C: NEPOS, Ʋeronensis.


Written in Latin BY CORN. NEPOS, AND Done into English BY SEVERAL HANDS.

OXON, Printed for HEN. CRUTTENDEN, and are to be Sold by ANTH. STEPHENS, Bookseller near the Theater, 1684.


TIMO. HALTON, Pro-Vice-Can.
Octob. 9. 1683.

To the Right Honourable JAMES EARL OF ABBINGDON, Lord Lieutenant OF THE County of OXFORD, &c.


THESE Lives of Cornelius Nepos, which I now Pre­sent your Lordship in English, have had the good Fortune to survive in their Original (the Latin) seventeen hundred years: And tho the Observation of the Excellent Lord Bacon be very Ingenious, That Time is like a [Page] River, which bears up the Stubble and such light things, but lets the more weighty and substantial sink; yet must this be taken for a Si­militude, and as such is only ap­plicable to the Abuses which the Authority of precedent Ages, as well as other Humane Con­cerns, is and may be subject to. For to suppose, that those things which have past the Test of the wisest and severest Ages, have at last nothing of intrinsic value in themselves, but owe the long possessing of Fame to a Hit of Fortune, to the Humour or tame Obsequiousness of a long Succession of Admirers, is so bold an Attempt upon the Rea­son of Mankind, that he that makes it must either have much of the God, or a great deal of [Page] the Fool; By invincible Argu­ment to demonstrate the Mi­stakes of the Learned World in all its Stages, requires a Soul of a Divine Perspicacity, clear from those Incumbrances that have misguided the Prospect of other Mortals. To oppose a single capricious Opinion to the collected Force of so many Men's Judgment, looks like the Hero in the Play, or the Knight-Errant in the Romance; who with two Legs and two Arms, Fights and Routs whole Millions. I do not (My Lord) Apologize for our Author, as if He need beg a Blessing from Antiquity, or want­ed the Testimonials of Precedent Ages to support his Credit; had he been Written in this time He is Translated, there is worth e­nough [Page] in Him to recommend Him to all Lovers of History. Cornelius Nepos Liv'd in an Age, that had the greatest Taste of Good Sense of any possibly since the Creation. Eloquence did not then consist in the gaudy Trim­ming of Metaphors, or the forc'd acuteness of a short cut Period, but Good Sense naturally and cleanly Express'd, was the Lan­guage Augustus and his Court in­courag'd. Our Author cannot in­deed pretend to the Politeness of Cicero, but yet He has nothing but what is Manly and Strong; and if my weak Judgement informs me right, there runs through his Writings a Gentile Vein of speaking unaffectedly, which de­clares Him a Man remov'd a­bove the Pedant or Plebeian. [Page] Here it must be Confest, He is now and then rough in the Period, and negligent in the Ex­pression; but the judicious Quin­tilian allows this to be sometimes a Beauty; and 'tis the opinion of most Critics, that if there be any fault in Tully himself, 'tis that He is too Set and Formal in his Stile. There are some Faces that are very exact in the Symmetry of their Parts, and the mixture of Colour, and yet they are not pleasing; While on the other Hand, there are others in which Nature seems to have made a­greeable Mistakes; Eloquence is only the Beauty of Language. in which a too formal obser­vance of Exactness is disgustful. There is as much difference be­tween the Gentile practise of [Page] Rhetorick, and the heavy Regu­larity that arises purely from the attendance upon its Rules, as there is between the Gentile Address of a Gentleman, and the fulsome Compliment of a School-Master. Such is his Stile, that it seems to give Cornelius Nepos a pretence to the Patro­nage of your Lordship, whose Ancestors have reflected greater Honor upon Learning and Learned Societies, than They could ever receive from them. 'Tis in the Great Name of the Bartu's, we meet the two great­est Ornaments of Mankind con­joyn'd, Learning and Nobility; and in that Generous Noble Blood, not only Honor, but Wisedome are convey'd. The reason Petronius Arbiter gives, [Page] why good Sense and true Rea­son were in his Age in the de­cline, is, Because every Man must fish with such baits he thinks will take, but says the same Ingeni­ous Author, We have lost the generous Palate; Had your Lord­ship Liv'd in that time, there could have been no occasion for this general Complaint. In your Lordship a Virgil or a Ho­race might have found an Agrip­pa or Maecenas, who did not on­ly receive the Compliments of those Great Men, but under­stood their Worth. Our Au­thor has in short drawn the Greatest Heroes that Athens, Sparta, Thebes, Corinth, and even Afric it self could boast, and 'tis to Him that Rome does owe its Atticus. It often happens, that a [Page] Prince is better represented by his Coyns, then by his Statues; so without detracting from the just praise of others, Nepos may possibly give as lively an Idea of an Alcibiades or Themistocles, as those who have drawn out their Descriptions to a greater length; For as in Mens Faces, so in their Actions, there are certain pecu­liar Airs that distinguish one from another; if you hit these, you give the Character as ef­fectually, as if your Canvass was as large as the Object, and you took in every Hair. The design of History is to instruct by Ex­ample, and Correct the Infirmi­ties of Life; to Trace out the Roads by which Great Men arriv'd at Fame, and the Rocks they have split against. All the [Page] reward We can pay to defunct Virtue, is a grateful Remembrance of it, and Vice is a Detestation to Posterity. Phocion's Beneficence will be an Eternal Monument: Eumenes his unshaken Loyalty to the Posterity of his Prince will never be forgotten: And Al­cibiades his tender Passion to an ungrateful Country, will last as long as Sense remains in the World. Such Examples may afford Your Lordship's leisure Hours a Divertisement, but can­not pretend to Direct. The Hi­story of your own Family is a Treasure of Greatness and Bra­very, which affords Instances (of both Sexes) for every Vir­tue and Duty of Life. And here we cannot enough Admire the inimitable Gallantry of Katha­rine [Page] Dutchess of Suffolk, whose Zeal to the Protestant Religion at least came up to the Example of the most Primitive Confessors; who supported all the Variety of Her numerous Afflictions with the Meekness of Her own Sex, and the Courage of Ours: While every Country prov'd more Hospitable to that Admirable Lady than Her own; and Fo­reign Nations thought them­selves oblig'd to Reverence that Virtue which we could not Bear. Nor need I instance in those Heroes of your Family, to whose Noble Atchievments the Great Henry of France was so highly obliged, and the Dutch owe so great a part of their Li­berty. Nor perhaps was the very attempt of Civilizing Ire­land [Page] an undertaking of less Gal­lantry and Spirit, since 'tis easier to Create then Restore. When at length the unhappiness of an Headstrong Nation recall'd them from Forreign to Domestick Wars, with how much Cou­rage, how much Loyalty did the Heroick Lindsey espouse his Royal Masters Interest! He de­spised both the Allurements and Forces of a Faction, then almost Irresistable, and receiv'd the Assaults of the Rebellious Army, as unmov'd as an Isthmus does the shock of contesting Waves. He oppos'd his Person to the most eminent Dangers in the Defence of oppress'd Majesty, and dyed like one that had a true value for Life, and knew how advantageously a few mi­nutes [Page] of Life were chang'd for an Immortality of Fame.

To be Nobly Born is (My Lord) questionless one of the greatest worldly Happinesses kind Heaven bestows; and Nature for several Ages seems to prepare and refine the Blood of a Fami­ly, that She may at last work out and introduce one Perfectly Great Man. That this is Your Lordships Case we have reason to beleive, in whom all the Vir­tues that are thriftily divided a­mongst others, are United. Well then may Cornelius Nepos be Proud of Your Lordship's Name to Lead up his Horoes, and pro­tect those that were, while they liv'd, the Patriots of their Country.

Each Virtue takes its propor­tion from the Exigences of time [Page] and Place. He that stands upon the secure Shore, and undaunt­edly views the ungovern'd rage of the Ocean, does not, on this account, deserve the Praise of a Valiant Man; but He is the Master of true Courage, that all the time sedately stemms the Ship; endeavors to be safe, yet fears not to meet Death in its most dreadful shape. Amongst the polluted spawn of Pamphlets which have crawl'd about du­ring this Ferment of the Go­vernment, there have been a few who have compared it to a Ship toss'd by dangerous Waves. Let the design of these Parable-Makers be what it will (as in most of them it has been bad enough) yet the similitude is to the purpose; and Your Lordship [Page] has had no small share in pre­serving this leaky Vessel from De­struction. 'Tis an observation too well known among Politi­cians, That the Virtue of a Prince may sometimes turn to his De­struction; of which we have had a sad Example in the Blessed Martyr Charles the First, Who Suffer'd, and Dyed for being Good; and the same Jews that acted that sad Tragedy, designed a second up­on the Son of his Loyns and In­heritor of His Vertues; As if they were resolv'd by repeated Ex­periences, to revoke that Axiom of the Moralists, That the Natu­ral effect of Benevolence and Good­ness, even in this World, is a reci­procal Love and Felicity; and so it is in all except the Fanatick, whom both the Father and [Page] Grandfather of our Gracious Prince, assures Us, that no Bene­fit can oblige. And really the Fanatick is no more to be com­prehended within the general Rules of Reason than the Brute; because as this acts according to the instinct of its Nature, which often carries it contrary o the principles of a Rational Creature, so the Fanatick is mo­ved by the giddy Impulse of Enthusiasm, which has abun­dance of more points then the Compass. This is that Monster who ever since His Majesties Happy, Happy Restoration, has endeavour'd to lay an open and easie way to the Destruction of the Government, by endeavour­ing by their unreasonable Ca­lumnies to make the chief Mini­sters of It Contemptible to the [Page] People. They have been indeed, like cunning Artists, a long while heating and preparing the matter; and in Seventy-eight, when they found the Bent and Byass of the People work'd into a Temper, then it was, that Corah shew'd Himself and pronounc'd, That the Prince and the Priest had donspir'd together against our Li­berty. This carry'd on under spe­cious pretences, put the People into a fit of down right Mad­ness, and when the Zealous A­larum was made on that side of the imaginary point of the Com­pass whence Popery was to come, the Fanatick had just planted his Colours on the con­trary part of our City. 'Tis e­nough to confound a Man and make Him (if possible) to for­swear being in the same Class of [Page] Nature with these sort of Ani­mals, to consider the unaccoun­table Whims in their Proceed­ings. All that dyed for Dr. Titus his Plot with their last breath asserting their Innocence were not believ'd, because, Popery allow'd Dispensations for Lying, and could easily elude, not only the Dictates of Christianity but of Nature too; And now it comes to the Fanaticks turn to Hang, one would think on such an occasi­on they should not only sing Hopkins very heartily, but speak true too; and yet all these un­fortunate Gentlemen that dy'd, having, in part at least, acknow­ledg'd the matter of Fact for which they were Condemn'd, tho they seem to deny the Guilt of it, the Brethren matter it not; and yet could these beleive, that [Page] a Mad-man with a Fire-ball up­on a pole, set London into flames.

My Lord, we had felt the dis­mal effects of this mixture of Villany and Madness, had not the most Wise Conduct of His MAJESTY (assisted by such Loyal and Courageous Hands as Your Lordships) deliver'd Us from the Dreadful Precipice, which we saw and trembled at. The Fable of the Viper, which the kind Country-man having warm'd into Life, stung its Be­nefactor, was by Antiquity thought to express Ingratitude in its highest Extent. The Faction outgoe this; They hiss at and wound a Prince, who is not only so far their Redeemer, as that He restor'd them to Life when they were Dead in Law and Justice, but shew'd Himself [Page] of that Forbearance and Cle­mency, that He seem'd to deli­berate whither he had best re­venge their Insolence, or fall Himself. Such extraordinary Goodness deserv'd the Expence of all the Miracles Heaven could lay out for its Deliverance!

We who are happy in living near Your Lordship, felt the warm Influence; The same Plague of Republican Principle, which had infected the Capital City of this Fortunate Island had gain'd too great a Party among the Citizens of this place. The very Men that eat Our Bread were keenly prepar'd to have in­vaded those Sacred Seats which support them, and have conti­nually rescued both them and their Predecessors from Beggary. Affronts are not to be measur'd [Page] by the real Loss we undergo, but that uneasiness of Spirit they bring upon the Men that suffer them; To be slighted by a Su­perior is a thing we may calmly (tho with some grief) submit to; to be neglected, contemn'd, and trod upon by an Inferior, who depends upon Us for his very Breath, is so insufferable Usage that nothing but the Meekness of a Primitive Confessor could forgive it. And how have the Gownsmen deserv'd this? Because we are Popishly affected, by Religi­ously observing the Oaths of Allegi­ance and Supremacy; because we were Pentioners of France, and undermin'd the Fundamental Laws of the Nation, by asserting one of the most Sacred Essentials of the Government, the LINEAL SUC­CESSION, which could neither by [Page] the Dispensation of a Pope or the Power of Parliament be alter'd. Your Lordship (tho Personally Affronted by this ingrateful illi­terate Society) durst stemm this Torrent, which threatned an easie Ruin to all its Opposers; and possibly, that the very Brutes that graze and fatten upon the Hill of Parnassus, have not made Food of Us its Inhabitants, is in no small measure due to Your Lordships Care. Which the In­genious Gentlemen concern'd in this Translation (who did me the Honor to Commission me, tho of all Men the most unfit, to recommend it to Your Lord­ships Patronage) do grateful­ly acknowledge; and it was not the vanity of having a Name prefix'd to two or three Leaves done into English that [Page] prompted them to joyn in this small concern, but the desire they had to make a publick Resentment of those many Fa­vours Your Lordship has been pleased to bestow upon this Our Sacred Learned Athens.

And now having Executed my Commission to the utmost of my small Abilities, I must not in good manners trouble Your Lordship any further then to beg leave to assure You, that I am with all imaginable Respect,

Your Lordship's
Obliged Humble Servant


THere is no part of Hu­man Learning so uni­versally Advantageous to Mankind, as History. It res­cues our Ancestors from Obli­vion; It can Instruct and Delight the Present and Future Ages. We are oblig'd by all the Laws of Natural Religion, to preserve our Relations as long as possibly we can: Even then when their Lives are scarce worth the keep­ing, when Old Age has ren­der'd them useless both in Pub­lic and Private Capacities, by the nauseous Methods of Phy­sick, [Page] we endeavour to keep them among us. And certainly our Piety should not end at the Grave; but employ it self in securing all that remains of them. Urns and Pyramids can only preserve their Ashes; which are, even to the most curious Observer, undistinguishable from those of other Men. Pictures and Medals represent only their outward Lineaments; which are often not unlike in Fools and Wise-men. But History gives an Account of their Nobler Parts; their Wit, their Learn­ing, and their Virtue: And the Reader hath, what will be no inconsiderable part of our Hap­piness in the other World, the Conversation of all the Great and Good Men of past Ages. [Page] And their Examples will prove to him far greater Incentives to Virtue than all the grave and serious Precepts of Philoso­phers. They assume to them­selves the Boldness and Ma­jesty of a Legislator, lay down rigid and severe Rules of Life, treat us with jejune and ab­stracted Notions, which few Persons can understand, much less deduce to practice: But the the force of Example is intelli­gible to the meanest Capacities. We Read, and Admire; and, having naturally an Itch after Glory, pursue the same Me­thods our Forefathers so suc­cessfully proceeded in.

But tho History in General be so Pleasant and Instructive, yet certainly Biography is more [Page] Eminently so. The General Historian is wholly taken up in giving the Relations of Great and Glorious Exploits; of the Rise and Fall of Empires and Great Men. You have Alexan­der at the Granic, and Cesar in the Fields of Pharsalia: But an account of their daily Conver­sation, of the Menage of their Estate, their Behaviour to their Friends and their Family, their Government of their own Passi­ons, is below the Dignity of the Subject; and if the Author should oblige us by an useful Digression (it may be, of more real Advantage than the whole Series of the History) it would be call'd by the Men of Art, an impertinent Excrescence; and the whole Work be esteem'd [Page] Monstrous, that in one part so swells beyond the lawful pro­portion. As the poor Poet is Damn'd in Horace, that because he had got a delicate Descrip­tion of the Rhine, was resolv'd to insert it into his Poem, tho wholly impertinent to his De­sign.

Yet certainly the History of these Actions, tho of a meaner nature, is infinitely more useful. The other, 'tis true, are more Heroical and Illustrious, extreme­ly fit objects for our Admira­tion, but usually unimitable. They do indeed raise our Atten­tion; but then they debauch our Reason: For, as the Sto­machs of those who have in­dulg'd themselves in the use of Spirituous Liquors, can after­wards [Page] admit of no wholesom Diet: So, after these Miracu­lous Accounts of Knights and Giants, all sober and sound Sense proves Nauseous to us.

In the General History, we see the Hero at the Head of an Army, or in a Triumph; but by what Steps and Degrees he rais'd Himself to this Great­ness, we are unacquainted with; which would yet more improve and delight the Reader. The Acquisition of Glory, is like that of Money: The greatest Art consists in getting a Stock at first; which afterwards, if manag'd with an ordinary Pru­dence, encreases prodigiously.

Biography is indeed of a li­mited and confin'd Nature; since it respects only the Acti­ons [Page] of particular Persons, and is not oblig'd to give the whole Process of an Expedition. And therefore, since the Mithridatic War was manag'd by Sylla, Lucullus, and Pompey, successive­ly, an accurate Description of it is not to be expected from the Biographer. But then the General Historian is as imper­fect in the Lives of particular Persons; takes them only as they fall in his way, and can­not insist long upon them, with­out transgressing the Laws of a Methodical History. But the Biographer attends his Hero from the Cradle to the Throne: Shews him at first, it may be, mean and contemptible, despis'd and depress'd, till at last by Ver­tue and Industry he breaks thro [Page] all Impediments, and in despite of Envy and Detraction, mounts Himself above his peevish Ene­mies. He accompanies him in his Retirements, gives his Car­riage to his Friend and Relati­ons, acquaints you with his Di­vertisements, lays aside the State and Grandeur, the Pomp and Parade, draws the Scene, and shews you the Man himself, di­vested of his Gaudy or Formal Dress. And then, whereas the General Historian, like a false Courtier, takes notice of him only in his Greatness; and when he becomes unfit for Service in the Camp or the Senate (as some ill Masters do their worn­out Servants) deserts him; Bio­graphy still waits upon him, tho discarded the Court; and tells [Page] you with what Courage and good Grace he bears the Af­fronts of his ungrateful Coun­try-men, his Sickness, and Death it self. Which certainly (unless you read History as Ladies do Romances) you would as wil­lingly be inform'd of, as his Gallantry in the hottest Engage­ment. 'Twere easie to enlarge upon this subject, were I to write a Panegyric of Biography, and not the Life of a parti­cular Historian.

Among Authors of this Na­ture, there is scarce any so con­siderable as C. Nepos; who has had the good Fortune to please the most Judicious Critics of all Ages; but in this is strangely unhappy, That having been so industrious in Immortalizing [Page] other Men, and having wrote a particular Volume of the Lives of Historians, he himself has been almost forgotten, and we have very little left us con­cerning him. Nay, and to add to the Misfortune, even this very Treatise, of the Lives of Excel­lent Generals, which is the only one left us of his numerous Writings, hath by some very ill Judges been attributed to an obscure person, one Aemilius Probus, who liv'd in the Barba­rous Age of Theodosius. But of this below.

He was born in Hostilia, a Village depending upon Verona; whereof Pliny, Antonine in his Itinerary, &c. make mention; and is at this day subject to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of Verona. Verona lies near the Po; [Page] upon which account Pliny calls our Author Podi Accola: It is situated likewise in that part of Italy which the Romans (for to us 'tis otherwise) call'd Italia Transpadana, that part of Italy which is on the other side the Po: So that Catullus, in his De­dication of his Excellent Poems to C. Nepos, might very justly call him an Italian. But because the same Country was call'd Gallia Togata (or that part of Gall wherein Gowns, the Roman Habit, were worn, in opposi­tion to Gallia Braccata, so nam'd from the Garments of the Bar­barous Inhabitants) Ausonius, alluding to Catullus's foremen­tion'd Epigram, tells his Paca­tus, That he had found a more Learn'd and Obliging Patron [Page] than Gall furnish'd Catullus with. But these two Poets may be easily reconcil'd, considering that the same place was, with diffe­rent respects, reckon'd part both of Gall and Italy. Now, that Nepos was a Veronese, was the constant opinion of that City, where in the Senate-House his Statue was erected among those of the Illustrious Men born there. Elios Vinetus would in­deed perswade us, that there is nothing of certainty when Ne­pos was born; but besides the constant Tradition of the City of Verona, and that his Statue was plac'd among those of the Ve­ronian Writers, (which certainly would satisfie any man of a tolerable ingenuity) we have the Authority of Leander, Alber­tus, [Page] Paulus Merula, and of the Learn'd and Illustrious Alexan­der Becellus, Chancellor of Ve­rona.

The Territories of Verona en­joy a delicate thin Air; the Soil as healthful, as well water'd, and supply'd with Fruits of all kinds, as most places in the World; as if it were design'd by Nature for the Country of Great and Witty Men. 'Tis not impossible for a great Genius to proceed from an unhealthy and boggy Soil, where the Air as well as Water stagnates, and is cor­rupted: But 'tis very improbable there should. Plutarch and Pin­dar were born in Boeotia, but not one eminent Writer more, as we hear of. Erasmus came from Rotterdam; and yet the greatest [Page] Judg of the last Age was pleas'd to say of Gretser, 'Tis a Witty Man for a German. And if we consider the dependance which our Souls have upon our Bo­dies, as to their operations, we need not wonder, that thick and foggy Airs should so seldom be bless'd with extraordinary Men. 'Tis certainly a mighty Advan­tage to be Born in a place emi­nent for Wit and Learning; where great Examples daily ap­pear before us, and raise in us a generous Emulation to equal or surpass them. Upon this ac­count it is, that Cities have be­come famous for some parti­cular Excellence; and Wit, as some Herbs, if once rooted in a ground, cannot without diffi­culty be got out. Verona has [Page] indeed produc'd as great Wits, and as Learn'd Men in all Fa­culties, as any City perhaps in the World. Here were born the two Plinies, Macer the Bo­tanic Poet, Vitruvius the Archi­tect, and (in a later Age) that Prodigy of Wit and Learning Hieronymus Fracastorius, the best Phyfitian, Mathematician, and Poet of his Age.

As Nepos was Born in a Place famous for polite Learning, so likewise in an Age when Wit and Elegance of Stile were ad­vanc'd to their utmost perfecti­on; in that Age which the Cri­tics call, The Golden Age of Elc­quence. There is no question, but Junius the Rebel, M. Vale­rius the Dictator, Menenius Agrip­pa, so famous for Reconciling [Page] the Patricians and Plebeians, did make Orations to the People; tho not so fine ones as Histori­ans ascribe to them. They were certainly Men of incomparable Valour and of sound Sense; but they had only a good unpolish'd rough Eloquence, and with that attain'd their Ends upon a People rude and illiterate; and wanted only a Grecian Education, to render 'em the greatest Wits in their Age. But as the Roman Empire began to extend it self into Greece, and People admir'd the Oratory of that Nation, the Roman Language was daily re­fin'd. It at first became neat and clean, the Words and Phrases proper and easie, not florid, much less ranting and fustian. This is that which is so admirable in [Page] the ancient Comedies, of which Plautus and Terence are the on­ly now left us; which as Scali­ger well observes, our misfor­tunes have endear'd to us; we admire them the more, because we have none else left us to ad­mire. In the Eloquence of that Age, there was nothing affected, nothing of Paint and Daubing, but pure Natural Beauty, un­debauch'd, and preferable upon account of its Native simplicity to all the swelling Rhetoric of some after Ages. But at last the Roman style was Illustrated with Tropes and Figures; which, if Modestly made use of, are the real Ornaments of a style, but if us'd with Imprudence, become nauseous, and more like the Say­ings of a Mad-man than an [Page] Orator. In this Golden Age, the Romans had rais'd themselves to the utmost pitch, they had gone as far as Prudence would permit them; which when their immediate Successors endea­vour'd to surpass, they swell'd into Bombast, and their Wit was more like an Hydropic Tumor, than a Natural Plumpness. The Spaniards brought this disease of style into Italy; and Cicero in his Oration for Archios the Poet, ex­poses the Barbarous and Greasie Wit of that Nation. And yet there are some Men who com­pare and prefer Martial to Ca­tullus, between whom there is as wide a difference, as betwixt the sordid Drollery of a Buffoon and the Ingenious Raillery of a Gentleman. They have had a [Page] greater esteem for the Heat of Lucan, than the just Greatness of Virgil. But the best Judges rather pity these mistaken Gen­tlemen, that dispute with them.

Now to be considerable in such an Age as this, to be infi­nitely esteem'd and Caress'd by the greatest Persons in it, is an infallible Argument of the real Excellence of an Author. When Cicero, Catullus, Atticus, &c. ap­pear as Witnesses, it must needs be a vile Ignoramus Jury that will not find the Bill. Catullus, the most accurate and delicate Epi­grammatist that ever writ, dedi­cated his Poems to him. Cicero was his most intimate and bo­som Friend; there was a con­stant Intercourse of Letters be­twixt them. Sueton in his Life [Page] of Julius Cesar takes notice of a Letter from Cicero to Nepos, and Lactantius quotes an Epistle of Nepos to Tully. Nay their Epi­stolary Commerce was so great, that Macrobius makes mention of the second Book of Epistles from Tully to Nepos. His intimacy with Atticus is evident from the Life of Atticus, here annex'd to his Lives of Excellent Generals; for Atticus himself was so far from being one, that he never engag'd in the War either for Caesar or Pompey, and yet had the good Fortune (which I be­leive very few of that Humour ever met with) to be Honour'd, esteem'd, and unmolested thro the whole course of his Life.

He left many Learned and Curious Works behind him, [Page] which the injury of time hath depriv'd us of; and we have on­ly just enough left us to see the greatness of our loss in the rest. He was Author of a Book, which he call'd his Chronicle, wherein (in three distinct Volumes) he gave an account of those three great Intervals of time, which Historians so much talk of, The Obscure and Uncertain, the Fabulous, and the Histo­rical Ages of the World. As to the first and second, Tertullian informs us, that Nepos affirms, there never was any Saturn but what was a Man; and Au­sonius tells his Pupil the Empe­ror, that he sent him Titianus's Fables, and Nepos's Chronicles, which were not much unlike 'em; and Catullus in his Preface [Page] to his Poems, tells us, that Ne­pos did Omne Aevum tribus explicare chartis.

Besides this great Work, he writ the Lives of Illustrious Men, of which twenty-two, which re­spect the Grecians and Barbari­ans, are transmitted to us; and likewise the Lives of the Roman Hero's (as is evident from his Life of Hannibal) and the Roman Kings. But what thro the Inva­sion of Forreign Nations, and the Ignorance and carelessness of Superstitious Monks, who let them ly and rot unobserv'd in their Libraries, we have only their Titles from other Authors, which had the good fortune to survive. Aemilius Probus hath by some Critics bin suppos'd to be the Author of the Lives of For­reign [Page] Generals; But 'tis a palpa­ble mistake occasion'd by an E­pigram prefix'd to some antient Manuscripts of this Author, wherein Probus commands his Book, if the Emperor Theodosius enquire after the Author, to tell Him it is one Probus. But then it follows, Corpore in hoc manus est Genetricis Avique Meique, viz. that his own hand, his Mothers, and Grandfathers were concern'd in the work. Whence 'tis clear be­yond contradiction, that this Pro­bus was only a Transcriber. Be­sides, can Robortellus who writ a Treatise of the Art of Criticism, or any Man of common Learning and Sense, perswade himself, that this wretched Poet could be the Author of this most delicate and [Page] Judicious peice of History. But from the cleanness and tersness of Expression may undeniably be evinc'd, that the Author of this Book liv'd in the Age of Julius and Augustus; and besides all this there are forty places in the Lives themselves that prove Nepos was their Author, and liv'd in the Age aforesaid, for which if you please consult Lambin.

But Nepos hath not bin more abus'd by ascribing his Works to other Men, than in making him the Author of some peices wholy Unworthy of him. Thus the Book of Illustrious Men, which usually was said to be Pliny's, but is really Aurelius Victor's, some Critics Father upon our Author, and the Translation of Dares the Phry­gian is said to be his: But the ve­ry [Page] style it self is sufficient to con­vince any Judicious Reader. Ne­pos, in the Judgement of some Men liv'd after the Nativity of our Lord, but if you consider how Celebrated he was for his Learning in the days of Catullus, Cicero and Atticus, you will find no great reason to subscribe to their opinion.

THE CHRONOLOGY TO CORN. NEPOS.OlympiadYear of Olympiad.Before Christ.
MiltiadesOvercomes the Persians at Marathon723490
 Dies in Prison724489
ThemistoclesOvercomes the Persians at Salamis731408
AristidesBanish'd by Ostracism742483
 With Pausaniqs overthrows and kills Mardonius752479
PausaniasConspires against Greece754477
 Is starv'd754477
CimonOvercomes the Persians in a Naval Fight773430
 Is banish'd by Ostracism823450
 Overcomes the Persians by Sea and Land823450
LysanderBeseiges Athens934405
 Takes it941404
AlcybiadesIs banish'd921412
ThrasybulusCommander of the Athenians922411
 Overcomes the thirty Tyrants944401
CononOvercomes the Lacedemonians at Cnidus963394
 Fortifies the Piraeum964393
DionHis flight and Preparation for War against Dionysius1013358
 He dies1062355
IphicratesGeneral of the Athenians   
 Obtains the Victory at Corinth and lays down his Command964393
ChabriasGeneral of the Athenians992383
ChabriasOvercomes the Lacedemonians1004377
 Is kill'd by Fraud1014376
TimotheusGeneral of the Athenians1011376
DatamesLiv'd about944400
EpaminondasMade Commander of the Thebans1012375
Overcomes the Lacedemonians at Leuctra10 [...]2371
 Beselges Sparta1024369
 Dies in the Battel at Mantinea1042363
PelopidasTaken Captive1031368
AgesilausMakes War in Asia962395
 Against the Persians in Egypt, where he dies, His Age eighty four, His Reign forty-one1001380
EumenesIs made Tutor to Alexanders Children1152319
 His War against Antigonus1154317
 Is taken and slain1162315
PhocionPut's to flight Clitarchus the Tyrant1094340
TimoleonDelivers from slavery Corinth and Sy­racuse1592143
 Overcomes the Corinthians1594140
HamilcarGovernor of Sicily for the Carthagi­nians1324259
HannibalPasses the Alps1044218
 Gains the Victory at Cannae1412216
 Is overthrown by Scipto1443202
 Flies to Antiochus1462195
 Dies, His Age sixty-three1493182
M. P. Cato.Consul1462195
T. P. AtticusLiv'd178463
C. NeposLiv'd1784 

A Catalogue of the Lives, with the Names of the several Gentlemen by whom they are Done in­to English.

Mr. Tullie.
Mr. Gardiner.
Mr. Mitchell.
Mr. Hoy.
Mr. Greed.
Mr. Kirchevall.
Mr. Peers.
Mr. H. Gilman.
Mr. Jenefer.
Mr. Clark.
Mr. Allam.
Mr. Kennett.
The Honourable Mr. Booth.
Mr. Edwards.
Mr. Lane.
Mr. Creoch.
Mr. Scott.
Mr. Ch. Allestree.
Mr. Todd.
Mr. Cary.
Mr. Brideok.
The Honourable Mr. Finch.
Mr. Robinson
P. Atticus.
Mr. Morgan.


I Do not doubt (my Atticus) but a great many will censure this way of Writing, not only as frivolous, but unworthy the Persons of Ex­cellent Men, when they shall read these little Memoires related of them; As who was the Master that taught Epa­minondas Musick; and that it was reckon'd amongst his chief Accomplish­ments, that He had an handsome way of Dancing, and sung skilfully to the Flute. But this is the opinion only of those who being ignorant of the Grecian Learn­ing, think nothing right but what strict­ly quadrates with their own Manners; but if these would but once Learn, that things Decent and Vncomely do not ap­pear with the same Aspect of Honesty [Page] and Turpitude to all Persons, but that every-thing ought to be measur'd by the Institutions of our Ancestors; it will suppress their admiration, that in Cele­brating the Vertues of the Grecians we have followed their Customs; for it was not objected as a Scandal to Cimon, who was one of the Greatest Personages a­mongst the Athenians, that he Married his half Sister which his Father had by a former Lady; since it was a familiar usage, that obtein'd amongst the rest of the Citizens, tho it breakes in upon our ways of Living, and is counted Irreligi­on. It was a thing highly applauded in Greece, that young Lads were Cata­mites, and had many Rivals in that un­natural pleasure; and at Lacedaemon there was not a Widow, tho of the Noblest Extraction, but would act her part in a Comedy, and take Money for it; In the same Greece, likewise it was matter of singular Triumph, to be proclaim'd a Conqueror in the Olympick Games; and yet to come forth upon the Stage, and be a spectacle of diversion to the People, [Page] was not look'd upon by that Nation as any ways opprobrious; all which things notwithstanding kindle our Aversion, as being partly downright Infamous, and partly below the Dignity of our Characters, and very far from being seemly or becoming; on the contrary, a great many actions carry with us the impression of Decorum, which are thought very lewd by them; As for in­stance, what Roman blusheth to lead his Wife to an Entertainment? And what Mother of a Family will not reside in the most frequented part of her house, and contribute her share of Conversa­tion at a Publick Feast? And yet 'tis much otherwise practis'd in Greece, for there they never come to any jolly As­signation, unless invited by their near Relations; and are never seen but in the most inward Apartments, which they call from thence (Gynoeconitis) the Chamber of the Women; and no one's approaches were permitted thither, but of those, who gain'd access by the privi­ledge, either of Blood or Affinity; but [Page] the bulk of the Volume will not let me run through any more Examples of this kind; and Expedition calls upon me to give the last hand to those things which I have begun; therefore we will come close to the purpose, and in this Book draw to your view the Lives of these Illustrious Commanders.


WHEN Miltiades, the Son of Cimon, an Athenian, had got himself a great and il­lustrious Name, as well for his own native modesty, as by the ancient and renown'd Family whence he was descended; and was now arriv'd at those years which were sufficient to confirm his Fellow-Citizens in the high opinion they always had of him: It happen'd, that the Athenians were upon a new project of Conquering and trans­planting [Page 2] Colonies to the Chersonese. And The Thracian Chersonese, or Peninsula. since the design was generally applauded, several being come in Volunteers to offer their service in the Expedition, it was thought fit to depute some of them to go to Delphos, and there consult the Oracle of Apollo about the choice of a General. For at that time the Thracians were Masters of those Countries, who were not to be dispossess'd but by force of Arms. When they were arriv'd at Del­phos, and had address'd themselves to the Oracle, the Answer it return'd was po­sitive and express in the choice of Mil­tiades; whom if they would elect, they should be successful in their Undertaking. Miltiades confirm'd in his Command by so great an Authority, sets Sail for the Chersonese, with a select Band of men; and touching upon Lemnos in his Road, would willingly have reduc'd the Inha­bitants of that Island under the Domi­nion of the Athenians, requiring them immediately to surrender themselves. But they laugh'd at the demand, and re­ply'd, That yes they would, when he should Sail from home to Lemnos with a Nor­therly Wind; which is contrary to them who come from Athens to those Coasts. But Miltiades's Affair would not admit of delay, and therefore without any [Page 3] farther attempt, he steer'd his course di­rectly for the Chersonese, where he safely arriv'd. And having, in a short time, defeated the Forces of those Barbarians, and made himself Master of the Cher­sonese, he fortified the most convenient places of it with Castles and Citadels, and planted all the Country with his own Soldiers, whom he enrich'd with the booty of frequent Excursions. Nor had Fortune a greater share in the success of this Expedition then his own prudence. For having routed the Enemy's Forces by the Valour of his own, he manag'd the whole concern of the Victory with the greatest Equity imaginable; and made the Chersonese the place of his Residence. For he acted as King amongst them, tho he had not the Title; and yet ow'd not his Power so much to the Absoluteness of his Command as to the Justice of his Actions. For notwithstanding the greatness of his Fortune, he was ready to do any acts of kindness for his Country-men the Athenians. By which means he establish'd his Authority not only in the Hearts and Affections of the Athenians who gave it him, but of those also over whom he was to exercise it too. And having thus setled the Government of his late Conquest, he comes back to Lemnos, [Page 4] and (by virtue of his former Compact with the Inhabitants) demands the Sur­rendry of their City into his hands: For they had promis'd to yeild themselves up to him when he should Sail from Home to Lemnos by a North Wind; which was now perform'd from his Habitation in the Chersonese. The Carians who then inha­bited the Island, tho they little expected such a demand of the performance of a jocular promise, yet were forc'd to comply and quit the Island; not so much out of the sense of any obligation they conceiv'd themselves to lie under, as of the power and great success of the Enemy whom they were to encounter. Nor was he less happy in reducing those other Islands, call'd Cy­clades, under the Athenian Dominion. In those days Darius, the Persian King, resolving upon a War with the Scythi­ans, built a Bridge upon the Danube, for the passing over of his Army, and gave the chief Command of it, and of their respective Cities, to the Forces which he had rais'd in Ionia and Aeolis. For he went upon this ground, that it would be the best Expedient to keep the Greeks who inhabited Asia, in subjection during the War, to entrust their Friends and Country-men with the Command of his Towns, who could expect no Quarter if [Page 5] he chanc'd to be defeated. Amongst the rest of these Governors was Miltiades; who, when he had continual news brought him of the ill success of the Persian Arms against the Scythians, ex­horted the Commanders of the Bridge, Not to baulk so fair an opportunity of free­ing Greece from the Persian Yoke; alledg­ing, That if Darius and his Forces were but defeated now, not only all Europe would be free from the apprehensions of his Arms for the future, but that the poor Greeks likewise who inhabited Asia would be rescued from the slavery they underwent, and the dangers they were ex­pos'd to from their Persian Masters; and that if the Bridge were but demolish'd, the Design must of necessity take effect, and the Persians perish either by the Sword or Famine in a few days. When se­veral of the Company had join'd with, and seconded Miltiades, Hestiaeus Milesius crav'd leave to dissent from them, object­ing, That tho it might be expedient for the generality of the People to be freed from their subjection to Darius, yet it could by no means be so to them, who bore Com­mand under Him: That their power and interest was imbark'd in the same bottom with Darius's Empire; which if once overthrown, their Employs must expire [Page 6] with it, and they suffer by the hands of their own Fellow-Citizens. And there­fore, that he was so far from concurring with them, that for his part he thought it highly their interest that the Persian Em­pire should be upheld and establish'd. When Miltiades understood by the sense of the Company, that the point would be car­ry'd against him, and easily imagining, that of so many who were privy to the Consult, some would certainly come in and inform the King of the Plot, He thought it his safest way to leave the Chersonese, and return to Athens. And tho indeed the majority of the Cabal thought not fit then to concur with him in the Design, yet was it a generous proposal in him, in that he rather con­sulted the Liberty of his Country than his own private Interest.

Darius, after his return from Europe into Asia, being advis'd by his Council to try if he could reduce Greece under his Domi­nions, fitted out a Fleet of Fifty Sail of Ships in order to that design; whereof he made Datis and Artaphernes Admi­rals, and gave them the Command of 200000 Foot, and 10000 Horse; al­ledging the affront that the Athenians had put upon him in assisting the Ionians in the taking of Sardis, and putting the [Page 7] Garrison to the Sword, as the ground and occasion of the War against them. The Persians landing at Eubaea, immediately made themselves Masters of Eretria, and sent the Inhabitants of the Country into Asia to Darius. From thence they march­ed as far as Attica, into the Fields of Marathon, which is but about ten miles from the Town. The Athenians, tho they were in a great consternation at the near approaches of so powerful an Enemy, yet solicited they none but the Lacedemonians for their Assistance; to whom they dispatch'd Philippus (one of those Couriers whom they call'd * Hemerodromi) to acquaint them what urgent occasions they had for their speedy Stout young Fellows, who were dispatch'd abroad upon State affairs, and perform'd their Errand with great expedition Relief. In the mean time they chose ten Great Officers to command the Army, whereof Miltiades was one; amongst whom it was hotly debated, Whether it were more advisable for them torely upon the strength of the Town, or to march out and fight the Enemy. Miltiades press'd them with greater earnestness then any of the rest, to pitch their Tents as soon as possi­bly they could; for that by this means the Citizens would be excited to behave them­selves more bravely, when they saw how highly their Valour was rely'd upon; and the Enemy's Advances would be retarded, [Page 8] when they should observe with what a small handful of men they resolv'd to fight them▪ There were none who actually assisted the Athenians in this juncture but the Plataeans, who sent them a thousand men, which made them completely ten thousand strong; a small number, but fir'd with a wonderful desire to be in Action. Miltiades, by this Counsel of his, became more considerable then his Collegues; for 'twas upon the great Authority his Advice had amongst them, that the Athenians march'd their Forces out of the Town, where they encamp'd conveniently, and the next day after, at the foot of an Hill, join'd Battel with all the Courage imagi­nable, and the advantage of a new strata­gem, on their side: For they had block'd up the passages with Trees in several places, to the intent, that they might both be shelter'd by the tops of the Mountains, and that the Trees in the way might hinder the Enemies Horse from breaking in upon them. Datis, tho he saw that the Athenians had ma­nifestly the advantage of the place, yet relying upon the vast odds he had in the number, and considering also, that the Spartan Auxiliaries were not yet ar­riv'd, resolv'd to engage them; and ac­cordingly led up an hundred thousand of [Page 9] his Infantry, and ten thousand Horse, with which he gave them Battel; where­in the Valour of the Athenians so far exceeded that of their Enemies, that they defeated ten times the number of their own Forces; and so affrighted the Persians, that they never offer'd to make towards their Camp again, but fled to their Vessels. Than which Fight never certainly was any thing more illustri­ously great and glorious▪ For never did so small an handful of men con­quer so numerous and powerful an Army. And here it may not be improper to remarque, what Miltiades had for the Reward of so great an Action; whereby we may perceive, how the same Humour and Genius runs thro all Bodies Politic. For as the Marks of Honour which the Romans formerly fix'd upon the bravest Men, were very rare and inconsidera­ble, and for that reason more signally honourable; tho now indeed they are grown common and extravagant: So we find it was anciently amongst the Atheni­ans; for this great Miltiades, to whom all Greece as well as Athens ow'd their safety, had only this Honour done him, that when the Fight at Marathon was painted in the Gallery call'd [...], so call'd from the variety of Pictures where­with it was adorn'd. Poecile, he was drawn the first of all the ten Commanders, [Page 10] exhorting his Soldiers, and giving Bat­tel to the Enemy. And yet the same People, after they had enlarg'd their Territories, and became once corrupted with the Bribery of their Magistrates, decreed no less then three hundred Sta­tues to the Honour of Demetrius Pha­lereus. After this Engagement at Ma­rathon, the Athenians made him Admi­ral of a Fleet of Seventy Sail of Ships, to make War upon those Islands which had assisted the Barbarians. Several whereof submitted without resistance, and some he took by assault. Amongst the rest that held out was the Island Parus, a rich and arrogant People, whom when he couldby no means per­swade to a Surrendry, he landed his men, made his Works about the City, and depriv'd them of all supplies; and had by the help of Sconces gradually made his approches so near to the Walls, that he was just upon the point of carry­ing the Town, when there happen'd, I know not how, a Grove of Trees to be fired a far off in the Continent in the night time; which as soon as it was per­ceiv'd by the Burgers and the Besiegers, they both imagin'd that it was some Sign which was given by the Scouts to the Persian Fleet: whereupon the Be­sieg'd [Page 11] became less inclin'd to a Surren­dry; and Miltiades fearing a sudden onset from the Royal Navy, set fire to his Works, and return'd to Athens only with the full number of Ships they had at first given him the Command of. Whi [...] so enrag'd the Athenians, that they impeach'd him of Treason against the State, That when he might have took Parus, he was Brib'd from prosecuting the Design by the King of Persia. He was at this time laid up of the Wounds which he had receiv'd in the Siege, and therefore because he was not in a capacity of answering for himself, his Brother Tisagoras appear'd for him. When the whole Evidence was giv'n in against him, the Crime was not found Capital, but he was fin'd however fifty Talents; which was as much as was expended in Equipping the whole Fleet. And being non-solvent, was cast into Prison, where he died. But tho the business of Parus was the pretext, yet was it not the real cause of his prosecution: for the Athe­nians, who still retain'd the Tyranny of Pisastratus (which had raged but a few years before) fresh in their memo­ries, were extreme apprehensive of the growing power of any Fellow-Citizen. And they imagin'd, that Miltiades, who [Page 12] had born so great Offices and Com­mands, would not afterwards be easily content to move in a narrower and pri­vate Sphere; and that since he had been us'd to Rule, the force of meer Custom w [...]uld incline him to aspire after it still. For all the while he dwelt in the Cher­sonese he had the Government wholly in his own hands, and was stiled a Ty­rant, but Govern'd according to Law: for he ow'd not his power to the hands of Vi­olence, but to the good Will of his Sub­jects, which he maintain'd by his own gentleness and moderation. Now they who had the supreme Government in any Commonwealth during Life, which for­merly enjoy'd the liberty of Electing, were call'd Tyrants. But Miltiades was a person of great Humanity, and so exceedingly affable and obliging, that the meanest of his Subjects had free and easie Access to him. A mighty deference was paid him every where. His Name grew great and venerable; and he had the character of an incomparable Soldier. And upon these motives the People thought it more secure to take him out of the way (tho he deserv'd it not) then to live under the continual apprehensi­ons of danger from so great a Man.


THE MISTOCLES, the Son of Neocles, was an Athenian. The Vices which debauch'd the beginning of his Youth were reform'd by many eminent Ver­tues which appear'd in his more ma­ture Age; so that he was excell'd by none, and there were but few who might be thought his Equals. But to trace him from his Cradle. His Father Neocles was a Gentleman, who married [Page 14] a Citizen of Acarnania, of whom Themi­stocles was born. His profuse and dissolute Authors differ concerning The­mistocles's Mo­ther, both as to her Name and Country. life when he was young, with the neglect of his Estate and worldly concerns, were so displeasing to his Parents, that they dis­inherited him. Which Disgrace did rather animate then depress his Spirits. For when he consider'd, that his Re­putation thus lost, could not easily be regain'd, he devoted himself wholly to the service of the Common wealth, grew very complaisant to his Friends, and made it his business to be popular. He was often made an Arbitrator to recon­cile private Differences, and was very frequent at the publick Assemblies. There was no business of more then ordinary concern but it pass'd thro his hands; for he quickly apprehended what was most necessary to be done, and express'd the same in an easie and familiar stile. Neither was he less ready in the managing of any affair then in the contriving of it; because (as Thucydides says) he had a true judg­ment of things present, and would give a shrew'd guess at what was to come. So that upon the account of these his extraordinary parts he in a short time became of great repute among the Athenians.

[Page 15] The first Honour which was conferr'd upon him, was the Government of the Commonwealth in the Corcyraean War; for the carrying on of which he being chosen General, made the Athenians, not only in that, but also in all after-Expeditions, more warlike then they had formerly been. For whereas the public Money, which their Silver-Mines brought them in, was every year lavishly spent by the prodigality of their Ma­gistrates, he prevail'd so far with the people, as to perswade them with that Money to build a Fleet of an hundred Ships. Which being in a short time effected, he first subdued his Enemies the Corcyraeans, and then scowr'd the Sea of all the Pyrats, with which it was much infested. By this Action he mightily enrich'd the Athenians, and made them most expert Sea-Soldiers. And how much this conduc'd to the safety of all Greece, may be easily gather'd from the Persian War: For when Xerxes invaded all Europe both by Sea and Land, with such puissant Armies as no Prince, either before or since his time, has as yet had; with a Fleet of twelve hun­dred Men of War, attended by two thousand Victualling Ships; and Land-Forces, to the number of seven hundred [Page 16] thousand Foot, and four hundred thou­sand Horse. The news of whose ap­proach being brought to Greece, with a report that his designs were chiefly against the Athenians, to revenge his defeat at Marathon, they immediately sent to Delphos to consult the Oracle, what would be best for them then to do as to their present affairs. Pythia advises them to fortifie themselves with a Wooden Wall. The meaning of which Answer, when no body understood, Themistocles thus expounded it, telling them, That it was the advice of Apollo, that they should take their Families and their Goods with them into their Ships, for those the Oracle meant by the Wooden Wall. Which Counsel they approv'd of, and they built as many Galleys as they had Ships before, and so carried all their Moveables, some to Salamis and some to Troezene. Their Tower and their Images they deliver'd up to the care of their Priests and a few old men, and so they left the Town.

This Counsel was very ungrateful to most of the Cities, because they had much rather have been engag'd in a Land War. Therefore a select Com­pany are sent under the Command of Leonidas King of the Lacedaemonians, to [Page 17] possess themselves of Thermopylae, and to stop the farther progress of the Barba­rians. But they were over-power'd by the Forces of so great an Enemy, and were all cut off in that very place. The first Engagement of the two Fleets (that of the Greoians consisting of three hundred Sail, whereof two belong'd to the Athenians) was at Artemisium, be­tween Eubaea and the Continent. The reason why Themistocles made choice of those Streights was, lest so great a mul­titude might have surrounded him. Here, tho both Navies retreated upon equal terms, yet the Athenians durst not main­tain their station; because they fear'd, that if part of the Enemy's Fleet should get beyond Eubaea, they would engage them on both sides. Upon which ac­count they were forc'd to leave Artemi­sium, and sail to Salamis, which is o­ver against Athens.

But Xerxes having gain'd Thermopylae, immediately marched to Athens, where meeting with no opposition, he kill'd the Priests which he found in the Tower, and fir'd the City. At the news of which the Sea-men were much terrified; and when they durst not stand to their Co­lours, and 'twas the advice of most of them, that every one should go home [Page 18] to their own Houses, and defend them­selves as well as they could within their Walls, Themistocles alone stood undaunt­ed, telling them, That so long as they held together in one Body they might equal the Enemy; but protesting, if once dispers'd they must necessarily pe­rish. And that that would be their fate he affirm'd to Eurybiades, a King of the Lacedaemonians, who then was Ad­miral. Whom when he found not to be concern'd so much as he could have wish'd, he sent one of his Servants (in whom he could most confide) to Xerxes by night, to tell him, That his Enemies were upon their flight; and that if they should now escape, he must expect a long and difficult War; for then he would be forc'd to pursue them singly; but if he would now Engage them, he might in a short time destroy them all. This stratagem so far prevail'd, that his own Soldiers were compell'd to fight, tho against their wills. Whereupon, Xerxes not in the least suspecting the trick which was put upon him, fell upon them the next day in so nar­row a Sea that his whole Fleet could not engage; a place very disadvanta­geous to himself, but on the contrary mighty advantageous to his Enemy: So [Page 19] that he was Conquer'd rather by the Po­licy of Themistooles then by the Arms of Greece.

Altho Xerxes manag'd this Action ex­tremely ill, yet after all he had so great Reserves, that even with them he might have beaten the Athenians; but for the present he was forc'd to retreat. For Themistocles fearing least he should go on with the War, sent him word, that the breaking down of the Bridge which he had built over the Hellespont was then in agitation, to exclude his passage into Asia; and made him believe it. For that Journey which cost him six months travel when he came for Greece, he per­form'd the very same way in less then thirty days at his return; looking upon himself not as conquer'd by Themistocles, but preserv'd. Thus by the Policy of one man, Greece was restor'd to its li­berty, and Asia made subject to Europe. This other Victory was not at all infe­rior to that at Marathon: For here also at Salamis, after the same manner a few Ships defeated the greatest Fleet that has been in the memory of man.

Great was Themistocles in this War, and as great in Peace. For when the Athenians had only the Phaleric, a small and inconvenient Port, by his advice [Page 20] they built a triple Haven at Pyraea, and encompass'd it with such Walls that it equall'd the City in glory, and excell'd it in usefulness. He also rebuilt the Athenian Walls at his own hazard. For the Lacedemonians having got a plausible reason, viz. the Incursions of the Barbarians, deny'd that any City ought to be built but at Peloponnesus, lest there should be any Fortifications which might harbour their Enemies; and therefore they endeavour'd to put a stop to their Buildings. But their de­signs were quite contrary to their pre­tences: For those two Victories, that at Marathon and the other at Salamis, made the Athenians so considerable all the World over, that the Lacedaemoni­ans were afraid they would have con­tended with them for the Soveraignty; wherefore they used all means to keep them as low as possibly they could. For after they heard that the Walls were begun, they sent Ambassadors to Athens to forbid their proceedings. Whilst they were there they desisted, and told them that they would send Ambassadors to treat with them about that affair. This Embassy Themistocles undertook, and went first himself, ordering the rest of the Ambassadors not to follow till they [Page 21] thought the Walls were high enough. In the mean time all the City, of what condition soever, whether Bond or Free, assisted in the work; neither did they spare any place, whether sacred or prophane, public or private; but took from all parts what materials would most conduce to the Fortifications. So that their Walls were built with the Ruins of their Temples and Monuments.

Themistocles, when he came to Lace­daemon, did not immediately desire Au­dience of the Magistrates, but spun out the time as long as he could, making this his excuse, that he expected his Col­legues. But whilst the Lacedaemonians complain that the Works nevertheless went on, and that Themistocles endea­vour'd to deceive them, in the interim the rest of the Ambassadors arrive; by whom when he was given to under­stand, that the Fortifications were al­most finish'd, he address'd himself to the Ephori, the chief Magistrates among the Lacedaemonians, and told them, That what they heard concerning their For­tifications was false, wherefore he thought it but reasonable that they should send some persons of Trust and Quality, to whom credit might be given, to enquire into that affair; and in the mean time [Page 22] they might keep him as their Pledge. They granted his request, and accor­dingly three Ambassadors are sent, Men of great Honour and Repute; on whom Themistocles order'd his Collegues to at­tend; forewarning them, not to suffer the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors to return till he himself was sent back. When he thought they were arriv'd at Athens, he waited upon the Senate and Magi­stracy, and told them very frankly, That by his Advice the Athenians had Wall'd in their Publick, their Tutelar, and Houshold Gods, that they might with the more ease defend them from their Ene­mies (which thing was justifiable by the Common Law of Nations); neither did they do this with a design to incommode Greece, for their City was as 'twere a Bulwark against the Barbarians, having twice routed the Persian Armada. He told them, That they did not act like just and honest men, who rather regarded what conduc'd most to their own Great­ness, then what might be profitable to all Greece; wherefore if they thought ever to have those Ambassadors return whom they had sent to Athens, they must re­lease him, otherwise they must never expect to receive them again into their own Country.

[Page 23] Yet after all this he could not evade the envy of his Fellow-Citizens. For even the same jealousie which condemn'd The Ostracism? Miltiades banish'd Themistocles. After which he went to Argos; where living in much splendor, upon the account of his great Endowments, the Lacedaemo­nians sent Ambassadors to Athens, with this Accusation against him, That he had made a League with the King of Persia to destroy Greece. For which Crime, tho absent, he was condemn'd of Treason. Which thing so soon as he heard of, not thinking himself safe at Argos, he went to Corcyra; where un­derstanding that the Governors of the City were very fearful lest the Atheni­ans and Lacedaemonians should declare War against them upon his account, he fled to Admetus the King of the Mo­lossians, who had formerly entertain'd him. But at his first arrival, not finding the King, that he might be receiv'd by him with the greater fidelity, he took his little Daughter and carried her with him into the Sanctuary, a Custom which is very religiously observ'd among the Molossians; and from thence he would not stir, till the King had given him his Hand, and receiv'd him into his Patronage; which he afterwards faith­fully [Page 24] perform'd. For when he was de­manded by the Athenians and Lacedae­monians, he would not deliver him up, but advis'd him to consult his own safety; for 'twas not likely that he should be secure in a place so nigh his Enemies. Therefore he commanded him to be car­ried to Pydna, and sent a sufficient Guard with him. Whereupon he went a Ship­board incognito, but a great Storm, which then happen'd, drove the Vessel upon the Island Naxus, where at that time the Athenian Army lay. Themistocles thought that if they should put in there, he must necessarily perish; so that by this ill fortune he was forc'd to discover himself to the Master of the Ship, promising great Rewards if he would preserve him. The Master commiserating the condition of so great a man, kept his Ship at Anchor for a day and a night, at a good distance from the Island, and would not suffer any man to go out of it. From whence he sail'd to Ephesus, and there he landed Themistocles, who afterwards sufficiently rewarded him for his great service.

I know that many Authors have re­ported, that Themistocles went into Asia whilst Xerxes was King, but I think [Page 25] Thucydides is rather to be credited, who living about that Age, wrote an History of those times, and was also of the same City; and he says, that he came to Ar­taxerxes, and wrote him a Letter after this manner: I Themistocles am come unto you; I, who brought so many Calami­ties by the Grecians upon your Family, when I was forc'd to make War with your Father to defend my own Country. But I did him greater Services afterwards, when I was safe and he in danger; for when he would not go back into Asia, after the Battel at Salamis, I sent him word, that it was then in agitation, that the Bridge which he had made over the Hellespont should be broken down, and that he should be surrounded by his Enemies; by which message he escap'd the danger. But now here I my self am come, banish'd from all Greece, humbly to entreat your Alliance, which if I may but obtain, you shall find me as great a Friend to you, as I have been a dangerous Enemy to your Father. But I would desire a Year's time to consider of those Affairs, concerning which I intend to treat with you, and when that is expir'd, to permit me to come unto you.

The King admiring the greatness of his Spirit, and being desirous to make [Page 26] such a man his Friend, granted his Request. All which time he spent in his Studies, and in Learning of the Persian Language; in which he became so great a Proficient, that he discours'd the King more Elegantly then any of the Natives could. And when he had made several promises to him, and one especially of that which was most grateful, viz. the destruction of Greece, if he would be pleas'd to fol­low his Advice. Being highly Re­warded by Artaxerxes, he return'd again into Asia, and dwelt at Magne­sia, which City the King gave to him, using this expression, That it would keep him in Bread (for the Revenues of that Country amounted to fifty Talents year­ly), Lampsacum would afford him Wine, and Myuntes Victuals. There remain'd but two Monuments of him in our time; his Sepulcher, near the Town, in which he was bury'd, and his Statues in the Forum of Magnesia. Concerning whose death Authors much differ; but Thucy­dides seems to us to be most authentic, who says, that he dy'd of a Disease at Magnesia. Neither does he deny, but that there was a report of his volunta­rily poisoning himself, when he despair'd [Page 27] of Conquering Greece, as he had pro­mis'd the King. The same Author also says, that his Friends bury'd his Bones in Athens by stealth, because the Laws forbid any one to be there Interr'd who is Condemn'd of Treason.


ARISTIDES, the Son of Ly­simachus, an Athenian, came so near to Themistocles, that he contested his Preeminence; which made them detract from each other's Reputation; and gave a full Example of the great Power which Eloquence has over Innocence: For altho the Integrity of Aristides was [Page 29] such, that (for ought we yet know) He was the only Person whom the World has hitherto thought fit to Entitle The Just; yet He was so run down by Themistocles, as to be Con­demn'd, by the Ostracism, to Ten years Banishment. Perceiving, that the angry Multitude would not be appeas'd, he yeilds to the Necessity of his Misfor­tune. At his going off, he observes one subscribing to his Banishment, and asks him his Reason for it, and what has Aristides done, that he must be pu­nish'd in so severe a manner? The Ac­cuser replies, That indeed he did not know Aristides; but was not satisfied, that He above all men should so earnestly endeavour at the Name of Just. He did not stay out the whole time of his Banishment; for, within six years, Xerxes falling into Greece, he was re­call'd by an Act of the People. He Engag'd in the Sea-Fight at Salamis, which was before his Restauration. He led up the Athenians in the Battel of Plataeae, wherein Mardonius was slain, and the Persian Army routed. I find nothing of his Exploits in Military Affairs, except in this Command; but the Effects of his Sincerity, his Justice, [Page 30] and his Goodness, are not easily re­lated; particularly, 'twas by his Con­duct, that, when He and Pausanias (who was Commander at the Overthrow of Mardonius) were in the same Gre­cian Fleet, the Dominion of the Seas was transferr'd from the Lacedaemoni­ans to the Athenians; the former, be­fore that time, having been Lords both by Sea and Land. The Inso­lence of Pausanias, and the Justice of Aristides, were the Cause, that most of the Cities of Greece made a Defen­sive League with the Athenians, and offer'd to fight under them, against the Persians, if there should be occa­sion. Aristides was the man pitch'd upon to settle the Quota of each City, for the Building of Ships, and Raising an Army. 'Twas by His Advice, that four hundred and sixty Talents were every year laid up at Delos; which was appointed to be the place of the Common Treasury; but afterward all the Money was remov'd to Athens. As for his Moderation, there can be no greater proof of it, then that, whereas he had so great Preferments, yet he died so very poor, that he left scarce e­nough to defray the Charges of his [Page 15] Burial; so that after his Death (which was about four years after the Banish­ment of Themistocles) his Daughters were maintain'd at the Charge of the Public; and, at their Marriage, had Fortunes paid them out of the Com­mon Treasure.


PAUSANIAS the Lacedaemo­nian was a Great Man, but va­rious in all Conditions of Life; for as he was conspicuous for eminent Vertues, he was no less over­born by the contrary Vices. The Glory of that famous Action at Plataeae is ascrib'd to him. For in that Fight two hundred thousand chosen Foot, and forty thousand Horse, were shamefully beat out of Greece by an inconsiderable Handful of Men under his Conduct; and their Lieutenant-General, Mardodonius [Page 33] a Mede, the King's So Gener is also used by Justin, and in this place can­not be meant o­therwise, because his Lady was Xerxes's Sister. Brother-in-Law, of singular Personal Fortitude and Prudence above all the Persians, left dead on the place. Flusht with the success of this Victory, his Ambition began to be tampering, and he carry'd an Eye upon greater designs: But in the very beginning he met with this rub in his way; having sent to the Temple of Delphos a Golden Tripod, found amongst the Spoils, with an Epigram inscrib'd on it, to this effect, That by His Conduct the Barbarians were cut off at Plataeae, and in Acknowledgment of the Victory that Present by Him Dedicated to Apollo. The Lacedaemonians caus'd the Verses to be Raz'd out, and in their stead En­grav'd only the Names of such Confe­derate Cities as had been instrumental in defeating the Persians.

After this, Pausanias was again intrust­ed with a Common Fleet of the Asso­ciates for Cyprus and the Hellespont, to dismantle the Garrisons of the Barba­rians in those parts. In which Adven­ture meeting with the like success, he began again to behave himself more in­solently, and aim'd at greater things then ever. For in the Sack of Byzan­tium taking many of the Persian No­bility, and among them some of the [Page 34] Blood Royal, he remitted them privately to Xerxes, and sent with them Gongylus an Eraetrian, with Letters to the King (as Thucydides delivers) in these words; Pausanias the Spartan General, understand­ing that some taken at Byzantium were nearly related to you, has made you a Present of them, and withall desires to Contract an Alliance with you. Where­fore, if you approve of the Proposals, he sues for your Daughter in Marriage, on Condition that by his means both Sparta and the rest of Greece be put into your Hands. If you think these things worth your Consideration, send an approv'd Mi­nister, to whom things may be communi­cated more particularly. The King ex­tremely well satisfied at the safety of so many Personages so near to himself, immediately dispatch'd away Artabazus to Pausanias with this Answer, That he applauded the Design, and desir'd nothing should be omitted which might be service­able to it; promising, in case it took effect, he shoul'd never meet a Repulse in any thing he would sue for. Pausanias be­ing inform'd of the King's pleasure, grew so forward in the Business, that he incurr'd the Suspition of the Lacedaemo­nians, who remanded him home; where he was question'd for his Life, but the [Page 35] Allegations charg'd upon him amount­ing to no more then High Misdemeanours, he was only Fin'd, and discharg'd from returning to the Navy.

Yet, not long after, of his own head he went back to the Army, where he follow'd such indiscreet and rash Practices as confirm'd what hitherto had only been suspected of him. He laid aside not only the severer Moralities of his own Country, but their Fashions and Dress. He appeared in Pomp and Splendour like a Foreign King; and came into publick in the Median Habit. His Person was guarded by a Retinue of Medes and Egyptians; his Entertainments were after the Persian manner, with greater Luxury then his Friends thought allowable; he was hard of Access; he answer'd proudly, and commanded cruelly. In fine, he re­fus'd to return to Sparta, but withdrew to Getonae, a place in the Country of Troas, where he engag'd in Measures destructive to his Country and Himself. The Lacedaemonians being certified of this, sent Deputies to him with the A sort of Tally, by which the Ge­neral was inform'd of their Will. De­scrib'd by Plutarch in the Life of Ly­sander. Scy­tala, in which after their manner it was specified, That unless he immediately return'd home they would pass a Bill of Attainder against him. Upon the re­ceipt of this news he went home, hoping [Page 36] to disperse the Clouds which hung over him, by the power of his Money and Interest there. But the Ephori secur'd him immediately, in the Name and Be­half of the Community. For by the Con­stitution of that Government this Power over the Prince is repos'd in the hands of any one of the Ephori. However, in some time he got rid of that Grievance, but could not so easily remove the Sus­pition he lay under; for it was still mistrusted he dealt underhand with the King. There are a sort of People among the Lacedaemonians, they call Helotes, who are imploy'd in manuring the Lands, and performing all other offices of Slaves; These also it was thought he had endea­vour'd to debauch to his Designs with hopes of Liberty. But the Evidence a­gainst him being meerly Circumstan­tial, they deferr'd proceeding against a Person of his Name and Quality upon Surmises and Presumptions, till time should make a fuller Discovery.

While these things were in agitation, Argilius (a young man whom Pausa­nias had formerly defil'd to satisfie his unnatural Love) being sent by him with a Pacquet to Artabazus, a suspition ran in his head, that there was somewhat in it nearly concern'd himself; because he [Page 37] had observ'd, that none who went thi­ther on the like Errand had ever return'd back. Upon this, breaking up the Seals, he found that on the delivery of the Letters he was to have been made away; besides many things relating to the trans­actions then on foot between the King and Pausanias; all which, with the Let­ters themselves, he immediately commu­nicated to the Ephori. But here the wariness and moderation of the Lacedae­monians is not to be pass'd by, who suffer'd not themselves to be wrought upon, even by such proof, to take Pau­sanias into Custody; but forbore to use any rigor towards him, till such time as his own Verbal Evidence should be pro­duc'd against himself; and accordingly they gave Instructions to the Discoverer how to manage this affair. Now there was a Temple of Neptune at Taenaris, which the Greeks held inviolable; hither the Discoverer was to fly for Sanctuary, and kneel down before the Altar; near this they had contriv'd a place under­ground, from whence any one might hear what was discours'd to Argilius; where several of the Ephori had privately posted themselves. Pausanias, as soon as he heard that Argilius was fled to the Temple, hastning after him in great [Page 38] disturbance, found him on his Knees be­fore the Altar; and enquiring into the occasion of that sudden motion, he open'd to him the Contents of the Let­ters. At this Pausanias's disturbance increas'd so far, that he entreated him not to discover or betray one who had for­merly deserv'd so well of him; promi­sing for the future, if he would grati­fie him so far, and be assisting to him under the present Distress, he should find it of very great Advantage to him.

The Ephori, after this Discovery, con­cluding it safer to apprehend him in the City, return'd thither. And Pausanias having, as he thought, made up the business with Argilius, was arriv'd on the place where it was order'd he should be siez'd; when he perceiv'd a Design out against him, from the looks of one of the Ephori, who had a desire to ad­vertise him of it. By this means he got into the Temple of Minerva, call'd Suid. says, from [...]er Brazen-Tem­ [...]le. Chalcioecus, a little before his Pursuers; but to hinder his Escape thence, the Ephori caus'd the Gates to be block'd up, and threw down the Roof upon his Head, that he might have the speedier Death. His Mother is reported to have been living at that time; and, altho then [Page 39] of very great Age, when satisfied of the Treasonable Practices of her Son, to have brought the first Stone in order to block up the entrance into the Temple. Thus Pausanias sully'd the Glory of a Great General by an Ignominious Death. Being taken out of the Rubbish half­dead, he immediately expir'd. And tho some were for disposing the Body as was usual to such as had been Executed, yet the majority were against it; so he was bury'd far from the place where he dy'd. However afterwards, by the Advice of the Delphic Oracle, he was tookup again, and Interr'd where he ended his Life.


CIMON, the Son of Miltiades, an Athenian, was very unfor­tunate in his Youth; for his Father not being able to pay his Fine to the People, and dying a Prisoner of the State, Cimon was com­mitted to the same Confinement; Nor by the Laws of Athens could he be Re­leas'd till he had paid the Mulct impos'd on his Father. But he had Espous'd his own Sister Espinice, not so much to gratifie his Affection as to follow the Mode of his Country; for 'twas com­mon [Page 41] with the Athenians to marry their own Sisters. One Callias (a man of a fair Estate, but of mean Extraction and Parentage; for out of the Silver-Mines he rais'd his Fortune and Wealth) being his Rival, made this proposal to Ci­mon, that if he would yeild to a Divorce and Resignation of her to him, he then would pay his Debts. But when Cimon generously scorn'd to part with his Wife and Sister on such base and mercenary Conditions, She (out of Affection and Charity to him) declar'd, That she could not suffer the Son of the Great Miltiades to be perpetually Damn'd to a Prison, when it lay in her power to procure his Enlargement. Therefore she resolved to marry Callias, provided he perform'd his part of the Covenant.

Cimon having thus obtain'd his Liber­ty, soon became a Chief Minister of State. For he was a great Master of Rhetoric, a very Generous Person, an admirable Civilian, and an expert Sol­dier; for his Father gave him his Youth­ful Education in a Campaign. There­fore he kept the Citizens in awe and subjection; and in the Army he was almost Absolute. When he was first a Commander, at the River Strymon, he routed a vast Body of the Thraci­ans. [Page 42] He built the Town of Amphi­polis, and planted there a Colony of ten thousand Natives of Athens. At Mycale he also Triumph'd over the Captive Cyprian and Phoenician Navy, consisting of two hundred Sail. Neither were his Enterprizes by Land that day less signal then his Victory by Sea; for having made himself Master of his Ad­versary's Fleet, he Landed his Soldiers, and at one onset gave a total Overthrow to the Barbarian Army. Having enrich'd himself with the Booty of this Conquest, he return'd homewards. For now some Islands had Rebell'd, under the pretence of Tyranny and Arbitrary Government. Those whom he found Loyal, he con­firm'd in their Principles; those who had traiterously Revolted, he compell'd to their Duty and Allegiance. He Banish'd the Delopes from the City and Island of Scyrus (the present Inhabitants thereof) because their Behaviour was stubborn and obstinate; and divided their Estates among the new adopted Denisons. At his arrival, he defeated the Thasii, who trusted in the Fortress and Sanctuary of their Riches. With the Spoils and Ornaments taken in these Wars the South-side of the Castle at Athens was beautified.

[Page 43] When this his prosperous Manage­ment of Assairs should have Entirl'd him to the greatest Name and Reputa­tion in the City, he had the Fate to be Envied, as his Father was, and other Athenian Worthies; for by the majo­rity of Votes inscrib'd in Shells (which they call'd Ostracism) he was condemn'd to a Ten Year's Exile. For which unna­tural usage the Athenians sooner express'd repentance then Cimon his sorrow. For when with a generous and undaunted For­titude he bore the Envy of the ungrate­ful Citizens; and the Lacedaemonians had proclaim'd War against the Athe­nians, They immediately perceiv'd the want of so much Experienc'd Valour and Conduct. Therefore after five Years Banishment he was Restored. He (be­cause he had been courteously enter­tain'd The Nemeguen Edition of Corn. Nepos, is in this place follow'd, all the other Impres­sions of this Au­thor, having o­mitted a material sentence. by the Lacedemonians) esteem­ing it the Interest of both Cities, that the Difference should be Compos'd, without the Decision of the Sword; voluntarily went Ambassador to Lace­daemon, and by his successful Negotia­tion reinstated the two great Rival Ci­ties in Peace and Amity. Not long after he was Commission'd to go into Cyprus with 200 Ships; and when he had subdu­ed the greater part of the Island, he fell [Page 44] mortally Sick, and Died in the Town Citium.

For many years afterwards the Athe­nians (both in times of War and Peace) found the want of their Patriot. For he was so free and generous a Gentleman, that tho he had several Farms and Gar­dens in his possession, yet he never substituted Bailiffs with a design that they should preserve the Fruits for him, lest any man, that desir'd them, might be deprived of his Satisfaction and Enjoyment. His Footmen were always furnish'd with ready Money, that he might be provided on all occasions to relieve the Necessities of the Indigent, lest the Delay of his Charity might be misconstrued a De­nial. If he saw any man that had the misfortune to be in a beggerly Ha­bit, he frequently bestow'd on him his own Coat. He kept so constant a Table, and such plenty of Provision, that he daily invited all those to Dinner (who were not preengag'd) that he met in the public places of Assembly. He ne­ver refus'd to be any one's Surety; nor deny'd them his Assistance, or the use of his Goods. Several grew Rich on his Bounty and Benevolence. Many poor Wretches, who left not enough behind [Page 45] them to pay for their Burial, he Interr'd at his own charges. Therefore 'tis no wonder, if by this his Carriage and Be­haviour, his Life was free from Danger and Detraction, and his Death untimely and lamented.


LYSANDER of Lacedaemon has left a great Name behind him; which he rather acquir'd by the Kindness of Fortune then by any Valiant Enterprize. It is clear indeed, that he gave the Athenians a signal Defeat, in the twenty-sixth year of their War with the Peloponesian State; The vulgar Edi­tions read, idque ratione consecutus sit, latet, but others are of opinion, that the original Copy had, nonlatet, which last we follow, as most agreeable to the Authors de­sign. but then we are not ignorant how He gain'd that Victory; for it was never procur'd by the prowess of his own-Army, but by the unruly behaviour of his Enemies; who, thro their disobedience to their [Page 47] Commanders Orders, and by leaving their Ships unmann'd, and being disor­derly scatter'd up and down the Fields, came at length into the power of Ly­sander's Forces. Thus the Athenians yeilded themselves Vassals to the Lacedae­monian Yoke. Lysander, tho always Se­ditious before, and a stout Stickler in Factions, yet being pufft up with this late Success, he now took so much up­on him; that by his means the Lace­doemonians were render'd extremely odi­ous to Greece. For, whereas they had given it out, that the only motive of their War, was to take down the too powerful Dominion of Athens; Lysan­der, after having made himself Master of the Athenian Fleet, which rode on the River Egos, made it his whole busi­ness to keep every City under his own Jurisdiction; all the while pretending he did it purely by the incitement of the Lacedaemonians. For they who had favour'd the Athenian proceedings being turn'd out of Office every where, he selected Ten out of every City, who were to be entrusted with the Soveraign sway and power of all things; none being received into the number of these, but who would either enter himself a Member of his Family, or else would [Page 48] take this Test, That he would be wholly Lysander's Creature.

Thus the Decemvirate being esta­blish'd in every City, all things were carried on as he pleas'd. For an example of whose Cruelty and Treachery, it is e­nough to produce a single instance, that we may not tire the Reader's patience, by reckoning up more of his base Acti­ons. When he return'd Conqueror out of Asia, and had visited Thasus by the way, he greatly desir'd to demolish that City, only for its surpassing fidelity to the Athenians; as if the Thasians would now prove their firmest Friends and Al­lies, who heretofore had been their never­failing Enemies. But he foresaw, if he had discover'd his intention herein, that the Revolt of the Thasians would ne­cessarily have ensu'd, and that they would have stood upon their own guard, in defence of their Lives and Fortunes.

Therefore that Decemviral Power, Sibi ab illo con­stitutam sustulerunt. which he himself had erected only for his own ends, the contrary party pull'd down; whereat being grievously vex'd and enrag'd, he contriv'd and plotted how to depose the Lacedaemonian Kings. But he found he could never compass this design without the Assistance of the [Page 49] Gods; for the Lacedaemonians had al­ways accustom'd themselves, to bring every thing to their Oracles determina­tion. His first Attempt was to seduce that of Delphi; but failing there, he ventur'd next upon the Oracle of Do­dona; and meeting with a repulse here, then he nois'd it abroad, that he was under an Obligation of paying some Vows to Jupiter Ammon; thinking to tamper with the Africans at an easier rate. After his arrival into Africa, being buoyed up with these alluring hopes, he found his Expectations mightily frustra­ted by Jupiter's Priests. For to wheedle 'em into the acceptance of a Bribe, was not only a thing unfeasible, but it also made 'em dispatch away their Deputies to Lacedaemon, to accuse Lysander of Subor­nation. Being impeach'd of this Mis­demeanour, he was acquitted by his Judges; and afterward being sent to re­lieve the Orchomenians, he was slain at He­liartus, by the hands of the Thebans. How true a Judgment had been past upon him, that Speech discovers to us, which was found in his House after his death; in which he endeavours to perswade the Lacedaemonians, that after they had null'd the Power of their Kings, they would single him out for their General to carry [Page 50] on the War. Now this was penn'd with so much Art, that its whole frame and composure seem'd to sute and humor the Oracular way of expression and de­livery; the procurement of which he ne­ver question'd, relying upon the strength of his Purse. Cleon of Hallicarnassus is the reputed Author of this Copy.

And here we must not pass by the cunning contrivance of Pharnabazus, a Persian Lieutenant, of a Royal Extraction. For when Lysander, Admiral of the Na­vy, had been guilty of many cruel and co­vetous miscarrages in the War, and was suspitious, that his Fellow-Citizens had notice of 'em already; he made his request to Pharnabazus, that he would bear him witness before the Ephori, with what Sincerity he had manag'd the War, and treated the Allies; and because his Autho­rity and Patronage would be very service­able to him herein, he farther requested an accurate description of his Integrity in writing. Pharnabazus, after his large pro­mises, fill'd a great Book with many high expressions in his Commendation; which after Lysander had perus'd and approv'd, in the very nick of its Sealing, Phar­nabazus slily puts down another ready Seal'd in its place, of a size so uniform and so equal to the other, that no eye [Page 51] could perceive the difference; in which was drawn up a very full Impeach­ment of Lysander's Avarice and Perfi­diousness. After his return home, and after his Harangue before the Chief Ma­gistrate, as much as he thought fit, upon his own Exploits; at last he produc'd Pharnabazus's Book and Gift, as an Au­thentick Evidence of his unblemish'd Carriage and Deportment. Lysander be­ing order'd to withdraw, the Ephori em­ploy'd the interval of his absence in the perusal of this Manuscript, and after full cognizance of its design and purport, they redelivered it him to read. So this inconsiderate man at the same time read his own Indictment and prov'd it.


ALCIBIADES was the Son of Clinias, an Athenian. Na­ture seems, in the production of this Man, to have exerted the utmost Abilities of her Skill and Power; all Authors, who have written concern­ing him, agreeing in this, That such a mixture of the most eminent Virtues and Vices was never found in any other per­son, as in Alcibiades. The Greatness and [Page 53] Splendour both of his City and Paren­tage, Ennobl'd his Birth: And as for the Gifts of Nature and Personal Qualifi­cations, he not only excell'd all his Co­temporaries in Beauty and Comliness of Body, but had likewise a Mind so richly and variously endow'd, that he apply'd himself to all matters (whether of Busi­ness or Pleasure) with unparallel'd dex­terity. Accordingly we find, that he acquitted himself as an excellent Com­mander both by Sea and Land; and was likewise so thorowly accomplish'd in the whole Art of Oratory, that he gain'd the precedence of all others, as well for a powerful Eloquence as a grace­ful Elocution. Altho he was exceeding wealthy, yet could he, when the exi­gence of affairs requir'd, endure the severest toil and hardship; no man living at other times with greater state and affluence, either in what related to his Table, or in his usual Attendance and Equipage. He was moreover extraor­dinary courteous and affable in his Con­versation; and observ'd to be Master of an exquisite Art of Dissimulation and Compliance with all Persons and Occa­sions. Lastly, as often as he had a Re­lease from public Business, and some respite allow'd from labour and inten­tion [Page 54] of Mind, he gave himself entirely over to Lust and Luxury, being Disso­lute and Intemperate to such a degree, that those who reflected upon the other Scenes of his Life, were struck with Admiration at the wonderful dissimili­tude and inconsistencies of Nature in the same Person; no man being found to differ more from Alcibiades then Alci­biades himself.

He had his Education in the House of Pericles, his Stepfather (for so he is re­corded to have been); but for his Learning he was oblig'd to the Care and Instructions of Socrates. So that marrying moreover the Daughter of Hipponicus (the Divers Copies have it Omnium Grace Linguae Elo­quentiâ disertis­simum: but this seems not very consistent with the high Commendation given already to Alcibiades upon the score of Elo­quence: and there­fore the other Le­ction [omnium Gracorum ditissi­mum] may be thought more ge­nuine; especially since it is collate­rally supported by the authority of Plutarch, who only mentions the ex­traordinary Riches and high Quality of Hipponicus. wealthiest Person thorowout all the Grecian Countries) if he had been to have made his own choice, he could not have pitch'd upon greater Advantages and Endowments, then had been freely conferr'd upon him by Na­ture and Fortune. In his greener years he was Belov'd after the manner of the Grecians, and that by several; in the number of whom was his Master So­crates, as we are inform'd by Plato in his A Book so call'd because it contains Table-discourse and entertain­ment. Symposium, where he introduces Alcibiades relating, that he lay last night with Socrates, and rose from him in the morning no other then a Son ought to do [Page 55] from his own Father. When he came to maturity of Age, he as industriously prosecuted the same kind of Love to­wards others, wherein he proceeded as far as the The ancient Grecian Laws are observ'd to have been too favoura­ble and indulgent to that unnatural kind of Love. Laws were thought to al­low; doing many offensive and di­stasteful things, in the way of hu­mour and Some of them may be seen in Plutarch; par­ticularly, his taking away half the Cup-board Plate of his Para­mour Anytu [...], who resented it so little that he only said he was oblig'd to him for taking but half. frolick, throughout the course of his amorous Intrigues; di­vers of which might be related by us, were we not provided of greater mat­ters, and more fit to be transmitted to Posterity.

In the time of the Peloponnesian War, his Advice and Authority prevail'd with the Athenians, to break with the People of Syracuse, and Rig out a Fleet against them. For which Expedition Alcibiades himself was also chosen supreme Com­mander; two Collegues being join'd in Commission with him, Nicias and La­machus. But before all Necessaries were provided, and the Navy in a condition to put to Sea, it happen'd one Night, that all the Statues of Mercury thorow­out the City (This circum­stance was perhaps taken notice of by our Author, be­cause (as Plutarch tells us) Andocides was thereupon not only suspected of having had a prin­cipal hand in the Action, but com­mitted to Gaol and prosecuted for the same, &c. except that which stood before the Door of Andocides, and had from him its usual denomination) were overturn'd, and thrown down from their Pedestals. Upon this unusual accident a strange consternation seiz'd the minds [Page 56] of the People; for they consider'd, that the Sacrilegious Fact had a public aspect One of the Evi­dences being ask'd, how he discern'd the Faces of those he accus'd; reply'd, by the Moon light, and tho it was answe­red, that that could not be, because it was then the Dark of the Moon, yet had not this the least influence up­on the stupidly prejudic'd Multi­tude. Plut. and tendency, and therefore that it must have been committed by no small num­ber of persons; which made them ap­prehensive of an Associated Force within the City, able of a sudden to oppress their Liberty, and enslave the Commonwealth.

No man was thought more capable of Heading such a Party then Alcibiades, he having already attain'd to a greater power and sway then usually was, or safe­ly might be, in the hands of any Pri [...]atus cannot be here apply'd in the strict and com­mon acceptation of the word to Alcibiades, he be­ing apparently no private person in that sence; because the▪ Athenians had themselves ad­vanc'd him to a high station a­mong the princi­pal Magistrates of their Common­wealth. single person; so extraordinary was his influ­ence and authority among the common people; many of whom he had won by his frequent Largesses, and many more by his Patronage and Assistance in Law-Suits and When a Cata­logue of Criminals was brought into Court, he would usually strike out the names of such as he had a desire should not be pro­secuted. Prosecutions. By which Arts he was become so popular, that the eyes of the Multitude were (with a disregard to the rest of the Nobility) continually fixt upon him whenever he appear'd in publick; so that for this reason he came at length to be look'd upon as the prin­cipal object of the Athenian Hopes and Fears; all men esteeming him equally capable of promoting the Welfare and Ruin of his Country. Besides this, he lay under the scandal of holding Reli­gious Conventicles in his House; which [Page 57] thing in it self was accounted a Crime of the highest nature among the Athe­nians; it being moreover the general opinion, that such Is there any thing (says Solo­mon) of which it may be said, see this is new? it hath bin already of old time which was before us. Meetings were not really intended for Devotion, but for carrying on of Plots and Conspiracies against the State.

An Indictment was For breaking down the Statues of Mercury, tho Plutarch tells us, his accusation ran for having celebrated in a profane and ludicrous manner the Mysteries of Ceres and Proscrpine. therefore brought against him in open Court; but he con­sidering, that the time of his departure upon the Sicilian Expedition drew near, and reflecting upon the usual proceed­ings of his Country-men against absent Criminals, made it his request, to be presently brought to a Trial, and not to be expos'd at a distance to the craft and malice of his Enemies. But these, on the contrary, perceiving that they should not otherwise prevail against him, desisted from prosecuting till such time as they concluded him arriv'd in Sicily; for then they renew'd the accu­sation with so much vigour and artifice, that he was presently recall'd by the Magistracy, being order'd to appear, and put in his Plea and Defence. Whereupon he readily obeying the publick Summons, and (altho he had the fairest hopes of ha­ving the Administration of his Province Crown'd with Honour and Success) going on board the Gally which was [Page 58] sent to convey him to Athens, landed at the City of Thurit in Italy. But here, his Prudence prevailing over his Resolu­tion, he began to consider the boundless Power which the Athenian Populace assum'd to themselves, and the Cruelty with which upon such occasions they ever treated the Nobility; and there­fore judging it more advisable to with­draw from the impending storm, he made his escape from those who had the custody of him, and fled at first into the Country of Elis, and afterwards to the City of Thebes; tho it was not long e're he remov'd from thence to Lacedaemon; word being brought, that Judgment of Death was pass'd upon him, and that his Estate was Confiscated to the Common­wealth; besides (as was usual in such cases) the Sentence of Excommunica­tion denounc'd against him (the Priests The Successors of Eumolpus, the Son of the Poet Mu­sa's, in that sacred Office. Eumolpidae being thereunto compell'd by the Multitude), and a Pillar erected in the most public place, with an In­scription engraven thereon, to perpe­tuate the memory of this Religious Exe­cration.

Arriv'd (as is aforesaid) at Lacedae­mon, he frequently protested, that he had no hostile intention against his Na­tive Country; but only against such [Page 59] Men as were equally Enemies to It and Him; for, being sufficiently sensible how much his Service contributed to the prosperity of the State, they had nevertheless thrust him into Exile; as evidently preferring their own private revenge before the public welfare. How­ever, it was not long e're by his advice the Lacedaemonians contracted an Al­liance with the Persian King, and strong­ly fortified Dec [...]ia in Attica; by the Garrison of which place the City of Athens was reduc'd into much the same condition as if it had been block'd up by a formal Siege; so that the Country of Ionia being also by his endeavours won over from the interest of the Athenians, the Lacedaemonian Arms began in all places to prevail and be victorious.

Yet did not these their Successes so much encrease their Love, as awaken their Fears, and alienate their Affections from him; for considering him to be a person of the acutest parts, and most experienc'd prudence in all manner of affairs, and fearing withall, lest prevail'd upon by the dictates of an inbred tenderness for his Native Soil, he should one time or other desert their Service, and purchase a Reconciliation with his offended Coun­try; they judg'd it expedient, e're this [Page 60] should happen, to have him privately assasinated. This design could not long be conceal'd from Alcibiades, he being a person of so wonderful a sagacity, that it was impossible for any thing to escape his knowledge; especially when the least surmise or suspition had rais'd his jealousie, and quicken'd his observation. Withdrawing therefore privately from Lacedaemon, he fled to Tissaphernes (one of King Darius's Li [...]utenants) with whom altho he was e're long admitted into the strictest Bonds of Friendship, yet being much troubled at the rising Greatness of the Lacedaemonians, and the languishing condition into which the Athenian Affairs were fall'n by their Losses in Sicily; he contriv'd, by special Messengers, to treat with his Fellow-Ci­tizen Pisander (Praetor, or Commander in Chief over the Army at Samos) concern­ing his Pardon and Readmission into his Country; Pisander's concurring with him in an aversion for the Commonalty, and an equal favour for the Nobless, encouraging him thereunto. And altho he quickly found himself disappointed in his expectations from this man, yet was he sometime after receiv'd by Thrasybu­lus, the Son of Lycus, into the Athenian Army, which lay at Samos, and made a [Page 61] principal Officer in the same; nor was it long e're, assisted by the influencing suffrage of Theramenes, he obtain'd a publick Act of Restitution and Indemni­ty, and was join'd in equal Commission with him and the foresaid Thrasybulus.

Under the Command and Conduct of these three Generals the face of Affairs in a little time appear'd wonderfully al­ter'd; nay, it was not long e're the La­cedaemonians, whose Arms had hitherto been every where triumphant, found themselves oblig'd to become humble Sup­plicants for Peace; and that not without good reason, having been beaten in five Land-Fights, and two Engagements at Sea; in which Engagements their Enemies are recorded to have taken no fewer then two hundred of their Trireme-Gallies. Add to these Successes of the Athenians, the Recovery of Ionia and the Hellespont, with many Grecian Towns seated upon the Coast of Asia. In the number of those Cities that were forceably subdu'd was Byzantium; there being divers others which were won over to an Alliance, by the politic Clemency with which all places were treated by them, as they happen'd to be successively Conquer'd.

After these great Atchievements the three Generals return'd to Athens, bring­ing [Page 62] back an Enrich'd and Victorious Ar­my; the same being equally Laden with Spoil and Glory. But as soon as they were enter'd into the Harbour of the It lay at a consi­derable distance from the City; to which it was join'd by a strong wall. See the life of Themistocles. Piraee­um, the City being in a manner deserted by its Inhabitants, so great was the con­fluence about Alcibiades's Gally, that the sight and reception of him alone seem'd to have drawn forth the gazing and transported Multitude; who at this time firmly believ'd, that the present happy and late calamitous condition of their Af­fairs were both entirely owing to him; yet blaming themselves for the loss of Si­cily, and the victorious Exploits of the La­cedaemonians, since the same were wholly to be imputed to the Expulsion of so brave a Man out of their Commonwealth. Nor indeed was this an ill-grounded opinion, seeing that from the very time of his Readmission into Command their Ene­mies could never prove an equal Match for them either by Sea or Land.

No sooner was he come on shore, bat (without the least notice taken of The­ramenes and Thrasibulus, who landed at the same time, and had a joint interest with him in the late Atchievments) the whole Body of the People crowded up towards Alcibiades; many of them presenting him, according to their diffe­rent [Page 63] abilities, with Coronets of Gold or Brass; an Honour never done before, but to such as were Victors in the Olym­pic Games. Calling to mind his fore­past Sufferings, he could not abstain from Tears as he receiv'd these kind Testi­monies of Reconciliation from his Fellow-Citizens; and as soon as he came into the City, a solemn Assembly being held, he made so passionate a Speech to them, that he forc'd the natural expressions of Sorrow in equal abundance from the Eyes of all that heard him; those even of the most unrelenting temper among them lamenting his hard usage, and de­claring themselves utter Enemies to such as had procur'd his Banishment; So that any man who had been a stranger to their Affairs, would certainly have concluded, that some other People, and not the very same Persons by whom he was now sur­rounded, had pass'd the former severe Sentence, and condemn'd him of Sacri­lege. Hereupon his Estate, which had been Confiscated, was Restor'd to him by public Edict; the Priests Eumolpidae be­ing also commanded to take off his Ex­communication, and the Pillarson which the same had been engraven, to be thrown into the Sea.

These obliging Smiles of kindest [Page 64] Fortune were of no considerable dura­tion to Alcibiades; for when the highest Honours had by solemn Decree been conferr'd upon him, the Conduct and Management of all Affairs, both Civil and Military, being put into his hands, and Thrasybulus and Adimantus at his request assign'd him for Collegues, passing over with a Fleet into Asia, and Fighting unsuccessfully at Yet are we told by others, that the most fatal miscar­riage in this Ex­pedition happen'd upon the Coast, of Ionia; where An­tiochus (a hot­headed Vice-Ad­miral) in Alcibia­des's absence, and contrary to his ex­press command, engageing the La­cedamonian Fleet, was soundly beat­en by the same. Cuma, he fell again into the Displeasure of the Populace. The reason hereof was, that they universally believ'd him able to ac­complish whatsoever he took in hand; so that every ill Success was imputed to his Negligence or Treachery; to the later of which they attributed the un­prosperous Attempt made upon Cuma; none of them doubting, but that he could have taken the place, had he not been corrupted to the betraying of his Trust by the Persian King. Indeed the prin­cipal cause of the several Calamities that befell him, seems to have been the ex­travagant opinion that all men had con­ceiv'd of his Valour and Prudence; from whence sprung the two different Passi­ons of Love and Fear; and from whence at length it came to be generally dreaded, lest pufft up with his great Successes, and supported by as great Riches, he should [Page 65] grasp at the Soveraignty, and endeavour the Enslaving of their Free State.

These were the Considerations that induc'd them to pass a Vote for depriving him, tho absent, of his high Office, and substituting another in his place; the news whereof being brought to Alcibiades, he judg'd it not expedient to return home, and therefore passing With certain Forces rais'd and maintain'd at his own charge. Plus. over to Perinthus, he compleatly fortified the three strong Holds of Bornos, Bisanthe, and Macronteichos; and from thence marching with a sufficient Body of Men, he seems to have been the first Grecian that made an Inrode into the Countries of Thrace; and this he did, as being unwilling to infest any part of Greece; and judging it more honourable, to en­rich himself with the Spoils of This word has been a long while us'd to signify sa­vage, illiterate and unciviliz'd; but was at first apply'd by the haughty Grecians (as a term of distinction) to all Nations what­soever that spoke not their Lan­guage. Barba­rians; by which means he not only made great acquisitions in Wealth and Repu­tation, but obtain'd of certain Thracian His incursions and depredations being (as we are inform'd by Plu­tarch) made up­on a sort of free People, and such as were sub­ject to no King. Kings, to be admitted into their Friend­ship and Alliance.

But by no kind of Fortune could Al­cibiades's Soul be divested of a tender Affection for his Native Country; and this he sufficiently manifested about this time, by the Advice given to Philocles, Commander in Chief over the Athenian Fleet in the River Aegos; Lysander, the [Page 66] Lacedaemonian Admiral lying at no great distance from him, and desiring by all means to prolong the War, because he knew that the Athenians had nothing left besides their Weapons and Gallies (their public Exchequer being quite exhausted), and that the Forces of his own Country at the same time were supported and maintain'd by a constant supply of Money from the Persian King. Neither were these things conceal'd from Alcibiades, who therefore coming to the Athenian Army, spoke publicly in the hearing of the common Soldiers to this effect, That if they pleas'd to accept of his Service, he made no doubt of forcing Lysander, with his whole Fleet, to come to the decision of a Battel, or else to make submissive Overtures of Peace. That the Lacedaemonians were indeed unwilling to run the hazard of a Sea-fight, because their main strength and confidence lay in their Land-Forces; but that he could easily prevail with Seuthes, the Thracian King, to drive them from Land, and that then they would be necessitated, either to come to fair terms of Accommodation with the Athenians, or venture all upon the doubt­ful issue of an Engagement at Sea.

This Advice, as it was not really dis­lik'd, so neither was it embrac'd by Phi­locles; [Page 67] who well knew, that if Alcibia­des were admitted to a conjunction with him, he himself should be but an empty Cipher in the whole Action; and let the Event prove prosperous or otherwise, that on the one hand, he should have no share in the Glory; and on the other, no Partner in the Discredit and Igno­miny of such an Undertaking. Alcibiades therefore, finding that his Counsel was not accepted, told Philocles at his departure, that he would only leave this short caution with him, To ly as near the Enemy as might conveniently be with his Naval Camp; and to take care, lest by the licentiousness and loose Discipline of his Soldiers, the Lacedaemonians should have an opportunity put into their hands of surprizing his Fleet, and ruining the whole Army. Nor did the event prove this a groundless apprehension; for shortly after, Lysander being inform'd by his Scouts, that the main of the Athenian Forces were gone ashore, and were eager­ly employ'd in harassing and plundering the Country (their Ships in the mean time being left almost empty and defence­less), by one brisk and sudden Attaque gave their Navy a Conon escap'd on­ly with eight Gal­lies out of about two hundred (if we believe Plu­tarch) tho our Au­thor in the Life of Conon mentions it as a great unhap­piness to the Athe­nians, that he was absent at the time of that Engage­ment. However this was, certain it is, that the Athe­nians were here­upon little less then absolutely Conquer'd, Ly­sander shortly after taking the City of Athens it self, and putting the Go­vernment thereof into the hands of thirty special Ma­gistrates of his own choice and appointment. total Overthrow, and put an unexpected period to the War.

[Page 68] After this fatal blow receiv'd by the Athenians, Alcibiades judging it un­safe for him to make any longer stay in those parts, withdrew into the more inward Regions of Thrace, lying above the Propontis; not doubting but in such a place his Fortune and Quality might easily be kept undiscover'd. But it was not long e're he found that he was mista­ken; for a Body of Thracians, who had information of his great Wealth, placing themselves in Ambuscade, surpriz'd and plunder'd all his Carriages; wherefore, having himself narrowly escap'd out of their hands, and considering that (by reason of the great Power and Autho­rity of the Lacedaemonians) no part of Greece could afford him a safe Retreat, he fled into Asia to Pharnabazus, who was presently so taken with his courteous Deportment and obliging Address, that the first place in this great Man's Favour seem'd to be given to Alcibiades; who shortly after receiv'd from him, as a spe­cial testimony of Affection, the Fortress of Grunium in Phrygia; the Castellany whereof yeilded him no less then fifty Talents yearly Income.

But this plentiful Fortune brought no real contentment to Alcibiades; of which his mind was absolutely uncapable, so [Page 69] long as the Athenian continued in sub­jection to the Lacedaemonian State. The whole bent of his Soul was therefore to­wards the delivering of his Country from that Inglorious Yoke and Bondage. But this he foresaw could not be effected without the assistance of the Persian King, whose Amity was therefore to be procur'd in the first place; and of that he assur'd himself, if he might but obtain free access to his Person. For having secret notice of the Our Author does not term it a Re­bellion or Conspi­racy, because Cyrus was no Liege sub­ject to Attaxerxes, their Father Dari­us (as we are told by Justin) having by Will given the former the abso­lute Soveraignty of those Territo­ries over which he had before presi­ded as his Lieute­nant. War in­tended against the King by his Brother Cyrus, with the assistance of the Lace­daemonians; he question'd not, but by discovering this Confederacy, he should purchase to himself the highest degree of Favour and Affection.

While Alcibiades was contriving how to put this design in execution (having already requested of Pharnabazus, that he might be admitted into the presence of the King), Critias and the rest of the Athenian He means the thirty Magistrates set over the Athe­nians by Lysander, and call'd by them Tyrants; a name originally not only of innocent but most honourable signification, being us'd simply for a King, or supreme Governor, and apply'd by the Grecian Poets even to Jupiter, and the rest of their kindest and best respected Gods: but by a Republican Abuse of the word brought to connote the greatest cruelty and oppression; tho the truth is, if a man would be acqainted with Tyrants and Tyranny in that sence, (in which indeed the words have long ago universally obtain'd) he may most probably find them where thirty or forty, or perhaps rather (as some Nations have sadly experienc'd) three or four hundred Persons, are (by what means soever) possess'd of the Soveraign Power. Tyrants dispatch'd cer­tain [Page 70] Messengers into Asia, by whom they gave Lysander to understand, that the Articles agreed upon between Him and the Athenians must be Ratified by being Seal'd with the Blood of Alcibiades; and that the Death of that Man was to be pursu'd by him, as he tender'd the Esta­blishment and Perpetuity of his own Exploits and Constitutions. Lysander was so far wrought upon by this positive This must be taken not for a menace, but a piece of advice from the Thirty to Lysander, their Interest and His being embar­qued in the same bottom; and they (as may be col­lected from Plu­tarch) beginning now to be appre­hensive of no small danger from Alcibiades, whom they perceiv'd (tho in exile) to be in a fair way of recovering his former esteem and authori­ty with the com­mon People. Message, that he resolv'd to deal ef­fectually with Pharnabazus, and there­fore sent him express word, that the Alliance between his King and the La­cedaemonians should be null and void, unless he took care that Alcibiades, either alive or dead, were deliver'd into their hands; wherefore the Persian Governor (preferring his Master's In­terest before all the Laws of Humanity and Friendship) immediately employ'd Susamithres and Bagoas to surprize and murther him, as he lay in Phrygia, and was Others say, that Pharnabazus being inform'd of Cyrus's design by Alcibia­des (who had in vain desir'd by his means to have ad­mission to Artax­erxes, and was therefore about giving notice of the same to ano­ther of the Kings Lieutenants) re­solv'd to have him cut off, that so the merit of the disco­very might be wholly his own. providing for his Journey to the King. These Assasins arriv'd accordingly with great speed and expedition at the place of his abode; and not daring openly to assault him, they set Fire on the House wherein he lay; as hoping to accomplish by Stratagem what their Courage des­pair'd of effecting. And yet had they like [Page 71] to have been disappointed in their ex­pectation; for Alcibiades being rouz'd by the crackling of the Fire, and missing his Sword (which it seems had been pri­vily convey'd away) he took the Dag­ger of his Tho our Author terms him hospes and samiliaris (which last word may indeed be taken to signify a menial servant) yet by what sol­lows (viz. qui nun­quam discedere vo­luerat) he should seem before this time to have worn off those inferior and distant rela­ons. Friend and Companion (a certain Arcadian that Lodg'd with him, and could never be induc'd to desert him in his lowest condition), and bid­ing him follow after, pass'd boldly tho­row the Flames; the violence whereof was somewhat abated by the throwing in of such Clothes and Houshold-stuff as came next to hand. But before he could make his escape, and get quite off, he was overtaken and slain by the He was slain with Darts and Ar­rows, says Plutarch. Darted Weapons of the distant Assasins; by whom his Head being carry'd away as a welcome Present to Pharnabazus, an affectionate Timandra; sup­pos'd by many to be the Mother of Lais, the famous Corinthian Cour­tezan. Plut. Female (the constant sharer both of his good and bad Fortune) took the Body, and wrapping it in her own Vestment, committed it to the Flames; the same Fire that had in vain been kindl'd for his Destruction when alive, being now converted to the kinder uses of a Funeral Pile.

Thus dy'd Alcibiades, about the For­tieth year of his Age; a person of whom we find but a scurvy character given by the generality of Writers; yet has he [Page 72] obtain'd the highest commendations from three very grave and authentic Histo­rians; Thucydides, his Cotemporary; Theopompus, a somewhat more modern Author; and Timaeus: The two latter of which were persons of the most cen­sorious humour, and observ'd (by I know not what strange Fate) to have concurr'd in the Praises of no other man but Alcibiades. For even by them are the same advantageous particulars deli­ver'd concerning him, which are already related by us, and to which may more­over be added, from the same Writers, That being born in Athens, a City for State and Grandeur Second to none, he outwent the Noblest of his Fellow-Citizens in Splendour and Magnificence of Life: And yet when driven from hence he arriv'd at Thebes, he so far comply'd with the Genius of that People (the Baeotians in general employing their time in ac­quiring a Robust Habit of Body, and not in improving the Faculties of the Mind) that he excell'd them all, as well in strength and firmness of Limbs, as in chearfully undergoing the most toil­som Labour. When he came among the Lacedaemonians, who account it the highest pitch of Vertue to endure such kind of hardship, he so readily accommodated [Page 73] himself to their penurious way of Living, that in a little time he had not his Equal for Abstinence and Parsimony, either in Garb or Diet. After this, dwelling among the Thracians, a People generally addicted to the Enjoyments of Love and Wine; even here had he also the Precedence allow'd him beyond Competition: And coming at length into Persia, where Labour and Industry in Hunting, and Luxury and Excess in Feed­ing are of greatest Reputation, he acquitted himself to the admiration of all men. So that wheresoever he came, he got the gene­ral Love and Respect of the People; being presently accounted the most Accomplish'd Person for such Qualifications as were in every Country of highest Estimation. But enough of this Man; let us now pro­ceed to give an account of others.


THRASYBULUS, the Son of Lycus, and by Birth an Athe­nian, was a Person whom I should not stick to place in the front of all the Grecian Worthies, if his For­tune had been any way answerable to his Deserts. Without doubt he out­shone them all in Fidelity, Resolution, Greatness of Soul, and an inviolable Af­fection for his Country. And altho many boasted themselves born of more Ancient Families, yet none outstripp'd [Page 75] him in any other Accomplishment of a Great Man. Whoever Rescues his Native Country from the Oppression of one Tyrant, does so Brave an Action, that many Men have Attempted, but few have had the Honour of Atchieving; yet was it this Man's good Fortune, to Free His, groaning under the intolera­ble Burthen of Thirty at once. His Valour was first fledg'd in the Pelopon­nesian War; where being in a Joint-Commission, he did many great Ex­ploits without Alcibiades, tho Alcibiades did nothing without Him; all his Actions expressing an ardent desire to promote the Good of the Commonwealth. But in pitch'd Battels the Strength and Number of Forces is as much to be rely'd on as the most excellent Conduct; and the private Soldier justly claims a share in the Glory of the Action with the Com­mander. Besides, Fortune sometimes lets them know, that Success depends neither upon one nor the other; but is solely at her disposal. Wherefore, the most Glorious of all Actions Thrasybulus may justly claim to be properly his own; For when Athens was miserably harass'd and torn by the Arbitrary Proceedings of those Thirty Burgomasters, set up (as it were [Page 76] a Council of State) by the Lacedaemonians; during whose uncontrolable sway, ma­ny of the Eminent Citizens were kill'd, some (preserv'd by Fate from the dan­ger of the War) were banish'd, and many others had their Estates confiscated and divided amongst the Usurpers: He only (not as a General, but) singly Pro­claim'd open War against them; and when he fled to Phyle (the strongest and best fortified Castle in Attica) he had scarce Thirty Confederates. So weak were the Foundations of the Design by which the Liberty of that Illustrious City was asserted. He was not de­spicable for his Person or Parts; but was contemn'd for his inconsiderable Party; which at last prov'd of great consequence to him; as the accomplish­ing his Design for the Relief of his Country, and the utter and final Ruin of it's Enemies. For they, lull'd in their own security, neglected a speedy and vigorous prosecution; and consequently gave him a longer time to make him­self more considerable both for Men and Money. Whence is evinc'd the truth of that common Axiom, In War no Advan­tage is to be slipt; and it is not without rea­son said, The Mother of a Coward need ne­ver [Page 77] Fear. Yet all this while Thrasybulus's Supplies and Assistances bore no pro­portion to his Expectations. For even in those days men were more lavish of their Words then Actions; and more hotly disputed their Liberty with their Tongues then their Swords. From Phyle he march'd to Pyraeum, and fortifies Munichia; which place his Enemies twice attempting to take by Storm, in two general Assaults, were as often beat back with considerable Damage, and at last forc'd to retire into Athens with the loss of all their Arms and Baggage. Thrasy­bulus in the mean time manages his Affair with as great Wisdom as Courage, and commands that Quarter should be given to all those who would accept it; say­ing, it was but reasonable, that Fellow-Citizens should spare one another. Nei­ther indeed was there any person hurt af­terwards, but those who continued in a posture of Hostility. He suffer'd none to be stript of their Clothes; nor touch'd any part of the Plunder, only Arms (for which he had urgent occasion) and Vi­ctuals. In this second Conflict fell Critias, the primier Burgomaster, after he had fought valiantly. Critias being slain, Pau­sanias, King of the Lacedaemonians, comes [Page 78] to the Assistance of the Athenians; and at length concludes a Peace between both Parties on these Terms: First, That no Citizen (except the Thirty Tyrants, and the Ten Pretors, who exactly Co­pied those Originals of Cruelty in their Actions) should suffer Banishment. Se­condly, That no Person's Estate should be Sequester'd. And Thirdly, That De­mocracy should be Reestablish'd, and the Soveraign Power remain in the hands of the People. One more remarkably great Action of his we must by no means forget; When Peace was settled, and he bore a great sway in the City, he Enacted a Law, That no man should be accus'd, or any way punish'd, for any thing that was past. This was afterwards call'd An Act of Oblivion. But not satisfied with the bare Enacting of such a Law, he took a mighty care in the just and strict Execution of it; and check'd some of the Partakers of his misery in Banish­ment, who would have made havock of those men they had so lately receiv'd into Favour. For these great and illustri­ous Actions, Thrasybulus was Honour'd by the People with a Coronet made of Olive-branches; a mean Reward indeed, but attended with these Advantages, that [Page 79] it was in no manner extorted, but a volun­tary and hearty Testimony of the People's Affection; and was therefore an Honour, free from the Detractions of Envy or Emulation. For as Pittacus (a man justly register'd in the Catalogue of the Seven Wise-men of Greece) well observ'd to the Mitylenaeans, when they would have given him many thousand Acres of Land for a Reward; Don't ye, says he, give me so Noble a Present, that many will Envy, and more will Covet; I will only accept of an hundred Acres, which is sufficient to shew your Good Will, and my own Mo­desty. Great Favours are often snatcht away, whilst little ones, below Envy, are longer enjoy'd. Thrasybulus therefore, highly pleas'd with this petty Crown, sought no other Satisfaction; but look'd upon himself to be as much Honour'd as any of his Cotemporaries. In process of time, going Admiral to Cilicia, and his Soldiers being very remiss when they were upon their Guard, he was in a Sally surpriz'd in his Tent, and slain by the Barbarians.


CONON, an Athenian, became Great in the Esteem of the Com­monwealth at the Peloponnesian War; where his Conduct was signally Heroick. For he was Captain-General of the Land-Forces and Admi­ral at Sea; and perform'd noble Atchive­ments; which made him the Darling of the People, who Constituted him Gover­nor of all their Islands; in which Com­mission he took Pharae, a Colony of the Lacedaemonians. He was also Captain-General [Page 81] in the last Peloponnesian War, when the Flower of the Athenian Army was destroy'd by Lysander at the River Aegos. But Conon was not in Person at that Battel; from whence may be concluded the Misfortune of that fatal Day. For he weigh'd every Military Action; and was even jealous in acquitting himself like a General. Which makes it highly probable, that his Personal Valour and Conduct might have diverted that Mas­sacre of the Athenians.

Yet in this sad destraction, when he heard the groans of his Country, he consulted not his own Safety and Re­tirement, but the Relief of his disconsolate Country-men. He hastned therefore to Pharnabazus, Lieutenant of Ionia and Lydia, who was Son in Law to the King; into whose Favour he insinuated him­self, tho not without great intrigue and hazard. For when the Lacedaemonians (Athens lying gasping) had broke their League, which they had made with Ar­taxerxes, and had sent Agesilaus with an Army into Asia (where he was often Caress'd by Tissaphernes, who was for­merly the Familiar of the King, but had revolted from all the Endearments of his Prince, and combin'd with the [Page 82] Lacedaemonians); Pharnabazus march'd against him as General,; tho in reality Conon was Chief, and his Warlike Judg­ment Controll'd the whole Council. He stopt the carier of Agesilaus, that so much renown'd Captain, and confounded all his Stratagems; and 'twas the wise Con­duct of Conon which prevented Agesi­laus from renting that part of Asia on this side Taurus from the Persian Empire. Agesilaus being remanded home by the Lacedaemonians, who were embroil'd in a War with the Boeotians and Athenians; Conon took that opportunity to ingratiate himself with the Persian Nobility; and soon became their only Oracle.

At this time the Malecontent Tissa­phernes had quitted the Court, of which the King was only incredulous; so great a share had Tissaphernes in the Royal Favour, tho in this very time of his dis­loyal Villany. Neither is it strange, that the King was unwilling to mistrust this his Creature, when he call'd to mind, that by his Prowess he quell'd his Bro­ther Cyrus. Therefore Conon was sent by Pharnabazus to Accuse Tissaphernes before the King; who being arriv'd, according to the Custom of the Persians, he came to Tithraustes, a Tribune and [Page 83] principal Officer of State, requesting that he might be introduc'd; without which ceremony none are admitted. To whom Tithraustes said, there should be no delay; but (said he) you must con­sult whether it were better to have an Audience, or to signifie your Business by Letter; for if you come into the Royal Presence, you must fall down before the King; which they call Graeci vocant [...] venerabundè salutare. Di­vine Homage: But if you cannot com­ply with this, trust me to interceed for you, and you shall certainly attain your desire. Then Conon reply'd; I could very chearfully pay any Honour to the King, but I fear lest it should be a dis­honourable blemish to my Country, if I should prostitute my self to the Slavery of a Barbarian, who came from that People who by Nature are accustom'd to Govern. He therefore deliver'd his Business in a Letter; which being made known to the King, he was so taken with his Commanding Deportment, that he proclaim'd Tissaphernes a Traitor, commission'd Conon to Fight the Lace­daemonians, and to elect whom he pleas'd to raise Money for the War. Which choice Conon modestly deny'd to be in his Province, but in the King's, who [Page 84] best understood the Condition of his People; yet that it was his humble Advice, that he would confer that Office on Pharnabazus. After this, being ho­nour'd with great Presents, he was com­mission'd to Sea, that he might convey the Galleys to the Cyprians, Phoenicians, with the other Port-Towns; and that he should Rig a Navy, to secure the Seas the following Summer; in which Com­mission Pharnabazus was his Collegue, as he had petition'd. So soon as the Lacedaemonians heard this, they acted with great judiciousness, because they foresaw a more dangerous War, then if they had been engag'd only against the petulant Persian. For they were now to grapple with a bold and wary Gene­ral, intrusted with the whole Persian Power; against whom their Stratagems of War were as ridiculously vain as their Strength. With this resolution they contract a formidable Navy, and set Sail under Pisander; whom Conon as­saulted at the River Cnidus, and after a desperate Fight routed; many Ships he took, and many he sunk; by which Victory not only Athens but all Greece was freed from the Yoke of the Lace­daemonians. Conon with part of the [Page 85] Navy return'd to his own Country, was very solicitous in rebuilding the Walls of Athens, with the Haven Pyraeeum, which were demolish'd by Lysander; and gave his Fellow-Citizens Fifty Ta­lents, which he had receiv'd of Phar­nabazus.

Yet it happen'd to this Great Man as to the Ignoble Pesantry, who was more improvident in the smoother then in the rugged part of his Life; for ha­ving vanquish'd the Peloponnesian Squa­drons, and satisfied the revengeful thirst of his Country, he aim'd at higher things then his Policy could possibly reach; all which Attempts were Pious and Honourable, in as much as he pre­ferr'd the welfare of Athens before the King's. For when he had acquir'd a splendid Eminency by the Sea-Fight at Cnidus, he began slily to whisper among the Persians and all the Cities of Greece, that Ionia and Aeolis should be surren­dred to the Athenians. But this design taking vent, Teribazus Lieutenant of Sardis, inveighled Conon to come to him, pretending to send him to the King upon an Embassy of great impor­tance. Conon obey'd the Message; and as soon as he arriv'd, was secur'd in Fet­ters, [Page 86] which he bore for some time. Others write, that he was brought to the King, and dy'd there. Yet Dinon the Historian, in whom we most confide in Persian Story, informs us, that he escap'd; and seems only to doubt, whether it were by the design or inadvertency of Teriba­zus.


DION of Syracuse, Son to Hippa­rinus, descended from a Noble Family, and was of Kin to both Dionysius's, the Tyrants. For the Elder of them married his Sister Aristomache; by whom he had two Sons, Hipparinus and Nysaeus; and as many Daughters, Sophrosyne and Areta. So­phrosyne he gave to his Son and Successor Dionysius, and Areta was allotted to be Dion's Wife; who, besides his Noble Relations, and the Reputation deriv'd [Page 88] to him from his Ancestors, was oblig'd to Nature for many rare Endowments; among which, an Plate says the same in his 7th Epistle. Aptness to Learn, a Contradicted by Plutarch in his Life, and Plato in his 4th Epistle, at the end. Courteous Behaviour, and a Disposi­tion to brave Actions, were conspicuous: Nor was he less happy in a comly and graceful Presence. Besides, his Father left him a vast Estate, which was en­creas'd by the The Treasurers [...]d orders to give him what ever he desired. Tlut. Gifts of the Tyrant. He had a great intimacy with Dionysius the Father, to which his Personal Merits were as instrumental as his Affinity; for tho he lik'd not Dionysius's Cruelty, yet he endeavour'd his Safety, upon account of their Alliance, but chiefly with respect to his own Relations. He was consulted with in matters of the greatest concern; and the Tyrant was very much sway'd by his Advice, unless in those things where the prevalence of his own Affecti­ons over-rul'd. All Embassies of note were perform'd by him; in which his Civility, together with his faithful and diligent Administration of Affairs, took off from that Imputation of Cruelty, which Dionysius generally lay under. The Car­thaginians, to whom he was sent by the Tyrant, honour'd him highly, insomuch that they never had any Grecian in more Admiration. Neither was Dionysius ig­norant [Page 89] of these things, nor unsensible how great an ornament he was to him; from whence it came to pass, that Dion was most in his Favour, and lov'd by him as a Son: So that when 'twas re­ported in Sicily, that Plato was come to Tarentum he did not only give the young Man (who had a great desire to be one of his Hearers) leave to invite him thither; but after the grant, brought him in great state to Syracuse. For him Dion had so great a love and veneration, that he wholly yeilded himself to his disposal; which was answer'd by Plato, who took no less delight in him. For altho he was cruelly misus'd by the Tyrant, who gave order he should be sold for a Slave; yet at Dion's request he had leave to return. In the mean time Dionysius fell sick; and his Distem­per He surfeited at a Feast which He made for joy he was declared Vi­ctor in Poetry. Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. encreasing upon him, Dion went to the Physitians, to enquire how he did; and withall entreated them to let him know, if his Life were in great danger, because he intended to discourse him about dividing the Kingdom; part of it, in his opinion, being due to those Sons his Sister had by him. This Enquiry, the Physitians did not conceal, but carried it to Diony­sius the Younger; who was so much [Page 90] concern'd, that to prevent any confe­rence between Dion and his Father, he forc'd the Physitians to give the later a sleeping Potion; which the old man took, and slept his last.

Such was the beginning of the quar­rel between Dionysius and Dion; which many things afterwards fomented. How­ever, for some time there remain'd an appearance of Friendship; so that Dion being urgent with him, to send for Plato from Athens, and make use of his Coun­sel, he comply'd with his desire, that in something he might be like his Father, and at the same time brought Plato calls him Philistides. Epist, 3. Philistus the Historian back to Syracuse, a man who was equally a Friend to the Tyrant and his Tyranny. But of this I have said more in my Book of the Greek Histo­rians. As for Plato, his Eloquence and Authority so much influenc'd Dionysius, that by his perswasion he was resolv'd to restore the Syracusians their Liber­ties, and put an end to the Tyranny; but being deterr'd by Philistus from exe­cuting his intention, he became more Cruel then before. Finding there­fore, that Dion had the advantage of him in Parts, in Authority, and the Love of the People, he fear'd their [Page 91] staying together might be an occasion of his own Ruin; upon which he gave him a Gally to transport him to Corinth; tel­ling him withall, that what he did was for both their sakes; lest out of the mutual fear which was between them, one might be apt to supplant the other. This action was highly resented by many, and drew great'envy upon the Tyrant; who to make the World believe, that he did it not out of hatred to the man, but meerly for his own security, Shipp'd off all his Moveables and sent them to him. But Plutarch says, that the Marriage of Areta to Timocrates was before Dion's Preparations for War. afterwards, when he heard that Dion was raising Forces in Peloponnesus, with design if he were able to fall upon him, he married his Wife Areta to Timocrates. another; and order'd his Hipparinus, or Hipparion, or as Ti­maus says, Aretaus. Sons Education in such manner, that by giving him his swing he might be tainted with all sorts of Vices. For while he was yet a Boy, they brought him Whores, and so ply'd him with Wine and Feasts, that he never had leisure to be sober. Insomuch, that when his Father return'd, and set Go­vernors over him, to reclaim him from his former way of living; he, not able to endure such a change in his course of life, threw himself from the top of the House, and ended his days.

[Page 92] But to return; After Dion was come to Corinth, and Heraclides, General of the Horse, Being suspected to be the cause that the Veterans mutiny'd, when Dionysius was about to leslen their pay. Plato. Epist. 7. driven away by the same Dionysius, fled thither also; they hasten'd their preparations for War, with all di­ligence, yet made but small progress; for few adventur'd to run the same risk they did, because a Tyranny of so many year's continuance, was by every one esteem'd very formidable. But Dion, who more rely'd on the ill will that all people bore the Tyrant, then the strength of his own Forces, with only two Mer­chant-Ships, undauntedly went against a Government which had stood for Fifty Syracuse was ta­ken the 48th year of the Tyranny. Plut. Olymp. 106. an. 1. Diod. Sicul. years, guarded with five hundred long Ships, ten thousand Horse, and an hundred thousand Foot; and to the a­stonishment of the World, so easily over­ran it, that within three days of his landing in Sicily he entred Syracuse it self. From whence it is evident, That no Empire is Safe which is not Guarded by Love. At that time Dionysius was in Italy, expecting the Fleet; and did not imagine, that any of his Enemies durst venture upon him without considerable Forces. In which he was mistaken; for Dion, with those very men which were under his Adversary's dominion, abated [Page 93] the Tyrant's Arrogance; and made him­self Master of all that part of Sicily which was in subjection to Dionysius, as he did of Syracuse likewise, except the Citadel, and the Island adjoining to the Town. Whereupon the matter was brought to that pass, that the Tyrant was contented to make Peace on the following Articles: That Dion should have Sicily, Dionysius possess Italy, and Syracuse be in the hands of Apollocrates, a man in whom Dionysius repos'd the greatest trust. But this unexpected pros­perity was attended with a sudden change; Fortune by her fickleness at­tempting to ruine him, whom just be­fore she had exalted. The first token of her malice, she shew'd in his Son, whom I mention'd before; for having brought back his Wife, who was given to another, and being desirous to rescue his Son from the Debauchery in which he had been bred, and reduce him to his former Sobriety, he receiv'd a grievous blow by the Death of his Child. The next misfortune, was the Dissention be­tween him and Heraclides; who made a Faction, rather then he would yeild the priority to Dion, and had as much interest among the Nobility as he; for [Page 94] by their consent he commanded the Na­val Forces, at the same time when the other did those at Land. This Dion could not brook; and repeated those Verses in the second Iliad of Homer, to this purpose, That a State cannot be well order'd, where the Government is in the hands of many. The Saying rais'd him much envy, for by it he seem'd to dis­cover an intention of getting all into his own power; which opinion he en­deavour'd not to lessen by complaisance, but suppress by rigor; and caus'd He­raclides, when he came to Syracuse, to be kill'd. An action which struck every body with fear; no man thinking him­self safe, now Heraclides was thus taken out of the way. But Dion, being rid of his Adversary, with more licence distributed the Estates of the contrary Party among his Soldiers. After which division, by reason of the greatness of his daily expences, he quickly began to want Money; which he knew no way to be supply'd with, but by sieze­ing his Friends possessions; upon which it happen'd, that the gaining the Soldier prov'd the loss of the Nobility. These things he took very much to heart; and being unaccustom'd to be ill spoken of, [Page 95] could not endure to be in disrepute with those who a little before had prais'd him to the Skies. For the Rabble perceiving the Soldiers were offended with him, spoke more openly, and often reproacht him with intolerable Tyranny. As Dion was in this perplexity, not being able to appease their Commotions, and was afraid of the consequence; Callippus. Plus. Callicrates an Athenian, one that accompanied him from Peloponnesus to Sicily, a cunning fraudulent Fellow, without any sense of Religion or Honesty, came to him, and told him the danger he was in, by reason of the disgust of the People, and hatred of the Soldiers; which, without em­ploying one of his Friends to seign him­self his Enemy, 'twas impossible to avoid; but if he found one fit for this affair, he might easily know their designs, and ruin his Adversaries, who would cer­tainly declare their intentions to one that seem'd at variance with him. The Advice being approv'd, Callicrates took upon himself to put it in execution; and being advantaged by Dion's unwa­riness, sought for Associates to kill him, had Meetings with his Enemies, and confirm'd the Conspiracy. But many being privy to the business, it was di­vulg'd, [Page 96] and brought to Aristomache, Dion's Sister, and Areta his Wife; who in a fright ran with the news to him, for whose Safety they were so much con­cern'd. He assur'd them, that Callicrates meant him no harm; and what he did, was by his order. However, the Wo­men not satisfied with this, got Callicrates to Proserpine's Temple, and forc'd him to Plutarch tells us, the manner of his taking this Oath: After some Holy Rites, he had the Goddesses Purple Robe thrown about him, with a burning Torch put in his hand, and so forsware what he was ac­cus'd of. It was call'd [...], or the Great Oath; of which there were several sorts. sware, that Dion should receive no mischief from him. Which Religious Act was so far from making him quit his design, that 'twas a means to hasten the execution; he fearing the Plot might be discover'd before it had taken effect. Being thus resolv'd, the next [...] ▪ sa­cred to Proserpine, for on that day they shaved their Childrens heads, (and sacrificed to Her) one of the ceremonies us'd at the Enrollment of their Children in their Tribes, which was done at this time. Suid. and Plut. Festival-Day, when Dion was lay'd down pri­vately at home in an upper Chamber, he put the strongest places of the City into the hands of the Conspirators; and having surrounded the House with Sol­diers, commanded some of them not to stir from the Doors. And that he might not be destitute of means to escape, if Fortune should prove cross to his De­signs, he furnish'd a Galley with Men and Arms; and order'd his Brother Phi­locrates, who commanded it, to keep it moving in the Port, as if he only in­tended the exercise of the Rowers. Be­sides, [Page 97] he chose some Zacynthians of his own Family, strong daring Fellows, and bid them go to Dion unarm'd, that so it might seem they came only to pay him a Visit. Their familiarity in the Family immediately gain'd them admit­tance into his Chamber; where, as soon as they were enter'd, they fasten'd the Doors, fell upon him in his Bed, and bound him; which was not done so silently, but the noise was heard with­out. Hence it is evident, as I have often said before, how odious a thing the Government of a single Person is; and how miserable a Life they lead, who had rather be the object of their Sub­ject's Fear than Love. For his very Guards, had they bore him any kind­ness, might have broke open the Doors, and sav'd his Life; the Conspirators be­ing forc'd for want of Arms to keep him alive 'till they could procure a Weapon of those who were out of the Chamber. But no body coming to his rescue, one Lyco a Syracusian, reach'd them a Sword thro the Window, with which they dis­patch'd him. The multitude after his death came to look upon him, and not know­ing the Murderers, kill'd several whom they suspected of the fact. For it being [Page 98] nois'd that Dion was slain, many who dislik'd the action ran thither, and upon a false surmise kill'd the Innocent instead of the Guilty. As soon as his Death was publicly known, 'twas strange to see how the People's minds were chang'd; for they who in his Life-time afforded him no better a name then Tyrant, now call'd him the Expeller of the Tyrant, and Deliverer of his Country; and so suddenly was Hatred succeeded by Com­passion, that if it had been possible, they would have redeem'd his Life at the ex­pence of their own. Wherefore by public Order he was buried in the most Honou­rable place of the City, and by the same had a Tomb erected. He died in the five and fiftieth year of his Age, and the fourth after his return from Pelopon­nesus into Sicily.


IPHICRATES, the Athenian, became famous to Posterity, rather by his accurate Skill in the Art of War, than the Gallantry of any Noble Atchievements. For he was so perfectly furnish'd with all the necessary Accomplishments requisite to complete a General, that he not only attain'd the Excellencies of his most eminent Co­temporaries, but might justly dispure [Page 100] Preeminence with the Chief of form­er Ages. He was so very well expe­rienc'd in Martial Affairs, that be­ing often entrusted with the Command of entire Armies, he never was defeated by any failure or default of his own; and what Victory soever he obtain'd, it appear'd principally to be owing to his Prudence and Conduct. So great was his Judgment in all things relating to War, that he both advanc'd the Mili­tary Discipline by additional Rules to a far greater perfection than it ever had before his time, and improv'd those few scatter'd ones he met with to the best advantage. He also made most commo­dious and beneficial alterations in the Arms of the Infantry; for whereas before his time broad unweildy Shields, short Spears, and little Swords were only in use, he chang'd the first of them into a lighter Target, made somewhat in shape of an Half-Moon, call'd Pelta, from whence the Foot afterwards re­ceiv'd the name of Peltastae; and by this more portable Buckler, he did not only expedite their Marches, but made them capable of receiving their Enemy's onsets with greater readiness and acti­vity. As for the Sword, he augmented [Page 101] its length, but doubled that of the Spear; changing moreover their Breast-Armour from Iron and Brass to those made of Linnen; which render'd his Soldiers fitter for Action; and by thus lessening their weight, he at once provided for their ease and security too. He was en­gag'd in a War with the Thratians, and restor'd Seuthes, an Ally of the Athenians, to his Kingdom. At Corinth he kept the Army to so strict Discipline, that there were in no part of Greece to be found better Train'd Forces; or any who with so great readiness receiv'd and per­form'd the Commands of a General, even in the most minute particulars; for by his pains and industry they grew so ex­pert in all Military Orders and Postures, that as soon as ever he had but once given the Word of Command, they would immediately form themselves into as regular a Figure, as if the most skil­ful Commander had rank'd each pri­vate Soldier in his particular place. With this Army he intercepted a select Party of the Lacedaemonian Horse; which Acti­on was very much extoll'd throughout all Greece. In the same War he gave their whole Strength a second total De­feat; which also procur'd him a large [Page 102] stock of Honour. Artaxerxes purposing to fight the King of Egypt, made it his request to the Athenians, that they would grant him Iphicrates, whom he design'd as Commander in Chief over his Mer­cenary Forces, the same amounting to the number of twelve thousand men; and having obtain'd his desire, he in­structed them so fully and exactly in the whole Art of War, that as formerly the best Roman Soldiers were distinguish'd from the meaner sort by bearing the name of their Leader Fabius; so the Grecians had those under the Command of Iphicrates in the highest esteem. When he went to assist the Lacedaemonians, he soon put a stop to the Attempts of Epa­minondas; for had he not hasten'd his March, the Thebans would not have rais'd the Siege of Sparta, till they had laid it waste in Ashes, and utter ruin. The greatness of his Spirit bore an equal proportion with that of his Body; his Presence being very Ma­jestic and Commanding, did so clearly bespeak him what really he was, that his bare look of it self was sufficient to strike all Beholders with an Admiration of his Person. Theopompus has recorded, that he was remiss in matters which requir'd [Page 103] continu'd Labour, and that he could not well brook the hardships of War; yet he had still the character of a good Citizen given him, and was always reputed a Man of a steddy and untain­ted Fidelity; of which, as on several other occasions he gave most undeniable proofs, so he did in a more peculiar man­ner signalize it by protecting the di­stress'd Orphans of Amyntas the Mace­donian. For Euridice the Mother of Per­diccas and Philip, upon her Husband's death, presently fled with her two Father­less Children to Iphicrates for succour and patronage; who being rich, gene­rously asserted their just Rights against all kinds of wrong and oppression. He died old, in the Love and Favour of his Fellow-Citizens; tho their Affecti­ons had been for some time alienated from him; for he, and Timotheus, were forc'd to make their public Defences in the Associated War; and he was ac­quitted by those who were constituted his Judges. He left behind him a Son call'd Menestheus, whom he had by a Thracian Woman, Daughter to King Cotus; who being ask'd, which he lov'd best, his Father or Mother? reply'd, his Mother. And when all the Company [Page 104] wonder'd at the seeming strangeness of the Answer, he told them, That he did not return that Answer, but upon very good reasons; For my Father, saith he, by Marrying a Barbarian us'd his utmost endeavours that I should be one also; but my Mother did as much as in her lay to make me the Son of an Athenian.


CHABRIAS was an Athenian; one that bore a Name in the Catalogue of their greatest Com­manders; and perform'd several Exploits that very well deserve the Re­cording. Among which, there ought more especially to be remarqu'd, that Stratagem which he made use of at Thebes, when he came to assist the Boeo­tians: For in that Engagement Agesilaus, the Lacedaemonian General, being very confident of obtaining the Victory, and having made so great a step toward it, [Page 106] as the putting to flight all the Merce­nary Forces of the Adverse Party; Cha­brias procur'd the other Troops to keep their station, while by his own example of kneeling down upon his Buckler, and holding out his Spear or Pike aslaunt, he taught them in that manner to expect the onset of the Enemy. Agesilaus being surpriz'd at so unwonted a sight, durst make no farther attempt upon them, but immediately sounded a Retreat, and thereby summon'd his Soldiers to fall back, when they were just ready to have made the assault. This contrivance was so much applauded throughout all Greece, that Chabrias order'd himself to be drawn in that defensive posture in the Statue which was erected for him in the Forum at Athens, at the public charge of that City. And from hence it commenc'd a custom, that ever after all Gladiators, and other Fencers, were wont to have their Statues carv'd to the same posture wherein they had got their respective Victories. But to return, Chabrias wag'd several Wars in Europe, while he was commission'd a General of the Atheni­ans; and behav'd himself bravely in Egypt, when he serv'd as a private Vo­luntier. Going to the help of Nectanebus, [Page 107] he got him setled in his Kingdom. He came off with as good success at Cyprus; tho there indeed he was publicly ap­pointed by the Athenians as a Collegue with Evagoras; nor did he dispatch from hence till he had subdued the whole Island; and from the happy manage­ment of this Enterprize, the Athenians purchas'd themselves a vast credit. In the mean while arose a War between the Persians and Egyptians; the Athe­nians enter'd into League with Artax­erxes King of Persia, and the Lacedae­monians sided with the Egyptians; of whom Agesilaus, King of Lacedaemon, made a very considerable advantage. Chabrias taking notice of this, and think­ing himself no way inferior to Agesi­laus, frankly offer'd his Service to the assistance of the Egyptians; and was made Admiral of their Fleet, Agesilaus being Commander of their Infantry. Upon this, the Captains who were em­ploy'd by the King of Persia, dispatcht Messengers to Athens, to complain that Chabrias took part with the Egyptians in a War against their Master. The Athenians hereupon fix'd a day, by which time if Chabrias return'd not, they threat­ned he should forfeit his Life, for dis­obeying [Page 108] the Summons. Chabrias at this news comes back to Athens; yet stay'd there no longer than was just necessary to avoid the penalty which was otherwise denounc'd against him. For he was not fond of residing among his own Country­men; having liv'd so splendidly, and far'd so high, that he could not but raise the Envy of the Rabble. For this indeed is a common fault in Great and Free Cities, That Envy is always fasten'd upon Glory; and most Persons are ex­treme forward in detracting from those, who are promoted to be their Superiors. And, what is ordinary to observe, the Poor cannot without regret at their own harder Fate, cast an eye upon the more ample Fortunes of the Rich. Chabrias upon these considerations was as much abroad as his Affairs could dispense with. And herein he was not singular, in his caution of staying little at home in Athens; for almost all their eminent men took the same course; thinking themselves so far remov'd from Envy as they were distant from their own Native Country. Conon for this reason liv'd the most part in Cyprus, Iphicrates in Thrace, Timotheus in Lesbus, and Chares in Sigaeum. This Chares, it is [Page 109] true, was different from the rest both in Temper and Action; yet he was a Per­son of great Honour and Wealth at Athens. But finally, Chabrias came thus to his end, in the Social War; The Athenians laid Siege to Chium, Chabrias was in the Navy only as a Reformade, yet he had greater Authority than any who were in places of Command; the Common Soldiers paying more respect to him than to any of their Officers, which prov'd the occasion of hasting his Death: For whilst he was ambitious of making the first Entrance into the Harbour, and accordingly had directed the Pilot to steer in, this Adventure cost him his Life; for when he was got in, none of the other Vessels would fol­low; whereupon, being surrounded with the Attacks of the Enemy, he fought couragiously, till the Ship sprung a Leak, by some damage toward the Head, and began to sink under him. Hereupon, being unable to make any escape; for if he had thrown himself overboard, the Athenians would have took him up as he swum; he therefore chose rather to dye in his station, than to lay down his Arms and quit the Ship. None of the other Sea-men would run the same ha­zard, [Page 110] but leap'd out, and escap'd safe to shore; while Chabrias, preferring an honourable Death before an ignoble and slavish Life, fighting hand to hand upon the Deck, was at last kill'd on the place.


TIMOTHEUS, the Son of Conon, an Athenian, encreas'd his Hereditary Honour by his own Acquir'd Virtues; for he was Eloquent, Stout, and Industrious; and no less famous for the management of Civil than Military Affairs. He per­form'd many eminent Exploits; but these following seem the most notable: He conquer'd the Olynthians and Byzantins, and took Samos; in which Enterprize (the year before) the Athenians had [Page 112] spent two hundred thousand Talents, yet Timotheus gain'd this Island without putting the Public to any Expence. He manag'd the War against Cotys, and took a Booty from him, for the Common­wealth, worth two hundred thousand Talents. He also rais'd the Siege of Cy­zicus; and accompany'd Agesilaus when he went to assist Ariobarzanes; of whom when Agesilaus receiv'd present Pay, Ti­motheus chose rather to increase the Pos­sessions of his Fellow-Citizens, then ac­cept of that his own private Family could only partake of; therefore he took Erichthon and Sestus.

Timotheus being made Admiral of the Navy, sailing along by Peloponnesus, he wasted the Country of Laconia, and beat their Fleet. He reduc'd Corcyra under the Government of the Athenians, with their Confederates of Epirus, Acarnania, and Chaonia, and all the Countries that border'd upon that Sea. By which Action of his, the Lacedaemonians were forc'd to let fall their old Quarrel, and volun­tarily to offer the Athenians the Domi­nion of the Seas; a Peace being Con­cluded between these two Common­wealths, one Article was, That the Athe­nians should be Lords at Sea. So great [Page 113] Joy was there at Athens upon the news of this Victory, that then it was that public Altars were first Erected to the Goddess of Peace, and a Pallet appointed Her. The Memory of which noble Act, that they might perpetuate, they erected a Statue for him in the Forum; which Honour was never pay'd to any man before him, viz. That the same People who had set up a Statue for the Father should give the Son one to; the last serving to revive the Memory of the former.

When Timotheus was very ancient, and had quite left off all public business, War began to threaten the Athenians on every side. Samus and Hellespont revolt­ed; and Philip of Macedon, being very powerful, made great Preparations for a War. Against whom, when they had sent Chares, they thought him not strong enough to oppose him; and thereupon make Menestheus (the Son of Iphicrates, and Son-in-Law to Timotheus) their Ge­neral; and order him to go to the War. They also send along with him his Father and Father-in-Law, to be his Councellors; Men excelling in Experi­ence and Wisdom, whose Advice he should always follow, because they were [Page 114] Persons of such Authority, that there was great hopes by their means they might recover all they had lost. When these two were gone to Samos, and Chares had intelligence of it, he drew all his Forces thither, lest there should be any Action in his absence. It so hap­pen'd, that when they came near the Island, there arose a great storm; for the avoiding of which, the two old Generals thought it very expedient, to cast Anchor. But Chares, without any consideration, not obeying the Com­mands of his Councellors, but as if he had Fortune in the Ship with him, draws near to Engage; and sends a Messenger to Timotheus and Iphicrates, command­ing them to follow him. This Attempt having succeeded ill, and losing a con­siderable number of his Ships, he retires back again from whence he came, and dispatches an Express to Athens, to let them know, that he could easily have taken Samos, had he not been deserted by Timotheus and Iphicrates. Upon this Accusation of his, they were Impeach'd. The Commons, who were fierce, jealous, factious, changeable, and Enemies also to all in Power, call them home; and accuse them of betraying their Country. [Page 115] In this Trial Timotheus is cast, and Fin'd an hundred Talents; and so being com­pell'd, through the ill will of an ungrate­ful City, he retires to Calcis. After his Death, the People repenting of the Sen­tence they had pass'd upon him, remitted all but a tenth part of his Fine, and oblige his Son Conon to repair part of a Wall. In which Action may be seen the various turns of Fortune; for those very Walls which the Grandfather Co­non had Rebuilt with the Spoils of the Enemy, is the Nephew forc'd to Repair, out of his own Estate, to the great Scan­dal of his Family. We might produce many instances of the Wisdom and Mo­deration of Timotheus; but one shall suffice; from whence we may easily conjecture, how dear he was to his Friends. When he was but a young Man, he was forc'd at Athens to plead for himself; and not only his Friends and private Acquaintance came to his Assistance, but also Jason the Tyrant, who at that time was a Man of very considerable Power. This Man, tho in his own Kingdom, never thought him­self safe without his Guards about him, yet came alone to Athens, valuing his Friend at so dear a rate, that he rather [Page 116] chose to endanger his own Life, than not assist Timotheus in vindicating his Honour. But notwithstanding all this, Timotheus soon after, by the Command of the People, fought against him; account­ing the obligations to his Country greater than those of Friendship. This was the last Age of the Athenian Commanders; for after Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timo­theus, there was no Commander of any note in that City.


DATAMES a Carian, the Son of Camissares by'a Scythian Lady, was the most considerable, for Valour and prudent Conduct, of any of those of the Barbarous Nations, ex­cept the two famous Carthaginians, Hamil­car and Hannibal. What he did was great, and out of the usual road; yet so little known, that we are oblig'd to be the larger in our Account of him: For he [Page 118] never ow'd his Success to the greatness of his Army, or to any of the common causes of it; but always to that which seem'd his peculiar Talent, a most extra­ordinary Policy. His first Employment was in the Guards at Artaxerxes his Court; but his Father, as the Reward of his eminent Courage and Constant Fide­lity to the King, had the Government of that part of Cilicia which lyes upon Ca­padocia, and is inhabited by the Leucosy­rians. Datames having a Command in the Army, first signaliz'd himself in the War against the Cadusians; in which there were many thousands kill'd, and chiefly by his means; for which Ser­vice, Camissares likewise falling in the Battel, he succeeded him in the Province.

Autophradates being sent by the King to reduce some to their obedience who had revolted, he behav'd himself with equal Gallantry; for by his manage­ment a small Party surpriz'd the Enemy in their Camp, and destroy'd them; the greatest part of the Army doing no ser­vice at all in the Action. After this, he was remov'd to higher Employments; for Thyus, the Prince of Paphlagonia, (descended from that Pyloemenes which Homer says was slain by Patroclus in the [Page 119] Trojan War) not sufficiently complying with the King, Datames (who was his Cousin-German) was sent with an Army to force his submission to the King's Plea­sure. But he intending to use his utmost endeavours, to make his Relation sen­sible of his Duty upon easie terms, and not suspecting any Treachery from a Friend, went to him without any Atten­dants; Altho his Confidence put him in extream danger; for Thyus had resolv'd upon a private Assasination, Datames having intelligence of the design from his Mother, who was Thyus's Aunt, and understood his intentions, made his escape, and immediately proclaim'd the War; which he vigorously continued, tho he was deserted by Ariobarzanes the Go­vernor of Lydia, Ionia, and all Phrygia; and made not only Thyus, but his Wife and Children too, his Captives.

He made all the haste imaginable, that the news of this Exploit might not get to the King before him, and got privately to Court, without any one's knowledg. The next day he shew'd his Captive, who was a vast black hairy Man, with a frightful and ghastly coun­tenance, dress'd very richly in the Habit of a Persian Nobleman; with a Golden [Page 120] Collar, and all other Princely Orna­ments. He himself appear'd meanly, like a Peasant, in a Hunter's Head-piece, made of the Skins of several Beasts; with a Club in one hand, and Toyls in the other; and brought him out in such a manner as if he had been some cruel Monster, just subdued. So unusual a sight drew a great many Spectators; one being accidentally there that knew Thyus, inform'd the King of it. But he at first suspecting so strange a story, commanded Pharnabazus to go and bring him a certain relation of the thing; from whom, when he had receiv'd full sa­tisfaction, he commanded him to be brought into his Presence, and was in­finitely pleas'd with the humour; but especially, that so great a Prince should so unexpectedly come into his hands. After he had for this nobly rewarded Datames, he sent him to the Army which was then rais'd against Egypt, under Pharnabazus [...]nd Tithraustes, and gave him a Command equal to theirs; and after Pharnabazus was recall'd, He was made Generalissimo. But whilst he was hastning the general Rendesvouz of the Army, and preparing for his March to Egypt, he receiv'd an Express from [Page 121] the King, that he should go against Aspis, the Governor of Cataonia; a Country which lies above Cilicia, and borders upon Cappadocia. For Aspis de­pending upon his Woods and strong Frontier-Towns, not only disobey'd some of the Kings Commands, but rob'd his Carriages, and made incursions on all about him. Tho Datames was at a great distance from Cataonia, and then in the management of greater Affairs, yet he yeilded to the King's pleasure; and in order to the execution of it, set Sail only with a few, but very stout Men; supposing, (as indeed it afterwards hap­pen'd) that he could have more ad­vantage over him with a small Com­pany upon surprize, then with a great Army after open defiance. Being arriv'd at Cilitia, he continu'd his Marches 'till he had pass'd over Mount Taurus, and was come to the end of his Journey. Enquiring for Aspis, he understood that he was hunting near that place. The occasion of Datames's coming was pre­sently suspected; and therefore Aspis im­mediately put the Pisidae, and others he had with him, in a posture of defence. Upon notice of which, Datames muster'd up his Men, and commanded them to [Page 122] follow him; and being mounted on an excellent Horse, rid briskly up to the Enemy. But Aspis perceiving the vigour of the first onset, the least endeavours of resistance were discourag'd; he im­mediately surrender'd himself; and was sent in Chains to the King, by Mithri­dates.

Artaxerxes, whilst these things were in agitation, recollecting, that he had call'd one of his best Commanders from a considerable Post, and sent him upon a trivial employment; but thinking that perhaps he was not yet gone, dispatch'd a Messenger to Ace, with orders that he should by no means leave the Army. But the Command was superseded; for those that guarded Aspis were met upon the way. Datames having accomplish'd his business with such unexpected Expe­dition, was greater in the King's Fa­vour then ever; and became so consi­derable, that he was the Envy of the whole Court. For they perceiv'd, that his single interest was greater then theirs in conjunction; and therefore all jointly conspir'd his ruin. Pandates the Trea­surer, who was his Confident, made him acquainted with all their designs, and told him by Letter what danger he [Page 123] was in, if any miscarriage should hap­pen during his Conduct in Egypt; That Kings took the Honour of great Acti­ons to themselves, but always imputed ill success to their Ministers; and there­fore were easily inclin'd to disgrace those whom they thought the occasion of it; That His condition was worse then any others, because it was the temper of the King, to hate those most who had be­fore been his chief Favourites. Having receiv'd this news upon his coming back to the Army at Ace, and knowing the advice was not to be contemn'd, he re­solv'd to leave the King's Service, but did nothing that was inconsistent with his Trust; for he left the Army under Mandrocles a Magnesian, went with a De­tachment of his own Men into Cappadocia, and siez'd Paphlagonia, which lay next to it, without discovering his disaffecti­on to the King. After which he held a secret correspondence with Ariobarzanes, got some men together, and plac'd them in the fortified Towns for the defence of the Garrisons. But it being Winter, the season of the year hinder'd some of his designs.

Hearing the Pisidae were preparing some Forces against him, he sent his Son [Page 124] Arisideus thither with an Army. The young General was kill'd in the Engage­ment. But his Father, concealing the loss he had receiv'd, went with some more men into the Field, being willing to get to the Enemy before his Soldiers had the report of the Defeat; for he thought the news of his Son's Death would very much discourage them. Be­ing arriv'd at the place he design'd, he so Encamp'd that he could neither be oppress'd with the numerous Forces of the Enemy, nor yet hinder'd from ma­king any advantageous Assault. His Father-in-Law Mithrobarzanes, Captain of the Horse, was then with him; but thinking their condition very desperate, went over to the Enemy. Of which Datames having notice, he presently consider'd, that the noise of his being deserted by so considerable a man might make the rest revolt; and therefore gave out, that Mithrobarzanes was by his orders gone away like a Renegade, that he might be admitted by the Enemy, and so destroy them with less difficulty. That therefore they ought not to deliver him into their hands, but immediately to follow him; which if they did with resolution, the Pisidae could make no [Page 125] resistance, for they would be slain both in their Camp and in the Field. The Design being approv'd of, he led out his Army, and pursued Mithrobarzanes; upon whose approach to the Enemy, Datames commanded his Standard to be set up. The Pisidae being in great con­fusion at the suddenness of the business, suspected the Renegades, and imagin'd they came with a treacherous design of doing the greater mischief. Therefore they first fell upon them; which sur­prising Accident put them in such dis­order, that they were forc'd to fight with those to whom they had fled, and assist those whom they had deserted; but being spar'd by neither, were all pre­sently cut off. Datames afterwards falling upon the Pisidae, forc'd them to fly, kill'd many in the pursuit, and took possession of their Camp. By this Stratagem he at once punish'd the Deserters, and gain'd a Victory over his Enemies; and made that which was intended for his Ruin, the means of his Success. And perhaps it was a Design so cunningly laid, and in so little time effected, that History can shew nothing parallel to it.

Notwithstanding these great Exploits, Scismas his eldest Son left him, and gave [Page 126] the King an account of his defection. Artaxerxes being troubled at the news, (for he knew he was to deal with a man of undaunted Courage, one who never de­sign'd any thing but what he dar'd ven­ture to effect, and never attempted any thing but what he had sufficiently consi­der'd) sent Autophradates into Cappadocia. Datames endeavour'd to possess himself of the Forest, which is the passage. to Cili­cia; but not being able so suddenly to get his men together, he was oblig'd to take other measures; yet he chose so commo­dious a place for his Camp, that the Enemy could neither enclose him, nor pass by him without being attacqu'd in several places; and was posted so advan­tageously, that in any Encounter their Multitudes could do very little damage to his small Company.

Altho Autophradates was sensible of all this, yet he was resolv'd rather to engage him, then either to continue long in that place, or go back with a great Army; for he had in the Field twenty thousand Horse, an hundred thousand Foot, and three thousand Slingers; which were the Cardaces, a people of the Lesser Asia; besides these, eight thousand out of Cappadocia, ten out of Armenia, five from [Page 127] Paphlagonia, ten from Phrygia, five from Lydia, about three thousand of the Aspen­dii and Pisidae, two from Cilicia, as many of the Caspians, and three thousand Mer­cenaries, which he had out of Greece; be­sides a considerable number of Light-Horse. All Datames's hopes of doing any thing against such mighty Forces, were in himself, and the convenience of the place wherein he was Encamp'd; for he had not the twentieth part of the men which were brought by Autophradates. Never­theless with these he ventur'd to give him Battel; and in it, with but the loss of about a thousand men, cut off se­veral thousands of His. In memory of which he erected a Trophy, the next day, in the place where they fought. After he had remov'd his Camp from thence, tho his Army was ever the least, yet he was still greatest when the Fight was done; for he understood the Coun­try, and always contriv'd, that the Ene­my should be confin'd to such narrow places, where he had no room to manage any considerable number of men. Auto­phradates finding the War prov'd more unsuccessful to his Master then to Data­mes, solicited him to a Peace, and pro­mis'd to restore him to the King's Fa­vour. [Page 128] He accepted the Conditions, tho he did not think them real; and said he intended to send his Ambassadors to Artaxerxes, in order to an Accommo­dation. And the War being thus ended, Autophradates went into Phrygia.

But the King hated Datames so impla­cably, that when he saw his destruction could not be accomplish'd by any open Force, he endeavour'd by some secret Methods to take him off. But he de­feated several of their designs; of which the most remarkable was this: He had intelligence, that some about him, and such as were reputed his Friends, had contriv'd his Death; this he thought, because it came from his Enemies, was neither to be over-much credited, nor perfectly slighted; but being willing to see the reality of the thing, he went to the very place where he was told they intended the Assasination; To one that exactly resembl'd him for shape and sta­ture, he likewise gave his Habit, and commanded him during the Journey to represent him, by riding in his place. He himself was Accouter'd like a Common Soldier, and Rid amongst His Guards. And charg'd all the Company to observe his motions, and second them. When [Page 129] the Conspirators saw the Company; they were deceiv'd by the place and dress, and assaulted the Counterfit; which when Datames perceiv'd, he presently threw out his Darts, and the rest (accor­ding to the Sign) doing so too, they were all kill'd upon the spot.

Yet at last this sagacious Man was over-reach'd by a project of Mithridates, the Son of Ariobarzanes; who assur'd the King of his Death, upon condition he might act as he pleas'd with impu­nity. The liberty being granted, and the Promise (according to the Custom of the Persians) confirm'd by the Hand, he pretended an open Defiance of the King, rais'd Forces, besieg'd his Towns, and vext his Provinces; by Agents de­sir'd a correspondence with Datames, and after a Distribution amongst his Soldiers, complemented him with a Pre­sent of rich Spoils. By these Actions he perswaded Datames, that he had en­gag'd himself in an everlasting Quar­rel with the King; but however, to prevent the least suspition of his designs, he neither desir'd a Conference with him or an Enterview; but manag'd his false Friendship so well at distance, that no­thing should seem to be the foundation [Page 130] of it, but their common Hatred of the King.

When he thought he had sufficiently setled him in this opinion, he sent him word, that it was necessary they should prepare greater Forces, and engage them­selves in an Actual War with the King himself; and if he approv'd the Propo­sal, that he would meet him at any place he should chuse, to consult farther about it. The time and place being appointed; Mithridates, going thither some days be­fore, with one that was his Confident, hid several Swords, and nicely observ'd how they lay. When the day came which they had fix'd upon, they both sent some Servants to view the place, and then met according to the agreement. After they had spent some time in the debate, and were parted, Mithridates (that he might not be at all suspected) before he was got to his Company, return'd to the same place, and sat down where he had buried one of the Daggers, as if he had design'd only to rest himself. But having taken up the Weapon, and conceal'd it under his Clothes, he sent for Datames, under pretence that he had forgotten some important matter; and told him, that as he pass'd along he had [Page 131] 'spy'd a very convenient place for their Camp. Datames turning, and looking with some earnestness upon the place which he shew'd him, was immediately stabb'd in the Back, and dy'd before any one could come up to his assistance. Thus he that had over-reach'd many by generous Stratagems, but none by any base Treachery, was at last deceiv'd and ruin'd by the plausible pretences of Friendship.


EPAMINONDAS the Son of Polymnius, was a Theban. But before we begin our account of him, it seems necessary to desire the Readers, that they would not make an Estimate of other People's Manners by their own; nor suppose, that things of small value with them, bear the same rate amongst all the rest of Mankind. Musick (we know) according to our sen­timents is below the Dignity of a Prince; to Dance, the mean Employ of Slaves; [Page 133] yet amongst the Grecians these are Gen­tile Accomplishments, of great repute. Epaminondas's Character deserves to have nothing omitted, that may conduce to the knowledg of so great a Man; where­fore we shall in the first place discourse of his Parentage, in the next of his Educa­tion, then of his Manners and Disposition, (and if there be any thing else on those heads worth relating); and in the last place, concerning his Actions; These are the great concern of life, and are by most preferr'd before all the solitary Ha­bits of a lazy Virtue. His Father's name you have heard before. His Family was Gentile, yet such as might receive, not give a lustre. Poverty seem'd entail'd up­on him from his Ancestors; yet never was Theban more Gentilely Educated. He learnt to play on the Lute, and to Sing, from Dionysius; whose Fame in Musick was not less then the celebrated Names of Damon or Lamprus. Olympiodorus taught him the Flute, and Calliphron to Dance. His Tutor in Philosophy was Lysis the Ta­rentinian, of the Pythagorean Sect; He was so great an Admirer of this old Man, that his reserv'd severe Conversation pleas'd him better then the gay Com­pany of his Equals; Neither would he [Page 134] leave him, till he had so far outgone his Fellow-Pupils, that it was appa­rent his Excellence in other Arts would be proportionate to his happy success in these. If you give a judg­ment according to our Customs, these things may seem mean and contemptible, and not proper Theams of Praise; yet were they anciently in Greece of as great concern as good Breeding could make them. After he was fifteen years old, he betook himself to the Academy, for the Exercises of the Body; where he did not so much aim at greatness of strength, as nimbleness in motion; The first he knew might gain applause in a Ring, the other was of the greatest use in War. Therefore he design'd to him­self such a perfection in Running and Wrastling, as he might be able while he was standing on his Feet to grapple and close with his Enemy; but neglected the other tricks of these Exercises, which were perform'd by the Parties tugging and tumbling one another on the Ground. These were his Recreations; Arms were his serious bus'ness. This Strength of Bo­dy thus gain'd, was attended with a more numerous train of the Goods of the Mind. He was modest, prudent, grave in his [Page 135] Behaviour, of great Address, and none more wise in managing each juncto of time to the greatest advantage. He was well Skill'd in the Art of War, Va­liant in the Duties of it, and of an un­daunted Courage; So severe a Lover of Truth, that he would not Lye in Jest; Chast, compassionate, and patient in an eminent degree; easily forgiving, not only the Injuries of the Multitude, but of his Friends; Above all things, care­ful to conceal Secrets committed to him; which sort of Silence is sometimes of as great advantage as the clearest Elo­quence. He thought the readiest way to Learn was to Hear; therefore when he came to any place in which Debates were held, either in Politicks or Philo­sophy, he never departed until the Dis­course was at an end. Poverty was so easie a thing to him, that Glory was the only advantage he made of the Commonwealth. In his Necessities he was perfidiously deserted by his Friends; yet was his Kindness so constant to others in their Wants, that one would guess his Principle was, That Friends have all things in Common. Thus, when any of his Country-men were taken Captive, or any of his Acquaintance had a Daugh­ter [Page 136] Marriagable, who could not be pre­ferr'd for want of Fortune, he call'd a Consult of Friends, allotted to every one (according to the proportion of his Estate) what he should give, and when the design'd sum was made up, he would not himself receive it; but introduc'd the person who was to receive the benefit, to collect it, that he might know how much he ow'd to every one's kindness. He gave a brave experiment of his Integrity in the repulse of Diomedon the Cyricenian, who at the request of Artaxerxes had undertaken to corrupt Epaminondas; in pursuit of this design, he comes to Thebes with vast Sums of Gold, and with a Present of five Talents brings over to his Party Micythus, a young Man whom Epaminondas dearly lov'd. Micythus ad­dresses himself to Epaminondas, and ac­quaints him with the Gift he had receiv'd, and the reason of Diomedon's coming; whereupon he sent for Diomedon, and thus speaks to him; There is no want of Money; for if the King desires such things as are for the Interest of Thebes, I am ready to comply with him without the Bribe of a Reward: But if they are of another nature, he has not Silver and Gold enough. For the Love of my Country weighs more with me, then all [Page 137] the Riches of the Universe. That you, who did not know me, and thought me like your self, made this Attempt upon my Virtue, is no wonder; and I forgive you: But haste you hence. Such Temptations may prevail on others, tho they can't on me. And you, Micythus, restore him his Money; which if you do not presently do, I will deliver you up into hands of Justice. Diomedon, dejected at the resolute Ho­nesty of the Man, now only desires, to return safely Home, and carry his Trea­sures along with him. You shall (replies Epaminondas), not for your sake, but my own; lest if your Money should be taken from you, any one should suspect, That I accepted that as a Spoil, which I had before refus'd as a Gift; and did not so much contemn the Bribe, as hate the Obligations of it. Then he ask'd him, whither he would be convey'd; and Diomedon answering to Athens, he gave him a Guard to conduct him thither; and not content with this, he took care, by his Friend Chabrias the Athenian (whom we have mention'd before), that he should securely take Shipping there, I suppose this is a sufficient testimo­ny of his unshaken Honesty. We might produce a great many more of the like [Page 138] nature, but we must deny our selves that liberty▪ because we design in this one Volume to comprehend the Lives of many Illustrious Persons; upon each of whom other Writers before us have bestow'd large Commentaries. He was the most eloquent of the Thebans; nor less acute in extemporary Repartee, than perswasive in continued Discourses. One Meneclides was his profess'd Enemy, al­ways opposing him in the Government of the Commonwealth; He was a Man ready and bold in Discourse; that is, he was a Theban; to which Nation Nature seems to have allotted more of Strength then Wit. When this Man found, that Epaminondas's Conduct in Military Affairs gain'd him [...]eputa­tion, he began to advise the Thebans, To lay aside the thoughts of War, and en­joy themselves in Peace. This he did, not out of any Love to his Country, but to stifle the occasions of Epaminon­das's Glory. To this Epaminondas re­plies, War indeed is a dismal Word; and 'tis the Sound alone that you make use of, to affright our Citizens from their interest. 'Tis Ease that you pretend, but Slavery is meant; for the Foundations of Peace are best lay'd by the Sword; and they that [Page 139] propose to themselves an undisturb'd and flourishing Tranquility, must be well Di­sciplin'd in War. Therefore (O Thebans) would you raise your State above the rest of Greece? This Glory is to be gain'd in Camps, not Schools of Exercise. At ano­ther time, when this same Meneclides objected to him, that he was never mar­ry'd, and had no Children; and princi­pally insisted on this, as a great height of insolence, that he durst compare his own Actions with those of Agamemnon's. He answer'd, Meneclides, do not object the want of a Wife; for I should in that affair sooner take any Man's advice than yours, (for Meneclides lay under the sus­pition of a very incontinent Fellow): But you are mistaken, if you think it my Ambition to reach Agamemnon's Glory; for he, with the Assistance of all Greece, scarcely at last, in ten years time, took one City; whereas I, on the other side, with the single Forces of one City, and in one day, routed the Lacedaemonians, and deliver'd all Greece from Slavery. When he went to the Convention of the States of Arca­dia, to engage them in a League with the Thebans and Argives, he found there Callistratus the Athenian Ambassador, to oppose his designs, who was esteem'd the [Page 140] best Orator of his time; he very bitterly inveigh'd against the Thebans and Ar­gives, who were then Confederates; and amongst the rest of the Invectives, were these, That the Arcadians should consider what kind of Men both Cities had pro­duc'd, and from thence give a judgment of the rest; Orestes and Alcmeon were Argives, and these wickedly murder'd their Mother; O'dippus was born at Thebes, who when he had Kill'd his Father, Mar­ry'd his Mother, and had Children by her. When Epaminondas had answer'd the rest of his Speech, he came at last to his Rail­ing, and said, He wonder'd at the Folly of the Athenian Orator, who did not consider, That these Men were born Innocent, but when they had contracted Wickedness enough to be Expell'd their own Country, were yet thought good enough to be Receiv'd and Caress'd at Athens. But then did his Elo­quence most eminently appear, when be­fore the Battel of Leuctra, all the Ambassa­dors of the Confederates were met at Sparta: Here, in this great Assembly, he so clearly set forth the Tyranny of the Lacedaemonians, that his Discourse did as much shake the Greatness of that State as the Battel at Leuctra; for then it was (which appear'd afterwards) that they [Page 141] were depriv'd of the Assistance of their Allies. That he was a very forgi­ving Man, and thought it unlawful to be angry at, or revenge, the Injuries of his Country, take the following in­stances: When Envy had so far work'd him out of the Affections of his Citi­zens, that they would not chuse him General, but supply'd that Trust with a very unskilful Commander, whose im­prudence led their Forces into such Streights that they were enclos'd by their Enemies, and now near Ruin; they be­gan to reflect upon, and wish for, the good Conduct of Epaminondas, who was at this time a Common Soldier in the Ar­my; To him they apply themselves for Assistance; who taking no notice of their Ingratitude, rais'd the Enemy's Leaguer, and secur'd a safe Retreat to the Army. Such Actions as these he often perform'd; but that which bears a greater lustre then any of the rest, is his brave deportment when he led the Army into Peloponnesus against the Lacedaemoni­ans; in which Expedition he had two Col­legues, one of which was Pelopidas, a very valiant Man; who falling under the Envy of some Crimes that were fasten'd upon him by his adversaries, all their Commands [Page 142] were taken from them, and new Pre­tors appointed to succeed. Epaminondas refus'd to obey this Act of State, and perswaded his Collegues to do the like; and so they proceeded in the manage­ment of that War. The reason upon which Epominandas acted was this, He foresaw (if he comply'd) the Igno­rance and Folly of the design'd Comman­ders would ruin the Army: The Law was, That it should be Death for any man to retain his Command longer than was li­mited by his Commission. This Epaminondas well understood, and the danger of it; but did not think fit, That the Law which was made for the Preservation of the Commonwealth should be turn'd to its Ruine; therefore he durst continue his Command four months longer then the the People had Enacted. After their return home, his Collegues being im­peach'd upon this Crime, he permitted them to cast the whole guilt upon him, and to plead, that it was wholly thro his means they had not obey'd the Orders of the State. Which Plea brought them clearly off; but none could believe Epa­minondas would make any Reply, be­cause the Crime being plain, they could not fancy what Defence could be made [Page 143] in the Case. He makes his Appearance, pleads Guilty to his Inditement, and con­fesses all that his Colleagues had laid to his Charge; and tells them, that he was very ready to undergo the punishment the Law appointed; but now, being a Dying Man, desir'd this one favour of them, that this Inscription might be wrote on his Tomb, Epaminondas was put to Death by the Thebans, because at Leuctra he forc'd them to overcome the Lacedaemonians; whom, before he was General, not a Man of the whole Country of Boeotia had the Courage to look upon in the Field; and that in one Battel he not only rais'd Thebes from out of its Ruins, but restor'd all Greece its Liberty; and so far chang'd the Scene of Affairs, that the Thebans besieg'd Sparta, and the Lace­daemonian Pride was brought so low as to be contented not to be Slaves; Neither, tho commanded, would he lay down his Arms 'till he had Fortify'd Messena, and by that means lay'd a perpetual Bridle upon the proud City of Sparta. This Speech rais'd Admiration, Laughter, and Ap­plause in the whole Assembly; so that not one of the Judges durst give their Verdict. And thus he came off this Trial for his Life with great Reputation. [Page 144] The last time he was General, was at Mantinea; where, pressing too boldly amongst the Enemies, they soon appre­hended the advantage, and (knowing his Death would be the safety of their Country) turn'd their whole Force upon him, encompass'd him, and would not leave the pursuit, 'till after a great Slaughter on both sides, and a brave resistance made by Epaminondas, they saw him (wounded with a Dart) fall to the ground. This sad accident did at first somewhat discourage the Boeoti­ans; but recollecting themselves, Re­venge succeeded Grief, and they gave not over till they had utterly routed the Enemy. Epaminondas finding him­self mortally wounded, and knowing, that should the Shaft be pull'd out of his Head he must immediately dye, kept it in so long 'till 'twas told him his Army had got the Victory; Then (says he) I have liv'd long enough, for I shall dye un­conquer'd. So the Iron being drawn out, he immediately expir'd. He was never Marry'd; for which Pelopidas (who had a very Debauch'd Son) thus re­proving him, that he took but little Care of the Commonwealth, who would not leave Children behind him to support it after his [Page 145] Death. He replies, Consider whether you do not perform worse Offices to it, in leaving so leud an Heir, who may help to destroy, but cannot maintain a Commonwealth: But as for me, I cannot want Issue; the Leuctrian Victory is my Offspring, which will not only survive me, but will immor­talize my Name. At the time that the Exiles, under the Conduct of Pelopidas, surpriz'd Thebes, and drove the Lacedae­monian Garrison out of the Castle, Epa­minondas (so long as his own Citizens were engag'd in the Fight) kept him­self at home, and forbore all Action. The reason of which proceeding was, that he could not in Honour join with these Betrayers of their Country, nor would he appear in Arms against them, because he would not stain himself with the Blood of his Country-men; for he well knew, That Victory in a Civil War was at best but an unfortunate Prize. But this same Man, as soon as the Battel was drawn off as far as the Cadmea, and the Lacedaemonians only concern'd, thrust himself into the formost Rank. I think I shall have said enough of the Virtues and Actions of this great Man, if I add but this one thing, which none can de­ny, That before Epaminondas's Birth, [Page 146] and after his Death, Thebes was con­stantly subject to a Foreign Power; but on the contrary, while he Presided in that Commonwealth, it became the Leading State of Greece. Whence we may draw this conclusion, That the Bravery of one Great Man does more ad­vance a State than the whole Mass of People.


PELOPID AS, the Theban, is more famous in History then common Talk; of whose Ver­tues I cannot tell in what man­ner I shall treat; for should I give a full descriptionof of his Actions, 'tis justly to be fear'd, that I should rather seem to write a History than his Life; and if I should only touch upon the heads, that then I should cloud his Reputation; and those who are unacquainted with the Greek Histories, would not perceive [Page 148] how great a Man he was: Therefore, to the best of my power to prevent both, I shall provide against the satiety as well as ignorance of my Readers. Phaebidas the Spartan, as he led his Army thro Thebes towards Olynthus, at the instiga­tion of some few Thebans (who, that they might the more easily check the contrary Faction, sided with the Spartan interest) surpriz'd the Citadel Cadmea; and this he did, not by any order from the State, but upon his own head; for which the Lacedaemonians took away his Commission, and set a Fine upon him; but refus'd to surrender the Castle to the Thebans; concluding it more politick, now distaste was once given, to conti­nue a Guard upon them, then permit them to be free. For after the Pelopon­nesian War, and the Athenians over­come, they saw the Thebans only stand in competition, and dare to oppose their Empire. Upon this account they put their Friends in power; and as for the Heads of the contrary Faction, some they Butcher'd, and some they Banish'd; amongst which, this Pelopidas (whom I mention'd in the beginning) was an Exile. Almost all these fled to Athens, not to live lazily, and at ease; but as be­ing [Page 149] the nearest and most convenient sta­tion, whence on the first opportunity they might endeavour the freedom of their Country: And therefore as soon as time appear'd, upon agreement with their friends at Thebes, they made choice of that day in which the Governors us'd to meet at a publick Banquet, to destroy their Enemies, and free the City: Great Actions are often perform'd with no great force; but certainly never before from so mean a beginning as this, was so great an Empire overthrown: For not above twelve of the banish'd Youth undertook the Enteprise, and not a­bove an hundred would joyn with them in so dangerous an Attempt; and yet by this despicable number was the Power of the Spartans Ruin'd: for these did not so much Attempt the contrary Faction in Thebes, as the Lacedaemonians, the then Lords of Greece; and whose Empire, first wounded by this Action, was a little while after in the Battel of Leuctra, brought to the last gasp: Now these twelve, Pelopidas their Leader, leaving Athens in the day-time, that about the dusk of the Evening they might reach Thebes, to prevent suspition they put themselves in a Country dress, and ap­pear'd [Page 150] like Hunters, with Hounds, Hunt­ing-poles and Nets; and entring the City at the very nick of time, they re­fresht themselves at Charon's House, by whose appointment the day for the At­tempt was set. And here I crave leave to break my story with a short Observa­tion, To what great Calamities doth supine security expose! For the Theban Magistrates were quickly inform'd, that the Exiles were in Town; but being eager on their Entertainment, they slighted the discovery so much, that they would not trouble themselves to examine a matter of so great concern­ment: Besides, which is a clearer de­monstration of their madness, a Letter was brought from Archias the chief Priest of Athens, to Archias the cheif Magistrate of Thebes, which made a full discovery of the Plot: This being delivered him while he was at Table, without opening it, he clapt it under his Cushion, with these words, I adjourn Bu­siness till to morrow. In the dead of the night, when they were well drunk, the Exiles, under the Conduct of Pe­lopidas, dispatcht them all: And that work once over, and the common Peo­ple call'd in to Liberty and Arms, many [Page 151] from the Country as well as Town came in to their Assistance. They beat the Spartan Garrison out of the Castle, freed their Country, and as for those who entic'd Phaebidas to Surprize the Cadmea, some they Executed, and some they Banish'd. All this unquiet time, Epaminondas (as I hinted in his Life) whilst the Citizens only quarrel'd a­mongst themselves, never stir'd; and therefore the freeing of Thebes is the peculiar Glory of Pelopidas. In almost all other Exploits Epaminondas had a share; for in the Battel at Leuctra, Epa­minondas was General, and Pelopidas Captain of a Select Band, which first broke the Main Body of the Spartans; and in all Enterprises he made one. Thus when Sparta was storm'd, he Command­ed one Wing; and that the old Messe­nians might quickly recover their own Country, He himself went an Ambas­sador to the Persian. In short, he was the other Man at Thebes; tho but se­cond, yet so as to be next Epaminondas. He had also cross fortune to Encounter, for first (as I have already mention'd) he liv'd in Banishment; and when he design'd to bring Thessaly under the Theban Power, and thought the Cha­racter [Page 152] of an Ambassador, which all Na­tions hold Sacred, was a sufficient Pro­tection; He and Ismenias were seiz'd by Alexander the Pherean Tyrant, and clapt in Chains. Epaminondas Warr'd on Alexander, and releiv'd him; but ne­ver after that could he be Friends with him that had offer'd the affront; and therefore he perswaded the Thebans, to undertake the Protection of Thessaly, and expel the Tyrants: He being cheif Commander in that Expedition, and having led his Forces into Thessaly, as soon as ever he came in sight of the Enemy, hasted to a Battel; In which Fight when he saw Alexander, fir'd with rage, he spur'd his Horse towards him, and advancing a great way before His Soldiers, was shot throw: This hap­pen'd in his second Victory, for the Tyrants Forces were already routed: For this Action, all the Cities of Thessaly Honoured dead Pelopidas with Golden Crowns, and Brazen Statues; and gave his Children a considerable peice of Land.


AGESILAUS of Lacedaemon is a person highly applauded by the greater part of Histori­ans, particularly by Xenophon, Scholar of Socrates, who treats him with a singular respect. At first he stood in Competition for the Crown with Leoty­chides, his Brother Agis's Son. It was a receiv'd Custom amongst the Spartans, to Dignifie two Persons at a [Page 154] time with the Name of King, tho in effect neither of them had much of the The greatest part of the executive Power was de­volv'd upon the Ephori, only the Power of Peace and War, and impo­sing of Ceremo­nies in Religion, remaining in the King, Arist. Pol. lib. 3. c. 10. Power. These two were always to be of the two Eminent Families of Pro­clus and Eurysthenes, formerly Kings of Sparta; who had both descended from the ever famous Hercules, and from him had derived their Titles; yet especial care was taken, that the two Lines should not mix and confound, but that each should descend in its proper Chan­nel; and that in both these the Eldest Heir Male should always succeed; and in defect of him, the next Prince of the Blood; the Female Sex being excluded▪ Agis in his Life time had denyed Leoty­chides to be For Leotychides was suppos'd to be Bastard to Alcibia­des, who when Agis was absent in the Wars, was ob­serv'd to entertain too secret a Corre­spondence with the Queen Timea, which being made known to Agis, he look'd upon her Issue as Spurious. Plutarch vit. Alcib. Athenaus. Legitimate, but being bet­ter advis'd at his Death, declar'd him to be his Son; which gave encourage­ment to Leotychides, after the decease of Agis, to dispute the Empire with his Uncle Agesilaus, but by the Prevalency of Lysander, a Turbulent and Potent Man in those times, Leotychides was re­jected, and Agesilaus preferred.

No sooner was he invested in the Kingdom, but being of an active Spi­rit, he perswades the Lacedaemonians to make an Invasion upon Asia, and to Commence War against that King in his [Page 155] own Territories; holding it a Maxim of good Policy, rather to remove a War into an Enemy's Country than to en­tertain it at home: besides, the noise of At that time King of Persia. Artaxerxes's Arms had already reach'd Greece; to invade which, he had E­quip'd a well furnisht Fleet, and set a Potent Land Army on foot; and there­fore to prevent him, Agesilaus, as soon as he had got his Forces in a readiness, enters Asia with such an incredible Ex­pedition, that his unexpected presence anticipated the Fame of his coming; and that King's Lieutenants found him set down in the midst of their Country before they had any notice of his design, to their great astonishment and confu­sion, they not being in a posture to make any defence. The news of so unex­pected a Guest could not long be con­ceal'd from the ears of Tissaphernes, Ar­taxerxes's Viceroy there, who upon the first Advertisement of it, politickly desires a Truce with the Spartans, under pretence of his friendly Interposition, to accommodate matters amicably and fairly betwixt both parties; but really for nothing else, but to gain time to le­vy Forces. However it was, a Truce was agreed upon for three months; the [Page 156] two Generals binding themselves with a solemn Oath to observe it. And ac­cordingly none was ever more punctu­ally observ'd by Agesilaus, and less by Tissaphernes, who improv'd the time in making preparation for War. This the generous Spartan knew very well; but yet could not be induc'd to violate his Oath and make a breach, saying, ‘That he should be the greatest Gainer at length, for Tissaphernes by his Perjury must nceessarily expose himself and his undertakings to the just indignation of the Gods and Men: But that he by his Religious observance should gain both Reputation and strength to his Party; since the Gods are al­ways more propitious to, and all wise Men will the rather favour and wish well to those, who put a value upon what they say, and are true to the Trust which is repos'd in them.’

The Truce expir'd, Tissaphernes draws down his Forces into Caria, partly to secure his own Possessions there, and because that Country being of all the Richest, would in all probability be the object of the Enemies first Attempt. But he was mistaken in his conjecture, for Agesilaus suddenly wheels about into [Page 157] Frontinus lib. 1. c. 8. speaking of this Expedition, instead of Phrygia reads Lydia, but the mistake is not great, for Phrygia, which is a Pro­vince in Asia Mi­nor, has Caria, Ly­dia, Mysia and Bi­thynia bordering so nearly upon it, that as Strabo says, they are not easily di­stinguished, but are often promis­cuously taken one for another. Phrygia, which he overran with such celerity, that he had depopulated the whole Country before Tissaphernes had advanc'd one foot forward to its re­lief.

Having here gratified his Soldiers with the Spoils of the place, he brought them back to their Winter Quarters at Ephesus, where he set the Artisans on work to prepare and furnish him with all sorts of Arms; and those of his Sol­diers who were industrious to fit and Accoutre themselves therewith, he (for the encouragement of others) oblig'd with some special Reward or Mark of his Favour; as likewise every one who in their daily Military Exercises particularly Signaliz'd himself above the rest; by which means he effected, that in a few days he had the best ap­pointed, and the best Disciplin'd Army in the World. When it was time to leave his Winter Quarters, he publickly Proclaim'd what way he really design'd to direct his course; having Learn'd by good Experience, that the Incredu­lous Asian would never beleive the pro­tests of his Enemy, but would certainly send his Forces to Guard those Pro­vinces which were most distant from [Page 158] that which he declar'd himself ready to invade. Accordingly it prov'd, for Agesilaus manifesting his design to make an inroad into The Royal City of Lydia, Her. Ep. 11. lib. 1. Quid concinna Sam [...]t? quid Cresi Regia Sardis? Sardis, Tissaphernes (whose own fault it was thus to be deceived the second time) again advances into Ca­ria to defend it, but by the event dis­covering his error he returns with all speed to the assistance of Sardis, but it was almost too late; for by that time he had reach'd the place, the Active A­gesilaus had posted himself in all the most important places of the Country, and had loaded himself with the Spoils of it. The Asians were much stronger in Horse, and therefore the wary Spartans declin'd all opportunities of engageing in open Campaign, and made choice of places the difficulty of which render'd the Enemy's Horse of little or no ad­vantage to them; by which policy he always remained absolute Conqueror in Asia, tho much inferior in Power; bal­lancing the inequality of Number with the excellency of his Conduct.

But whilst he was consulting to ex­tend his Victories into the very bowels of Persia, and to make the Sultan him­self sensible of the heavy stroke of his Arms, he receives an Express from the [Page 159] Ephori of Sparta, commanding his speedy return thither; the Athenians and Baeo­tians having denounced open War a­gainst that State. And here we have a fair opportunity of discovering the excellent Piety as well as Fortitude of Agesilaus, who when he was at the Head of a Victorious Army, and might in despite of the World have put himself in possession of the whole Empire of Persia, did yet notwithstanding so ad­vantageous a prospect, submit to the Com­mands of the absent Magistrates with so much readiness and condescention, as if he had wore the character of a pri­vate Commoner in Sparta rather than of so great a Prince. A rare example, worthy of the best of Emperors! Age­silaus, the Incomparable Agesilaus! to the scorn and Contempt of the Ambi­tious World, chooses rather to be Master of a good Reputation then of the most flourishing Empire; rather to Command the Affections of his Country then to be Lord of Asia. Accordingly he is resolv'd, and in pursuance of this so generous a resolution, uses such Expedition, that he passes the Hellespont with his whole Army in thirty days, which Xerxes could not ac­complish under a whole year. But when [Page 160] he came near to Peloponnese he found his way block'd up at A City in Boeotia. Coronea by the Athe­nians, Boeotians, The Thebans, A­thenians, Argives, C [...]inthians, Euba­ans, and Locrians, as Xenophon gives the account. and their Confederates, who had posted themselves there to im­pede him in his passage: But in vain did they contend against him who had Fortune at his Command; for at the first encounter he gave them a total rour. The Victory was great, but yet the praise of it was further enhansed by his Religious Clemency, for when some of the Enemy, escap'd from the Battle, had taken Sanctuary in Which was at Ito­nia, a City in Thes­saly, so called [...], says Stephonus from I [...]on. Minerva's Temple, and he was ask'd, what he would be pleas'd to determine concerning them, he strictly forbid any violence to be offer'd to them; tho he might justly have Sacrific'd them as proper Victims to his deep Resentments, and to that Noble Blood which he Himself had ex­pended in the Quarrel, having receiv'd some considerable wounds in the Fight. But his Religious respect towards the Sacred Temples did not only evidence it self in Greece, but in Asia too, where he express'd the like concern to pre­serve the Sacred Altar and the Images of the Gods from violence and Propha­nation; and he was often observ'd to say; ‘That in his opinion he was equally [Page 161] Sacrilegious who offer'd violence to the Altar or the Votary at the Altar, and that in effect he was the same Crimi­nal who was an Enemy to the Sacred place, or the Religion of the place.’

After this, Corinth was the chief Seat of Action, from whence this took the Denomination of the Corinthian War. Here albeit in one Engagement he had left 10000 of his Enemies breathless upon the ground, and had so far weak|'ned the Enemies Forces that in all Mens opinion they were perfectly broken, and incapacitated ever to Rally again; yet the Generous Agesilaus, no less a Master of himself then the Enemy, was so far from entertaining himself with any Insolent Conceits of his own Atcheiv­ments, that with a noble Compassion he deplored the unhappy State of Greece, which through its own divisions should lose the Lives of so many brave Men; whose Valour, if it had been plac'd on a right level, and directed accordingly, would inevitably have prov'd the Ruin of Persia. After this, having pent up the Enemy within the Walls of Corinth, he was advis'd to lay close Siege to that place; but Generously reply'd, ‘That it was beneath the Prudence of his Con­duct [Page 162] so to do, for altho he knew very well how to reduce a Criminal to a sense of his Duty, yet he did not think the Cities of Greece proper objects of his Valour, for whilst Greece fought against Greece, and destroy'd its own Members, whose concern against the Common Enemy the Barbarian was one and the same, every Member, which by this means was Rent and Torn off, was lost to the whole Body, whose Strength was thereby impair'd, and it Incapa­citated to Resist the Attempts of the Enemy, who would improve the Advan­tage of their Divisions to their Con­fusion.’

In the mean time happen'd that un­fortunate Battel at Leuctra, fatal to the Lacedaemonians, whither Agesilaus, as if he had been Conscious of the Event, could not by any Art be perswaded to go; but afterwards, when Epaminondas had Invested the City Sparta Thucydides in his Proem says, that the Cities of Greece had no Walls, but after­wards the Spartan Tyrants, distrust­ing the strength of their Arms, en­compass'd Sparta with a strong Wall. Justin lib. 14., it being at that time naked, and not defended with any Wall; Agesilaus behav'd him­self with so much Gallantry and Resolu­tion, that in all Mens opinion, if Sparta had wanted her Agesilaus, she had not long been Sparta. One remarkable in­stance there was, wherein his expedite [Page 163] and seasonable Counsel discover'd it self to the advantage of all. For when some rash young Men, terrified with the report of the Thebans approach, had taken up a Resolution to pass over to them, and in order thereto had possess'd themselves of a Post without the City, Agesilaus foreseeing the ill consequence and example of it, if any of his Men should be known to go over to the E­nemy, ‘He cunningly joyns himself with them, commends their choice of that place where they were Post­ed, and tells them, that he himself had design'd the same before, and there­fore that he would be their Leader, and the Companion of their Fortunes.’ They, caught with this Stratagem, pre­sently return'd to their Allegiance, and having some of Agesilaus his Followers joyn'd with them, lay aside all thoughts of Surrendring the place; for their numbers being augmented with Men of good Experience and Conduct, they durst not embrace any Treacherous design, and desisted the more willingly because they thought that their Treason was not yet discover'd.

After the Battel of Leuctra, Sparta could never recover it self, or regain [Page 164] its pristine Majesty and Power, yet Agesilaus bravely bore up under all For­tunes, and never wanted a helping hand to Sublevate the sinking State. Parti­cularly, when the Lacedaemonians were one time in great want for Money, he by Protecting those who had been defective in their Duty, and had incurr'd the cen­sure of the Laws, obtein'd great sums of Money from them, all which he frank­ly bestow'd upon the Public. And this was more signally remarkable in him, that of all the Rich Presents which were given him by Kings, Noble Per­sons or Cities which he had oblig'd, he never converted any to his own private use; neither did he ever deviate from the laudable Frugality and Thrift of the Spartans, his Diet was homely, his Apparel plain, his Lodging not a­dorn'd with the novel Bravery of the Times, but the same with that of Eurys­thenes the Founder of his Family; into which, if you should enter, you would find no provision for Lust, none for Lux­ury; but Patience was the Ornament of it, Abstinence its best Furniture, with these it abounded, but in other things it was not distinguished from the House of a poor Man or private Person.

[Page 165] But Nature was not more indulgent to this Great Person in bestowing upon him so many Excellent Qualities of Mind, then She was niggardly in dispensing the Graces of his Body; for he was low of Stature, and lame of one Foot; which latter defect made him appear something deform'd; and Stran­gers that beheld his face and the outward frame of his Body, slighted and contem­ned him; but those that were acquainted with the inward Accomplishments of his Mind, could never admire him enough. According to his former custom, when he was eighty years old, and was come into E­gypt as Auxiliary to Thacus having been constituted by the King of Per­sia cheif Com­mander of all his Forces in Egypt, had treacherously caused Egypt and the Forces under his Command to revolt from the Persian, and made himself King, which gave occa­sion to the World to reprehend Age­silaus for this a­ction, it being thought unworthy of so great a Man, and a Grecian too, for lucre sake to give assistance to so base a Rebel. Plutarch. Thacus, he lay down to sleep upon the shore amongst his Fol­lowers, without any Roof above him but that of Heaven, or Bed under him but the Earth, which he cover'd with Straw, a Beasts Skin being his Coverlet. In the same manner lay all his Companions round him, in mean, and very contem­ptible Habit, and which was so far from signifying the Person of a King to be amongst them, that it rather gave cause to suspect him to be some despicable mean Person. When the noise of his coming was bruited abroad, and had reach'd the Ears of the Persian, Messen­gers [Page 166] with Presents were instantly sent to him; tho when they came and enquir'd, which was Agesilaus? they could scarce be induc'd to beleive that he was one of those that lay down in that neglected manner. But when after their Comple­ments made, they had tender'd their Pre­sents to him, he only made choice of some Veal-flesh, and other Victuals for present use, and had distributed amongst his Servants the sweet Oyntments, the Coronets, with the more curious fare, and reserved nothing for himself, but sent back all the rest again, the Barba­rians then look'd upon him with greater contempt then before, imputing it to his ignorance, that he made choice of those less valuable things. Afterwards when he left Egypt he was Presented by King Diodorus affirms this King Necta­nabes to be Tachus himself, who thus rewarded him for confirming him in his Kingdom, but Plutarch will have him to be Couzen to Tachus, who be­ing during these Commotions de­clared King, was grateful to Agesi­laus for the good service he had done him. Nectanabes with 220 Talents, all which he liberally distributed amongst his Fol­lowers the Lacedaemonians. Coming from thence into a Haven betwixt Cyrene and Egypt, commonly known by the name of Strabo mentions this Port of Mene­laus, so called from Menelaus the Gre­cian, who coming into Aethiopia, and from thence Sail­ing into Africa, came to Land with his Ships in the Coasts about Arda­nia, which from thence forwards took his name. Menelaus his Haven, he unhappily fell sick of a fatal Disease, of which he After he had liv'd 84 years and reigned 41. Plu­tarch. dy'd. His Friends, in order to convey his dead Body, in defect of Honey, anointed it with Wax, and carryed it home to Sparta.


EUMENES was a Native of Cardia; and so eminent for Per­sonal Courage, that had his For­tune or Success been in any de­gree equal to it, he had not, 'tis true, been really Greater then he was (be­cause we measure the Greatness of an Hero by his inward Virtue, and not by any outward circumstances of Fortune) but still he had been more Honourable and Illustrious, and Fame had render'd him more considerable in the Eye of of the World. It was his unhappiness [Page 168] to be born in an Age wherein the Ma­cedonians flourish'd, and were at that heighth of Renown, as to eclipse his Merit; neither was it any small matter of Reproach and Detraction to him (who liv'd constantly amongst them) to be ignominiously upbraided with the Ap­pellation of a Forreigner, and a Man descended of a mean Stock; and yet he Himself was the Chief of the Family he sprung from. So that, upon these reasons, they envy'd him the Glory of Precedence; and yet were forc'd to be content and submit to it: For he sur­pass'd them all, in the Qualifications of a Statesman, in Care, Industry, and Pa­tience; in Subtilty of Contrivance, and Quickness of Invention. These Endow­ments recommended him early to the Acquaintance of King Philip; which in a very short time he improv'd into a most intimate Familiarity and Friend­ship; for as young as he was, there appear'd such a Genius, and Gene­rous Spirit, as promis'd much future Greatness. So that the King Constituted him his Secretary; which is an Employ­ment of greater Reputation and Honour amongst the Grecians than it is with the Romans; for we justly esteem Persons of that Character, as they really are, [Page 169] to be only Mercenary Scribes, and em­ploy'd for Gain. But, on the contrary, no Man was ever in Greece advanc'd to the Dignity of that Station, but such as were born of honest Parents, were of approv'd Integrity, and had Abilities fit for the Service; and the reason is, because their Office gives them Access to Princes, makes them necessarily ac­quainted with great Intrigues, and the secret Measures and Resolutions of all their Councils. He enjoy'd this Honour, and place in his Affection, during the last seven years of King Philip's Reign, and (after his Death) was continued in the same Character under Alexander the Great for thirteen more; and at last was preferr'd to Command that Wing of the Horse which was call'd the SOCIAL WING, from the Confederacy of the Allies that Consti­tuted it. In short, he was Privy-Coun­cellor to both these Princes, and entrust­ed with the sole management of their Business, and all matters of Importance.

When Alexander was dead at Baby­lon, his Provinces came to be distributed equally to the several Officers who en­joy'd his Favour; it was Perdiccas's Fortune (since Craterus and Antipater, tho more in esteem with Alexander, [Page 170] were absent at this Delegation; and Hae­phestion, whom Alexander lov'd as pas­sionately as himself, was dead also) to have the Command or Superintendency of the Whole lodg'd in his hands; and this was conjectur'd by the Ring that Alexander (when he lay speechless) took from his Finger and gave, as a peculiar instance of his kindness; inti­mating by this Pledg, that he nominated him Protector of the Empire, and en­trusted the Government of his Domi­nions to his Conduct, whilst his Chil­dren were in their Minority, and re­main'd under his Guardianship. In this Distribution of Provinces, the Govern­ment of Cappadocia fell to Eumenes's share, or rather was Assign'd to him; and the Title only of Lieutenant conferr'd upon him, the Country at that time being actu­ally in possession of the Enemy. It was the policy of Perdiccas to make this Man his Friend, and gain him to his interest, which he endeavour'd to accomplish by all the endearments imaginable, be­cause he knew him industrious in the Employment of War, and unalterably true to the Principle of his first Engage­ment; presuming with much reason and confidence, that if he could move him [Page 171] to espouse his cause, his service would be more than ordinarily instrumental to bring about those great Affairs which he had then in hand; for he intended (that which almost all Men in Empire propose to themselves) an Universal Monarchy, and to grasp all Power in his hands. Neither was he single and alone in this design upon the Soveraignty of the World; for the same lust of Power equally spread it self, and run throw all the Governors of Alexander's Provinces; and accordingly we find Leonatus affecting the Command of Ma­cedonia, and Attempting to invest himself in the Government of that Province; and in order thereunto, plying Eumenes with the bait of Preferment, and proposals of Honor to desert Perdiccas and make a strict League and Allyance with him; and when his arguments and promises were ineffectual to corrupt his Honesty, or seduce him from the Friendship he bore Perdiccas, he treacherously sought his Death, and had certainly accom­plish'd it, but that Eumenes privately made his escape by night, and so avoid­ed the danger.

In the mean time, whilst these am­bitious Designs were forming, there [Page 172] seem'd to be lay'd the Foundation of those ensuing Wars, which (after Alex­anders Death) rag'd even to the Exci­sion of the several Parties in the Con­test; and all of them (as one Man) join'd themselves in a Confederacy, to suppress Perdiccas, and prevent his growing Greatness. Now, tho Eumenes was sen­sible of the danger of his Friend, and knew that he was unable to stem the Tyde, or with his single Forces over­power that formidable and united Body of Men, that were rais'd against him, yet he would not desert him in extre­mity, but was more mindful of his Ho­nour, than the consideration of his own safety; Perdiccas had put him in a place of Trust, and Constituted him Gover­nor of that part of Asia, which lyes betwixt Mount Taurus and the Hellespont, and fixt him commodiously at that Post, for the conveniency of stopping the Eu­ropaeans, and keeping them from falling in upon the Rear, whilst he in the mean time undertook an Expedition into E­gypt, and design'd to encounter Ptolemy. And yet Eumenes was left in no good condition to Fight, for the Troops he had with him were not considerable ei­ther for Number or Courage, being for [Page 173] the most part raw, and unexperienc'd, ignorant of all Discipline, and rais'd ha­stily from the Refuse of the People; So that when Craterus and Antipater (Men of Renown and Terror in the Art of War) were said to have pass'd the Hel­lespont, and advancing towards him with an Army of old Macedonian Soldiers (where by the way I must tell you, that these Macedonian Soldiers were thought as terrible in the Trade of War, as the Romans are now with us; for those are ever counted the best Soldiers, that are levy'd from that Country which is the Seat of the Empire) Eumenes was con­fident, that if his Men should know the Power and Strength of the Enemy, and against whom they were drawn out to Fight, they would be so far from going chearfully upon the Expedition, that they would drop down dead with the news; It was his care therefore to preserve them in ignorance of his de­sign, and to lead them through unknown and by-roads, where no certain or au­thentick Intelligence could possibly come to disabuse them; and to bear them in hand, that their Arms were to be employ'd against the Barbarians, to revenge the insolence of a sort of Peo­ple, [Page 174] that had offer'd Affronts and acts of Hostility to their Country: Acting therefore by these measures of secresy, he had Marshall'd and dispos'd his Army in the best Array in the World for the Engagement, and had quite ended the Battle, before ever the Soldiers knew their Adversaries, or against whom they drew their Swords; and yet it is to be confess'd, that this overthrow is to be ascribed to another reason, viz. to the ad­vantageous choice he made of the ground, wherein his Horse alone (which was the strength of his Army) might bear the On­set and Attaque of the Enemy, and He not obliged to expose his Infantry to the Shock, which was very inconsiderable:

In this smart Conflict, which lasted almost till night, Craterus the General, and Neoptolemus, who had the second place of Command in the Field, were both slain: Eumenes engaged Personally in the Fight with Neoptolemus; and so violent was their hatred and animosity to each other, that when their Grapling had dislodg'd the Riders from their Horses, and thrown them both to the Ground, they could not be disengag'd from their hold, or parted by any thing but the death of one of the Combatants; [Page 175] so that they seem to have bore an internal malice, and to have wag'd War principal­ly in their Minds, and made their Bodies only seconds and Instruments in the quar­rel. In this Conflict Eumenes receiv'd some small Wounds, but they were not so dan­gerous as to induce him, for his Cure, to sound a Retreat and leave the Field, but rather animated him to a fresh Pursuit, and a more vigorous Slaughter of the E­nemy. So that when he had entirely rout­ed the Horse, slain Craterus, and taken a vast number of Prisoners (of the best Rank and Quality in the Army), the Foot seeing themselves destitute of Suc­cour, and lodg'd in such narrow places, where 'twas impossible for them to make their escape with safety, surrender'd themselves upon Discretion, and pray'd for Quarter. They no sooner obtain'd this Grant of their Lives from Eumenes, but treacherously, upon the first opportunity broke their Faith, and (contrary to the Engagement of Captives) revolted with as much speed as they were able to the Enemies Camp, and took part with Antipater. However Eumenes ge­nerously labour'd to recover Craterus from his Wounds, who was brought from the Field with some faint Breath­ings [Page 176] and signs of Life, to his Tent; and when he saw that 'twas impossible for Art to cure him, out of deference to the Character he bore, and to the Friendship that was once betwixt them (for they were intimate Companions in Alexander's Life-time), he Celebrated his Obsequies with great Pomp, and sent his Ashes to his Wife and Children into Macedon.

Whilst these great Actions were At­chiev'd about the Hellespont, Perdiccas was treacherously kill'd, in an Engage­ment upon the River Nile, by Seleucus and Antigonus; so that the whole Admi­nistration of Affairs devolv'd upon Anti­pater. Here those who had deserted the Army, by a Council of War, were pro­claim'd Traitors, and (tho absent) con­demn'd to lose their Heads. Amongst the number of those who lay under this hard Sentence, Eumenes was Chief; who was really disturb'd at the Injustice of his Fate, but not to that degree as to make him despond, or desist from the prose­cution of the War. And yet this Pro­scription, tho it might seem insignificant to affect a Man that was really in Arms, yet it had this effect, as to rebate the Greatness of that Courage which it was [Page 177] unable utterly to overthrow. Antigonus, (who was provided with good store both of Ammunition and Men) in pur­suance to this Decree, follow'd Eumenes in the Rear, and gave some disturbances to his Troops by small Skirmishes on the Road; but was never able to force him to a pitcht Battel, only in such narrow places, where a small Party was suffici­ent to engage the Front of his whole Army. And yet at last, when he was not to be undermin'd by Policy or Pru­dence, he was supplanted and almost ruin'd by the Treachery of a Multitude; but yet, even here, he extricated himself out of this difficulty; and, with the loss of some of his Men, retir'd safe to a Citadel in Phrygia, call'd Nora; wherein he was so close besieg'd by Antigonus, and abridg'd of room to Air his Horses in, that he fear'd their dissuetude from Exercise would speedily breed a Murrain, and cause a destruction amongst them; so that to prevent this inconvenience, he made use of an expedient, whereby they might in the same Stall procure a better Appetite to their Fodder, and yet not want the benefit of Riding. He de­vis'd this way; and ty'd their Heads so high to the Rack with Halters, that they [Page 178] could by no means touch the Earth with their fore-feet; and then his Grooms, with the Discipline of the Whip, laying on behind, oblig'd them to leap and kick backwards, to revenge the stroke. This motion, or agitation of Body, caus'd as much Sweating as if they had been actually Breath'd in a Course. So that (what was the most wonderful thing of all) by this Management the Horses were brought from the Castle, after many Months Siege, as clean and in as good liking as if they had been air'd every day in the Fields. When he was thus block'd up, as oft as he thought convenient, he made Incursions into the Enemy's Camp, and either burnt or de­molish'd the Fortifications and Entrench­ments of Antigonus; but still he kept himself close in his Garrison during the Winter season, because he could not in the Field have the advantage of a Castle for his defence and shelter; but as soon as the Spring approacht, under the pretence of yeilding the place, and making Conditions of Peace, he impos'd upon Antigonus's Officers (who had the management of the Treaty) and de­liver'd himself and his Soldiers both from the straitness and danger of the Siege.

[Page 179] To him Olympias, the Mother of Alexander, made her application, and addresst from Epirus (where she then dwelt) Letters to him into Asia, to importune his Aid, and desire his Assi­stance to recover Macedon, and invest her in the possession of that Empire. Eumenes, in his Answer, advis'd her to desist from her Pretensions, or at least to wait the time, when the Son of Alex­ander should assume the Government; but if her Ambition should hurry her, against this Advice, to invade Macedon, by all means she ought to forget old In­juries, and not exercise any Acts of Cru­elty against her Subjects. She follow'd none of his Counsel; for She did go into Macedonia, and Reign'd there with all the Tyranny and Barbarity imagi­nable. So that her Government becoming generally odious, she was forc't to write again to Eumenes, and beseech him not to suffer the inveterate Enemies of her House to extirpate the very Race and Memory of Philip, but to bring speedy Relief to the poor Remains and Posterity of Alexander; which Request of her's, if it were so reasonable as to be clos'd with, she further entreated him, to raise what Forces he could and bring to her [Page 180] Assistance; and that he might the more readily comply with this motion, for his encouragement, she had already oblig'd all her Officers (who had not yet shoke off their Allegiance) to obey him, and submit themselves to be regulated by his Orders. Eumenes was so exalted with the Honour of his Employment, and the Greatness of the Character he was put into, that he chose rather to embrace Death (if the Gods would have it so) in a generous Return of Service to his great Benefactor, than to live ignomi­niously, and with security, under the brand and appellation of Ingratitude.

Accordingly he makes a new levy of Men, and prepares himself for a War against Antigonus; Now there were at that time several of the Macedonian No­bility with him, and amongst them Peu­cestes, who was of the Bed-Chamber to Alexander, and had the Government of Persia conferr'd upon him, and Antige­nes, who commanded the Macedonian Phalanx; Eumenes thought it was im­possible to decline envy, or prevent dis­gust, if He, who was a Stranger, should arrogate the Command, and prefer himself to be General in the Army, when there was so vast a concourse and ap­pearance [Page 181] of Macedonian Noblemen with him; and yet being unwilling to be laid aside from the Employment, he takes a middle way to avoid the danger; he erects a Pavilion in the Camp, and calls it by the name of Alexander's Tent; and there orders all the Royal Furniture of a Golden Throne, a Scepter, and a Diadem, to be plac't where the Officers met constantly to treat of public Affairs, and the negotiation of War; being of opinion, that by this means he should not be oppress't with envy, if under the pretence and umbrage of Alexander's name, he carry'd on the War; which point he accomplished according to his design; for when the principal Officers met and concerted their measures seem­ingly at the Royal Pavilion, and not at Eumenes his Tent, his Superiority in a manner was conceal'd, and yet in effect he manag'd the whole Business of the Consult.

When the point of Precedency was in this manner accommodated, Eumenes met Antigonus, and had an encounter with him in Paraetacis; not in a formal pitcht Battle, where the whole Army was engaged, but in small skirmishes by Parties, where Antigonus was constantly [Page 182] worsted, and obliged to retire to his Winter Quarters in Media; He in the mean time lodg'd his Forces in the Coun­try of Persia, not as if he had chose the place for any advantage to himself, but the obstinacy of his Soldiers obliged him to it; for that Wing of his Army (with which Alexander overrun Asia, and Conquered Persia) were so insolent with the sense of their former Victories, and the Glory they Atchiev'd there, that they thought it their Business to Com­mand and not Follow their Leaders. Which really is the true character of our Veteranes; and there is this danger in employing either of them, for fear their unruliness and untractable Spirit should have this effect of destroying all before 'em, and their pride turn as pre­judicial to their own Party, as their Valour is fatal to the Enemy; and if any one will take the pains to examine and compare the Actions of both, he must necessarily find a great parity and resemblance betwixt them, and no other difference but in point of time. But to return from this digression; Eumenes Quarter'd his Men in Posts, not conve­nient for the Business of War, but ac­commodate to the Luxury of his Soldi­ers, [Page 183] and for this end they lay scatter'd in the Country, in no order at all, but at a great distance from each other. Antigonus was sensible of the disorder they were in, and withall conscious of his inability to attack them with success, if they were form'd into a Body, or put in a posture to receive him, and there­fore chang'd his measures of assaulting them openly, and upon warning, and took new resolutions; of doing it by surprise. There were two ways lead­ing from his Winter Quarters in Media, to his Enemies Camp on the other side, the one of 'em was short, exactly in a line, and lay cross the Country, where there was nothing but Desart and unin­habitable places, by reason of draught and the penury of water, and was only ten easy daies journy at the most; The other, which was the more beaten Tract, went round about in a circumference, and was much the longer passage, but still had all the conveniences and accom­modations of Travel. He foresaw, that if he undertook to pass in the more publick Road, the Enemy must necessa­rily be upon their Guard, and have in­telligence of his March, before he had accomplish'd the third part of his jour­ney; [Page 184] but if he moved with his Army, in a straight line, thro the Desart part of the Country, he might have hopes to oppress 'em unawares, and unprovi­ded for his coming; upon this resolu­tion, he ordered several Pitchers and Vessels of water to be prepared, and a great deal of Provinder to be in readi­diness, to supply the defect of the Coun­try; and then took care for his Soldiers, that there should be Bread and Victuals enough bak'd, to serve for ten daies; and this he did, because he would not be put to the necessity of making fires upon every occasion of Eating, for fear the Enemy should discover his approach at a distance, and he should have the secret of his journey betray'd.

In this Equipage, he sets forward and begins the Compaign, who notwithstand­ing this care, had not travell'd above half the way, but from the smoak in his Tents, and the dust which his Army rais'd, Eumenes had great reason to sus­pect that the Enemy was nigh. A Coun­cil of War is therefore presently call'd, to consult what was fitting to be done in this Exigence: It was the Judgement of most that were present, that their Troops could not be imbodied or col­lected, [Page 185] so soon as Antigonus, with the swiftness of his March would be upon them; at this debate (when almost the whole Council were at a loss, and des­pair'd of any Expedient of safety) Eu­menes assured the Board, That if they would use Diligence and obey Orders, which hitherto they absolutely refus'd, he would even yet bring things to a happy Issue; for whereas the Enemy might easily approach them in five daies time, he would order matters so, that he should be retarded full as long, and be put back ten; wherefore, saies he, let every Officer go his Round, and col­lect the Soldiers that belong to his Com­pany, and that lye scatter'd and dispers'd at large in the Country: Now this was the project that he us'd, to put a stop to Antigonus his motion and divert his course; He Commanded a Party of Men to lodge themselves at the foot of the Mountains, where the Enemy was to pass, and at the beginning of the Night, to make large fires, and extend them very wide in the Front, but to diminish the number and make them less in the second Row, and so propor­tionably to render them more conside­rably small in the third and hindmost [Page 186] Flank, that so, by this resemblance and shew of a Camp, the Enemy might be induc'd to think, his design was disco­ver'd, that they were alarm'd at his approach, and moved their Tents, in order to meet him in the Road and give him Battle in the Desart; This task the Officers were to renew every night; who according to their instru­ctions perform'd their charge; Anti­gonus by this peice of subtility was de­luded; who, as soon as it was dark, ob­serv'd the fires, and fell into a Beleif, that these were really the Tents of his Enemies, and that the whole whole Ar­my was Rendezvous'd and Encamp'd there to Fight them; so that he chang'd his resolution, and since he saw himself defeated of his design, and could not possibly surprise them in disorder, he turn'd his Course, and took the longer passage, which lay round about the Hills in a fruitful Soil, and tarry'd a day or two in the Country, to ease and refresh his Soldiers (that were tyr'd with the Fatigue) and to give rest to his Horses; that after such a Respit and Re­cruit, both Man and Beast might be in a better condition to oppose the Enemy, and more vigorously maintain the Fight.

[Page 187] By this stratagem Eumenes overreach't the policy of the General, and prevent­ed the suddainness of his Attaque; and yet it was without any real advantage to himself in the end; for such was the envy of his Officers that maligned his Glory, and so great was the perfidious­ness of the Veterane Soldiers, that 'tho in a brave Engagement (when they had put things to a push) they returned Conqueror from the Feild, and gain'd signal Trophies of Victory, yet they deliver'd their General Prisoner, and in Chains, to Antigonus; and this Trea­chery they acted, after they had thrice Religiously sworn to defend him with their Lives and Fortunes, and never to desert his cause; but so predominant was their envy above the consideration of their Oaths, or the obligation of their Fidelity, that they chose rather to vio­late their Faith, than not turn Instru­ments of his Ruin and betray him. An­tigonus had certainly spar'd his Life (tho he was his most mortal and inve­terate Enemy in the World) if his Council could have bin induc'd to have given way to it, because he knew, that no Man Living could be more service­able to him in the management of the [Page 188] Business of War, which he had then in hand, and saw a necessity of conti­nuing it; for both Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, (who were all Men of Power and Strength) were ready to oppress his Grandeur, and contend with him for Soveraignty and the prize of Empire; But those who were of Anti­gonus his Council, would not suffer such a failure in Politicks, as to be willing to have his Life preserv'd, whose promo­tion in a little time would certainly sup­plant their Esteem, and render them in­considerable in the Army; and besides, Antigonus himself was so enrag'd against him, for the Outrages he done, and the havock that was made in the Army, that there was no hopes of his reconciliation, or pacifying his Anger, unless he had an assurance of a full compensation by future Services in War.

When he was therefore committed to Custody, and the Governor of the Pri­son ask'd Antigonus, in what manner he would have him kept, With the same care, saies he, as you would keep a wild Lyon, or the feircest Elephant, under the strictest Guard: For he had not yet de­termin'd with himself, whether he would preserve his Life or no; Now there came [Page 189] all sorts of People to visit Eumenes in his misfortune; some, out of hatred, to glut their eyes with the sight and tri­umph over him in Affliction; Others, upon the account of Friendship, that formerly had bin betwixt them, went to comfort him in his Adversity, and pay their Complement of Condolence to him; but the greatest number came out of Curiosity to contemplate his form, and to know the shape and figure of the Man, to be able to remember and talk to their Acquaintance that they had seen the person, whom so long and so justly they had stood in dread of, and in whose destruction all their hopes of Victory and Peace were plac't; Eu­menes (whose Spirit was troubled more at the impertinence of the Visits, than at the greif of his Confinement) told Onomarchus, one day in Company, when he had bin long in Prison, That he won­dered, he had bin kept three days without Death or Releasement; that it was not sutable to the methods of Prudence to use a Captive so, but that Autigonus ought either to Execute him presently, or dis­miss him safe, loaded with apprehensions of Gratitude to his Friends. Onomarchus, startled at the boldness of this Discourse, [Page 190] What? saies he, If you have really this Courage and Bravery which you pretend, why did not you chuse rather, to dye Ho­norably in the Feild, than fall ignomini­ously into the hands of your Enemy? Oh! would to God, saies Eumenes, this had bin in my Power or choice; but this could not possibly be my Fate, for I never in all my Life time had the Glory to Encounter a Braver Man than my self, and never contested the point of Valour with any Hero yet, but forc't him to yeild and own me the Conqueror; and now tho I am basely in your Power, yet my ignominy is to be ascribed to the Treachery of my Friends, and not to the Prowess of my Adversary. Neither was any thing of this Discourse, tho it seem'd a Rant, false; for he had both a Majesty in his presence, that struck an awe and terror into the Be­holder, and such a Gigantick firmness in his make and Limbs, as seem'd to be compos'd only for Work and Labour, and yet there was such a Symmetry and proportion of parts, as render'd him both August and Comely.

Antigonus durst not hastily and alone determine of this Man's Fate, but left his case to the Consideration and Wise­dom of his Council: Here many of the [Page 191] Board stood astonish'd at the neglect of Ju­stice, and wondered that Execution was not presently done upon an Enemy, who for many years had laid wast and ravaged their Country, slain the cheif of their Comman­ders, and put such a Terror and Conster­nation amongst the Rest, that they had bin brought even to extremity and despair; and if the sense of these injuries is not suf­ficient to justify or provoke his Ruin, yet let the danger of his Person weigh some­thing towards his Death: As long as he is in Being, there can be no security for our Preservation, but we shall be constantly afraid, lest he should be violently releas'd from his Prison to head a Mutiny or Se­dition in the Camp; but at his Death these dangers cease, and there can be no apprehension of Disturbance to be rais'd from his Ashes; but however, pursued they, if Antigonus was inclined to give him Life, they humbly entreated to know, how he would new model his Council, or where he would find Officers to have place there; for with Eumenes none of the old Commanders would either Correspond, or joyn Interests, or be at the same Board to­gether. Tho the Sentiments of the Council were in this manner made known, yet Antigonus takes seven days [Page 192] time to deliberate and pronounce his Doom; and thèn fearing an Insurrection might be caus'd by the delay of Execu­tion, he orders his Warders to be re­mov'd, his daily sustenance to be with­drawn, and forbids all Mankind his pre­sence (for still he would not offer vio­lence to the Man who once had bin his Friend) that so he might perish with Famine, without involving others in the guilt of his Blood; and yet Eumenes after three daies languishment with hun­ger, when his Spirits were impair'd and sunk, unknown and without order from Antigonus, was kill'd by his Keepers, to prevent the care of tending him, in fol­lowing the Camp.

Thus Eumenes (who, as we told you before, at twenty years of Age, was re­ceiv'd at Court withall possible demon­stration of kindness, who for the space of seven years was a constant Favourite and Attendant to King Philip, and af­terwards was admitted to the same place in Alexanders esteem, and enjoy'd it thirteen years more, to that degree, that in his time, he was constituted Master of the Horse in the SOCIAL AR­MY, who also, after his Death, was Commander in Cheif of the whole Ar­my, [Page 193] and either repelled the violence of his encroaching Competitors, or slew them in the Fight, maintaining the Boun­daries and just Limits of their Power) thus I say, dyed this Great Commander, in the forty fifth year of his Age, and fell a Victim to the treachery of his Sol­diers, rather than overcome by the Pro­wess of Antigonus. It is easy to judge, what opinion the Officers (who stiled themselves Kings after Alexander's Death) had of this Mans merit and Valour, by this single instance of their Pride; since, in his Life-time, they durst not assume that swelling Title, but were content with the Name and Appellation of Praefects; but after his Fall, took the Honour of the Name, and all the outward Ornaments that be­long to Soveraignty and a Crown'd Head; neither did they perform what was the pretence and Ground of War, The Office of Guardianship, or seck to pre­serve the Kingdomes for Alexanders Le­gitimate or Natural Issue: But as soon as Eumenes, the only Defender and As­serter of their Cause was gone, they shew'd themselves openly in their own colours, and that their design was prin­pally to raise and aggrandise themselves: [Page 194] In this Conspiracy against Eumenes, An­tigonus, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander, were chiefly concern'd, and passionately sought his Ruin; how­ever Antigonus had this Honour in him, to give the Corps to be bury'd by his Relations. Who perform'd his Funeral Rites in a Military Pomp, with the At­tendance of the whole Army at his Hearse; and after this Ceremony was over, transmitted his Urn into Cappa­docia, to be Religiously kept by his Wife and Children, and preserv'd there.


PHOCION th' Athenian, tho he was many times Forty-five times, says Plutarch, be­fore ever he was free of the City. He was the darling of the People, while out of fa­vour with the Go­vernment. Chief Com­mander of the Forces of his Coun­try, and One who bore the high­est Offices in the City; yet is He much more known for Integrity and Agree­ableness of Life, then for any Military Exploits. Hence 'tis, there is no account of These upon Record, but very much said of his exact way of Living, and [Page 196] other popular Qualities, which gave him the Title of The Beneficent The Greek name is [...] Hesych.) which was con­serr'd upon him, says Suid. [...], in a Common Hall, nemine con­tradicente, because He reliev'd maxy indigent Citizens, and contributed to provide for their Children.. He was never Rich, tho the several Places of Honour and Profit freely given him by the People might have plentifully fill'd his Coffers. When King Philip Plutarch says, it was his Son Alex­ander that sent this Gift, as a Reward for the good ser­vice he had done him, in keeping Athens true to His Interest while he was upon his Asi­an Expedition. The sum was 100 Talents, about 8000 pound English. pre­sented him with a vast sum of Money, and by his Ambassadors press'd Him earnestly to accept it; advising Him withal, That, tho He for his own part, might easily dispense with the want of it; yet he ought to be concern'd for the good of his Children, to whom it might be dif­ficult in a low Ebb of Fortune, to maintain the Greatness of their Fathers Character: He generously refused the Present, and told them, If my Children prove such as my self, then that small parcel of Ground will keep them, that has advanc'd me to this: But if they degenerate, I should be loth their Luxury should be supported or en­couraged at my Provision.

When he had enjoy'd a continu'd series of Prosperity, till very near the eightieth year of his Age; in his latter daies he grew extreamly out of favour with his Fellow-Citizens. 'Twas laid to his Charge, that he conspir'd with De­mades to deliver up the City to Antipater: And by his Advice, Demosthenes, and the [Page 197] rest, whom they now look'd upon as Per­sons that deserved well of the Common­wealth, were by Decree of Common-Council Banish'd. Nor was Male-admini­stration his only Crime; they accused him for violating the common Obligations of Friendship: For, whereas he had been advanc'd, to those Honours which he had, by the Eloquence and Interest of Demosthenes; and particularly when he took his part against Cares An Athenian Captain, who went to assist the Byzantines against King Philip; but managing Affairs imptudently, He was call'd home, and Phocion sent in his Place., in a Ca­pital Cause, had been defended by him, and clearly brought off in open Court; He did not only not defend Demo­sthenes, but as was said, perfidiously be­tray'd him. But, the Crime that most of all caus'd his Ruin was this; When the Government of the City was in his hands, and he had notice given by Der­cyllus, Who defended Athens on the Land-side, [...]. Plut. that Nicanor, Cassanders Lieu­tenant General, had a design to surprise Piraeus; and also was desired to take spe­cial care, that the City should not want Provision: He said publickly in the hear­ing of the People, thàt there was no danger at all; and promis'd them that He would engage his Life for their se­curity. Not long after, Nicanor took Piraeus: And, when the People rose in Arms to regain it (without the Posses­sion [Page 198] of that Fort Athens cannot long subsist) he not only neglected to Summon the rest of the Citizens to their Assistance, but refus'd to put himself in the head of those that were ready to make the Assault.

At that time, there were two Factions in Athens; One stood for the Liberties of the People, the Other (amongst whom were Phocion and Demetrius Phalereus A famous Athe­nian General, who perswaded Ptolemy King of Egypt to have the Holy Bible translated out of Hebrew into Greek, by the LXXII. Jes. Ant. lib. 12. c. 2.) asserted the Prerogatives of the Nobi­lity: Both courted the Protection and Favour of the Macedonians; for the Cheif of the Popular Party favour'd Polypercon The one Gene­ral ( [...]) and the other a Captain ( [...]) in Antipa­ters Army: Up­on whose Death they fell out betwixt them­selves, and by their interest divi­ded the Athenians.; the Nobless sided with Cas­sander The one Gene­ral ( [...]) and the other a Captain ( [...]) in Antipa­ters Army: Up­on whose Death they fell out betwixt them­selves, and by their interest divi­ded the Athenians.. During these Heats, Polyper­con drove Cassander out of Macedonia. By this Victory the People getting the upper hand, immediately condemn'd all the Heads of the opposite Faction, and banish'd them the City: Amongst whom were Phocion and Demetrius Phalereus. This done, they dispatch an Express to Polypercon about the business, and desire Him that he would confirm their Decree [...]. Plut.; Phocion understanding this, went thither in Person, and as soon as he appear'd, or­der was given that he should plead his own Cause, in form indeed before King Philippus Ari­daus, an Effemi­nate, weak Prince. Philip, but in effect before Polypercon; for [Page 199] He was, at that time, Protector of the Kingdom. One A violent, bawl­ing Lawyer, who run down Phocion with noise and clamour: and was afterwards, when the Athenians bet­ter understood themselves, con­demn'd for his pains. Agnonides accus'd him, that he had betray'd Piraeus to Nicanor, and thereupon by Order of Council he was committed: to a Messenger, and re­manded to Athens, that he might be proceeded against according to the Laws of his own Country.

At his entrance into the City, (by reason of an Impediment in his feet he being forc'd to be carried in a Coach) there was a great concourse of People to see Him. Some, remembring the greatness of his former Renown, ex­treamly pitied his old Age: many, were highly exasperated against him, upon suspition of Treason about the business of the Fort: but, that which enraged them most was, that now in his latter daies, he should so much oppose the Li­berties of the People. When he came to the Bar, they would not give him leave to plead his own Cause, but after a slight formality of Justice, publickly condemn'd him, and delivered him to the Eleven, to whom according to the cu­stom of the Athenians, the publick Ex­ecution of Traitors does belong. As he was drawn to the place of 'Twas on the nineteenth day of March, which was a Festival in honor of Jupiter, that the punishment might be more exemplary. Execution, one Emphyletus, formerly an intimate [Page 200] Acquaintance, meets him, and with tears in his eyes cry'd out; O Phoci­on! how Unjust and Unworthy are these punishments thou endurest? They may be Unjust, reply'd the Prisoner, but they are not in the least Unexpected; for very many Eminent Athenians have gone this way to their Deaths. The Odium of the Mobile was so violent, that no Free­man durst bury him: therefore his Body was interr'd by Slaves Plutarch says, that one Conopt [...]n, a Common Officer burnt his Body, and that an old Woman gather'd up his Bones and bury'd them with this Wish, O A­thenians, when you return to your wits, give these Bones a more Honorable Bu­rial. It happen'd accordingly, for within a short time finding their Error, in taking off so brave a Man, They reverted the Sentence, solemnly Interr'd his Body, Erected a Statue in Honor of Him at the publick cost; and condemn'd, or banished all that had any hand in his Accusation..


TIMOLEON, a Corinthian born, was without doubt, in the general esteem of the World, a very Eminent Man; for he had the happiness to which few or none could arrive, of freeing his na­tive Country from the oppression of a Tyrant, of redeeming the City of Sy­racuse, to whose assistance he was sent, from a long continued Bondage, and of restoring all Sicily to its former con­dition, which had been long harrass'd by War, and the inhumane usage of the [Page 202] The Carthagi­nians. Barbarians. But in the managing of all those Affairs, he met with many dif­ferent Adventures; and what is thought to be the hardest encounter of the two, he behav'd himself rather the more dis­creetly in his Prosperity, then in his Ad­versity. For when his Brother Timo­phanes, who was made General by the Corinthians, by the help of his Mercenary Soldiers had invaded the Soveraignty, and Timoleon might have had a share in the Royalty with him, He was so far from a betting any such peice of Villany, that he put a much greater value upon his Fellow Citizens Liberty, then he did upon his Brothers Life, and look'd up­on himself infinitely more oblig'd to live in obedience to the Laws of his Coun­try then to rule over it. Being a Man of these principles, he contriv'd to have his Brother the Tyrant Murther'd by a certain Soothsayer, and another who was related to 'em both, as having mar­ried their own Sister both by Father and Mother. In which Murther he was so far from having any hand, that he would not so much as look upon his Brothers bloodshed. For while the thing was putting in Execution by them, he took a Post at a distance, that none of his [Page 203] Live-guard might come to his Rescue. This notable Action of his, was not look'd upon by all with the same eyes, for some took it to be a breach of Piety, and by a Sinister interpretation repre­sented the whole matter as unwarran­table. Nay, his Mother, after this would never let him come within her Doors, nor as much as admit him into her presence; but out of a detestation of the Fact, would brand him with the name of unnatural Assassine of his Prince, and Brother. At the hearing of which words, he was so mightily concern'd, that he had sometimes thoughts of being his own Executioner, and by imbracing Death to abandon the sight of an un­grateful World.

In the mean while, after Dion was slain at Syracuse, Dionysius made him­self again Master of the Town; But they of the contrary Party, Petition'd the Corinthians for succour, and desir'd a General over their Forces. In which Expedition, Timoleon was sent, and with wonderful success, beat Dionysius quite out of Sicily, yet spar'd his Life, when it was in his Power to have taken it away; and took particular care to see him safely convey'd to the City of Co­rinth, [Page 204] which had been frequently sup­ported by the aid and assistance it re­ceiv'd from both the Dionysii. Of which Favour Timoleon was willing to leave a Memorial; esteeming that Conquest much more Honourable, which had in it more of Mercy than Cruelty. In a word, he sent him thither alive, that the World might not receive it by Tra­dition only, but be eye-witnesses, what a Personage he had reduc'd, from so great an Empire to so mean a condition. After Dionysius's departure, Timoleon en­gaged in a fresh War with Icetas, who had acted contrary to Dionysius's inte­rest, not so much out of dislike or ha­tred of his Tyranny, as out of private interest, as was plain from his unwil­lingness to quit his Command, when Dionysius was depos'd. Icetas being de­feated, Timoleon routed a very formidable Army of the Carthaginians at the River Crimessus, and oblig'd them to rest con­tented, if they might be permitted to live quietly in Africk, who for many years past had been in possession of Si­cily. Besides all this, he took Mamercus an Italian Commander Prisoner, a very Warlike Man, and one of great inte­rest, who had come over into Sicily to [Page 205] the Assistance of the Tyrants.

These things being happily Atchiev'd, and finding by a long continuance of War, that not only Countries, but Ci­ties also were depopulated, he drew to­gether all possible Recruits, first of the Sicilians, then of new Planters which he brought over from Corinth, because the City Syracuse was by them Originally Founded. To the old Inhabitants he restor'd their own; he divided among those of the new Plantation, the Estates of such whose owners had been lost in the Wars, he repair'd the ruinated Ci­ties, and demolish'd Temples, he Erected anew the several States upon their old Laws and Liberties, and after a most dreadful War, settled so great a Peace and Quiet through the whole Island, that he might rather be taken for the Founder of those Cities, then they who had at first Planted 'em. The Citadel of Syracuse which Dionysius had Forti­fi'd, on purpose to block up the Town, he eras'd from the very Foundation, sleighted all other Bulworks of Tyran­nical Government, and did what in him lay, that as few marks of Bondage as could might remain. Having so great Power, as that he could have extorted [Page 206] obedience from them, and again being such a Favourite of all the Sicilians, that he might have come to the Crown, by a unamimous consent, he chose rather to be Belov'd then Fear'd. Therefore as soon as conveniently he could, he laid down his Command, and pass'd the re­maining part of his Life there, as a private Person. And this was not done unadvisedly; for he maintain'd that Grandeur and Authority through a mutual good will, which other Princes could never compass by force. Every Man paid him constantly a very great respect, and no publick Business was e­ver after Transacted at Syracuse, of which any Decree was made, before Timoleon's sense of the matter was un­derstood. No Mans Counsel was ever preferr'd before his, nor as much as stood in competition with it. And so to do was not more their Affection, then Wisedom.

When he was grown old, he lost his Eye-sight; which Affliction he bore with so much Patience, that he was never heard to complain of it, nor was yet less useful in private concerns or publick Affairs. For he came to the Theatre, when the People met there in Counsel, [Page 207] drawn by a pair of Mules, by reason of his infirmities He was Aged, Blind, and had the Gout., and so from the Coach deliver'd his opinion concerning the matter in debate, which no Body look'd upon as a piece of pride in him, for ne­ver did any thing like Insolence or vain Glory come out of his mouth. If at any time he had heard himself mag­nify'd, he would only reply, that he did signally bless the Gods, and was bound upon that particular account to be always thankful, for that, when the Gods were graciously pleas'd to raise Syracuse, they made choice of him as their unworthy Instrument. For he thought, that no humane actions were brought to perfection without an over­ruling Providence. And therefore he Erected a private Chappel in his house to Fortune, where he with much con­stancy and zeal paid his Devotions.

Besides this most excellent temper of his, several remarkable Accidents con­curr'd to render him famous. For all his most memorable Battels happen'd to be▪ fought upon the day on which he was born; so that it fell out, that all Si­cily made their Anniversary Feasts on his Birth-day. When one Laphystius, an inconsiderable, sawcy, and ungrateful [Page 208] Fellow, requir'd stipulation of him for an appearance, under colour of an Action that he had against him; and the Mul­titude flocking together, endeavour'd forcibly to curb the pretenders insolence; Timoleon beseech'd 'em to desist; Al­ledging, that he had gone through great hardships, and extream dangers, chiefly upon the account, that La­phystius and others might enjoy their Liberty. For the true nature of Free­dome is, that any one may try out whatever Cause he has by due Course of Law. When another Fellow, much like Laphystius, Demaenetus by name, in a Harangue before all the People As­sembled in Counsel, had detracted from the Glory of Timoleon's Actions, and had sharply inveigh'd against him, he made no other answer, but that he now found that his Prayers were heard; For he had ever made it his humble Request to the Gods, that the Syracusians might enjoy such a Liberty, whereby every one might be free, to speak his Senti­ments of whom he pleas'd. When he dy'd he was interr'd at the publick charge of the Syracusians (in an Academy, which had its denomination from him) all finely attending his Funerals.


HAMILCAR, a Carthaginian, Sirnam'd Barcas, the Son of Hannibal, at the later end of the first Punic War, tho then very young, was Constituted Genera­lissimo of the Forces in Sicily. In which Employment he behav'd himself so well, that (tho before his time the Carthagi­nian Army was always worsted, both by Sea and Land) he still kept his Ground, and was so vigilant, that his Ene­mies could never find him unprovided; [Page 210] but on the contrary, when opportunity serv'd, would fall upon them, and always made himself Master of the Field. More­over, when the Carthaginians by their ill success had very near lost all footing in Sicily, he so prudently defended the City Eryx, as not to leave the least sign of a War behind him. But in the interim, C. Lutatius, the then Roman Consul, ha­ving beaten the Carthaginian Fleet at the Islands Aegates, the Carthaginians re­solv'd to Conclude the War, and to that end made Hamilcar their Plenipo­tentiary. Who, tho naturally more in­clin'd to War than Peace, yet in that Juncture of Affairs, He prefer'd Peace; because his Country being then poor, could no longer endure the hardships and expences of War; yet he reserv'd this to himself, that as soon as the Car­thaginians were a little refreshed, again to renew the War, and by Arms oppose the Romans, until Fortune had deter­min'd the Conquest. With this reso­lution he concluded the Peace; in the setling whereof, He was so stout, that when Catulus refus'd to sign the Arti­cles, unless He, with the whole Garrison of the City Eryx, would depart Sicily without their Arms; He bravely and [Page 211] sharply replyed, that tho his Country being poor, could yeild him no assistance, yet he would rather dye, than return to his home with such Ignominy and Re­proach. For it would not consist with his Valour, tamely to deliver up to his Enemies those Weapons which were committed to his Trust for the defence of his Country. Upon this his resolution Catulus comply'd.

But Hamilcar, so soon as he arriv'd at Carthage, found the Commonwealth in a condition worse than he expected. For by the long continuance of the For­reign War, Intestine discords were so much heightn'd, that Carthage was ne­ver in the like dangerous condition, un­less when it was quite raz'd and demo­lish'd. For the Mercenary Soldiers who were twenty thousand strong, and (who had formerly fought against the Romans) Revolting, drew all Africa to their Party, and likewise besieged Carthage. By which great misfortune the Carthaginians were so Terrify'd, that they sought for Aid and Protection from their greatest Enemies, the Romans, and obtain'd their Request. But in fine, when they were almost reduc'd to the utmost extremities of misery and de­spair, [Page 212] they voted Hamilcar their General. Who not only made those Rebels, who were above twenty thousand, to raise their siege from before Carthage, but also forc'd them to that extremity, that shutting them up in places where they were void of all relief, more perish'd by Famine than were kill'd by the Sword. He brought back again the revolted Towns to their former Duty and Obe­dience; and amongst the rest, Utica and Hippo, the two wealthiest Cities of all Africa. Neither was He satisfied with this; but he also enlarg'd the Empire, and all Africk was so settled, that none could imagine that there had been any War there for many years before.

These things being finish'd by him so successfully, out of a couragious and an exasperated mind against the Romans, and that He might more handsomely pick a Quarrel with them, he contriv'd, that he himself should go Commander with an Army into Spain, taking along with him his young Son Hannibal, then but nine years old. With him marcht Hasdrubal, that Beautiful and brave Youth; whom some think to have been belov'd too much by Hamilcar, in [Page 213] a manner not allowed to his Sex: For great Men seldom escape ill Men's mali­cious Tongues. And upon this account, the Youth Hasdrubal was forbid by the Censor to attend the General. But Hamilcar giving his Daughter in Mar­riage to Hasdrubal, found out that way, as the best expedient, of enjoying the Youth's company; for their Laws did not forbid the Son-in-law to converse with his Father. I thought this passage worthy of my notice, because when Ha­milcar was kill'd, he Commanded the Army, and was Successful in many re­markable Exploits; and during his Com­mand, by large Gifts he so corrupted the ancient manners of the Carthaginians, that after his Death Hannibal receiv'd his Power from the Army.

Hamilcar, after he had cross'd the Sea, and enter'd Spain, with great success undertook vast Designs; he subdu'd the most Warlike, and the wealthiest Countries: and furnished all Africa with Men and Horses, Arms and Mony. But as He was designing a War on Italy, in the ninth year after his en­trance into Spain, Fighting against the Vettones, He was unfortunately slain. His implacable hatred against his Ene­mies [Page 214] the Romans, was the cheif cause of the second Punick War; for his Son Hannibal was so exasperated by the daily and repeated Conjurations of his Father, that he often declar'd, He had rather perish, than not try the Courage of the Romans.


AS 'tis a Truth of undoubted Cer­tainty, That the Romans did ex­ceed all other People in Brave­ry, so likewise must it be con­fest, That Hannibal was as far above all other Commanders for his Wisedom and [Page 216] Conduct, as the Roman Valour was more eminent than that of all different Nations. For during the whole time that Italy was the Seat of his Action, Success continually waited on his Arms; insomuch, that had not the Envy of his Enemies at home unfortunately, hindred his Progress abroad, He seems to have been sufficiently able to have made an absolute Conquest over the Roman Em­pire. But too numerous were his detract­ing Foes, to be Encounter'd by the Gallantry of a single Person. He so im­prov'd the Hatred that his Father bore the Roman Nation, and which was in a manner Hereditary to Him, that He would sooner have parted with his Life, then in the least have abated of his A­version to that People. For tho he lay under the unhappy circumstances of a Ba­nished Man, and consequently was ob­liged to Forreign Princes for their ass­stance, yet He never ceas'd (at least in his intention) to wage War with the Ro­mans. Not to instance in King Philip (whom he render'd an Enemy to that Nation, tho he had not the advantage of Consulting with him in Person) He possess'd King Antiochus, a Prince of the greatest Strength and Power of those [Page 217] times, with so eager a desire of making War upon them, that he raised the whole Force of his Empire, as far as the Red Sea, with a design to Invade Italy. To this Antiochus it was, that Embassadors were sent from Rome, to the intent they might inform themselves of his Reso­lutions, and use all possible endeavors, by underhand Polices, to bring Hanni­bal into suspicion with the King, by assuring Him, that (as if they had with­drawn him from his Fidelity) He now espous'd a quite different Interest than He had formerly served. They effected this with no small success, as Hannibal soon perceiv'd, when he found that He was turn'd out of the Privy Councel; so that at a convenient time, He first waits on the King, and having put him in mind of his great Loyalty to him, and his Hatred to the Roman People, he added over and above, When I was a Boy of about nine years of Age, my Father Hamilcar being upon his departure from Carthage, as General into Spain, offer'd up Sacrifice to the Great Jupiter; during which Solemnity, he asked me, whither I would bare him company to the Camp; which when I readily accepted of, and began to importune him, that he would not [Page 218] scruple to take me along with Him; I will (says he) grant your Request, pro­vided you will take an Oath, which I shall propose to you; Upon which he led me to the Altar where he design'd to Sacrifice. And when (according to Custom) I had laid my Hands upon it; the rest of the company being at a di­stance, he commanded me to swear, That I would never be in Friendship with the Roman People. This Oath, which my Father then gave me, I have preserv'd so inviolably to this very day, as not to give any Man the least ground of sus­pecting, but that I shall be ever of the same Disposition. So that now if you en­tertain any thoughts of contracting any kind of Friendship with the Romans, 'twill be your wisest course to conceal it from my knowledg; but on the other hand, whenever you design a War with them, you will very much mistake your measures, if you do not principally commit the ma­nagement of it to my hands.

'Twas at this Age he accompanied his Father into Spain, after whose Death Hasdrubal succeeding as General, the Command of the Cavalry was conferr'd upon Him; and Hasdrubal not long [Page 219] after being Murder'd, the Army unani­mously chose Him in his place; an ac­count of which no sooner reach'd Car­thage, but was receiv'd with the public Approbation of the State. Thus Hannibal, not yet twenty five-years of Age, was actually General of all the Carthaginian Forces, and within the space of three years after, subdued all the Countries of Spain; He took Saguntum (a City in Alliance with the Romans) by Storm. He rais'd three vast Armies; one of which he sent into Afric, another he left with his Bro­ther Hasdrubal in Spain, and the third he Commanded in Person into Italy. He pass'd the Pyrenean Mountains, and all along as he march'd, having frequent En­counters with the Inhabitants, He Con­quer'd all He Fought. Coming at last to those Alps which divide Italy from Gal­lia, the Inhabitants oppos'd his Pas­sage, which He soon laid open by cutting them in pieces. He was the first Man that ever led an Army over these Mountains, except Hercules the Grecian, from whose passage they took their Name. Here Han­nibal open'd the Way, and fortified the Pass, making so great an alteration, that the Elephants, together with their Furni­ture, could march conveniently in that ve­ry [Page 220] place, where before a single Man, tho unarm'd, could scarce creep along. From hence leading his Forces into Italy, he had an Encounter on the River Rhone with P. C. Scipio the Consul, and put him to flight. He fought him likewise near the River Po, for the Town Cla­stidium, where Scipio himself was wounded, and his Army utterly routed. He had a third Battel with him and his Collegue Tiberius Longus, who ad­vanc'd towards Him near the River Tre­bia, where he engaged them and defeated them both. Marching at length through Liguria, he cross'd the Appenine Hills, intending for Hetruria. In this march he was extreamly afflicted with a de­stemper in his Eyes, to that degree, that he could never recover the perfect use of his right one again; But notwith­standing his indisposition was such that he was forc'd to be carried in a Litter, he obtain'd a very signal Victory over C. Flaminius the Consul, at the Lake Now call'd Lago di Perugia. Thrasimenus, where having circumvent­ed him by ambush, he cut him off with his whole Army. In a short time after, he serv'd C. Centenius in the same man­ner, who with a chosen party of Men, had possess'd himself of the Tops of the [Page 221] Mountains. He came from hence into Apulia, where the two Consuls C. Te­rentius Varro, and Lucius Paulus Aemilius advanc'd towards Him, and in one Battel he routed both their Armies; In which En­gagement Lucius Paulus the Consul was kill'd, with many more who had sustain'd that Dignity, amongst whom was Cn. Serilius Geminus, who had enjoyed it the foregoing year. After this Action, He march'd to Rome without any Op­position. He halted for some time on the neighbouring Mountains, and in a few days after decamp'd from thence. In his return to Capua; Q. Fabius Maxi­mus the Roman Dictator, oppos'd him­self to him in the Falernian Field. Tho the Streights were so very narrow, that Hannibal's Army was perfectly shut up, yet by the advantage of the Night he got away without any damage. Here it was, that he outwitted that subtle Com­mander Fabius: For in the dead of the Night he commands his Soldiers to set fire to the Bowes of Trees, which he had be­fore order'd to be fasten'd to the Horns of a considerable number of Oxen, which he drove in a hurry upon them. This unex­pected sight was no sooner beheld, but it put the Roman Army into such a con­sternation, [Page 222] that not a man offer'd to stir out of his Trenches. A fews days after, he defeated Marcus Minutius Rufus, Ge­neral of the Cavalry (whose Command at that time, by the Votes of the People, was made equal to that of Dictator) whom he had cunningly decoy'd into a Battel. And tho he was not present at the Acti­on (as being then in Lucania), yet at a distance he laid an Ambush for Titus Sempronius Gracchus, the second time Consul, and slew him; as he did Mar­cus Claudius Marcellus, who had five times bore that Office. 'Twould be a tedious work to give a distinct Relation of each particular Action, so that this short Account shall suffice, to shew the World how extraordinary a Person he was. That so long as he was in Italy no man was able to resist him in Battel; neither durst any one after the Defeat at Cannae make Head against him in the Field. Being thus far a Conqueror, He was at last call'd home to the Relief of his own Country. He was employed in the management of the War against the Son of that Scipio whom he had former­ly beaten on the Rivers of Rhone and Po, having likewise defeated him near the River Trebia. But the Affairs of [Page 223] his Country being in a desperate con­dition, he was very willing (in a Confe­rence with Scipio) to put an end to the War at present, that he might be in a better condition to renew it. According­ly they had an Interview; but the Con­ditions proposed were such as could not be agreed upon. So that in a few days afterwards he fought him at Zama; in which Battel, Hannibal being utterly routed, with incredible speed, in the space of two days and two nights, arriv'd at Adrumetum, which is three hundred miles distant from Zama. In this flight the Numidians (who quitted the Battel at the same time with Han­nibal) conspir'd against him; but he had not only the good Fortune to avoid their Treachery, but to suppress them. Here he rallied together all those who had saved themselves by flight; and new Musters being made, in a few days he listed a considerable number. While he was thus earnestly employed in ma­king preparations for a War, the Car­thaginians conclude a Peace with the Romans. Hannibal notwithstanding had the Command of an Army, and (toge­ther with his Brother Mago) was in A­ction in Afric till the time that P. Sul­picius [Page 224] and Caius Aurelius were Consuls; for 'twas during their Magistracy, that the Carthaginian Embassadors were sent from Carthage to Rome, to return thanks to the Senate and People for the Peace they had granted; and in consideration of the Favour, to present them with a Golden Crown; intreating them withal, that their Hostages might be remov'd to Fregellae, and their Prisoners Restor'd. To whom the Senate gave this an­swer, that as their Present was very grate­ful and acceptable to them, so likewise they consented, that their Hostages might be lodg'd where they had desir'd; but that their Captives should by no means be releas'd, because they still em­ploy'd Hannibal (the Author and Begin­ner of the War, and the irreconcileable E­nemy of the Roman Name) with his Bro­ther Mago, in the chief Command of their Armies. They no sooner receiv'd this answer, but Hannibal and Mago were recall'd home again. Hannibal at his return, was chosen Praetor, after he had been King twenty-two years. For as it was customary at Rome, yearly to elect two Consuls; at Carthage two Kings were annually chosen. He acquit­ted himself in this Employment, with [Page 225] the same Prudence as he did in War; For he took care, that the new Imposts should not only furnish Mony for the Tribute paid to the Romans, but that some over and above should be left to lay up in the Exchequer. The year after his Praetorship, Embassadors arriving at Carthage, Hannibal suspecting they came to demand him, privately takes Ship before they could have Audience of the Senate, and flies to King Antio­chus in Syria; which when the Carthagi­nians knew▪ they immediately sent out two Ships with orders to apprehend him if they could overtake him, which not being able to effect, they confiscated his Goods, raz'd his House to the very ground, and proclaim'd him a Banisht Man. In the Consulship of Lucius Corne­lius and Quintus Minutius (which was three years after his departure from his own Country) He Cruis'd for sometime about the Coast of Cyrenaica with five Ships, endeavouring to perswade the Carthaginians to renew the War, upon the confidence of Antiochus his strength, whom he had already perswaded to in­vade Italy; then He engage'd his Brother Mago in the design of which, the Car­thaginians being inform'd, they us'd [Page 226] him with the same severity they had in­flicted on his Brother. Thus their Affairs being in an ill condition, they set sail for Asia to King Antiochus. There are two different accounts given of the Death of Mago, some Authors affirming that he perished by Shipwrack, others, that he was murdered by his own Servants. Had Antiochus hearken'd to Hannibals Coun­cel, as well in the management of the War, as he had done in the undertaking it, the decision of the Empire of the World might have been nearer the River Tibur then the Streights of Thermopylae. But notwithstanding, this Great Commander well understood the Imprudence of his Conduct, yet he would never forsake him in any Enterprize. He was made Ad­miral of a small Fleet, with orders to convey them from Syria into Asia, with this he ingaged the Rhodian Navy in the Pamphylian Sea, who being very much Superior to him in number, his party was beaten, tho that Squadron which he himself fought in, had the advantage of the Enemy. After the Defeat of An­tioohus, Hannibal fearing least he would deliver him up to the Romans (as cer­tainly he would have done, had not He prevented him) went into Crete to [Page 227] the Gortynians, that he might have time there to consider, how to dispose of Himself hereafter. And here, out of his extraordinary subtility, He foresaw he should be in great danger, by reason of the Covetous humor of the Cretans. For he brought a considerable sum of mo­ney with Him, the rumour of which he knew was already spread abroad. This therefore was his device; Having fill'd a great number of Vessels with Lead, and covering the top of them with Gold and Silver, He places them in the Temple of Diana, in the presence of the Gortynians; pretending that He committed his whole Fortune to their Trust. After he had put this cheat upon them, He fills up several Brass hollow Statues (which he had brought along with Him) with his money, and throws them negligently in the outward Court. In the mean time, they guard the Tem­ple with the greatest strictness; not so much suspecting other people, as fearing least Hannibal, without their knowledge might remove the prize He had com­mitted to them. Thus our Carthagini­an, having sav'd his Treasure intire, and finely deluded the people of Crete, He came at length to Prusias the King of [Page 228] Bythinia in Pontey; where He still pre­serv'd his old inclination towards Italy, and made it his endeavor to engage the King against the Roman People. But when He perceiv'd He was not strong enough of Himself to oppose them, He Associated other Kings, and Warlike Nations in a Confederacy. Eumenes, as being a great Friend to the Roman In­terest, refus'd to joyn in the Alliance; so that they maintain'd a War with each other, both by Sea and Land. But being back'd by the Romans, He was infinitely too hard for them. Now Han­nibal perceiving, how necessary it was for the better success in His Affairs, that Eumenes should be cut off, he resolves upon this way to rid himself of Him. They were in a short time to engage at Sea; but Hannibal being overpower'd in number, Stratagem was to supply the place of Strength; Accordingly he charges his Men to get as many poyso­nous Serpents as they could, and put them into Earthen Vessels; of which they procur'd (as commanded) a con­siderable number. On the day that they were to fight, having call'd his Seamen together, he gave them order, that they should all rush together upon the Ship [Page 229] in which Eumenes was, and that in the mean time, they need not doubt, but that they were able enough to defend themselves from the rest, since they were provided of so great a number of Serpents. It should be his business to shew them which was the Ship he would have assaulted, and likewise to reward the person, who should either kill the King, or take Him Prisoner. After he had given these directions, the two Fleets being set in order, and about to engage; That his Soldiers might plainly see, where this Eumenes was before the sign was given, He sends out a Messenger in a small Boat, having a white Wand in his Hand (as a token of Peace) when he was come near to the Enemies Fleet, he shews them a Letter, asks for the King, upon which he was immediately Conducted to Him, every one taking it for granted, that Hannibal had sent him to treat of Peace; the Messenger having thus discover'd to his own Party which was the Kings Ship, returns a­gain. When Eumenes had broke open the Letter, He found nothing contain'd therein, but what tended to Laughter and Contempt of his Person; He very much wonder'd what the meaning of [Page 230] this should be, which tho he could not understand, without any more ado, He engages the Enemy; At the very first Onset, the Bythinians, according to their orders, rushing on altogether, beset Eumenes his Ship, who being not able to withstand their shock, saved his Life by flight, which he could never have effected, had he not betook himself to his Guards in the neighbouring Shore. When the rest of the Navy of Eumenes began more fiercely to Attack the By­thinians, they pour'd in their Vessels up­on them, which at first the Enemy only Laught at, who could not devise what their intent could be. But when they perceiv'd that their Ships were full of Serpents, being affrightned with the strangeness of the thing, and knowing not what danger chiefly to avoid, at last they tack'd about, and made to their Port; So that the Cunning of Hannibal was too Powerful for the Force of the Pergamenan Navy; Who by the same kind of Stratagem had frequently obtain'd great Victories at Land. While these things were Transacting in Asia, King Prusias's Embassadors (then at Rome) being accidentally at Supper with Caius Quintus Flaminius the Con­sul; [Page 231] somebody accidentally happening to mention Hannibals Name, one of the com­pany said, that He was in their Kingdom. The next day Flaminius acquaints the Se­nate, with what had been affirm'd by this person, who imagining that they should be never free from Treacheries, so long as Hannibal was alive; despatched Embassa­dors into Bythinia, (one of which was Flaminius) who were to demand of the King, that He should not protect their most inveterate Enemy, but forthwith de­liver Him up into their Hands. Prusias could not deny, but that Hannibal was in his Dominions, tho He refus'd Himself to betray Him to the Embassadors; desiring, that they would not Request any thing which was so much against the Laws of Hospitality; But let them take Him if they could, who without any diffi­culties might find Him out. Hannibal constantly confin'd Himself to one place, being a Castle, with which the King had Presented Him as a Reward for his Services, which He so contriv'd, that he had Sallies on all sides, through which he might escape, if he should have occasion; for he always suspected that that would befall Him, which at last did really happen. The Roman [Page 232] Embassadors accompanied with a great number of Men, having at length sur­rounded this Castle on all parts; his Servant perceiving them from the Gate, runs to his Master and acquaints Him; that there appear'd a more then usual company of Armed Men; upon which He commands him to go round all the doors of the House, and speedily bring Him word whither there was any way to escape. When the Boy had immediately acquainted him how the case stood, and had farther assur'd Him, that all the passages were stopt, he was soon sa­tisfied that this could not happen by ac­cident, but that they came to seize his person, and that consequently he could not long enjoy his Life, which He was resolv'd should not be in another Mans disposal; upon which he immediately swallowed a dose of poyson, which he was always accustom'd to carry with Him. Thus, this our most Valiant Hero, harrass'd with nu­merous and various Labours, repos'd him­self in Death the seventieth year of his Age. Authors do not agree in whose Consulship He dyed. For Atticus in his Annals affirms, that Claudius M. Marcellus, and Q. Fabius Labeo, did then bare that Office; Polybius on the [Page 233] other hand asserts, that it was in the time of Lucius Aemilius Paulus, and Cn. Baelius Tamphilus. But Sulpicius different from both, says, that P. Corn. Cethegus, and Marcus Baebius Tamphilus were at that time Consuls. Tho this our Great Man was always imploy'd in the business of War, yet He bestowed some time in Learning. For he wrote several Books in the Greek Tongue, amongst which, one is an account of the Actions of Cn. Manlius Volsus in Asia, which he dedica­ted to the People of Rhodes. Many there are who have given an account of the Wars of Hannibal, among which were Philenius and Sosilus the Lacedemonian, who were his Fellow-Soldiers, and liv'd with Him as long as Fortune permitted. He made use of Sosilus as his Master, to Instruct Him in the Greek Tongue.

But now it is time for me to make an end of this History, and proceed to the giving an account of the Roman Ge­nerals, that comparing each others Vir­tues, we may be able to make an Esti­mate, which were the Braver Men.


CATO was a Native of the Cor­poration of Tusculum; while Young, before he engag'd in Publick Affairs, he Liv'd in the Country of the Sabines, because there was his Estate left him by his Father; M. Perpenna Censorinus was us'd to re­late, that by the encouragement and advice of L. Valerius Flaccus, (who was afterwards his Partner both in the Offi­ces of Consul and Censor) he remov'd to Rome, and apply'd himself to the Law. When he was seventeen years [Page 235] old, he listed himself a Soldier, which was under the Consulship of Q. Fabius Maximus, and M. Claudius Marcellus. He was a Tribune in the Army of Si­cily: when he return'd thence, he went a Volunteer into the Army under the Command of M. Claudius Nero; where he did very good service in the Battel of Sena, in which Hasdrubal, Hannibal's Brother, was stain. He was by lot chose Questor to P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Consul, with whom he did not live in that Friendship which the Duty of the place requir'd; and no wonder, con­sidering the whole course and bent of his Life was so contrary to that of Sci­pio's. He was made Aedile with C. Helvius. When he was Praetor, he had the Province of Sardinia alotted him for his Government; From whence some time before (when he was Questor) as he was returning out of Africk, he in­vited and brought along with him Q. Ennius the Poet, which was a prize of no less value, then the greatest Triumph Sardinia could afford. He was Consul with L. Valerius Flaccus; He gain'd by lot the Government of Hispania Citerior; From whence he return'd loaden with the Honours of a Triumph. He con­tinu'd [Page 236] in this Province something longer then was usual, upon which Scipio A­fricanus, (who was now again Consul, and whose Questor Cato had been in his former Consulship) endeavour'd to re­move him, and succeed in it himself: Sci­pio was then the greatest Man in Rome, yet was his interest not strong enough to gain this point of the Senate: Because at that time affairs were not Govern'd by Pow­er, or the sway of a Faction, but according to the severe Rules of Justice. But this disap­pointment so disgusted Scipio, that when that Session of the Senate was ended, he retir'd from Publick Employment, and liv'd privately in the City; Cato being Elected Censor with the foremention'd Flaccus, behav'd himself in that Office with a great deal of rigor: He censur'd several of the Nobility, publish'd new Edicts to restrain the growth of Luxu­ry, which at that time began to show it self in its buds. He spent about eighty years from his Youth to the last days of his Life, in the service of the Common­wealth, in all which time, the sincere pur­sute of the interest of the Commonwealth continually rais'd him many Enemies, which he so little valu'd, that the fear of no Man's displeasure could influence [Page 237] him so far as to alter his measures. Ve­ry many there were, who fram'd accu­sations against him, which were so far from injuring his Reputation, that his good Name grew as fast upon him as his Age. He was a Man of great Con­duct and Application in Business; He was a skilful Husbandman, a good Statesman, a good Lawyer, a great Ge­neral, a perswasive Orator, and none more addicted to Learning. He did in­deed apply himself to Letters something late, yet was there scarcely any thing in the Greek or Roman Literature, that he did not perfectly understand. From his Youth he exercis'd himself in the composing of Orations. When he was old, he entertain'd himself with writing History, of which he left seven Books: The first contains the Actions of the Roman Kings: The second, gives an account of the Founding and Beginning of each City in Italy, upon which rea­son possibly he entitles his Books Ori­gines. In the fourth, he gives a rela­tion of the first Punick War, and in the fifth of the second; and of all these things he has only given us the Heads or matter of Fact, without engageing in the particular circumstances of Af­fairs: [Page 238] After the same manner he wrote the rest of the Roman Wars, even to the Praetorship of Ser. Galba, (who has the infamy of pillaging of Lusitani fix'd upon his name). In these his Chroni­cles of the Wars, he did not mention any Commanders, but without any names at all, gave us the naked Event of things. We have given a more par­ticular account of his Life and manners, in that History, which at the Request of Titus Pomponius Atticus, we wrote on purpose concerning him, to which we remit the Lovers of Cato.


POMPONIUS Atticus was Descended of one of the most an­tient Houses in Rome, and the Dignity of a Knight was deriv'd down to him from his Ancestors, being an Honor Inherent in his Family. His Father was an industrious Man, and very indulgent towards him; was of a Genius Accomodated to the times, and very studious; As He was a Lover of Learning himself, so he infus'd those inclinations into his Son; for he train'd [Page 240] up his Youth in all those Sciences which his tender Age was capable of: But the Lad, besides a great docility of Wit, had an extraordinary sweetness of As­pect and Elocution; so that he not on­ly quickly apprehended what was taught him, but pronounc'd it too with a very agreeable cadence. These Attainments so early disclosing themselves, got him an high Reputation, and dazl'd his Co­temporaries; for he gave brighter hopes of himself, then those other Young Gentlemen who were his School-Fel­lows could look stedily upon; so that his forwardness of Example piqu'd them all with generous incitements. Amongst whom were L. Torquatus, G. Marius, Caius his Son, and M. Cicero, whom he so gain'd to him by the ob­liging air of his Conversation, that no Person was always so dear to them as He himself. His Father died in a little time, and he being very young, run a great hazard, by reason of his being related to P. Sulpitius, who was kill'd when he was Tribune of the People; For Anicia who was Cosin German to Pomponius, Married Servius who was Brother to Sulpitius; therefore, after Sul­pitius was slain, and he saw the City [Page 241] Embarass'd with the Commotions of Cin­na, so that he could not live with that Port which became his Quality, for the Interests of the Citizens were divided, some addicting themselves to the Facti­on of Cinna, and others to that of Syl­la, thinking it a fair opportunity to fol­low his Studies. He went to Athens; But this did not hinder, but that he be­stow'd Money upon young Marius, who was declar'd an Enemy to his Country, and supply'd him when he was a Fu­gitive; and that his withdrawing from Rome might not prejudice his Domestick Affairs, He convey'd the greatest part of his Fortune along with him thither. Here he liv'd after that manner, that he was peculiarly belov'd by all the Athe­nians; For, besides the Credit He had acquir'd, which was very great for a Young-Man, He releiv'd them in their Publick Exigents; for when they were to take up Money of the Bankers upon any great Payments, and could not obtain equitable Conditions, He always so seasonably interpos'd, that, as he de­manded no interest for the sums he dis­burs'd, so he would not let them owe longer then the time they promis'd to refund them; and this procur'd them a [Page 242] double advantage, for he would neither suffer the Debt to grow upon them by his forbearance, nor the Usury of it to be multiplied. He made an accession to this Courtesy by another peice of Li­berality, for he distributed Corn a­mongst them all, and gave to each of them six bushels of Wheat, which sort of measure is call'd Medimnus by the Athenians; Here his carriage was so adjusted, that as He was familiar to those below him, so He was equal to those of the first Quality. This had that grate­ful influence upon them, that they would have Confer'd all the Honors upon him they possibly could, and made him a Citizen; but this offer he refus'd, be­cause according to some Men's opini­on; He that is made a Denizon of ano­ther City, forfeits the Freedom of his own. Whilst he liv'd amongst them, he always oppos'd their design of Erect­ing a Statue to him, but he could not hinder it when he was gone; so that in his absence, they Celebrated the Me­mories of him and Pilia his Wife, by this lasting sort of remembrance, even in the most Consecrated places of the City; for in every Concern of the Commonwealth, they always followed [Page 243] his Conduct and Advice; therefore it was a partiality of Fortune to him, to be a Native of Rome, which was the Seat of the Empire of the World, and that which was his Country was his Mistress too, to whom he was Constant in his Observances; and it was a Glo­rious instance of his Wisedom, that when He went to Athens, which claims the Preeminence above all other Cities for Antiquity, Humanity, and Learning, they should make choice of him a­mongst all Mankind to be their Darl­ing. When Sylla came here out of Asia, as long as he tarried, He had always Young Atticus in his Compa­ny, for he was extremely charm'd with his good Parts, and the sweetness of his humor; for He spoke Greek so perfect­ly, that He seem'd to be born in A­thens, and had that delicious fluency in the Latin Tongue, that it was very apparent, that the smoothness of it was Natural to him and not Acquir'd; He would repeat Poems in both these Lan­guages, so that nothing could exceed him; this so endear'd him to Sylla, that he would scarce let him be out of his sight, and he had a great desire to have brought him away along with him, [Page 244] but when he endeavor'd to perswade him to it, Pomponius return'd him this answer; Do not, Sir, carry me to Fight against those, upon whose account I left Italy, that I might not bear Arms against thy self; But Sylla praising the Young Man for the good Offices He had done him, order'd when He went away, that the Presents which were given him whilst he was at Athens should be carried to his House, as the tokens of his thankfulness. Here He re­main'd many years, and tho He bestow'd as much inspection upon the Affairs of his House, as became the diligence of one that was Master of a Family, and spent the rest of his time either in Study or managing the business of the Athenians, yet He continu'd his kind­ness to his Fellow-Citizens; For He Canvass'd at all their Public Elections, and when any thing of importance was Transacted, He was never wanting in his solicitations. To Cicero He shew'd himself singularly faithful in his last extremities, for when He was forc'd to abandon his Country, He gave him Two thou­sand eighty three Pounds six shillings and eight pence, English Ste [...]ling. two hundred and fifty thousand Sesterces; But when all these Turbulencies were quieted, and the Tybur ran calmly, He [Page 245] return'd home, and as I think when L. Cotta and L. Torquatus were Consuls. The day of his departure, the whole City of Athens so deplor'd, that by the tears of their sorrow they express'd the greatness of the love they had for him; He had an Uncle whose name was Q. Caecilius, a Roman Knight, an intimate friend of L. Lucullus's, and very Rich, but he was otherwise of a morose Na­ture, and difficult to be pleas'd; but Atticus so softued his temper, which was intolerable to every one else, that He gain'd his good will, and retain'd it even to a decrepit Age; and then He reap'd the fruits of that Piety, with which He cultivated his sower humor, for He adopted him and made him Heir to all that he had; which Inheritance amounted to ten Eighty three thousand three hundred thirty three Pounds six shillings, eight pence, Sterl. millions of Sesterces. The Sister of Atticus was Married to Q. Tullius Cicero, and Marcus his Brother was a great promoter of the match; Be­tween whom and Atticus there was a familiarity, even from their being School-Fellows together, and a closer friend­ship maintain'd then with Quintius; that from hence we may form a judge­ment, that in the Unions of that Socie­ty, the resemblance of a like disposition [Page 246] prevails more then Affinity; Horten­sius too was his bosome-friend, who at that time had the cheif vogue for Elo­quence, so that it was a matter utterly undecided, which lov'd him best, either him or Cicero; by this means he solv'd an inconsistence in these two Orators, which was a thing not easy to be at­tempted, for tho there was a strong Contrast betwixt them for Applause, yet they never broke out into any re­vilings of one another, but both agreed in esteeming him. He so Comported himself in the Commonwealth, that as He was always of the best side, so He had the luck to be thought so. But He never was a party in the Civil Wars, for it was his opinion, that those who embarque in quarrels of that nature, have no more Ascendant over themselves when the Waves of Sedition work high, then those who commit their Fortunes to a Tempest. He never was ambitious of any Honor, tho the access was easy to his pretensions, not only by reason of his Credit but his Quality; He saw that Men were not so fair Candidates for it as their Fore-Fathers, they be­ing so profuse in their Bribes to gain Votes, that the Offices of the Common-wealth [Page 247] could not be undertaken, and the Laws kept inviolate, nor could they be discharg'd without danger, there being such a general corruption of Man­ners, which Epidemically run through all the City. He never was a purchaser of any goods that were sold by outcry, and as He never farmed any of the Pub­lic Revenues, so He never was a Surety for them who did. He never manag'd a Criminal Process against any one, nor subscrib'd to anothers Accusation; for He never went to Law, nor had e­ver any difinitive Sentence; When ma­ny Consuls and Pretors offer'd him Go­vernments, He would not follow any of them into their Provinces, but con­tenting himself with the Honor of the Proposal, He rejected the profits of it; He denied to go with Q. Cicero into Asia, tho he might have been his Lieu­tenant General; for He did not think it decent to be in subordinate Authority to a Pretor, who had refus'd the first Dignity it self; and by this means, He not only Consulted his Honor, but his ease likewise, and avoided the least um­brages of a Crime, that He might live unsuspected; the result of this Caution was, that the assistances he paid his [Page 248] freinds were the more acceptable, be­cause they were sincere, when they were the effects only of a readiness to oblige, and could not be imputed to such servile motives as Hope and Fear. When He was about sixty years old, the Civil War of Caesar burst out into a flame; but He enjoy'd the priviledge his Age indulg'd him, and never stir'd out of the City; But those of his freinds who went over to Pompey's side, He furnish'd their Expeditions out of his own Store; but Pompey could not think He was dis­regarded, if he did not actually joyn him Himself, for he had not receiv'd any advantages from him, which might en­courage him to it, as others had done, who by his countenancing them were become Powerful and Rich; some of whom followed his Camp, but with re­gret and very unwillingly, and others ungratefully tarried at home, which ve­ry highly offended him. But the Neu­trality of Atticus was so grateful to Cae­sar, that when he was Conqueror, and dispatch'd Imperious Mandates to private Persons to Command their Mony from them, He not only not molested him, but pardon'd his Sister's Son which she had by Quintius, tho he was of Pom­pey's [Page 249] party; thus by keeping firm to those first maximes of Conduct He laid down for the regulation of his Life, He preserv'd himself safe from all new and emergent dangers; consequent to this, when Caesar was slain, and the Common­wealth seem'd to be devolv'd into the hands of Cassius and Brutus, the Fortune of Rome like a Machine turning about toward him; yet He so Caress'd Brutus, that the Young-Man never delighted in any ones Company, tho He was of the same Age with himself, with that pleasure as He did in that of the Vene­rable Atticus; for He not only admitted him into his most intimate Councels, but enjoy'd his Conversation at all his Repastes. There was a project set on foot, that a fund of Treasure should be Constituted by the Roman Kinghts for the Murderers of Caesar; they thought the design very feesible, if the Cheif of that Order, would Contribute their shares towards it; whereupon C, Fla­vius who was a great friend to Brutus, apply'd himself to Atticus, that He would be a principal mover in this Business; but He, who did courtesies to those He respected, without engageing in their Factions, and had always a Temper un­tainted [Page 250] from designes of that Nature, made this answer, that if Brutus want­ed any supplies, He would Accommo­date him out of his own Mony to what value he pleas'd, but that he would never discourse with any Man about the Business, nor accord with him in it; so that the united sentiments of a whole party were ruin'd by his single dissent. A little while after Anthony began to have the upper-hand, and Brutus and Cassius (the Affairs of those Provinces which were given them by the Consuls, only for form-sake, becoming desperate) were forc'd to fly for it. But Atticus who never employ'd his Mony to sup­port the other party, when they were most flourishing, sent an Eight hundred thirty three Pound six shillings eight pence, Sterl. hundred thou­sand Sesterces to Brutus when he left Italy, and was broken in his Fortunes; and when He was at Epire, He order'd Two thousand five hundred Pounds Sterl. 300 thousand more to be given him, himself being Absent; and as He never the more flatter'd the Power of Antho­ny, so He never forsook those who were brought to a Precipice. After this fol­lowed the War of Modena, in which if I should only call him Prudent, I should detract from his Character, and speak less then I ought to do. He was rather [Page 251] Divine, if a Constant Natural Goodness deserves that Appellation, which is nei­ther shaken nor lessen'd by outward ac­cidents; Anthony being declar'd a Pub­lic Enemy, was forc'd to leave Italy, and there was no hopes of being Re­stor'd; for not only his Adversaries which were very many, and in a great Power Combin'd against him, but his Freinds joyn'd themselves to that num­ber, and Revolted from him; they pla­ced all their hopes of Advancement up­on his Depression; they persecuted his most intimate Freinds, they endeavor'd to spoil his Wife Fulvia of all her goods, and extirpate his Children. Atticus as He was familiar with Cicero, so He was a great freind to Brutus; by this means He not only restrain'd them from com­mitting any outrage upon Anthony him­self, but He Protected as many of his Confederates which fled out of the City, as much as He possibly could, and sup­ply'd them with all things they stood in need of. He was so kind to P. Vo­lumnius, that greater tenderness could not be expected from a Father; and He was so diligent in his services to Ful­via when she was harrass'd with Law-Suits, and vex'd with melancholy ap­prehensions, [Page 252] that she never enter'd into ony Obligation without Atticus, for He was her Stipulator in every thing; par­ticularly when in her prosperous Condi­tion she had bought a parcel of Land, which was to be satisfied for to a day, and now since this Calamity besell her, could not take up Cash enough upon her own credit to discharge the pur­chase; Atticus came in opportunely to redress the greivance, for He lent her Mony without interest, or so much as prefixing a day when it should be re­payed; for He reckon'd himself the greatest gainer by the Reputation of a grateful and an obliging Man; and thereby make it appear, that He did not Contract an acquaintance with Mens Fortunes but their Persons. And tho these were his Actions, yet no one could imagine He did them out of any tem­porising principle; for it could not ra­tionally enter into any one's opinion, that Anthony would ever recover that game of Empire He seem'd so utterly to have lost; but every now and then He re­ceiv'd secret checks from some of the No­bility, objecting to him, that his hatred was not intense enough against such profligate Citizens. But He confiding in his own [Page 253] Judgment, had a regard rather to what ought to be done, then what other Men would commend, whether it was right or no. For the scene of Fortune swift­ly chang'd, and when Anthony return'd into Italy, every one was in pain for Atticus; for they thought He must be involv'd in great risques, by reason of the strict Communication that was be­tween him and Brutus, and Cicero; therefore when the Triumvirate ap­proach'd the City, He went out of it, for He fear'd Proscription, and abscon­ded in the House of P [...] Volumnius, to whom He was so Eminently Serviceable, as we have shew'd before. So Capri­cious was the turn of Affairs in those times, that sometimes one party and sometimes another, would either be in the height of Prosperity, or the Abyss of Misfortune. He was not alone in this Retirement, but Q. Gellius Canius who was of the same Age, and resem­bled Him in the Customes of his Life, was the Companion of his Obscurity; and this is another instance of the good nature of Atticus, that He liv'd so lo­vingly with him whom He knew from his Childhood, and was his Play-fellow, for their friendship grew up with their [Page 255] years, and lasted even to an extreme old Age. Anthony, tho He was so in­veterately angry with Cicero, that He not only declar'd open enmity against Him, but threatn'd all his Abettors, and was resolv'd to Proscribe them; yet when many made Remonstrances to Him in the behalf of Atticus, and He himself call'd to mind the Engagements He had formerly laid upon him, He as suddenly Relented; so that He Writ to him with his own hand to know where he was, bid him not be afraid, but that he should immediately come to Him, for that He had struck him and Gellius Ca­nius out of the number of the Proscrib'd; Besides He sent him a Guard to assure him in the darkness, and free him from the dangers of the Night; by this means his sears were dispers'd, and He not only secur'd himself, but was an instru­ment of safety to the Man who was next dear to Him. For He never solicited to be out of trouble alone, but in Con­junction with his freind, that by this it might appear, that Men who love one another are not to be divided in their Fortunes. If that Pilot therefore de­serves applause who steers his Ship in a Winter Sea, when the Season is as [Page 254] rough as the Ocean, why should not his Prudence merit a particular Enco­mium, who arriv'd at safety through so many Civil broils and such Storms in the State? When He had work'd him­self out of these distresses, He was intent upon nothing else then how He might Assist as many as he could, and in what things He was able. When the Tri­umverate set a price upon the heads of the Proscrib'd, that the prospect of a reward might encourage the Rabble to a search, there was not any one who fled into Epire who wanted for any thing; and He gave them liberty to make it their perpetual Residence; be­sides, after the Battel at Philippae, and the Slaughter of C. Cassus and M. Bru­tus, He was resolv'd to shelter L. Ju­lius Mocilla the Pretor, and his Son Aulus Torquatus, and the rest who were beaten down with the same stroke of Fortune; and He Commanded likewise supplies to be sent them when they Re­tir'd out of Epire into Samothracia. It is very hard, and indeed not neces­sary, to run minutely through all his Actions, this only I contend for, and vvhich ought to be understood, that his Liberality vvas not cover'd over vvith [Page 256] any Sinister design, nor was it to hu­mor the present current of Affairs; this may be concluded from the things themselves, and the Complexion of those times; for He never sided with the Prosperous, but always succour'd those who were in affliction; for He was as Assiduous in his respects to Servilia the Mother of Bratus after the Death of her Son, as when he was living and most happy. Being so Generous He could not well provoke any one to be his Enemy, for He never offer'd an in­jury, and if another was the Agressor upon Him, He chose rather to forget then Revenge the Affront; If He re­ceiv'd a Civility the impression of it was Immortal, never to be effac'd; but if He confer'd one, it easily fell out of his mind, till He that was oblig'd re­new'd the memory of it by his acknow­ledgments; doing after this manner, He confirm'd the truth of that saying, That every one owes his lucky hits to the Conduct of himself; but the making his Fortune, was the last thing in his In­tention, He first form'd his Manners as a previous Qualification, and with such an exquisite niceness, that He might not justly be charg'd with any thing [Page 257] that was culpable. By this means it came to pass, that when M. Vipsanius Agrippa, who was the Favourite of young Octavius, might have had his choice out of the Ladies of the best Condition in Rome, by reason of his own Credit and the Power of Caesar, yet He was am­bitious of being related to Him, and desir'd rather to marry the Daughter of a Roman Knight, as the nobler Alliance; The cheif Menager of this Match (for it is not to be conceal'd) was Anthony, who was one of the Triumvirate for setling the Commonwealth. Being shin'd upon by his favor, He might have made large Additions to his Estate, but He was so little infected with the love of Mony, that He never us'd it but in those occasions where his freind was to be freed from danger, and eas'd of any thing that in­commoded him. An illustrious instance of this was in the time of the Proscrip­tion; for when the Triumvirate had sold the Goods of L. Saufeius a Roman Knight, according to the custom which then obtain'd, who was of the same Age with himself, had Resided many years at Athens to Study Philosophy, and had noble Lordships in Italy; Atticus carried Himself in this business, with so much [Page 258] Industry and Address, that the same Messenger who brought him word that He had lost his Patrimony contradicted his own news, by telling him, that He had recover'd it again. He likewise clear'd off L. Julius Calidius, who I am bold to affirm, after the death of Lucretius and Catullus, was the most Elegant Poet of his time; He was no less famous for the integrity of his Morals, and his being Educated in all the best Arts; This Man after the Knights were Proscrib'd, tho He was absent, yet He was brought in­to the number by P. Volumnius, who was Overseer of the Workmen of Anthony; and his great Possessions in Africk made him obnoxious to this punishment; So that it made it a puzling question, whe­ther there was more difficulty in the un­dertaking, or Glory in the performance. But it was a Character of Atticus general­ly known, that it was his care as much to releive his absent Freinds as those that were present; and He was as good a Father of a Family as He was a Citizen; for tho He was a great Monied-Man, yet no one was so moderate a Purchaser, nor Built less then He did; not but that he liv'd very Commodiously, and what things He serv'd himself of, they were the best [Page 259] of their kind. His House was Situate in the Quirinal Hill, which was an In­heritance left him by his Uncle, whose pleasantness did not consist in the Cu­riosity of the Structure, but in the Wood that encompass'd it; for being a Pile rais'd after the antient manner, it had more of conveniency in it then beauty; and He never made any Alte­rations, but where the decays by the in­jury of time requir'd to be repair'd; His Family, if we judge of them by their usefulness, was extraordinary; but if we regard only the outward appearance, it was scarce tolerable; for it was made up of Lads who were very good Scholars, could read excellently well, and writ delicate hands for Transcribing, and there was scarce any Foot-boy but could do either of them to admiration. All the Artificers too, whose Art was necessary for the Adorning his Apartments, were the choisest of their Profession. And there was not one of them but was born and run through the Novitiate of their several Trades in his House; which was a sign not only of his moderation but great industry; for not to be intempe­rate in our desires after those things which others so eagerly covet, is a great [Page 260] continency of temper; and to acquire that by diligence which others are at an expence for, argues a more then or­dinary Application. Atticus was ra­ther Polite then Magnificent; He did all things for his Honor, but without any excess of cost; He was always clean and neat, but did not affect an Effemi­nate niceness. As for his Moveables and Furniture they were Competently Rich, and did not abound; so that He avoid­ed the two extremes of being stingy and profuse. I will not omit one thing, tho to some it may seem a matter of light importance, that tho He was one of the most Splendid of the Roman Knights, and receiv'd Men of all conditions at his House with a Liberal Hospitality, yet He spent no more then just Equivalent to ten pounds Sterl. three thou­sand Asses a month, as appears by the register of his Disbursements; and this I do not speak by hearsay, but as a thing I am certain of; for by reason of the familiarity betwixt us, I was Conversant in the Family, and was at the casting up of the Accounts. He had no other Con­sort at all his Feasts but only a single Reader, which in my opinion was the most ravishing Musick; nor did he ever Sup without one of these Lectures; that [Page 261] whilst their Appetites were Regaled the minds of the Guests might be enter­tain'd with something more diverting; for He never invited any one to his Ta­ble but in whom he discern'd a dispo­sition conformable to his own. Tho Riches flow'd in upon him, yet He never heightned his daily Provisions, nor de­viated from the former measures of his Life; for He was so moderate that when He was worth but Sixteen thou­sand six hundred sixty six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence Sterling. twenty hundred thousand Sesterces, He did not Live in­gloriously, which was the Estate left him by his Father, so when it amounted to The sum total is one hundred thou­sand Pounds Sterl For these reducti­ons of the Roman Coin to the English Standard, I am oblig'd to the Learned Mr. Wat. ten millions, He did not raise his Port to any greater Affluence then what He first design'd; for He kept inaltera­rably to the same pitch, in either fortune. As for his other Recreations, He had no Gardens with Parterres, nor no delight­ful place to take the air in the Suburbs; He had no Sumptuous Villa near the Sea­shore, nor indeed in all Italy, except it were at Ardea and Nomentum, which were only two Country-farms; And all the Revenues He had consisted in the Lands He had at Epire, and some Pos­sessions in the City; from whence it may be known, that He did not make his estimate of Morry by the immense [Page 262] quantity, but the rational use of it. As He was always a Man of strict veracity himself, so He abhor'd lying in ano­ther; therefore his courtesy was mix'd with somewhat that was Austere, and He was Affable but Grave; so that it was hard to say, whether His Freinds Lov'd or Reverenc'd him most; what­ever was entreated of him He would promise solemnly to do it, for it was his opinion that he was not a generous but an inconstant Man, who would engage for that which He was not able to per­form. He was so industrious in bringing an affair to a result which he had once espous'd, that He seem'd to Transact his own concern and not anothers, which was deputed to his Management; and when he had once undertaken a business, He was unwearied in his pursuits, for he thought his Reputation was Interess'd in it, of which he was jealous even to a delicacy; By this means He solicited the business of Marcus and Quintius Cicero, of Marius, Cato, Hortensius, Aulus Torquatus, and many other Roman Knights; from whence we may infer, that it was an effect of his judgement, and did not pro­ceed from any unactive temper, that he declin'd the publick Functions of the [Page 263] Commonwealth. A greater instance of the Complaisance of his humor cannot be given then this, that when he was a Young-Man He was very agreeable to Sylla who was in the decline of his Age, and when himself was old M. Brutus ex­tremely delighted in Him who was in the bloom of his years; He liv'd so amicably with his Cotemporaries Hor­tensius and Cicero, that it is hard to say to which Age his Genius was most a­dapted; but Cicero Lov'd him the most fervently of the two, for it was to the last degree of affection; so that his Brother Quintius was not dearer or more familiar to Him; the real evidences of it, besides those Books in which he makes mention of him, which are already pub­lish'd, are those sixteen Volumes of Epi­stles which He sent to Atticus from the beginning of his Consulship even to his latter days, which whosoever reads he will not desire a more Connected Hi­story of those times; for in them the in­clinations and designs of Princes, the faults of Generals in their Conduct, and the Revolutions of the Commonwealth, are so perspicuously trac'd out, that all the intrigues of State are unravell'd, and the springs of Policy seem to ly open; [Page 264] so that from hence we may conclude, that Prudence is a sort of Divination; For Cicero not only pointed out all the accidents of his own time, but with a brisker heat of Prophesy foretold all the events which have happen'd since, and we sensibly experience. What need I Commemorate any thing more of the Piety of Atticus? When I heard Him Glorying thus justly of Himself, in the Funeral Oration He made upon his Mo­ther, whom He buried at ninety years of Age, Himself being sixty-seven, that He never had any occasion to be recon­cil'd to Her, and no difference ever hap­pen'd betwixt Him and his Sister, who was almost of the same Age with Him­self; which are manifest indications, either that no causes of Dissatisfaction ever arose between them, and so there was no need of Cement where nothing was broken; or that He was so kind to his Relations, that He thought it even a peice of Irreligion to be angry with those whom He had all the obligations upon Him to Love. And this He did not so much by the tender instinct of Nature, whose suggestions we are all ob­sequious to, but it was the effect of his Learning, and He acquir'd it by Study; [Page 265] for the Precepts of the cheif Philosophers were closely impress'd upon him, and they did not serve for Parade and ostentation, but He made them useful to him in the whole course of his Life. He set the Manners of the antient Romans before him as the patterns of his imitation, and fairly copied out the great Originals; He was likewise a Studious Lover of Antiquity; this knowledge he intimately convers'd with, and gave large demon­strations of it in the Volume He Wrote of Magistracy, which was a Province He ingeniously adorn'd; for there was not a Law made, no Peace concluded, nor no War undertaken, not an Action of Consequence done by the Roman Peo­ple, but He hath related it with a strict Chronology, and adjusted every occur­rence to its proper time; and which seems an attempt of great intricacy, He hath interwoven in it the Pedigrees of some Families, with so fine a texture, that by them we may know the begin­nings of those Men who have made any considerable Figure in Rome. He did the same thing separately in other Books; as at the entreaty of M. Brutus, He de­riv'd the Junian Family from its first Source, and shew'd all the Channels in [Page 266] which it hath flow'd down even to our times; distinctly numbring each one's Predecestor in a true series of Succession, and relating what Honors they attain'd to, and in what times they enjoy'd them; He did the like courtesy for Marcellus Claudius concerning the Marcelli; and at the instances of Scipio Cornelius and Fabius Maximus, He gave an account of the Cornelian, the Fabian, and the E­milian Families; and nothing carries with it so endearing a relish as these Books to those who have the least tincture of curiosity to be acquainted with the de­scents of Illustrious Men; He had a smattering too in Poetry, which I be­leive was, that He might not be ignorant what sweetness there was in it; for if a­ny had arriv'd to a higher pitch of Dignity beyond the ordinary Romans, or had signaliz'd themselves by any no­table performances, He employ'd his Poetical Talent to Record their Gallan­try; for He describ'd their Exploits, and what Charges they had in the Govern­ment under each of their Pictures, and this in no more then four or five Verses, which seems a thing almost incredible, that He could comprise transactions of such high moment in so narrow a [Page 267] compass. He Writ a Book also in Greek concerning the Consulship of Cicero. These things we have related of him were whilst Atticus was alive; but now since the malignity of fate will have us to out­live Him, we will run through the rest of his Actions and dispatch what re­mains of this Great Man; that by real and bright examples, we may instruct the Reader, and so confirm that axiome we have before laid down, That every one allures Fortune to his side according as He manageth himself; for Atticus contenting himself with the Paternal Dignity of a Knight which descended to him, He at last came to be related to the Son of Julius, and the friendship between them was heightned into Affi­nity; for He had before gain'd the con­fidence of Augustus by the elegancy of his Living; and this was the inducement by which He attracted others of the cheifest rank in the City to his Conver­sation, who were of as Noble an Ex­traction as the Emperor, but their con­dition was unequal, because not so pros­perous; for Fortune seem'd to fawn up­on Caesar, and so constant a success still followed him, that all the Honors she ever decreed to any of her Favourites, she [Page 268] confer'd upon Him, and with her Au­spicious gales convey'd Him to the ut­most Honor which the ambition of a Citizen could aspire to. Agrippa made Atticus a Grandfather, who married his Daughter when she was a tender Virgin; this Female-Infant, tho she was scarce a year old, Caesar betroth'd to Tiberius Claudius Nero, which his Wife Drusilla had by a former Husband, and was his Son-in-Law; this Alliance confirm'd their former Amity, and tied it on with an inviolable Sanction. Tho before these Espousals, not only when He was absent from Rome, when he writ to any of his Freinds, He sent to Atticus even the minutes of his Life, as what he was then doing, especially what Author he was reading, in what place He resided, and how long he design'd to tarry there; but likewise when He was in the City, and was distracted by multiplicity of business, which gave him so great Avo­cations, that He could not enjoy him so often as he would, yet the commerce of the Pen was not interrupted, for no day pass'd in which He did not by Letter ask his opinion in some matters relating to Antiquity, or propose some Poetical question; sometimes He would be fa­cetious [Page 269] only and rally him, that the an­swers in which He Reparteed might be the more prolix which had this good ef­fect, that when the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which Romulus built in the Capitol, through Age and Peoples being incurious of its repairs, began to threaten a total ruin, Caesar by the perswasion of Atticus took care to support it. M. An­thony had him in no less passionate esteem, and maintain'd an intercourse with him of this nature; for when he was banish'd even to the extreme limits of the Empire, yet He certified his Atticus to a nice punctilio of what he was then upon, and what design He had in farther Projecti­on; He only is qualified to judge of the greatness of this Correspondence, who can make a true estimate what a peice of Consummate Wisdom it is to retain the favor, and reconcile the jealousies of two great Personages, who were Com­petitors in the same Ambition, betwixt whom there was not only a bare Emu­lation, but a persect Antipathy, which kindled into the mutual upbraiding one another; it was an Aversion as strong as could possibly be between an Anthony and a Caesar, who would not divide the Globe, but each one contended not only [Page 270] to be Master of Rome, but Emperor of the World. Through all these Traverses of Life, He at last arriv'd to the seven­ty-seventh year, and his Credit and Riches multiplied upon him even to an extreme old Age; (for many left him all that they had, purely upon the ac­count of his wonderful Goodness.) But now after He had been of so strong a Complexion that he had no need of a Physitian for thirty years together, his health was so entire, He at last contracted a Disease which Himself and his Doctors at first despis'd as a very slight indispo­sition, for they thought it to be a This is a fruit­less endeavor of nature to ease her self, occasion'd by a defluxion of sharp humots, the which irrirate the Sphinctor of the Anus. Te­nesmus, therefore they administred quick and easy applications, to disperse it in its first accesses. After He had lan­guish'd three months, without any more sensible uneasiness then what He re­ceiv'd from the methods of his cure, the whole weight of his distemper sunk at last into one of his guts, which broke out afterwards into a very putrid Fi­stula; But before this Crisis hapned to Him, when he found his pains to en­crease and his blood grow warm, He order'd his Son-in-Law Agrippa to be sent for, with L. Cornelius Balbus and Sextus Peducaeus; when He saw that [Page 271] they were come, leaning upon his Couch he spoke to them after this manner; What care I have taken for the preservation of my health, since you all can abundantly attest, a discourse of that nature will be altogether superfluous; Hoping therefore that I have given you satisfaction, and being Conscious to my self, that I have omitted nothing which carried the least tendency in it towards a cure; it only remains now that I more nearly con­sult my self, and this is the thing I would acquaint you with, that I am resolv'd no longer to nourish my disease but starve it; for the sustenance I have taken these last days hath protracted my Life in­deed, but it hath prolong'd my afflicti­ons with at, without any hopes of reco­very. I therefore beg it of you, that you would first approve of my expedient, and then use no arguments to disswade me from it, for it will be all in vain. He spoke this with such a strong voice, and such an assur'd Countenance, as if He was not leaving the World, but passing from one House into another. But Agrippa with tears in his eyes kissing him, did not only entreat but earnestly Conjur'd him not to Accelerate his fate himself, but let nature bring it leisurely upon him; [Page 272] and since there were remains of health which would in Life keep some time longer, that He would suffer himself to survive both for his own sake and that of his Freinds; but He rejected his impor­tunitles with an obstinate silence. Thus after two days rigid abstinence his Fea­vor went of without any Paroxysmes, and all the Symptomes were manifestly abated: but He thinking it not worth the while to live, would not recede from his first purpose, therefore the fifth day after he had taken up this fatal resolu­tion He departed this Life, which was the day before the Kalends of April, L. Domitius and C. Sosius being Consuls. His body was brought forth in a Litter, as He himself had order'd, without any Funeral Pomp; but all the best Men of the City accompanied the Corps with a numerous Concourse of the Common People; He was buried five miles from Rome by the Appian way, in the Monu­ment of Q. Caecilius his Uncle.


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