MIne eye was on divers particulars, when first I resolved on the publication of these Papers, viz.

1. To give a brief account of the Condition of this Kingdom, as it stood a little before the E. of S. began to offend.

2. Of what nature his Lordship's Offences were when they began, and the dangerous Consequences of them.

3. The high Wisdom and Justice of His Majesty and the House of Peers, in doing right to Themselves, and to the whole Body of Parliament, by preventing the Dangers then threatning Them, and the whole Government, in point of Safety.

4. The necessity of setting forth some Discourse of this nature; together with the Pro­ceedings of the House: that the winds of such of His Majesties Subjects as have been in­toxicated and perverted through the Offences aforesaid, and are not yet recovered, may be rectified from Principles and Doctrines, (both then, and as yet) destrustive to this most Noble Monarchy.

5. The Vanity and Fate, at all times, of Popularity and Faction in great Lords and Gentry; and of the Peoples being drawn in to a siding and driving of Parties among each other, to second the pretences of Male-contented Great Ones, or the itchy humour of the lesser Frie of Government-Tinkers. And that, in this juncture of Affairs, it is the utmost of all Treasons to be Factious, when three Kingdoms are at stake in a Foreign War.

6. I considered also, that it can be no dishonour to E. of S. but his glory (as it is of all true Penitents) to have his Repentance published, since it is his happiness to survive in publick, by the King's admirable Clemency, and remain a living Lecture to turn mul­titudes of Transgressors from the Error of their ways. 'Tis said in Holy Writ, He that turns many to Righteousness, shall shine as the Stars for ever and ever, How happy then is his Lordship, that hath so fair an occasion thus to improve his Penitence?

7. I observed also, There are a sort of People, that not long ago were as busie as Bees, to publish and disperse at large whatsoever they thought might be for the Honour and Advantage of his Lordship; only now they envy him the glory of the publication of this Ungrateful Wretches as they are, that a Noble Lord, after so much sufferance of Impri­sonment, for a Cause they profess'd to own, should be so ill requited, as to have his Re­pentance smother'd (as much as in them lies.) for want of Air; Insomuch, that either, no Copy of it is to be obtained from them, or but a clipt or counterfeit one! Therefore, to do Right to his Lordship, and that the deluded sort of well-meaning People, may not be [Page 2] deprived of the benefit of learning Repentance from his Lordship, with a sight of their Errors, I reckon'd it a charitable publick-good work, to give them a sight of these Pa­pers. Honi Soit Qui Mal y Pense, Ill betide him that evil thinks: for I mean well in doing the business.

NOw that you have perused the manner of the Earl of Shaftsbury's Deliverance out of the Tower, I shall, for Illustration of the Great Clemency of His Majesty, and of the most Noble House of Peers, pursue my purpose signified in the beginning, upon the enumerated Particulars, that the Government of this Monarchy may not lose the benefit which may be improved out of an Accident of State so memorable, and so ne­cessary to be remembred, for Prevention of the like in future.

1. I shall give an Account of the peaceful condition of this Kingdom a little before the Earl of Shaftsbury began to offend.

His Majesty before that time, had enjoyed as calm and quiet a Reign, as could pos­sibly be imagined to have been had, in the midst of a Nation so divided into various Opinions. A Reverence was paid to his Government by the Parliament Nemine con­tradicente; And it was a much more comfortable Season for all His Great Officers, and others intrusted with the Management of Affairs under him.

The Publick Purse was frankly open'd to Him upon all occasions, without grumbling or delay; and the hearts of men were (in the best sence) Simple, Open, and Chearful, in their Sentiments about all his Royal Purposes and Proceedings. Fears and Jealousies were confined in the breasts of those only who never loved him, nor his Government; and those Fears never shifted their Quarters among the Factions, to take up new ones in the Old Royal Party. The House of Peers was as the Temple of Old; Not an Ax, nor a Hammer, no Noise was heard there; Nor were the Waters of the Sanctuary there trou­bled, nor any of the Vesses of it exposed to Scorn, nor any of its Utensils, nor Offices, in danger of profanation: But all things went smoothly there.

Next, As for the House of Commons, I may say much to the same purpose in the like strain, of its wondrous Quiet and Calmness for Twelve Years together, before the time of the said Earls Offences; its admirable harmony and consent among themselves, as well as its unparallel'd Loyalty, Liberality, and Duty to the King; the great assurance of mind they shewed all along about his Majesties Royal Intentions towards the Secu­ring of Us against Popery, and in the Enjoyment and Confirmation of our Legal Rights and Liberties. What a mutual confidence was there betwixt King and Commons! So those secret Snakes that were crept into the Common Hedge, durst not so much as peep forth a head, to shew either their Factious Fork, Venom, or hissing, against the Wisdom and Conduct of him or his Ministers. And who, I pray you, was more Triumphantly transported to behold those happy days, than this Penitent Earl? When being exal­ted in the bright Orb of Chancellor, he most worthily proclaimed before both Houses, Anno 1672. A publick Praise and Blessing to the Almighty, that he hath given us such a King; That while War and Misery rages in our Neighbour's Countries, our Garners are full, and no complaining in our Streets; So that a man can hardly know there is a War.

Let God be blessed, that he hath given this King signally the Hearts of his People, and most particularly of this Parliament; who in their Affections and Loyalty to their Prince, have exceeded all their Predecessors. A Parliament with whom the King [Page 7] hath lived many years with all the Garesses of a happy Marriage. Has the Kings had a Concern? you have wedded it. Has his Majesty wanted Supplyes? you have readily, chearfully, and fully provided for them; you have relyed upon the Wisdom and Conduct of His Majesty in all His Affairs; So that you have never▪ attempted to exceed your Bounds, or to impose upon him,—On the other side, He hath been so tender of you, that He hath upon his own Revenue and Credit, endeavour'd to support even Forein Wars, lest he might become uneasie to you, or burdensome to His People. I can assure you, 'tis as impossible for the King to part with this Parliament, as it is for you to depart from that Loyalty, Affection, and Dutiful behaviour you have hitherto shewed towards him▪

Let us bless the King, for taking away all ur Fears, and leaving no room for Jealia­sies; for those Assurances and Promises he hath made us. Let us bless God and the King our Religion is safe: That the Church of England is the Care of our Prince; and that Parliaments are safe. What more hath a good Englishman to ask, but that this King may long Reign; and that the Triple Alliance of King, Parliament and People may ne­ver be Dissolved.

What more eloquently and truly could have been said, than was said here in short by our noble Penitent, to set forth the happy peaceful Estate and Condition of this King­dom? But note the time, it was in the year 1672▪ that all was well; that the King had the hearts of his Parliament and People▪ So that they were like Man and Wife; it was impossible to part or Dissolve them: that the Parliament kept within their Bounds, meddled not with the Affairs of his Prerogative, nor imposed upon him, being confi­dent of his Wisdom and Conduct; and not [...]apt out of Tune with Fears and Jealousies. Religion, Church, Parliaments, Properties, Liberties, all was safe in that Golden Year 72. And his Lordship having thus generously done the King all that Right, had reason to believe himself safe too.

II. Having seen in what a peaceful happy state all things were before the Earl of Shaftsbury's Offending, 'tis meet that in the next place you should see what the Of­fences were when they began, the tendency and dangerous Consequences of them; that others may be Converted, who through had Doctrine have been corrupted, and the like be avoided for the future.

Ingenious men use to have quick Motions, and Emotions of mind into Acts; and by this means oftentimes a sudden Turn of their Minds and Fortunes, even to the tossing of all things Topsie-turvy in a fit of ill humour. It was (you see) but in 72. That his Lordship had nothing to find fault with at Court; how it hapned presently after this, that he was commanded to render up the Great Seal and Office of Chancellor, is not here to be discoursed, let it sussice to know, That it was in the very next year 1673▪ that it was done, and his Lordship laid aside, and 'tis no part of my business to meddle with the Faults that occasioned it, because my desire is rather to cherish him in his Repentance, having often long'd to find him in so good a humour. It is for me only to give a few Observations about the Affairs which preceeded his Lordships departure from Court, while he was a prime Man in the Counsels of His Majesty, which have since been made the Subject of many a loud Clamor by the Factious Party. Some Observa­tions also I shall make of divers particulars, pointing out to you how, as soon as his Lordship went out, the World also it self was troubled, and began to▪ grow out of Order. Perhaps it hapned so, because his Lordship went out of Office, his great Wis­dom and Conduct not being any longer at the Helm. A Poet of our own fancies, the Frame of the World to be bolted together with a smal Pin or two; if that be put out all falls to pieces: therefore when he brings in Catiline in the Third Act, in a great [Page] chase, because himself was rejected, and Cicero chosen Consul, he makes him thus vent himself in a lofty Rant.

So that you see, if but a Pin or so be out, all falls into Confusion, if there be any Truth in Poetry. And it may be this was our Case, Who can tell? For, Poets have unlucky Hits many times, as well as Polititians. So have Historians too: For the Re­cord-keeper, (or Recorder) of the Faction, I mean the Author of the New Directory for Petty States-men; that is to say, The Account of the growth of Popery and Arbitrary Go­vernment, &c. Reporteth to us, that the present Lord Chancellor, another Cicero, came in his Lordships Place before the end of 1673, as the former Cicero came into that which was aim'd at by Catiline.

And then the Golden times before, and in 72. being gon, the Iron age came on. But I must return where I left.

As to my Observations about the Affairs preceeding his Lordships voidance from Court, I find the aforesaid Recorder hath been very punctual to record them, and one may well think he is not like to say any thing in prejudice of his Lordship, because I perceive in page 44. of his Pamphlet, he seems as if he would speak like a Friend of his; and says, the Parliament having met the 5th of February 1672. prepared an Act, by which the Papists were obliged to pass through a new State-Purgatory, to become ca­pable of any publick Employment; and that the Earl of Shaftsbury, then Lord Chancel­lor of England, Engaged so far in Defence of that Act, and of the Protestant Religion, that it cost him his Place, and that it was upon this occasion that he was laid aside.

My Lord being now a Penitent, I would not upon any terms say ought in prejudice to him, by telling what the Occasions and Causes were, that he was laid aside. But appearing against Popery could not be the Cause, because 'tis known there had been many years before, as great an out-cry among the Factious Party against Popery and Popish Counsellers, and yet it never appeared all along those times, that ever his Lord­ship appeared against, or thought of any such matter: for had there been any Cause for it, can we think that a Lord so Pious and Zealous of Religion would be guilty of concealing it, and have stood still and look't on, while it grew up in the fair Sun-shine of all his good Offices? Sure, it could not be; and the Recorder-keeper, in this, instead of being a Friend to him, speaks worse than an Enemy. Besides, you may remember, his Lordship himself in his fore-cited Speech to both Houses gives him the lye, having therein told them and all the World on the same 5th of February, 1672. That we were to bless God and the King, that the Church of England was then the Kings Care, and that our Religion was safe by consequence then what needed his Lordships Defence of it by a New Act? Or how can it be thought the King would turn him out, for De­fending what His Majesty Himself had under Care to preserve? These things do not hang together: And yet the Recorder, in his following words, in the same page, will needs become his Lordships Friend again and says, that his Lordships Defence of that Act, &c. did not only cost him his Place, but was the Moving Cause of all those Misad­ventures and obloquy, which His Lordship afterwards lay (ABOVE not) Under.

I will not say Dignum patellâ Operculum.

What a lucky Defender and Advocate is this for his Lordship. I mean rather an unlucky; That he, who in a Treasonous Libellous Pamphlet, industriously now spred [Page] and dispersed into all hands about the Kingdom, to rail down both Houses of Parlia­ment, his Royal Highness, all the High Officers of State, the Kings Privy Council, the Principal Secretaries, all the Judges, all other Officers of the Government, and the Court it self, and then concludes all with a vile Jeering Caress of His Majesty Himself, should in the same Book appear to be a Trumpeter of his Lordships Vindication and Praise. It looks ugly; but far be it from us, to think that there is any understanding betwixt him and the Author. 'Tis only his Lordships ill luck, that in divers other like Pam­phlets the Knaves have been so bold as to commend him: and who can help it?

And yet on the other side, the Recorder, to serve the Faction, makes it part of his business to reckon up before 1673. while my Lord was interested in the Counsels at Whitehall, as many Faults (as he supposes) in the Government, as afterwards when his Lordship was gone. This is indeed a great Fault in Mr. Recorder, to let things drop that reflect upon so good a Patriot, as well as upon Whitehall. For, besides Roman Idolatry and English Slavery, he rails at Compliance with the French, War with the Hollander, breach of the Triple League, Shutting up the Exchequer; in the Counsels whereof before 73. my Lord Shaftsbury was no stranger, and as forward as any man, and he reaped the benefit as cleverly. For they can tell at Sir Robert Viners, who in probability it was that knew of that of the Excequer, for asmuch as Sir Robert▪ Servants remembred afterwards, and smiled to think, that his Lordship a few days before the Shutting it up, was so wise as to call in 3 or 4000 l. out of their hands; for his Lordship is wont to do all things with very good Consideration. Besides, he hath been so boldly generous, as to justifie all the rest of the foregoing Particulars, which are rai­led at by the Recorder: For in his forementioned Speech on the 5th of Feb. 1672 to both Houses as Chancellor, he told them, that as to the point of Poperies having been designed, it was a great Calumny [His Majesty having so fully vindicated Himself from that Calumny concerning the Papists, that no reasonable scruple can be made by any good man. And the Church of England, and all good Protestants, have reason to rejoyce in such a Head, and such a Defender. He was born and bred up in it: It was that his Father Dyed for. We all know how great Temptations and Offers he resisted abroad, when He was in His lowest condition: and He thinks it the honour of His Reign, that He hopes to leave it to posterity in greater Lustre, and upon surer Grounds than our Ancestors ever saw it.] Those very words were a part of his Lordships [...] [...]peech in 72. and may serve for Answer to the Scandal of any design for Roman Idolatry. Be­sides, as to the Fear of Englands Slavery, you had his Word and Engagement in the last page of the Speech, That our Properties and Liberties are safe.

Then, as to the breach of the Triple League, the War ensuing with the Hollander, and compliance with the French, and the Black-heath Army, which are the Scandals mightily bandied about by the Recorder, and all the Factious ill willers to His Majesty; hear also the Report of His Lordship, the good Patriot, while he was at the Helm, and in at all the most intimate Passages of the Cabinet, so that not a French Mouse could an wagged there without his knowledge, to the hurt of England, and he justifies all the Counsels to the height concerning those Matters. For in several pages of that Speech of his, viz. the 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 13. you will find things to have been thus; He takes off the imputation of that War, and of the breach of the Triple Alliance from the Counsels and Counsellers of the King, and chargeth it wholly upon the Hollanders themselves, that they brake first, for that [besides their denying His Majesty the Honour of the Flag at Sea, they disputed His Title to it in all the Courts of Christendom, and made great Offers to the French King, if he would stand by them against Us. At this Season, our King and his Ministers had a hard time of it, and lay every day under new [Page 10] Obloquies. Sometimes they were represented as selling all to France for money to make War: Portsmouth, Plymouth and Hull, were to be given into the French hands for Caution. The next day, news came that France and Holland were agreed: Then the Obloquy was turned from Treachery to Folly; The Ministers were now Feels, that some days before were thought Villains; For, if that Conjunction had taken effect, then Eng­land had been in a far worse Case, because the War had been turn'd upon Us. But both Kings knowing their own Interests, resolved to joyn against them, who were the common Enemies of all Monarchies, and I may say, especially to ours] These are his own very words. And as he charges that War, and by consequence the breach of the Triple League upon the Hollander, So he takes off the pretended Scandal of it from the King, and his Ministers, and lays it upon the Parliament, also as well as the Dutch, saying in the same Speech openly to both Houses [You judged aright, that at any Rate Delenda est Carthago, that Carthage was to be dectroyed; that is to say, that the Dutch Government was to be brought down.

And therefore the King may well say▪ to you, 'Tis your War. He took his measures from you, and they were just and right Ones. And if after this you suffer them to get up again; let this be remembred, the States of Holland, are Englands eternal Enemy both by Interest and Inclination.] By these words our Factions Ill-willers may see, to, the Confusion of all their Slanders against the King and his Ministers, and his Coun­sels about the several particulars aforementioned, how fairly and prudently things were carried at Whitehall concerning them. Only one Point more is to be cleared, that is the Black-heath Army, a thing much babbled about as a Grand Bugbear by the same Generation, and a black Business to this day. My Lord will do this for us too. Those few Forces which some will needs call an Army, during the Dutch War, were (if I forget not) to have been made about 6000▪ to have been sent to make a de­scent upon some part of Holland, and were rendezvou'd at Black-heath for that design. O, but there was more in it! the Commander in chief was Monsieur Schomberg a French man. What then? But he war a Protestant also, and judged fit for that Work. In answer to this, let me mind you what the King himself said in his Speech spoken the same day before the Earl of Shaftsbury began his; His Majesties words were: [There is one Jealousie more that is malitiously spread abroad, and yet so weak and fri [...]lous, that I once thought it not of moment enough to mention; but it may have gotten some ground with some well-minded People: And that is, that the Forces I have raised in this War, were designed to control Law and Property. I wish I had raised more Forces the last Summer; the want of them then convinces me, I must raise more. But I conclude with this Assurance to you; That I will preserve the true Refor­med Protestant Religion, and the Church, as it is now established in this Kingdom, and that no mans property or Liberty shall be invaded:] You see the Jealousies raised about those Forces the King slights, as a frivolous piece of Malice, hardly worth men­tion. But however gives all Assurance for Religion, Liberty and Property. And as for my Lord, he in page 13th of his Speech, calls it a Jealousie foolishly spread abroad of the Frees the King had raised in that War: And he saith, It was so great an Er­ror in the King, not to have raised more Forces at that time, that nothing but the true Reason, want of Mony, could have justified the defect in the number of those Forces, And then as to the blame of their not doing the work that they had been raised for, his Lordship answers, that the preceeding Summer was a miracle of Storms and Tempests, such as thereby secured their East India Ships, and protected their Sea coasts from the de­scent designed by those Forces. And if you will not believe so Noble a Patriot as his Lordship about these matters, then go on to report and scatter your Scandals, till [Page] your throats grow hoarse and sore with reporting, and become as incurable as your Faction. Nevertheless, with men not madly obstinate, these Evidences ought to pass, that there were no such great Offences in Whitehall, nor in his Lordship neither, in the years before 1673.

Now for the other part of my Observations in and after 1673 Divers great Offences grew up from time to time to put the World much out of Order; And verily these should not be repeated, were it not of so high importance for Publick Service, to pre­vent falling into the like again, and to restore the minds of such as are fallen.

Never was more work done to put a Nation out of Order, in so little time as two or three years considering the good and happy condition it was in by his Lordships own Confession; for from 73. to 1576: was no long space, and by that time, his Lordship had taken up Lodgings in the Tower, It seems as if he bestirred himself to purpose, and began betimes to offend, because notice was taken presently after a Court of his Lord­ships behaviour, insomuch that it is said he was forbidden coming to Court; But to be even with them for this, and for other purposes, he took heart and hied as fast as he could into the City, with Resolution to become a Citizen, and trod the Exchange as a Merchant, and as constantly as any, being then to drive a great Trade in small Wares of Popularity; how it came about you may guess, but as to a Common place for all People, there flockt the Factors of every Faction: Soon after this, Clubs and Com­mittees of good Fellowship and Sedition were erected, and there all, and more than all the Infirmities of Court, and Errors of State, were Arraigned, and Condemned. The old Sore also, want of Trade, was rubbed, and the only Remedy resolved on, viz. The removing of Evil Counsellers, and a crying down France, Ministers of State, and French Pensioners, Arbitrariness, and Property▪ yea, all that was not at Court, was to be brought on the Stage, and the Bishops too, and to be stript of their Lawn-sleeves. Oracles like­wise were given out, to be delivered in Common Council at Guildhall by Mr. Jenks and his fellow Wi [...]secres, and Orders issued out for a general Muster of Grievances against the Session of Parliament; besides many a costly Dinner, and deep Potations, for the putting as many Members as they could out of their Senses. There the Con­trivances were first set on Foot, to Institute Offices of Intelligence, to coyn News for the Coffee-houses; and an Academy for inventing Seditious and Treasonable Pamphlets, with Directions how to Print and Spread them, to edifie both City and Kingdom into an Oblivion of their Allegiance, and a belief of meere Inventions; that so they might be rendred tractable towards any design of their Factious Leaders, and for the quick­ning of a diligent Correspondence of their Countrey-Agents, with the supream Coun­cil of the Directors at London. These were the blessed fruits of the Years 1674. and 76. I am far from charging his Lordship with any of them; but I may only observe, that all these beginnings of Disorder follow'd his Lordships laying aside at Court, and were the unhappy Consequents in time of his Courtship in the City.

After a while, ill humours, like ill Weeds, grew so fast, that now they began to think themselves both powerful and skilful enough to play a Prize in Parliament: and therefore seeing the Memorable Session of 13th of April, 1675. was at hand, they provided their pranks so to play, that the Parliament should not be in Condition to do any work, but both Houses only embroil one another with hard Speeches, and Di­sputes about Priviledges, &c. and thereby being in no capacity to make dispatch of Publick Business, be rendred altogether impracticable and unuseful to the King and Kingdoms pressing Occasions. This device was driven high, and with heat for an ar­tifical blowing up of this Parliament, because the But-end of it was to induce upon the King a necessity of calling a new One: in this Point entred all the Crafts-Masters of [Page] every Male-contented Party, as the grand Medium wherein they could agree against the present Establishment of the Court, and [...]overnment both of Church and State; because each Party having prepared men to serve it self, by new Elections, doubted not but so plausible a Plea as a New Parliament, would easily take place and afford eve­ry one the advantages they hoped for by a Change. His Majesty and His Conncil, and the Parliament, soon smelt out the desperate meaning of this Privy Conspiracy under cover of so publick a Plea, and the Faction was soon made to understand, that their Plot was understood; and that Crafty Tricks, with Loud Popular Clamors, and Long Speeches of their Correspondents in Parliament, with other Machinations under the Sacred shelter and Claim of Free speaking, and Priviledge, was no honest English way to bring on New Parliaments; the Law having left it wholly to the Judgment and Power of the King, who hath at all times had a willingness to call one, as soon as the Publick work lying before this Parliament can be finished, and the Heats, high Cants, and Traiterous designs of Factions to make an uproar, can be evaporated.

The working of all these Evils, was plainly seen so soon as in this April-Session of 75. to be the wretched effect of those Principles and Doctrines of State, which by the care of the Conspirators had been most industriously spread in Prints and otherwise, for Poysoning the Opinion of City and Countrey about the King and His Parliament, and the Government, all exposed for a subversion.

Some Noble Lords, at that Season, reflecting on their own Allegiance, and Obliga­tion to prevent this, brought into the House of Peers a Bill, in which was that Oath so much clamour'd at, called the Oath of Test or Tryal; conceiving it would be a good security to Church and State, if men thereby renewed their Allegiance. It seems the Plot, after the Rate of 1641. was so forward, that the Masters of it were touched to the quick, and feared this Oath would touch too home also upon their Proselytes, who by it were to swear down the Principles and Doctrines of 41. which were now again to be made use of, such as allowed of taking Arms against the King upon Parliamentary pretences, and by His Authority against His Person, and of making Alterations, with­out Him, in Church and State.—If the Book called A Letter from a Person of Quali­ty to his Friend in the Countrey, published this year 75. be of any Credit, it hath these words in page 9. That the Earl of Shaftsbury was the man in the House, that opened at large the Mischievous and ill Designs (as he calls it) and Consequences of the Bill, and convinced many other Lords into a humour of Protesting against the Bill. Now the design was bare-faced; And because the Church was to have been alter'd as well as State, therefore, he who will believe that Book, may if he please, when as in 20. and 21. and 22 pages, it saith, That his Lordship spake things in disgrace of those old repositories of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, the 39 Articles, the Liturgy, the Catechism, the Homilies and the Canons. And I am sure the same Book, which condemned these, and vilified the Bishops too, bestows very high com­mendations of his Lordships Parts, Pains, and Labour about these matters: which, to the praise of his, and some other mens Lungs, took up the House of Lords with a de­bate of Sixteen or Seventeen whole days together, the House sitting many times till Eight or Nine a clock at night, and sometimes till midnight. However, they could not save the Book which makes report of this Noble Prize, from being, by Order of the Peers, burnt by the hand of the Hangman. And indeed it well deserved so, because it charged the main stress of the Debate upon the shoulders of his Lordship; though the Author wrote as if he had been his Friend, by reason of the immoderate Praises that he loads him with in divers places. 'Tis an unhappy thing, and looks ill, that his Lord­ship should have such dangerous Friends as deserve Execution by the Hangman: for [Page] what praise soever the fore-going Author may have fallen short in, another Author endeavours to make up, who seems a Friend too of his Lordship, by an excess of prai­sing him for the opposing of that Oath; as may be seen in pages 17, 58, 59, 69. and 61, 62 of that Author, whom a little before we named the Record-Keeper, or Recorder of the Faction; that is more plainly, the Author of that most Villainous Book, Entitu­lep, An Account, &c. in the 61 page, whereof are these very words [It might be in­jurious where all of them did so excillently well, to attribute more to any one of those Lords than to another, unless, because the Duke of Buckingham and the Earl of Shafts­bury have been the more reproached for this brave Action, it being requisite by a double proportion of praise, to set them two on equal terms with the best of their Companions in Honour] And in page 62. He glorieth in these words concern [...]ng the Issue of these doings: [That by this means the Test Dyed, and the Matter in conclusion was so Hus­banded betwixt this business, and the business of Dr. Shirly, and Sir John Fagg, that any longer converse between the two Houses grew impracticable; so that His Majesty was ne­cessitated to Prorogue them till the 13th of October, 1675. following] Let the World judge then to what height of Crime such mens behaviour doth tend, when it must puzzle the most exquisite Politician to distinguish in point of Treason, betwixt a Fru­strator and a Subverter of the Meetings of Parliament▪ And so you have seen what Friends his Lordship hath, and if their Prints are to be believed, you see what he did, and how he did, and how he bestirred himself during that April-Session of the year 1675

Now we pass on to October-Session of the same year; and in this it will appear, how the work of publick Disturbance, and of Frustrating this Meeting of Parliament like­wise proceeded; for, it also came to nothing: but by whose means, let the Reader judge by what followeth in short.

The Parliament being met, the first Artifice of some was, to set on Foot again the late Quarrel betwixt both Houses about their Priviledges. In which Master-piece, if we may credit a Speech Printed in the name of the Earl of Shaftsbury, his Lordship act­ed a principal part, and it was improved from being a private Cause between Shirly and Fagg, to become a cause of too much concern to the King, the whole Parliament, and Kingdom. Therefore divers Lords argued in their House to lay aside for a while that Cause, as a matter that would revive their Contest with the Commons: and there­by hinder the Kingdoms business of preparing a Navy▪ and other pressing Affairs and Occasions: and so most of the Lords spake for adjourning that Cause for six weeks. But, saith the printed Speech, in my Lord Shaftsbury's name; Take heed what you do, and argued these Particulars following:

That then the Money-Bill for the King to build Ships would be passed. Oh take heed of that; for though in a another part of the Speech an Out-cry be made of the Crown of the French King, yet no Money ought to be had to prepare by Sea or Land against him. This way of arguing suits well.

That to lay Shirly aside would be to alter the Constitution of the Government. Well argued again. That no Prince ever govern'd without a Nobility, or any Army. If he will not have one, he must have t'other. Well done to insiunate, as if the King meant an Army Government.

That the King is King by Law, and by the same Law that a poor man enjoys his Cot­tage. I thought he had been King by Inheritance; that is, according to Law, and the fundamental Law of the Kingdom supposes that no Law is able to alter it; Else the Heir of the Crown may hap to be without either Palace, or Cottage, by I know not what Law. That a King governing by an Army, without His Parliament, is a Govern­ment that his Lordship owns not, is not obliged to, nor was born under. This is to set [Page] up a King of Straw, and place him in the head of an Imaginary Army, and then rout him with an infinuating Slander.

That he cannot find that ever the Jesuits or Popish Clergy, only some of our Episcopal Clergy, owned Monarchy to be of Divine Right. Then the Episcopal are the best Subjects. The English Presbyterian may suit with the other, being the same by Principle, a sort of Protestant Jesuits.

That to say this Family are our Kings, and this Partioular Frame of Government is our lawful Constitution, and obligeth us, is owing only to the particular Laws of our Countrey. Well urged in Print: here is scope enough left both for Family and Frame­alterations by particular Laws. All our wise men have doted till now, they dream't that the General Fundamental Law of the Kingdom had held both Family and Frame so together, that they are unalterable by any particular Law whatsoever.

What think ye now? hath not that man a notable skrew in his Brains, that could draw all these brave Points out of the Case of Dr. Shirly?

Nevertheless, a shift was made with Shirly's business to make long Speeches, and so inflame the Reckoning betwixt both Houses, that no publick business being to be done, this Session also was made as unserviceable as divers foregoing Sessions had been; and the time was drull'd but till the 20th of November, 1675. And then the main In­tendment for the Destruction, otherwise called a Dissolution, of this Parliament came to light, back't with such Reasons in writing, afterwards Printed, with the Earl of Shaftsbury ▪s and some other Names to them, which no Lord could have so readily and luckily penn'd, as one that formerly had an Acquaintaince with the Levellers; the Arguments being all of a piece with theirs in the former times of Reformation; in­somuch that His Majesty finding no good to be done, was forced, for meer shame of our Nation, and to hide it, to put an end to this Session also, the 22th of November, 1675. And that men might have time enough to discover their own Errors, He pro­rogued them to the 15th of February, 1676. In the mean time, no Money having been raised, as the King earnestly had desired of them for building of Ships, and other Pre­parations for War; but set the Saddle upon the right Horse, or lay the Brat at the right door, and rail not at them for not doing what was contrived, and made impos­sible for them to do, by with▪holding Money from them that should have done it: which lamed them and the whole Nation in such manner, that they could not make one step towards it. And this is the true Reason why we lost so much time, and are so behind hand and backward at this day.

Nevertheless, the much long'd for 15th of Feb. 1676. being come, the King, as if He had forgotten all Faults, and Injuries of the former Session, (such is His marvailous Clemency and Patience) opened this with a Speech of a most obliging Nature, such a one as was a wonder, Considering what Provocations had been put upon Him, and His Government in the interval of the Session, by the many most pernicious Books and Pam­phlets which had been spread by the Faction into all parts, to inflame and prepare the People for new Commotions (if it might be) to disturb Him this Session also, and Dis­solve the Parliament; in which work of Dissolution the Earl of Shaftsbury, at the Houses sitting (you know) was prime man in appearing, to the utmost of his endea­vour.

As for the King, He in His Speech to both Houses, in hope to reconcile all diffe­rences, breath'd forth nothing but sweetness, Kindness, and high Reason.—He told them, That after a long Proregation, He had given them the Opportunity to [...]pa [...] the Misfortunts of the former Session.

[Page 15] That if they fell into the like Differences now again, which some men had so unhap­pily managed and improved betweenn them, it would be enough to leave them without all excuse.

That His Majesty Himself was resolved it should not be his fault, if they were nit made happy by their Consultations in Parliament.

That he came prepared to satisfie them in all things, for securing our Protestant Church and Religion, that may be reasonably asked, or can consist with Christian Pru­dence.

That he was ready to do all things that might gratifie them in the further securing of Liberty and Property.

That then he leaves all the World to judge, who is most for Arbitrary Government, they that foment such Differences as tend to dissolve all Parliaments, or he that would pre­serve This, and all Parliaments from being made useless by such Discentions.

That if the good ends of Government, and the necessaries of it, happen to be further dis­appointed, he called God and men to witness that day, that the misfortunes of that dis­appointment shall not lie at his Door.

To all which excellent particulars, my Lord Chancellor in his Speech added many more, too large to repeat here; only one I must remember: That it would be somewhat strange, and without all example in story, that a Nation should be twice ruined, twice undone, by the self-same way and means, the same Fears and Jealousies.

But all this was but Surdo canere; what was to be done was before-hand resolved on; The Actors entred in the House of Peers, and the Tragy▪ Comaedy began thus, as the Re­corder of the account of the growth of Popery, &c. (pages 71, 72.) presents it, (which Book, being now in the hands of the House of Peers, deserves their most severe Inquisi­tion;) For he saith, The Duke of B. (one who usually says what he thinks) argued with great strength of reason, that this Prorogation was null, and this Parliament conse­quently Dissolved. But other Lords moved, That for this the Duke ought to be called to the Bar. So that (saith he) the Earl of Shaftsbury had opportunity to appear with such extraordinary vigour, in what concerned both the Duke of B's Person and Proposal, that as the Duke of B. might have stood single in any rational Contest, so the Earl of Shaftsbury was more properly another Principal, rather than his Second.

What a virulent Scribe is this Recorder, that an ill Contest cannot arise in Parlia­ment, but he still brings in my Lord Shaftsbury as a main man, a Beginner, or a Pro­moter of it! If he was so, [...]he greater then ought to be his Lordships Repentance all the days of his Life; otherwise, though he hath done it at the Lords Bar, there is yet a Superiour Bar hereafter▪ which he must one day give an Account to. In the mean while, both he and the Duke, being Penitents profess'd, it sounds not well that this Recorder should now be the Trumpet of their Praises; For, we would fain believe they are real, and mean to give him no more the like occasion by Parliament-pelting; nor to count him in the number of their Friends hereafter.

Whoever he was that published the Debates and Arguments that had been delivered in the House of Peers formerly for Dissolving the Parliament, will find it confessed in that print, that it was a parti [...]l Design, it having been boasted by the Designers, That they had a Party of Members in the Commons House, whose business it was to second the Disputing Lords, by carrying the Differences in both Houses to the greatest height, that by this means they might be rid of this Parliament by Dissolution: which is a new way of Blowing up a Parliament, that calls aloud for Repentance; and God grant that in our days, neither the same, nor the like Tricks of State, may be brought upon the Stage any more.

[Page 16]When this would not do, then for my Lord of Shaftsbury, and the rest that joyn'd with him in Argument, to argue from the Fifteen Months▪ Prorogation of the Parlia­ment, that it was consequentially Dissolv'd and Null, was such a Jigg to be brought in among wise men, as never was seen in any Age, nor could have been seen in any but in this Age of Wonders, and wondrous boldness with Kings.—The vanity of it was sufficiently refuted by many Noble Lords in the House, and afterwards in Print, by a private hand, where the whole Design and Drift of it was explained to the People.

But that which is worth all, is his Lordships own Repentance; for, [...] knew him to be of so clear a Wit, that when the angry Clouds of Faction, and Hearts of Dispute should be over, his piercing Judgment would quickly espy that he had been out of the way; and that seeing the Tower agreed not with his Constitution (as was acknowledged in his Petition to the House) it was his best way to return to the Bar, and there to sub­mit, and beg Mercy-of His Majesty and the Right Honourable House, and from that most Noble Theatre Preach Repentance to all that had been perverted by his Doctrine and Example. Which he having done, what remains, but that he may spend the rest of his days with the Blessing of a Convert, the Comfort of a good Conscience, and in contemplating also the many Pardons which from time to time our most Gracious King hath bestowed upon him?