always have the poor in a condition of doing them good; but, as for me, you will not always have me in that indigent condition, you will not here­after be in a capacity of doing me any good. When he was visible amongst us before his resurrection, he was subject to our natural necessities, and it was in our power to relieve & ease him: But in the Sacrament he is im­mortal & impassible, incapable of being injur'd by the malice of his enemies, or betterd by the service of his friends.

This Text not being able to sup­port so weak a cause, a fourth is borrowd from the 1. Cor. in the 11. chapter, where the Apostle says,* We shew the Lord's death till he comes: therefore he is not come yet; and, if he be not come. How is he really present in the Sacrament? Let us re­flect a little, & examine the sense of [Page 45]these words, till he comes. This coming of our Saviour is repeated frequently in Scripture: in the 1. ch. of the Acts, we read,* He shall come in like manner as you have seen him go, in the 14. of S. Mark, * You shall see him coming in the clouds; in the 24. of S. Math. * They shall see him coming in power & great glory. Every man that can but say his Creed, is well acquainted with this coming, which is so much celebrated in the Scripture; we all believe that this his coming is so judge the quick & the dead. When they read in the Bible, we shew the Lords death till he comes; they inferr. Therefore he is not come yet: Very true: The Lord's Day is not come; the Day of judgment is not come; and onely God knows when it will come: But, is it therefore evident that in the Sacrament there is no Transubstantiation, no Real Presence, because the Day of judgment is not come? I am inclin'd to think that, when it dos come, when Christ comes to judge the world, & calls all those to an account who have pretended, every one according to their fancy, to [Page 46]reform his Church, they then will wish too late that, either they had let the Church alone, or else had had much better evidence than this to justifie the Reformation.

The fifth Text seems to promise more, & yet performs as little as the rest: We find it in the 22, of S. Luke, where our Saviour says,* Do this in remembrance of me. Now, say they, we cannot remember any thing but what is absent, and therefore the Body of Christ must of necessity be absent from the Sacrament, cannot be really & truly present in it. Pray, cannot I remember God, & take delight in thinking of his goodness? Remember my own sinfull soul, & pity her con­dition? And is not my soul present in my Body? Is not the Almighty pre­sent every where?* Remember thy Creatour in the days of thy youth, says Solomon in the last chapter of Ecclesiastes; and yet this great Crea­tour is not absent from us: S. Paul says, in the 17. ch. of the Acts, * He is not far from every one of us. Though He is always present, yet we easily forget him, because he is not [Page 47]present to our senses: And I am afraid, because we do not see the invisible body & blood of Christ, I am afraid we now & then forget how great a treasure we receive when we approach the Sacrament: I am afraid, because we neither see nor feel our souls, we of­tentimes neglect & almost quite forget the great concern of our salvation, differring it from time to time, till by God's judgment death surprises us, and we are lost for all Eternity.

The two last Texts as they have most appearance so they have the least of substance when they are examin'd. S. Paul says in his 1. Cor. 11. ch.* Let a man examine himself, & so let him eat of that bread: Our Saviour says, in the 26. ch. of S. Math. * I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the Vine: Both of them speak thus after consecration; Both of them call it bread & wine; And therefore, after consecra­tion, it still remains true bread & wine. You see how fairly I propose the diffi­culty, and now I humbly beg your best attention to the Answer. S. Paul dos not say, This is Bread: Our Saviour dos not say, This is Wine: S. Paul dos [Page 48]not contradict our Saviour; nor dos our Saviour contradict himself: Why then do they call it bread and wine? The Answer is obvious; Not because it was bread & wine then, but because it was bread & wine before. Nothing is more familiar in Scripture than this way of speaking. S. Iohn in the 9. ch. of his Ghospel, relating the miraculous cure of the man that was born blind, tells us in the 7. v. He went his way & washt & came seeing: and yet after­wards in the 17. v. he calls him blind, and tells us what they say to the blind man again. Why dos the Scripture call him blind after his sight was restord? The reason is, not because he was blind then, but because he was blind before. Turn to the 7. ch. of S. Luke, and in the 22. v. you'l read these words of our Saviour, The blind see, the lame walk, the deaf hear: he says they see, and yet he calls them blind; he says they walk, & yet he calls them lame; he says they hear, & yet he calls them deaf. Why dos he call them blind, lame, & deaf, when he himself bears witness that they see, walk, & hear? The Answer lies before you: He calls them so, not because they were so [Page 49]then, but because they were so before. In the 2. ch. of S. Iohn, the substan­tial change of water into wine was much the same as Transubstantiation, & therefore the example is fitter for the purpose. In the 9 v. you read, that the Ruler of the Feast tasted the water that was made wine: You can­not but observe how plainly the Scrip­ture says, it was made wine, and at the same time plainly calls it water. Will any man deny this miracle, and say it was not really & truly wine, because the Scripture calls it water after it was made wine? No, no; 'tis clear that, when the miracle was done, the Scripture calls it water, not because it was water then, but because it was water before. Read the 7. ch. of Exodus: you'l find in the 10. v. Aaron cast down his rod before Pharaoh, & it became a Serpent: in the 11. v. The Magicians of Egypt also did in like manner: & in the 12. v. They cast down every man his rod, but Aaron's rod swallowd up their rods. Pause here one moment. The Scripture plainly tells us that these rods were all chang'd into Serpents; and yet, after the change, the Scripture calls them rods; not [Page 50]because they were rods then, but be­cause they were rods before. If any of our Adversaries have a mind to say, these rods were not chang'd into Ser­pents, that Christ never chang'd water into wine, that when he told S. Iohn's disciples the blind see, the lame walk, the deaf hear, he sent them back to their master with so many lies in their mouths; if they have a mind to say, our Saviour never cur'd the man born blind; then they may have the same pretence to magnifie this trifling argument: But if they are the men which I would willingly believe they are, if they are candid & sincere, if they submit their judgment fairly to the word of God, as it is plainly written in their own translation of of the Bible; they cannot but inge­nuously confess that Transubstantiation is not any way repugnant to plain words of holy Scripture; but that Scrip­ture it self contutes the best of all their arguments which they produce against it.

I will not say tis ignorance, but I am sure 'tis either that, or want of ingenuity, which makes men argue that, because there are some metaphors [Page 51]in Scripture. Therefore the words of Consecration are a Metaphor or Figure. No man denies but that we often meet with metaphors in Scripture; but then, either the common phrase of speaking evidently marks them out, or else they are explaind by what fore-runs or follows the expression, & so explaind that no judicious Reader doubts the meaning of them.

When, in the 6. of S. Iohn, our Saviour says, I am the bread of life; He adds, he that comes to me shall never hunger: When, in the 8. He says, I am the light of the world; He adds, he that follows me, shall have the light of life: When, in the 10. He says, I am the door; He adds, by me if any man enter, he shall be saved: When, in the 14. He says, I am the way; He adds, no man comes to my Father, but by me: When, in the 15. He says, I am the Vine; He adds, he that abides in me, brings forth much fruit.

So when S. Paul tells the Ephesians, 5. ch. 30. v. We are members of his body, of his flesh & of his bones; He explicared it in the 23. v. that this Body, which Christ is the Head and Saviour of, is the Church; And when [Page 52]he mentions flesh & bones, he only carries on the metaphor by a myste­rious allusion to the 2. of Genesis, because as Eve's Body drew its Being from the side of the first Adam when he slept in Paradise, so also the Church derives the grace, which animates it, from the side the flesh & bones of the last Adam when he slept his mortal sleep upon the Cross. The verse, which follows, leads directly to the place, and gives us, word for word, the 24. v. of the 2. of Genesis, that we may evidently know the Sense and Ground of the Comparison.

In the same manner, no less care is taken in the 1. to the Cor. 10. ch. & 4. v. to explicate these words, That Rock was Christ. S. Paul seems to write with as much caution as if he had forseen how much these words would be abused by those who now compare them with the words of Consecration. Lest any man might think that, when he said that rock was Christ, he took the word rock in the literal sense, he plainly says, he speaks of spiritual meat & spiritual drink; he says in the same verse, they drank of that spiritual rock which [Page 53]followd them, and that rock, (that is, that spiritual rock) was Christ. What could a man say more to acquaint the world with the true meaning of his words, & give us an assurance that it is not literal, but only figurative & metaphorical?

Some people are willing to believe that, because Christ's body & blood are only metaphorically broken & shed for us in the Sacrament, therefore they are not really his body & blood: As if, because one word is figurative in a sentence, therefore all the rest must be so too, meerly for keeping it company; or as if we were oblig'd to believe that, because Christ's sitting at the right hand of his Father is a meer metaphor, therefore he did not really ascend to Heaven. When in S. Luke, & in the 1 Cor. we read these words, This Cup is the New Testament in my Blood; the Cup is one metaphor, the Testament is another, but hence it dos not follow that the blood of Christ is meerly metaphorical: For, in the com­mon way of speaking, when we say, This Glass is a new Health in Wine, the glass is one metaphor, the health is another, and yet the wine is truly [Page 54]& substantially Wine. Having thus ex­posed the weakness of their arguments, by which they undertake to shew that Transubstantiation is repugnant to plain words of holy Scripture; I shall now endeavour to make out, that Transubstantiation may (if any thing can) be plainly provd by holy Writ: the proof of which shall make the second part of my Discourse.

SECOND PART.

In the 6. ch. of S. Iohn, our Saviour promises that he will give us his flesh, that sacred flesh which he design'd to sacrifice upon the Cross for our Re­demption. In the 51. v. he says, the Bread that I will give is my Flesh, which I will give for the life of the world. I know very well that in the former verses, from 26. to 51. He uses some expressions which are purely metaphorical: But, whatsoever a few modern Authors may say of this mat­ter, I can never be persuaded, that this chapter talks of nothing else but Faith; & that from 50. to 60. the Eating, which is so much talkt of, signifies nothing but Believing. We [Page 55]have appeal'd to Scripture: Let it judge the Case betwixt us.

When in the 52 v. we read how the Jews strove amongst themselves, saying, How can this man give us his flesh to eat? we know they understood him in the literal Sense, & wonderd how it could be true. If he had spo­ken only in a figurative Sense; it had been easy to have told them so. In other matters, of much less impor­tance, 'twas his usual custom to ex­pound his meaning. Iohn, the 3. ch. & 4. v. Nicodemus said to him, How can a man be born again when he is old? He let him understand He did not mean it in the literal sense, but that He spoke of Baptism: Except a man be born of water & the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. Matth. 13. He proposed to his Disci­ples the Parable of the Sower: They understood it not: He presently ex­pounded it to them. The Parable of Tares they understood as little; but, as soon as they desir'd him, He declar'd to them the whole mystery of it. In these & other occasions, when he had spoken any thing obscurely, He was always willing to interpret it: And [Page 56]there was never more necessity than when the Jews were scandaliz'd to hear him say, the Bread that I will give is my Flesh. If he only design'd to give them Bread & not his Flesh. I will not say He ought to have ex­plain'd himself, because to punish their perversness He might lawfully have left them in their ignorance; and, though he were the Light of the world, yet He might justly leave those in the dark who obslinately shut their eyes against him. But, that our Saviour should not only refuse to explicate his words, but also make it his business to confirm them in an errour; that He, who came to instruct the world, should labour to deceive it; that He, who left the ninety nine sheep in the Desert, should endeavour to drive the lost sheep farther from the true way home; Let, who will, say it, A Chris­tian must be asham'd to think it. If he were then resolv'd to give us no­thing else to eat & drink but bread & wine, is it probable that He would so industriously repeat the eating of his Flesh & drinking of his Blood? Is it possible that he should tell them in the 55. v. My Flesh is meat indeed, [Page 57]& my Blood is drink indeed, if really the meat & drink were neither Flesh nor Blood? When, in the 24. of S. Luke, our Adversaries read, our Lord is risen indeed; or, in the 4. of S. Iohn, this is indeed the Saviour of the world, They understand it & believe it in the literal sense: But, when they read these words, my Flesh is meat indeed, & my Blood is drink indeed, they believe 'tis nothing else but sacred bread & wine. Is this Be­lieving Scripture? No, no; When Scrip­ture speaks as plainly in one place as in another, & no convincing reason can be given why they force the sense of this place more than that, if they believe that & not this, They do not believe the Scripture but themselves; They do not believe because they read it, but because they like it.

When the Disciples saw how se­riously their Master taught the literal sense, they cryd out, in the 60. v this is a hard saying, who can hear it? They consider'd it foolishly (says S. Austin)* they understood it carnally, & thought our Lord would chop of morsels of his flesh, & give it them: [Page 58]They were not only startled at the seeming impossibility, but also at the barbarousness of the design: And the three following verses shew us how our Saviour endeavour'd to let them know, it neither was impossible, nor barbarous. Dos this offend you? says He; Do you think I am not able to make good my words? Surely you know not who I am, you would not otherwise mistrust my Almighty Po­wer. But what if you shall see the Son of man ascend up where he was before? Then I suppose you'l know that I am God, and from that miracle conclude that this is easy to me, & that I have not only wisdom to con­trive but power to execute my pro­mise. Dos this offend you? It is the Spirit that quickneth, the flesh profiteth nothing: The words that I speak unto you they are Spirit & they are Life. I do not intend to give dead morsels of my flesh, which being separated from my Spirit & Divinity will profit nothing, because they will not give your souls the lise of grace. You shall not eat it in the natural form of hu­man flesh; that is indeed a carnal and a barbarous way of eating it: But [Page 59]nevertheless, under the form of bread, you shall receive the true & real sub­stance of my flesh; and this is that spiritual way of eating which you are not yet acquainted with. This is the mystery which I expect you should believe: This neither is impossible nor barbarous: This is not contrary to Reason, though it be above it. But yet, says he, v. 64. there are some of you that believe not: And, v. 65. he tells the reason why; because, says he, no man can come unto me, unless it be given to him of my Father. Proud, Silly, Wretches, as we are? We think it is sufficient to read Gods word; we think there goes no more than reading to believe it; we never reflect that no man can believe the word of God the Son, unless he first receive the power­full grace of Christian Humility from God the Father; that Grace by which we willingly submit our Reason to such mysteries as are above it.

The 66. v. laies before our eyes the sad example of those many disciples who from that time went back & walkt no more with him. They heard the same words which our Adversaries read; They heard the 63. v. which is [Page 60]so much magnified; They heard with great attention & curiosity; & if from those expressions they had so clearly understood, that by his flesh he only meant a holy sign or figure of it, they never would have damnd themselves eternally by walking no more with him. They watchfully observ'd his counte­nance; his way of speaking; and, as we better understand a friend when we discourse with him than when we only read his Letters, so these disciples ha­ving the advantage of our Saviours pre­sence & familiar conversation could not but understand him much better than those who only read in Scripture a small part of those discourses with which He entertaind them. They plain­ly understood that, though he smooth'd the difficulty by telling them He did not speak of carnal eating, yet never­theless he still spoke positively, as to the literal Sense: They had not that great grace of Christian Humility, without which none can universally submit their Reason to Divine Autho­rity: They could not come to God the Son, because they were not drawn by God the Father: Proud, as they were, away they went & walkt no [Page 61]more with Jesus Christ, because this mystery was something above their small capacity; their weak imagina­tions could not reach it.

See here an ancient Model of the modern Reformation! They heard the Church teach as our Saviour taught, that the Sacramental Bread is Flesh indeed, & the Sacramental Wine is Blood indeed, And so away they went with these words in their mouths, This is a hard saying; who can hear it? away they went, & walkt with her no more.

Our Saviour, who saw them thus abandon Him, and much more fee­lingly resented their eternal losse, than the contempt of his Voracity, did not so much as offer to call them back again, as certainly He would have done, had they been only guilty of mistaking what he meant; but turn'd immediatly to his Apostles, and in the 67. v. said to them, Will you also go away? Whereupon Simon Peter ans­werd him; Lord, to whom shall we go? Thou hast the words of eternal life; and we believe & are sure that Thou art Christ the Son of the living God: We believe, and are sure that Thou [Page 62]art able to make good thy words, although some people think them hard, & cannot hear them.

What our Saviour promis'd in the 6. of S. Iohn, He performd at his last supper: And tis no wonder that he talkt of it so much before hand, be­cause he dearly lov'd those whom he died for, and always had his eye upon the Legacy which he design'd to leave them. The night before his death, in his last Will & Testament, He left us this holy Sacrament as a perpetual monument of his Affection. We wran­gle & dispute about it, what This is? whether it is truly Bread, or truly the Body of Christ? We agree that Holy Writ shall be the Iudge. We find, in Holy Writ, four Copies of our Saviour's Will & Testament; in the 26. of S. Matthew, the 14. of S. Mark, the 22. of S. Luke, & the 11. of the 1. to the Corinthians. We open all of them; resolving to stand or fall by their determination. In all the Copies of his Testament, the words are plain, This is my Body: And, as soon as the words are read, They presently tell us; tis true, Our Saviour plainly says, This is my Body; but yet He only [Page 63]means, it is a sacred piece of bread, a holy figure of his body. For my part, I have ever admir'd, but never can sufficiently admire, in this occasion, the confidence of some men, that make such noise with Scripture; and yet, as soon as ever the book is open, tell us the Scripture says one thing, & means another, quite contrary to what it says.

If it be said, that nothing is more usual than to give Signs the names of what they signifie: I easily confess, tis very true; when things are certain­ly known to be Signs: because, Signs being only Substitutes, our thoughts never stop at them, but are presently fixt upon the things they signifie; and, by the same reason that they put ano­ther thing in our minds, 'tis no won­der if they put another name in our mouths. Thus Joseph plainly answerd Pharaoh's question, when he said,* The seven Kine are seven years. But when God instituted Circumcision in the 17. of Genesis, He did not say, in the 10. verse, This Circumcision is my Covenant; but, in the 11. it shall be a token of my Covenant. So, in the [Page 64]12. of Exodus, when he instituted first the eating of the Paschal Lamb, from the 5. v. to the 10. it plainly appears there was something in it more than ordinary, and that it was not insigni­ficant; so that it is no wonder we find it written in the 11. v. It is the Passeover of the Lord: Moreover, the following verses explicate the figura­tive sense; the 26 v. puts the question, what mean you by this service? What dos it signifie? and the 27. gives the answer, it is the Sacrifice of the Lords Passeover, that is, it signifies the Passe­over. But, in our present case, 1. the Scripture dos not insinuate before hand, that bread was an empty Sign of Christ's body; 2. there is nothing in Scripture that gives evidence for such interpretation of our Saviour's words, as I have shewd in the first part of my Discourse.

If any one object, that Bread and Flesh are opposite, & therefore the sense must of necessity be figurative: For a full answer to this difficulty I referr you to the 7. of S. Luke, where in the 22. v our Saviour says, the blind see, the lame walk, the deaf hear, the dead are rais'd. To be blind [Page 65]and see, to be lame and walk, to be deaf and hear, to be dead and alive, are things quite disparate and oppo­site, & yet our Saviour's words were evidently true in the plain literal sense. From whence we may also inferr, that as these words the dead are rais'd cannot be literally true, unless the carkasse be substantially chang'd into a living man; so when our Saviour says This is my Body, these words can never be true in the plain literal sense, unlesse the Bread be by a mi­racle substantially chang'd into his Flesh.

To prove the literal sense, & to convince us of it, what can we wish for more than the unan [...]mous consent of all the four Evangelists, and the subscription of S. Paul? There is not one of them that writes, This is only a Sign of my body, a meer Figure of my flesh. Tis impossible the Sense should every where be figurative in so many several places & yet be no where explicated in the figurative sense. In other things, of lesse concern, we find that, what is metaphorically writ by one is explicated by another. S. Luke in his 11. ch. writes, if I in [Page 66]the finger of God cast out Devils: S. Matthew in the 12. ch. explains it, if I cast out Devils by the Spirit of God. S. Iohn, 6. ch. writes. Jesus the Son of Joseph, S. Luke 3. ch. explains it, Jesus being, as was supposed, the Son of Joseph. Our Saviour frequently invites the thirsty to him, & promises them living water: S. Iohn in the 7. ch. explains it, He spoke this of the spirit which they, who believd on him, should receive. But these words, which we read in all of them, are not ex­plain'd by any one of them. From whence 'tis easy to inferr, that all these sacred Pen-men never understood our Adversaries figurative sense: They literally understood it, as we do; be­lievd it as they understood it; & writ as they believ'd it.

S. Mark 4. ch. 34. v. says of our Saviour, that when they were alone He expounded all things to his Disci­ples. If then our Saviour us'd a Figure, when he said, This is my Body, 'tis certain that when they were alone (at least) he expounded this figure to them. Perhaps the four Evangelists & the Apostle knew well enough this exposition, but forgot to write it. This [Page 67]will not serve the turn. Our Saviour promis'd them their memory should ever be assisted by his holy Spirit: In the 14. ch. of S. Iohn; * the Holy Ghost, says he, shall bring all things into your remembrance whatsoever I have said unto you. Perhaps they every one thought of it when they writ, but did not think it worth the wri­ting. But if our Adversaries well con­sider the sixth Article of Reforma­tion, which tells us all things necessary to Salvation are contain'd in Scripture, they will scarce find room for this reply: because this exposition would have been so necessary to prevent the Idolatry which they accuse us of, & consequently necessary to Salvation. Since therefore this Interpretation ne­ver could have been forgot, if ever they had known it; Since it could not be omitted if they had remem­ber'd it; it follows clearly that this explication was never known amongst them, but only is a new invention of the modern Reformation, directly con­tradictory to Scripture.

I cannot but admire when I reflect, how thick a mist mens passions and [Page 68]prejudices raise before their eyes. And this is undoubtedly the reason why so many able men of the reforming Party study Transubstantiation in Scrip­ture, search with diligence, & great appearance of sincerity, yet never find it. If they were equal & impartial judges of the Texts which lie before them, they soon would see how grie­vously they are mistaken in the true intent & meaning of them. By the example of this instance they would judge the rest; acknowledge the in­justice of the Reformation; return home joyfully to their old Mother-Church, & full of admiration of God's mercy to them* shew forth the praises of Him who call'd them out of darkness into his wonderfull light, which guides us through this vale of misery to the everlasting joys of Heaven. Amen.

A SERMON Preacht before the KING AT WORCESTER. August. 24. 1687.

Interroga Majores tuos & dicent tibi.
Ask thy Elders, & They will tell thee.
Deut. 32.7.

TIs now no less than six & thirty years, Most Sacred MAJESTY, since our City of Worcester has been ho­nour'd with the Presence of our King. Our Loyalty was then sufficiently try'd; and now it is aboundantly re­warded. [Page 70]ward. Our Loyalty, which then was so well known to all the world, in­vited your Royal Brother to this Re­fuge: And we employ'd our best en­deavours to preserve his sacred Per­son: But 'twas too great an Honour for us: The Almighty took it wholly to himself; and, by a surprising mira­cle of Providence, afterwards granted to our earnest Prayers what He before denied to our unfortunate Arms. As we have never forfeited the credit of our Loyalty, we hope your MAJESTY is well assured we shall be always ready to expose our lives & fortunes in your MAJESTY's service. It is not in the power of Subjects to give their Prince a more convincing assu­rance that they always will be Loyal, than that they always have been so. I only wish, with all my heart, that we had ever been as Loyal to the Church as to the State; and that we had as zealously opposed the Refor­mation of our Faith, as we with­stood the Alteration of our Govern­ment.

When I first appear'd in this Place, I made it my business to prove, that according to principles of Natural [Page 71]Philosophy, the Mystery of Transubstantiation is neither contrary to Sense nor Reason. In my second Sermon I endeavour'd to shew, it is so far from being contrary to Holy Writ, that no judicious Reader, who is free from prejudice, can understand Scripture without it. And, this being my third appearance where it is expected I should finish what I have begun, I now undertake to prove it is so far from being contrary to the purer faith of the first Ages, that for the first eight Centuries the Fathers univer­sally believ'd it. Remember the days of old, says Moses, Consider the years of many generations; Ask thy Fathers & they will shew thee, thy Elders & they will tell thee. My time is short, considering the work I have before me: But yet I hope it will not be accounted losse of time, to spend one moment on my knees, in begging the assistance of my Saviour, and de­siring his Virgin-Mother with all the Blessed Spirits to accompany my prayers upon Earth with theirs in Heaven.

FIRST PART.

* Before I enter upon our proofs of Transubstantiation it will be worth observing, how almost all our Adver­saries are mistaken, upon a groundless supposition, that if they can find ex­pressions in the Fathers which import that the Sacrament is a type a sign a figure, They need not seek any farther; The question is already decided; The Fathers never believ'd the mystery of Transubstantiation. Now, I must needs conless, if we denied the Sacrament to be a type a sign or figure, we ought to stand corrected: Or, if all this were inconsistent with the mystery of Tran­substantiation, we ought to own our Fathers Belief was contrary to ours. But if in both these points our Adver­saries are mistaken, we must beg their pardon if we still persever in our an­cient Faith.

* If they would only consider the difference betwixt the inward substance & the outward form, betwixt the in­fide & the outside, of the Sacrament; They would easily reconcile the diffe­rent expressions which they meet with [Page 73]in the Fathers writings. When the Fathens were intent upon the outward form, They call it a type, a sign, a figure; They say it is not his Body & Blood, but that it signifies it, represents it, & contains it.

* S. Austin in his 23. epistle to Bonifacius, says, the Sacrament of the Body of Christ is in some manner Christ's Body, .... as the Sacrament of Faith is Faith. The parity is good betwixt the outward form of bread, and Baptism, in this respect, that both are signs: Only this difference there is, the first contains what it signifies, the other dos not. So in his book against Adimantus, 12. ch. he says. Our Lord did not doubt to say, This is my Body, when He gave them a sign of his Body. And why should he doubt? If a man give his friend a purse of money, He dos not doubt to say, This is my Money, although the Purse be only a sign of it. If a purse be empty, tis an empty sign: But if it be full, it then contains all that it signifies, and what it represents is truly & substantially present. Bread in the Old Law was an empty sign of Christ's Body: The outward form of [Page 74]Bread is still a sign of it; but not an empty sign, because it really contains the selfsame Body which it represents. I take no notice of S. Austin's words in the 3. book of his Christian Doc­trine, where he saies, Our Saviour* seems to command a heinous wicked­ness, ... therefore 'tis a figure: I take no notice of it, because He dos not say it is an empty figure. He only says, our Saviours speech is figurative in opposition to the literal sense of the Capernaites, that barbarous sense in which, indeed, it is a heinous crime to eat our Saviour's flesh.

* I also pass over Tertullian's words, in his 4. book against Marcion; * This is my Body, that is, This figure of my Body: I pass them over because the true sense amounts to no more, than that This bread, which in the Old Law was but a figure of my Body, now in the New Law is my Body. The obscurity of this great man is well enough known to all that are acquainted with him: Nor can any, who converse with him, be ignorant that the figure Hyperbaton is often in his mouth. In the same book, ch. 11. [Page 75]he says, To a Parable will I open my mouth, that is, Similitude: and (in his book against Praxeas) Christ is dead, that is, Anointed This is enough to shew the affected transposition of his words: And, for the sense, it may be easily conjectur'd by the design of his book; the principal end of which, is to shew the correspondency betwixt the Old Law and the New; to which purpose it was a very pertinent obser­vation, that the Form of Bread, in the Old Law was an empty figure of what is fullfill'd in the New. In the same sense Tertullian says in his 1. book against Marcion, that* Christ by Bread represents his Body: that is, by the outward form of Bread He exhibits it substantially present. So, in his 4 book, he says, that* God the Father repre­sented Christ on Mount Thabor saying, This is my Son. So likewise in his book, of Prayer, he says,* We pray for the representation (that is, the real presence) of God's Kingdom. And, again, speaking of the Day of judg­ment, in his book concerning the Re­surrection, he says;* it cannot be without the representation (that is, the [Page 76]personal presence) of all all Mankind: They who delight in reading Tertul­lian may find a great deal more to this effect; But this is enough to satis­fie any rational man that my inter­pretation is not forc'd.

* Facundus of Hermian speaks in the same Dialect, when in his [...] for the defence of the Tria Capitula, He says; the Sacrament... is call'd his Body & Blood; not that the Bread is properly his Body and the Cup his Blood, but because they contain the mysteries of his Body & Blood. He explicates there, how signs are call'd by the names of what they signifie: And argues, that the Sacrament of Adoption may be call'd Adoption, as the outward forms of bread & wine are call'd the body & blood of Christ. The Argu­ment is good: because these outward forms of bread & wine, consider'd in themselves, are only signs; they are not properly the body of our Lord; they are only call'd so, because they are types and figures of it; But, that they are not empty signs the same Author tells us, when he says in the same place, that they are call'd so because they contain the mysteries of his body & blood.

* If some of you, perhaps, still think it strange that such expressions as these should be made use of fre­quently, by men who really believ'd this mystery; For your farther satis­faction you may please to reflect, that not only the Fathers of the first six Centuries, but also our most eminent Authors who have written since the Condemnation of Berengarius, & who undoubtedly held Transubstantiation, nevertheless use the very same phrase of speaking. It would be tedious to run over many instances: One, out of S. Anselm, will be enough to satisfie your curiosity. About the end of the eleventh Century when, by our En­glish Reformers confession, the Doc­trine of Transubstantiation was fully settled & establisht, He writes thus, in his Treatise De Sacramento Altaris, That similitude of bread, which upon the Altar appears to our corporeal eyes, consider'd in it self, is not the Body of our Lord.

* Some people have such little souls, they cannot raise their thoughts above their vulgar notions; they are not much acquainted with those signs which signifie things present; those [Page 78] signs which are not appointed to sup­ply the defect of real presence, but only to supply the want of visible ap­pearance: And therefore they will not allow that there are any such signs in the World. Say what you will, they mind not what you say, but tell you over & over again, that, if the out­ward form of the Sacrament be a sign of his Body, 'tis certain his Body is not really and truly present. Have but a little patience; and I shall quickly clear this point. My Speech and Mo­tion are signs of Life & Soul in me: And must I believe a Sophister, if any were so silly as to tell me, Therefore I am a dead man, because it is the nature of all signs to exclude the real presence of what they signifie? The form of a Serpent in Paradise was in some manner a sign of the Evil Spirit that tempted Eve; and was not this Evil Spirit really & truly present? The form of a Dove appearing at our Saviour's Baptism; & the forms of fiery tongues appearing on the day of Pentecost, represented the Holy Ghost; And will you say the Holy Ghost was never really present, neither one time nor other? The human forms which, [Page 79]in the old Testament, the Angels usual­ly assumed, represented the Angels; And were those Angels never truly & substantially present? Such instances as these, I may presume, our Adversaries do not well consider: if they did, they never would conclude that the Fathers denied the mystery of Transubstantia­tion, because they call the outward form a type, a sign, or figure.

* Besides this mighty difficulty, which I now have clearly satisfied, There remains one more; which is, that according to the Doctrine of the Fathers, the Substance of bread remains after Consecration. Here, I must needs confess, they charge us home: And, if they can perform what they promise, we are always ready to come over to them. But having been, so long, in full & peaceable possession of a Truth deliver'd to us as an ancient article of Faith, they cannot reasonably expect that we should quit our hold, before they bring clear evidence against our Title to it. Necessity obliges them to make this bold attempt. They know, if once they grant that all the Tor­rent of Antiquity runs clear and strong against them, they never can be able [Page 80]to bear up against the stream. They are sensible how plainly the Fathers speak their mind in favour of this mystery; And therefore search amongst the darkest passages of all their Wri­tings, where they are glad to meet with any thing that makes a plausible appearance.

* The Sum of their Objection is this; that S. Chrysostom, Theodoret, and Gelasius expressly affirm, that the sub­stance of bread remains after Conse­cration; and therefore it is not chang'd into the body of Christ.

* This, at first sight, seems plausi­ble enough, nor is it any wonder if it startle those who never heard of it before. And yet, if all these great Men, by their substance, meant no more than the true nature of the out­ward forms & sensible qualities; there is no danger of their disbelieving Transubstantiation. We believe the sub­stance is really chang'd; and these Fa­thers were pleas'd to say, the substance is really the same: but yet▪ after all the noise they make with it, the Fa­thers and we may agree so far as to be both in the right, if we take the same word in different senses; & they [Page 81]by substance mean one thing, whilst we mean another. Philosophy, both old & new, distinguishes betwixt the in­ward substance & the outward forms of all corporeal Beings. These are the usual and familiar object of our Sen­ses; that's an entity so subtil & so metaphysical that nothing but our Understanding can discern it. Tis not, indeed, a Spirit; but it is no more to be discover'd by our Senses, than a human Soul is in a Body. Extension, figure, colour, and its other qualities, are the Apparel which it wears; and these affect our Senses; But the naked Substance of all Bodies is perpetually hidden from them. However, although Philosophers make this distinction be­twixt the inward substance & the out­ward forms, nevertheless the Genera­lity of Mankind look no farther than their Senses lead them: They judge of bodies by their qualities & natural effects: By these they sensibly discern one Substance from another: And this is all they think of, when they talk of Substance. When any of the Fathers say, the Substance or nature of bread & wine remains after consecration, they onely condescend so far as to ac­comodate [Page 82]their way of speaking to the vulgar phrase: And truly, what they mean, we all believe: We doubt not but all, which is vulgarly under­stood by substance, is the same: We doubt not but our Senses tell us truth; and that all the outward forms & qualities of bread & wine remain un­alter'd: The Council of Trent declares there is no change in these;* manen­tibus speciebus panis & vini. If there­fore the Fathers use sometimes this vulgar notion of Substance, what won­der is it if sometimes they tell us, that the nature or the Substance is the same? What wonder is it, if S. Chrysostom in his epistle to Cesarius, write thus? As before Consecration we call it Bread, but after it is no longer call'd Bread but the Body of our Lord, although the Nature of Bread remains in it; and it dos not become two Bo­dies but one Body of Christ: So here the Divine Nature being joyn'd to the Human, they both make one Son, & one Person. By the Nature of a Body we usually aprehend no more than the exteriour qualities which we dis­cover by our Senses; And when we [Page 83]find a change in these, we usually say the Nature changes, although the Body still remain the same. And, by the same rule, when the accidents make still the same impression upon our Senses, although the Body by a miracle be chang'd, we say the Nature is the same. Besides, These very words, which are produc'd against us, shew clearly that S Chrysostom distinguishes betwixt the Nature of bread, & the Body of bread. Dos not he say that although the Nature or accidents of Bread remain, yet the Body or Sub­stance of bread dos not remain; be­cause there remains but One Body; and this one Body, if we believe him, is not the Body of bread, but the Body of Christ?

* With as little reason they triumph because Theodoret says in his 2. Dialo­gue; The mystical Symboles remain in their former Substance form & figure, & may be seen & toucht as before: And Gelasius, in his book De duabus in Christo naturis, says, the Substance or Nature of bread & wine dos not cease.... they remain in the propriety of their Nature.

* Theodoret dos not speak of the [Page 84] corporeal Substance of bread by which it differs from a Spirit; but expressly names the mystical Symboles which are the outward forms & accidents of bread & wine: And Gelasius urging the same argument against the Eu­tychians, uses the word Substance only once, and the word Nature twice, to let us see that by the Substance of the mystical Symboles, or (as he calls them) the Sacraments which we re­ceive, he only means the nature or the essence of the sensible Accidents.

* And now I desire to know what wonder there is in all this? Is it any unheard of News to Men of Letters, that such words as substance, nature, essence, are promiscuously made use of, even by Philosophers? and that, by them, they mean to signifie the no­tion of any other predicament, or any real being, as well as that of substance? S. Austin was undoubtedly a great Philosopher, & yet He calls every real Being by the name of Substance. In his Enarration upon the 68. Psalm, he says. Quod nulla substantia est, nihil omnino est: That which has no substance is nothing at all.

* If this be true (you'l say) their [Page 85]argument against the Eutychians will be good for nothing. Excuse me. The Eutychians held that there was onely One Nature in Christ, because they were pleas'd to fancy that his human nature was absorpt in the Divinity & chang'd into it. To prove the sub­stantial change of human nature into the Divinity, they argued from the miraculous change of bread into the body of Christ; which argument they never would have urged, if they had not known that the Catholicks of that Age believ'd the mystery of Transub­stantiation. Theodoret and Gelasius answer, that the outward forms of bread & wine remain the same as formerly; from whence it follows evidently that, not only the accidents of human nature but also, the very subsiance of it, still remains in Christ: Because the accidents of human nature, separated from the substance of it, are neither capable of hypostatick union with God, nor of exercising the vital operations of a Man. But mang learned men who read Gelasius and Theodo­ret, want either skill or patience to understand them. They find these words, the substance of bread remains, [Page 86]and are so much transported with the joyfull news of any thing that looks but like an argument against the Old Religion they have undertaken to re­form; they do not well consider what the word may signifie, but willingly suppose the Sense is just the same as they would have it; set their hearts at rest; and look no farther.

* I have now sufficiently examin'd what the Fathers say concerning the outward form of the Sacrament; what they mean by calling it a type, a sign, or figure; & what they understand when they call it the substance or na­ture of bread. I now come close to the main point of the Question: What they have taught & constantly believ'd, during the first eight Centuries, con­cerning the inward substance of the Sacrament; Whether they believ'd it was the substance of bread & wine, or the substance of Christ's body & blood?

SECOND PART.

Paschasius Rathertus a French Monk, Native of Soisson in Picardy, wrote a book, in the year 831. de Corpore & Sanguine Domini, at the request of one [Page 87]of his Scholars, call'd Placidius, an Abbot, to whom he dedicated it. He makes it his business to explain & prove three points: 1. that the body & blood of Christ are truly and sub­stantially present; 2. that the substan­ces of bread & wine remain no lon­ger after Consecration; 3. that the body is the very same which was born of the Virgin, suffer'd on the Cross, & rose from the Sepulcre. He was the more willing to write this book, be­cause some people out of ignorance began to doubt of several truths rela­ting to the Sacrament. This I gather from an epistle of Paschasius to Fru­degard, where I find these words, Although some people are out of igno­rance mistaken; nevertheless as yet no body openly contradicts this doctrine, which all the World believes & pro­fesses.

Our Adversaries take a great deal of pains to persuade us, that Pascha­sius was the first broacher of this Doctrine; from him they date the first Rise of it, about the beginning of the IX. Age, although it did not take root nor was fully settled & establi­shed, till towards the end of the ele­venth. [Page 88]They add; that this was the most likely time for the Enemy to sow his Tares, when the Christian World was lull'd asleep in ignorance and superstition; that the generality of people, being quiet & secure, were ready to receive any thing that came in under a pretence of mystery in reli­gion; but the men most eminent for piety & learning in that time made great resistance against it. This is the Account which now is generally given by our modern Writers, and particu­larly by the Author of a late Discourse against Transubstantiation.

Tis easily said; and the contrary is as easily prov'd. Read Leo Allatius in his 3. book of the perpetual agree­ment betwixt East & West, and you will find Nicephorus Patriarch of Con­stantinople saying, that the bread & wine are not an image or a figure, But that they are transmuted into the body & blood of Christ. Read Haymo Bishop of Halberstadt in his Treatise De Corpore & Sanguine Domini, (you may find it in the 12. Tome, of the Spicilegium) his words are these; We believe therefore, and faith­fully confess & hold, that the substance [Page 89]of bread & wine, by the operation of the Divine Virtue, is substantially chang'd into another substance, that is, Body & Blood..... The tast of bread & wine remains, & the figure; the nature of the substances being wholly chang'd into the body & blood of Christ. Read Theodorus [...] Abucara, in the Bibliotheca Patrum printed at Lions, you will find that in his 22. Opuscule he says, The Holy Ghost des­cends, & by his Divinity changes the bread & wine into the body & blood of Christ. I omit several others, who lived in the same Age with Pascha­sius, and all witness that the Church believd the mystery of Transubstantia­tion. Tis well known that the 3. part of Paschasius's doctrine occasion'd some disputes about the manner of speaking. They allow'd the body to be the same in substance, but not al­together the same; because it is not in the same form; it has no corporal motion or action; in a word, it is pre­sent (in some respects) after the man­ner of a spirit, imperceptible to sense, all in the whole & all in every part. This Spiritual presence of his body was much urg'd against Paschasius to [Page 90]prove, the body is not absolutely the same: But nevertheless, if we do not preferr darkness before light, we can­not but see that They who wrote against the third part, did not write against the second; and they, who quarreld with his way of speaking, did not deny the mystery of Transub­stantiation; as appears by the testimo­nies of his pretended Adversaries. Amalarius in the 24. ch of his 3. book, says We believe the simple na­ture of bread & wine mixt (with water) to be chang'd into a reasona­ble nature, to wit, the body & blood of Christ. Rabanus Archbishop of Mentz in the 10. ch. of his 7. book, to Theotmarus, De sacris ordinibus; Who, says he, would ever have believ'd that bread could have been chang'd into flesh, & wine into blood, unless our Saviour himself had said it, who created bread & wine & all things out of nothing? These men were also Authors of the same IX. Age; And after all these testimonies I leave you to judge whether the IX. Age did not generally believe the mystery of Tran­substantiation; or whether Paschasius was the first that broacht it in the Western Church.

I do not insist upon the authority of Bertram either one way or other: but however I shall give you a short account of him, as much as may suffice to justifie my letting him alone. The first question, which he proposes in the beginning, is* whether the body of Christ be done in a mystery, or in truth? that is to say, according to his own words, whether it contain some secret thing, or whether the bodily sight do outwardly behold whatsoever is done? I have not hitherto met with any Author of the IX. Age, that ever said, Our eye sees all that our faith believes: but we are to suppose that some body said so, or else that Ber­tram was mistaken. He answers, with a great deal of truth, that* it cannot be call'd a mystery wherein there is nothing covered with some veil & removed from our bodily senses. Out­wardly, says he, the form of bread is set out, but inwardly a thing far dif­fering, * which is not discern'd to be Christ's body by the carnal senses. Af­terward he compares this Sacrament with that of Baptism; and finally in the 18. page he concludes; Therefore [Page 92]the things that are seen, & things that are believ'd, are not all one. This was indeed a mighty piece of busi­ness; and one would think that eight­een pages were little enough to prove, that things visible & things invisible are not all one. However the Answer is as wise as the Question, & dos not contradict the doctrine of Transubstantiation. His comparison of Baptism, though very unequal, is tole­rable enough; and shews how, in all Sacraments, the inward virtue is dis­tinguisht from the outward form. But when he begins to take a ramble among* our Fathers that were under a Cloud: when he inquires so serious­ly* how the grosseness of a very thick air could sanctifie the people? and tells us how* the cloud gave out the clean­ness of sanctification, in respect that it contain'd invisibly the sanctisication of the Holy Ghost: when he makes it an article of our faith* to believe firmly that in the Wilderness Christ made the Manna & the Water of the Rock to become his own body & blood, as truly and as effectually as now he changes the bread & wine: when he goes on, [Page 93]& argues that* even as he could do the one a little before he sufferd, so likewise he was able to do the other a great while before he was born: fi­nally, when he tells us further-more, that the Sacramental bread & wine is as much turn'd into the body &* blood of the believing people, as into the body & blood of Christ; and proves it stoutly, because where there is but one sanctification, there must needs follow the like mystery: When I consider what stuff this is, and how he has put it together; I begin to think tis no great matter, either what he says, or what he would say if he could speak. Se­veral learned Men have taken pains to excuse him, & to shew that all these instances were only intended to prove the difference betwixt the out­ward form & inward substance of the Sacrament. If this were all; I confess he might mean well; but He has ex­presst himself so very ill, that (for my part) I do not think him worth quarreling for. I am very well con­tented to leave him as I find him, & to let our Adversaries make the best they can of him. If He pursued his [Page 94]notions too far, and left the Church, He was the first that ever did so, in this matter: and besides, He wander'd by himself, for no body in the IX. Age follow'd him.

Let us now consider the VIII. Age; And we shall see the stream of Truth run clearer, as we approach nigher the Fountain. S. John Damascen in his Orthodox Faith, 3. Book & 14. chapter, discourses thus: The Body tru­ly joyn'd to the Divinity is that which was born of the Virgin; not that the Body, He assum'd, descends from heaven; but the bread it self & wine are chang'd into the Body & Blood of God: which, if you ask, How it can be done? Tis enough for you to hear, it is done by the Holy Ghost .... No­thing says he, is more clear and cer­tain, than that God's word is true and efficacious and omnipotent ..... After a wonderfull manner they are chang'd into the Body and Blood of Christ, and are not two, but one & the same ... Neither are the Bread & Wine a Fi­gure of Christ's Body & Blood, but the Body it self of our Lord, accompa­nied with his Divinity: For our Lord himself said; This is, not a sign of my [Page 95]Body, but my Body; nor a sign of my Blood, but my Blood.

Hitherto ye have heard S. Iohn Da­mascen; Pray, what do ye think of him? Do ye think that No body in the VIII. Age believ'd the mystery of Transubstantiation? Well: but He was only one man. What say ye then, if I produce 350. more? I mean the 350. Bishops who sate in the VII. general Council, call'd in the 87. year of the VIII. Age.

* The Iconoclast Hereticks would not allow any relative worship; and therefore refus'd all worship of any images but the Eucharist. All other images of Christs Humanity, subsisting by themselves, were (as they fancied) false images, and favour'd the Heresie of Nestorius who gave his Humanity a proper subsistence by it self: But the outward form of the Sacrament not being a thing subsistent by it self, but supported by the invisible substance & Person of Christ, was a true image and might not only be retain'd but ador'd. So clear it is, that the Iconoclasts did not deny Transubstan­tiation; but, because they believ'd it, therefore they allow'd the adoration [Page 96]of the Eucharist. They say, indeed, the Sacramental bread must not be fi­gur'd in the shape of a human body, for fear of introducing Idolatry; but they only fear'd the introducing of other Image-worship, given to other pictures of our Saviour which do not really contain Him. However, they did not speak their mind so plain, but that the Council doubted of their meaning: &, supposing that by the word image they understood an empty sign, the Bishops quarreld with the seeming con­tradiction of their terms, calling the Eucharist, sometimes an Image, some­times his Body: And argued against them that if it be an empty image, it can­not be this Divine Body.

Read the VI. Action, and you will find the Judgment of the whole Council deliverd plainly in these words: None of the Trompets of the Holy Ghost, the holy Apostles and our illustrious Fathers, did ever call our unbloody Sacrifice... an image of his Body. Neither did they learn of our Lord, so to say & confess ... He did not say, Take & eat the image of my Body.... The bread & wine, before they are sanctified, are call'd Types; [Page 97]but after their sanctification they are properly call'd the Body & Blood of Christ: They are so, & are believ'd to be so. These are the words of 350. Bishops, who all with one voice de­clare, They firmly believe that, what was bread before, is after consecration properly Christ's body, & not only an image of it: And this is all we un­derstand by Transubstantiation.

So much for the VIII. Age. I come now to the 3. next Ages, the V. the VI. and VII. And because the Refor­ming Party is willing to believe S. Au­stin favours them, we will begin with S. Austin. I am not ignorant that in his Writings upon the Ghospel of S.John. he copiously dilates upon the figurative sense; and that in his 3. book De Doc­trinâ Christianâ, he says that the Sa­crament is a figure of our Lord's Passion, which when we receive, we ought to lay up in our memory, that his flesh was crucified and wounded for us. But on the other side, I know, that as when S. Austin says, in his 9. Tract upon S. John, that the conversion of water into wine was a figure of the spiritual conversion of the Law into the Ghospel, He dos not deny the substan­tial [Page 98]change of water into wine; so when he says, the Sacrament is a figure of Christ's Passion, He dos not deny Transubstantiation. In the 9. ch. of his 2. book, Contra Adv. Legis & Prophe­tarum, he says, that with faithfull hearts & mouths we receive the Media­tour of God & men Christ Jesus, giving us his flesh to eat, & his Blood to drink; although it seems more horrible, to eat man's flesh, than to kill it, or to drink man's blood, than to shed it. In this place, he first distinguishes two ways of eating; oral, and spiritua; & then as­serts them both. And I could wish they would take a little notice of this place, who so much please themselves with popular declamations against the pretended barbarousness of this Mystery. In his Comments upon the 33. Psalm, He makes no difficulty of ad­mitting all the real consequences of this mystery, which to our Adversaries seem absurd & impossible; as for exam­ple; that Christ's Body should be at the same time in two places, that he should hold himself in his own hand, give himself to his Disciples, keep himself to himself, & the like. First he moves the difficulty: Who is carried in his own [Page 99]hands? In another's hands one may be carried; No man is carried in his own. Afterwards he answers; Christ was car­ried in his own hands; when commen­ding to them his own Body, He said, This is my Body; For he carried that Body in his own hands. I will only men­tion one more testimony of this Father; but so plain a one, that 'tis impossible any man in his wits should have utter'd if he had not believ'd the Doctrine of Transubstantiation. In his Comments upon the 98. Psalm; Christ, says he, took flesh of the flesh of Mary; in this flesh he walkt here with us; this flesh he gave us to eat, that we may be sa­ved: No body eats this flesh, but first A­dores it. Observe his words: He plainly speaks of oral eating; he dos not mean only believing: if he did, he would not say, we always adore before we eat; be­cause 'tis evident, we do not adore be­fore we believe. Pray, what is this we adore before we eat? is it only apiece of bread, a wafer, a sacred figure of Christ's body? Surely you will not make S. Austin, & all the Christians of his time. Idolaters? Adore a thing which they believ'd was not their God? No, no: They believ'd that although before [Page 100]the words of Consecration it was only a piece of bread, yet after Conse­cration it was by God's Omnipotence substantially chang'd into the Body of Christ, & so became their God as well as their Food; And therefore the Christians of that Age ador'd the Sa­crament before they durst approach to eat it; & S. Austin was so zealous for this Adoration, that he says in the same place, It is not only lawfull to adore, but a Sin not to adore.

The Dispute that was betwixt Nesto­rius & S Cyril of Alexandria, plainly shews that in those times this mystery was universally believ'd. Nestorius fan­cied there were two persons in Christ, the one true God, the other true Man, and pretended to prove that the Flesh of Christ and his Divinity are not uni­ted in one Person. The Scripture plain­ly told him that we eat the Flesh of Christ; But, said he, We do not eat the Divinity; Therefore the Flesh & the Divinity are not united in one Person. If S. Cyril had believ'd that what we eat with our mouths is meer bread, He might easily have answerd; That this argument only proves, the nature of bread & the Divine nature are not uni­ted [Page 101]in one Person. But, because he be­liev'd that the Sacrament which seems meer bread, is not any longer bread, but the true substance of Christ's Body; therefore he answerd that although we do not eat the Divine Nature, yet the holy Flesh of Christ is not common Flesh .... 'tis the proper Body of the Word, which gives life to all things. This Argument and Answer you may read in his Apology for his Anathema's. The Catholiks & the Nestorians both agreed in the common belief, that the Sacrament is not bread, but the Flesh of Christ: Otherwise Nestorius had been the most silly Disputant that ever liv'd, & S. Cyril had been quite infatuated that did not give another Answer. Nesto­rius argued: We do not eat the Divini­ty; Therefore the Flesh is not united to the Divine Person. S. Cyril answerd: The Flesh, which we eat, gives life; therefore 'tis united to the Divine Per­son; without which it profiteth nothing, according to our Saviour's words in the sixth chapter of S. John.

Gelasius Bishop of Cyzicus in his book De duabus in Christo Naturis, proves against the Eutychians that there are two Natures in Christ; Because in the Sa­crament [Page 102]there are two natures, to wit, the visible nature of the outward forms, and the invisible nature of Christ's sub­stance: And explicating how this is per­form'd, he says; The Bread & Wine are chang'd, by the Operation of the Holy Ghost, into the Divine substance. The Accidents of bread & wine remain ac­cording to Gelasius, in the propriety of their Nature; but yet the bread & wine are chang'd into the Divine Substance. Think a little of this; and tell me, what it is, if it be not Transubstantiation.

Theodoret in his first Dialogue, taking notice how Jacob in the 49. of Genesis, gave our Saviour's Blood the name of Wine, and our Saviour in the Ghospel gave Wine the name of his Blood, He says, The reason is manifest; because he would have those who partake of the di­vine mysteries, not to mind the Nature of the things which are seen; but, by the change of names, believe the change which is made by grace. In the second Dialogue, he says of the Sacramental bread & wine: They are understood to be, what they are made to be; and are believ'd to be such; and are Ador'd, be­cause they are the same which we be­lieve them to be. In the first Dialogue, [Page 103]he says, the Sacramental bread is chang'd; In the second, he says, it is ador'd. What change is this which makes the Sacramental bread deserve to be ador'd? Consider it a while, and you will find it nothing else but Tran­substantiation.

I should be tedious, if I undertook to lay before you all the Testimonies of the Fathers who, in these three A­ges, have writ upon this subject. These which I have produc'd already, are beyond exception: They declare the Faith of the Ages they liv'd in; They say the Sacramental bread is chang'd into the Substance of Christ; They say, No body eats it, but first adores it; They say it is a Sin not to adore it: All this They say, & this is all we understand by Transubstantiation.

I come now to the first four Cen­turies, and put the Question to those Fathers who had the happyness to flourish in the best & purest times of Christianity; Whether the inward Sub­stance of the Sacrament be bread & wine, or whether it be the Body & Blood of Christ? If it be true, that the inward Substance of the Sacrament is really the Body or Flesh of Christ, it [Page 104]follows evidently that it is no longer Bread: And, whether it be true, or no, is the Question which the Fathers of the first four Ages are to answer.

S. Ignatius in his epistle to the Ro­mans, speaking of this bread of God, says it is the Flesh of Jesus Christ.

S. Justin martyr, in his Apology to Antoninus Pius, says, We are taught that it is the Body & Blood of Jesus Incarnate.

S. Ireneus in his fifth book against heresies, ch 11. speaking of the bread & wine, says that by the word of God they are made the Eucharist which is the Body & Blood of Christ.

Origen in his 7. homilie upon the 6. of Numbers, says Then in a figure, Manna was their meat; but now, in reality, the Flesh of God the Word is our true meat.

Optatus, in his 6. book against Par­menian, gives the Sacrament no other name: What is the Altar? (says he) but the seat of Christ's Body & Blood? He repeats it over & over again; And, if all the while he meant only a figure, 'tis strange he should never call it by the right name.

S. Ephrem the Deacon, in his book, [Page 105] De Naturâ Dei curiosè non scrutan­dâ; says, Our Saviour has given us his Body & Blood; and that this gift of his exceeds all admiration, all expression, all understanding: Which he would never have said, if he had thought it had been but a figure.

To all these proofs, & several more which I omit, the Author of a late Dialogue in which the mysteries of Trinity & Transubstantiation are compared, returns this answer: that the Reformers themselves generall say the Eucharist is the Body of Christ; And yet they all deny the mystery of Transubstantiation.

This is soon said; & amounts to no more than this: That the Reformers say as we do, & think otherwise; They say, it is his body; & they think, it is not. But you must give me leave to tell you, that although their words look one way & their thoughts ano­ther; I have no reason to suspect this fallacy of speech in the good Fa­thers of the first four Centuries. What they receiv'd, in plain terms, from our Saviour & his Apostles, They deliverd with the same sincerity & candour to succeeding Ages. Hear what S. Hilary [Page 106]of Poictiers tells you, in his 8. book De Trinitate, where taking notice of our Saviour's words in the 6. ch. of S. John, He says, There is no place lest for doubting of the Truth of his Body & Blood; for now, by our Lord's Profession, & our Faith, 'tis truly his Body, & truly his Blood. Hear S. Epi­phanius in his Ancorat; where, to op­pose the Allegorical Sense of Origen in the Creation of Paradise, He al­ledges several places out of Scripture; which, though they are hard to under­stand, are universally believ'd in the plain literal sense. Amongst the rest he produces the example of the Eucharist, & thus discourses upon it: We see it is not equal, nor like the Body of Christ; & yet our Saviour would pro­nounce, This is my Body; Nor is there any one who dos not believe these words of his: For he, who dos not be­lieve them to be true, falls absolutely from the state of Grace & of Salva­tion. What think ye of this? Do ye think these great Men did not under­stand the faith of the Age they lived in? Do ye think they were not able to inform the World, concerning the Faith of former Ages, much better [Page 107]than our late Reformers, who came into the World above a thousand years after them? They tell us, The literal Sense is matter of Faith; & that they who do not believe it are neither in the State of Grace, nor of Salvation.

If it be said, that any Real Presence of Christ's Body, or the Impanation of his Person, is enough: What need is there of Transubstantiation to verifie the literal Sense? The Answer is ob­vious & clear. 1. Our Saviour did not say, My Body is here, but This is my Body: And although any real presence is enough to make good the former Assertion, yet nothing less than a Sub­stantial change can verifie the later. 2. Although by virtue of an hypostatick union, it may be as true to say, This bread is Christ, as to say, This Man is God; yet still 'twill be as false to say, This Bread is the Body of Christ, as to say, This Humanity is the Divinity. Besides, it falls out a little unluckily that this Invention, only serves to pull down the old Transubstantiation, & to set up a new one; by changing the subsistence of bread, into the divine Subsistence, the Second Person of the B. Trinity.

It cannot be litterally verified that This Bread (or This thing which was bread) is the Flesh of Christ; unless the bread be chang'd into his flesh; that is, cease to be bread, and begin to be his flesh: And this is the substan­tial change which we call Transubstan­tiation. There are two sorts of chan­ges: one accidental, as when cold water is made warm; another substantial, as when our Saviour chang'd water into wine. An accidental change may warm the water; but only a substantial change can make it wine. In the same man­ner, an accidental change may make bread a Sacrament, but nothing less than a substantial change can make it the Flesh or Body of Christ.

* The Fathers often compare these changes, but never confound the one with the other. S. Cyril of Hierusalem in his 1. Mystagogick Catechise, ob­serves that, as Bread, by invocation of the Trinity, is made the Body of Christ; so meats offer'd to Devils are made impure by invocation of them. In his 3. Catechise, he says; As bread, after the invocation, is the Body of Christ, so the Oyntment after conse­cration is the Chrisme of Christ. S. [Page 109]Ambrose in his 4. book De Sacramen­tis, ch. 4. proves that Christ can effect great changes above nature, because by his grace We are new Creatures in Him. But yet the Fathers do not say, These changes are equal to That by which Bread is made the Body of Christ. These Assertions, This meat is impure, This oyntment is the Chrism of Christ, This man is a new creature in Christ; All This is evidently veri­fied in the plain literal Sense by a meer accidental change: But when the Fathers say, This bread is the Flesh of Christ, Nothing but a substantial change can verifie the plain Sense of the Let­ter; Nothing can make it literally true but Transubstantiation.

Bread is one Body, one corporeal Substance: The Flesh of Christ is ano­ther Body, another corporeal Sub­stance. Change that into this; You change one Body into another, one Substance into another; And then, I pray, What change is this, if it be not Substantial? What is it, if it be not Transubstantiation? Tis clear, that when the Fathers of the first four Ages speak of the wonderfull change made in the Sacrament, they speak of the [Page 110]change of Bread into the Flesh or Body of Christ; They speak not, of an Accidental change, but a Substantial one, which now the Church calls Transubstantiation: And therefore I have nothing more to do but cite the Fathers words, & so conclude.

S. Gaudentius is his 2. Tract upon Exodus, says, He, the Creator & Lord of Nature, who produces bread out of the earth, produces also his own proper body out of bread, because he can do it, & promis'd to do it: And He who produc'd wine out of water, produces also his blood out of wine.... For when he gave the consecrated bread & wine to his disciples, He said; This is my Body, This is my Blood. Let us be­lieve him whom we have believ'd; Truth cannot tell a lie.

S. Chrysostom in his 83. homilie upon S. Matthew, has these excellent words; Let us every where believe God Almighty; nor contradict him, although what He says seem contrary to our Reason and our Eyes..... His word cannot deceive us; Our Sense is easily deceiv'd: That never erres. This often is mistaken. Since therefore He says, This is my Body; Let us be persua­ded [Page 111]of it, & believe it.... These are not the works of human power. He who did these things at his last sup­per, He it is who now performs them. We only are his Ministers; 'tis He that Sanctifies, He that Transmutes the bread & wine into his Body & Blood. So that, as the same Saint says in his 25. homily upon the 1. to the Corinthians, That, which is in the Chalice, is that which flow'd from his side, & that we are partakers of.

S. Ambrose in his book De his qui mysteriis initiantur; ch. 9. Perhaps you'l say, says he, I see quite another thing: How do you assure me that I re­ceive the Body of Christ? And this is that which remains for us to prove. How great, says he, are the examples which we use to shew, that it is not the thing which Nature form'd, but the thing which the Blessing has con­secrated; and that the Blessing has greater force than Nature; because, by the Blessing, even the Nature it self is chang'd. Afterwards He instances in the change of rods into Serpents, and of water into blood; and thus pursues his discourse. If, says he, the word of Elias was powerfull enough to com­mand [Page 112]fire down from Heaven, shall not the word of Christ be able to change the Nature of the Elements? You have read, of the whole Creation; He said, & they were made, He commanded, & they were created: The Word there­fore of Christ, which could make out of nothing that which was not; cannot it change those things which are, into what they were not?

S. Gregory Nyssen in his Catechisti­cal Discourse, ch. 37. professes the same faith: I do believe, says he, that by the word of God, the Sanctified bread is transmuted into the Body of God the Word ... Not that by mediation of nourishment it becomes the body of the Word; but that immediatly by the Word it is transmuted into his body, by these words, This is my Body.... the Nature of the things, which appear, being transelemented, that is, transub­stantiated, into it.

S. Cyril Patriarch of Hierusalem, in his 4. Mystagogick Catechise, dis­courses thus: Do not consider it as meer bread & wine; for now it is the Body & Blood of Christ according to our Lord's own words. Although your Sense suggest otherwise, let your faith [Page 113]confirm you, that you may not judge the thing by the Tast.... and a little after, he goes on; knowing, says he, & holding for certain, that the bread which we see, is not bread, although it tast like bread; & the wine which we see, is not wine, although it tast like wine. S. Hierome in his Cata­logue, & Theodoret in his 2. Dialogue, are witnesses that S. Cyril was the Author of this work. And now I ap­peal to the judgment of my Auditory, whether I may not venture to defy any Catholick of this present Age, to express in plainer terms our Faith of Transubstantiation.

* However, Tis very strange, (you'l say) if this were the faith of the first Ages, that None of the Heathens, nor so much as Julian the Apostat, should take notice of it. This, if we believe a late Author, is to a wise man instead of a thousand Demonstrations, that no such doctrine was then believ'd.

* As for Julian the Apostat; Of three books, which he wrote, we have but one, & that imperfect. Had he objected it, 'tis certain S. Cyril of Alexandria never would have [Page 114]taken notice of it in his Answer: So cautious he is in speaking, even of Baptism, that he passes it over in these terms; I should say many more things.... if I did not fear the ears of the profane. For commonly they laugh at things they cannot under­stand.

* As for the Heathens, 'tis sufficient to reflect what care was taken by the primitive Christians to hide the mys­teries of our Religion, & to keep our books out of the hands of Infidels. This privacy of ours made Celsus call our Doctrine Clancular: and Origen, in his first book against him, answers that it is proper, not only to Christian Doctrine, but also to Philosophy, to have some things in it, which are not com­municated to every one. Tertullian, in his 4. book, Ad Uxorem, ch. 5 for this reason, would not allow Christian women to marry Pagan husbands: will not your Husband, says he, know what you tast in Secret, before you eat of any other meat? And S. Basil in his book Concerning the Holy Ghost, ch. 27. says, that The Apostles & Fathers in the beginning of the Church, by pri­vacy [Page 115]& silence preserv'd the dignity of their Mysteries.

* But, because my Author thinks this Demonstration worth a Thousand, I am the more willing to answer him in his own words, that though I have untied the knot, I could with more ease have cut it. For since 'tis plain & evident from all the Records of the first eight Centuries, that Tran­substantiation always was believ'd, it is the wildest, and the most extrava­gant thing in the world to set up a pretended Demonstration of Reason against plain experience & matter of Fact. This is just like Zeno's Demon­stration against Motion, when Dioge­nes walkt before his eyes. A man may demonstrate till his head & heart ake, before he shall ever be able to prove, that which certainly was, never to have been. All the Reason in the World is too weak to Cope with so tough & obstinate a difficulty.

I have now perform'd my promise. I have in three Sermons prov'd; 1. that Transubstantiation is neither con­trary to Sense nor Reason; 2. that it follows clearly from the plainest words [Page 116]in Scripture; 3. that it has been the perpetual faith of the Catholick Church, not only since Paschasius, but ever since the first foundation of Chri­stian Religion. And now I not only beg of you, but earnestly conjure you by all that ought to be most dear to you, by all your desires & expectations of eternal Happyness, to consider se­riously & leisurely three fundamental principles of Christianity.

1. That without Faith 'tis impossi­ble to please God. They are the words of S. Paul to the Hebrews, ch. 11. v. 16.

2. That there is but one Body, one Spirit, ... one Lord, one Faith. They are the words of the same Apostle to the Ephesians, ch. 4. v. 4. & 5.

3. That we ought to follow the Direction of this one Lord, to find out this one Faith. This Direction is writ­ten in the Prophet Jeremy, ch 6. v. 16. Thus says the Lord: stand in the ways & see; And ask for the Old Paths, where is the good Way, & walk therein; and you shall find rest for your souls.

Tis natural for men to please [Page 117]themselves with thinking how much they are wiser than their Prede­cessours. Nothing is more agreable to Man's proud inclinations, than to be always finding faults & giving ma­gisterial directions for the mending of them: And this is that which makes the very Name of Reformation plea­sing & delightfull. To give it its due; Reforming is a pretty Thing, if it were well applied. If every Man would make it his chief business to reform himself; O! what a Happy Reforma­tion should we live to see! But this alas, is much the smallest part of all our Business. There is no Vanity, no Pleasure, in Reforming of our selves: We only gain a Victory where we desire it not; & only triumph over our own faults. A proud man would as willingly sit out, as play at such small game as this: All his delight is to reform his Neighbours. And here, I must confess, if Men were only a little overbusy in reforming of their neighbours Manners, the Folly of their Pride were in some measure to­lerable. But when our insolence at­tempts the Reformation of their Faith, [Page 118]& of that Church to which Divine as well as Human Laws require Obe­dience and Submission; the specious Name & popular Pretence will never sanctifie the Crime. If they who, in the last Age, undertook the Reforma­tion of our Church, were known to be infallible; some grains of blind O­bedience might be easily allow'd. But since they may perhaps be grievously mistaken, it very much behoves you to consider it. Tis a common saying; if a man cheat me once, 'tis his fault; but if he cheat me twice, 'tis mine. Tis not the first time that a conside­rable Party in the Catholick Church has separated from the whole, upon these plausible pretences of Reforma­tion, to correct Abuses, Innovations, & Errours. Did not the Arians, thir­teen hundred years since, begin to se­parate upon this popular pretence? Did not they, in the same manner, amuse their Proselytes with plausible sto­ries, of errours, innovations, and abu­ses, crept into the Church? Did not they make as great a noise against the Consubstantiality of God the Son? com­plain as much of Spiritual Tyranny? [Page 119]inveigh as much against the Council of Nice for making, introducing, and imposing, a new, unheard of, Arti­cle of Faith: quite contrary to the belief of three preceding Ages, & plainly opposite to Holy Writ? All This, you know, was false: You know that, though the word was new, the faith was old & plainly prov'd by Scripture: And yet these popular noi­ses which then the Arians buzz'd in­to the peoples ears, amused them so. They never entertain'd the least suspi­cion of their being cheated. Had our Reformers been the first, & you had been deceiv'd, The fault had then been theirs. But, since the same trick has been playd so often in the Church, if now you are deceiv'd, the fault is yours. I have laid before your eyes, this day, a prospect of the eight first Ages. They accuse the Catholick Church of making a new Article of Faith: And, by the most Authentick Records of Antiquity, it has been plainly prov'd that they themselves are guilty of unmaking an old Article of Faith, as ancient as Christ & his Apostles. Remember the days of old; Consider [Page 120]the years of many generations; Ask thy Father, & he will shew thee; thy El­ders, and They will tell thee. Stand in in the ways, & see; and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, & walk therein: There is no other Way which can conduct you safely to the Joys of Heaven; which I wish you all, in the Name of the Father, Son, & Holy Ghost, Amen. VVhen this Sermon was preacht before his Majesty, several paragraphs (which are all marks with a *) were omitted, for brevity sake; but are here printed, as they were found in the Author's papers.

A SERMON Preacht before their MAIESTIES AT WHITE-HALL. April 23. 1688.
Printed by his Majesty's Order.

Sine me nihil potestis facere.
Without me you can do nothing.
Iohn. 15.5.

THe principal difference be­twixt the daring Boldness of a Heathen & the true Valour of a Christian, Sacred MA­JESTIES, consists in this; The first is grounded in Pride, the second in Humility: The first begins from a vain [Page 122]Imagination of our own Sufficiency, as if we were able to do all things; The second from a true Idea of our natural Weakness who are able to do nothing of our selves. This was the reason why our Saviour Jesus Christ instructing his Apostles, those great Hero's of the Church, was pleas'd to settle this foundation for the super­structure of their great & glorious Actions, Without me you can do nothing. That they might better understand it, He compar'd them to the branches of a Vine, which being separated from the Root immediatly fade & wither without bringing fruit. I am the Vine, you are the Branches; Without me you are fruitless; Without Humility all that seems great & glorious is but a splendid Bubble, a meer empty Nothing.

All this, you'l say, is very true: Humi'ity is never out of Season. But why so much of it in this Day's Ghos­pel? Why is it now in Season, more than any other time? The Reason is; Because no Virtue is so apt to puff us up with Pride, as Fortitude. A Hero, among men, is too often like Lucifer, among the Angels. From the Meridian of his aspiring height, if he look down, [Page 123]'tis with Contempt, if upward, 'tis with Emulation of being like the High­est. No wonder, whilst he lives and flourishes, if he desires to be like God; For, even when he is dead, Posterity is apt to make him so. Hence 'tis, the Hero's of Antiquity have peopled an imaginary Heaven with so many Dei­ties, and Mankind was so ignorantly Superstitious as to offer Sacrifices to them. Had we not been instructed bet­ter by the Word of God, and particu­larly by the Ghospel of this Day; Our Nation, for ought I know, might have been guilty of the same extrava­gance: S. George might then, perhaps, have been a God among us. But since all Catholicks, are well acquainted with this great & fundamental Truth, con­tain'd in the words of my Text; With­out Christ all the Apostles, all the Saints in Heaven, can do Nothing; The Knowledge of this Truth has dasht the hopes of Hell; the Gates of it can never prevail against us; We cannot, if we do not quite renounce our Faith, We cannot be in danger of so grosse Idolatry. My first design, in this Dis­course, is to maintain the Honour which redounds upon S. George from [Page 124]Solemnity we celebrate: My second is, to shew the obligation incumbent upon all, & particularly those of his Profes­sion, to follow his Example. That I may have success in both, I shall en­deavour to obtain the assistance of my Saviour, addressing my humble prayers to Him without whom we are able to do Nothing.

FIRST PART.

From a deep Sense of this impor­tant Truth, which is the first founda­tion of Christian Humility, the Catho­lick Church has ever been persuaded that it is her Duty to appoint the Fes­tivals of Saints, for these two reasons: 1. to offer up our humble Thanks to God, for all the signal instances of his great Power & Mercy, all the Favours He so graciously bestow'd upon his Saints, who could do nothing of them­selves: 2. to offer up our humble Prayers to God, that since we al­so are not able to do any thing without him, He may please to help us with proportionable Graces, such as may enable us to follow their Exam­ple. Humble Thanksgiving, Humble [Page 125] Prayer, are the Duties of this Day-In the performance of the first, we raise our thoughts to Heaven, and contemplating this great Saint be­fore the Throne of God (where he acknowledges, & renders Thanks for, all the miracles of Grace, which rais'd him to so high a Station of Glory there) we fall devoutly down upon our knees, with admiration of God's great Mercy, & Thanksgiving for the powerfull assistance which appear'd so signally in him who of himself was able to do Nothing. In the second, we look down upon our selves, and conscious of our Frailty we begin to Pray with all Humility, that since his Goodness has been heretofore so great, He may continue it to us: And, at the same time, this great Saint, re­membering the danger he has escap'd, compassionates the danger we are in, & humbly Prays that since the same Redeemer died for him and us, the selfsame helps which carried on the work of his Salvation may be em­ployd in ours, Having thus fairly sta­ted & divided the whole Duty of the Day, I shall proceed to justifie the Honour which from hence redounds [Page 126]upon the Saint whose Feast we cele­brate.

I need not tell you, that if any Saint deserve a Festival in honour of his memory, S. George may very well ex­pect it from us more than any other Nation. All Christendom has been am­bitious of his Patronage; and almost every Part been at a holy strife with one another which should honour him most. In Portugal they look upon him as the Souldier's Patron: In Ger­many we find a Military Order dedica­ted to him: In Italy we have seen the great decay of the Italian Souldiery recover'd by S. George's Regiment. In Asia the Georgians, which way soever they employ their forces, carry with them a fair Banner with the Picture of S. George upon it. In the Armenian Churches they religiously observe his Feast. Among the Greeks they keep the same Solemnity; And they who travel in those parts can hardly find two Churches in a Town whereof one is not dedicated to S George. Thus have all Countries studied to outvie each other in the Honour of this Saint. But as the Genius of this Nation sutes more than any with his proper Charac­ter, [Page 127]We bid the fairest for his Patro­nage. What Saint more proper to be Patron of a Warlike Nation, than a Warlike Saint? A Nation whose Va­lour has been always envied & ad­mir'd by all the World, what could could they want to make them Saints as well as Souldiers, but the Patronage & great Example of S. George, a Souldier & a Saint?

But yet, I know not how it comes to passe, there are a certain sort of people in the World so superstitiously over-jealous of God's Honour & so scru­pulous in misinterpreting their Duty to Him, that they dare not upon any terms allow the least proportion of Honour to a Saint, for fear of giving God too little, & the Saint too much. I do not pretend to enter now into the Lists of Disputation; but only to present you some few obvious reflec­tions, relating to the main Dispute, which may contribute something to­wards the removal of these groundless fears & scandalous misapprehensions.

In the first place; If we think as humbly and as meanly of the Saint, as he dos of himself, We cannot there­fore be accounted guilty of Idolatry: [Page 128]The Saint is then no more our Idol than he is his own. You cannot imagine that the Saints in Heaven idolize themselves: If therefore we esteem the Saints no more than they esteem themselves; There is no danger (upon this account) of honouring them too much. The Saints in Heaven are more humble now than ever. Tis true; They see God face to face; They see in him all they desire to see: But yet this Knowledge dos not puff them up with Pride, because they see in Him that He is All, & they are Nothing. They only believ'd it upon Earth; but now they plainly see it. S. Paul is now persua­ded more than ever, that* if a man think himself to be Something, when he is Nothing, he deceives himself. All the Aposiles plainly see the Evidence of what our Saviour once taught them; without me you are able to do nothing. S George himself is now convinc'd, more sensibly than ever, of the Pro­phet's Doctrine;* Let not the Migh­ty man glory in his Might; Let not the daring Hero glory in his Courage; Let him rather humble himself so much the more in presence of his [Page 129]God, who made him Great. They All annihilate themselves in presence of their God,* The Pillars of Hea­ven tremble in his sight; They trem­ble, not so much with fear, as with an awfull & profound Humility; They* cast down their Crowns before the Throne; & All at once acknowledge they are Nothing of themselves. Pause here one moment, & reflect how little the greatest Saints esteem themselves: Reflect again; We value them no more than this; And then you will inge­nuously. confess, We do not value them too much.

In the second place; if by our Festi­val Thanksgiving to their God & ours, We only honour them as they honour us; that is to say, as Branches of the selfsame Vine without which they, as well as we, are able to do nothing; Then, I suppose, we may conclude, We do not honour them above their merit. And, if we well examine the Design of these Solemnities; if we consider nothing on the one side, but the Honour which accrews to them, because we bear them company in giving Thanks; and, on the other side, the Honour which re­dounds [Page 130]upon us by their gracious return of the like Kindness, their espousing of our Cause, their joyning of their inte­rest with ours; We shall find that, barely by our Festival Thanksgiving-Days, we only honour them as we are honour'd by them. Although we cele­brate this Day the Sacrifice of Mass in memory & honour of S George, * we offer not the Sacrifice to him, but to God alone, who crown'd him with im­mortal Glory; offering our humble Thanks to God both for his Victory & his Eternal Triumph. By our Thanks­giving we direct the Sacrifice no more to this great Saint, than to your Sacred MAJESTIES; for in the self [...]ame Sa­crifice we offer our most hearty thanks to the same God for the inestimable Blessing of your Sacred MAJESTIES Coronation upon Earth, the Annual So­lemnity of which returns this Day, with that of S. George's Coronation in Heaven. We joyn our Thanks with his; He joyns his Prayers with ours. If it be such an Honour to this great & glorious Saint, that we poor Sinners bear him Company, attend, & wait upon him to the Throne of Grace, to offer up our [Page 131] Thanks with his: Consider well, and tell me whether or no, it be not a great Honour to us miserable Sinners, that this great & glorious Saint appears be­fore us, introduces us, presents us to our God & his, & offers up his Prayer, his Petition, his Address with ours? Can you imagine a more honourable Testimony of our Excellency, than that the Blessed Saints in Heaven, notwithstanding all their glorious advantages above poor Sinners, nevertheless esteem so much, & set so great a value on, God's Image in us, as to offer up their humble Supplications for us, and to interpose with such profound Humility betwixt our angry God & us, as if in Heaven they so highly prised us, as to solemnise Humiliation-Days in favour of us?

This, I confess, appears to me enough to counterballance all our Holy-Day-Thanksgivings upon Earth. But I have yet more weight to put into the Scale, which will not fail to bear it down. If it be such an Honour, to the Saints above, that Sinners here below keep Holy Days to celebrate their Victories with marks of joy & thanks; surely we must allow that 'tis no little Honour to repentant Sinners, that the Angels and [Page 132] Saints in Heaven celebrate, with jubi­lation and thanksgiving, all the Victories of Grace by which we overcome our Enemies on Earth. I do not say, They keep our Holy Days; because all such expressions, transferr'd from Earth to Heaven, loose their sense, and we are always at a loss for words, when ever we pretend to talk of things so far above us: But yet I am inclin'd to think that all those Days, in which a Sinner is con­verted, are Thanksgiving-Days in Hea­ven:* There is Ioy in Heaven, There is Joy in presence of the Angels & Saints of God, over one Sinner that repenteth. Consider this, and you will easily con­clude that we receive great honour, whilst we give it; and that we are un­gratefull, if we think we give too much.

In the third, & last place; if the Ho­nour we allow to Saints be of the self­same kind with what we do to one another. We cannot then be reasonably scandaliz'd at the excess; we cannot, surely, be so vain as to imagine that a Saint in Heaven is not as deserving as a Sinner upon Earth. We dayly pray to one another, as we pray to them: The [Page 133] Honour is no more Divine when we de­sire the Prayers of a Saint, than when we beg the Prayers of a Sinner: We in­jure Christ no more when we demand their intercession there, than when we ask the intercession of our Neighbours here: The Mediatourship of Christ is still the same, whether the Prayers of our Friends be interpos'd on this side, or on t'other side of Heaven.

I cannot but reflect, whilst I am tal­king thus, it may perhaps appear a little strange, that I employ my time to shew how little honour we allow our Saint, when many people are in expectation of a Panegyrick to persuade them that they cannot honour him too much. But 'tis enough for me if I have done him justice. I am sure our Saint desires no more than he deserves; And I have said enough to prove that he deserves as much as we allow him. By our desiring of his inter­cession we do him no more honour than we do to one another. By our Thanks­giving for his Happyness, we only are so gratefull, as to honour God in him, who honours God in us. By our Consi­deration of his Merit, we conceive as humble an Idea of him, as our Saint dos of himself; and are, in that respect, as innocent as he.

O! what a Joy it is to a dejected Sinner, that S. George himself was once a Man infirm & frail as well as we; & that the Difference which now we so admire betwixt him & our selves, is not in any Excellency he can boast of, but a pure effect of God's great Mercy to him. Tis true here, what S Bernard saies upon the like occa­sion; This Man was once like us; fram'd of the same clay, cast in the same mould, and subject to the same infirmities of Flesh & Blood: We have reason to rejoyce, & to be asham'd: re­joyce that He is gone before us, & be asham'd that, though we may, we will not follow his Example; Which is an Obligation incumbent upon All, & particularly those of his Profession, as I shall shew you in the second part of my Discourse.

SECOND PART.

As Nothing is more difficult than for a man to be a Souldier and a Saint, So there is Nothing which our God appears more zealously concern'd for, than the Reputation of so great a Work; Nothing of which He is more jealous, [Page 135]than least the admiring World, whose eyes are dazled with the splendour of Heroick Actions, may rob Him of the Honour, & assume it to themselves. He will not allow the Branch 'to glo­ry in the Fruit it bears; because it can­not bear fruit of it self: Divide it from the Vine; it withers without Fruit, Men gather it, make fire, & burn it.

But, though the Branch be fruitless when tis separated from the Root, Yet nevertheless as long as it remains uni­ted to the Vine it flourishes & fructi­fies:* He who abides in me, brings forth much Fruit * This is the Vic­tory, says the Apostle, by which we overcome the World, Our Faith (I mean Our Faith in this our Saviour's Doc­trine) that though without Him We are able to do nothing, Yet with his help we may be able to do all things:* If you abide in me, if you place all your trust, your hope, & confidence in me, ask what you will, it shall be done. A Diffidence in our own strength, A loving Confidence in God, is so agreable, it charmes him so, He in a [Page 136]manner lends us his Omnipotence, and by his Grace enables us to conquer all things.

S. Paul, of all men living, had the least opinion of his own sufficiency; He confess'd he had not, of himself, the power to think so much as one good thought; And yet he doubted not but he was able to do all things by the Strength of Grace;* I can do all things, says he, through Christ who strengthens me. Although he was not present when our Saviour encourag'd his Apostles, when He carefully fore­warn'd them of the dangerous Adven­tures they were like to meet with, when He told them that although their Enemies were strong yet He was infi­nitely stronger; Although S. Paul was absent when our Saviour gave them this Encouragement, he was as much assur'd of his Protection, as if he had been present, & had hear'd Him say,* Take Courage, I have overcome the World.

Nothing could be more seasonable, than this Comsort, to a Souldier, who values above all things the Security of his Salvation, & desires to be a Saint. [Page 137]A Souldier & a Saint are things so hard to reconcile, that He who has the Courage to encounter any Death, & look it in the face as boldly as S. George himself, has seldom Courage to attempt the following of his Exam­ple, but concludes, that in so dange­rous a state of Life, 'tis morally im­possible to be a Saint.

Tis not that Sober men are scrupu­lous upon the Quality of that Profes­sion; or that they think the State of life unlawfull. They know that when S. John the Baptist preacht Repen­tance to the People, & when the Soul­diers came among the rest to learn their Duty, He did not bid them throw away their Arms; he did not tell them their Vocation was crimi­nal, he did not say that there was no Salvation for them if they did not quit those dangerous occasions of Sin: He only gave them such Directions as were proper to their Calling; giving them to understand, that they ought* not to Do violence, But observe the Order of military Discipline, & be Con­tent with their Pay.

They do not think it is a Sin to [Page 138]be a Souldier; but are afraid that 'tis almost impossible to be a Souldier with­out Sinning. Nor do they think that Piety is inconsistent with the Courage of a Souldier: They know that Vir­tue raises men above the fear of Death; and that No man so much contemns this life as he who values nothing but the next. But yet they observe & by their dayly observation find, the Circumstances are extremely difficult in which a Military life en­gages them; and when they seriously compare their weakness on the one side with the difficulty on the other, they are almost ready to Despair.

To tell these men, The Grace of God is powerfull; to mind them, that although the Enemies of our Eternal Happyness are numerous & strong our Saviour by the power of his Grace has vanquisht all of them; and that he therefore bids them reassume their Courage, because He has overcome the World: This, I confess, may be some comfort to them; though it be not perhaps enough to allay those fears & apprehensions which arise from the im­mense disparity betwixt our God & us. Alas! what great encouragement to [Page 139]him, who knows his frailcy, to consider that our Saviour Jesus Christ has over­come the world? What wonder that a Man, who was true God, could conquer all his Enemies? Shew us a Man, say they, infirm and frail, whose flesh and blood are subject to the same Corrup­tions as ours; Let such a Man divide his whole life betwixt Camp & Garrison; And, if He notwithstanding all this lives and dies a Saint, then we shall have some hopes that we may be enabled by God's Grace to follow his Exam­ple.

If this be all they ask, if this will answer all their fears, and make them asham'd to plead such vain excuses for a loose & irrel gious life; Let them reflect upon the great Example of the Saint whose Feast we celebrate. He was so much a Souldier, & so emi­nent in that Profession, that by the Splendour of his Military Virtues, he obscured & darkned all his other Ex­cellencies: Nothing else appears upon the Authentick Records of his Fame; The rest lies buried in the Rubbish of Antiquity, under the Trophees of a Soul­dier & a Saint. He was no more a God than we are: setting aside God's Grace, he [Page 140]was a man no better than the mea he left behind him: And yet he lived and died a Saint: He now triumphs for all Eternity in Heaven: Thence He looks down upon us with a sensi­ble compassion of their cowardly mis­take, who think it is impossible to fol­low his Example: And, if he might but speak, He would exhort them, in our Saviour's words, Take Courage I have overcome the World: I, who when I lived on Earth, desir'd as much, & more than you do, the Salvation of my soul; who had the selfsame fear­full apprehensions, which you have, of the difficulties which occurr in such a dangerous Vocation: I, who thought it almost impossible to be De­vout in Camp, Sober in Garrison, In­nocent in such corrupted Conversation; Nevertheless, by the assistance of God's Grace I came to be what now I am; Take Courage; I, as frail a man as you are, I have overcome the dangers which you are so much afraid of, I have overcome the World.

I have said enough to shew that Souldiers may, if they please, be Saints: & nothing now remains, but this; that all good Christians, all Saints, must of [Page 141]necessity be Souldiers. Tis not sufficient that the Souldier follow the Exam­ple of the Saint; The Saint must also follow the Example of the Souldier. To let you see, there's no new mystery in what I say, I take the liberty to lay before your eyes the Field of Battel which engages all the World, without exception, under one of these two Standards, either that of Jesus Christ, or that of Lucifer. S. Michael had defeated him in Heaven; But how­ever, upon Earth he reinforc'd his bafled strength; and to make sure of his intended Conquest of our Paradise below, he would not openly invade it, but surpris'd it, by a base inglorious treachery, without proclaiming War. Having thus possess'd himself of this low World, the Prince of Darkness govern'd it, he domineerd & tyran­niz'd, till Jesus Christ the Son of God appear'd against him;* and was ma­nifested, that he might destroy the works of the Devil. He immediatly set up the standard of the Cross. Tis true; He press'd none to serve him; He only listed Voluntiers;* If any man will (says he) come after me [Page 142]Let him take up his Cross, & follow me. But yet, to shew there's no Neutrality allowable in such a War, He proclaim'd himself an Enemy to all that fought not for him;* He who is not with me, is against me.

The Church, in Scripture; is com­pared in several places, to a Vineyard, to a Kingdom, to an Army: To a Vineyard, because under the care of one Husbandman; to a Kingdom, be­cause govern'd by one Prince, and to an Army, because under the Conduct of one General. As in this Vineyard every Branch abiding in the Vine is fruitfull: As in this Kingdom every good man is a Loyal Subject to his Prince: So in this Army all good Chris­tians are Souldiers, fighting every one against the common Enemy, un­der the Standard and Command of Jesus Christ our General.

Raise up your thoughts above the world: Consider all the Blessed Spirits who are happy there: Assure your selves there is not one of them a Saint triumphant now in Heaven, who was not formerly a Souldier militant on Earth. S. Paul assures us, that there [Page 143]is not one who wears a Crown of Glory there, but what he fought for here; * He is not crown'd, says he, except he have fought lawfully.

Our Saviour tells us in the Ghospel of S. Luke, Our Enemy the Devil is both* Strong and Arm'd: And is it not then the Duty of all Christians to arm against him? Hear how S Paul describes a Christian, & tell me what he meant, if not a Souldier?* Put on the whole Armour of God, your Loyns girded with Truth; taking the Shield of Faith, and the Helmet of Salvation. And why all this?* That you may be able to stand against the Devil; the* Old Serpont whose His­tory begins in Genesis and ends in the Apocalypse.

S. George is always pictur'd fight­ing with a Serpent. The Story, which perhaps was first occasion'd by the Picture, is a Fable: But however, if the Maxim of Mythologists be true, that there is seldom any Fable with­out some foundation in History, we may believe the Picture is,* at least in part, Historical; as being thus con­triv'd [Page 144]of purpose (in those times, & by those men, who most affectionatly were devoted to our Martyr) to pub­lish to Posterity how bravely he refell'd the Devil, that Old Serpent, the old Enemy of Mankind; with how much courage he resisted all his vio­lent assaults; And with how much constancy he stood immoveable* in the profession of his Faith: the whole Church praying with him, and knee­ling (like the Virgin) by him, in that holy Action, that God would give him strength to live & die victorious in a War which all good Christians are en­gaged in, & a War in which we all are equally oblig'd to follow the example of our then Victorious & now Triumphing Saint.

Whensoever we see the George hang at the Breast of any Knight of that most noble & heroick Order, I could wish it would mind us, How happy all those are who by a frequent me­mory of his Example wear a deep impression of it in their Hearts. I cannot but admire the Piety of that great* Prince, the Glory of his Times, and Ornament of Europe, who in the [Page 145]Institution of it, took such care to recommend it, with such marks of honour, to Posterity. Nor can I pass without reflection, how sutable the Statutes are to the intention of the Founder & how well they answer his design; by ordering that the George be never laid aside, although the other Ornaments upon occasion may be let alone, and only are of obli­gation upon solemn Days. Because the Spiritual War, in which all Chris­tians are Souldiers, is perpetual & without intermission; Because the Devil, like a cunning Serpent, al­ways lies in ambush ready to sur­prise us; Because he every day so frequently assaults us & obliges us to be upon our guard; Therefore the Image of this Fighting Saint must always be before their eyes, always appear upon their breasts, & always awake the memory of those, who, over & above the common tye of Christianity, are by their Knighthood bound in honour not to lay aside S. George's resolution of encountring the infernal Serpent, the malicious Enemy of their Eternal Happyness, that so [Page 146]they may at length receive an Everlasting Crown of Glory. And this is the reason why, at the Investitre of any of these Knights, when first the George is put about their Necks, the Chancellor of the Order reads an Admonition im­porting that They wear the Image of the Blessed Souldier of Christ, S. George, to the end that by his imitation they may be provok'd, and having stout­ly vanquisht their Enemies both of Body & Soul, they may not only receive the praise of this transient Combat, but be crown'd with the Palm of Eternal Victory. Not only They whose Dignity entitles them to wear the George upon their Breasts, but All who with respect behold it there, are animated & instructed by it, to discharge the Essential Duty of a Christian, whose Life is a continual Warfate upon Earth.

S. George himself had never been Victorious without God's Grace. VVithout Christ, he had been able to do Nothing. The very same Grace we may have for asking, if we are sincere. The whole Courch prays, this Day, that God may grant it us. Let us Therefore Conclude; and joyn our Prayers with Her's: O God, who by thy Blessed Martyr George's intercession & merits dost rejoyce us, mercifully grant, that we who by him crave thy Blessings, may receive them by the Gift of thy Grace, Through Iesus Christ our Lord; Amen.

A LETTER Concerning the COVNCIL OF TRENT.

SR,

Having perused the* Au­thor you so much recommended to me, I am apt to fancy that never any two Historians disagreed more than yours & mine; the one so zealous in ex­alting, [Page 148]the other in depressing of the Council. But yet I am not of opinion that this was the only difference be­wixt them. Pallavicini had the freedom of the Vatican Archives; He referrs himself to the Records of the Coun­cil, & the writings of* such Persons as were Members of it: Moreover. He is so far from being partial, that* Aquilino says He has done the Church more disservice by his Answer, than his Adversary had done by his History. As for your friend Soave, I am afraid he's apt to make the worst of things, even when he speaks truth as to the substan­ce. His intimate acquaintance with the Archbishop of Spalatro, & his corres­pondency with the French Huguenots. are enough to make me suspicious of him. If you tell me, he was a Popish Frier. I must mind you, that he was a Venetian Papist, that he lived in a time of great dissentions betwixt the State of Venice and the Pope, & that he was even then engaged in writing against the Pope's proceedings. Tis hard to say how much he was a friend to the Church, But any man may see how bit­ter [Page 149]an enemy he was to the Court of Rome. He liked well enough to be medd­ling with State-Affairs, & the Senators consulted him as an Oracle: which unusual honour was enough to make him proud & factious; and, whether it did or not, He only knows who sees men's hearts. However all this put to­gether is enough to make me suspect him. Pallavicini, you'l say, being of the Court-party deserves to be suspec­ted too. But, if that be all you have to say against him, we will not quarrel about preliminaries, nor loose time in disputing what grains of allowance are due to each of them. Upon condition you'l believe your friend Soave when he speaks well of the Council, I am con­tent to believe Pallavicini whensoever he speaks ill of it.

You remember how easily, when I saw you last, you agreed with me, that if the Council of Trent were as General, as free, and as legal in all it's circumstances, as the first four Councils were, you must needs own your self obli­ged in conscience, to submit to it, & to leave of Protesting against it 'Twas fair & reasonable, & what I might expect from a Son of the Church of England: [Page 150]I desired no more in hand, but was willing to give credit for the rest.

I might have told you that if the Coun­cil had been only Patriarchal; it would have bound the English Reformers to the obedience of non-contradiction. Three Brittish Bishops sate in the 1. Coun­cil of Arles: & S. Athanasius in his 2. Apol. says that they were present in the Council of Sardice, which ratified the Pope's power in decision of Appeals: From whence you may conclude, that the Brittish Clergy were subject to the canons of Arles & Sardice, & consequent­ly to the Western Patriarch. We find them also afterwards in the Council of Constance where voting by Nations the English were one of the four in con­demning these doctrines of Huss & Wickliff, that The Pope is not the imme­diate Vicar of Christ, & that The chief Bishop of the Roman Church has no Pri­ [...]nacy over other particular Churches. I might have added the testimony of your own Dr. Field, who in his book of the Church freely confesses, that The Decrees of Popes made with the consent & joynt concurrence of the other Western Bishops, do bind the Western Provinces that are subject to him as Patriarch of the West. [Page 151]But this is not the case: the Council of Trent is truly General; and, if the Re­formers cannot manifestly prove the contrary, they remain without excuse. The Objections which you sent me in your Letter, I have considerd at leasure, and, according to promise, have sent you here my Answers: but, before I set them down, I must beg your pardon if I try your patience with some few re­marks which follow. Ch. Gov. P. IV.

1. A General Council requires, either the presence of all the Catholick Pa­triarchs, or their Legates, with the Bis­hops of so many Provinces as can well convene, or their Delegates; or else (in their necessary absence) it requires that the Acts & Decrees be approved, either by all, or by the major part of the absent Prelates.

2. As for such a General Council as comprehends all the Bishops of the Ca­tholick Universe, there never was yet any. We find always a greater or lesser number, according to divers cir­cumstances; propinquity of place, peace of Princes, numerosity of Sects, &c. The first four Councils, of Nice, Constantino­ple, Ephesus, & Chalcedon, by reason of the Oriental Heresies, were held in the [Page 152]East, & consisted principally of Oriental Bishops. In the I. were present only the Pope's two Legates, & three Western Bis­hops. The II. had no Western Bishop at all, but only was afterward confirm'd by the Pope & his Council. The III. had only three Delegates, sent by the Pope & his Occidental Council. They transacted most of their business, & condemn'd Nestorius, without the presence of the Antiochian Patriarch. The IV. had only four Legates sent by the Bishop of Rome, two African Bishops, & one Sici­lian. They acted without Dioscorus the Alexandrian Patriarch. They deposed him for favouring Hereticks, & for his contumacy against the See of Rome.

3. If all Catholick Prelates, or the much greater part, be personally present in the Council, there's no need of far­ther acceptation to confirm it. But, this wanting, 'tis supplied by the after-ac­ceptation of such persons as are capable of a vote, and so many as, if they had been present, would have made it the much greater part of Catholick Prelates, that is, of such as were not before shut of the Church by Heresie or Schisme. The II. & V. General Councils became such by the confirmation & after accep­tation [Page 153]of Damasus & Vigilius with their Western Bishops; and 'tis a funda­mental principle of Government not simply Monarchicall, that No Laws can be promulgated, no Unity pre­serv'd, if of their Governours the lesser part be not regulated by the greater.

4. The Council remains General, notwithstanding the absence of some considerable Churches: 1. if they can­not conveniently come: 2. if they re­fuse without just hindrance: 3. if they were formerly cut of by Heresie or Schisme. The Catholick Church is narrower than Christianity and a Council may be General, though the Church were reduced to one Patriar­chate.

5. All that were capable of a voice in any General Council, were sum­mon'd to Trent The Eastern Bishops, in the Turks Dominions could not conveniently come, there being war betwixt Christians & Turks. The Di­vision, which occasion'd the Assembly, arose only in the West, & therefore there was less need of their presence. Moreover six Greek Bishops sate in the Council: And, ten years after, the Wit­tenberg [Page 154]Divines sent the Augustan Con­fession to Hieremy Patriarch of Constan­tinople, whose Answer to them differs very little from the Decrees of Trent. Tis true; Cyril Lucar * publish'd a Cal­vinistical Contession: But his immediate Successor Cyril of Iberia assembled at Constantinople a Synod of 23. Bishops, besides the Patriarchs of Alexandria & Hierusalem; And again, his Successor Parthenius assembled another of 25. Bis­hops, & amongst them the Metropolitan of Moscovy: Both these Synods anathe­matiz'd Lucar with his Adherents; and also justified these Tenets of the Coun­cil, the Corporal Presence of Christ's Bo­dy & Blood with the Symboles; Invocation of Saints; Veneration of sacred Images; Prayer & Almes for the Faithfull de­ceas'd with repentance, as betterable in their present condition by them; Free will; seven Sacraments; Church Infallibility, &c. See Leo Allatius, De perpetuo Con­sensu &c. l. 3. See Monsieur Arnauld's Answer to Claude l. 4 ch 7.

6. The absence of the Protestant Cler­gy from the Council did not hinder it's being General. 1. They who are not Bishops, have no right to sit there. 2. [Page 155]When Bishops contumaciously absent themselves for fear of Censure, their presence is not requisite; otherwise fare­well the Power of all General Coun­cils. 3. There is no place due to them whose Doctrines have been anathema­tiz'd in former General Councils. Vene­ration of Images was declared lawfull in the II. of Nice. Our Canon of Scrip­ture, Purgatory; Seven Sacraments, & Pope's Supremacy, were defined in the Council of Florence: Auricular Confes­sion & Transubstantiation, in that of La­teran.

7. Although in the first Sessions under Paul III. there were only about 48. Bis­hops. 3. Benedictine Abbots, 5. Gene­rals of Religious Orders, with about 40. able Divines by way of Counsellors: This paucity under Paul or Julius was amply recompenc'd by a greater num­ber of Prelates under Pius IV who all unanimously received & ratified the former Acts of the Council. If you count them, you'l find in the Catalogue, 270. to which if you add the learned Divines who assisted, the whole number a­mounts to about 450. persons.

8. A General Council requires, that the Pope either preside in it; or approve [Page 156]the Acts of it, as in the case of the II. & V. General Council. In the IV. VI. VII. & VIII. the Protestants allow that he presided To the III. he depu­ted S. Cyril. To the I. he sent his Le­gates. Osius, you'l say, subscrib'd before them. 1. Tis thought he presided in the Pope's name with them 2. If not, it was a pure indulgence of honour to him: The Legates subscribed before all the Patriarchs. 3. The subscriptions were manifestly irregular, because the Bishop of Antioch who was the III. Patriarch, suscribed after the Bishops of Aegypt, & also those of Palestine, which were sub­ject to him. I have now done with my remarks, & shall make what hast I can with your objections, setting them down in the same order you sent them.

I. The Eastern Bishops were absent: & the Protestants would not go to the Council. A. 1. There were six Greek Bishops present: Afterwards three Eastern Patriarchs, & two Assemblies of their Prelates approv'd the chief points. The Protestants had no right to a de­cisive voice: Their opinions had been censur'd in former Councils, and were like to be condemn'd again in this: If, for these reasons, they absented; 'twas [Page 157]their own fault: The Council was ne­ver the worse for't. 2. Read the Bulls of Convocation: you will find that all & every one who, either by law, by custom, or by priviledge, have any right to be present, or to deliver their opinion, in Ge­neral Councils, were summon'd to ap­pear in Trent. 3. Soave himself relates how there was a deliberation of sen­ding, & granting safe-conduct, to the Greek Churches under the Turk; * but it was presently seen, says he, that these poor men afflicted in servitude, could not without danger, & assisiance of money, think of Councils. He says also, that* al­though the Pope was put in mind, that to send Nuncio's into England & to Prin­ces elsewhere, who do profess open Sepa­ration from the See of Rome, would be a disreputation to him; yet he answer'd that he would humble himself to Heresy, in regard that whatsoever was done to gain souls to Christ, did become that See.

II. In some of the first Sessions there were not above fifty Bishops. A. The difficulties & disturbances of the Times bear all that blame. All was fully re­compenc'd in the end, by a numerous [Page 158]& unanimous ratification of all, & by the acceptation of the absent Prelates after­ward. Soave says, that, under Pius IV.* the Actions of this Council were in grea­ter expectation than in former times, in regard the number of the Prelates were assembled four times as many as before. He says,* All the Decrees made in this Council, under Paul and Julius, as well of Faith as Reformation, were recited: And the Secretary going into the midst did interrogate, whether the Fathers were pleas'd that Confirmation should be demanded of Pope [...]ius IV. of all things decreed under Paul, Julius, & his Holi­ness; and they answer'd, not one by one but all together, Placet. Pallavicini says the same; only he proves that* the votes were given, as usually, one by one.

III. Many of the Bishops were only Titular: And many made, during the Council, that the Papalins might over-vote the Ultramontans. A. As to the first part; Soave takes notice only of two Titular Bishops, the Archbishop of Ar­magh in Ireland, and Upsal in Sweden; both driven from their Sees by persecu­tion of Protestants, both true Bishops by their Ordination, and both sent by the [Page 159]Pope in the beginning of the Council. The second part, being barely asserted, locks like a groundless calumny, & may justly be suppos'd such, till some proof appear.

IV. The Popes, of those times, & major part of the Prelates, would ne­ver allow this Title, of the Council, Representing the Universal Church: Therefore they themselves did not look upon it as a General Council. A. Here I must beg your pardon, if I think you very much mistaken in your inference. This Title was usurp'd by the Councils of Constance & Basil; but never assum'd by any Council, which was totally approv'd. You know very well, that Catholick Divines are divided upon the point; whether the Pope be superior to a General Coun­cil; or whether a General Council, without him, be so compleat a Repre­sentati e of the Univerial Church, as to be superior to the Pope? They who maintain'd the superiority of a General Council, were zealous for this Title; and the others constantly oppos'd it: But both parties always agreed, that the Council of Trent was as truly General, as the first four Councils were, or any have been since.

V. It was never receiv'd by the Pro­testants: Nor by the French Catholicks. A. 1. The Council of Nice was never receiv'd by the Arians. 2 It was uni­versally receiv'd by both Ecclesiastical & Civil State of France: in point of Doc­trine 3. The Decrees of Reformation were approv'd by all the Catholick Clergy of that Kingdom. In the Assem­bly at Blois, in the year, 1576. The Archbi hop of Lions in the name of all the Ecclesiastical State of France begg'd the assistance of the King's Authority to put this Reformation in execution. In the Assembly of Melun, 1579. the Bishop of Bazas, in their name, made the same request to the King, chiefly because they are tied & bound to all Laws, so made by the Catholick Church, upon pain of being reputed Schismatical, & of incurring the curse of Eternal Damnation. At Fon­tainebleau in the year, 1582. The Arch­bishop of Bourges tells the King, The stain & reproach of Schism rests upon your Kingdom amongst other Countries. And this is the cause, why the Clergy doth now again most humbly desire, &c. In the General Assembly of the States at Paris, in the year, 1614. Cardinal Perron, & Cardinal Richelieu, then Bis­hop [Page 161]of Luson, prosecuted in vain the same request. Thus you see the Catho­lick Clergy of France unanimously re­ceiving & approving the Council of Trent in matter of Discipline. The Civil State, as it has no share in the Votes of the Council, so their non-appro­bation cannot diminish the Authority of it. You may guess at the reasons of excepting against it, by what the Queen Regent, Catherine de Medicis, was pleas'd to tell the Pope's Nuncio; that the Council could not be admitted, be­cause by the Council's Decrees the King could not gratifie such Ministers of State, as had done him singular service, with the means of Religious Houses, & of Church. Benefices.

VI. Leo X. before the Convocation of the Council, had declar'd that Luther & his Adherents were Hereticks: Being therefore already condemn'd, why should they come to Council? A. 10 Their Errors had been condemn'd in for­mer General Councils: and, since it real­ly was so, Why might not the Pope say so 12. Because the Pope had condemn'd them therefore they* appeal'd to a Ge­neral Council: and, since they had ap­peal'd [Page 162]to it, Why should they not go to it?

VII. It was not a legal Council. A. That is to say, it was not such a one as they had a mind to. Luther, being que­stion'd, first made friends to be tried in Germany. As soon as he was there con­demn'd by Cajetan, he appeal'd to the Pope. Immediatly after, foreseeing his condemnation there, he intercepted this appeal with* another, from the Pope to a General Council; having ground to imagine, He would never call one, who was suppos'd, to fear that it would se­verely reform him & his Court. As soon as he saw that, in good earnest, a Bull was publisht, in the year, 1537. to call a Council at Vicenza; he began presently, to vilifie Councils, & put out a book De Conciliis, to prove that they always did more harm than good; not sparing so much as the first Councils of Nice, or of the Apostles Then he appeal'd from Council to Scripture, where He that makes himself supreme Judge of the Sense, may easily maintain what ab­surdity he pleases. Soave tells us, he was* used to say, that he was so well assured of his Doctrine, that, it being [Page 163]Divine, he would not submit it so much as to the judgment of Angels; yea, that with it he was to judge all, both men & Angels. After this, his Followers thought it more plausible not to shuffle so visibly, but to admit a Council, & clog it with such conditions as would quite disarm it, & make it useless. You may read them in Soave, as follows.

*1. That it should be celebrated in Germany; 2. That it should not be inti­mated by the Pope; 3. That He should not preside, but be part of the Council, subject to the determinations of it; 4. That the Bishops & other Prelates should be freed from their Oath given to the Pope; 5. That the Holy Scripture might be Judge in Council, & all Humane Authority excluded; 6. That the Di­vines of the States of the Augustan Con­fession. sent to the Council, might not only have a consulting, but a deciding voice; 7. That the Decisions in Council should not be made, as in Secular mat­ters, by plurality of voices; but the more sound opinions preferr'd, that is, those which were regulated by the word of God. You will not deny, but that in England we have had some Kings [Page 164]whose title to the Crown has been unquestionable, & that some free & legal Parliaments have been assembled during their reign. Give me leave to put the case, that two or three Coun­ties had revolted, protesting against all that would be done in such a Parlia­ment, & resusing to send any Depu­ties to it, but upon these conditions: 1. that it be assembled in their Ter­ritory; 2. that it be not call'd by the King; 3. that his Majesty may be sub­ject to it; 4. that all the members of it be freed from their Oath of Alle­geance; 5. that all Humane Authority of former Parliaments may be exclu­ded; 6. that they may depute as many as they please with a decisive voice; 7. that (for fear of being over-voted) the Decisions be not made, as usually, by plurality of voices, but that the more sound opinions, (that is, their own) may be preferr'd. What would you think of these Articles? Would you conclude, the Parliament was illegal, if it did not submit to their demands? I do not pretend here, to make an ex­act parallel betwixt the Monarchy of the Church & that of England: yet however the parity is not so unequal, [Page 165]but that it may help to open your eyes.

VIII. The Parties concern'd were Judges in their own case. A. No more than in the I. of Nice. The world was then divided into Catholicks & Arians, as now into Catholicks & Protestants: And, as the Catholicks had then a right to judge the one, so now they had the very same right to judge the other. If any part separate from the whole, it does not therefore acquire a right of saying, that the Whole, from which they divide themselves, is now a Party, & therefore must not judge them. Pope Leo and Dioscorus Bishop of Alexan­dria counteraccus'd one another of He­resy; and yet the Pope legally presided in the IV. General Council which con­demn'd Dioscorus. Neither was it ever thought a sufficient excuse for Dioscorus to say, the Pope was a Party & Judge in his own case.

Mr: Chillingworth confesses, that, in controversies of Religion, it is in a manner impossible to avoid but the Judge must be a Party. For this must be the first controversy, whether he be a Judge or no; and in that he must be a Party. Such is the Pope's Case, in the Definition of his Supremacy. The same [Page 166]necessity is found in supreme Civil po­wer. Inferiour Courts are liable to Ap­peals: But, if some of the King's sub­jects rebell against him, & oppose his prerogatives or laws; 'tis evidently ne­cessary that the King must judge his own case, or the Offence must not be judg'd at all. What must the King do? Substitute an equal number of Royalists & Rebells? This can never be an ef­fectual provision for the Common Peace of Government. Or must he remit the arbitration to a neighbouring State? 1. This state is always interess'd; & there­fore partial. 2. This does not leave, within the compass of any Kingdom upon earth, sufficient power to procure the common good 3. Were it allow'd in Civil Power, it cannot be applied to our present case, unless Controversies in Religion could be decided out of the Church, by men of no Religion at all.

In the National Synod of Dort, in the year, 1618. the Low-country Re­monstrants seeing themselves like to be over-voted by the Protestants, made the same excuses; saying, that the ma­jor part of the Synod was declar'd of a contrary party; that they were already [Page 167]excommunicated by them, and, there­fore, they ought not to be Judges. To this, the Synod replied: that, if this ex­ception were admitted, it would sub­vert the whole frame of Ecclesiastical Government: that Pastors would be discourag'd from their duty of oppo­sing the first beginnings of Heresy, if therefore they must forfeit their right of giving suffrages, or being Judges, afterwards: that the Arians & other Hereticks might ever have pleaded the same exception against the Orthodox Fathers: that Divines neither are, nor ought to be, indifferent in matters of Religion; so that, if only Neuters may be judges, there will be none left in the Church, and we must go abroad (no body knows where) to look for 'em. This was the substance of their Answer; which I here set down in the Latin, to satisfie your curiosity. Nunquam praxim hanc Ecclesiarum fuisse, ut Pa­stores, quoties exorientibus erroribus ex officio se opponerent, propterea jure suffra­giorum, aut de illis ipsis erroribus judi­candi potestate, exciderent Ita enim om­nem everti judiciorum Ecclesiasticorum ordinem; efficique ne Pastores officio suo fideliter fungi queant . . . . Eos qui in do­ctrinâ [Page 168]aut moribus scandalorum autores sunt, semper Censores suos, Consistoria, Classes, Synodos, ceu partem adversam, rejicere .... ad eum modum Arianis, aliisque olim hereticis, adversus Ortho­doxos Pastores semper licuisset excipere. The English Divines deliver'd their opi­nion in these terms: 1. Huic sententiae re­fragatur perpetua praxis omnium Eccle­siarum. Nam in Synodis Oecumenicis. Ni­caeno, &c. ii, qui antiquitus receptam doctrinam oppugnarunt ab illis, qui ean­dem sibi traditam admiserunt & appro­barunt, examinati, judicati, damnati sunt. 2. Ipsius rei necessitas huc cogit. Theologi enim, in negotio religionis, neque esse solent tanquam abrasae tabulae, neque esse debent. Si igitur soli neutrales pos­sent esse judices, extra Ecclesiam in quâ lites enatae sunt, quaerendi essent. 3. Ip­sa aequitas suadere videtur. Nam quae ratio reddi potest, ut suffragiorum jure priventur omnes illi Pastores, qui ex of­ficio receptam Ecclesiae Doctrinam pro­pugnates secus docentibus adversati sunt. Si hoc obtinuerit, nova dogmata spargentibus nemo obsisteret, ne ipso fac­to jus omne postmodum de illis controver. siis judicandi amitteret. Pray, give me leave now to ask, Why might not the [Page 169]Parties be Judges in the Council of Trent, as well as in the Synod of Dort? If, in one case, the Remonstrants were oblig'd to submit to the Protestants, Why were not the Protestants oblig'd to submit to the Catholicks in the other? The Synod was sorc'd to pre­tend some disparity; and, for want of a better, alledg'd this; that the Pro­testants and Remonstrants were under the same Magistracy. And, what if if they were? We are not now talking of Civil Assemblies, but of Ecclesiastical. Dos the division of Civil Power de­stroy the Unity of the Catholick Church, which we believe in our Creed? Or, if there be any reason why (when any Schisme arises) the Autho­rity of the Whole is devolved to the major part, does not the same Reason conclude as evidently in favour of a General, as of a National, Council?

IX. To make it better appear, which was the major part, the Protestants ought to have had a decisive voice in Council. A. 1. Binius says, that the Council premitted this caution, that, if the Protestants were allow'd, for once, to give a Placet, it should be no prejudice to the right & honour of [Page 170]the present & future Councils: which looks as if the Council were not fully resolv'd to deny this to them, if much insisted upon. 2. They, who openly maintain such doctrines as have been formerly condemn'd in General Coun­cils, are cutt of from the Catholick Church; they are not Members of it; & therefore can have no right to a decisive voice. 3. If it had been per­mitted, they were still certain to be over-voted by 270. Bishops; to whom if you add the Catholick Divines, by the same rule as the Protestants, there remain'd no ground for any hopes. This the Protestants saw well enough, & there­fore were willing to wave all Eccle­siastical Judges. Soave tells you, how they shuffled in this point. One time, they proposed a Decision by Laicks in­differently chosen, in an equal number, on both sides. Another time, they ap­peal'd to* a godly & free Council, which is not the Tribunal of Pope & Priests only, but of all the Orders of the Church, not excluding the Seculars. Here indeed the Clergy were admitted to this godly & free Council; but it was only, by way of spectators, to see what [Page 171]the Laity would please to do there for,* the Pope making himself a party to the cause, it was just that the manner and form of the proceeding, should be letermin'd by the Princes. This was the* Answer of 15. Princes, & 30, Cities, assembled in Smalcalda, 1535. Again, about two years after, when the* Em­perour sent his Vice-Chancellor to exhort them to receive the Council, they ans­werd, that they had always demanded a free & Christian Council, that every man may freely speak, Turks & Infidels being excluded. Here you see, that every man, who call'd himself a Christian, (no matter how otherwise qualified) was to have a free Vote in Council: only Turks & Infidels were to be excluded. Judge you, what a free & godly Council this was like to be. Mean time, all this was only a copy of their countenance. They clearly foresaw that the much greater part, of those to whom God has com­mitted the care of his Church, would certainly condemn their errors: They were already self-condemn'd, as to Au­thority; And therefore they never in­tended to appear in any legal Council, but hated the very thought of it: Al­though [Page 172]though the Name of a Council was very plausible, and fit to be made use of, for a time, to amuse the world with [...] an opinion of the Reformers, that they were not proud & obstinate; but always willing to hear reason, & desirous to be better informed.

The Duke of Prussia was more sin­cere, when Canobius came to invite him; He* answer'd plainly, without any mincing or disguising of the mat­ter, that he was of the Augustan Confes­sion, & therefore could not consent to a Popish Council. Yet, after all, to do the Protestants justice, I must needs confess that, as soon as they were no longer in fear of the Emperour, they began to un­mask & speak as plainly as the Duke did. Read Soave's Annals, 1562. he says that,* so soon as the Diet was assem­bled in Francfort, the Prince of Condé sent to treat an union of the Huguenots with those of the Confession of Ausburg; and, in particular, to make a joynt de­mand, for a free & new Council, in which the resolutions of Trent might be exa­min'd, the French men of the old Ca­tholick Religion giving hope also that they would agree unto it ... But the [Page 173]Dutch Protestants were most averse from a Gouncil, so long as Germany might be in peace without it. And therefore a book was printed in Francfort, full of rea­sons why they neither would, nor could, come to Trent, with protestation of the nullity of all that was, or would be, done in that place.

One thing, which makes me less wonder they could never agree to any Council of ours, is this, that I find in Soave, they could not agree in a Council of their own.* In Germany, says he, the Princes of the Augustan Confession, assembled in Neumburg, being ashamed that their Religion should be esteem'd a Confusion for the variety of Doctrines amongst them, did propose that they might first agree in one, & then resolve who­ther they ought to refuse or accept the Synod . . . They said, the Augustan Con­fession was to be the ground of their Doc­trine; but, there being divers copies of that Confession, which differ'd, in regard of divers additions made in divers of them, some approving one & some ano­ther, Many thought they ought to take that only which was presented to Charles in the year, 1530. Whereunto those [Page 174]of the Palatinate did not consent, unless it were declared, in a Proheme made unto it, that the other Edition did agree with it. The Duke of Saxony answer'd, that they could not stop the eyes & ears of the world, that they should not see & hear their differences; & that if they would make shew of union, where they were at variance, they should be convinc'd of vanity & lying: And, after many contentions, they remain'd without agree­ment in that point. How should the Ca­tholicks please them, if they knew not how to please themselves?

X. The burning of John Huss was a sufficient excuse for the Protestants, not to rely upon any Safe conduct. A. I must beg your pardon, if I believe no such matter. It was no excuse at all. His Safe conduct was of the ordinary form; Theirs was extraordinary: And. therefore the Case was quite different.

'Tis certain that the Ordinary Safe­conducts secure a man only from unjust violence, but not from the just execution of a legal sentence, if he be found guilty, When a person, suspected of a crime, is cited to appear, & to answer for him­self, the Ordinary Safe-conduct secures him from all abuses or affronts which [Page 175]might otherwise be offer'd to him, ei­ther going, staying, or returning: but however, if, after a fair Trial, he be legally condemn'd: it will never save him from suffering according to Law. If this were all the Security that Huss relied upon, we may justly admire his confidence, in going so boldly to the Council; but can­not reasonably wonder, either at his imprisonment, or execution.

That this was all the Security given him, appears by the testimony of one of his own Disciples, who wrote his Acts which are publish'd in the beginning of his Works, & says he was an eyewitness of what pass'd. He relates the words of the Emperour Sigismond telling Huss to his face, at Constance; * Although, says he, Some say that, by your friends & patrons, you receiv'd our Letters of Publick Faith, fifteen days after your imprisonment; yet we can prove, by the testimony of many Princes & men of chief note, that, before you left Frague, you receiv'd our Letters by Wenceslaus of Duba. & John of Chlum, to whose trus­ty care we recommended you, THAT NO INJURY MIGHT BE DONE TO YOU, but that you might speak freely, [Page 176]& answer for your self, before the whole Council, concerning your faith & doctri­ne. And this, you see, the most Reve­rend Lords, Cardinals & Bishops, have so perform'd, that I have reason to give them many thanks . . . Now therefore we advise you, not to defend any thing ob­stinately, but to submit your self, with what obedience you ought, to the Autho­rity of the Holy Council. If you do this, we will endeavour, that, for our sakes, you may be favourably dismiss'd by the Council. If not ... We truly will never patronize your obstinacy & your errors.

In this discourse of the Emperour I observe, 1. That the Letters of Publick Faith were given to Huss, only that no injury might be done to him: And there­fore conclude, that, if contrary to the common law of Safe-conducts he endea­vour'd to make his escape, his imprison­ment was just, and no injury done. See Bremus a Protestant Lawyer, Quaest. ult. de securitate, who cites a great number of others, agreeing with him this opinion. that Publick Faith is ended or forfeited, if a man, having receiv'd Publick Faith, committs a new crime, be cause, for this, he may be punish'd. 2. That the friends of Huss made no great [Page 177]scruple of telling stories in favour of him, & of raising a false report that the Letters were given him the fifteenth day after his confinement; thinking, perhaps, that by this rumour the Empe­rour would be oblig'd in honour, to rescue him out of prison: Which de­ceitful dealing makes me less wonder, either that his Disciples make no men­tion of his endeavouring to escape, or that the Nobles of Bohemia, take no notice of it in their Letters of complaint to the Emperour; & makes me more apt to believe the Relation of it, set down by Ulricus Reichental, an inhabitant of Consiance, an eye-witness of what hap­ned, & an accurate Historian of the Council, whom if you understand not in the original Teutonick, you may read this part translated into Latin by Coch­laeus, lib. 11. Hist. Hussitarum, pag. 73.

Before Huss was guilty of this crime, he had been kindly receiv'd and favou­rably treated at Constance, as well as all the way thither This he confesses him­self, in his Letters to his friends.* We came, says he, to Constance, after the feast of All Saints, passing through the [Page 178]Cities without any ill usage, And we lodge in a street which is nigh the Pope's Palace. Again;* All my affairs are in a good posture, says he; Scitote quod bene sto per omnia. And, in his Letter above cited, speaking of Latzem­bock and Lepka to whose care the Em­perour had recommended him, he says,* They have been with the Pope, & have spoken to him concerning me; Who answer'd, that he will do nothing by violence. Besides, his Chamber-fellow Plebanus de Jannowitz wrote a Letter dated from Constance, the Saturday be­fore S Martin's feast; in which he tells, how* the Bishop of Constance with his Official, came to their Lodging, let­ting them know that the Pope suspended the interdict & the sentences of excom­munication against Master John; desi­ving him nevertheless, that, to avoid scandal & discourse of the People, he would absent himself from the solemn services of the Mass; otherwise, that he might freely go about to see the Town, the Churches, or any other places, at he pleased.. We have, says he, full liberty in Constance.

Afterwards, as Ulricus relates it, the [Page 179]people flock'd together, to hear Huss say Mass in his Lodging; which being a scan­dalous thing, (he having been excom­municated for Heresy, & not having yet justified himself) the Bishop of Con­stance, as Ordinary of the place, prohi­bited his doing so: But, Huss still persis­ting to celebrate, & the Bishop forbid­ding the people to be present, he began to look upon it as an evil omen of his future condemnation, and resolv'd to contrive his escape. Upon the third Sun­day in Lent, when Huss did not appear at dinner, Latzembock went immediat­ly to the Governour of the City, and complain'd of the flight of John Huss. The gates being shut, & search made, Huss was found hid in a Cart of the same Latzembock, where he lay cover'd with hay & straw, which had been or­der'd to be transported out of town, that afternoon. Latzembock made him be set on horse back, & brought him to the Pope's Palace. He pleaded, that, having Safe-conduct, he ought not to be impri­prison'd. But this Noble Bohemian (who knew very well what Safe-conduct he had, he being committed to his care, by Sigismond) answer'd, 'Tis so Decreed, that either you must justifie your Cause, [Page 180]that it is not heretical; or die, unless you renounce it. I do not say, this was not severe; The Imperial Laws are se­vere enough: but yet, since it was ac­cording to the Common Law of Ordi­nary Safe-conducts, it cannot be truly call'd an Injury, And, by the same rule, that the Emperour was not oblig'd, ac­cording to his Letters, to patronize his obstinacy & his errors, neither was he oblig'd to protect him from the course of Common Law in this occa­sion.

Nevertheless I am apt to believe, that the Emperour did really design to procure (as much as he could, by fair means) more favour for him than the rigour of the Law allow'd. Among other reasons which incline me to this opinion, these two may suffice at present: 1. that John Chlum * complain'd, his Master's Safe-conduct was violated: 2. that the Emperour himself in his Ans­wer to the Nobles of Bohemia, writes, He* often sollicited for him; often, in a passion, went out of the Council; yea rather, upon his account, departed from Constance; till they said, If You will [Page 181]not give Justice leave to take its course in Council, what have We to do here? Whereupon says he, I concluded, it was not in my power to do any thing more, in this matter. Neither was it lawfull for me to speak any more, of this Busi­ness; because, by so doing, the Council would have been dissolv'd. Thus He be­haved himself; And, whether it were Vanity, or Generosity, or Policy, that moved him, is not my business to en­quire; Tis enough for your satisfaction & mine, that, by his Letters of Publick Faith, He was not oblig'd, either in Conscience, or in Honour, to rescue him out of the hands of Justice, but only to protect him from Unjust Violence.

Tis incredible, you'l say, that Huss should be such a fool as to go to Constance upon these terms. Neither can I deny but that it must be some degree of folly for any man to be so confident of his own abilities as to cope with a whole Council, & to defie all his Opposers to convince him of his errors. But why might not the Master be as bold as the Scholar? I mean Jerome of Prague who follow'd him soon after, to Constance, upon the same terms, with a Safe-con­duct from the Council.* Citamus ... [Page 182]quatenus compareas ... recepturus, ac facturus, in omnibus Justitiae comple­mentum, ad quod A VIOLENTIA, JUSTITIA SEMPER SALVA, om­nem Salvum-conductum nostrum, quan­tum in nobis est, & Fides exigit Ortho­doxa, praesentium tenore offerimus. Ob­serve these words, a violentiâ; The Safe-conduct was only to secure him from unjust violence. Observe also the follow­ing clause, Justitiâ semper salvâ; He was not to expect any protection against Justice. If Jerome desired no more than this from the Council, Why might not Huss be content with as much from the Emperour?

That this was the Ordinary form of all Safe-conducts, granted according to Common Law, appears evidently by the general consent of Lawyers; among which, for your better satisfaction, I shall cite only such as were Protestants. Bremus, q. 7. de Securitate, says, this is the common Imperial form of Safe-conducts; Damus tibi Fidem Publi­cam, causam dicendi in Judicio, CON­TRA VIM, NON CONTRA JURIS EXECUTIONEM. Mynsingerus, Ob­serv. 82. upon the Judgment of the Im­perial Chamber, says, Quando datur [Page 183]alicui Securitas, vel Salvus conductus, Tunc intelligitur solum de VIOLEN­TIA, quae de facto CONTRA JUS in­fertur. Et ideo, meo tempore, cuidam, qui habebat Salvum-conductum, capto propter delictum, vel maleficium, & sup­canti in Camerâ pro Mandato de relax­ando ... petiti Processus a Dominis As­sessoribus sunt denegati. Again, Everar­dus Specklan. another Lawyer, Centu­riâ 1. q. 1. §. 18. cites a great many Authors, All agreeing that such is the usual form. And, in the Jus Camera­le, Tit. 276. (See the Edition of Gol­dastus) this Law of Maximilianus Au­gustus is read; Subditos Judicio Rotwi­lensi avocaturi, Fidem actori Publicam, CONTRA VIM, NON CONTRA JUS, dare tenentor. Any man, that un­derstands Latin, sees plainly by these quotations, that Common Law, in such Cases, always grants Security from Inju­ry, but not from Justice.

That Huss had no Safe-conduct from the Pope, he expressely acknowledges, Epist. 6. I came, says he, to Constance, without Safe conduct from the Pope. That he had none from the Council, appears not only by his silence, but by Soave's History, pages, 298. & 307. [Page 184]which I shall cite in the following Ob­jection. That the Safe-conduct, which he had from the Emperour, was never intended to hinder the Council's pro­ceeding against him, according to the Canons, is manifest, not only by what has been already said, but by the Emperour's Letters of Publick Faith, dated from Spire, Octob. 18. 1414. extant in Gol­dastus his Appendix Documentorum ad Commentarios de Regni Bohemiae Juri­bus & Privilegiis. p. 81. We heartily recommend, to all & every one of you, the honourable Master John Huss Batch­elor of Divinity, & Master of Arts, the Bearer of These, whom We have ta­ken into Our protection & Safeguard of the Holy Empire, passing from the Kingdom of Bohemia to the General Council which is shortly to be held in the City of Constance: Desiring you to receive him kindly, & treat him favou­rably, whensoever he shall come unto you, and that you will & ought to shew your readiness, in promoting what be­longs to his speed & safety, either by Land or Water, permitting also, him, his servants, his horses, & all things else belonging to him, freely, & without any hindrance, to passe, to stop, to stay, & to [Page 185]return, by any passages, ports, bridges, lands, dominions, jurisdictions, cities, towns, castles, villages, & whatsoever places of yours, without any expence of tribute, toll, or any other payment; And, that you will, & ought, for the honour & respect of our Majesty, to pro­vide Secure & Safe conduct for him & his, when occasion shall require.

All this the Emperour commanded, as much as lay in Him, And, in all this, his subjects obeyd, as much as lay in them. He had no Authority over the Council, in matters of Religion: Nor do I find the least syllable of any promise, made by the Emperour to him, that the Council should not proceed against him, according to Law. He came upon his good behaviour, and in his own defence; confiding in his own prudence and abilities, as well as in the Emperour's Letters; in which there is no sign of these two promises, 1. that he should not be imprison'd, if by any misdemea­nour he deserv'd it; 2. that he should not be executed, if legally condemn'd.

Both these promises were plainly in­cluded in the Extraordinary Safe-con­duct which the Tridentine Council granted to the Protestants: And there­fore, [Page 186]as I told you in the beginning, The Case was quite different. Read Soave, and if you believe him, you'l begin to be asham'd of your objection.* The Sy­nod doth make Faith to all Priests, Princes, & Persons of what condition soever ... Safe conduct, to come, remain, PROPOSE, & speak IN THE SY­NOD, to HANDLE & EXAMINE WHAT THEY THINK FIT. give Ar­ticles, & confirm them, ANSWER the OBJECTIONS of the Council, & DIS­PUTE with those, whom it doth elect, declaring that the CONTROVERSIES in this Council shall be handled accor­ding to the HOLY SCRIPTURE, Tra­ditions of the APOSTLES, approv'd COUNCILS, Consent of the CATHO­LICK CHURCH, & Authority of the Holy FATHERS; adding, that they SHALL NOT BE PUNISH'D upon PRETENCE OF RELIGION, or OF­FENCES COMITTED, or which WILL BE COMMITTED ... and shall RETURN, when it shall seem good un­to them, WITHOUT LET, with SAFE­TY OF THEIR ROBE, HONOUR, & PERSONS, but with the knowledg of the Deputies of the Synod, that [Page 187]provision may be made for their Secu­rity: granting that, in this Safe con­duct, ALL those CLAUSES be held to be included, which are NECESSARY FOR REAL & FULL ASSURANCE: Adding, that if any of the Pro­testants, either in coming, or in Trent, or in returning, SHALL COMMIT ANY ENORMITY, which shall NUL­LIFIE THE BENEFIT OF THIS PUBLICK FAITH, he shall be PU­NISH'D BY THEIR OWN Protestant JUDGES, so that the Synod may be satisfied: and, on the other side, if any Catholick in coming hither, remaining here, or returning, SHALL COMMIT ANY THING which may VIOLATE THIS SAFE CONDUCT, he shall be punish'd by the Synod, WITH AP­PROBATION OF THE GERMAN Protestant's THEMSELVES, who shall be present in Trent.... which things it promiseth faithfully, in the name of all faithfull Christians, Ecclesiastical & Secular. If Huss & Jerome had come to Constance with such a Safe-conduct, they had neither been im­prison'd, nor executed. With such a one as this, the Bohemians went after­wards to Basil, were civilly used, & [Page 188]return'd quietly home. With this the Wittenberg Protestants went to Trent, remain'd quiet there, & return'd with­out receiving any affront. That no more of the Protestants follow'd their example, in going thither, was their own fault: They knew very well, they might have gone, remain'd, & return'd, securely, if they pleas'd. Consider all this, at leisure; and then, tell me (if you can) what's become of your Excuse.

XI. The Councils of Constance & Sienna had declared it lawfull to break the faith of any Safe-conduct what­soever. A. Read the Decrees; you'l plainly see the contrary. The Council of Constance dos not say, 'tis lawfull for any, whosoever they are, to violate the faith of their promises; but only declares, that no Secular Power can legally hinder the exercise of Eccle­siastical Jurisdiction, because it is, not only independent of it, but manifestly superior to it, in matters of Religion. Tis a common Maxim of the Law; Superior legibus aut pactis Inferioris non ligatur. And, in all appearance, the design of the Council was to sa­tisfie the World, that, although the [Page 189]Emperour had pretended to grant an Extraordinary Safe-conduct, such as exempts a man from Justice as well as Violence, it could not have hindred the supreme Power of Pope & Council from proceeding according to the Ca­nons, in Causes which are purely of Religion.

This was the reason why the Prote­stants would not rely upon the Empe­rour's Safe-conduct; Nor can I blame them for it. See Soave, p. 298. Duke Maurice wrote to the Emperour, that his Safe-conduct was not sufficient. For, in the Council of Constance, it was de­termin'd, that THEY MIGHT PRO­CEED AGAINST THOSE THAT CAME TO THE COUNCIL, THOUGH THEY HAD SAFE-CON­DUCT FROM THE EMPEROUR. And that, therefore the Bohemians would not go Basil, but under the Publick Faith of the whole Council. See p. 307. The Ambassadors went all together to the Pre­sidents, & told them, that the Empe­rour had given the Protestants a Safe-conduct, but that they were not conten­ted with it, alledging that it was de­creed in the Council of Constance, and really executed, that THE COUNCIL [Page 190]IS NOT BOUND BY THE SAFE-CONDUCT OF ANY, WHOSOEVER HE BE; & therefore they required one from the Synod. These Protestants, you see, understood the Council in the same sense as I do: How come you to understand it otherwise?

Let the Decree speak for it self, & judge case betwixt us. It runs thus: Presens Sancta Synodus, ex QUOVIS SALVO CONDUCTU per Imperato­rem, Reges, & alios Seculi Principes, HAERETICIS vel de Haeresi diffama­tis, putantes eosdem sic a suis errori­bus revocare, quocunque vinculo se ad­strinxerint, CONCESSO, NULLUM Fi­dei Catholicae, vel JURISDICTIONI ECCLESIASTICAE, praejudicium gene­rari, vel IMPEDIMENTUM PRAES­TARI POSSE seu DEBERE declarat, QUOMINUS dicto Salvo-conductu non obstante, LICEAT JUDICI competen­ti & ECCLESIASTICO de hujusmodi personarum erroribus IN QUIRERE. & aliàs contra eos DEBITE PROCE­DERE, eosdemque PUNIRE, QUAN­TUM JUSTITIA SUADEBIT, si suos errores revocare pertinaciter recusave­rint, etiamsi de Salvo conductu confiss ad locum vonerint Judicii, aliàs non [Page 191]venturi: Nec sic promittentem, cum fe­cerit quod in ipso est, ex hoc in aliquo remansisse obligatum. Conc. Const. Sess. 17.

The Council does not say, that any one, who makes a promise, is not obliged in conscience to keep it, to the utmost of his just & lawfull power: But only declares, that every man's Promises, & Obligations of per­formance, are confined within the limits of his own Jurisdiction, which he cannot lawfully exceed; And that, therefore, No man either can promise, or be by promise oblig'd to perform, any more. This is the plain sense of those words: Nec ipsum promittentem Imperatorem, Regem, vel alium quem­vis Seculi Principem, cum fecerit quod in ipso est, quod nimirum, ex officio, & jure suo, potest ac debet, ex hoc Salvo conductu, in aliquo, quod Juris­dictioni obsit Ecclesiasticae, remansisse ulteriùs obligatum. Can you blame this Doctrine? Does not every body know, 1. that any man may promise, & every man ought to perform, what lies in his power? 2. that no man can, either promise to encroach upon a power su­perior to his own, or be oblig'd to per­form it?

The 1. Act of the Council of Sienna proceeds upon the same principles. Though it was very inconsiderable in its issue & conclusion, it was General in its convocation & design; It imitated the Council of Constance, in assuming the Title of Representing the Universal Church; And, by vertue of the supreme Ecclesiastical Power implied in that Title, They commanded All Governours Ecclesiastical & Secular, to prosecute the Laws against the followers of Huss & Wickliff, revoking & forbidding all priviledges, immunities, exemptions, & Safe-conducts whatsoever; Privilegiis, Exemptionibus, Immunitatibus, SAL­VIS CONDUCTIBUS, a quibuscumque Personis, Ecclesiasticis vel Secularibus, etiamsi Pontificali, Imperiali, Regali, aut Ducali; aut aliâ quâcumque Eccle­siasticâ vel Seculari praesulgeant dignita­te, concessis vel concedendis, NON OB­STANTIBUS QUIBUSCUNQUE. You may look upon this Persecuting Decree as a severe thing, & blame it (if you please) upon that account: But you cannot justly blame the Doctrine upon which 'tis grounded, it being the very same with that of the Council of Constance.

If you ask me, Why then dos the Council of Trent insert this clause in the end of the Safe-conduct, that* the Synod shall not use, or suffer any to use, any authority, power, right, statute, or priviledg, of laws, canons, or Councils, ESPECIALLY that of Constance, & of Sienna; which things, in this behalf, & for this time, the Council doth disallow? Why dos it disallow these Statutes, if they were fair & just? A. It dos not disallow them absolutely, but only con­ditionally; that is, IF they contain any doctrine contrary to the Security of Pub­lick Faith. The reason of this procee­ding was, because among the Protestants there were a great many who had an ill opinion of these Decrees, and were very jealous of them. 'Twas more easy for the Council to protest, that, whatsoever they were, they should not prejudice the Safe-conduct; than it was, to per­swade them that the Decrees were inno­cent. It was the charitable design of the Council to use all condescension possible, and give such an extraordinary Safe-conduct, as might prevent all jea­lousies & take away all excuses. And here it is, that the Synod might justly [Page 194]say, what the Pope said upon other occasion, They* humbled themselves to Heresy, in regard that whatsoever was done to gain souls to Christ, did become that Council.

If you have a mind to see a great deal more of this charitable conde­scension towards them, read Soave's History, where he tells you how, the Council having granted them a Safe-conduct in the 13. Session, they ex­cepted against it, & demanded another of a more ample form, which was soon after granted, & publish'd in the 15. Session, Jan. 25. 1552. Observe how Soave relates it.* The Empe­rour's Ambassadors desired to have the draught of it, before it was publish'd, to shew it the Protestants, that if it did not give them satisfaction, it might be so amended, that they might not have an occasion to refuse it, as they did the other. Afterwards the Em­perour's Ambassadors call'd the Protes­tants to them, & the Ambassador Pic­tavius exhorted them to give some little part of satisfaction to the Coun­cil, as they receiv'd much from it; told them that it was concluded, to [Page 195]receive their Mandates & Persons, and to hear their Propositions, and to defer the conclusion of the points of Doctrine, though already discuss'd & diges­ted, to expect the Divines, and hear them first; that they have a very am­ple Safe-conduct, as they desired ... that it was necessary to yield some­thing to the time, & not to desire all at once; that when they shall be en­tred into the business, occasion will make them obtain many things which before seem'd hard ... that they them­selves, the Emperour's Ambassadors, have matters to propose of great mo­ment, and do stand only expecting that the Protestants should begin, that af­terwards they themselves may come forth also. For this cause he prayed them to proceed slowly in their demand, that the Pope should submit himself to the Council. For the Fathers do know that there is something to be amended in the Papal greatness; but withall, that they must go on cun­ningly; that they themselves have dayly experience, what dexterity & art must be used in treating with the Pope's Ministers Therefore let their Divines come, who should have a convenient [Page 196]audience in all things, and when they shall see themselves wrong'd, it shall ever be free for them to depart. The Protestants retiring & considering the draught of the Safe-conduct, were not content. They required four things more; 1. a decisive voice; 2. that the Scrip­ture, & interpreters conformable to it, should be Judges; 3. that they might exercise their religion in their own hou­ses; 4. that nothing should be done in contempt of their doctrine. * The Im­perialists perswaded them to go on with dexterity; saying, as before, that with time they should obtain all; but, seeking things distastfull, & before there was opportunity, every thing would be more hard: that the 3. article was under­stood to be granted, because it was not forbid: & that the 4. was plainly ex­press'd, because good usage was promis'd. Ambassador Toledo had told them,* that the chief importance was in the Security of coming & departing; that the residue appertain'd to the manner of their Negotiation, which might more easily be concluded by the presence of the Divines, that it was too much obstinacy, to yield in nothing, & to desire to give [Page 197]laws to the whole Church. After all this,* the Protestants receiv'd the Safe-con­duct; but, with protestation, that they did it, only to send it to their Princes. Would not any body think, these men were very hard to please?

XII. When some of the Protestants came to Trent. they were denied au­dience, & liberty of disputing. A. Nei­ther the one, nor the other, was denied them. Tis true, they were not heard, but whose fault was that? It was because the victorious Army of the Protestants made the Bishops run away from Trent, before the preliminaries of the Treaty could be well agreed upon. They came about the middle of March, & departed in the beginning of April. Have but a little patience to hear Soave tell the story, and you will presently see that this objection is a meer calumny.* The Electors of Mentz and Collen departed the eleventh of March.... four Divines of Wittenberg and two of Ar­gentina came to Trent afterwards, & desired to begin the Conference. The Legat answer'd, that the nineteenth of March being a day appointed for the Session, they would then consider about [Page 198] a form how to treat. Was this, denying audience? Afterwards a resolution was taken, to prolong the Session till the first of May. This was some Delay indeed, & little enough to deliberate upon the preliminaries of so unusual a Treaty; but however, it was no Denial. Mean time,* the Protestants often desir'd the Action should begin (it seems, they were in great hast) but difficulty was still rais'd, sometimes about the manner of treating, sometimes about the matter with which to begin... * the Adherents of Cesar, Spaniards, & others, mov'd by the Emperour's Ambassadors, desired to proceed; but the Papalins (he has always a fling at the Court) suspecting that the end of the Imperialists was to come to the Reformation of the Court of Rome, embrac'd all occasions of delay. The Legate, says he, was thought to feign himself sick; but Soave, I presume, did not think so himself, because he tells us in the very next page, that he died soon after at Verona, which was no good proof of his dissimulation But let us go on with his story.* The first of April, the Elector of Saxony besieg'd Ausburg, which did render it self the [Page 199]third day, & the sixth news came there­of to Trent, & that all Tirol did arm, & meant to go to Inspruc ... Therefore many of the Italian Bishops embark'd, & went down the river Adice, to go to Verona, and the Protestan's determin'd to depart. See here the true cause of their departure: and tell me no more, of their being either denied audience, or liberty of disputing.

XIII. The place was not secure. A. Very true; it was far from being secure for the Catholicks: The Protestant Army forced them to suspend the Council, April, 28. Neither was it any wonder, that they were so much afraid of their victorious arms: Soave says,* The Emperour was forced to fly by night, with all his Court from Inspruc, & to wander in the mountains of Trent, and that a few hours after, Maurice arrived there, the same night, & made himself Lord of the Emperour's baggage. Consider here, on the one side, how littie reason the Protestants have to complain of the choice of this place: 1. it was nigher the Pro­testants of Germany, than the Catho­licks of Spain & France: 2. the Pope's [Page 200]forces had no access thither; 'twas in the Emperour's power: 3. the appea­rance only, of the Protestant Army, was enough to fright away the Coun­cil. On the other sid, you see how justly the Pope refus'd to call a Coun­cil in any City of Germany, for fear of the Protestant arms. As for the Ca­non, Ut illic lites terminentur ubi exor­tae sunt, 'tis understood of those causes, where some fact is to be prov'd by witnesses that live upon the place.

XIV. The Council was not free. It was call'd by the Pope: And nothing could be determin'd till the Pope sent his instructions from Rome. A If any man have a right to convocate the supreme Ecclesiastical Assembly, 'tis certainly He who has from God the supreme Ecclesiastical power upon earth; and this right, of calling it, ap­pertains as manifestly to the Pope, as the convocation of a Provincial Coun­cil belongs to the Metropolitan. More­over, Scave says. the Princes in the Diet of Noremberg desired* that by the Pope with consent of the Emperour, a free Council should be intimated as soon as was possible: he says, the Emperour [Page 201]sent Letters to the Diet of Spira, that* he was resolved to pass into Italy, and to Rome, to treat with the Pope, for the calling of a Council: and afterwards, under Pius IV. he says,* all Princes had agreed in demanding it.

As to the Second part of your objec­tion; 'Tis certain that, if it had stood with the Pope's conveniency, He ought to have been present. In his absence, 'twas necessary for the Legates, repre­senting his person, to receive frequent directions from him, that they might the better supply the want of his pre­sence. If, for this reason, it was lawfull to give them instructions before the Council began; why not, afterwards, as long as the Council was sitting? In fine, whatsoever advice came from Rome, Nothing in matter of Doctrine was determin'd, which any considera­ble part resisted. Soave himself confes­ses,* that it was a general Maxim in this Council, that to establish a Decree of Reformation, a major part of voices was sufficient; but that a Decree of Faith could not be made if a considerable part did contradict.

XV. Many of the Bishops were [Page 202]Pensioners to the Pope. A. Soave ac­knowledges, that several* of the Bis­hops, moved by poverty, made grievous complaints, & threatned that they would depart. If therefore the Pope maintain'd some of them, it was a great charity done by him; a good example to Prin­ces; a thing which formerly used to be done by the Emperours. 2. Secular Princes had more money than the Pope; and, if it had been the policy of his Holiness, they might easily have countermin'd it. 3. All the Popes, in their Bulls of Convocation, desired & exhorted all Secular Princes to send as many of their Bishops as possibly they could. 4. His Pensioners were not ne­cessary for him, at least in the Protestant Controversies; & therefore this is no excuse for the Reformation.

XVI. In some Sessions, under Paul and Julius. there were scarce any be­sides Italians. A. 1. The Council being drawn out from 1545. till 1563. & actually sitting for about four years, it cannot be rationally expected that any great frequency of Bishops should be continually present. 2. The disorders, caused by the Calvinists in France, and [Page 203]by the Lutherans in Germany, required their Bishops residence to secure Catho­lick Religion at home; otherwise they would not have been absent from the Synod. 3. The dissentions that hapned betwixt the Pope, the Emperour, & King of France, and the civil wars be­twixt Catholicks & Protestants, hindred the Bishops, sometimes of one Nation, sometimes of another, from attending the Council. 4. All this was fully re­compenc'd, in the third & last Convo­cation of the Council, under Pius IV.

XVII. In the end of the Council, we find 187. Italian Bishops, and all the rest make only 83. A. 1. All these Ita­lians were not of the Pope's Territory, but a great many of them subject to the Emperour, the King of Spain, the Duke of Florence, & the State of Venice. In several matters they had different instructions, & adhered to their divers interests, even in opposition to the Pope, when the Ambassadors of their Princes craved their assistance. Soave tells us,* it was publichly said by the Papalins (so he is pleas'd to call them) that France had ever pretended to limit the Popo's power, & subject it to the Ca­nous; [Page 204]and that this opinion would be follow'd by many Italians, who, because they cannot, or know not how to make use of the preferments of the Court, do envy those that do; besides those, who are desirous of novity, they know not why, of whom there seem'd to be a con­siderable number.

2. 'Tis no great matter, as to our present purpose, whether the Pope had all the Italian suffrages at his beck, or no; because 'tis certain he had no need at all, of any such assistance in deci­ding the Protestant controversies, in which the Bishops, of all nations, unani­mously agreed. See what Soave says, concerning the following points. Apos­tolical Traditions. p. 145. It was ap­prov'd by all, that they should be re­ceiv'd, as of equal authority with the Scriptures. Vulgar Edition of Scripture. p. 150. It was approved almost by a general consent. & p. 152 the Congre­gation being ended, the Cardinal Santa Croce assembled those that had opposed the Vulgar Edition, & shew'd they had no reason to complain, because it was not prohibited, but left free to correct it, & to have recourse to the Original; but that only it was forbid to say, there [Page 205]were in it Errors of Faith for which it ought to be corrected. Original Sin. p. 164. No man resisted the condemnation of the Articles. Justification & Merit. p. 215. In condemning the Lutheran opinions all did agree with exquisite U­nity. Sacraments. p. 219. All the Di­vines agreed in affirming the number seven, & condemning the contrary opi­nion as heretical. Baptism & Confirma­tion. p. 232. All parties were satisfied. Worship of Christ in the Eucharist. p. 306. All agreed. Communion under one kind. p. 306. All made use of long discourses, but all to the same purpose. & p. 485. They all agreed that there was no necessity, or precept, of the Cup. Transubstantiation. p. 309. There was a contention between the two Schools, Do­minican and Franciscan, which troubled the Fathers, with the subtility & small fruit thereof. The Dominicans said, the one substance is made of the other; The Franciscans said; the one doth succeed the other, Both agreed, that it is properly & truly called Transubstantiation: & p. 310 it was determin'd in the General Congregation, to use an expression so uni­versal as might be accommodated to the meaning of both parties, without appro­ving [Page 206]or condemning, either the one, or the other. Sacrifice of Mass. p. 508. In the discussions of the Divines, all were uniform in condemning the Protestant opinions; although there was some con­tention. whether or no Christ at supper offered himself; p. 538. some saying, that, in regard of the three & twenty contradictors, it was not lawfully deci­ded; and others answering, that an eighth part could not be called conside­rable. Auricular Confession. p. 328.329, 330. No disagreement appears among the Prelates or Divines, concer­ning the 6.7. & 8. can. of the 14. Session. Extreme Unction. p. 330. The Divines spoke with some prolixity, but without any difference among themselves. Promotion of married persons to holy Orders. p. 698. The Fathers did uniformly, & without difficulty, agree upon the negative. Matrimony. p. 730. The doctrine, & anathematisms, were read; to which all consented. Purgatory. Invocation of Saints p. 749 The De­crees were read, & all approved, with great brevity & little contradiction. In­dulgences. p. 757. The Decrees were read, & approved by all.

XVIII. Proxies were not allowed to have decisive votes. A. 1. There were but seven in the Council. 2. They had votes in consultations, among the rest. 3. They had no right to a decisive vote. 4. Were it indifferently allowed, it would encourage Bishops to pretend necessity of their absence.

XIX. All the Bishops were sworn to the Pope, before they sate in Council. A. 1. They never swore to vote against their judgment: They only swore Ca­nonical obedience & fidelity to him, that is, such obedience & fidelity as the Canons of former Councils require,* as long as he is Pope, and so long as he commands those things, which, ac­cording to God, & according to the Canons, he can command; but they do not swear, that they will not in Council say what they think; or that they will not depose him, if they convict him of being a Heretick. 2. An Oath taken in general terms, to defend his Canonical rights, leaves the Council in perfect liberty to examine what is Canonical, & what not. 3. Without the Oath they are strictly bound, by the Canons, to the same obedience & fidelity; so that [Page 208]it induces no new obligation, but only confirms what was their duty before. 4. Parliament-men swearing sidelity to their King, according to the Laws, do not loose the freedom of their Vote, nor the power of changing many Laws, & making others, with the King's con­sent. 5. Every Bishop in the English Church, at his consecration, sweare due obedience to his Archbishop & his Suc­cessors: Why may not Catholick Bishops swear as much obedience to the Pope? And what harm is there, if they take the very same Oath again, before they sit in Council?

XX. In one of the Congregations the Bishop of Guadice was interrupted & affronted; and the Cardinal of Lorain complain'd, the Council was not free. A. This hapned only once, & satisfac­tion was presently given Soave relates it thus.* The Bishop of Guadice spea­king of the last * Canon, where it was determin'd, that Bishops call'd by the Pope are true & lawfull, said that there were also Bishops, not call'd by the Pope, nor confim'd by him, which nevertheless were true & lawfull. For example he brought four Suffragans, [Page 209]elected & ordain'd by the Archbishop of Salzburg, who take no confirmation from the Pope. Cardinal Simoneta did not suffer him to proceed, saying, that whatsoever the Arthbishop of Salzburg or other Primates did, was all by the Pope's authority. The Bishop of Cava, and two more, call'd him Schismatick, and said he ought to be put out of the Council. Immediatly there follow'd a great noise among the Prelates, as well of whispering as of feet, partly in offence of the Prelate that gave his voice, & partly in defence. The Legates did hard­ly appease the stir, by making others proceed, who were to speak in that Con­gregation; which being ended, Lorain said the Bishop had not spoken ill.... & indeed it was found that the Bishop had not spoken ill, and the Canon was corrected; for whereas it said, the Bis­hops call'd by the Pope of Rome, it was altered thus; the Bishops assumed by the authority of the Pope of Rome..... Mantua did also reprehend the noise made with feet & words, saying that, if hereafter they did not speak with respect, They, the Legates, would go out of the Congregation.... Lorain com­mended the admonition, & said that as [Page 210]the Legates ought not to go out of the Congregation, for any occasion what­soever, so it was most just that the perturbers of it, should be punish'd. Here you have a full account of the whole matter. It was only a suddain heat, & soon over. The publick repre­hension. of those who made a noise, was satisfaction abundantly sufficient for what was past: And the altering of the Canon, according to the Bishop's ad­vice, was a very extraordinary encou­ragement for him, & every body else, to speak freely for the future. The Car­dinal complain'd, before the satisfaction was given, & the Canon alter'd, but not after. Besides, it is not impossible for great men to find fault when there is but little reason for it. They are used to be humour'd, & when they are cross'd, a small matter is enough for great complaints. I'l give you an instance out of Soave. * Lorain and Madruccio had composed a form concerning Resi­dence; The Legates approv'd it at first sight; afterwards, consulting with the Canonists, they disliked one part. Lorain and Madruccio were much offended with this mutation, & thought they were [Page 211]disparag'd. Lorain said, it was not a free Council. Why was not the Council free? If the form which they two had composed, had been blindly receiv'd without examen; if, out of compliment to them, it had been approv'd nemine contradicente; All had been well; The Council had been free enough: But because some others took the liberty to consider it, & spoke their minds freely in contradicting it; therefore the Coun­cil was not free. Madruccio* did not forbear to say, there was a secret Council, within the Council, which did arrogate more authority. The Canonists, who examin'd the form which they two had composed, are here call'd a secret Council, & accused of arrogancy; not because they assumed more autho­rity, but because they pretended to an equal liberty of speaking as freely against the form as others had spoken for it. So prond & so ambitious we are, to have our own opinions idoliz'd, and to enlarge the empire of our fancies by enforcing them upon our neighbours; that when we meet with any opposi­tion, though ever so reasonable, we are streightned for want of room, & com­plain [Page 212]for want of liberty. So, when Guzdellun came to the Council, & had* seen the passages of one day, he said, he understood plainly the Council was not free. What these passages were, Soave does not tell us: and, I am sure, if any thing had hapned contrary to the liberty of the Council, the Relation of it would have been nuts to him. Since therefore your Historian leaves us to conjecture what we please; for ought I know, Guzdellun might have so great an opinion of himself, as to imagine, that, when he came to Council, the weight of his reasons would have pre­sently turn'd the scale of their delibera­tions, & that in one day he should carry all before him: but afterwards, when he plainly sound his mistake, and saw he could not in one day have all things determin'd as he pleas'd, then it was he understood plainly, the Council was not free.

XXI. In the History of the Council we find several grievous complaints of the Spanish Prelates, that they had not their liberty in proposing & determi­ning the divine right of Residence. A. Let us hear their several complaints in [Page 213]order, & if you believe your own His­torian, you will find they had no reason to complain.

1.* They complain'd of the Pope for holding the Council in servitude, to which he ought to leave free power to handle & determine all things, and not to meddle himself. A. This last clause is manifestly unreasonable; Why should not he meddle as well as they? Pray, read Soave, & see in what manner he meddled with them.* He commended them for speaking according to their Conscience.... He complain'd of those who referr'd themselves unto him, be­cause the Council was assembled that every one may deliver his opinion... * He was pleas'd that every one should deliver his opinion freely... but said, it was a strange thing, that he who was Head of the Church, and other Prelates, who have voice in Council, may not be inform'd of what is handled, and speak their opinion.. whereas, on the other side, it is plain that so many Prelates come to Trent with commission from their Princes, according to which they proceed; & that the Ambassadors by Letters & perswasions do compell them [Page 214]to follow the interests of their Masters, & yet, for all this, no man says, that therefore the Council is not free. This He amplified with much vehemency, & certainly with a great deal of reason.

2. In their Letter to the King of Spain, They* complain'd of the Legates for not suffering the point of Resi­dence to be concluded, before they could have an answer from Rome. A. They themselves aquainted the King with these matters: Why might not the Le­gates inform the Pope? They* beseech'd his Majesty to consult with godly men about this Article: Why might not the Pope consult with godly men, as well as He? They* assur'd themselves that, after mature deliberation, He would favour their opinion: Whether He would or not, was more than they could tell, till they had an answer; & Why might not an answer be expected from Rome, as well as from Madrid?

3. In the same Letter, they com­plain'd* that there was no liberty in the Council, because the Italians did overcome with plurality of voices. A. In the same Letter they tell the King, that two thirds of the Prelates did desire [Page 215]the Definition, & that all the Ambassa­dors did favour the Truth herein. If two thirds were for them, & only one third against them, can you tell me how twas possible for them to be overcome with plurality of voices?

4. They complain'd that* when a proposition is made in which 70. Bishops do uniformly agree, they are hindred even to speak thereof. A. Who hindred them? Soave tells us, that the King of Spain wrote to his Ambassador to let* his Prelates know, He thought the Decla­ration did not befit the present time, & therefore wisht them to desist; & that the French Ambassadors wrote to their Master, how little hopes they had of* reforming the Court of Rome, because the Spaniards, who were very zealous for the Reformation, were cooled, & put in fear, by the reprehension of their King. But the Pope, instead of wishing them to desist, * commended them for speaking according to their Conscience. Neither did the Legates wish them to desist: They only* answer'd, that the Article was not fit to be propos'd in that Session, but that it should be done in time convenient: which was so far from [Page 216]being any hindrance of their speaking, that upon the very next occasion* they began to discourse again of it ... & the heat grew so great, that some of the Ultramontans threatned to protest & depart; and perhaps would have departed, had not the Ambassadors pa­cified them. So unreasonably jealous men are of their Liberty, that, even when they take too much, they think they have too little.

XXII. Andrew Dudith, Bishop of Five-churches, sent by the Emperour Ferdinand as his Ambassador to the Council, writes afterwards a Letter to Maximilian II. in which he complains that the votes were not weighed but numbred, that the Pope had a hundred for one, that the Holy Ghost was sent from Rome in a Postillons Cloak bag... O monstrous extraordinary madness! Nothing could be ratified which the Bis­hops did decree, unless the Pope made himself the Author of it. A. 1. His Lordship was perhaps a little angry when he wrote this Letter; & an angry man, you know, is apt to talk ex­travagantly: Iratus nil nisi monstra loqui­tur. What would you say, if a Member [Page 217]of the House, a friend of yours, should complain at the same rate; O monstrous extraordinary madness! nothing could be ratified in Parliament which the Lords & Commons did decree, unless his Ma­jesty were pleas'd to give his Royal As­sent. Would you take this for the lan­guage of his Reason or his Passion? 2. Although he seem'd a Catholick when he sate in Council, yet he declared him­self a Protestant soon after; which is another motive to suspect he makes the worst of things. 3. 'Tis remarkable that his conceit of the Cloak-bag was first made use of in Trent, when the Legates, finding* a fourth part only against the divine right of Residence, & observing how* they came to words of some bitterness, they exhorted the Fa­thers to modesty, gave them leave to depart, & agreed to give the Pope an account of all. This did not please the Spaniards: but, why Bishop Dudith should find fault, I cannot understand. Soave tells us, he employ'd his Rheto­rick to oppose the Bishop of Aiace, & to prove that it was lawfull for Bishops to* busie themselves in the Courts of Princes, & in the Affairs of the world. [Page 218]as being Judges, Chancellors, Secreta­ries, Counsellors, Treasurers, &c. which was, as Soave observes, a plain* contra­dicting of those who thought that Re­sidence was de jure divino. Pray, help me now, if you can, to reconcile your Friend's History with the Bishop's Letter.

1. In his Letter, we find him very bitter against the hireling Bishops, the images of Daedalus that mov'd by nerves which were none of their own, the country bag-pipes which could not speak, but as breath was put into them. And who would think, after all this, that in your History we should find him among these very Papalins, & as busie as the best of them, giving his suffrage with them, against the Decree of Residence? Who hired him? what nerves mov'd him to side with them? Whose breath was put into him to make him speak in favour of them? 2. In his Letter, he complains the votes were not weigh'd but num­bred: And, in your History, the agree­ment of the Legates, not to determine a point of Doctrine, which* a fourth part did dislike, makes it plainly ap­pear, [Page 219]that the votes of Bishop Dudith's party were not only numbred but weigh'd. 3. If we believe his Letter, the Pope had an hundred for one, & if those had not been enough, he could have sent a thousand more in a Cloak­bag to have helpt in time of need: And, if Soave's History may be be­liev'd, the Papalins in this occasion were* a fourth part only; They had three for one against them. How to accord these matters, I confess, I am at a loss: when you have nothing else to do, you may try you skill at lea­sure, Mean time, I can discover no other reason, he had to quarrel with the Council, but that it was a Body with a Head. He had a mortal aver­sion against the Pope: And, whether the Papalins were for Dudith or against him, 'twas all the same: If his Holiness were consulted, he had not pa­tience to support it without exclai­ming, O monstrous extraordinary mad­ness! What shall you & I call Passion, if this must pass for Reason?

XXIII. Soave himself, after having related the manner how the Council was transferr'd from Trent to Bolonia, [Page 220]defies any man* to say what liberty they had. A. Let us hear him tell his own story; take it in pieces; & see whether Soave be not able to answer himself.

The Article of Residence being set on foot by the Spaniards, together with several other points of Reforma­tion; the Legates wrote to Paul III. that* the Prelates did every day take more liberty, not refraining to speak of the Cardinals without respect, and with small reverence of his Holiness: that hereafter it would be hard to keep them in order, because they had many private assemblies among themselves... & that it was not likely they would be so bold, without they were upheld, & perhaps incited, by some great Prince. The Pope considerd, that all the Reformation aim'd to restrain his Au­thority, & to enlarge the power of Bishops... that* the Spaniards are a wise Nation who step not one foot for­ward without looking a great way be­fore them ... He thought that this webb was secretly spun by the Empe­rour, in regard his Ambassador did dayly treat with them ... He weigh'd [Page 221]above all, his words used to the Nun­cio, that he had no greater enemy than the Pope. He fear'd that when he had establisht an absolute authority in Ger­many, he would think to do alike in Ita­ly, making use of the Council to suppress the Papacy ... To translate it to a place where he had more absolute authority, seem'd the best Counsel... Bolonia seem'd the best place ... & he resolv'd to cause it to done by the Legates, by the Authority given them in the Bull of Translation. Being thus resolv'd, he sent a private Gentleman, with Letters of credit, to do this Ambassage to both the Legates... * The 21. of April, the Popes messenger appear'd & de­clar'd to the Legates his Credence... At this time, it hapned fitly, that many in the families of the Prelates were sick ... the air had been moist many days before ... the Physicians spoke as if the disease were contagious ... it was reported that the neighbour places would have no commerce with the City.. The Physicians were examin'd, & a Pro­cess made concerning the Pestilent infir­mity ... the Process was prosecuted until the 8. day, when news came that Vero­na [Page 222] would trasick no more with them... Therefore, the 9. day, a general Congrega­tion was held, & Monte took this oppor­tunity to propose the Translation of the Council, & cause the Popu's Bull to be read ... The Emperour's Prelates ans­werd that the disease & dangers were not so great, and look'd upon it as* a pretence. The next day a Congregation was call'd to consult upon the same matter. It was sound that 11. Prelates were already parted; & they began to speak of the place, whither to go. That it should be in Germany all did abhor. It could not be in the State of any Prince, because they had treated with none. The Legates propos'd Bolonia... The Imperialists did contradict: but the ma­jor part consented... The next day, the Session being held, & the Decree read, 25. Bishops & 3. Generals did assent, but the Cardinal Pacceco & 17. other Bis­hops opposed. Among those that consen­ted, there was not one of the Emperour's subjects, &c. In this Relation I have purposely omitted several clauses, not only for brevity sake, but because I cannot think that any man is oblig'd to believe such abusive constructions & [Page 223]conjectures, without better proof than Soave's bare word for't. And now you may here observe,

  • 1. How little power the Pope had in Trent, since he thought it not fit to ap­pear in this business, & since the Legates were in great danger of finding an in­superable opposition, had not the sick­ness hapned fitly for the purpose.
  • 2. How much power the Emperour had over all his Prelates. Soave says,* the Imperialists were commanded by the Emperour's Ambassador, not to depart, until his Majesty were inform'd, & gave them order. He gives an account after­wards of their* remaining in Trent by express order from the Emperour, and obstinately* refusing to go or send to Bolonia, to acknowledg the Council; al­though the Pope* pray'd them, either to come, or send Proctors.
  • 3. The Pope praying on the one side, the Emperour commanding on the other; the prayers being slighted, the com­mands being punctually obey'd; 'tis easy to conclude, which was most likely to restrain the liberty of the Council, when return'd to Trent: especially, if we con­sider the Emperour's being then* King [Page 224]of Spain and Naples, Prince of the Low-Countries, & having other adherencies in Italy.
  • 4. The Emperour's Protestation, read by Valasco in the Council of Bolonia, shews plainly what liberty might be expected from him, who assumed to himself the arbitrary priviledg of judg­ing the* opinions of the Fathers, & determining who did speak for consci­ence sake, &* who, though not so many in number, ought to be preferr'd, as more wise. At this rate, All the other Prelates of the Universal Church, what would they signifie? Though they were ten for one against them, 'tis no mat­ter; the Prelates of the Emperour must always be suppos'd to be the men who speak for conscience sake, the men who are more wise, & therefore the men who ought to be preferr'd.
  • 5. If the Pope, having just reason to suspect the future servitude of the Coun­cil, endeavour'd to prevent the great disorders, which might happen in Trent, by giving secret instructions to his Le­gates, to transfer the Synod to Bolonia, Who can blame him?

Soave says,* it scandaliz'd every [Page 225]one. And yet I know not why they should be scandaliz'd, any more than you & I were, when King Charles re­mov'd the Parliament from Westmin­ster to Oxford. He goes on, if the two Legates could command all the Prelates to part from Trent, & compel them by censures, Let any man say that can, what liberty they had. 'Tis easily said; They had, all of them, liberty to vote freely according to their conscience; The Le­gates commanded no body; The mat­ter was put to Votes, & the Majority carried it: And now, Let any man say, that can, what liberty they wanted.

XXIV. This is not all. The same Author (having rehears'd how the Fa­thers at Bolonia unanimously agreed, not to treat of returning to Trent, till those, who remain'd there, first came to Bolo­nia, to unite with the rest, and acknow­ledg the Council;) concludes with these words,* The Spirit which was wont to move the Legates to think as the Pope did, & the Bishops to believe as the Le­gates, did work as formerly it had done. A. Have but patience to consider well what Soave himself has said elsewhere;* [Page 226]and, if you believe him, you'l believe he is mistaken here.

  • 1. Pray, what spirit formerly mov'd all the Imperialists to stay behind at Trent, when the rest went with the Legates to Bolonia? In Trent the Bishops formerly had disagreed about going thence: Afterwards in Bolonia they all agreed about staying there. And, truly, if Soave could have perswaded us that Concord & Discord are all one, he might easily have made us believe that in Bo­lonia, The spirit workt as formerly it had done. Besides, These of Bolonia were the major part, & tis no wonder they persever'd in their resolutions: Those of Trent were the lesser part, which ought to have submitted; and yet, although the Pope exhorted them to their duty, &* prayd them, either to come, or to send Proctors, they still remain'd as obstinate as the others were constant. And, I must needs say, betwixt you & me, if your Friend Soave had been impartial, he would never have committed such a mistake in the misplacing of his jest: He would have told us (with a great deal of Truth, & without appearance of impiety) that The spirit which [Page 227]was wont to move the Ambassadors to think as the Emperour did, & the Bis­hops to believe as the Ambassadors, did work as formerly it had done.
  • 2. If, by this conceit, he would insi­nuate that the Legates were always Pa­palins; I must beg your pardon, if I un­dertake to prove it notoriously false, by his own History. He often tells us, how the proceedings of the Legates were contrary to the instructions they receiv'd from Rome. * The Court did generally complain of all the Legates, for suffering the Article of Residence to be proposed... because they had an example of the dis­order, which this dispute caused in the first Council.
  • 3. Although I do not find that, in this Council, the Ambassadors of any Secular Prince ever dissented among themselves, in things relating to their Master's interests; yet Soave himself assures us, that, in this case of Resi­dence, only two of the Legates were for the Papalins, & three against them:* Altemps follow'd Simoneta, and the other two adhered to Mantua. By which you may clearly see that your Historian was grievously mistaken, [Page 228]when he said, the spirit was wont to move the Legates to think as the Pope did; for, by his own computation, there were three to two among them, who were moved to think quite con­trary.
  • 4. You remember the contest which arose, concerning the third Convocation of the Council: The Spanish Ambassa­dor* made earnest suit in the King's name, that it might be declared a Continuation of the Council, begun un­der Paul III. & prosecuted under Ju­lius. He was assisted by the Spanish Prelates, and others who follow'd them... On the other side, the Emperour's Ambassadors used strong persuasions to the contrary, saying they would pre­sently depart & protest.. The Legates were divided: Seripando had no other aim, but that it should be determin'd to be a Continuation... but Mantua did constantly resist... Here you may take notice once more, that Soave's jests are not always true ones: The Spirit did not move Mantua to think as the Pope did: for when the* news came to Rome, the Pope was sorry to see that Cardinal joynd with the Spaniards in [Page 229]the point of Residence, and opposite to them in the Continuation; which was to cross him in all things.
  • 5. Afterwards* the Pope resolv'd that the Continuation should be declar'd, let the Emperour do what he could; and dispatch'd a Currier to Trent with this Commission. If the Spirit had been wont to move the Legates to think as the Pope did, why dos Soave tell us that, this Commission being arrived the second of June, they all resolv'd uniformly to inform the Pope better, & shew him the impossibility to perform his Order? Why dos he tell us, that the next day... at night, a Currier came with Letters, that his Holiness did refer all to the wisdom & judgment of the Legates? I might cite you a great deal more, to this purpose; but this is enough to shew, 1. that the Legates spoke freely their minds, and acted according to their Conscience; 2. that the Pope did not endeavour to hold the Council in servitude.

XXV. Nothing could be debated but what the Legates proposed; the Pope's Commissions running with this clause, proponentibus Legatis. A. 1. At least the Council voted freely upon the matters [Page 230]which were proposed. 2. In great As­semblies such a method is necessary, to avoid confusion. 3. It was at length* declar'd, that the clause was not in­serted with design of changing the usual methed of treating matters in, General Councils; and then, Soave says,* The difficulty receiv'd an end, with satisfaction of all.

You that have read Soave, may easily remember a great many passages, in which the Prelates over-ruled the Le­gates, & forced them to debate things which they had no mind to. 1. This clause, proponentibus Legatis, was* much agitated: 2. The Title of the Council, Representing the Universal Church: 3. The divine right of Resi­dence: 4. The Institution of Bishops being de jure divino: 5. The general Reformation of the Church: which point might have been pusht perhaps too far, if the Legates had not wisely counterpoised it, with proposing a suta­ble Reformation of Secular Princes. 6. Concerning the grant of the Cup, de­manded by the Emperour, you read in Soave, that* the Legates were desirous to give him satisfaction, but could not, [Page 231]because the party of the negative pre­vail'd. 7. About admitting the Protestant Divines to disputation, you find that* this opinion was readily embrac'd, first by the Dutch, then by the Spanish Prelates, & at last somewhat coldly by the Italians, the Legate remaining im­moveable, and shewing plainly that he stood quiet, being forc'd by necessity.

Give me leave to add one instance more, and if you are not fully satisfied with it, I shall know what to think of you. Read Soave, p. 498. & 499. and observe, 1. how boldly the Bishops of Veglia and Sidonia spoke their minds concerning the corruptions of Rome, & Reformation of the Pope himself; 2. how moderately the Legates & other Papalins discoursed about it, when, the Congregation being ended, they remain'd in the place together to consider the boldness, & too much licence, of the Prelates, in broaching new mat­ters.

Upon this occasion Castello, who had been Speaker under Julius, told them that Cardinal Crescentius was used to interrupt them & sometimes impose them silence. But the Cardinal of Varmia sharply reprehended this practise, & [Page 232] said, that Nothing is more necessary to a Christian Synod than Liberty; and that, reading the Councils of the better times, one shall find contentions & dis­cords in the beginnings of them, even in the presence of the Emperours, which notwithstanding did, in the end, turn, by the assistance of the Holy Ghost, into a marvellous concord; and that was the miracle which did pacifie the world. He said, there were infinite contentions in the Nicene Council, & most exorbitant in the Ephesine, and therefore no won­der if there were now some diversity of opinions civilly carried, which he that would resist by human & violent means, will let the world know that the Council is not free, & take from it all reputa­tion; that it is good to refer the cause unto God, who will govern Councils, & moderate those who are assembled in his name. The Cardinal of Mantua approv'd this opinion, & disliked the proceeding of Crescentius, but said, it was not contrary to the liberty of the Council to moderate abuses with Decrees, prescribing the order & time of speaking, & distributing to every one his own part. This was com­mended by Varmia, & they agreed to give order for it.

XXVI. Notwithstanding all this, the Legates would not give leave to propose the Article concerning the Institution of Bishops.* Granata, Braganza, Messina, & Segovia, having obtain'd audience of the Legates, desired that they might handle the Articles, that Bishops are in­stituted by Christ, & are Superior to Priests jure divino. The Legates, after they had conferr'd together, answerd, that it was fit to declare, a Bishop is supe­rior, but * that it was not necessary to say, quo jure. Granata replyd, that there was a Controversy, and that, if the Di­vines did dispute it, the necessity of deci­ding this point would be known. The Le­gates would not consent by any means. A. 1. They did not absolutely forbid the debating of this matter. 2. After expe­rience of the contentions about Resi­dence, they could not but foresee that this dispute, so much connected with the other, might occasion greater disor­ders, of which they would have been guilty, had they given leave: & therefore they* would not consent by any means. 3. The Divines & Prelates freely took leave, though it was not given them; & never spoke more boldly, than they did [Page 234]upon this subject. If you will not believe me, believe your friend Soave: Read what follows, & believe your own eyes.

Michael Orencuspe, a Divine of the Bishop of Pampelona, argued,* that howsoever it be true and certain, that Bishops are superior jure Pontificio, yet the Lutherans are not in this regard to be condemn'd for Hereticks, because that cannot be an Article of Faith, which is grounded only upon the Law of man.

*John Fonseca a Divine of the Arch­bishop of Granata follow'd, saying, it neither was, nor could be forbidden to speak of it. For the Article being propos'd to be dis­cuss'd, whether it be heretical or no, it is necessary to understand whether it be against Faith; against which it cannot be, if it do not repugn to the Law of God. He said that if the Pope be instituted by Christ, because be hath said to Peter, Feed my Lambs, Bishops are likewise in­stituted by him, because he hath said alike to all the Apostles, as my Father hath sent me, so I send you. And, if the Pope be Successor of S. Peter, the Bishops are Successors of the Apostles; which he prov'd by many Authorities out of the Fathers. He added, that to be confirm'd [Page 235]or created by the Pope, did not conclude, that they were not instituted by Christ, or had not authority from him. For the Pope himself is created by the Cardinals, and yet hath his authority from Christ: So the Bishops receive the Diocess from the Pope, & authority from Christ, Their Superiority over Priests he prov'd to be jure divino, by authority of many Fathers, who say that Bishops succeed the Apostles, & Priests the seventy two Disciples.

Antony Grossetus insisted upon the same point.* He said it was necessary to declare, that Bishops have not com­mission, for their Office, from men; for so they would be Hirelings, to whom the Lambs do not belong, because the man, who had committed the care unto them, being satisfied, they had no more to think on.... In the end, he excused himself, that he had spoken without premedita­tion... not remembring that that point was forbidden to be spoke of Here it is that Soave would make us believe, that Grossetus fear'd some bad encounter; but, I am sure, if any bad encounter had ever hapned to him, upon this account, Soave would have taken care to let us know it. Have but a little patience to observe how freely & boldly the Bishops deli­ver'd [Page 236]their opinions in the following Congregations, and then I'l give you leave to tell me, if you can, what bad encounter they fear'd.

The Archbishop of Granata said,* They must needs declare both these two points, that is, that Bishops are in­stituted jure divino, and are jure divi­no superior to Priests: And he confirm'd his opinion at large, with many reasons, arguments, & authorities... He cited Pope Eleutherius, who, in an epistle to the Bis­hops of France, wrote, that Christ had committed the Church Universal to them. He added, that Ambrose upon the Epistle to the Corinthians saith, that the Bis­hop holdeth the place of Christ, & is Vi­car of the Lord... that there are extant Epistles of Cyprian to Fabianus, Corne­lius, Lucius, and Stephanus, Popes, where he giveth them the title of Brothers; and of Austin, written in his own name, & of the Bishops of Africa, in which the Popes Innocentius and Bonifacius are likewise call'd Brothers; &, which is most plain, not only in the Epistles of those two Saints, but of many others, the Pope is call'd Colleague ... that it is against the nature of a Colledge to con­sist of persons of divers kinds... In this [Page 237]Colledg of Bishops, the Pope is Head; but, for edification only ... that S. Gre­gory saith in his epistle to Johannes Sy­racusanus, that when a Bishop is in a fault, he is subject to the Apostolick See, but otherwise all are equal by reason of humility, which Christian Humility is never separated from the Truth. He inveigh'd against those Theologues who said, that S. Peter had ordain'd the other Apostles Bishops... * He jested at those Divines who had said, that all the A­postles were instituted by Christ, and made equal in authority, but that it was per­sonal in them, & ought not to pass to their Successors, except that of S. Peter; asking them, as if they had been present, with what ground, authority, or reason, they were induced to make such a bold affirmation, invented within these fifty years only, expressly contrary to the Scripture, in which Christ said to all the Apostles, I will be with you untill the end of the world, which words, be­cause they cannot be expounded of their particular persons only, must be necessa­rily understood of the succession of all.

* The Archbishop of Braga prov'd at large, the Institution of Bishops de jure divino. He said, that the Pope cannot take [Page 238]from Bishops the Authority given them in their consecration, which doth contain in it the power, not only of Order but of Jurisdiction ... that to Titular Bishops a City is allotted, which would not be necessary, if the Episcopal Order could sub­sist without Jurisdiction. He was follow'd by the Bishops of Segovia, of Segna, & others, who spoke as boldy as himself, not fearing any bad encounter; and Soave says* almost the half were of that opi­nion.

Afterwards,* to quench the boyling heat of the controversy about the Insti­tution of Bishops, that it might not in­crease, by means of so many who were prepar'd to contradict Laynez, they would not hold any Congregation for many days. And yet they were so far from fearing any bad encounter, that almost every day * three or four of them joyn'd toge­ther, & went to some of the Legates to renew the instance. And, one day, the Bishop of Guadice, with four others, told them, among other things, that* as a Prince dos institute, in a City, a Judge of the first instance, & a Judge of Appeal, who though he be superior, yet cannot take authority from the other, [Page 239]nor usurp the causes belonging to him: so Christ in the Church hath instituted all Bishops, & the Pope superior, in whom the Supreme Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction was; yet so, that others had theirs depen­ding on Christ alone.

After all this, the Bishop of Segovia, when the Prelates met again in Con­gregation, argued* that it was decided in the Congregations under Julius III. that Bishops are instituted jure divino; though it was not publisht in Session, by reason of the suddain dissolution of the Council... The Cardinal of Mantua caused the Acts of that time to be search'd, & that to be read by the Secretary, which was then defined to be published... Three Heads of Doctrine were then composed, and in the third, which was of Hierar­chy, it was said, The Holy Synod doth teach, that those are not to be hearkned unto, who say that Bishops are not insli­tuted sure divino, it appearing manifestly by the words of the Ghospel, that Christ our Lord hath himself call'd the Apostles, & promoted them to the degree of Apostle­ship, into whose place the Bishops are subrogated; neither ought we to think that this so eminent & necessary a De­gree, hath been brought into the Church [Page 240]by human institution. There were also eight Canons, the last whereof said thus: He that shall say, that Bishops are not instituted Jure divino, or are not Supe­rior to Priests, or have not power to ordain, or that this doth belong to Priests, Let him be Anathema. This the Cardinal of Man­tua interpreted, only of the power of Order, & the Bishop of Segovia understood it of All, which containeth Order & Juris­diction; and, though he answer'd reve­rently in appearance, there past so many replies, that they were forced to break up the Congregation.

When the Cardinal of Lorain came to Trent, he told the Cardinal of Man­tua, he* would not be curious in un­profitable questions; that, for his own part, he was more inclined to the opinion which doth affirm the Institution of Bishops, & the Obligation of Residence, to be de jure divino; but, though it were certainly true, he saw no necessity, or opportunity, to proceed to a declaration thereof. Ne­vertheless, when Lorain came to Council,* The Bishop of Liria, to in­form him of all the reasons of the Spa­niards, did recapitulate, with great elo­quence, whatsoever they had said in this [Page 241]matter: And added besides, that nothing was more in favour of the Lutherans, than to say that Bishops are instituted by the Law of man.

When Lorain gave his suffrage, he proposed the reasons on both sides; he* concluded in the end, that the Ques­tion was boundless; and exhorted the Fa­thers to leave it, omitting jure divino, & saying instituted by Christ. But not­withstanding this,* The French Pre­lates, who spoke after Lorain, did not use the same ambiguity, but maintain'd openly, that the Authority of Bishops was de jure divino.

Again, in another Congregation,* The French made proof of their liber­ty. They said, that the Institution & Jurisdiction of Bishops was de jure di­vino, as well as that of the Pope; that there was no difference, but in degree of Superiority; and that the Pope's Au­thority is confined within the limits of the Canons, relating & commending the stile of the Parliaments of France, that when any Pope's Bull is presented, which containeth any thing contrary to the Canons receiv'd in France, they pronounce it to be abusive, & forbid the exe­cution. [Page 242]Have you never heard, that such boldness as this, even in a free Parlia­ment, has been enough to send a man to the Tower? And yet, Soave confes­ses, They were heard with much pa­tience. Consider well these passages, from the beginning to the end of this Dispute; and tell me then, what liber­ty was wanting in the Council.

XXVII. If the Prelates were so bold, & took such liberty, How was it pos­sible for the Council to end so quiet­ly? A. In some matters, they had full* satisfaction; as in the clause, Propo­nentibus Legatis. In some, a considera­ble part opposed, as in the Doctrine of Residence; which therefore, according to the* general Maxim of the Coun­cil, could not be determin'd. In others, as the Institution of Bishops, & the Pope's Authority, although their argu­ments had been urged, repeated, & am­plified, in several Congregations, yet still the major part was of another opinion; it was, therefore, impossible to come to any determination: And, you know, how natural it is, for reasonable men, to be quiet and silent, when they plainly see, it is in vain to speak.

XXVIII. Was not the Pope's Autho­rity, at length, made use of, to restrain their liberty, under pretence of their abusing it? A. Soave himself, who ne­ver makes-the best of things, is pleas'd to tell us quite another story. Lorain (who, at his first coming to Trent, had oppos'd the* declaration of these points. & had* exhorted the Fathers to leave it)* proposed the omission of the two Articles, of the Institution of Bishops, and Authority of the Pope, as things wherein the parties were too passionate. And very fitly, says your Author,* an Or­der came from the Emperour to his Am­bassadors, to use all means that the Au­thority of the Pope should not be dis­cuss'd in Council; which his Majesty did, because he saw the major part inclined to enlarge it... The Ambassadors, ha­ving treated with the Legates in confor­mity hereof, as also with Lorain, & other principal Prelates, did cause this Article to be omitted, as also that other of the Institution of Bishops. But first they made many consultations about it, that all might rest contented.

XXIX. Why were the Popes, of those times, so afraid of a General Coun­cil? [Page 244]Why so averse from it? Why did they, to secure themselves, shift sides so often betwixt the Emperour & King of France? A. You might as well have ask'd me, Why dos a Pilot fear a storm? Why is he so averse from it? Why dos he trimm the boat so often? S. Peter's Ship, in those days, was grievously toss'd, & almost coverd with the waves: But our Lord, who seem'd to sleep, at length arose, commanded the winds & the Sea, & there follow'd a great Calm.

XXX. Why did they avoid, & defer so long, the General Reformation? Why were Bulls given secretly to the Legates, to suspend or transfer the Council, as occasion serv'd? Why did they open­ly declare, that a Council is ever dan­gerous, when the Pope's Authority is question'd? A. You'l never have done with these cramp-questions, except a man give you as good as you bring. Is not the Reformation of Abuses, in the Church, as dangerous as the Redressing of Grievances, in the State? If our Na­tion were in the same ferment, as un­der the reign of Charles I. would you blame his Majesty for pretending to pro­rogue or dissolve as he pleases? And have we not, ever since, great reason to [Page 245]believe that a Parliament (though, other­wise, excellent in it self) is always dan­gerous, when the King's Authority is question'd? In those tumults of Eccle­fiastical Affairs, Reformation was a dan­gerous business: And, had the Reformers been let slip at the Abuses, they would perhaps have worry'd the whole Church. If S. Paul was in perils among false Brethren, the Successor of S. Peter was no less.* Not only the Protestants did impugn his Authority, but many Prin­ces also would restrain it, & many Bis­hops did think to moderate it. * The Spaniards had a secret, which they com­municated only among themselves, to make great the Episcopal Authority, so that the Pope could not restrain it. The French had* ever pretended to limit the Pope's power, & subject it to the Canons & Councils, * The Emperour's Ambassadors had given the Protestants hope to moderate the Papal Authority, & said that they expected to see a Gate laid open by their negotiation, that after­wards they might second it: and Julius III. had intelligence, that the Emperour had a design to advance himself, by de­basing of the Papacy. This was enough [Page 246]to make the Popes, of that Age, take care to look before they leap'd. But yet this was not all, if Soave says true. The* Governours of Countries regarded not much, what the Council might deter­mine concerning Doctrines; but desired it might be such a one, as might reduce the Priests & Friers to their beginning; hoping that by that means the regalities & temporal jurisdictions might return unto them. And therefore they said, it was in vain to call a Council where the Bishops, & other Prelates, only, should have a deliberative voice; because they ought to be reform'd, and it was neces­sary that others should have the charge thereof, who could not be deceiv'd by their proper interests. Here you see, in plain English, what the Reformation was like to come to. 1. The design was laid to bring the Ecclesiasticks to their begin­ning: They were to be brought to their Staff and Scrip again, & sent about their business, whilst the Reformers plonder'd the Church, & divided the spoiles. 2. To do it with more ease, it was in vain to call a Council of Bishops, but the Laity were to have the charge thereof, who could not be deceiv'd by their pro­per interests. This Reason, I confess, if [Page 247]it had taken place, would have been worth it's weight in gold: but, pray, give me leave to make the case your own. Suppose a man should demand your purse; and, upon refusal, tell you He is the better Judge, whether or no you ought to deliver; because your interest blinds you, but He cannot be deceiv'd by his praper interest. Would you believe this honest Gentleman? How did you like this method of Reforming, when our English Rebels threw the Sovereign­ty out of doors, & the Church of Eng­land out of the windows? Did you fancy that those Church-and-State-Menders deserv'd to have the charge of those mat­ters, and that it was necessary they should have it, because they could not be de­ceiv'd by their proper interests?

If such a Throughout-Reformation as this, had been effectually procured, All had been well: Complaints would then have ceas'd, because there would have been nothing left to complain of: The Reformers would have reduced the Pope, the Cardinals, the Bishops Priests & Friers, to their beginning, which in plain English is little better than reducing them to their end: The Faction would then have triumph'd, according to their hearts de­sire; [Page 248]just as our Rebels did, when they had brought our Monarchy to it's be­ginning, by beheading of the Govern­ment. But, this not being effected, All the rest was nothing to the purpose. One would think that eleven or twelve De­crees, containing above 140. chapters of Reformation, might be some degree of satisfaction to any reasonable men: But, when people are disappointed in their principal design, right or wrong 'tis all the same, they are out of humour; and, when they are so, tis a hard matter to please them. This was the reason why the Lutheran Criticks were so sharp in censuring & ridiculing the Decrees, as soon as each Session of the Council was publish'd in Germany. p. 504. The Birth of the Mountains, was a proverb much in vogue, which Soave has recorded in more places than one, though otherwise worded, The travail of the mountains, and the nativity of the mouse: an ex­pression proper enough to let us under­stand, what vast projects they had laid of reducing all things to their beginning; & how much they were disappointed in them; since what was decreed by the Council, compar'd with what they would have done themselves, was no [Page 249]more than a mouse to a mountain. In the same page, he goes on; Concerning the Reformation it was said, that more light points could not be handled, nor more lightly; and that they did imitate the Physician, who, in a hectical body, laboured to kill the Itch. This was ano­ther pleasant jest, which Soave took care of, for fear it should be lost. But, let him jest as he pleases, the Itch, he talks of, is not so easily cured. This humour, of Reforming, is a very itching humour: And the Itch is a strange restless disease: Even the wiser sort of mankind, when they have once got it, cannot for their lives forbear Scratching, though they know by experience that it dos more harm than good.

Read the Decrees of Reformation from the beginning to the end, and if you read them with a serious attention, I am very confident, an impartial man, as you are, will not say they are, either light, or lightly handled. If you have the Council in your Library, I had rather you would read them there, than in Soave; who, I must needs tell you, is not so exact as I could wish him. Un­der pretence of relating the substance, he leaves out a great many circumstan­ces, [Page 250]which a curious man would be de­sirous to know: And besides, although I have compar'd a very small part of his translation with the original, I find se­veral mistakes in it. p. 503. n. 1. he reads is, for is not. p. 692. n. 12. he reads six, for five. p. 733. n. 2. he reads two, for three. p 753. n. 1. of two express com­mands, he has made only one ex­hortation. Such negligences as these are enough to make me suspect him in other matters; & are a great argument that it was more his business, to find fault with the Reformation, than to give an exact account of it. But, whether you consult the Council or his History, that you may find out all the Decrees in order, with­out any trouble, I have directed you to all the Sessions of the one, & pages of the other. V. 173. 174 VI. 211. 212. VII. 247. 248. XIII. 320. 321. XIV. 331. 332. 333. 334. XXI. 503. XXII. 537. 538. XXIII. 691. 692. 693. XXIV. 730. 731. 732. 733. 734. 735. XXV. 751. 752. 753. 754. 755. 756. And, for your better satisfaction. I have set down some few instances of Soave's Translation, com­paring it with the Original, & enclo­sing, what he has either alter'd or omit­ted, in a parenthesis like [this.]

1. Concerning Scripture. The first point of Reformation, in the first chapter, of the first Decree, is this,* that in the Churches, where there is a stipend allot­ted for reading Divinity, the Bishop should provide that the Holy Scripture should be read by the Stipendary, if he be sit; and, not being sit, the Bishop should depute a Substitute to perform the charge: But, for hereafter, that the Bene­fice should not be conferred but upon a sufficient person. That in the Cathedral Churches of populous Cities, & Collegiate Churches of great Castles, where no such stipend is assign'd, the first Prebend that falleth void, should be applied to that use, or a simple Benefice, or a contribu­tion of all Beneficed men, to institute the Lecture. And again, concerning* the institution of Seminaries, it was constitu­ted, that every Episcopal Church should have a certain number of boys, brought up in a Colledge, to learn, among other things, the Holy Scripture. All this* The Holy Synod ordereth & decreeth [least that heavenly Treasure of Sacred Books, which the Holy Ghost has so libe­rally bestow'd upon mankind, should lye neglected.]

2. Concerning Ecclesiasticks.* The Decrees of Reformation did contain. That whosoever have right in the Promotion, shall be admonished that it is a mortal sin, if they shall not use all diligence to promote the most worthy & most profitable to the Church. And it was added, How necessary it is, that the Pope, in regard of his Duty, should endeavour to assume Cardinals of [most] excellent worth, & to provide the Church of fit Pastors, be­cause if the flock should perish by [the evil government of persons negligent & forgetfull of their duty] Christ will de­mand an account of his Holiness. * That [Patriarchs, Primates, Metropolitans, &] Bishops, shall be bound to visit [their proper] Diocess... That the Visitor shall go with a modest train of men & horses, dispatching the Visitation, as soon as may be; and shall not receive any [money, or present, whatsoever it be, or in what manner soever it be offered] but frugal & moderate Diet... * That the Bishops shall be bound to preach in person; or, having a lawfull impediment, by others. And in case the Parish-Priest be hindred, that he cannot preach in his own Church, he shall, at his charge, maintain another [Page 253]to do it, deputed by the Bishops... That the Bishop shall admonish every one [that, where it may conveniently be done, he ought] to go to his own Parish, to hear the Sermon: and that None [either Secular, or Regular, even in the Churches of their own Order,] shall preach against the Bishop's will, * That where Visitation, or Correction of manners, is in question, no exemption or appeal, though to the Apostolick See, shall [any way] hinder or suspend the execution of that which is decreed or adjudged. * That no Ecclesiastical person, though a Cardinal, shall have more than one Benefice, which not being able to main­tain him, another simple Benefice may be added, so that they do not both require Residence, which shall be understood of all Benefices, of what title or quality soever, though Commended. And he that hath now more Benefices than one, shall be bound to leave all but one, within six months; or, if not, they shall be all void. * The Reading of the General Reformation did follow, which, after an Exhortation to Bishops, for exemplary life, [commandeth, not only that they be content with] modesty & frugality [Page 254]of [houshold-stuff & table; but also, that in the rest of their way of living, & in their whole house, nothing may appear but what bears the character of simplicity, zeal, & contempt of Vanities: And absolutely] doth forbid them to enrich their friends or kindred, with the revenues of the Church; but, if poor, to allot them their distribution, as to the rest of the poor. What has been said of Bishops, it Decreeth to be observed by all beneficed Eccleasticks, either Secular or Regular, and also by the Cardinals.

Here I have cited only eight points, a very inconsiderable part, of the whole Reformation which contains above a hundred & forty chapters: But, for a man of your skill, a pattern is enough to judge of the whole piece. And, besides all these Decrees, there are also others of Doctrine, forbidding & condemning several abuses, which are worth your taking notice of.

1. Concerning Purgatory.* The Synod teaches no more, than that there is a Pur­gatory, & that the Souls detain'd in it, are assisted by the suffrages of the faith­full, & the Sacrifice of the Mass. There­fore it doth command Bishops to teach sound doctrine in this matter [such as is [Page 255]deliver'd by the Holy Fathers, & Sacred Councils] and cause it to be preached, without handling subtil questions before the ignorant people, nor suffering uncer­tain & unlikely things to be published; Prohibiting curiosities, superstition, & unhonest gain.

2. Concerning Masses.* A Decree was read concerning abuses, to be correc­ted, in the celebration of Masses: And con­tain'd in substance; that the Bishops ought to forbid all things brought in by Avarice. Irreverence, or Superstition.

3.* In matter of Saints, it doth com­mand Bishops, & all others who have the charge of teaching, to instruct the people concerning the intercession & invo­cation of them, according to the an­cient doctrine of the Church, consent of Fathers, & decrees of Councils, teaching, that the Saints do pray for men, that it is profitable to invocate them, & to have re­course to their prayers & assistance, to ob­tain benefits from God, through Jesus Christ his Son our Lord, who is our onely Saviour & Redeemer. Concerning Ima­ges; that those of Christ & the Saints, ought to have due honour given them; but that there is no divinity or virtue in [Page 256]them... Afterwards it addeth, that, de­siring to take away the abuses, & occasions of pernicious errors, it doth Ordain [...] that all Superstition, in invocation of Saints, in worship of Reliques, & in use of Images, be taken away.

4. Concerning Indulgences.* The Synod doth only anathematize those that shall say, they are unprofitable, & that the Church hath not power to grant them. It doth command that all those offices of Pardon-mongers be abolished: And, for the other abuses [which have taken their rise from superstition, ignorance, irreverence, or any other way, Whereas they cannot conveniently be forbidden, in particular, by reason of the manifold cor­ruptions of provinces, & places where they are committed,] it doth command the Bishops, that every one shall collect all those of his own Church, to propose them in the Provincial Synod, * which shall be call'd by the Metropolitan, or the most an­cient Suffragan, within one year, at the most, after the end of this Synod, and af­terwards, every [three] years, at least.

Tell me now your opinion concerning these matters. All these points, are they light, and lightly handled? Are they all [Page 257]nothing to the purpose? Suppose the Vine­yard had been a little neglected, & the Vines wanted pruning, Will nothing else serve your turn, but reducing them to their beginning, & cutting them up by the Roots?

I had almost quite forgot to tell you that, in the end of the General Reformation, the Council has taken particular care, that no Dispensing power may obstruct the force & benefit of the Decrees. Be it known to all men, says the Council,* that the Canons shall be observed [exactly &] in­distinctly by all, & shall not be dispensed, but for [an urgent and just] cause, heard with [great] maturity, & without cost [by whosoere they are, to whom it appertains: Otherwise, the Dispensa­tion shall be judg'd Surreptitious.] If the Cause be, not only just but urgent; if the justice and urgency be well known before the grant of it; if nothing be given to any whosoever for it; Such a Dispensation is unquestionably blameless. And now, I desire to know, How was it possible for the Council to provide more effectually for the punctual observance of all these three conditions, than by declaring that otherwise the Dispensation is, & shall be, surreptitious, & of no effect?

XXXI. In the end of the Council, there [Page 258]was great joy in Rome, for having chea­ted the world, and advanced their inte­rest, where they fear'd to have their wings clipp'd. A. Here I know not how you'l be able to make the two ends of Soave's History meet. In his first book, he talks much at this rate; and, in his last, he largely contradicts it. He tells us, in the end, how the Pope and Cardinals delibe­rated upon the matter, whether or no the Decrees of Reformation, were to be confirmed; And says, that* the Court, understanding that the Pope was resolved upon the Confirmation, chang'd their joy into grief; All the Officers complain'd of the losses they should receive in their offi­ces, if that Reformation were executed... Supplications also, & Memorials, were given to the Pope, by those, who, having bought their Offices, & foreseeing this loss, demanded restitution... The Pope having diligently consider'd thereof, deputed eight Cardinals to consult upon the Confirma­tion; & to think upon some remedies for the complaints of the Court... He concludes, It is certain, that they who did procure the Council, had no aim but to pull down the Pope's Authority; And, while the Council did last, every one did speak, as if it had power to give Laws to him.

After all, you think to mortifie me [Page 259]with objecting, that the corruptions of the Court, & the abuses tolerated in the Church, are at great as ever. But you must give me leave to tell you, 1. I am not obliged to take your bare word for't; 2. Whether it be true or false, 'tis nothing to my present purpose. If false, you are to blame for saying so: If true, 'tis none of the Council's fault. Having proceeded legal­ly, & having made good Laws, the Coun­cil has done its part: 'tis ours, to do the rest. My business is to defend the Coun­cil: I have nothing to do, to rake the dung­hill of the Church. Has the Decalogue less Authority, because the greatest part of mankind are so disobedient? Or is the Ghospel less Sacred, because there are so few who live according to the maxims of it? If this be the onely reason, why you Protest against the Council of Trent, be­cause the Decrees of Reformation are not every where, in all things, punctually observ'd; I see no reason, why you may not, with as good a grace, Protest against the Ghospel, & the Ten Commandments.

I have now done with your Objections: And although I am not of the Poet's mind, that Brevity is always good, be it, or be it not, understood; Yet I have endeavour'd to be as short as possibly I could, because, when I deal with a man of your parts, a [Page 260]word is enough to the wise, & few words are best.

As for Soave, whom you so much ad­mire, I desire to ask you a few questions, before I tell you what I think of him. Suppose a mortal enemy of yours should Libel you, by the way of History; call you Rogue & Rascal in the very Preface; and, at the same time, perswade his Rea­der, that he follows exactly the truth: Would you have me take this Author for an Oracle? Would you not think me rea­sonable, if I suspected almost every word he said? And ought not I to do the Coun­cil as much Justice, as I would my Friend? Tis certain that Soave was a mor­tal enemy of the Council: In the very be­ginning, he declares it: He says,* it has caused the greatest deformation that ever was, & calls it the Iliad of the Age; which is as kind a compliment to the Fathers, as if he had call'd them, a pack of Villains. He tells us indeed, in the same place, that he is not possess'd with any passion, which may make him erre; and this was well enough said; But how shall a body do to believe him? If it were your own case, I'm sure you would not like my being credulous: And how do I know but that an Enemy of the Council [Page 261]may deserve as little credit, as an Ene­my of yours?

Another reason, why I do not like him, is because he takes upon him to write men's private thoughts, with as much assurance as he writes their words and actions. He hardly ever speaks of any in­telligence coming to Rome, but he enter­tains his Reader with a pleasant Scene, in which he brings the Pope alone upon the Stage, discoursing with himself his secret apprehensions & deliberations upon every matter; such thoughts as no wise man would trust his neighbour with, although he were the best & surest friend he had in the world. How Soave could possibly come to any certain knowledg of such things, I am not able to comprehend: And truly, if a man, in one case, will tell me more than he can know; I have just reason to be afraid that, in another, he'l tell me more than he dos know.

A third reason, which weighs more with me than all the rest, is this: You tell me, on the one side, He was a Popish Frier; And, on the other, I cannot be­lieve, but that (although perhaps, for some reasons, he did not openly profess it) He was really a Protestant. It appears so plainly, by his censuring the Decrees of Doctrine, as well as those of Reforma­tion, [Page 262]& by the severe reflections of his own, which he intermixes with those of the Lutheran Criticks; that I do not con­ceive how any man of sense, who reads him with attention, can be of another opinion. Had he been a barefaced Protes­tant, I should be more inclined to believe him. There is something of integrity & honour in a man that openly professes what he is: And, although passion & pre­judice may blind him, yet I am apt to think that such a person will never de­ceive me, more than he deceives himself. But a Protestant, that lives & dies in the profession of a Popish Frier, How can I believe his words, when the most serious of his actions are only so many lies? For my own part, I would as soon make choice of a Catholick Jew to comment upon the Ghospel, & to write the life of Christ, as I would choose a Protestant Frier to write the History of a Gene­ral Council.

Before I end my Letter, give me leave, once more, to mind you of the Discourse we had, when we saw one another last. We both agreed, that* it were a very irrational thing to make Laws for a Coun­try, & leave it to the inhabitants to be the Interpreters & Judges of those Laws; for then every man will be his own Judge, [Page 263]& by consequence no such thing as either Right or Wrong: that* therefore we cannot suppose, that God Almighty would leave us at those Uncertainties, as to give us a Rule to go by, & leave every man to be his own Judge: that* Christ left his Spirit & Power to his Church, by which they were the Judges, even of the Scrip­ture it self, many years after the Apostles, which Books were Canonical, & which were not: that* the Judgment of the Church, is without Appeal; otherwise, what they decide would be no farther to be follow'd than it agrees with every man's private Judgment: that because, in the Apostles Creed, we believe in the Holy Catholick Church, therefore we ought to believe in the first four General Councils, which were true & legal Representatives of it: And lastly, that if the Council of Trent were prov'd to be as General, as free, & as legal in all it's circumstances, as any of the first four Councils were; then you must needs own your self obliged in Conscience to submit to it, & to leave of Protesting against it.

This last part I have here endeavour'd to prove, out of Soave himself, your own Historian, who always makes the worst of things, & never speaks a favourable [Page 264]word, but when the Power of Truth constrains him to it. If I have not per­form'd according to expectation; 'tis your own fault, who are to blame for ha­ving a better opinion of me than I deserve. I am no Doctor, nor Graduate; but every way unfit to be a Champion of the Cause. Yet, having receiv'd your Commands, I have just reason to expect, that you will easily pardon a man, who in this occa­sion is guilty of no other crime than being ready to shew himself,

Your Obedient Servant, N. N.
Sept. 22. 1686.

Page. 70. line. 1. read. rewarded. p. 75. *. 4. r. ch. 14. p. 76. l. 8. r. his 9. book. p. 85. l. 26. r. many. p. 86. l. 29. r. the year 831. p. 89. l. 8. dele de. p. 114. l. 21. r. his 2. book. p. 152. l 27. r. shut out. p. 161. l. 6. r. it has. p. 165. l. 1. r. your. p. 168. l. 5. r. haereticis. p. 172. l. 3. dele an. p. 176. l. 26. r. in this. p. 189. l. 22. r. to. Basil. p. 190. l. 9. r. the case. ibid. l. 13. r. HAERETICIS. p. 194. l. 1. r. another. p. 225. l. 3. r. Charles II. p. 240. *. 2. r. 590.

FINIS.

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