YOU ask my Judgment of the BOOK you sent me. Your own may discern at the first Blush, that it carries in its Fore-Head all the proper Brands of a plain Libel. No Author's, Printer's, or Licenser's Name to it; no, not so much as the Name of the Place where it was Printed. Which, when the Contents are grateful to the Times, (as we have too much Reason to fear these are) use to be the Notorious Ear-Marks of a Libelling Pamphlet. Next, I doubt not but any unbyast Understanding, though never so weak, will at the first glance discover, that there is scarce a Line in it, where he Charges any thing upon those Two Princes, but betrays it very evidently to be the meer Product of a High-flown Passion and Extravagant Malice: The Author places a peculiar Felicity in expressing every thing waspishly; and no Ragoust of Eloquence pleases his Palate, but that of Satyr and Invective. Never was Man in a higher Salivation with Rage, or drivell'd more Foam. I should take him to be possest with Fits of Madness, but that he has no Lucid Interval. Kings had best take heed how they come in this Mans Debt; for it will be difficult ever to get his Acquittance. I should advise them to give him a Pension (as 'tis said, some did to Aretine) to bribe him off from bespattering them; for, otherwise, he will make them all Rogues and Rascals, and scarce leave an Heir to any Crown that came Honestly by it, in all Christendom. 'Tis his Gallantry, I do assure you, to Trample upon Majesty like Dirt, and then to Strut and Crow over it most unmercifully. To tell us that King Charles the Second (the most Mild Prince then living) had nothing in his Thoughts but Bloody Designs (p. 32.) that He had not a Grain of Common Humanity in his Adamantine Heart (p. 124.); or that he Committed Incest with his own Sisters (p. 22.50.) These, I say, are his Common, but Course Complements to that Prince: And we may be sure 'tis Resolv'd on, that his Royal Brother and Successour must be far worse than he. He is Bloody and a Murtherer every bit of him, even of his own Brother; Cruel as Nero, and the very Dioclesian of all the Protestants; though he struggled even beyond his strength, to give Liberty of Conscience to them all. What a Scandal is it to the Age we live in, what an indelible Disgrace to the Government, that such a Iack Pudding should be let loose to libel Kings, and scribble with such a Magisterial Impudence, against Personages which filled some of the highest Places in the Universe, and had been his own Soveraigns!

E're I leave to Reflect on his manner of Writing, or give you the Character of it my self, I desire you to Note how candidly this Libeller tells you what you may expect from him in that kind, and how plainly he not only confesses, but excellently proves himself to be an Insulting Barbarian, and this by his own Discourse and his own Words, (p. 197.) where, speaking of the Late Chancellor's Domineering Carriage, he descants upon it thus; [To tell a Peer of England, and the Bishop of London, so much his Superiour, only that he sat upon the Throne of his Commission.] He that was not to be mention'd with the Bishop in the same day, was such a foul piece of Exuberance of his Guildhall Eloquence, which only could have drop'd from the Lips of insulting Barbarism. Now a Modest Man, or indeed any one in his Right Wits, would verily judge that there is far more distance betwixt this fellow's Pitch, and that of Kings, than there was between the Bishop of London, and a Lord Chancellor; and that, if these Two were not to be mention'd in the same Day, such a Puny Wretch as this and Soveraign Princes, are not to be mention'd in the same Age: Which if it be true, then this inconsiderate Fop, has, by a far better Consequence than any in his Book, most learnedly prov'd himself an Insulting Barbarian. All that can be said, why even himself should not judge so, is, That his proud and exaggerating Genius does, in his haughty Imagination, print himself in such a Noble Character, that he judges his own Quality, far Superiour to that of poor Monarchs, or (to pursue his Phrase) fit to be mention'd with them in the same Minute. In which I most humbly beg his little Grandeur's Pardon, I am something afraid he is mistaken; and that, (to use his own Words a little alter'd) as Men commit Absurdities when laden with Wine, so this was his Extravagancy, when he was Drunk with Pride and Malice; the Potent Charms which so intoxicate him, that (as will be amply prov'd hereafter) he thinks himself some kind of Peerless Thing, and Paramount to the whole World. Thus has our Libeller buffeted himself, while he strikes at Kings; and so, since he has evinc't it so evidently, an Insulting BARBARIAN let him be.

Nor must I forget how accurate he is in picking out, and pencilling to the Life all the immodest Stories he could either hear, or invent; and how he hugs his own Harlotry Pleasure in Expressing them pathetically. Oh, how his Fancy is tickled with that nasty Idea of the expanded Nakedness of a Harlot, (p. 85.) which he is not asham'd to shew his Reader! This, and such as this, I must confess, are foul pieces of an exuberant Eloquence, beyond Guild-Hall pitch; and such as more becomes an Academy of Whores in a Bawdy-house; whence, in all likelihood our honest Libeller transcrib'd it into his Fancy, & hop'd that what was so pleasing to himself, would mightily gratifie his sort of Readers.

Nor must I forget the strong Reason he gives, why he became oblig'd to write and publish this Hotchpotch of Ribaldry. The French King (as he tells us in his Preface) had publish'd a most scandalous Libel, entituled, The True Pourtraicture of William Henry of Nassau, &c. Now, says he, though I do undertake to Vindicate him here, I will not so much as Answer to any one particular objected in that Libel, for fear of Proving and Fending; but let all the Dirt stick upon that Prince still, and let him wipe it off that will; but I'le do that which is better: And what's that? Is there any better way to clear a Mans Credit, than to confute the Calumny? What is then this better way? Marry, says he, I'le shew that his nearest Relations are as ill Men as he can be for his heart, and so let them, for me, pass in the World for a pack of abominable Monsters together. And this he calls his more Concise Way of Defending that Prince's Credit: Has this Fellow Common Sense in him, to think that the leaving all unanswer'd which was Objected, and instead of doing so, falling foul upon his Relations, is the more concise way of clearing the Reputation of him whom he had taken upon him to defend? Or, that any Mans Credit is Vindicated meerly by Recriminating other Men? Yet this Trifler tells us there (p. 2. l. 1.) that he has Vindicated that Prince, by this New and more concise Method of not-answering: And this Piece of most refined Nonsence, is the Apology he makes, Why he publish'd to the World such a sawcy and scurrilous Invective. Nay, which is worse, by this Carriage of his, he leaves that Prince's Credit in the Lurch, and, in some manner, takes the French Kings Part against him; for the Zeal he expresses for him, shews evidently he had a good Will to Vindicate him particularly; which since he did not, in a Book, as he confesses intended to Vindicate, 'tis enough to make indifferent men suspect, and his Maligners say, that it lay not in his Power to do it. Had such a Prevarication, in a like Case, happened in the Plot-time, People would have sworn the French King had hir'd him off for Money.

Who is the Author of this Libel, was for some time uncertain. But, since I had begun to write, and was near finishing these Reflexions, I am given to understand for Certain, That this Gallimawfry of Scurrility, was writ by an Atheistical, Damning, Swearing, Drunken Fellow of the Fraternity of Black-fryers, who gets his Living by Scribling for Money. The Inconsiderableness of the Man made it below me, and too Honourable for him, to meddle with him, had not more powerful Motives, lately mentioned in my Preface, won me to publish what I had already finish'd, e're I had certain Knowledge of the Name or Quality of the Author: Besides, his Libel being the Ground-Work both of the Romance and the Farce, I could no way better Confute those Pieces, than by exposing to the World, the shallow Vanity and ridiculous Lies of Blatant's History, the Foundation on which they were in part built.

Lastly, though this mean Fellow was thought the fittest Pen-Man for the Blatant Party; yet 'tis not to be doubted, but that the Materials were given him by some of the Heads of that Gang; who spread, and abet by word of Mouth, what this perilu Libeller prints; whose Calumnies therefore to Confute, I judg'd might not misbecome me; though this Fop, singly Consider'd, was below Contempt.

I am not of your mind in the least, that Higher Powers incited him to this senseless Barbarity, or that they will long connive at it. No certainly, it too much misbecomes any Man who has the least Sense of Piety towards such near Relations, or of Generosity towards Personages of so high a Station, and who have born so great a Figure in the World (even although they may be thought to have been subject to some Failings) to be willing they should be thus publickly branded for Monsters, by the licentious and intemperate railing of every petty Buffoon; whence I hope you will suspend that rash Judgment, till you see whether his Book passes currently (after it is expos'd) without some severe Animadversion. Nay, were that Unlikely Supposition of yours True, yet 'tis incredible, that Persons even of any Ordinary Prudence, (much less such as they) would not have been chary to abuse Princes so nearly Ally'd to them, with such Foul and Contumelious Language; but would rather have made Choice of some sober and grave Writer, who knew what good Manners and Decency meant, to lay open the plain Naked Truth, (had Necessity so requir'd) in a Style full of charitable and respectful Expressions towards their Persons, and with a sensible regret that he was forced to expose their Faults; and not to have employ'd such a foul-Mouth'd Thersites, whose whole Book is woven quite thorow with such rancorous Invectiveness, that, could a Mad Dog speak, he could scarce vent his Cerberean Foam with more Venome. All Wise Men, who have a good Opinion of the Present Governours, fear this Libeller has gain'd a fair Title to a Pillory or the Gallows, for such impudent Slanders against their Relations, notwithstandding his glavering Flatteries to curry Favour with them; even the highest Encomiums from such a dirty Pen, are at the best, but scurvy Commendations.

Thus much for the Manner of his Writing. As for the Matter of it, you may please to observe that the Title of his Libel, is, The Secret History, &c. In the Name of Wonder, how comes this inconsiderable Wretch to be better acquainted with the Secrets of State, than all the Heard of Mankind besides. There have not wanted Times of late, in which there was Impunity enough for Factious Men to speak such Truths as could be prov'd, or had any degree of Likelihood in them, even against Majesty it self; there wanted not Politicians who had Wit enough to know them, had they been real Vertties, nor Boldness and Malice to detect them: Yet we never heard of such a Complicated Series of Bloody Contrivances, till Blatant, in whose Breast these Horrid Secrets lay hid from the Worlds dull Eyes, bolted out this Unexspected Discovery of them. But how comes he then, and none but he, to know these Secrets? Was he ever Secretary to any of those several Princes or Popes, that he should be so well Vers't in their most private Transactions, and pronounce upon them with such a Confidence? Yet, he must be more than that; he must be of their Cabinet-Council too. Nor, will even such an intimate Familiarity with their Persons and Outward Transactions, justify the abominable Suggestions that are delivered as so many Certain & Evident Truths in this Libel of his. He assumes to himself yet a far greater Priviledge, than the knowing all the Arcana Imperii. This is too superficial an Object for his reaching Brain. He Fancies himself a little God Almighty, and dives into their very Thoughts; and (which is a Prerogative peculiar to the Divinity) searches their very Hearts and most retruse Intentions; and when he has done, he turns their Consciences inside-outwards: For, otherwise, the Particulars he huddles up together, will fall short of inferring what is still the Burthen of his Song, The Design of introducing Popery and Slavery. He keeps a huge Pother about the French King, and King Ch. his siding with him, and seconding his Intentions; whereas, every wise Man knows that there is no True Friendship betwixt Kings: They all do what they think is best for their Interest, and strive to circumvent one another by Policy. They commonly look one way and row another. The French may make Proposals, and our Kings, if they see it expedient, may in Out-ward Shew, admit their Pretences; and in their Treaties, give way seemingly to their Intentions (so they can but gain the Point they aim at) though they never meant them, nor had the same Motives the others had. Sometimes too, Kings may tell the Parliament what was really then their Intention, yet change of Circumstances intervening, may shew the complying with them in that particular, to be, hic & nunc, Imprudent and highly Inconvenient. The Common Good is their proper Object, and 'tis hard for any, to know what is such so well as themselves, by reason of their High Station, and Vniversal Intelligence, both at home from their Ministers, and abroad by their Ambassadors: Yet the subtile Wit of Blatant can penetrate into their inmost Breasts, and tell their Thoughts to an Hairs breadth: He thinks Solomon, for all his Wisdom, was but a Fool, and the Scripture much to blame in saying, That Cor Regum inscrutabile, The Hearts of Kings are unsearchable: Their most dark and opacous Meanings are to his Lynx's Eyes as transparent as Chrystal: However, we poor undiscerning Mortals be of opinion, that his leaden Skull and short Line of Reason, are utterly unable to fathom such depths. Nay, he knows of all Secret Letters between Party and Party, as well as if he had writ them with his own Hand; though now and then, if he fears them unauthentick, he is put to make them current with an [If.] But of his Proofs and Arguments hereafter.

Indeed he tells us candidly, in his Preface, That he will not apologize for the Truth of what's contained in his Libel. Now, the Crimes charg'd in it, are of the highest nature, and against Personages of the highest Dignity, which the Scripture forbids us to speak evil of. Wherefore one would think such an Action as this, of all things in the World, should need an Apology, and such an Apology too as carries with it the clearest Evidence and strongest Conviction; and that otherwise our Blatant will gain to himself the Repute of an Apostate from all Common Honesty, Civility, Charity and Christianity: Nay, he is to shew us too the Necessity of publishing to the open World such horrid Crimes of such Personages, even though True; since all secret Truths, especially such scandalous ones, are not (as himself confesses in his Preface) to be trumpeted about at all times, if at all. And lastly, he needs a good lusty Apology, why he delivered those supposed Truths in such a scurrilous manner. How comes it then, that he so kindly indulges himself the heavy and most necessary Task of Apologizing? Because (says he) as for what was more publickly carried, there are the loud and general Complaints of the Kingdom to confirm it. By the word [Kingdom] he means, we are to think, Himself, and his own factious Party, and especially the Traytors and their Adherents: By the same Figure of his kind of Rhetorick, as by making the Dissenters (or rather the most bigotted and furious part of them) the only Protestants, he, by consequence, ever and anon Christens those of the true Church of England by the Name of Papists. I cannot but note here how this poor man quite forgets what he is about. The Title of his Pamphlet is, The Secret History, &c. And he stuffs out his Book with Matters publickly carried, and which (as he says) a whole Kingdom loudly complained of. These are some of honest Blatant's SECRETS, which made such a noise, that every one must needs hear of them, whether they would or no, especially his Factious Crew, who were the persons that made that Noise; for their Mouth and their Ears are not far asunder. Unless he will maintain, (for he does as great Feats as this in his Book) that a whole Kingdom complained loudly of they knew not what, and that he is the only man (forsooth) that has ferreted out these Publick Secrets. But to the point.

The Kingdom, notwithstanding some Taxes, (which were inconsiderable, if we compare them with K. Ch. the Second's long Reign) liv'd in Peace and Plenty, and for all his ill Husbandry, and his being addicted to his Pleasures, (Faults, tho' no way excusable, yet incident to many Princes) he was beloved generally by his People, and his Death much lamented. Again, under the Reign of K. Iames, there were no Taxes at all: And as for some forward Proceedings, which disgusted many, he acted by the Advice of his Judges, assuring him, that his Prerogative (of which every King is tenacious) did warrant the Legality of his Actions. Indeed, I must joyn with Mr. Blatant in this, That he had the Misfortune to have had an haughty Chancellor, whose Humour led him to carry all things with huffing and a braggadochio height of Arbitrary Authority; which did not a little contribute to lose his Prince the Love of many; and that King's different Religion made the People easily susceptible of sinister Impressions; which disgusted men made it their Business to improve and heighten with ridiculous Lyes and groundless Jealousies.

But why does not he apologize for the Truth of the more secret Transactions? A man would think that the more secret they are, the more clear the Proofs ought to be, since the Blacker the Objects are, the more Light is requisite to make them perfectly Visible. Why no Apology then for the Truth of those private Concerns, wrapt up in the mysterious Veil of Cabinet-Counsels and State-Policy? The Reason why he gives none, is, because The Consequences and Events are his Testimonies. But this poor Babbler is mightily out in his Logick; for, we ought to see his Premisses are true, e're any Truth can follow from them: Since, if this be not first made good, let his Consequences be as well knit to them as he pleases, his Conclusions may all be false. Now the Consequences he draws, rely upon some pretended Papers, Letters, and Treaties, and an innumerable company of wild Stories, babbled up and down by the Factious Party that forged them themselves. These therefore a solid man would have made it his first care to prove, that they could not be Forgeries or Mistakes. But never was Writer so slight in that main Performance: He barely puts down, That such a thing was printed, such a thing written or talkt, and so lets it shift as well as it can for its own authentickness, and appuys himself on the hope he has of his Reader's Byass towards his side; or on his good-natur'd Credulity; and if these fail him, goodnight to Blatant's whole Libel. At least, if the Reader must trust his Word or Judgment, it would have been some glimmering of Satisfaction to him, had he told him what Means he had (above other men) to know such Passages to be true, where he had seen the Records, in whose Hands they are or were, and such-like, and not to leave his Reader in an Amusement, how he came to be so particularly enlightned, as to know that what was thus printed or written, or said, was a Certain Truth, and to be firmly rely'd on.

Thus much for his Premises, on the Truth of which all depends. Next, even supposing some of his Premises were Certainly True, yet his pretended Consequences can never be a perfect Apology, unless he shews the necessary Connexion of the one to the other: For, if the thing might possibly spring from another Cause than what he assigns, viz. [the Design of introducing Popery and Slavery,] then 'tis far from being an Apology for the Truth of that for which he brings it. To examin this then a little more narrowly, I affirm, That either these Consequences, which are to testifie the Truth of those more secret Transactions, do follow naturally from the more publick one; or they require some Skill to deduce them. If the former, then every man of an ordinary pitch of Reason would be able to see them, as well as this Owl-ey'd fellow, and his Party; and then he might have spar'd his Pains, it being to no purpose; for, in that case, he would have told us no News but what we knew before. If the later, we ought to be satisfy'd of Blatant's Skill in drawing his Consequences, and partly on his unbyast Sincerity. His Passion too visibly manifests his want of the later; and as for the former, he must pardon us if we cannot admire him; for, 'tis visible through his whole Libel, that his Malice so transports him, that (as shall be seen) he makes any thing follow out of any thing: Nay, should a sober man deduce them, they do far more naturally bear another shape; and can fright no man, unless such weak Souls, whom Blatant's Bugbear Stories have made believe that every Bush is a Spright.

Take an Instance or two, how, tho' this Libeller may be gifted in other Performances, yet his Skill in drawing Consequences is very untoward and even ridiculous. The Dutch War is levell'd by him (p. 42.) at the meer bringing in of Popery and Slavery. Whereas, they being our known Competitors in Shipping and Trade, and daily encroaching upon us (not to speak of their owing us satisfaction for old Injuries, recounted in the Book entituled, Amboina) a War once in Seven or (at farthest) Ten Years was ever held by our wisest Statesmen, in former times, (for I meddle not with what is our Interest now) as seasonable and necessary, as is the lopping off the under-growing Suckers, that intercept the Sap from the Tree, which gave them Life and Nourishment: And it has ever been imputed to K. Iames the First, as the most impolitick Act he ever did, and of the most dangerous Consequence to the Interest of England, that, out of his too great love of Peace, he did not curb the Growth of Holland, but let them rise to such a heigth of Power, as to be our Equals at Sea; in which the Wisdom of Q. Elizabeth, and her Council, thought fit severely to restrain them. Yet this babbling Libeller can see no reason in the World for a War with Holland, (how long soever it had been intermitted) but meerly the introducing of Popery and Slavery, upon no other account, (says he, p. 42.) but because they shelter'd and protected those whom K. Ch. and the French King persecuted for their Religion. He has forgot, that the long Parliament made War with them upon the score of Interest, without any design sure of introducing Popery by that means. He has forgot too, that the Persecution of the French Hugunots, and their running hither for shelter, was long after that War, which he makes to be the Cause of it. He has forgot how many of them shelter'd themselves lately here in England, even under K. Iames the Second, who not only afforded them Refuge, but also recommended the Relieving them, and to that degree, that it invited Swarms of them to follow, till they grew fat and rich, and far'd better than ever they did in their own Country, to the great impoverishment of our English Tradesmen, and ruin of innumerable poor Families, by intercepting their Gain, and under working them. Lastly, He has quite forgot what kind of Christians they were whom chiefly K. Ch. the Second persecuted, (that is, permitted Q Elizabeth's Laws against them to be executed) viz. The most violent-humour'd Fanaticks, who were ever and anon raising Disturbance both in Church and State; the rest of the more quiet Dissenters suffer'd for their sakes, it being impracticable to separate them.

The reason then of that War with Holland, is obvious to every Eye but Blatant's; and that it was held then the true Interest of England: Nor would any King in the World, tho' he had been of the same Religion with them, disaccept the Assistance of another King, if offer'd, let him be of what Religion he will, for then the Work would both be the easier, and the burthen of it lye more light upon England. But let our Blatant take the business in hand, with his special Gift of drawing Consequences, the whole Action, and every Step that was taken in it, shall clearly demonstrate an arrant Design of introducing Slavery and Popery, however remote and impertinent the Premisses are from the Conclusion; and no more hang together than the building of Tenterdon's Steeple does with the stopping of Goodwin's Sands. But, alas! This is one of his stoutest and most Achillean Arguments; K. Ch. the Second could not keep a Miss for his Pleasure, but, have-at him with a Consequence, cries Blatant, (p. 26.) ergo, it was a meer Plot of his to debauch the Nation, and so to introduce Popery and Slavery. The then D. of York took an innocent Nap at Sea. A clear Case, says our man of Consequences, (p. 160.) that it was a meer treacherous Plot, to let the Dutch beat the English, and make 'em destroy one another to bring in Slavery and Popery. Our all-seeing Blatant could peep into his Fancy, though the Windows of his Senses were shut up, and craftily spy out his very Dreams, and there read plainly, that he was still plotting Slavery and Popery, even in his Sleep. Nay more, he makes him to be a man of such a Chimerical Composition, (p. 161.) that he both procur'd the firing the Dutch Ships in their Harbours, and also procur'd the firing of our Ships at Chatham; and to mend the Jest, our implacable Blatant, whose ambi-sinistrous Humour nothing can please, is very angry with him for doing both the one and the other: Most Unhappy they that offend this man, or come under his Clutches; for, let them do things quite contradictory to one another, they shall still be sure to do wrong. Yet to do the Libeller Right, he has once in his life drawn a very clear Consequence, if we will out of kindness grant his Principle, which is the sure Basis of his whole Book, viz. That [Whatever K. Ch. the Second, or K. Iames the Second either did, or can be said or pretended to do, must needs be Wicked, Bloody, Treacherous, &c. because it is done, or said to be done by Them] or, as Hudibras has it, Tho' there were nothing to forbid it, 'Tis Impious yet, because They did it. His skewing and screw'd Deductions of this kind are innumerable; which shew our Libeller, to give him his due, no mean Artist, to clutter so many of them together in so little a room, and to tack them to one another, to make his Tale tell smoothly, with such a dexterous Confidence; for it requires no small Skill to make a Rope of Sand, which is Blatant's Master piece: Yet upon my word, he crowns the Work, and fortifies his Redoubts beyond all possibility of Attack (p. 28.) by assuring the Reader (and who dares disbelieve him?) that his pretended Proofs are Geometrical Demonstrations. Is not this a pleasant Fellow, to expose himself thus to the Scorn and Laughter of Learned men, by venting such Stuff as this for Demonstration? Indeed, in one sence his Discourse may be call'd Geometrical; for, abating his own numberless Fictions, which give a loose kind of Contexture to the whole, the Thrums-ends of his Tittle-tattle hang together by Geometry; as will more amply appear hereafter.

This then is the Success of his Consequences, which were to apologize for the Truth of his Libel. The other thing he alledges in his Preface, to bear Testimony to the Truth of what he writes, is, The Events: But these can do him no Service at all; for no such Events as he fear'd have happen'd; nor have either Popery or Slavery been introduc'd, much less forc'd upon England. Kings may possibly, in some particulars, be misled by flattering Judges, or other ill Counsel, to extend their Prerogative; and Subjects may take Shadow at some Actions of theirs, and, giving way to groundless Jealousies, be as much mistaken in cramping and retrenching their Just Power; and yet neither the former have the least Intention tyrannically to enslave the People, nor the later have any thought of being Traytors to their King: Both are Men, and so both may err in such cases, without pushing every thing to such lewd Extremities as this Incendiary does. K. Ch. the Second might endeavour to get the Roman Catholicks some Ease, and Security for the Private Exercise of their Religion, (or perhaps now and then put some person, whom he held to be faithful to him, and fit for the Place, into an Office) without incurring a just imputation of a Design of introducing Popery. To let some men say their Prayers after their own way, is not to bid or force others to join with them, or become of their Perswasion; nay, he was in some sort bound to be thus Civil to them both in Equity and Conscience: For, how ungrateful had it been in him, when he was restor'd to his Crown, to have, by a publick Act, indemnified all his Enemies, and at the same time, to have persecuted those who were, and had ever been, his constant and faithful Friends? Many of them had assisted towards his Maintenance when he was beyond Sea, had forfeited their Estates, and lost their Lives, for him and his Father in England: Could any Good man then do less in Honour, than protect such Loyal Persons, such faithful Friends, and such kind Benefactors? King Iames the Second (besides the former Motives) took himself to be yet more particularly oblig'd in Honour and Conscience to do the same, having publickly profest himself to be of that Perswasion: Nor would any Prince living, in his case, do other; nor, indeed, could he do less, without declaring himself, at the same time, to be an Hypocrite, as not valuing the Religion he profest, or thinking it ought to be protected; whereas yet the Sincerity of his Conscience was manifest to the whole World, by his going so plainly against his Interest, as to hazard the loss of Three Kingdoms, rather than quit the Perswasion he had embraced. And, for the same reason, it was but decent for a Prince of that Communion to send an Ambassador to Rome, (tho' Blatant, after his usual manner, belies his Errand) to receive a Nuntio thence, and to make some Ecclesiastical Superiours here to preserve Disciplin and Good Life amongst Roman Catholicks. But, that either of these two Princes (though they might intend that Party a kind of Freedom, and some Favours) could aim at the introducing Popery, or forcing it upon their English Subjects, or, by means of that Party, Slavery, is as wild a Conceit as ever enter'd into a raving Head. The Papists, 'tis well known, are but an handful to all England; but a Breakfast, should all the rest rise up to devour them. Add, That an Army, of which seven parts of eight were Protestants, (and the Militia of England were all of them the same) was the most unlikely Means in the World to compass such an End, or rather it was such a Remora, as made it impossible to be ever compassed: Nor wants it weight, that a Declaration for Liberty of Conscience to all (so displeasing of late (p. 202.) to our angry Blatant, who is resolv'd, that nothing shall pacifie his Indignation) was most solemnly promis'd, and even too zealously endeavour'd to be put in execution, and to be made a firm and unalterable Law of the Land: Which, as it was the best Expedient imaginable to secure the Consciences of all the English Subjects, by making it the Common Interest of the whole Nation, and engaging all Parties to stand up as one man against the Papists, had they ever attempted to violate such a Sanction; so it is no less an irrefragable Evidence of that King's sincere Intention never to use any Force or Coercion upon any man's Conscience, and a perfect Confutation of that ridiculous Sham, which is made to pass upon the Vulgar, that we must in that case have all turned Papists. This is the true state of that Affair, testified by Common Reason, and abetted by as many Pregnant Evidences, and known Matters of Fact, as a thing of such a nature can possibly bear; which yet our Libeller paints in the most hideous & monstrous form that his disorder'd Passion could invent, or his squinting Fancy could delineate.

Yet I will not make my self so great a Politician, as to contend but there might have been some Miscarriages, (and, in what Government in the World are there not some?) the Sense of which being improv'd by disgusted men, and nois'd abroad till they reach'd the Generality, the Nature (as it were) of England conceiv'd it self aggriev'd; and Nature (as all Histories testifie) will at length work out its way by one means or other, to compass its Real or Imaginary Satisfaction, tho' perhaps the Remedy, resolv'd upon in an hurry, sometimes haps to be worse than the Disease. Particularly, to shew how far I am from justifying any Action which is indeed Blameable, I must confess, That the shutting up of the Exchequer by K. Ch. the Second, was a very ill business: Blatant charges it in the foulest Language, p. 62. yet he might have been so just to that Prince, as to let his Reader know, That this was done by the advice of the Earl of Shaftsbury, to render that King odious; and that K. Ch. was so sensible of that Injury done to his Subjects, that he settled, by Patent under the Great Seal of England, the Interest of that Money at 6 per Cent. to be paid out of the Hereditary Excise, till the Principal could be discharg'd; which Settlement all the great Lawyers in England did agree to be a Legal and Good Security: So that it was far from being such a notorious Robbery as our Blatant represents it. Indeed, the not paying the Interest afterwards though so legally due, was a very high Injustice. But, as he charges it not, so 'tis not my Office, or pertinent to my Business in hand, to determine where the Fault lay; only I must say, That the Complaints of Thousands, who are undone by the detaining it, cry aloud to Heaven, till that Oppression be redrest, and Satisfaction be made for their Sufferings. He might have told us too, (for it is true) That K. Iames the Second, then D. of York, did with his own Hands bring a Bill into the House of Lords, to have that Settlement confirm'd by Act of Parliament, and never desisted till it had past that House, in the year 78. But that Parliament being prorogued, that business, though well intended, fail'd of success.

His other Arts are to give an ill turn to every Transaction, and lay hold of it by the wrong Handle. A method, by which 'tis easie for any babbling fellow, endow'd with a pretty Tantum of Wit, to travesty all the most Sacred Actions, and traduce the Intentions of the most Innocent Persons in the World. He builds much upon little tattling Court-Stories, gossip'd amongst the Ladies, which never wanted in any Reign, nor do they at present: Yet till our Blatant, for want of better Stuff, thought fit to make use of them, no wise man ever held them worth the bringing upon the Tapis, or indeed worth heeding, much less judg'd them to be a competent Ground to bear such heavy Charges against Kings and Princes. He picks up all the abominable Fictions invented and spread in the Plot-time by the factious Sticklers, though every one of them that was of moment, was a confuted Lye, either prov'd by plain Experience, or by Legal Evidences sworn openly in Court; or, at least, branded for Untruths by the Recorded Perjury of the Testimony on which solely they were built: And then, lest those Prejudices against his Stories should be of any weight, he arraigns all the Judges and Juries as Popishly affected, though they were all of them, to a man, Protestants. If any of his own Party do but hold up his Hand at the Bar, 'tis made a flat Condemnation of the whole Court, and a Geometrical Demonstration with him, that they were all of them most abominable Papists. His Topicks▪ of this sort make up near one Third of his Libel.

He traduces even the Devotions of K. Ch. the Second, (p. 21.) for that Prince might have intended Liberty of Conscience to all at that time, which, after he came into England, the Necessity of Affairs, or the Treasonable Demerits of divers of the Fanatick Party, might shew him to be hic & nunc against the Common Good, and therefore in these Circumstances imprudent. Or he might have intended it still, tho' he did not then execute it: And, indeed, 'tis manifest he did so, by his attempting to introduce it afterwards; but, by the opposition made against it, he found it impracticable. However, he made it evident, that the not giving Liberty of Conscience then, stuck not at him.

His Confident Sayings, without any Proof, are numberless, and make up above half his Book. Take a few Instances: He would almost make his Reader believe (p. 27.) that he had seen the King write a Letter to the Pope, in the year 62, for not the least Proof does he offer for it, nor do any of his pretended Apologies reach to excuse him, for laying such a Scandal. He affirms, as stoutly (p. 29.) as if he had been present, That all who had been abroad with that King (except three) had bound themselves by Oaths and Promises to assist in the Design of extirpating the Protestant Religion; and othing but one hot-headed Presbyterian, (whose Name too we must ot know, for fear of catching him in a Lye) quoted for it, who was laugh'd at, I fear, by the Parliament for a Mad-man. But I am afraid our Blatant is pleas'd to tell us an egregious Tale in this his Rant of Calumny. What thinks he of my Lord Chancellor Hyde, who was one of those abroad with that King, and one of the Three excepted? Was he too sworn to extirpate Protestant Religion? Certainly that noble Peer had the worst Luck of any man living, to be look'd upon by Roman Catholicks as one who, out of zealous Affection to the Protestant Religion, was their great Adversary; and yet, if we may believe Blatant, was by Oath bound to extirpate Protestants to set up Popery.

He relies (p. 52.) upon a Libel printed at Paris, which he confesses, p. 50, was done by the French King, to make King Ch. despair of ever being trusted or forgiven by his People; that is, it was done by him to set England in Confusion. Now, had it made for his purpose, he would in another Circumstance have sworn it was a Politick Invention, contriv'd by that King to do a Mischief to England; but his Design here was to disgrace K. Ch. and therefore it must necessarily be a most Certain Truth. Nay, our kind Blatant co-operates with the French King's pretended Design, or rather out-does him: For, the French King ever asserted the Truth of that Libel, but stifled it, and punish'd the Author; whereas our Blatant vouches the Truth of it, and (unless he will be ungrateful) must acknowledg an high Obligation to the man who counterfeited and printed it, since he has afforded him such a precious Lye to lay load on that King, which is his Darling Design.

That the French King was supplyed by K. Ch. with Arms and Ammunition, to take (his own) the English Ships, is so senceless a Calumny, that it would honour it too much to go about to confute it: For, it depends on his bare word, or rather, 'tis against his own words; for, he confesses, p. 89, That K. Ch. sent to expostulate and require Satisfaction for the Injuries done to the English; but yet, he turns it off to another business, and assures his Reader this was but a pretence; and then who dares disbelieve a Person of that high Honour, who creates and annihilates Truths at his pleasure, by vertue of his special Gift of diving into Men's Intentions?

He takes the part of all the Traytors, against our Kings and Government; he licks up all the venom'd Stuff that the Salamanca Dr. had vomited, and magnifies his unblushing Impudence and his pregnant Reasons, (p. 94.) I suppose he means his many and palpable self-contradictions; as is shewn evidently, beyond confute, in the Treatise entituled, Titus against Oats. Nor do I wonder he should retain such a special Kindness for that Gentleman, for standing as he does, perjur'd upon Record; he is the honester man for it in Blatant's Judgment; only, he should be a little startled, had he the least Grain of Indifferency left him, to see, That that Ignominious Brand is so perpetually and unremoveably fixt upon him, that the stickling of all his best Friends, in a late House of Commons, could not, (even in that most favourable juncture) procure him to be unstigmatiz'd and re-qualify'd for a Witness. No truer is his Assertion (p. 95.) That Coleman confest there was a Plot against our Laws, Liberties, and Religion, and that it was advanc'd so far, and seconded by Persons of that Quality in the Nation, and Figure in the Government, that there was no possibility to give a Let or Disappointment to it. Which is a Fardle of Lyes pack'd up together, without either Proof or Shame; as are also the Messages between Coleman and the Duke, so impudently asserted in the next Page.

He confesses, (p. 115.) that Dangerfield was a Miscreant and a Rascal, yet takes his bare Word against the King and his Royal Brother, that they hugg'd, caressed, and fee'd him privately: But now, let Common Sense beware, and stand out of the way, for Blatant is going to bring his Argument, which will, we may be sure, knock down all the Reason of Mankind, that dares stand against it. P. 165. he tells us, That 'tis a most convincing Proof of the Truth of Dangerfield's Examination, that the Duke hated him for it after the Discovery. Very good: But, in case he bely'd the Duke when examin'd, why might not his Resentment against him afterwards arise from thence? And, if so, how is the Duke's Anger a convincing Proof he spoke Truth, when the same Anger was more justly deserv'd by him for witnessing Lyes? So that we must have recourse to Dangerfield's Personal Credit for the Truth of his Testimony; and, how great that was, Blatant himself tells us, p. 115. viz. That he was a needy Profligate, a Miscreant, an Impostor, a Rascal, an unpardon'd Coiner, and a Common Cheat. This is to be meant (we must understand) what Dangerfield was in puris naturalibus, before he became Regenerate, by doing Service to the Faction; but as soon as ever, following the vogue of the Times, he took the Boldness to abuse and bely the King and his Brother, This Man for my Money, cries Blatant, I'll warrant him an Honest man, and a Sincere Witness. This, this alone attones for all his past Misdemeanours, & sanctifies him immediately into a Babe of Grace. Such another Jobb he affords us, p. 129. Fitzharris, he confesses, said backwards and forwards: Score him up then for another irrefragable Witness against the King and the Duke, says honest Blatant.

It were easie to refute all his Cavils concerning Argyle, Russel, Essex, &c. but that it has been done over and over by better Pens: Had he candidly informed the Reader with what was alledg'd and proved concerning them or their Cause, he might have had some Light what to think of it; but our Libeller conceals all that was objected and evidenc'd, and tells Stories of his own Factious Copartners, which he seconds with multitudes of his own Forgeries, scatteringly intermixt, and (so self-conceited he is) that he hopes such light Stuff will counterpoise the Gravity of Courts, and the Justice of the Nation. But, above all, I wonder he was not ashamed to object the Murther of Sir Edmondbury Godfry, after he had seen the Mystery of his Death unfolded by Sir Roger L'Estrange; where he will find no such Stuff as his own bare Sayings, or Tattles of the Multitude, or the Words of byast men; but the sworn Attestations of a great number of Indifferent Persons of all sorts, conspiring so perfectly to the same Truth, that they force Human Nature to see evidently the Conclusion; to answer the least of whose many Arguments, is beyond the Skill of all the Blatants living.

But, oh! how he triumphs in the Testimony of his new Evidence, Dorothy Smith! After all the baffled Shams of Braddon, and the rest of that Seditious Gang, which he furbishes up again, and varnishes over (p. 177, 178, 179.) with a voluntary Lye (without any Proof offer'd for it) in almost every Line, this pittiful Drudge comes, like another Daniel, to discover that sinful Account of Murthering the Earl: But, I beseech you, good Mr. Blatant, why was not this Authentick Kitchinwench call'd before the Parliament lately, nor Holland neither, tho' kept in Prison to that purpose, when that business was mov'd? It would have pleas'd all your Friends infinitely, to have had that Earl's Murder, by the Duke's Order, well prov'd at that time of day: Nor wanted they Zeal to prosecute it, had they judg'd they had competent Witnesses to make good the Charge. But, you know well, that such a Choak-Pear was put to that Calumny, by Witnesses of another kind of Quality than Dol was, that the intended Prosecution was past over as desperate, He says (p. 178.) That several were ready to depose; But, why came they not in then, when the late Parliament sate? Who discourag'd them? Or rather, indeed, who durst have hindred them at a season when it was meritorious to blacken K. Iames all that was possible? As for Dol's Testimony, it discredits it self: The pretended Murtherers must needs meet at her Master's; must needs speak so loud and so carelesly, as to let the Protestant Maid hear them, both before and after the Murther was committed: Nay, she must needs be gadding abroad, and have business obliging her to walk, a little before the Earl's death, before his Chamber Window, in the Tower: She, who, as he told us (p. 178.) liv'd in a by-Corner in the Town, what had she to do there? Or, if she had, why must her Business invite her thither just when the Earl was to be kill'd? How comes it, that she alone must hear a great trampling and bustling in his Chamber, see three or four Heads move close together, and hear a loud and doleful Cry of Murther? The upshot is, Dol was in every place, and just at the very nick of time too, where-ever her Inspirers could have wisht her to be: An evident Token of a Lye and Subordination to boot, as could be imagined! And so much for Dol. The rest is the unattested words of a dead Man, and Blatant's own Forgeries or Conjectural Conceits.

Of the same leaven is his positive affirming (p. 187, 188.) not only without Proof, but against the Senses of all the Persons and the Records of the Court, that his dear Brother Dr. Oats was condemn'd for Perjury by Witnesses already falsify'd and known Papists: Whereas, whoever heard that Tryal, as I my self did, know well, that not any one Witness against Oats was convicted of Perjury, as also, that there were many Protestants, who swore positively against him; the Religion of each Witness being ask'd publickly and particularly. 'Tis well the House of Lords were Sitting when Blatant printed his Libel, or he would have maul'd them all for Papists, for not reversing that Sentence against that First Saviour of the Nation, when it was prest so mightily by the House of Commons. But, how bitterly Blatant declames there against the Whipping Punishment! Poor man! the dreadful Lashes which he fears he may bring upon his own back, are so lively by Anticipation imprinted in his Fancy, that the Idea of them makes all the Humours in his Composition turn Choler, at the very thought of so rough an usage, likely to be his own Lot.

What a pother he keeps (p. 193.) about K. Iames's endeavouring to bring the Corporations on his side! I meddle not with the Legality of any such Proceeding, humbly acknowledging, that I want the high Privilege which Blatant assumes to himself, of knowing better what is Law than all the Iudges, or what is more conducing to the Common Good, than does a King; only I may, with his Leave, venture to say what every man knows, and the Matter of Fact testifies, That that King's Reason for doing it, was to get Liberty of Conscience enacted by Law, and this too, after his having us'd all other means he could invent to bring it about other ways. Why Blatant should be so angry at that which would have been so grateful to all his Friends, must be imputed to his inveterate Distemper of Mind, which is altogether incurable, since even such Lenitives are so far from asswaging it, that they exasperate it the more. Furious Choler is so rooted in his very Composition, that 'tis beyond all the Power of Hellebore to purge it away.

I must not forget how he lays open at large, from p. 11, to p. 19. a Treaty of K. Ch. the Second with the Pope, in the Year 52. counterfeited most certainly by some former Blatant; For, 'tis so very ridiculous in all its parts, that none but a Madman would have propos'd it to the Belief of any man of common sense: For, first, what shew of Reason is there, that K. Ch. would have clos'd so with Rome, while he was in Scotland, this being the only way to ruin himself as soon as he was newly come into a good condition? 2. What a silly thing it is to desire the Pope to cause the whole beneficed Clergy in the World, of what Dignity, Degree, State or Condition soever to contribute the third or fourth part of all their Fruits, Rents, Revenues or Emoluments to a War against England. In the Emperor's great necessity, when the Common Good of all Christendon seem'd to be concern'd, the Turk then ravaging Hungary as far as Vienna, it was never known that any ask'd, or the Pope gave, more than a Tenth, and this not in all Countries, but in some few only. 3. What an imprudent and odd Expression is that [the whole beneficed Clergy in the World] Did that Forger think, or, could K. Ch. imagin, that the benefic'd Clergy in Russia, the Country of the Abyssins, and many others, are at the Pope's beck, or under his Jurisdiction? At least, if it means all under the Pope, could it be thought fit, that the Roman Catholicks in America should contribute to the European Wars? 4. What mean the Words [cause and compel] every wise man knows, that all the Pope can do in such cases, is, to exhort or permit, leaving it to the respective Princes, to whom they are subject; to compel them to contribute, and that himself can compel none out of the Ecclesiastical State, of which he is the Temporal Prince. 5. What an impertinent thing it is to request, that the Pope would admonish them all to have no Commerce with England? A very likely thing, that so many Nations will wrong their own Interest in such an high manner, as to leave Trading with England at the Pope's Entreaty! Lastly, Grant it, That the then Governours in England were sworn Enemies to Monarchy; yet, what a loud and senceless Lye it is, That both in Germany, Spain, France, Polonia, &c. and in the very Dominions of the Great Turk, they have raised and fomented dangerous Insurrections, and that, to that purpose they supply the Charge, and make large Contributions to it. And certainly, they must be very large ones that can supply the Charge of pulling down the settled Government of all those Countries, (besides what the large, &c. includes) and making so many Common-wealths of them. Is not this man frantick, to write at this mad rate? Yet, this he makes vast use of; nay, and to abett it, he names Father Dawly, that went to Rome about it. Now, the truth is, That that Gentleman's Business was, to get K. Iohn the Fourth to be own'd for K. of Portugal by the Pope, and by that means to obtain Bishops for that Kingdom, then quite destitute of them; and the Point where it stuck, was, That the Pope, out of fear of disgusting Spain, hung back then from acknowledging that Prince for King, and Bishops (according to their Laws) could not be had without the King's nomination. This is the Truth of that Affair, the rest is meer Fiction, and the silliest one, into the Bargain, that ever was forg'd; which, in all likelihood, was the reason that the whole Story was torn out of Whitlock's Memorials, before they were publish'd, lest it should discredit the whole Book and its Author.

Just such another Flam (p. 144, 145.) is his Story of a Treaty with the K. of Poland, about establishing the Roman-Catholick Religion; and this he calls, An undeniable Convincement to all the World of the Truth of what has been hitherto said. Observe, by the way, that all he has said hitherto, cannot so convince, but it may be denied, if the Strength of this Story, which is to support them all, does hap to faulter. No doubt then, but he will exert his very utmost Endeavours to make it evident, since so precious a Concern as is the Vndeniable Truth of that has been said hitherto, lies at stake. He proves it notably, by its standing still Recorded under K. Ch. his own Hand. By my Faith, this looks terribly: By the way, 'tis the first time I ever heard that Kings did use to record things with their own Hands: But, let that pass. How proves he, that it stands still recorded under his own Hand? Marry, he proves it with an [If]; If (says he) the Original of the Instructions be extant. Very good: The Argument stands thus. If the Original of the Instructions to the Ambassador be still extant, then the thing is undeniably true. Well; but is the Original indeed still extant? I do not know that, says Blatant, and can only say, If it be. Is there, at least, an Authentick Copy of it extant? He knows not that neither, else we should have heard News of it. Nor, if there were, is it sufficient to render his Proof undeniable, it being wholly built on this, that the thing stands Still recorded under the King's own Hand. So that the Truth of all that he has hitherto said, for 144 Pages, stands or falls by the strength of the doughty and most substantial Proof [If.] Whence if honest [If] chance but to totter, and 'tis Ten Millions to none it will, seeing its very nature and notion expresses Tottering; and 'tis known, that a Conditional Proposition puts nothing in re, then all Blatant's Heroick Atchievements hitherto, as to their Truth, fall to the Ground. Does such a silly Puppy ever hope to gain Belief from any man that is not a meer Natural? Yet this is the very Genius of his way of Talking, throughout his Book: He will speak so Big, and run on with such a rushing Career, that he over-bears the Reason of a well-minded Reader, and wheedles, or rather hurries, him into a Belief that all is Real that is deliver'd so confidently; but, if he be so considerate, as to suspend till he sees the Force of his Proof, not a Line shall he find that has the least shew of true Evidence; but that, what gives a kind of Counterfeit Life to his whole Discourse, is his sputtering, and keeping a great coil and clutter to amuse weak Readers, and put them at their Witsend what to think. Only, they can see, that either Blatant ▪ is the Greatest Lyar living, or, every man he is offended at, is the Greatest Knave in Nature. Whether of them is thus faulty, any sober man may easily divine by his Natural Reason, without needing to go to a Wizzard.

We have seen by these few Instances pick't out of many, (and I made choyce of those I judg'd his strongest and most important) what a terrible Beast Blatant is at laying his Grounds, and drawing his Conclusions; and that either his own Forgeries, or those of others, are generally his onely Premisses, or else that his Consequences from some True Principle or True Relation of Matter of Fact are meer Paralogisms. Which, put together, shew him to be a Desert •• of Human Reason, which consists in the inferring Necessary Consequence • from firm Premisses or Principles. I • remains now to Examin what he defers to Authority: For, if he bot • wilfully baffles Reason, and with •• despises Authority, he has nothing i • the World left to support his Credit in the least, but must be look •• upon as a wretched Deserter of Human Nature, and a Brutish Monste • in the shape of a Man.

How saucily he bears himself towards particular Persons, tho' sea • ed in a high Place of Authority, hi • Carriage towards Sir Lionel Ienkins one of King Charles his Principal S •• cretaries of State informs us, p. 119 • That Worthy Gentleman behav' • himself so moderately, and civilly in that Employment, that he was esteem'd by all, but the Factious, to be a true Lover of Integrity and Justice; nor was he Hated even by those generally, but onely by some few of them; and this meerly upon the Score of executing his Office; which, when their Demerits requir'd it, was the unavoidable Duty of an Honest Man. Yet he falls upon him very rudely, (p. 119.) tells us, he was a Fool as well as a Knave; makes him in a manner, accessary to a supposed Murther (which never was, the Person being alive still) by concealing it. Lastly, he makes him a Papist in his Heart, or One of F. Goff's Creatures; but brings no particular Reason for it but his Fasting, which he makes one Infallible Token of it: Whence we may gather, That our Jolly Libeller uses to Feast for his Sins, and to eat heartily of the best, to correct his inordinate Appetite, and Tame his Original Concupi • cence. He tells us, indeed, in common Words that there are other I •• fallible Tokens of the same; whic • we may imagine are to be brough • to light, when our Infallible Libe •• ler's Fancy has coyn'd or created them. But his Anger springs onely hence that he liv'd and dy'd a True Son o • the Church of England, and a stric • Observer of Her Antient Canons which in Blatants deep Judgment are Popish enough in all Conscience.

Our Iudges and Iuries are the Deciders in Ordinary, of all Law-Controversies, and the Dispensers of Justice to every English Subject; an • if they lose the Repute of Unbyas • Honesty, no Man can think he shal • be able either to keep or recover hi • own, or that any Verdict given by them, is Lawful and Valid; especially, should they be represented as Godless Wretches and Monsters for Injustice. Their Authority then, as one would think, ought to be pre • erv'd inviolate, and their Credit se • ur'd from publick Reproach, under • he highest Penalties to those who • hould Libel them in any Infamous manner. But e're we entertain too • ood an Opinion of them, or their • uthority either, we must first know • latant's Thoughts in the Matter, or we shall be sure to incurr his heavy Displeasure, and fall into the same Condemnation. Who, p. 194. speak • ng of the Twelve Judges, passes • entence upon them from his Su • reme Court of Judicature, that they • verturn'd the very Fundamentals of Human Society, &c. This is very •• d, and I hope is not True: For • hey seem'd Civil Gentlemen, and, • or any thing we can discern, Man •• nd held Society and Commerce with one another, just as they did •• rmerly, notwithstanding their De •• rmination in Favour of the Royal • rerogative. One would not think that this should make them such inhuman Barbarians. Yes, says Blatant, they had abandoned all high Opinion of God and Nature, and quitted all sense of Conscience and True Honour. Here we see this poor wretch not onely make himself more skilful in Law, than all the Twelve Iudges in the Nation, but their Superiour too to whip them with the Iron-Rod of his Indignation; nay, to search their very Consciences, and know their Religious or Irreligious Tenets to a tittle. Atheists indeed, have abandon'd all high Opinion of a God, but yet they retain a mighty Opinion of Nature; but these Iudges are far worse than Atheists, for they (according to Blatant) have no good Opinion of God, nor Nature neither; which signifies they are not Men but Devils. A moderate Man, who had dislik't their Proceedings, would have been content to say, that they comply'd out of Fear or Interest. But Blatant comes Arm'd with Terrour, wherever he attacques, and thunders out no less than Hell and Damnation, against all those poor Sinners which are of his own Creation: Nor let us think 'tis onely against our English Judges (or upon this occasion) that he bears them this Grudge; for he assures us, (p. 172.) That the Iudges and Iuries of Scotland, (though every one of them were Protestants themselves) were as Malicious against the Protestants, as the Duke of York was. And how Malicious was that? Why he tells us ever and anon, in his Libel, that he was their avowed Enemy, and wish't them all destroy'd. Fye upon these Judges and Juries; for certainly they'll never leave their Cruelty, till they have destroyed all Mankind but themselves. 'Tis pity that they are not summon'd before the highest Court of Justice (this Wretches angry Fury) and there sentenc'd to be hang'd together for a Pack of Graceless Villains. We are to Note that all this heat springs from their Condemning a most desperate and incorrigible Scotch Presbyterian Traytor, Robert Bailzic of Ierismond; for all the whole Brotherhood of them are (by I cannot tell what Commission) Blatants peculiar Care. He chuckles them all under his Wing, and there they (or at least their Credits) are safe, against all those Foxes and Kites; Kings, Princes, Privy - Councellors, Secretaries of State, and especially against those most abominable Fellows, Iudges and Iuries.

Perhaps, the Right Reverend Bishops of the Church of England (especially having shewn themselves so hearty against Popery of late) may obtain the Equitable Favour from him, to be esteem'd good Men, and good Protestants. No; not a jot; For he complains sadly, (p. 32, 33.) That many of the greatest Bishops in K. Ch. his time were still (that is, all along) chosen out of the number of Papists, or else were such as were of no Religion at all. What! Many of the Bishops, and those of the Greatest, and this still, that is continually during his Reign! Most certainly, if Blatant's Word be Oracle, there are, even now, not a few of the Church-of-England's Greatest Bishops, who are either Atheists or Papists. Now, by his currying Favour with the present Government, we are not to think that he means, the Swearing Bishops, but such as are, His Grace my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the good Bishops of Ely, of Bath and Wells, &c. and the words [Greatest Bishops] seem to aim at them. And, why should these be held Papists, who in the Opinion of the Presbyterians themselves, have both acted and suffered for keeping up the Protestant Religion, and stood in the Gap, to keep out Popery? This is a thing cannot be deny'd by the most shameless Slanderer. All this is true, says Blatant; but, oh! this Fasting; this most abominable Sin, Fasting; this infallible Token of Popery, Fasting, will never agree with Blantant's Stomach! Wherefore those Bishops being known to be exceedingly addicted to that worst of Popish Vices, shall never have any Quarter from our Bacchanal Libeller. But, let them do what they can, as long as they wear that Badg of Popery [Fasting] Papists they must and shall be with him. Would it not now be a pleasant Comment upon that place in Scripture, where our Saviour says, That such a sort of Devils are not cast out, but by Prayer and Fasting; to take the word [Fasting] in Blatant's Notion, and say, that the meaning is, They are to be cast out by Prayer and Popery? Yet 'tis not Bishops alone he thus reproaches; his Hand was in, and he lays about him at all that come in his way. It was but Many of the Greatest Bishops that he made to be Atheists or Papists; but he lays the same Scandal without any Restriction, upon all the Ambassadors, Generals, and Ministers of State, (p. 32.) and affirms they were still chosen out of the number of Papists, or such as were of no Religion at all. Which is to give the open Lye to the Certain Knowledg of all England to the contrary, and to make himself justly liable, did not his Mask a little conceal him, to as many Whippings for Scandala magnatum, as there were noble Personages in England, who had born those Employments, and yet were zealous Protestants.

But these Gentlemen, tho' of most Honourable and Sacred Quality, are not thus scattered thinly into so many particular Persons, an Adequate Object for Blatant's Noble Displeasure: Have at them then All at once, assembled in a Parliament. He gives it them home, upon my word, with a facetious Jeer into the Bargain, and tells us (p. 101.) That the Protestant Parliament paid double for the keeping up a Popish Army, to secure the Protestant Religion. Nay, and that they did it contentedly too. Which is an Impudent Lye in every particular; for neither was that Army in the least Popish, nor kept up for any end of securing or meddling with Religion, but upon other Scores; but he twists together (as is his constant fashion) a many little Ends of Falshoods, and not one of them prov'd, which his awkward Fancy casts into a smooth Narrative-frame, to patch up an invidious Story, and then thinks his Work is done. 'Tis a Thousand pities the Wisdom of the Nation did not consult the Oracle of this Fellow's Judgment; for then they could not have done amiss; whereas now, though not in express words, yet we may see, that at the bottom of his Heart, he holds that whole Parliament, as he did Sir Lionel, to be a pack of Knaves or Fools, or both.

'Tis hard to go higher than to calumniate the Actions and Decrees of Parliaments (Kings being already so degraded by him, that they are scarce held worthy to follow the Wheels of his Chariot.) Yet, what think you of the whole Diffusive Body of the Nation at once? Why, he tells you a piece of his Mind (p. 33.) concerning Them too, and that, once upon a time, that is, upon Charles the Second's Restauration, the whole Nation was in a Delirium or Frenzy; by which he means not that they were thus mad by their former wild Distractions, but by consenting to settle themselves under the Government of their Lawful King, when they could make no other hang together. But, if all the whole Nation was then in a Frenzy, it were not amiss to ask Blatant where he was at that Season? Not in the Nation, for then, he being a Part of that Whole, must have been mad for Company too, which is not by any means to be said or thought of such a sober man as Blatant is. We ought then to believe, that he was at that time either translated, as Enoch and Elias were, or else rapt to the Third Heavens; and thence, by a special Mercy, sent down to whip Vice, and tell all Sublunary Kings and Ministers of their manifold and hainous Transgressions.

Thus we see that our Termagant Heroe Blatant, does, like another Drawcansir, take upon him an Absolute and Super-soveraign Dictature, by vertue of which he snubbs Nations, Kings, Parliaments, Ministers of State, Bishops, Iudges, and Iuries, and, in a word, is Comptroller-General of the whole World at once. He spares none, if they come within the whisking reach of his Flayl, against which there is no Fence, but thrashes them all to Dust. And the reason of it is, because we are to take notice, that this Fellow's profound Iudgment is the only true Standard and firm Square of all Human Action. He is like Bayes in the Rehearsal, who made his Plays his Test, to take the true Dimensions of every man's Parts and Capacity: If they did but approve of his Plays, then he was certain they were wise and judicious persons; but if they did not, then Igad he knew not what to think of them, he would have nothing to do with them, but let them go for a pack of silly Blockheads and Dunces. So, if any hap to sute with Blatant's Fancy, (and, as will be seen anon, 'tis hard to hit it, without complying with both sides of the Contradiction) then you shall be Saints, Cherubims, or what else you would wish; but if you do not, your Doom is passed; for, be as many for Quantity, or as Great for Quality as you please, Igad you are all stark naught, every Mothers Son of you, and he packs you all away in a Bundle to Old Nick, for a company of Doting, Frantick, Knavish, Villanous, Treacherous, Incestuous, Murthering, Fasting, Popish and Atheistical Rogues and Rascals: You have forsaken the only straight Rule of all Morality, his Infallible Judgment, and so it follows of course, that all you do must of necessity be wicked and abominable.

These few Instances are more than sufficient to demonstrate, that this Self-conceited Coxcomb makes it his least concern to regard either Sense, Reason, Authority, Truth, or Honesty, but rails on contentedly to himself and his Friends. I could have presented you with thrice as many, had it been needful; yet, tho' I omit them, I stand engaged to add one more, relating to one Mr. Sergeant, (p. 118, 119.) which I was the willinger to examin, because I was inform'd, that he was held by all that knew him (the Lords of the Privy-Council amongst the rest) to be a man of Sincerity and Ingenuity. Not being acquainted with him, I found means, by a Friend, to send him an exact Copy of half a Page, where he was concern'd; and my Request, that he would please to give me under his Hand, what was the Real Truth of that Story. Wherefore, since that Gentleman has been at the pains to write it, and send it me, and withal signified his desire (if any Answer be made to the Book) to insert it for his vindication, I ought not (tho' it be something longer for one Particular, than suted with the Brevity I 'had intended) to refuse him that Kindness. Take then his Words, transmitted to me under his own Hand, and sign'd by himself. SIR,

HEaring, in the Plot time, that Bedlow had Order from my Lord N— to look after me, I found means to get into Holland, where a Dutch-man, who discoursed me in Latin, while we were going to the Hague, in the Skuyt, would needs recommend me to the acquaintance of a Countryman of mine, by name (as he pronounc'd it) Mr. Rockut, whom he prais'd very highly for his excellent Parts and Civility, and said, he was Agent there for the Prince Palatine. I could not for my Heart imagin who this famous man should be; but, I must confess, the dulness of the Country made me willing to enjoy the Conversation of Learned and Ingenious Persons; so, the Dutch-man having made my way, and an Invitation being sent to my Lodging, I accepted it, and went to visit him. He had never seen me but once in his Life, which was in the Protector's days, and that meerly by accident; yet he knew me again, call'd me by my Name, and acquainted me with his Person and true Name, which was Rookwood, chang'd by him there to Rockwood. I was much surprized at such an unexpected Encounter: For I had not seen him in above Twenty Years before, did not know he was living, much less expected he should be in that Country; and, had I guest at him before-hand, I should have avoided him, knowing him to be an ill man, and one who, having been sent over by K. Ch. the Second, about his Business, had betray'd his Master, took Mony of Oliver, and had like to have ruin'd all his Friends; as that King declar'd both in his Closet and before the Council. However, being light casually into his House, I thought it became me to carry it civilly, and accepted his Invitation to Dinner; not imagining in the least, that a Person whose Business it was to serve a Foreign Prince, had any thing to do with England, or was able to work me any Mischief there. After repast, he began to ask me how Affairs stood in England, of which, to circumvent me, he pretended himself wholly ignorant; only he said, He had heard much of the Plot, that he perceiv'd men had different Opinions of it, and desir'd I would give him mine. I told him I verily believ'd it was a Contrivance of some designing Politicians, to unhinge the Government; alledging for that Judgment of mine, the Incredibility, if not Impossibility, of many of the things attested, the slight or rather no Credit of the Witnesses, and the Incoherence of their Testimonies in many particulars. I alledg'd also, That the Evidence they gave in was unabetted, by any Circumstances, or Overt Acts, except such as were meerly talk'd of, not prov'd, which therefore I believ'd to be forged; for the pretended Matters of Fact were of such a nature, as must necessarily have been attended by a vast Train of Circumstances, either accompanying them, or naturally issuing from them, which must have rendered the things witness'd by those they call'd The King's Evidences, incontestably manifest to the whole World. Lastly, that all the Persons condemn'd upon that account, did dye, taking it upon their Salvation, they were Innocent, to believe whom Charity and Christianity enjoyned me. At first he slightly oppos'd, but at length he seemed perfectly convinc'd by my Discourse, saying, That he was of my Opinion, that some ill men swore for Money, and deluded the Great ones; adding, That he heard his Brother was in Prison for the Plot, who, he durst swear, was no Plotter. So that Discourse broke off, and he began (having then, I conceive, the rough Draught of the Design in his Fancy) much to pitty me, that a man of my Parts (forsooth) and Loyal Principles, should be forced out of England. I replied, That I was loth to leave England, if I could have been there without Danger; but, that I did not apprehend England was, at that present, a fit Soil for Loyalty to thrive in; in which he took much Pains to undeceive me. Then he earnestly requested I would tell him whither I was going: I told him, I thought Tergouw was a fit place to live in, where there were few English, and I desired to be private, and retire to my Studies: Which I said, being willing to shun his farther acquaintance; for, in truth, I was resolved to settle at Amsterdam. Lastly, he earnestly begg'd I would come and see him within three Weeks or a Month. To avoid his Importunity, I promis'd him I would visit him at my first conveniency, which I made account would be never; and so we parted.

No sooner was I gone, but he writes two Papers to the King and Council, importing, That I had told him I knew of 2 Plots; the one of the Iesuites, to kill the King; the other of the Secular Clergy, to raise a vast Sum of Money, and by it an Army, and so bring in Popery by force. The Author of these Papers was concealed in England by his Friends, with all the care imaginable; whence, it being rumour'd, that I would come over (my Pardon being granted) and joyn in the Discovery of the Plot, and no man named, it came to be apprehended, talkt, and printed, that I had wrote so my self: Which is a perfect Falshood; as will appear manifestly, when I come to unfold that business. I was advertised of this strange Report in my Retirement by the Letters of some Friends; which, at first, made me smile at such a groundless Story; but the Noise encreasing, I penned and sent abroad a Protestation, calling God to witness, that I neither knew any thing of the Plot, nor said or signified to any that I did; as also, That I had neither written nor caus'd any to write into England any thing to that purpose: And, That I renounced any Pardon that should be offered me upon the score of knowing and concealing the Plot. So having done what I was able, to clear my Credit, I composed, as well as I could, the Disorder of my Thoughts, and fell again to my Studies; not being able to imagin how such a senceless Fiction should come to be raised; and, of all men in the World, not suspecting that Mr. Rookwood could possibly be guilty of such Forgery against his own knowledg so unmistakably imprinted. About six Weeks (or more, as I guess) after I had parted with Mr. Rookwood, cold Weather approaching, I went to the Brill, to fetch my Winter-Clothes (which I had sent for out of England) and came back by the Hague, Mr. Rookwood's Man by accident espied me, and told me his Master was very often sollicitously desiring to see me. Being thus caught, and importuned, I could not handsomly refuse to see a Gentleman, to whom I had been obliged for his former Civil Entertainment, and to whom I had in shew promis'd a Visit. After some Complements and kind Complaints, that I would not in so long time either let him see me, or hear from me, he told me, the Secretary of the Embassy must needs speak with me. I told him, I admired what he could have to say to me. Mr. Rookwood pretended to wonder at it as much as I did; But, says he, you cannot in handsomeness refuse to see him; he is a very Civil Gentleman; I was speaking to him of you, and possibly he desires your Acquaintance. So being hook't in thus by Civility, I was in a manner constrain'd to go with him to the Secretaries; who immediately delivered me a Paper, which contained an Order from the King and Privy Council, Commanding me to come over. I was struck with much Amazement at such an unexpected Greeting; however, having overcome the Pause and dumb Suspense, in which I had stood a while, I open'd it and began to read, but check'd at those Words [about Matters of great Importance, as tending to the safety of His Masties Person and of the Government,] saying, In the Name of GOD, Sir, what can I do to secure His Majesties Person and the Government? I wish I knew, I would do it with all my heart. Lord (says Mr. Rookwood) What need you make these Scruples! Here is nothing required of you but to come over. Yes, Sir, reply'd I, here is an Expectation annext, which I am utterly incapable of satisfying. The short is, says the Secretary, will you obey the King or no? I reply'd, the King is my Soveraign, and I ought to obey him; and though I see plainly there is a Trick put upon me, and I fear, a Plot against my Life, yet I trust that Gods Providence will instruct my Prudence how to avoid the Snare. Then I began to make a deep Protestation before them both, that I never knew any thing of the Plot; which I repeated with much Vehemency before that very Courteous and Civil Gentleman Mr. Henry Sidny, at that time His Majesties extraordinary Envoy at the Hague; who order'd me to return to Amsterdam, to compose my little Affairs, and dine with him on Tuesday after, and so go over in the Pacquet-Boat on Wednesday. I came, as was order'd, and found Mr. Rook • wood at the Envoys, who began to discourse me apart; bidding me fear nothing, for I had greater Friends in England than I was aware of, who were able to protect me against the King himself. He told me how my Lord Shaftsbury had written Two Letters hither, much in my Commendation, and that If I would come over (and, as we are to suppose, be ruled by him) I should neither want Security, nor Money, nor Honour. He added, That I could not but know something of the Duke of York; that, if I did but witness it, there was Ten Thousand Pound laid up ready for me. At this I could not but blush with Anger, to hear such a villainous Proposal; and reply'd, Certainly, Sir, the World is grown very Generous, that a poor Man can get 10000 l. so easily, and yet be an honest Man. He smiled, and said I was a Droll, and that he hop't I had wit enough to know my own Interest. These Discourses made me plainly see the Devilish Trap that was laid for me, wherefore I then resolved to decline going, if it might stand with my Duty and Honour; and, if I did go, to Acquaint His Majesty with the Intrigue. I should also by this have begun to suspect Rookwood, and that he was a Pensioner of that Earl, but that he faithfully protested to me, he neither knew any thing of that Order to call me over, nor had any Correspondents at all in England, but that my Lord Sh— his Letters came to another Person at the Hague, who upon occasion shew'd them to him; every tittle of which was false.

As soon as dinner was done Mr. Sidney took me aside, and told me he wonder'd I would thus Resolutely deny any knowledge of the Plot; Assuring me that he had of late certain intelligence out of England, that it was expected there I should make very great Discoveries of it. Hereupon I began to Reiterate my former Protestations to the contrary, with that earnestness, that he came back, and told the company he saw not to what purpose it was to send me, since he was confident I would say the same before the Council in England, that I said here: And J, on the other side, earnestly begg'd of him that before I went I might know Liquidly what I went for, it being in vain to send me to attest a thing I knew nothing of. He resolv'd hereupon to write to His Majesty how things were, and to know His farther pleasure whether I should still come or no: Taking a note of my Lodging at Amsterdam, (which I had not yet put off) and my Faithful Promise that I would come, if His Majesty should yet send for me; so I set my self to return. Mr. Rookwood follow'd me; exclaiming highly against Mr. Sydney for stopping one that the King and Council had sent for; and threatening that perhaps, when he came into England, he might be made shorter by the head for it. The reason of which mighty huff I could not comprehend, till Colledge, the Protestant Joyner, told me here in England, that my Lord Shaftsbury had (out of his wonderful care of me) sent a Guard to Harwich at the time that very Wednesday Pacquet in which I was to have gone should arrive, to conduct me safe to London, lest (according to the Shams that past in those times) the Jesuites should kill me by the way: That is, this pretended Guard was to carry me to that Lord, where (as was the Method then in vogue) if I would have been a perjur'd Villain, I should have been a Rich one; or, if I would not, then I should, by some Stratagem or other, either be hang'd for being too Honest, or else have past through poor Prance's Fiery Trial. Blessed be God's good Providence, which thus wonderfully delivered me from the Hunter's Net, by making Mr. Sydney's well-meaning Prudence defeat the Designs of that Great Politician.

After I had thus parted with Mr. Rookwood, whom I left in a very angry Mood, that the Information he had (doubtless) sent to England the Pacquet before, of my coming over in the next, was so scurvily disappointed; e're I went from the Hague, I writ and sent a Letter to His Majesty, protesting upon my Faith as a Christian, and upon my Allegiance to him, which was one part of it, that I never knew, directly or indirectly, the least thing of the Plot, nor ever did say or signifie to any that I did; humbly begging His Majesty would take some way, as he in his Princely Wisdom should think fit, to clear me of this dangerous Mistake, lest, if I should come into England, my invincible Ignorance might be interpreted a voluntary Concealment; which would expose me to the highest Dangers. What was the Issue of that Letter, will be seen hereafter.

When I came back to Amsterdam, I writ to two or three dear Friends how the Case stood at present, and what passed hitherto. They in their Answers conjured me by no means to go into England, and assured me my Life was in imminent Danger if I went. I replied, That I judg'd the same they did, but that nunquam feci animam meam pretiosiorem me. I alledg'd four Reasons, why I ought to venture my self in going: First, My Duty to my Soveraign: Next, My Promise given to Mr. Sydney: Thirdly, That did I now hang back, I should leave a Blot upon my good Name, which had never been blemisht with the least Stain of Disloyalty; for I should never be able to wipe off the Aspersion of having known of Treasons against my King and Country so long, and never discovered them which would render me Guilty of Misprision of Treason in the Eye of the World: A Disgrace which I had rather hazard any Danger than undergo. And lastly, That this Plot, which had taken away the Lives of so many innocent Persons, would receive a greater Countenance and Confirmation by my absconding (especially after my Promise to come) than ever it had been able to gain by any thing hitherto: For, being esteem'd by all (as, God be prais'd, I was ever held) an Honest man, it would be judged. I refus'd to come, because I would not be perjur'd by denying what I knew; and therefore, if I were shy to appear to answer my Accuser, (whom I as yet knew not, but supposed he was in England) it would, especially as the Times went, be loudly proclaimed, That all which had been inform'd to have been said by me was true. These were the Reasons I gave of the necessity of my going into England: Whether the last of them, and my hazarding my Life upon that score, have received the just Return from some Persons, who ought to have had more Christianity and Honour in them, than to slander their Neighbour, without caring to know how Matters past, I leave even to their own Guilty Consciences to judge.

His Majesty having received my Letter, in which I petition'd to be clear'd from this Calumny, was pleased to send to his Envoy a Copy of Mr. Rookwood's two Papers, and an Order to confront us before him e're we came, as to the Contents of them. This being judg'd the surest Expedient of knowing whether he or I had bely'd the Truth. A Messenger brought the Papers, who came also to call Mr. Sydney into England, with an Order to bring me over with him; wherefore the very next day he sent the Gentleman of his Horse to Amsterdam, to require me to attend him. In the Morning, after I had arrived at the Hague, he commanded me to dine with him: I was perfectly ignorant of the Order to confront us, or what he had to say to me: Mr. Rookwood had got light of it, and never left solliciting me to dine with him at his own House; saying, That he too was invited, but he would send his Excuse for us both. I admired at his Importunity; but after Dinner he discover'd his Reason, by telling me, That we were to be confronted that Afternoon about some Papers that he had been forced to send into England, concerning some words that, if he did not misremember, had past between us about the Plot; earnestly begging of me, for his Credit's sake, to admit his Words, and make my own Interpretation, and he would witness that was my Meaning. Then, and not till then, did I apprehend, that Rookwood was the Person who had rais'd that Lye of me, and put me to suffer all that Obloquy and Vexation. Which when I resented in such Language as it deserv'd, telling him plainly▪ I would not admit one word, but what I truly spoke; nor make any Interpretation for his sake, who had so grosly abused me; that, if he had writ Falshoods, they should lye at his door, to his shame; I would stand to precise Truth, and I was sure Truth would stand by me. At which he fell into high Language, and threatned me, That if I were Uncivil to him, he had Friends in England should hang me high enough. Finding this wrought nothing with me, but that I return'd a scornful Smile to his Threats, and answer'd them with a flat Defiance, he grew moderate, blam'd his Passion, and fell to Entreaties again. At length we came to his Composition, That I should not impeach his Credit, nor reproach him for forging, but put the blame upon his bad Memory, and he would not justifie his Memory. I knew he was able to work me Mischief in England, so I condescended to grant him that Civility, as long as it abated nothing of the Truth of what had past between us. To Mr. Sydney's we went, and his two Papers were read, in every Particular of which, that were of moment, or related to the Plot, I baffled him. One Passage was very remarkable: Mr. Rookwood, said I, certainly you have a Memory of another nature from the rest of Mankind, that could write into England, that I told you of two Plots, whenas I told you plainly I did not believe any Plot. How, says Mr. Sydney, Do not you believe the Plot? Mr. Rookwood fearing I should have related all our Discourse at large, which would have shewn too clearly, that there was more than a Bad Memory in the Business, immediately prevented my Reply with these words: No, Sir, his Charity for Dying men was so great, that he could not believe they died with a Lye in their Mouths. At which Concession of his I caught readily, and said to Mr. Sydney; Observe this, Sir, I beseech you; If I told him, as he confesses, that I judg'd that all who dy'd for the Plot said true at their Deaths, then since 'tis known, they all dy'd denying they knew of any Plot, I must hold withal, nay, tell him I held, there were no Plotters; and if no Plotters, then no Plot; and if I told him I believ'd there was no Plot, then how could I tell him, at the same time, I knew of Two Plots, or indeed of any? When we had ended Mr. Rookwood went away very ill satisfy'd: And, tho' I had gain'd this main Point, yet I was not perfectly satisfy'd neither; for these were but fleeting words, and I fear'd Mr. Sydney's Memory (he being then in extreme haste) might not enable him to speak firmly and particularly to our whole Discourse, by which I might come to lose half of the Advantage I had gotten. There were besides Mr. Sydney, two other Gentlemen present at this Rencountre, one of them was call'd Mr. Plott, the name of the other I remember not: Wherefore I prest upon Mr. Sidney's Patience, who was now very busie in putting up his things, being to part within five hours; and civilly demanded the Justice of him, that himself and the other two (who were not to come over with us) would, while the Matters were yet fresh in their Memories, Signe to a Paper containing the several particulars in which I had confuted Mr. Rookwood; and requested that he would bring it with him to be read before the King and Council; which was done accordingly.

To Sea we went; and when we came near Greenwich, I requested the favour of Mr. Sydney, that I might go to London in his Boat, and in his company, to his House; and there to stay and lodge till I was conducted by him to His Majesty; lest it should be pretended, that some body had treated with me to warp me, (a great Policy then of the Plot-framers) which he civilly granted. The next Morning at Eight, the King Order'd him to bring me to his Closet, where His Majesty was present with my Lord Sunderland. The King, after I had kist his Hand, ask't me, What meant this Information of Rookwood's? I assur'd His Majesty it was a perfect Forgery not only without any Ground, but directly contrary to all the Discourse that had past betwixt us. I know well, reply'd the King that he is a Rogue; for he took Money of Oliver and betray'd me and my Friends; but what Motive should he have to send such a lying Information to a King and a Council? Hereupon I acquainted His Majesty with their manifest Design; which was to get me over into England with any pretence, to be manag'd there by my Lord Sh— and if I would have been obsequious to my Inspirers and witness against the Duke I knew not what, I was to have had 10000 l. for being a Knave; and, if I would not, I should be hang'd for being Honest. I humbly begg'd therefore of His Majesty, that since I had done my Duty even with hazard of my Life, and acquainted Him with the plain Truth of their Intrigue, He would please to protect me. Hereupon His Majesty took an occasion to speak of another that had 4000 l. offerd him to come over; and said to me these very words as far as I can recollect them. Mr. S. I have been present at all the Examinations relating to the Plot, and I do protest I have not found one single Circumstance that concurs to abet it, but it wholly depends on the words of two or three odd Men. He was also graciously pleas'd to promise me His Pardon under the Broad Seal, lest they should Prosecute me upon other acounts, as Writing Controversie-Books, &c. as also His and the Council's Protection; telling me withall that it was a Council business; and therefore, that I was to appear at the Board the next Council-day, which I did: Where the Oath being tender'd, Rookwood's Papers were read, & I addrest my self to my Defence. And, First, I shew'd the Falshood of that Pretence, that I made means to come into England; or so much as had a thought of it; not by my self; there being no Letter or Paper of mine alledg'd or produc'd, nor I am sure producible to that purpose, nor that can be pretended to have been writ before I was sent for: not by Mr. Rookwood; for, I there confuted that pretence by many clear and unanswerable Arguments. As that, (as appears by his very Papers) I would not acquaint him with the true place I was going to, nor hold Correspondence with him. By the Orders lying dormant so long e're it reach't me; whereas had I been fond of going into England upon such a score, or made means to have procured an Order to that end, I should have been diligent to look after it. By my taking Pains to go as far as the Brill, to fetch my Winter-Cloaths; by my having taken a Chamber till Spring, at which Time I had purposed to go to Abbeville in France; as likewise by my having laid in my Winter-Provisions of Turf, Butter, &c. All which was Attested to Mr. Sidney by the Gentleman of his Horse, who paid my Landlady for her Chamber, and saw the rest of my Provisions. By the Surprize I was in, when the Order to call me into England was delivered me. By the meer casual meeting with Rookwood's Man at the Hague, which occasion'd my Visiting his Master the second Time; which had it not happened, the Order had never come to my hand at all. And, lastly, by this, that I never capitulated for my Pardon before-hand, but, in the Protestation I had put forth, utterly renounc't it, nor spoke of it to Mr. Sidney, nor petitioned for it in my Letter to the King; but readily obeyed His Command, as was my Duty, relying solely on my own Integrity; whereas, had I been Conscious to my self of having known and conceal'd two such horrid Plots so long, and consequently, been highly Guilty of Misprision of Treason, no Man of ordinary Discretion, but would have secured that dangerous Point, while he was yet in safe Circumstances, and out of the Reach of our English Laws. The Paper also signed by the Three at the Hague was produc't, and Mr. Sidney was present to testifie all the Particulars, that came to his Knowledge, which abetted my Defence. I was very large and particular in my Discourses of this Nature, till both His Majesty and the whole Council were perfectly satisfied of my Ingenuity and Rookwood's Knavery. After which I was Questioned about some Tenets of certain Catholick Writers; and about a Story which I and others heard in Flanders from a Gentlewoman, about some Words said to be spoke by one of those who dyed; to all which, being still (as my Lord Chancellor told me) npon my Oath, I Answered according to the best of my Knowledge, as became a sincere Christian: But I was so far from Charging it upon that Gentleman, or making him a Plotter for it, that I Declared openly, (having first ask't His Majesties Pardon for speaking freely) That both he and the other Four; nay, all the rest that suffer'd for the Plot, did in my Opinion dye innocent. A thing which I believe, few at that time of day durst have done; but, being upon my Oath, I was resolv'd to speak my true thoughts without fear or favour of any. The whole Narrative of which Particulars, I (as I was then commanded) gave in under my Hand to the Council, where they are yet to be seen. I desire it may be observed, that these Two last Points, about which I had been examined, came in onely accidentally; and were far from being the Occasion of my being sent for, or coming over. For the whole Series of this Transaction shews manifestly the sole Occasion of my coming, was to speak to Rookwood's Papers, concerning the Two pretended Plots; and that the others came in on the by onely. Which will stop the Mouths of my Traducers and Maligners, who give it out, not onely that I made means to come, but also, that this was the sole, at least main Reason of my coming; and, it seems, would have had me forswear my self to gratifie Parties. But I humbly thank their Kindness, Non sic didici Christum. My Comfort is, that those who did Calumniate me upon that score, are either malicious and partial Men, bigotted Ladies, or silly babbling Women; and I have learn't so much Philosophy as to consider that 'tis to be expected every thing should act as it is. I beseech God to forgive the first, and to give the others more Discretion to guide their Zeal for the future.

'Tis besides my present Purpose to Relate what Wiles were used, and Traps laid here to circumvent me, and in all likelihood, take away my Life. The Importunity of the impeaching Folks to get into my Company, was incredible. Upon this, being never at quiet, I was forced to change my Lodging & abscond; yet this could not stave them off: For they came to that Impudence, as to tell me they had an Order from the King and Council to know where I liv'd, under pretence (forsooth) of protecting me, which oblig'd me for my safety to send in a Note to my Lord of Radnor, then President of the Council, Complaining of their Insolence; who came out to me with my Lord Sunderland, and when I had related to him my just Fears of some Mischief intended against me, he delivered me from my Apprehensions, by bidding me-tell them he had given me a Command, that none should know my Lodging but himself: For knowing my Lord Shaftsburys Resentment against me, for Discovering his Design, and his Bribing Offer, and seeing such a bold Pretence of that Party, to get Knowldege of my Lodging, I had good reason to fear, that their Plot was either to kill me at my Door, or to bolt into my Chamber, and then accuse me of Speaking Treason, or of confessing to them, that I did indeed know of two such Plots as Rookwood had informed, but out of Fear or Interest was not willing to reveal them.

Sir, I do protest to you faithfully, this is the true History of that affair in every particular, as far as my Memory Reaches (for I have not my Papers by me) and the Truth of the main Branches of it, which sustain all the rest, do not depend upon my meer sayings, or my Memory; but upon Authentick Testimonies, known matters of fact, and on my Papers given in to the Council, containing great part what I said before them, to be found yet among their Records. And I am confident that my Lord Sunderland, and my Lord Sidney are Persons of that Honour, that they will witness the Truth of this Relation of mine, as far as it engages their Testimony. Having premised this plain, and Candid Narrative of that business, I now come to comply with your other Request, that I would note down how many open falsities are contain'd in that half page which you sent me.

First then, whereas he says confidently, that one Sergeant made a Discovery of the Popish Plot from Holland; This is manifested to be a most palpable Untruth; both by the protestation I put forth, and spread as soon as ever I heard of that report: And by my protesting the contrary before the Secretary, and Mr. Rookwood, when I first received the order to come; by my abjuration of my knowledge of any such Plot before Mr. Sydney, and all this while I was yet in Holland; likewise by my declaring before His Majesty in his closet, and afterwards before the Council, upon my Oath, that I knew of no such Plot, nor believ'd it; Nay, by the words of Mr. Rookwood himself (who was the Informer) when we were Confronted. So that I cannot but Admire that any Man, who has the least regard whether what he says, or prints be True or no, would venture to Assert so Notorious a Falsehood.

2dly, He says, I caus'd my discovery to be Transmitted to the Court. This is worse than the other; for, besides what has been even now alledg'd, the whole course of this Transaction shows, that I was wholly the Ignorant of Mr. Rookwood's Papers which inform'd of that discovery. Nor did or could Rookwood, tho' hard put to it, Challenge me to have sent or caus'd to be sent any such matter; which was Obvious, and easy for him, nay, necessary to have done when we were Confronted; this being the only way to clear himself, and confound me who then deny'd it. Lastly, had I caus'd any such discovery to be Transmited to the Court, it would have been alledg'd against me by the Council (at least by some of my Lord Shaftsbury's party) to my utter confusion, when I deny'd it before them upon my Oath; and have unavoidably prov'd me to be be a perjur'd Villain.

3dly, He says I had aen Intention to have discover'd several others. This is still more surprizing. Can this illuminated Gentlemen see into my Intentions? Or, does he pretend to know this from my Words, and outward Actions? But, if Denying it, Swearing, Writing, Protesting the contrary, Confuting my Slanderer, and the whole Course of my Carriage from the very first to the very last, be the best Signes of any Man's inward Intentions then 'tis most manifest, That I intended no such thing as this Man Asserts with such a Careless Confidence, but the direct contrary. He can then pretend nothing in the World, but a Revelation of my Intention; which I much fear he will hardly be able to shew us.

4thly, He says I was first bribed off by Pillory Carr. Now, Sir, I do protest to you in the Presence of God, That I cannot call to mind, that I so much as know any man living of the Name of Carr, and that I as little know who he should mean by Pillory-Carr; only, I hope Pillory Carr was some very Rich man: For, if Ten thousand Pound could ot bribe me on to witness a Truth (as he believes Rookwood's Information to be) there must in all the reason in the World, a far greater Sum be requisite to bribe me off; otherwise I must be a Great Fool, that no better understood my own Interest, and my own Safety too. But, to be serious, if this Gentleman can name me any one honest Man, who will attest, that I ever had the least acquaintance with the Person he names Pillory-Carr, I will give all the World leave to repute me a Lying Villain; if not, I am sorry to tell him, that he must be content to wear that infamous Character himself; for, it will stick to him whether he will or no. Now, my Circumstances hapt to be such, that it quite spoils his Calumny: For, desiring to be private, I convers'd ot with so much as one English man while in Holland, except the Secretary and those of Mr. Sydney's and Mr. Rookwood's Families; and if Pillory Carr was none of them, he must not be look'd for in Holland; and my cautiousness, as soon as I came to England, to keep close with Mr. Sydney, till I had spoke with the King, and made all the Discoveries I could make of the true Plot (which was, to bribe me to witness what my Pay-masters should inspire) utterly spoils any Pretence of my being bribed off here.

5thly, He says, I was slightly and slyly examined. Now, Sir, I was examin'd so slyly, that it was openly before the whole Council; nor was there ever a fuller Board; all the Lords being big with expectation of what strange matters I should discover; which was rais'd by this, that I had (God be praised) the Character of a Sincere Person, which none of the other Plot-Swearers ever had; insomuch, that I have been inform'd, how even His Majesty himself was startled, when he was told, that I was to come in to make Discoveries of it. Nor was my Examination slight, as this Gentleman presumes: It lasted about two Hours, and not only His Majesty, and the Chancellor, but many other Lords took their Turns to question me. I wonder whence this Gentleman had his Intelligence, who still contradicts Matter of Fact, though never so patent and notorious.

6thly, He says I was sent back with God knows how much Money. And this is so perfectly false, that the whole Council, and Thousands of others, who convers'd with me a long time after in London, can witness the contrary: For, in the Order to call me hither, after their Promise there exprest, That I should return in Three Months, they immediately added these words [If he shall so think fit] and because I did not think fit to do so, they were pleas'd still to renew my Protection and Leave to stay from three months to three months, for a long time.

7thly, He says, That this Game (that is, the managing of me) was done by the Contrivance of Sir Lionol Jenkyns, whom he very angrily calls here Fool as well as Knave. What Quarrel there may have been between them, which occasions this uncivil Heat, I do not know; only I do assure you, upon my Faith, I never treated with Sir Lionel; never knew his Person; never saw his Face to my knowledge; nor ever had the least Ground to imagin, that he had so much as a Finger in this whole Business: Nor can I conceive how it is possible he should, since it wholly past through the Hands of Mr. Sydney, my L. Sunderland, the King and the Council: So that it never lay in his way, nor was in his power to hinder or help it.

Lastly, He inveighs against the same Sir Lionel, for endeavouring to conceal my Murther at Abbeville in France, when I was coming into England to make a farther Discovery of the Plot. Certainly, Sir, this man is either crack-brain'd or stark drunk with Passion; for, both my self and all that converse with me, verily judge that I am alive yet; and, if I be alive, a very short remove of Reason makes me gather that I was never yet murther'd.

Sir, I am sorry your Friend is task'd to spend his Pains and Time in answering such a Monster of Forgery; who, as it seems to me, (and, I believe every indifferent man will be of my Judgment) is so fully bent against Truth, that he can scarce write a Line, but is a direct and flat Falshood. And, which is worse, he is so brazen'd in that Humour of his, that he has not the least care to chuse out such Untruths as he may hope to conceal; but he rather makes choice of such as are most evidently and inexcusably False. If you count them exactly, you will find there are at least Ten egregious ones in the short compass of about half a Page. Pray desire your Friend not to engage or extend my Testimony to any State-matters; you know I do not love to meddle with such Edg'd-Tools; though I hope this Bundle of Lies of his, in one particular Subject, may serve for a Pattern, to shew what ridiculous Fictions did pass for Gospel among that Brotherhood in the Plot-time. What I have done here, is in my own Vindication, which, since at his Request to you, and yours to me, I have taken the pains to write, let it be mine to you both, that, if your Friend thinks fit to publish any Answer to that odd Book, he would do me the Right to insert this Narrative of mine (and that in my own words, without any alteration) in its proper place.

When I had got this Relation of Mr. S —'s, so clearly coherent in all its Parts and Circumstances, so testified by the Council's Records, and abetted by such Vouchers yet living, I began to be half sorry I had foul'd my Fingers so long in meddling with a Fellow so evidently convicted of Imposture in almost every line. Yet, since I have begun with him, I shall proceed in the Track I had design'd to follow, and shew, in the next place, some few of his Self-contradictions, which are far more Infallible Tokens of a Forger, than Fasting is of Popery.

P. 26, he pretends that K. Charles the Second's following his Pleasures was done on purpose to weaken and make soft the Military Temper of the People by Debauchery and Effeminacy, and so introduce Slavery and Popery. Now, if this Argument holds, then to train them up in Military Employments should, in all Reason but his, Work a contrary Effect, be the ready way to secure the Nation against those Mischiefs, and to keep them out. But our Blatant scorns to follow that ordinary common Track of Reason, beaten so bare by all Mankind before him: He will be above them, and extraordinary, as in every thing else, so in this too, else he goes below himself. That Logick which will not make any thing follow out of any thing, is not worthy him, nor able to do him the least Service. For, p. 71, 72. he makes that King's training up his Subjects in Military Disciplin a meer Plot to enterprize upon his Protestant Subjects; that is, to bring in Popery and Slavery, as well as the other. So that Fighting and Courting, rough Souldiery and soft Effeminacy are equally argumentative with him to prove a palpable Intention of altering the Religion of the Nation, and enslaving it. 'Tis but clapping upon every Action, though contrary to one another, a wicked Intention of his own Inventing; and then 'tis impossible to do any thing, but it shall be writh'd about to look the wrong way, and skew towards the mark he levels it at, the introducing Popery and Slavery.

He complains of K. Ch. p. 31. for persecuting the Nonconformists (that is, for not hindring Q. Elizabeths Laws against them from being executed;) and yet (p. 65, 66.) he is mightily out of humour with the same King for his Declaration to give Liberty of Conscience; and as ill displeas'd at K. Iames, p. 202, for attempting the same. Such another is his Saying (p. 39.) That K. Ch. had encourag'd the Lord Clifford to attempt the bringing in of Arbitrary Power, and yet call'd him rash Fool for his pains. As if any man in his Wits did ever call another man a rash Fool for doing what himself had bid him do, or for obeying his own Commands and this too after he had (as he says) encourag'd him to obey them.

He characters K. Ch. all over, as a perfect Creature of the French King, or rather his meer Slave, to that degree, as to assist him to take his own English Ships: Yet never could man more amply become his Compurgator, from being over-fond of France, than our forgetful Blatant is (p. 47, 48, 49.) where he tells us at large, That K. Ch. was the first that began to form a Confederacy against the French King, by sending to propose a nearer Alliance with the Hollanders, and a defensive and stricter League than was before between the two Nations; That to keep the French King from having the very Thoughts of ever stirring, he sent to several Princes of Germany, to invite them into the Leagne; That his Envoy, with no less heat than plainness, laid open the Danger all Europe was in, urging the Insensibility of most Princes, the watchful Ambition of the French, the Greatness of their Forces, and the little reason to trust him; omitting nothing that could alarm all the World, and procure a general Confederacy against the Oppressor: Lastly, That fearing the Spaniards should not pay to the Swedes (who were also in that League) the Subsidies stipulated, our King offered to advance part of it himself, and had done it, in case the Dutch would have advanced the rest. Now, these things being confest, could the most avowed Enemy of France have done more than K. Ch. did to abate his Height, when he saw the occasion requir'd it (for to oppose such a powerful Prince without necessity, was very Impolitick?) Do not these known Matters of Fact clearly evince that he was very far from being a sworn Devote of his, as Blatant has oftentimes shamelesly asserted? And if so, may we not safely conclude, that he has all this while told us a most egregious Falshood, and positively contradicted himself? No, I'll warrant you, he'll come off well enough for all this. True, says he, the outward Actions of that King do seem indeed very pregnant Testimonies of his Aversion to the French; but if you did but look into his Intentions, as I do, the thing is quite otherwise; for, I read it plainly in his Heart, that he did this prompted more by his own fears than out of any kindness he had for the Nation. Well; let his Love for the Nation alone a while, and let us suppose (since he will have it so) another of his Contradictions to be true, and that K. Ch. made head thus vigorously against the French, out of Hatred to the English; the Point yet sticks, Does not this brisk Carriage of K. Ch. signifie, that he was far from being the French King's Creature, and that he was not enamour'd of him so, as even to assist him to take our English Ships? Let it be Fear of him if he pleases, this abetts our Assertion, that he was far from over-loving him whom he so feared, or doting on a Person he could not trust. He runs from the Business, to tell us how the League was broke afterwards, and multiplies Lyes upon Lyes, well laid together, to amuse us with a fine Story. And, what if, upon Reasons of State, it was broke afterwards? Was that League engrav'd in Adamant, so as to be perpetual? He grants, that it lasted till it had done the Work it was intended for, that is, This triple League, and the Peace of Aix la Chapelle soon after concluded, did put a stop to the French King's Cureer; and was not that enough for his purpose? The altering of Circumstances breaks Leagues every day. This is no News to any man who has but read Gazetts. The Suede, he confesses p. 59, fell off too, nay, drew his Sword in the French Quarrel; Did he intend too to bring in Popery or Slavery into his own Country by doing so? Did he do this to give Demonstrations of his Fidelity to the French Monarch, or recommend himself the more meritoriously to his Patronage; as he banteringly imposes (p. 54, 55.) upon K. Charles? How comes it then to be such a Geometrical Demonstration against K. Ch. that he did it with that pretended Intention, or out of a crouching Submissiveness to the French King; whereas the doing the self-same action (nay, a worse) was never thought to have the force of the least probability against the King of Sueden? In good faith, Mr. Blatant, you e'en say any thing, and entangle your self in Contradictions the more you blunder to get out of them. The short is, K. Ch. did like a wise Prince: He was glad to live quietly by such a Powerful Neighbour, if he could without danger to his Kingdom, especially knowing he had a factious Party at home, who desir'd no more but tangle him in such a War, that he might be forc'd to truck his Prerogatives for needful Assistances; which was the reason he kept fair with him as much as he could; but, when he saw his Encroachments threatned England, then he acted vigorously to repress them, even tho' he hazarded his own Inconveniences. And this, in Blatant's Language, is giving Demonstrations of Fidelity to the French King, and recommending himself to his Patronage.

But is it not pretty Non sence that he should (p. 93.) make K. Ch. know of the Plot, the chief part of which was to kill himself; that is, know there was a Design on foot against his own Life, and yet be the chief Stifler of its Discovery? Which amounts to this, That he was content to be kill'd, and Felo de se in his Intention, even while alive. But, how comes that Prince to be so rechlesly careless of his Life? He was held to be naturally held timorous, and the fear of Sudden Death is enough to startle the most resolute man, even though a Saint. Why, he was strangely infatuated (says Blatant, p. 172.) to believe all was for the concernment of the Cause to which he was so affected himself, that is, the bringing in Slavery and Popery. Very good: But was he willing to be kill'd to carry on that Concern? It must be so, in case he believ'd it: And, if he believ'd the other parts of the Plot (I am sure he has granted he knew of it all) it must have been upon the Credit of the Witnesses (for nothing else appear'd to evince the Truth of it, as the King himself openly and frequently declar'd in all Companies) then he must believe withal the Lord knows how many methods laid to kill himself, as, by Shooting, Assassinating, Poysoning, &c. And 'tis a strange Infatuation (as he says well) I add, And such a one as Human Nature is scarce capable of, to have the same reason to believe his own Murther was design'd, that convinc'd him the other things those men attested were true, and yet not be willing it should be look'd into, that it might be prevented. Now, the Truth is, the King utterly disbeliev'd the whole Plot, as he often declar'd, and held the Evidences of those Times, to be a Pack of perjur'd Knaves: Wherefore, seeing so many Persons, whom he verily judg'd did dye Innocent, put to Death upon that score, he could not in conscience, (tho' the Nation being put into such a ferment, he was forc'd to give way for a while to the violence of the Stream) suffer the Guiltless to be still thus barbarously murther'd; and therefore he endeavour'd, as far as Prudence would permit him, to put some Blocks in the way of those Feet which were so swift to shed Blood.

What follows is yet worse, and indeed as ill as can be, and therefore it shall be my last Instance of his admirable Nonsence and Self-contradictions. He pretends (p. 72.) that K. Ch. had an inveterate Malice to the Dutch, meerly upon the account of their being Protestants, & Protectors of the Protestant Religion; insomuch, that he says, p. 42, That it was thought most requisite to destroy them in the first place, and he all along makes the D. of York to have the same Thoughts with him in that point, and to co-operate with him in that Design. Yet he is so Forgetful as to acquaint us with three such signal Favours done to the Dutch by the Duke, as no man living would do his Best Friend, much less (as our Libeller pretends) his avowed Enemy. The first, (p. 160.) that he purposely fell asleep at Sea, to the end the Dutch, for want of Orders, might have an opportunity to wrest the Victory out of the Hands of the English. Which was a Kindness with a witness, to be willing to forseit his own Honour (which great Personages value above their Life) by letting the Victory slip out of his Hands, which was (as he tells us here) in a great probability of Success; nay, to hazard to be beaten himself, (perhaps kill'd too) for their Advantage. The second, That he permitted (p. 160.) himself to be surprized at Sould-Bay, by which means the English were sacrific'd to the Dutch. The third (p. 161.) That the Duke procur'd the Firing our Ships at Chatham. Now, if the Dutch be Protectors of the Protestant Religion, the Duke must with all reason in the World (if what he says be true) deserve to be styled Protector of those Protectors, or Grand Protector of the Protestant Faith; for, those Vnder-Protectors might have been ruin'd, had not their kind Patron thus friendly assisted and repriev'd them. But how think you does he come off from such a ridiculous Contradiction, to make the Duke hate the Dutch so unmercifully, and yet befriend them so unmeasurably and preposterously, in defiance of his own Honour, Interest, Safety, and Common Sence? If he hated the Dutch so deadly, meerly upon the account of their being Protectors of the Protestant Religion, he should have let slip no occasion of mauling and destroying them in the first place; for, the Supporters of that Religion being once overthrown, he could not but think (in that Supposition) that the Religion it self would fall without more ado. This then ought to have been the Duke's first and most sure aim, and not to Establish them by the Overthrow of the English, who, as it seems, by his Discourse, were not near so zealous Protectors of the Protestant Religion, as were those Saints of his, the Dutch. How comes he off then from such a gross and palpable Self-contradiction? Well enough I warrant you. 'Tis but making use of his Supernatural Optick, and peeping through it into the Duke's Intention, and then telling us (for he says any thing) that he did it to keep the Ballance even, and presently he fancies all is as smooth and current Sence as Heart can wish. He had forgot what he had said (p. 42.) That it was thought most requisite to destroy those Protestant States, in the first place: Which quite spoils his pretence of keeping the Ballance even. A sober man would rather think, that to give the Protectors of the Protestant Religion such Advantages as were able to set them above us, and hazarded to disable the other side from ever hurting them after, was most clearly a turning the Scales on their side, and quite contrary to an Intention of destroying them in the first place. Besides, the Dy of War is uncertain, & such Advantages lost or given away, are oftentimes never recoverable. Could any man foresee the Consequences of the Duke's yielding them three such vast Advantages over us, or, that the Dutch being by this means our Betters at Sea, would not follow on their blow, keep us under them, and so quite spoil the pretended Design of introducing Slavery and Popery? With what impertinent and ridiculous Flams does this Baffling Fellow hope to fool his Readers! Yet this is his constant handy-dandy method in every point he handles: Voluntary Talk serves him for well-grounded Truth, meer Pretences for Proofs, and flimflam Stories for clear Evidences. Innumerable such as these the Reader may observe in his Libel, grounded on nothing but his own voluntary Sayings, or his untoward commenting upon every Action by his Gift of diving into invisible Intentions; of which many others I had noted down, and intended to prosecute, but he is an everlasting Subject, and I grow weary of him.

We have seen how ridiculous our Blatant is in his Rational Performances, how far from Solid in his aiery Principles, how Vntoward his Skill is in drawing Consequences, how carelesly and openly Lying in his Narrative part, how intolerably Arrogant in censuring all Authority but his own, and how contradictory to himself in many Particulars: It remains now, that we examin a little, by reflecting on two or three of his most grievous Charges of Sins of the greatest Magnitude, and the Proofs he brings to make good those Charges, how good a Christian he is. The true Badge of Christianity is, that new and peculiar Command of our B. Saviour, to love one another (Ioh. 13.34.) And when he resum'd all the whole Law into two main Commandments (Ioh. 22.37, 38, 39.) he declar'd, that the second of them, which was, to love our Neighbour as our self, is like the first, which is, to love God himself entirely. Nay, the same Holy Evangelist (1 Ep. cap. 4. v. 20.) makes it impossible to love God without loving our Neighbour. Now, to do an Injury to our Neighbour wilfully, is utterly inconsistent with the Love of him; especially to wrong his Reputation and Credit in any high nature, which ought to be as dear to him as his Life, is yet more uncharitable; and this, though the person thus injur'd be our Equal. But, the Dignity of the Persons thus defam'd does aggravate still more the Fault of the Slanderer; which makes our Laws inflict such severe Penalties upon those who are Guilty of Scandalum Magnatum, above what uses to be inflicted on them who shall speak contumelious words against those of meaner condition: But, in case the Persons thus defam'd be of the Highest Rank in the Universe, whose Office and Persons (by reason of their superintendency over the Common Good of a great Portion of Mankind) are justly esteem'd Sacred, it adds still a greater degree of Enormity to that most uncharitable Sin of Calumny. But then, to make any such Personage a Monstrous Compound of all the Villanies imaginable, and (which is yet worse) without Evident Reason to prove the Charge, does exceed all the Bounds of Ordinary Malice, and approaches to plain Devilishness. We have seen already how perfectly sear'd Blatant's Conscience is in this Particular by many Instances; but we have reserv'd the Examination of two or three of his most horrid Slanders till the last; by the laying open of which, it will not only appear how this wicked Libeller is an Absolute Renouncer (or rather a declar'd Enemy) of that best Christian Virtue, Charity; and this in the highest degree possible, and under every Consideration that can enhance his Vice, but also, hence we may make an Estimate of his whole Book; For, common Reason gives it, That if he brings no Evidence to justifie his highest Accusations, much less has he brought any to make good his other Charges, which are of an Inferiour nature, and so less needing it.

K. Charles the First has been so celebrated for his Piety, by the whole Protestant Church, and the day of his Martyrdom so solemnly kept amongst us, that one would scarce think there could be such a Villain found in Nature, as would take the Boldness to leave a Blot upon his Sacred Memory. But it being Blatant's design, to vindicate the present Governours, by representing all their Relations of the Family of the Stuarts, to be Rogues and Rascals, he could not let even that B. King escape without some Mark of Infamy. Taking occasion then (p. 102.) to inveigh against K. Ch. the Second, for sending away the Parliament, lest (as he says) they should prosecute some of the pretended Popish Conspirators, he tells us, That he did therein like his Father (K. Ch. the First) when the D. of Buckingham was accus'd of poysoning his Father (viz. K. Iames the First.) By which words, since he all-along makes K. Ch. the Second know of the Plot, and yet protect the Plotters, he not obscurely hints, That good K. Ch. the First was privy to the poisoning his Father, and therefore by sending away the Parliament, protected his Murtherer from Prosecution. Now, the Truth is, that when there is any great and sudden change, Peoples Minds are naturally in a violent motion, which hindering the settling a steddy Judgment of things, they oft-times grow apt to entertain groundless Jealousies, and egg'd forward, perhaps, by some politick great Persons, who out of sinister ends, hate those men, they let fly at some one or more of them whom the Princes themselves judge Innocent. In such a Case as this, then it is that Kings have one of their hardest Games to play: Their Conscience will not let them willingly sacrifice those they hold Innocent; nor their Policy allow them to oppose the Torrent openly. They are therefore in those cross and perplexing Junctures forced to take such measures, as to gain time, till those violent Heats spend themselves and evaporate, and a calmer Temper succeeds, that so they may be able to protect the one without disgusting the other. This was the very Case of those two Princes; for neither did K. Ch. the First believe the D. of Buckingham had murthered his Father, nor K. Ch. the Second the least tittle of the Plot; and therefore they judg'd it more becoming their Christianity and Duty of protecting their Guiltless Subjects, to make use of their Prerogative, by dismissing the Parliament till Mens Thoughts did settle, than to be forced to yield to the Murther of those whom they deem'd to be Faultless in themselves, though unfortunate, by the undeserved Malice of the People or Parliament, wrought up to a high ferment by some designing Politicians. And therefore, since this was in all likelihood the very Cause why K. Ch. the First did send away that Parliament, whose Hatred towards the D. of Buckingham was known to him upon former scores, antecedent to his Father's Death; with what Charity, with what Conscience could this Varlet hint, That he protected him from Punishment, though he knew him Guilty of such an Inhuman Parricide?

Again, p. 22, he is not content that K. Ch. the Second should be held only Guilty of Adultery with the Lady Castelmain, (tho', God knows, that alone was too shamefully sinful) but, as if he would prosecute his Soul after death, to the nethermost Hell; he will needs have him Guilty of Incest too, at the same time, by pretending that that Lady was his Sister by the Mothers side. The Fact is very Horrid, and the Charge Grievous, and therefore we are to expect very clear Evidences, to make it out, otherwise our Blatant Beast will be convicted to be the worst of Ribalds, and far from a Christian. His first Argument is [It being the Opinion of several Persons who had reason to know more than others dill, that she was begotten by the E. of St. A—, upon the Queens Body, after the Death of Ch. the First.] How! Opinion? Is the man mad? Is the Opinion of divers, I cannot tell who, sufficient Ground to charge a King thus publickly in print with Incest? Let him bring such a Plea into a Court, for publishing the like Slander of an ordinary person, and then seriously bethink himself what a Judge and a Jury would have said to him: I doubt he would scarce abide such a Trial before an Earthly Tribunal, arm'd with no better Allegations than Opinions; and dare he stand it out before the dread Tribunal of a severely just God, who has commanded him, under pain of Eternal Damnation, not to violate his Sacred Law of Charity? Observe his words, and you shall see 'tis just the style of babbling Gossips at their meetings, when they have a mind to slander some Neighbour they hate, and dare name no Author for fear of being caught and confuted: 'Tis the Opinion of some body, that knows I know what, that spoke with those that heard it from others, who have reason to know more than we do, &c. What Stuff is this to ground so horrid an Accusation of a King upon! But why does not this Slanderer, if Opinion have such a Power with him, reflect how it is the Opinion of all England, that that Lady was not his Sister, and that King Charles the First's Queen never had any Child after his Death; that many are not only of Opinion, but have certain Knowledge, that that Lady had both another Father and Mother than those he is pleased to assign her, and can bring many Witnesses of her Birth and Extraction; as That she was Daughter to my Lord Grandison and his Lady, her Name register'd in the Parish Book where she was born, all the Neighbourhood being Witnesses of her Education in her Infancy; and her Relations, that she was brought up afterwards with my old Lady Villers her Aunt? Is it not a wilful Dotage then to prefer the Opinion of some few, against the certain Knowledge of many, and the Consent of the whole Nation? His Second Proof is, That Mr. R. O▪ saw that Earl and that Queen married. He must pardon me if I do not believe him. But, does it follow thence, that that Queen had ever a Child, or if she had, that the Lady Castelmain was that Child? Or why is it rather to be believed for that reason? Must every Female Child be believ'd to be their Daughter, because they were marryed; and this notwithstanding the Certain and Firm Belief, nay, Knowledg, of all her near Relations, that she had other Parents? What a beastly Fool is this, where clearest Evidence was needful and expected, to alledg nothing but perfect Nonsence? How will this insulting Barbarian clear himself then of this graceless Slander? He told us in his Preface, That as for the more secret Transactions, the Events and Consequences were his witnesses, which voided the necessity of his Apologizing. Now, here is a Transaction the most Secret of any in the World; and, what Consequences, what Events can he alledge to justifie the Truth of it? Alas, he had quite forgot that: All he talks is at meer Random, and such things use to go as they come; they are taken up to serve the present purpose, and dismiss'd again without ever thinking of them after.

But Blatant makes that Lady King Ch. his Sister by the Mothers side only, which renders it but Incestuous to the half part, and so in his Opinion does not blemish that King enough. Have-at him then once again (says he) with another and a more compleat Incest with the Dutchess of Orleans, who was his own Sister by Father and Mother's side both. He charges it positively upon him and that Virtuous Princess (p. 50.) who, in despight of her Husband's pretended Jealousie (which, as also Obloquy, are the usual Misfortunes of those Ladies who are rare Beauties) was ever held by all that knew her well, and were her constant Attendants, the Mirrour of her Sex, both for excellent Natural Endowments, Moral Virtue, and unspotted Honour and Chastity. I demand then his Proof for this double foul-mouth'd Calumny: Not a jot, he thanks you; his own ipse dixit, and bare Affirmation, is all he can afford us: For, sure he cannot think that the D. of B—'s holding the Door looks, in the least, like a Proof, were it true, which 'tis very unlikely to be; for, Why could they not (were such a shameful Wickedness intended) go into a Room where they could themselves fasten the Door on the inside? Is it any Misbecomingness for a Brother and Sister, who ever lov'd dearly, and had been many years far distant from one another, to desire (after such a Medley of Chances happen'd to them both, which Nature would prompt them to communicate) to be an Hour or two in private? Or, is it unusual, that such near Relations, at their first Interview, should have some body attend at the Door, to keep them from being disturbed in their Discourse? Had he alledg'd, That the Duke peep'd in at the Door, or through it, and seen any the least Indecency, (though it had argu'd an incredible Folly in them both, to take no better order for their Privacy) this Forger might have had some small Shadow of Excuse: But, to alledge nothing, but that one stood without the Door, and then raise so foul a Slander upon such an Innocent Circumstance, and so usual in every Prince's Court, shews, that this Ribald's Soul, and the Spiritual Life of it, Charity, is totally corrupted with the Gall of Bitterness; and that Slander is so natural to him, that he vomits it out gratis, without caring or concerning himself whether there be the least shadow of Ground for it or no. He is as much out in his Conjecture, that this Rencounter occasion'd her Death. The D. of Orleans knew she was to come into England, and gave his Consent to it; and Blatant himself tells us, if we may believe him, That he knew she was to have a private Conference with her Brother about making a League with France: And more than this, the Duke neither knew nor could know when she came back: Why should this then so alarm him? But the whole Story is perfectly false; for, whoever has convers'd with the Great ones in France, may hear it there current, That (in case the D's Jealousie caus'd her to be poysoned) it was ever held to be for the sake of another, who would needs either follow or attend her into England, and, that not the least apprehension of K. Charles was ever in his Thought. So that our Blatant is a meer Forger of Slander, and a Patcher together of Falshoods, to defame his Neighbor, nay, his Soveraign, and by consequence, a perfect Apostate▪ from true Christianity, or rather what those who know him do conceive of him, a perfect Atheist.

It remains now, only to examin what kind of Kidney this man is of as to his Principles of Government: He scatters his Thoughts here and there, concerning that point too, and I hope one Stricture or two will give us a perfect knowledge of the System he would set up in the World to govern it by. He tells us then (p. 2.) That where the Prince strives to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Society, there He is the Traytor and the Rebel, and not the People, who endeavour to preserve and defend their own. Had he said, That in that Case they had been Unjust Men or Tyrants, I should not oppose him; but, the word Traytor or Rebel, applied to a King or Supreme Governour, is a kind of Bull in Human Language, and sounds like a Slipshoe-Hat. If a King can be a Traytor, or a Rebel, he must be a Traytor or a Rebel to some-body above him: And, who can that be, in his Judgment, but the People? By his Discourse then the People are the Soveraigns, and the Prince is their Subject, it being Nonsence to say, that the King and the People may be mutually Traytors and Rebels to one another. By which we may see how consonantly to these Principles of his he bears himself, in thus huffing Kings: For, he being one of the Super-Royal People, that is a Parcel-Soveraign, 'tis but fit he should at his pleasure curb and check, and rail at those naughty Boys, Tom, Dick, and Iack, the Princes, which are his and the People's Vassals and Subjects.

Take another Expression of his, which is so odd, that one cannot easily tell at first sight what to make of it. Speaking of K. Ch. the Second, (p. 25.) he has these words: From the first hour of his arrival into These Kingdoms, (for I d •• e not call them His) &c. Why, what fears he? Or, What should hinder him? Did any person in the World but K. Charles lay claim to them when he was restor'd? Was there any other Pretender under Heaven, that put in for his Right when he came to take possession of them? No, no, means Blatant, (if he mean any thing) there was no other indeed of those pitiful Usurpers called Kings did so, but the People were the True Soveraigns, and unjustly driven out from their Government of it, when the Nation was (p. 33.) in a Delirium and Frenzy upon his Restauration. This sure should be his Common-wealthish Meaning, and 'tis confirm'd by his telling us, p. 27; That it was a Great Blunder in Politicks, to re-admit K. Ch. the Second for their King.

In a word, he is a Common-wealth's man every Inch of him, and his Flatteries of the present Governours are but meer Feintures, either out of prospect of getting Money, or some petty Place for Secret Service, by means of some Friend that set him on to scribble; or else out of hope they will stoop to a Common-wealthish-Government; in which I shall hope and pray he may find himself mistaken.

Friend, I have perform'd your Command in perusing attentively the Libel you sent me. I have milkt your He-Goat, and have found nothing in him but Froth and Filth: Give me Leave to complain of you for setting me about such an unwelcome Task; for, to meddle with such a dirty Antagonist, is (as an ingenious Gentleman said in a like occasion) Non tam in arenam quam in sterquilinium descendere. One Key will serve to open all he has thus laboriously involv'd. Let but the Reader carry along with him that ordinary Discretion (as every honest man ought) not to yield his Assent to the least tittle of his smooth Tale, meerly for its being said, but suspend his Belief till he sees it prov'd; and, withal, be aware, that the pretended Proof depend not on his bare word, but either on Authentick Records, acknowledg'd by the Generality of the Indifferent World, or upon the necessary Consequence from some known Matter of Fact, and then I dare pronounce, that he will not find even a probable Reason to give Credit to one Line in his Libel, that are invective against those two Princes, as endeavouring to introduce Slavery and Popery. This Honour I shall willingly yield to the Author, that he is an Absolute Idea in his kind, or an admirable and almost unimitable Exemplar, to shew us how much it is possible to deviate from the Love of Truth, which is so agreeable to our Nature; or rather to degenerate into a perfect Hatred of it, whenever it thwarts the Headlong Impulse of his Rash Passion or Rude Malice.