THE HISTORY Of the Affairs of EUROPE In this present Age, But more particularly of the REPUBLICK OF VENICE.

Written in Italian by BATTISTA NANI Cavalier and Procurator of St MARK.

Englished by Sir ROBERT HONYWOOD, Knight.

LONDON, Printed by J. M. for John Starkey at the Miter in Fleetstreet, betwixt the Middle-Temple-gate and Temple-Bar. MDCLXXIII.

Whitehall, March 4. 1671/72

THE Original of this History being written with much Prudence, Gravity, and Elo­quence; the Right Honourable Sir John Trevor, Knight, His Majesties Principal Secretary of State, doth Permit and License this Translation to be Printed and Published.

Jo. Cooke.

TO Sir VValter Vane Knight, COLONEL OF HIS MAJESTIES HOLLAND-REGIMENT.

Dear Brother,

I Began this Translation in the Circumstances of an uncomfortable old Age and ruined For­tune, brought upon me, rather by publick Calamity than private Vice, or domestick Prodi­gality. And I undertook it to divert the melan­choly hours, arising from the consideration of ei­ther. And as the intention was private, and with­out the least thought of making it publick; so I judged it every way best not to exceed those limits, till some, acquainted with the affairs of those times, desiring it might see the light, and I then consider­ing the Friendship that hath always been betwixt us, and that particular owning a share in all my misfortunes, and a readiness to be assistant to me in them: I thought it did of right belong to you; and that I might without vanity owne also so much of [Page] publick, as to publish to whomsoever shall read this Book the true value and sense I have of your Love and Kindness to me and mine, exercised with a Generosity without many Examples.

I therefore desire you (Dear Brother) to accept it, not as that whereby you receive any thing but the Testimony of the Respect I bear you, and re­tribution I owe you; yet I presume I shall not de­ceive you, if I promise you, that are a heedful Rea­der, that you shall find in it Reflections useful for the way you are in both of Court and Camp, and matter to give you occasion to acknowledge, it may deserve a place amongst the best of Modern Writers, if not the first, unless it have received too much disadvantage by the unskilfulness of the Interpreter. But I will not raise that expectation by so weak an Argument as mine own Judgment, but leaving it to yours, subscribe my self

Your Affectionate Brother and Humble Servant Robert Honywood.

THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.

Reader,

NEXT after Writing Books, Translating them, and Printing those Translations, are the worst offices we do the Publick. For as not many of the one deserve the light; so the same propor­tion must hold in the other. Yet, where the one and the other are exercised with Judgment, and in profitable and no­ble Subjects, they cannot want a just value among wise and sober Men. For, though I confess, nothing hath of late so much thronged the Press as Romances and Plays, with things of a light and fanciful Nature, and that this very Book hath found difficulty to creep forth, as being not of that form; yet I dare assure thee, thou shalt find in it, if thou be Ro­mantick inclined, Truth in matter of Fact out-doing Fiction; if thou love History, thou shalt find the best Ancient and Modern Historians emulated and imitated; Civil Wisdom and Policy curiously observed; the Trade of War, if thy way be Martial, strenuously carried on; Vices and Errours, Persons and Actions civilly censured; Vertues set up on high to be the better seen; and the Common-wealth, from which this History taketh its Name, in Difficulties wisely deliberating, in Resolutions vigorously acting; in making Treaties Cautious, in executing of them Faithful and Con­stant; sparing in time of Peace; prodigal of their Treasure in the necessary occasions of War; and at all times punish­ing [Page] Fraud in it equally with Rebellion: So that, if the In­ventor of those Glasses, which shewed by reflection at the foot of one side of a Mountain what was done on the other, was famous for it, though but a Knack; why not this Author much more, who from behind the Mountain of Time repre­sents to thy view, not only what hath been actually done in the busie years treated of in this History, but what were the secret Counsels, and who the Authors of them; and also by Reflection what will be done in the World till Ambition and the Passions of Men shall cease and be no more. Thus, Rea­der, though good Wine needs no Bush; yet since sophistica­ting is now so universal, I thought to give thee Advertise­ment, and leave it to be tasted by Thee.

TO THE MOST SERENE PRINCE DOMINICO CONTARINI DUKE of VENICE.

Most Serene Prince,

I Have undertaken to write this History, not out of any vain design to publish my own name, but by an impulse not unworthy commendation, to eternize my duty to my Country, where it having pleased God to give me my birth, and make me partaker of its liberty, I have thought it a small thing to dedicate to it the short moments of my life, if I could not find out some way be­sides to continue my obedience even after my death, and leave a monument to my fellow Citizens, and the World, of the famous actions and signal deservings of so high and mighty a Common-wealth. This Work was begun amidst the fatigue and labour of many other employments, and for the most part in Ambassies in Foreign Courts and Coun­tries, and would have run the hazard amidst the distracti­ons and the management thereof, of having been destroy­ed even as soon as it was conceived, if by stealing time from my rest, and rest from my self, I had not taken pains to present it at last at the feet of your Serenity.

Your Serenity ought in justice to accept it because you commanded it, and in your goodness to bear with it; and its faults may appear more innocent, and many of its defects excusable, whilst in place of that honest leisure and quiet which study requires, I was obliged to suspend my Pen, as often as my Country was pleased to require from me, in several occasions, the usufruit both of my life and endea­vours: I have taken Truth for my Guide, as being the soul of History, and a duty which ought to be stipulated by every Writer with God and Man.

This I may say, that I have not wanted courage to speak [Page] it, nor means to discern it. Because, besides the Writings of so many (though some not sufficiently instructed in the knowledge of things, or free from passion, have preferred the sparing of truth before silence;) the access to Princes, the negotiating with Publick Ministers, discourse with those who were the Actors of the things most remarkable, the view of situations and places, have fully informed me with what passed abroad; I have had means to be instructed at home, not only by the free access to our publick Records, and the most secret Counsels, but because they have been managed in a good part by my Ancestors and Relations, and some of them by my self. Nevertheless I have not suffered my self to be defiled with partiality, but passing by the priviledge of venerable antiquity, which to a face of Truth hath another closely adjoining, that of Falshood; I have chosen to expose my self to tryal, and perhaps to reproof, and that I might render a testimony of more au­thority to posterity, to write of the present Age to the Age it self.

I know it is a sacred thing to compose Histories, and not to be undertaken but with an upright mind and undefiled hands; and that for that cause the memory of them was consigned to the Temple, under the faithful custody of the Chief Priests, as the witness or trust of those that went be­fore, and the treasure of those that should come after, not to be handled but as a religious thing, and with great cau­tion. In sum, the Historian taking to himself an absolute Dictatorship, nay an authority more than humane, over times, persons, and actions, governs fame, measures desert, pene­trates intentions, discloses secrets, is, with an undistinguish­ed arbitrement over Kings and People, the Judge of Ages past, and Master of those to come, absolves or punishes, deceives or instructs. Whence, not without reason, the Pen of Writers may be compared to that Lightning, which striking out but one Letter from the Name, Caesar Augustus, made him a God; because praise is a thing so tender, that one dash makes illustrious and a little blot infamous, and the censure of the world thereupon is so severe, that it either con­secrates to eternity or proscribes to infamy. For my self, [Page] Most Excellent Prince, I know not what else to wish, but that every one would take upon him to read this work with the same disinterest and innocent mind with which I have writ it, confining my confidence to this one thing, that the present Age will not be so unjust to me, nor so ungrateful to posterity, as to deny me the opinion of sincerity, and the merit of obedience.

For the rest, the August name of your Serenity, which will be one of the principal subjects of my ensuing labour, when I shall come to adorn it with the years made signal by your glorious Government, is chosen the Tutelar Deity of this first part, to that end the work may defended by the shadow of your protection at present, as it will in a little time be made famous by the splendour of your Heroick Virtues, which being acknowledged by this our Age for pe­culiar gifts from Heaven to our Country, will be reveren­ced in time to come, as Examples in a free Common-wealth of a great Patriot, and a greater Prince. I presume not to insert my private observances towards your Serenity, amidst the publick considerations of my duty: I only implore a benign reflection of your powerful approbation, as a comfortable Ray of that fortune, with which your Sereni­ty, Governing with happiness and wisdom, after glory got­ten in the dangers of so long a War, shall confirm with Victory and Peace, perpetuity and security to our Country.

Of Your Serenity The most humble and most devoted Servant BATTISTA NANI.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE.An. Dom. 1613 THE FIRST BOOK.

THE Republick of Venice, consecrated from its very beginning to Religion and Liberty, had its prosperous birth in the fifth Age of our Redemption. If it may be said, that the age of States is better measured by pow­er, than time, its Infancy lasted for many Ages, during which, with uncorrupted Laws and Manners, and the security of their scituation, they frustrated the fierce assaults of barbarous Nations, and the ambition of other Princes. The first time she took up Arms, was in defence of Piety and Justice; afterwards they were imployed against those, who envying their Liberty, went about to disturb their Quiet. And so the Francks and Huns being repulsed in the inmost parts of their Chanels and Ports, she began to be more considered, and the Government through the Concord of the Citi­zens, and the Authority of the Laws, to settle and grow up into a more strong complexion. Liberty was no sooner secured, but there arose Contests about Empires. The first undertakings in that Age, were against the Dalmatians and Istrians. Those of Ancona, and others of the Sea-Coasts were also conquered, so that having got­ten with the price of Blood, the dominion of the Adriatick Sea, as a Patrimony, she increased in Wealth and Power to such a degree, that she not only repulsed, but very often overcame the Hungarians, Sara­zens, Greeks, Normans, and those of Pisa, and Genova, enriching her self with their States and spoils. Her expeditions into the Holy-Land were [Page 2] very powerful, united with the Francks; she destroyed the Gre­cian Empire, and alone undertook the Defence of Pope Alexan­der III; with the success of her Arms abroad, (a thing that sel­dom happens) she rectified all things at home, and brought her self to that Constitution, which at this Day we see her in; equally durable and wonderful. No body was able now to resist her at Sea; and in the 15th Age of Christ she impowred her self with considerable additions at Land. She got Friuli, Padua, Verona, and Vincenza, with large Territories; and passing the Mineio, squaring her Empire, extended her Borders to the River Adda, and Po. She had Romagna under Protection, and Puglia in Mortgage. But as she grew Great, others grew Envious; whereupon after the Year 1500. all the Princes of Christendom, and some of them against the stile of their own Interest, united to restrain her en­creasing Power. This was a terrible shock, the Destiny of the Common-wealth alone being exposed to hazard against the Fortune of all Europe. But the Prudence of the Government, the Con­stancy of their Minds, the Faithfulness of the Common People, and the Reconciliation with France, extricated all their difficulties; Liberty in the close remaining unviolated, and the Empire for the most part confirmed. But her State, which was to be looked at as the Basis of all Italy, could not be in trouble without putting the whole Country into a Convulsion. Insomuch that although the Venetians after the Peace of Bologn, saw themselves in a Calm, the rest lay for the most part under the slavery of Strangers.

The Common-wealth at this time was incompassed by Sea, and by Land, with two great Powers; divided according to the four Car­dinal points of the World, East and South with the Ottoman Fa­mily, and West and North with the House of Austria. She there­fore fixed her thoughts in the Arts of Preservation, and of Peace, watching upon what was fit for her and her Friends, and for her own, and common Liberty. The Turks gave her two great At­tacques by Sea in the Years 1537, and 1570. carrying away rich and great spoils. But the famous Victory of Curzolary signed Peace for a long time, during which they strengthned the Defence of their Empire, beautified their City, gave vigour to their Forces, fur­nished their Arsenals, and layed up a no small Treasure. She main­tained a very long quiet in Italy, and though the Wars betwixt France and Spain did for many Years disturb it, she notwithstand­ing observed a constant neutrality. The whole Country setling afterward into a most Happy Peace, kept not without jealousy by the Foreigners themselves, the Venetians made it their business to preserve that present tranquillity, sometime diverting the storm at the first appearance, and sometimes, according to the occasion, opposing themselves with Declarations and Treaties. The War which hapned betwixt France and Spain in the beginning of this present Age, did not penetrate into Italy. Some stirs occasion­ed by the Interest of the Grisons were quieted. The differences risen with Pope Paul the Fifth were terminated with increase of [Page 3] reputation, and advantage for the Republick; and that thunder of War, which was threatned by Henry the Fourth, vanished with his death. All things thus contributing to the Peace of Italy, Wise­men nevertheless were not free from fear, lest many disgusts lurk­ing secretly in the hearts, and several designs in the minds of Princes, there would be a new Rupture, so soon as any occasion or pretext for it did appear. And in that thought they were not long de­ceived, for in the brightest Serenity of this Peace, the blow hapned at unawares, with so much slaughter, and so many mischiefs, that defiling Italy, it hath put Europe into confusion.

This shall be the subject, and first part of this work of mine; because as the Interests of the Republick refer principally to those two great powers of Austria and the Turks, with whom it borders; so the Nar­rative shall be divided. And I will describe in this, the most notable events which have troubled Italy; and in which the Republick hath assisted with their Counsels, Arms, and Treasures: And for the other part shall be reserved the Memorials of its long and generous de­fence against the Ottoman Empire. And because Italy, being the heart of Europe, cannot suffer a shaking but the rest must be moved, and have a feeling of it, you shall read herein connexed the Affairs and Actions of the chief Princes of the World, the Conduct and Maxims of their chief Ministers, with the Revolutions of States, and so ma­ny other accidents, as make the Age no less Unhappy than Famous, and the Relation equally important.

For the better knowledge of the things to follow, it is needful to look a little back: Princes, though Mortal, are the Genii of the World. The effects of their Counsels out-live their Lives, and are like the Stars, whose influences remain long, though they disappear from our sight. When Arragon in the Person of Ferdinand the Catholick was joined to Castile, and all the Kingdoms within the compass of Spain were in a manner united together, comprehending also the Islands of the Mediterranean, and both the Sicilies, there was laid the Foundation of a vast Monarchy. Fortune, to second the design with vast Rich­es, about this time discovered a new World. The Provinces of Flanders fell afterwards in, changing only the Line of Blood, but without the least alteration in the series of their Maxims and Inte­rests. In Charles the Fifth, the Crowns of the Empire and Spain, and their great power were conjoined together. He neither wanted Wisedom nor Fortune to establish an Universal Hereditary Monar­chy: but as all ages are for the most part barren of Princes of consi­deration, so his seemed as fruitful, having Francis the first King of France, and Solyman Emperour of Turky to oppose him; The first, his Peer in courage; the other equal, if not Superiour, in Power. Charles therefore thought it best to leave the hopes and means to his Successors. Italy by reason of its scituation, Nobleness, Strength, Riches, and a certain fatality, which destines her to bear Rule, hath always been the first Object of great Conquerours; and Charles failed not to increase his Dominion thus, joining the Milanese to Spain, and putting a foot into Tuscany. But he quickly found, that [Page 4] every foot of ground cost a Battel; That the Princes were impati­ent of the yoke, and Strangers were ready to assist: He therefore thinking the Counsel most safe to encompass her without, that so at last she might fall insensibly into his hand, attempted to cajole Germany, and leave the Empire to his Son. The design failing him, and he from a religious consideration, a satiety of Fortune, or from domestick Interests, betaking himself to a private life and the re­pentance of having been so great, leaves to Philip the Second, the hereditary Kingdoms of Spain, with their vast appurtenances. The Peace of Italy passed as in a mystery and by tradition from Father to Son; who no less wise than great, applied his Ax to the root of that, which might most disturb the design of his Monarchy. He employs therefore all his power against England and France, but having consumed Armies and Treasure in vain, while he was distracted by the revolt in Holland, and although he had added Por­tugal to Castile, and with it the increase of a vast power, yet at the end of a few years, he found sufficiently his Credit, Money, and Strength weakned. He then makes trial of peaceable means, giving to the Provinces of Flanders remaining in their obedience (to the end to re-unite the rest) a Prince of their own. He left France to the destiny of its domestick revolts; and Italy charmed with the delici­ousness of Peace, and the opinion of their present felicity.

Philip the third succeeded him, a young Prince, of singular Piety, but wholly unacquainted with Government, and contenting himself with the Royal dignity, left the power to his Council, Favourites and Ministers. These judged it necessary to go on in the same Maxims of Peace, because in France they found Henry the Fourth, a formidable and vigilant King, who having gloriously made his passage through the jaws of an adverse fortune, suffered not himself to be gulled by prosperity, but would be ready to disturb, and prevent whatever de­signs they should have against him. Truce was therefore con­cluded with the United Provinces of the Low-Countries; and to divert the scourge of the French Arms from Italy, procuring the Duke of Savoy to make Peace upon disadvantageous terms, they thought it a great conquest, that they had shut out the French be­yond the Alps. And now fixing their thoughts on those advantages, which time and occasion uses to offer to those in Power, silently extending themselves by little and little, they got their limits in­larged, and their Kingdoms and Territories better united; and last of all under the title of Honour and Protection, holding dependent, and in a manner subject divers Princes of Italy, who being not able to resist, and believing themselves abandoned by the French, yielded to what they thought their advantage, or rather to neces­sity. And so besides the places in Mount Argentaro in Tuscany, and Porto Longone in Elba, the Forte Fuentes, built in the entrance of the Valtelline, and Garrisons put into Final, Monaco, Piombino, Correggio, and other little Fiefs of the Empire, the Net was spread, and the design made publick. These things going thus on, one by one, some by Negotiation, and some through the conjuncture of time, [Page 5] (although they awakened jealous thoughts in some, yet they seem­ed not of importance to disturb the Peace; under which, some not remembring, that one ring is not a Chain, yet a Chain is form­ed of many rings,) thought themselves secure, and others happy. But by the death of Henry the Fourth, France falling into a long mi­nority, the Spanish Ministers judged the conjuncture fit to reap their advantages with Counsel, and with Arms. And to say truth, the occasion in Italy seemed favourable; because the French, as hath been said, being excluded, and now fallen under the government of a Child, and of a Woman, and Ministers divided in their private In­terests, the Country was believed so low in courage and strength, that if at any time strangers in the attempt to subdue it, had got­ten great company, both People and the Princes themselves, would now place their safety and greatest glory in yielding their obedi­ence. Some by a pecuniary Interest were already dependent upon Spain; others by blood, and others by pretensions. The Popes taken up in the care of Holy things, or distracted in the concerns of their own Family, side always with the strongest, so that the safety and protection of Italy was now committed to the Venetians alone. Nevertheless it was judged, that they also would prefer Peace before all things, either from the experience of the hazards, and events of former Wars, or because Monarchies being subject to va­rious changes and accidents, it was believed, that time might pro­duce such successes, from which they thought their Republick, as standing upon a more sure foundation, exempt, and free. But in this general Quiet and Peace of Europe, there wanting rather pre­texts than minds to disturb Italy, it was abundantly supplied by the death of Francis Gonzague Duke of Mantua, hapned in the flower of his Age, about the last of October 1612.

He left for posterity to his House Mary; yet at Nurse, to the Estate, two Brothers, Ferdinand a Cardinal, and Vincenzo; and to Italy, a sad series of Calamities and Troubles. By his Marriage with Margarite, Daughter of Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, it was generally believed, that the Peace of Italy would have been established, composing thereby the pretensions of those two Houses upon Monferrat. They had their ancient Original from the very root of the succession to that State from the Paleologhi and the Gonza­gui, and after many litigious proceedings, Charles the Fifth, Em­perour, as Soveraign of the Fief, did rather foment than extinguish them, by a certain sentence whereby the possession was adjudged to Mantua, leaving undecided to Savoy the right of certain donations of Lands; and of the Dowry of Blanche Wife to Charles the First Duke of Savoy; which though it exceeded not 80 Thousand Crowns, yet with the interest of a long time, came near to a Million. In the Marriage aforesaid, it was studiously endeavoured to ballance all Interests, besides the Dowry in Money and Jewels, the Father ceding in favour of the Daughter and her Posterity the Revenues of Monferrat; and there was a line to be drawn, which was to di­stinguish the confines, much intangled with Piedmont, upon some lands [Page 6] whereof those of the house of Gonzaghi having a right, they re­nounce it and made a mutual exchange of several places for com­mon convenience and advantage. But the affections of Princes be­ing not to be bound by those Bonds, which among private men pass for Sacred, designs ceased not, nor were pretensions extinguished.

For the Line, they could never find a point where to begin it, but that of the life of Duke Francis being cut, they fell back into discord, and the confusion of their former Interests. Marga­rhite, called the Infanta, according to the custom of Spain, in regard of her Mother, Daughter of the Catholick King, Philip the Second, who in her young days was left a Widow in the house of Mantua, retained very lively affections for that of her Father; whose max­ims and sence were so deep imprinted in her, that she played that part which was most pleasing to the Savoyards.

Carlo Emanuel was then Duke of Savoy, who it may be said, had with much virtue adorned, and as much ambition embroiled two Ages. He was born in the 61. year of the last, and with him at a birth, Generosity, Courage, and the desire of Dominion. In the 19. year of his Age he succeeded his Father in the Estate, important for its scituation, plentiful by its Fertility, and for its extent con­siderable, but not proportionable to his mind.

Being invironed with two so great powers as are France and Spain, he could not but know how difficult it would be to make conquests, and as impossible to keep them. Nevertheless the divi­sions of France having opened a way to the surprisal of the Marqui­sat of Salusses, and other great attempts, he espoused, together with the Daughter of Philip the Second, a partiality to that Crown, and the Maxims thereof. But the assistance of his Father-in-Law (who had no mind to make him greater towards the Confines of the Mi­lanese) not being such as hope and desire had suggested to him, he at last concluding a Treaty with Henry the Fourth, more to the ad­vantage of the Spaniards than himself, adheres to France, and enters with Henry as a sharer in these designs, which that great King upon firm foundations had laid against the Austrian Monarchy. His treacherous and sudden death discharges him, leaving Carlo in the grief of his lost hopes, and in fear of the revenge of Spain; which nevertheless having pacified by sundry means, and the Hostage of one of his Sons, since he had not been able to make his profit with the great Ones, he now purposes to disturb his Neighbours of more moderate power. The death of his Son-in-Law gives him the occasion, and on the first notice of it he dispatches, as his Ambas­sadour to Mantua, the Count Francisco Marteningo, and afterwards the Marquess of Lucerna to console his Daughter. She then pub­lishes her self with child, to suspend a while the succession of Fer­dinand the Cardinal, and leave the Government fluctuant and un­certain. Soon after the Prince Vittorio Amadeo her elder Brother arrives, and at the same time the Count Guido di San Giorgio, a Subject by birth of Monferrat, but by discontent with his own Prince, becomes a near Confident of Carlos, was by frequent goings [Page 7] and comings, driving on a secret Treaty at Milan.

The Mine at last was sprung, for Vittorio perswades his Sister, with her little Daughter, to return home to her Father, or at least to retire to a neutral place, as might be Milan; and if in conside­ration of the Child not yet born, her going out of those Countries were not approved, he insinuated that there was Monferrat, where she might remain with more decency. That it was not fit that a young Princess should remain amidst the said memorials of her past contentments, and under the eye of the Cardinal her Kinsman, as young in years, as jealous of the Succession. That the Daughter ought to go with the Mother: not to separate the affections of Nature, and to bring her up with that tenderness, which is proper for a mothers care. Un­der such appearances was hid a more secret mystery; for as the Fief of Mantua did not admit to the Succession any but Males, so by that of Monferrat, Women were not excluded. In Mary there­fore was considered the security of that important State, and there­fore Carlo desired to have her in his power: For grant, that Pra­ctice and Right have excluded Women, when any of the Male­line is remaining of a degree never so remote; nevertheless if to his own right, he should have been able to joyn that of the Prin­cess, there was no doubt, but it would have much strengthened the cause. Ferdinand, that well knew, what those instances meant, defended himself with several conveniencies and excuses. That the Dutchess could not stir from Mantua, while she carried in her womb the pawn of the felicity of that State. That it was not the custom, that the Princes of Gonzagui should be born in any other place, than where they command. That his Niece much less ought not to be removed out of that house, where possibly Fortune designed her Heir and Mistress. If the object of the Palace of Mantua were a place too sad and mourn­ful, others were not wanting, and particularly that of Goito, wherein to divertisement was joyned safety and convenience.

But Carlo's to the Governour of Milan, who was John Mendoza, Marquess of Inoiosa, intimates, that that business was to be ma­naged by the Authority of Spain. Was it fit that the Child, Niece of the King, should be brought up by him, who was Ʋncle by the Fa­thers side, and Competitor of the Command; where should this tender Pledge of the Fortune of Italy be better placed, than under the Royal care of him, who is the Arbiter of it? That the Child did possess in her self the right of Monferrat, so near and important to the Mila­nese. If she should carry it in Dowry to some troublesom and unquiet Prince; and if, wanting Issue male, as from the Complection of the Princess was prognosticated, the Line of Nivers, now naturalized in France, should come to succeed, what would become of the Affairs of Italy, and the Authority, which without controul the King at pre­sent enjoys there?

These reasons, which, as the Report went, were quickned with rich gifts, moved the Governour to speed the Prince of Ascoli with a great number of Souldiers, to demand with a high hand both the Child and the Mother; Ferdinand was astonished betwixt wrath [Page 8] and danger. It seemed a great matter, that the only Issue of that Family should be ravished from its Fathers house. But on the other side, to the power and will of so great a Monarch there was no resisting. Nevertheless taking counsel suitable to his fear, and pretexts from the present state of Affairs, he answers. That his Niece, being Niece to the Emperour, and Queen of France, he was not to dispose of her alone. That he declined contest with his sister-in-law about the Guardianship, and referred it to him who is Soveraign of the State. With this Ascoli and the Prince of Piedmont depart, either respecting the name of so great Princes, or rather because unex­pectedly meeting with a reluctancy in Ferdinand, things were not yet concerted and adjusted to proceed further.

Ferdinand presently gives notice to the Imperial Court, and into France, of this jealous accident, in which it appeared, that the se­curity, liberty, and dignity of all was concerned, because betwixt power and violence, there being no mean, but that of reason; if to will and interest right should give place, nothing in the World would any longer be safe, and unviolated. Matthias of Austria was now Emperour of Germany, and his Counsels, as the World thought, governed by Melchior Cardinal Gleselius, and supposed, that as the Prince, so the Minister was little inclined to the Spani­ards: And therefore naturally abhorring all that was pleasing to them, and holding it for a Maxime, that the shadow of their Au­thority in Italy would more serve to oppress the Emperours, than augment it, the Emperour decrees, That the Tutelage of the Niece did belong to Ferdinand, absolving him from any defect of age, re­quired by the Common Law; neither did the Queen Regent of France differ from that Judgment, and being angry at the proceed­ings of the Savoyards, declares her self to maintain the Decree, gi­ving them to understand, that she would not endure, that the Niece should be removed from her Fathers house and State, not without some kind of threatning Carlo to resent it, whensoever he should imploy Art or Force about it; and with this it was believed, that the designs of Savoy were for the present suppressed, and the thoughts of Spain laid aside.

All this was seconded by the Council of the Venetians, who ha­ving after the death of Francisco sent to Mantua, under the pre­text of private Affairs, Ferrante da Rossi their General of the Ar­tillery, a great Confident of the Gonzagui, had charged him to ob­serve the tendency of things, and the accidents thereupon. By this means Ferdinand held a strict communication of all things with the Republick, and still incouraged him not to bend under the weight and troubles of the new Government, to maintain his In­terest, and the Decorum of it, and to lose no time to make use of his dexterity among the great Princes, and to procure with all his power the good offices, and assistances of his Allies, so to be able to make a counterbalance to Spain. The Senate also pressed se­riously Pope Paul V. the Emperour, and the Crowns, to awaken necessary reflections for the diverting these calamities and imbroil­ments, [Page 9] which mature Judgment foresaw to be at hand. But Mar­garet's supposed being with Child being now vanished with time, Ferdinand above his Purple assumes the Title and Power of Duke, and at the same time the Prince of Piedmont appears at Goito to car­ry away his Sister, and his Niece, now the pretext of her being with Child ceased. There was there besides, Isabella Dutchess of Modena, only Sister of Margaret. And here by artifices and fears Ferdinand was overcome to be content, that, his Sister-in-law reti­ring her self to Modena, her Daughter should be carried thither also, with solemn promises, that she should be sent back to Mantua, when­soever Margaret should have a mind to return into Piedmont.

But this Concert was no sooner divulged, but France in particular ascribing the Dukes consent to his own inexperience, and the cor­ruption of his Ministers, it was remonstrated to him, to how many hazards he exposed that only Child, and to how many cross interests he abandoned the Family. What was the Duke of Modena able to do against the artifices of Carlos, or the commanding power of Inoiosa? He should have considered, that by the Succession, if God should inrich her with Posterity, there would remain betwixt Mary and her Sons divided hopes, pretensions, and designs. Ferdinand, acknowledging all to be truth, afflicted himself; but taken at his word, knew not how to recal it, when Caesar Duke of Modena, considering the weight of the Charge trusted to him, that drew along with it the satisfaction of the Crowns, flips the knot, and refuses it. Vittorio departs then with his Sister only, and with them a sharp thorn was pulled out of the heart and eyes of Ferdinand. But they were no sooner arrived at Milan, but the Governour dispatches a Courrier to Mantua, to require the Princess to be delivered to her mother; who bringing nothing but the accustomed answers, he sends thi­ther the Captain of his Guard, Diego Leiva, and to Modena, Camillo de la Torre, that by both the Dukes might be admonished, the one to deliver the Child, and the other to receive her. He of Mantua denying his power to disobey the Emperours Decree, sends the Bi­shop of Diocaesarea to Milan, to make his excuse for it, with order also to go on to Vercelli to console Margaret, who lived there; and withal to insinuate the project of marriage, which had been so often formerly spoken of, as the only means to confirm in the blood of Margaret the posterity, quench the pretensions about Monferrat, and unite affections.

But as Ferdinand, taking counsel from his interest and the present Conjuncture, had not shewed himself averse; so Carlos would never come to any resolution, sometimes alledging discontents, sometimes requiring satisfactions, and at last declaring, that he would not again, in favour of a second marriage, quit the right of Monferrat. He had his thoughts rather bent to espouse his own interest with the Fortune of a War; and for that purpose, superadding new preten­sions to the old, he requires the restitution of the Dowry of Mar­garet, with the Jewels, not only which she had brought, but those that had been given her in honour of the marriage: all which by [Page 10] the Cardinal Duke, were resolutely denied.

Amidst these Negotiations, Carlos was transported to higher thoughts. And calling to Council at Vercelli his Sons and Mini­sters, proposes his disgusts at the Duke of Mantuoe, the reasons he had to resent them, together with the opportunity of greatning himself; and layes forth the appearances, which flattered him to believe, that what with Negotiations, and his Army, all things would succeed well. Martinengo, Voghera, and Lucerna, his chief Counsellors, judging the designs to be greater than could be effect­ed, with great passions shew their dissent: and the first with so much freedom disswades, that he incurred displeasure and distrust; but Verua, and St. Giorgio, of which the one, having an Estate in Mon­ferrat, desired to bring it under the Dominion of his own Prince and Master, and the other being made odious to his natural Prince, affected to change him, seconded the inclinations of the Duke. His custom was for the most part to consult within himself, and to re­solve according to the dictate of his own prudence; which being the infallible Counsellor of the wisest Princes, was very often in him defiled with the suggestions of ambition, always hazardous, seldom happy. Having some Troops on foot, part being the re­mains of the League with France, part a Guard against the Jealousie of Spain, he saw before his eyes a State exposed, and disarmed, which the Duke of Mantua could not defend, but with bewailing and complaints. He believed, that the Princes of Italy either stupi­fied, or slumbering in a profound Peace, would hardly be brought to awaken: That the Venetians, more considerate than the rest, be­side his entertaining of a mutual confidence with them, were wont rather to tolerate things done, then approve the designs. The Empe­rour had nothing remaining in Italy but the name, and for the two Crowns, he feared them not, the one having a minor King, and the other the Kingly Power afar off. The Milanese, disarmed and un­provided, was governed by Mendoza, his Confident, and little capable in matters of intricacy to play a wise part, or resist force. It was true, that in Spain the Favourite, Duke of Lerma, shewed himself averse to him; but he chiefly reflected, lest the fear that he should draw a French Army into Italy, in the distaste of it, would render the natural weight of those Counsels more grievous.

In conclusion, he deliberates to give a blow at unawares; because, when he should have put himself in possession of some part of Mon­ferrat, before the minds of those that were remote would be stirred, and the Forces of those that were near could unite, and Princes in the darkness of the general Jealousies could discern their proper In­terests, some time would spend; during which he hoped to find his security, and advantages; they well understanding him to be as active and nimble in Negotiations and Treaties, as they knew him wise and couragious in Arms.

Monferrat is a large Country, inriched with Cities, Villages, and People, equally fertile where it is extended into Plains, and where raised into frequent Hillocks. The Rivers, Po and Tanaro, water [Page 11] it, (besides other lesser rivulets) the latter in particular running through the midst of it, gives to the part towards the Sea the name of the lower, and to the other, which on this side more amply en­larges it self, that of the upper. The Metropolis is Casal, and op­posite to it is, if I may so say, a narrow slip, belonging to the Mila­nese. But on the side of Piedmont it extends it self more fully, cleaving in sunder, as it were, that State; and whereas in some place in runs inward even to the Alpes; at another it comes up close to Turin; interrupts the Navigation of the River Po; cuts off Com­merce: and if in one part it divides the Territories of Ascoli and Vercelli, in another it doth almost encompass it. In effect, if the reasons for conquering of it were to be taken from profit and con­venience, the Duke of Savoy had great motives to desire the having of it. In Casal the Duke of Vincenco had planted a strong Cittadel, under pretext to secure it from the Savoyards, but with no less in­tention to preserve it from Spain, who having the Milanese in the middle betwixt Monferrat and Mantua, obscures much of that lustre, which from States, otherwise so considerable, would accrue to the house of Gonzagha. There were no other places of strength; the fidelity of the people, most inclined to the present Government, ser­ving as a sufficient defence; and that Jealousie much more, which being reciprocal betwixt the Milanese and Piedmont, did not permit that the one or the other should consent to the Conquest.

But Carlos with his abovesaid designs going out of Vercelli in the silence of the night, having commanded that the Government of Chierascho should at the same time attempt the Surprise of Alba, and the Count of Verua attacque Moncalvo, himself drew towards Trine; and there applying a Pettard, with the noise whereof the small Gar­rison taking the Alarm, and, together with some of the Inhabitants, putting themselves in defence, the Pettardier with twelve others at the first Volly were killed. The Surprise vanished, Carlo stops at Gabbiano, to hinder relief, expecting the rest of his Troops and Cannon; at whose arrival, having first dispersed 200 Foot, which Carlo de Rossi, Governour of Casal, had sent through by-ways for its succours, to the place in two days, not without a report, that the Count of St. George had before-hand with money and other inven­tions opened a breach. Alba was surprized without opposition, and the Castle for want of Provisions rendred. At Moncalvo the Town quickly yielded, and was plundered: La Rocca, strengthened with some relief, held out fifteen days, and in the attacque the Duke substituted St. Georgio in the place of Verua slain. With these three Posts, running a line along the Tanaro and the Po, Carlo found him­self in possession of a great part of Monferrat, in which, what with contributions, what with booty, he hoped to make his Army to sub­sist with ease. Upon this emergency, it is not credible how much the Princes of Italy appeared moved, and the people themselves amazed; because, by reason of the long Peace, there remained but few that could remember the insolence of the Militia, and the slaugh­ters of Armies. The Discipline of War was turned into delight, and [Page 12] luxury. These successes now being increased by fame, and made greater by opinion, no discourse was heard, but of so many Enter­prises at one time, so many successes almost in one night, the gain­ing of a whole Country in a moment, and an Army of above twenty thousand men was seen in the field, before it was known that there was any Levies made. The Princes, taking the true measure of such an attempt, judged it of little continuance, nevertheless appre­hended that the effect would be unquietness to the Neighbourhood, and disturbance to all.

The Venetians therefore in a serious manner exhorted Carlo to the moderation of more peaceable Counsels, viz. That the situation of his Country being the Guard of the Peace of Italy against strangers from without, he ought not to disturb it within: That it was but an ignoble acquisition, and not to be preferred before common quiet: That he should think of Interest, and of Glory also: That the greater Powers be­gan to awaken, which would make themselves Arbiters and Parties to the Peace, as well as to the War: And therefore if he took Arms at present out of courage or humour, such accidents were like to follow, as would not give him leave to contain himself, nor to lay them down before he saw States in ashes by one common flame, and that to begin in his own Countries: What reputation could be added to his person, famous for so many notable actions; or what happiness to his House, esteemed no less for the largeness of his Territories, than for being adorned with the ver­tues of so many Princes? Therefore they conjured him not to leave to his Sons, to his Friends, to Italy, nay to all Europe, so lamentable an inheri­tance of blood; but by a speedy giving way to Accommodations and Trea­ties, confirm, that wise Princes hold prudence by the hand in making Peace, and Generosity in rescuing injuries.

Such considerations came not much pleasing to the Duke, who trusting in his fortune and dexterity, dispatches his Confessor to Mi­lan to undeceive the Marquess, that the Bishop of Diocaesaria should be Prisoner at Vercelli, a Report spread abroad upon keeping the Gates of the Town for some time, the better to cover the secret of the Surprises, and withal to inform him, what his pretended disgusts, and the reasons and fitness of his proceedings were. All this passed in publick, but in private with humble excuses justifies, that he had not taken the Kings consent in what he had done, and offered seve­ral projects to the Crown of great advantage, but such as some­times seeming difficult, and at others specious, perplexed Mendosa; who, just as Carlo did imagine, knew not how to resolve either for Peace or War. Ferdinand, who under the protection of Spain thought himself secure, and from the consideration of the Counsel of the Government of Milan, though admonished by others to take heed of them, found himself disarmed, was no less surprized in his mind, than in his Monferrat. He considered the Emperour and the French far remote; and if the one could assist no otherwise than in name, the other divided in their ends and counsels, would have been able to protect him rather with words than Arms. The friendship of Spain carried jealousie with it; if offended, it made it [Page 13] formidable to him. He knew the Pope was accustomed to imploy only his good offices: Therefore turning himself to the Venetians, to whom no one thing could happen more grievous than the distur­bance of Italy, opens to them in filial confidence the state of things, and his necessities.

The Senate handled it as a consult of great moment. Some, re­presenting to themselves the novelty of War, the charge of Armies, and the cares attending businesses of that weight, inclined rather to be spectators, than take part in them; saying, What hazard can the Republick apprehend from a War, which is not on its own Borders? But what War was that to be, which frighted only with the discourse and name? the gain of a few places open and unfortified, being but a robbing the right which would be re-taken so soon as it came to the knowledge of the greater Princes: That there would not want Mediators in the ma­nagement of the business: That the powerful Neighbours would stop the progress of the War; and that the Republick had hitherto placed her safety and glory in Peace, which had inriched and adorned her. It was resolved notwithstanding by that major power, to maintain the cause the most oppressed, both because Mantua should not be forced to precipitate himself into the protection of a more interessed assi­stance, and that Savoy, finding that Duke assisted, and despairing of further progress, should be inclined to Peace. They sent therefore to reside at Mantua Antonio Maria Vincente, their Secretary, with money to raise and maintain 300 Foot for the Garrison of Casal. They afterwards had a mind to perswade the Pope into the same counsels; but he excused himself, doubting lest the example of his declaration should draw along with it, that of France and Spain for one side or other; contenting himself only fully to approve what the Senate did, and to lay foundations for a Mediation of Peace, dispatching Innocentio de Massimi, Bishop of Bertinaro, to Turin, to Mantua, and to Milan, to the end, that, in order to it, the Crowns forbearing Arms, might exercise and improve that Authority, which they desired the world should take notice they had in Italy.

Ferdinand hastens to fortifie Casal, and Carlo de Gonzague, Duke of Nevers, puts himself also into it; who casually touching on the Coast of Genoa, sent the Prince Vincenzo, his Brother, thither, who passing through Milan, remonstrates to the Governour; How much the Authority of the King would be debased, if a neighbour State, not only under his protection, but secured by his own word, should be in­vaded by a Prince, who aspired to greater matters, and who, if he durst at present in the face of the Spanish Ensigns, reputed with their shadow alone sufficient safeguards to those that depended on them, possess him­self of Monferrat, would not be long before he set on foot his known de­signs upon the Milanese.

Mendoza was wavering betwixt publick considerations, and his private affections; and Carlos Emanuel, to keep him in perplexities, making, as may be said, a War of Wit with him; now sending his Son the Prince Vittorio, then dispatching Ministers, and then again changing the persons, all with various and vast projects, with pressing [Page 14] instances, excuses, and submissions becalmed and confounded him. His most special Offices consisted in Treaties, that he would not in­terrupt his progress, offering to render all again upon the recom­pense and satisfaction of his Rights. Sometimes he declared, that in the places taken by him, he would set up Spanish Colours; but would keep them by his own Garrisons. He gave out, that he would refer all his pretensions to the Arbitrement of the most Catho­lick King; but his chief bait was, to offer the Conquest of Casal to Spain, contenting himself with the open Country, if the King would consent to his keeping of Monferrat. The Governour was not in a condition to embrace such offers, how specious soever, because, be­sides the artifices of the Duke, who, before he could well consider one, did still, to confound his mind, propose another of more hard digestion; he knew, that being disarmed, if he should consent to the Dukes Propositions, he left not only Monferrat as a prey, but the Milanese it self exposed; and that Carlo, either to conserve his Con­quests, or to advance himself to greater designs, might with the same facility, either by calling in the French, or stirring up the Ita­lians, have the opportunity to make use of the occasion to drive the Spaniards out of that Country. For that cause, shewing himself in appearance severe, he intimates to him an entire restitution of eve­ry thing, believing that the Authority of that Monarchy would have been a Weapon of sufficient strength even without force. By the Pomp of the same, he incourages the Princes not to fear distur­bances in Italy: and in particular, Alphonso della Queva, Marquess of Bedmar, King Philips Ambassador with the Venetians, assures them, that without noise or trouble one of the Dukes should be restored, and the other chastised. That for maintaining the Peace of Italy, the intentions of the King did concur with theirs. That there was no cause to fear any body, or any thing to be troubled at, whilst the Power of Phi­lip was still the same. That his goodness would not admit novelty or disturbance in that Peace, which was so happily enjoyed under the sha­dow of his Authority.

The Governour with various Arts fenced with the Duke of Man­tua (who often repeated the instance of succours) perswading him to put himself into Casal, to give courage with his presence to those Troops which he prepared for his assistance, and to speak with him as he passed by. Others admonished Ferdinand to the contrary, because the Prince his Brother, being in Monferrat, it seemed not fit, that both should go and expose themselves, and be put in the power of the Spanish Ministers, leaving the Niece in Mantua open to any treachery or surprise. Yet to shew his respect to Inoiosa, which was only that to which he pretended, and to render that Civility, which Savoy had practised by so often sending the Prince of Pied­mont his Son, he was willing to go to Milan; whence from the dis­course he had with him, he brought away nothing but riddles, and dark sayings, and returned to Mantua with a terrible jealousie, that the Governour were already overcome by Interests, or affections of the Enemies Family.

[Page 15] Inoiosa, having in former times born Arms under Carlos's Com­mand, and for a reward, having the Marquisate of St. German con­ferred on him, professed himself so straitly obliged to him, that at his coming to Milan, before he entred on the Government, he had a desire to speak with him, and carried both Presents and Favours. This confidence thus begun, was even to this present nourished by the Duke, sometimes with publick Offices, and then with means more secret. From whence, though in the Council of State dis­courses of the business, and the motion of Troops were carried on against him with some kind of sharpness; yet it was well known, that there was a more secret Juncto of three persons only, his Con­fidents, which governed the mind of the Marquess, and sweetned all. This made the Duke so confident, that, although some Troops, long in raising, were sent to the Confines of Piedmont, he neverthe­less over-run all Monferrat, laid it waste with Sword and Fire, and devoured in his hopes the keeping of the rest. All that therefore being insufferable to him, which contested his pretensions, and op­posed his vast designs, or discountenanced his taking up Arms, he could not bear, that the Venetians should give assistance to the Gon­zaghi. Provoked therefore with a vehement spight, he calls Vin­cenzo Gussoni, who resided with him Ambassadour for the Repub­lick, and complaining to him of it, exhorted him to withdraw him­self out of his Countries, because, the people having an ill impression of the assistance given against him, he could not assure him of that security in his Court, which the Law of Nations required to his Character. The Senate from thence conceiving, that the presence of their Minister was disliked by the Duke, or suspected, com­manded him to depart. But the Duke having resolved to set Italy on fire, that he might make his advantage of the ruines and ashes, ambition and wrath blowing him up, seeing now the Spanish Army to face him, threatned to bring the French into its bowels; and when the Pope exhorted him to Peace, he protested to overflow the Country with Hereticks; and if the Venetians should succour Ferdinand, he boasts that he would incite the Turks, and bring Pi­rats into the Adriatick Sea.

The Spaniards proposing to themselves to make a War of Autho­rity, and to regulate the Interests of the Princes with their Media­tion, or the shew of their power by their Army, were not at all willing that any body else should meddle with it. But the Empe­rour believing his Authority so much lessened, as that of the Spa­niards increased, deputed Francisco di Castilione, that in his name he might bring things to a Treaty, admonish Carlo, and besides inti­mate to him the Imperial Ban, if laying down Arms, and restoring every thing, he should not contain himself within more moderate bounds. Mendoza provoked by the general clamor, saw at last a necessity to arm: And thereupon distributing numerous Patents throughout Italy, Germany, and Switzerland, had in a little while a very gallant Army on foot.

Neither was Carlo wanting to himself, but to his warlike Provi­sions [Page 16] interposes Treaty, offering to deposite in the hand of the King of Spain his rights, and the places possessed; provided the Princess Mary might be brought to Milan, there to remain with her Mother. This had an aim to sow Jealousie betwixt Ferdinand and the Spa­niard; because as much as the Governour, knowing the advantage, and the Decorum of the Crown, adhered to it by Interest and incli­nation, so much it behoved the Duke for his own safety to abhor it. Neither did Castilione dissent from it, who besides a certain aversi­on, contracted as a Borderer, and of lesser power, with the Lords of Mantua, though his Allies, for his private respects easily prefer­red the satisfaction of Spain before the Emperours Commission. A Writing then was drawn up in Milan, in which it was promised to Carlo, that the Child should be brought into that City, not to be removed from thence, but with the approbation of the Emperour Matthias, and the consent of Ferdinand the Uncle. Neither fell it out otherwise than the Savoyards had projected: for the Original being sent with an express Command to the Duke of Mantua to sign it, and without delay to execute it, he, encouraged by his friends with promises and counsels, resolutely denies to do either; highly complaining, that the Governour with so much assumed Au­thority should dispose of his Will, without his knowledge, and of the Blood of the House of Gonzagha: whereupon their spirits im­bittering, the Bishop of Bertinoro endeavoured to sweeten them with more mild propositions, insinuating, that the places possessed should be deposited into the hands of the Pope, of the Emperour, and both the Crowns, and that to the end, that within the term of four months the pretensions might be decided by the foresaid Prin­ces, or such other, as the Parties should chuse.

But this pleased neither of the Dukes, and least of all the Gover­nour of Milan, who abhorred to admit of Companions to his King, either in the management of the Treaty, or of the War. He ne­vertheless embraces every proposition, which might gain time and appearance, coolly fomenting that War, which in the beginning he might with resolution alone have suppressed. Hereupon Carlo, let­ting him know his intention to send the eldest Prince into Spain, to the end that the Son might represent more lively to the King the Fathers reasons, and the Successor in his States might serve for a pledge of the obedience of the whole House, though for all that he publickly denied to suspend the Declarations against the Duke, to which he was sollicited; yet he was willing by all means to let time spend. From such proceedings the Venetians well understood, that Treaties would not be sufficient to untye this knot, but that they must quickly have recourse to the Sword. Therefore, ac­cording to their resolution, they arm themselves, receiving into pay 5000 stranger Foot, strengthening their Garrison with the Trained­bands, and appointing several Deputies representing the Authority of the State in the chiefest places. They sent Antonio Priuli, Cava­lier and Procurator of St. Mark, Proveditor General for the Land; but they entertained not that thought alone, because from the Sea [Page 17] also the destiny of Italy malignantly scattered poysonous seeds of future calamities.

For understanding of which thing, to be spoken of on this occasi­on, it is needful to take the relation from a higher beginning. It seems, that many States, in opposition perhaps to the natural Ambiti­on accompanying Empires, are exercised with some troublesom Ene­my or other, which being rather able to defeat, than overcome, continually provokes and infests. Such to the State of Venice ought to be termed the Ʋscocchi, whom not being able to extirpate by cha­stisements, nor to bring under by force, though for the most part beat­en, and as frequently punished with the Ax or Halter, rose up still more bold and troublesom. Where Istria closes also the Confines of Italy, lies the Gulf Flatanico, at this day called Quarnaro. There­by the abundance of Islands and Rocks, splitting as it were the Con­tinent into pieces, the Sea in that bosom hath several entrances and Chanels, with so great uncertainty of navigation and winds, and with such turnings, that if Nature have reserved it for the sepulchre of shipwracks, Pirates have made choice of it as a nest for their thie­veries. Thence even to Dalmatia runs a most dangerous ledge of Rocks and flats intermingled, nevertheless with divers places inha­bited, as Fiume, Bucchari, Segna, and others belonging to Hungary, which were under the Dominion, or much rather under the Go­vernment of Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, Cousin to the Empe­rour Matthias. The opposite Islands are subject to the Republick. The Ʋscocchi having there their habitatoins at land, from thence in­fested the Sea; a people, if we look to their original, not ignoble, boasting to derive themselves from certain valiant men, who when the Turks became Masters of the neighbouring Provinces, impatient of that Barbarians yoke, withdrew themselves to live secure and free in the mountains; but it being difficult in the poverty of For­tune, to preserve the original nobleness of their blood, they became degenerate; and being transported from place to place, were at last by the Emperour Ferdinand received into Segna, to the end they might defend that Frontier from the Turks. The place was little, but by the situation very strong. Many of the poorer sort retiring thither, together with many banished and fugitives out of the Do­minion of the Venetians, it quickly became a receptacle for debau­ched people, that turned the Discipline of War into Thieveries, and instead of fighting with the Turks, when the Peace was made, con­tinued to provoke him with Depredations and Incursions. The complaints of many, that were spoiled and oppressed by them, cryed loud at the Ottoman Port, whereupon the Turks threatned high to come with their own Forces, and an Army by Sea to drive them thence, and destroy them. They pressed the Republick, to whom the Dominion and Custody of the Sea belonged, to curb and punish them, and with a faste becoming Barbarians, pretended to exact from all Christendom the revenge of the faults of a few insolent Pirates.

The Venetians nevertheless resent it, sometimes hearing they had passed over and violated their Confines, and at another, that they [Page 18] had robbed their Islands, and Territories, at all times disturbing Navigation, and spoiling their Ships. And for this, they complain­ed to the Austrians, requiring remedy, and over and above remon­strating to the rest of the Princes, how dear the spoil of these Vil­lains would cost, if the Ottoman Port were provoked to Arms. But 'twas no easie matter to have it mended, reasons laid before the Au­strian still meeting with the opposition of private Interests, which protracting the business, the remedy was always promised, but never performed. The Venetians therefore declared, that they would not suffer such an infamous ulcer in that bosom: whereupon they imploy their Arms to bridle and punish them, but with little success, be­cause in that Labyrinth of Sand and Sea, greater Ships were of no service, and the lesser were not always able to resist surprises nor storms. Gallies therefore were of use for the guard of the Chanels mouths, and Forts and Castles to shut the passages; Armed Barks gave chase, and as many as they could take, the Hangman dispatch­ed with the most infamous punishments. The predictions were at last verified: For the Turks, irritated with so many vexations, broke out into a War in Hungary with the Austrians, and for many years infested them with great usury of ruines and blood. The imploy­ment of the Ʋscocchi elsewhere hindered not, but that towards the Venetians they went on from injuries to further offences, forming a cause of War from that which hitherto seemed as it were matter on­ly of exercise: kept in at Sea, they broke forth at Land into Austria, and leaving every where in the open Country inhumane marks of cruelty, they attempted also Towns fortified. Repulsed at Albona, they made their entry into Fianona; where giving all things to the spoil, they set up the Imperial Standard, and would have exacted an oath of fidelity from the Inhabitants; but within a while they left it, fearing to be attaqued there.

The Venetians, not behind-hand with them, made an Inroad into the Austrian Dominion; but they went not forward, as they might have done, out of the consideration of the Interests of Christendom, then ready to sink in Hungary. The Emperour very much disturb­ed with the clamours of these his people, orders the Archduke to remedy them, and he sends to Segna, Josepho Baron of Rabbata, who by punishing some, banishing others, and delivering up Fugitives to the Venetians, would quickly have pulled up the evil by the roots, if, he being killed by the Ʋscocchi, uncapable to suffer any strict Dis­cipline, if, I say, with the return of those that had been banished, and the impunity of so hainous an offence, the evil it self had not been fomented. Whereupon the Ʋscocchi fall again to their depredations, violating in their passage against the Turks, the Dominion of the Republick by Sea and by Land, and against the Venetians them­selves, robbing without any distinction all sorts of shipping. Guards being placed to keep them in, as if besieged, the Emperour sends to Segna the General of Croatia, who, during the six months he remain­ed there, curbed the disorder; but he being gone, and they at li­berty, they passed through the Territory of Sebenico to plunder [Page 19] Scardona, a place belonging to the Turks, who thought themselves so highly offended, that not being able to satiate themselves in ex­aggerating the damages, and jealousies that the Subjects of the Re­publick it self had a hand in them, sending a Chiaux to Venice to re­quire satisfaction, could hardly with all the reasons they could give be appeased. The Ʋscocchi succeeded not, through the opposition of the Convoy, in the surprise of a Merchant Gally, which, with a rich Capital of Eastern Commodities, was sailing from Spalato to Venice; but they took near Rovigno a Frigate with Letters and money be­longing to the Republick. Siege by Sea was then laid more straight­ly before Fiume, Bucchari, and Segna. Whereupon the General of Croatia returns into those parts, making restitution of some things taken, and punishing some of the offenders; by which, together with the interposition besides of several Princes, the Senate was in­duced to cause the Siege to be withdrawn.

But such remedies giving time, rather than cure, to the evil, the Ʋscocchi return to their former mischiefs, and ravaging at Sea, the Siege was again laid; whereupon the Subjects of Ferdinand, who suffered much, making grievous complaints against the Ʋscocchi themselves, he sends two Commissaries, but to little purpose; for at the same time some of the banished did not only infest the Sea, but entring Pola, by a certain opening in the Wall, plundered seve­ral houses, and with the booty retired into Segna. Some part of it was restored, but afterwards by the Truce, concluded in Hungary, the Austrian Ministers restraining with great care all attempts of the Ʋscocchi against the Turks, they brake forth with more violence on the side of the Venetians, plundering several Vessels in the Port of Veglia, and robbing at Sea all sorts of shipping. The Pope himself complained of the damage he suffered in the Commerce of Ancona; whereupon the Commissioners were sent by the Archduke, which condemned their Barks to be burnt; but the Ʋscocchi delivered them from the flames, in a manner, by force, spoiling some of the Islands, and in Istria it self seeking the Territory of Barbana. They entred also into the Country of the Turk; but returning with a great booty, it was taken from them by certain Venetian Gallies, with the death of many, and taking of others, which were imme­diately hanged at the Sail-yards. But all chastisement served but to irritate them the more; and although Commissioners were fre­quently sent from the Archduke, yet plainly a connivence of his Ministers appeared, receiving every where the Villains, and keeping the Booty. They took one of their Commanders, being Prisoner with the Venetians, the rest had a mind to attempt his rescue by the arrest of some chief Officer; which design failing at Rovigno, be­cause the Town had put it self into a posture of safety, plundering only certain Barks in the Port, they lighted afterwards at Basca up­on Girolamo Marcello Governour in the Island of Veglia, and carried him Prisoner into a certain Cave or Grotto near Segna. This ex­travagancy could be no longer dissembled, and the Republick much moved, complaining of it, the Archduke caused him to be set at li­berty, [Page 20] sending to Venice the Commander of Fiume to offer satisfa­ction, and reparations. But the Senate, who had observed that an offender was now and then punished, but the fault not amended, would no more give ear to discourses, nor slacken the Siege, which did greatly incommodate the Austrians, if the Ʋscocchi were not un­roosted out of Segna, and the Sea-coast thereabouts.

For this cause the Emperour Matthias, sending for the Archduke Ferdinand to court, to appease the further exasperation, and accom­modate the business, wrought so much, that it was agreed betwixt Girolamo Soranzo Cavalier, Ambassadour for the Republick, and the Emperours Vice-Chancellor, that the Archduke should pass his promise to Matthias, to hinder the going forth of Ships, and to keep the Sea free from Pirates, to drive the unquiet Ʋscocchi out of Seg­na, and to punish the guilty, forbidding all protection to them, and the Banditi of the Republick: And besides this, to change the Go­vernour of Segna, and supply the place with a Garrison of the Ger­man Nation, that might for the future be able to bridle them. Of all this the Emperour gave the Venetians his faith, and they on the other side were to raise the Siege, and deliver three of their princi­pal Prisoners.

The Senate, as a gratification to the Emperour himself, embraced these conditions, the Prisoners were released, and the Guards re­moved. But slippery being the Faith which springs from Interest only, it was not long before they relapsed into the former mischief; because the Garrison put into Segna, soon wanting pay, disbanded in a moment; those few driven away were re-admitted, and the shipping being left in their power, they returned to their piracy. It happened, that the Ʋscocchi returning from plundering of Trebig­na, a Turkish Town above Castel-novo, with twenty Ships in Triumph; Felix Dobrovich a Venetian Commander with as many attacques them, taking three, and chasing the rest became master of a great Booty, and a considerable number of Prisoners. But they, not at all thereby discouraged, entring through the Territory of Sebenico into the Ottoman Dominion, carry away much Cattel, bringing them back in safety the same way they went, not without grievous com­plaints of the Turks against the Republick it self. The Republick report it to the Imperial Court, summoning the Emperour to the observance of the things promised, and that by the means of Augu­stin Nani, and Francisco Contarini, Cavalieri, sent Ambassadors ex­traordinary to congratulate with him his assumption to the Empire. But while the Venetians were busied in this their complaint, the bold­ness of the Ʋscocchi transcends all patience and remedy. They en­ter with six Barks in the night into Mandre, a Port of the Island of Pago; where, through the carelesness of the Guards betwixt sleep and the security of their own Port, was the Galley of Christofero Venie­ro, Vice-Admiral, softly stealing upon her, surprised, killing as well him that slept, as him that offered to resist. Lucretio Gravisi, one of the Marquesses of Pietra Pelosa, and many others, being made, one by one, to climb out of the Galley into the Ships, were killed with [Page 21] barbarous inhumanity. Flinging the dead bodies into the Sea, the Galley was carried away, the Cannon dis-imbarked at Segna, the spoil divided, and the action applauded by that barbarous Crew. Against Veniero, preserved for greater torture, they afterward sa­tiate their hatred with all possible scorn. He was butchered at a Feast, suffering with great constancy a death, which with all the rules of Barbarism they studied to make horrid to him, and terrible to all. His reins were no sooner cut, but ripping up his breast, his heart was immediately roasted, and devoured for a dainty; his blood spilled in bowls, or eaten with bread dipped in it; his head placed in the most perspicuous place of the table, proverbiated and scorned. At the advice of such atrocity, the City of Venice was horribly inflamed, it was no where related but with interruptions of astonishment, and fears, some raging at the affront, all were ashamed of what had happened.

The Kindred cryed loud for revenge, and all the people sollicited for resolutions and resentments. But the Senate keeping themselves to more considerate Councils, heard one, who, to provoke them, spoke to this purpose: How long shall these Robbers abuse our slowness? Surely we have given a notable lesson of prudence and patience. Fathers, you have here before you the dismembred mangled body of Christopher Veniero, here is his head cut off, and scorned, here drops his blood, here the caresses of so many well deserving Subjects are Suitors for the revenge. The Uscocchi hitherto have spoiled the Turks Country, vio­lated our Borders, over-run our Islands, disordered Istria, disturbed the Sea, and robbed our Ships. We have spread our nets, set up Gibbets, punished the Pirates by our judicial Laws. Their insolence notwithstand­ing grows greater. Our gentleness is too highly slighted. They at pre­sent prey upon the honour and dignity of the Common-wealth; our chief Commanders are made their Prisoners; our Gallies are carried away; our Ports violated; the Sea defiled with the blood of our Citizens; our Subjects are made their Slaves, and basely killed. Are the Children of this Country then born to be a laughing-stock to the Uscocchi? or do they preserve blood in their veins to no other purpose but to satiate their cruelty? what is become of the noble Spirits of our generous An­cestors? Those venerable Carcasses, that left us the Dominion of the Sea for a legitimate Inheritance, are sensible from their graves of this af­front. Those that conquered the Adriatick Sea with their blood, will reproach our sufferance to see it stained with infamy. The offence is done to the Soveraignty, and therefore belongs to us to resent it like Princes. Private men have the right of speaking, complaining, and shewing their duties; Princes are their own Judges, and from them is no appeal but to the most High God alone. Shall we yet stay to rouse up our selves, till the Uscocchi, who in their pride have under our eyes already run over Dalmatia, Quarnaro, and Istria, shall be entred into the never yet violated bowels of these Waters? Now they have tasted Patrician blood, who doubts but they feel a greater itch to cruelty and barbarism? They must be forced by Arms, and we must seek these wild beasts in their very Caves and Dens. Who shall ever take up Arms [Page 22] more justly, or who can exercise them with more Generosity? We have hitherto been at a slow but great charge. The Fleet is numerous, and ready; Albania and Dalmatia will supply us with Souldiers. Nothing is wanting but to dispose our minds to it, and unite our Forces. Being shut up every where, and invaded in several Quarters, they will be con­strained at last to receive the punishments due to so many horrible of­fences. If Ferdinand be innocent of their faults, he will abandon them to Justice; if consenting to them, it will not be fit for us longer to bear it. But let us suppose him interested, and resolved to maintain their defence; we shall still be stronger both at Sea and at Land. Matthias, a just Prince, hath pawned his word and saith to us. But to superflu­ous and unnecessary cautions, every thing seems to assent. What is the Empire else but a vast Engine composed of so many pieces, that it either gives way, or falls to the ground before it moves united? The Austrians delude us, the Turks threaten us, and, if our Subjects are pleased with this our slackness, strangers do scorn our sufferance of the injuries. This is a Decree fatal to our Country; if this ignominy be not wiped out, it will be necessary to begin to forget the fact, and seek to hide it from posterity.

To a discourse so full of heat, another answers more calmly: Pas­sions themselves have their periods, and being the adulterers, not the spouses, of the mind, it is fit to repudiate and change them. Against the outrages of the Uscocchi, who is there that hath not his mind moved with a just resentment? The surprise of the Gally, the slaughter of the Captain, and the blood of so many besides, hath with great reason stirred our affections. We have sufficiently with tears, as private men, satis­fied the ashes of our well deserving Citizen. But here, as the Compen­dium of the Republick, we are assembled to deliberate as Princes. For Gods sake let maturity more than revenge preside in our Council. Scorn and disdain are a weak Weapon to him that wants prudence, or strength. Who will burn his house to preserve it from the insult of Robbers? They will fall at last, as they have often done? The wickedest, I say, of the Uscocchi will fall under the hand of the Hangman. Let us restrain their courses, let us besiege their Harbours, and that with a generous prudence and constancy, till no one such poysonous root remain unpluckt up. Let us yield no more to promises, or Treaties. Let us practise revenge befitting a Prince; and if the Austrians shall not apply more wholesom remedies, let us procure it of our selves with a strong hand, but in its proper season. Shall we then begin to make War before we are through­ly armed? Or shall we at present divert our care, and applications from the affairs of Italy, to involve our selves with the Uscocchi at Sea? Let us take them in their time. But if at present the Duke of Mantua be over-powered, if injustice triumph, and power prevail, what shall become of us, and the common Interests? It is an easie thing to make War in discourse, and in the Market-place; but at Land, and at Sea how much blood is spilt, how much treasure spent? Where shall we find the Uscoc­chi to joyn equal Battel with them, whose Victories are wont to be gotten by surprise? Where shall we place a Siege, if their strength consist in running away? We have to do with a Coast without Ports, and with [Page 23] Mountains impenetrable. They are protected by their situation, and by Princes; we have no cause as yet to be ashamed; we have an Enemy (if a Crew of Thieves deserve that name) that vexes, provokes, and insults, and yet in an honourable way, like Souldiers, we know not where to find them, and fight with them. In some cases there is nothing to be done, but to over-look and dissemble, and, as we are wont in a whirlwind, to pass through the troublesom dust with our eyes shut. With which Trea­ties, with Arms, and with time, we shall at last overcome the Uscocchi. But at present they deserve not so much honour, as to be made the ce­lebrated Authors of a War, that will every where be talked of: A War which began with the Uscocchi, will necessarily go on with the Austri­ans, and possibly end with the Turks. Veniero Martyr of the Coun­try, himself inspires from Heaven more moderate counsels, and prays for Peace, and tranquillity to the Commonwealth.

By the consideration of the Affairs of Italy, the minds of the Se­nators were prevailed upon; to which bending their chief care, hold­ing a mean betwixt the publick good, and the opinion of the vulgar Common-people, they resolve, that at present Philippo Pasqualigo, General of Dalmatia, should prosecute the Ʋscocchi, straighten Seg­na by Sea, and increase his strength with 20 armed Barks, a 1000 Albanian Foot, and 500 Croats. To Matthias and Ferdinand they caused vigorous complaints to be made, requiring the chastising of the offenders, the restitution of the Gally, the Cannon, and the Booty; and in Spain they made lively Remonstrances of all that had hapned. And to say truth, the minds of men in both Courts at so bloody a story appeared greatly moved. Nevertheless the Cannon was not rendred, nor the Gally; the first being disposed of into se­veral Forts, and the last running ashore was beat to pieces by the Sea: Only by the Emperour three Commissioners were named, that they might meet with as many of the Republick in Fiume. But the Senate, that understood, delay was the thing aimed at, by such longsom remedies in a business, whereof the World was witness, re­fused to admit of any Negotiation, till that were performed which was agreed at Vienna. For which the Commissioners having no pow­er, they retired from Fiume, whereupon the Siege continuing, and there happening such accidents as more and more stirred mens minds, they quickly broke off the thoughts of Peace.

The thing most minded now, was Monferrat; where Carlo re­maining still in possession of what he had taken, while it was believed, that he would at least have expected the arrival of the Prince in Spain, moves on a sudden, and provoking Fortune, and hastening his disgrace, marches with his Army, leaving it doubtful, whether it would go towards Pontestura, or Nizza de la Paglia. Into the first, as nearest to Casal, were carefully sent 400 Foot, and to procure them greater respect, they bore the Colours of Spain; whereupon the Duke marching on, falls upon the other, the Count of St. George speeding before to invest it. The place being weak, and having scarce any Wall about it, had little other defence but the fidelity and valour of Manfrino Castiglione, a Gentleman of the Milanese, [Page 24] who with some small Garrison commanded it. The Savoyards bat­tered it from three places. The Governour on the other side exer­cised them with frequent Sallies, and making an example of the baseness of some, who inclined to render it, gave time for its relief. Carlo, to hinder that which by way of the Sea might come from the great Duke of Tuscany, or others, takes Altare, a place situate on the Confines of the Genovesi. But the Governour of Milan being not able to resist the exclamations of those of Mantua, and those stinging Satyrs, with which he was jeered, dispatches Antonio di Leva, Prince of Ascoli, with 5000 Souldiers to joyn with the Prince Vincenzo, who waited for them with 3000 more. Their march was slow, as if Ascoli would give time to have it rendred, hearkening to the Imperial Commissioners propositions for a suspension of Arms for 15 days; but refused by those of Mantua, the Army at last came near to Nizza, which Manfrino defended beyond all belief. Carlo then having made use of all his art, publick and secret, to hinder Inoiosa from sending in succours, seeing him appear within his view, pretending respect to the Spanish Colours, retires. A Garrison of the Kings presently enters, and the Governour of Milan having gained the point of Authority, neglects the recovery of what re­mained, which with very much ease he might have done. The Prince of Ascoli, withdrawing the Army, goes himself to Milan, and those of Mantua remained facing the Savoyards, not without some Skirmishes, and Factions; whereof that of the greatest moment was, the Mantuans vain attempt upon Canelio, with the loss of above 100 Souldiers. Hostility going on in this manner, Ferdinand, that wanted every day more and more assistance, sends according to cu­stom Frederick Gonzagua to Venice to return the Complement of his Succession, and to give thanks withal for the succours, which with a considerable sum of money, for provision of Victuals, and Amuni­tion for Casal, had been liberally furnished. Besides which Cosmo, grand Duke of Tuscany, had resolved to assist him with 2000 Foot, and 300 Horse; but having demanded of the Genovese passage through their Country to send them into Monferrat, and afterwards of the Pope to get them at least into Mantua, he found it every where shut, as well from the considerations of not declaring them­selves, as from the sollicitations of the Spaniards, who loved not to see the Italian Princes assist one another, and so have a waking eye upon their own Interests; and therefore had endeavoured to di­vert them by several reasons. But Cosmo being thereby more infla­med, to manifest himself a free Prince, and abhorring the example, that it should not be lawful to assist his friends, and much more the consequence, that all ought to depend upon one sole Potentate, presseth the Duke of Modena for passage; who yet at the instance of Inoiosa denies it; and Count Balthasar Bia coming from Milan into Tuscany attempts to disswade Cosmo from asking of it any further.

But the Grand Duke, sending the men appointed for the succours under the Command of the Prince Francisco, his Brother, and joyn­ing [Page 25] to them 10000 of his Country Militia, with six Cannons, to the Confines of the Modenese, where finding the passage of the Moun­tains shut, and barricadoed, and no friendly instances for passage, receiving from the Duke Caesars Souldiers no other answer but Vol­lies of shot, the Florentines resolutely gave the assault, and forcing the defenders to give way, whether by force, or secret connivance of Duke Caesar himself, gain the passage, taking their Quarters upon the Mantuan Territory; but thereby, and for the security of Vi­ctuals becoming burdensom, Ferdinand sends them back upon the first hopes of Peace. He hearkens upon this occasion to a certain project of Marriage with a Princess of the House of Medici, it being evident from what had happened, how advantagious it would be for the Princes of Italy to unite themselves in the strictest bonds of correspondence and affection for the lessening that Authority, which Strangers arrogated to themselves; for which purpose the great Duke also, though with wariness, set on foot Propositions for Unions and Leagues; but all fell to the ground without effect, because as to the Marriage, the Duke did not find himself so free from the dependence of Spain, as to be able as yet to resolve it; neither would he quite break off the renewed Propositions of a new Alliance, which was suggested to him with the House of Savoy; and for those other Alliances, few of the Princes durst hear the discourse of them, much less owne them; and the Venetians themselves in that Con­juncture judged them rather advantagious and desirable than possi­ble or seasonable. The sense and judgment of Strangers upon the present Interests arrived now in Italy.

Mary, Queen Regent of France, having her self been much moved at the dangerous and disadvantagious condition of the House of Gon­zagha, declares to uphold it with Treaties and Arms. Nevertheless some of her chief Ministers inclining to Savoy, and others not well af­fected to the Gonzaghi, brought it again into deliberation: That it would not be wisely done of them in the time of a Minor King, by arming the Kingdom to put themselves to the necessity of trusting Armies to the Command of the great Ones. That upon the Confines of Savoy no other could be imployed but Desdiguieres, Governour of Dauphin, who by authority and credit, being reputed the Head of the Hugonots, would give so much more vigour to that Party, by how much the increase of reputation and power should be given to him. They added, That it was impossible that both the Crowns should amicably agree in one and the same affair of Italy; whereupon going about to restrain the proceed­ings of Savoy, they might possibly meet with the power of Spain against them, and by one accident or other discompose the accomplishment of those reciprocal Marriages, which had been so lately concluded. This was enough to perswade the Queen to imploy her authority rather than force; because, besides giving her self to pleasures, and a peace­able Government rather than troubles, she had in the Marriage of the King, her Son, with the Infanta, and of her Daughter Elizabeth with Philip Prince of Spain, placed the strength of her authority; notwithstanding that upon the publishing of that Treaty all Princes, [Page 26] in amity with her, grew jealous, and the Genius it self of the French Nation disliked it. In favour therefore of her Kinsman Ferdinand, she imploys nothing but good offices and intreaties in the Court of Spain, by which she seemed rather wholly to refer the affairs of Italy to that Kings arbitrement, than any way assist the Duke.

True it was, that in Madrid the Ministers, conformable to the pondering Genius of that Nation, had made long and wise reflecti­ons upon the whole emergency, and at last, not so much for the sa­tisfaction of France, and the instances of the Princes of Italy, as for that ancient aversion of the Favourite to Carlo, the Secretary Vargas was dispatched to Milan with a short Order, but substantial, that Carlo should restore all; and not doing it presently, be constrained by Arms. Vittorio, who was landed in Catalogna, received a Com­mand not to go forward till it should first be known, whether his Father yielded obedience or no. Such was published to be the Com­mission of Vargas, and taken for a good providence to Italy, and magnified for the justice and uprightness of the Kings intentions. Yet some from the carriage of the Spanish Ministers, and from things subsequent, took upon them to judge, that there were more secret orders to make advantage of the conjuncture of affairs; but Princes alone having knowledge of the truth of such secrets, the people can but guess at the counsels, and believe according to the events.

Carlo, to divert the effect of so severe a Commission, endeavour­ed to amuse the Governour, offering (provided he might keep what he had gotten himself) his State and Forces to run the Kings For­tune against whomsoever. In conclusion he offered to restore every thing, one place excepted to be kept as the pawn of his Rights, till the case should be decided; but Inoiosa sends to him Francisco Pa­diglio General of the Artillery, a man formal, and nice in the points of Honour, who in few words, and with a severe superciliousness intimates to him an entire restitution, delivering Letters from the King directed to the Duke himself, by which in very concise terms he orders him to perform all that the Governour of Milan should prescribe him. Carlo in the height of his spirit raged, being touch­ed in the very heart of his dignity; but forsaken of all, he could do no other but yield to the more powerful. Without giving a precise answer to Padiglio, he sends Count Lovis Crivelli with Pro­positions to the Governour which carried the appearance to pro­tract time. They therefore being rejected, it was intimated to him anew, that he should restore all, or the Prince of Ascoli with the Army should march to the Walls of Trin, and, in case of resistance, the Governour would transport himself thither, resolving to hang every one who should dare to help to defend it. Carlo offers then to resign; but about the reception there arose a Punctiglio betwixt the Prince di Castiglione, and the Governour, each insisting that the sole name of his Master might be used; but the one having nothing but authority, and the other the power, it was agreed, that both should concur. Trin in consequence was delivered to Castiglione; and Alba to Ascoli, and Moncalvo to John Bravo, a Spanish Colonel, [Page 27] and were all presently put into the hands of such as Ferdinand had deputed. The Garrisons also in Pontestura and Nizza were with­drawn, all with great applause to the Court of Spain, if further act­ings, and the period of the calamity of Italy might have stopped here. Concerning this restitution, there had been drawn an hasty Writing betwixt the Prince and the Marquess Crivelli, assisted there­in for Savoy, and Annibal Chieppio for Mantua, in which mention was only made of the Consignation, and not a word spoken of their reciprocal pretensions, nor of the reparation of damages, which Mantua required, or an Act of pardon for those of Monferrat, which Carlo desired. Moreover, besides having spoiled the Magazins of Arms, Cannon, and Victuals at his going out of Trin, the Count de Verua protested, that Carlo would sharply revenge whatsoever mo­lestation should be offered to St. Giorge; because he knew well, that Ferdinand had an implacable hatred to him; who afterwards proscribing him with others, as Rebels, caused his house to be razed to the ground. Such roots not plucked up in time quickly begot jealousies, and soon after hostility with new disasters: nor indeed were all men in Italy pleased with such a Peace; because it appeared, that the Governour hastening the performance of the resolutions to put himself out of ingagement, and to preserve the appearance, had not sincerely separated himself from confidence with Carlo; but as if they two had colluded together for some secret and unknown de­signs, the Duke, at the time the places were rendred, re-inforced his Troops, and the Governour armed.

Ferdinand standing exposed betwixt the artifices of the one, and the power of the other, was in great fear; and thereupon the Vene­tians continued to him the payment of the 3000 Foot, and strength­ning themselves with 2000 others, they sollicited passage and Levies in Switzerland; Gregory Barberigo, who was going Ambassador to the King of England, staying some time at Zurich for that purpose. The first disturbance to the quiet was the reparation of damages, and the oblivion to Rebels: For Ferdinand would not give way to the one, and chose to keep the other on foot to oppose it to some of Carlo's pretensions. Carlo on the other side publishes in discourse and in print, that the Governour had promised him to restore the banished into the possession of favour, and their Estates, abolishing all mention of damages, provided he consented to have the Infant Princess brought to Milan. In effect, the Governour pours forth threatnings, and protests against Ferdinand, if he should not ac­quiesce in his will, and that with such vehemency, that thence for­ward all the Princes, being aware, that under the pretext of a long Peace servitude was slipt in, were offended at the terms of obedi­ence, and command, in which he declared himself. Monferrat was the chief sufferer both from the frequent Incursions of Carlo, and the Quarters, which the Spaniards, under the title of protection, kept there; whence it was universally believed, that the Governour of Milan had brought things to that pass, that without Peace, and with­out War he thought it the most probable way to get it for that Crown. [Page 28] Other Princes made it their business to allay the disgusts; and Casti­glione particularly in the name of the Emperour, admonishes the Marquess to use more complacency towards the Princes: whereup­on from threatnings turning himself to intreaties and friendly offices, the effect was, that Ferdinand, induced thereto by the Councils of the Republick, offers to refer all his rights to the Pope, the Empe­rour, and the King. But Inoiosa not approving to admit Compa­nions to his King, neither in the preheminence, nor in the business, in place of an answer, which was expected, sends to Mantua Anthony Piementelli, Governour of the light Horse, to demand afresh the Prin­cess. The Order came from Spain, and the Governour, who had suggested it, executed it with such urgency, that it looked, as if he had a mind to take her away by force.

Piementelli represents seriously to Ferdinand; That the King him­self took due care for the education of the Niece; That she belonged to him, not only by blood, but by authority and interest; and being ad­vantaged by his alliance, and affection, she might be brought up in Milan, as in her own house; That the King was so far from trusting her unto Savoy, that he had imposed upon him the respect due to the interests of Mantua; The pledge of the quiet of Italy being placed in the Child, it was in every respect fit she should be deposited into the hands of the King, who even to jealousie professed himself her security, and Guardian. Of what was Ferdinand afraid? if his Countries were so happily reco­vered under the Royal protection? Can he possibly distrust, that she, who is near to them both, may not be in safety, and with a decorum under it? Can he possibly fear, that by such means the Child should be ravished from him, by him who restores him to his State, repairs his damages, and protects the Family? That he was to remember, that the resentments and power of great Princes are not to be sweetned and appeased but by obedience. The Duke was vexed at such discourses, knowing Pie­mentellis perswasions accompanied with authority and power, and his own replies assisted only with reason, and intreaties: yet he de­fended his negatives with alledging the respect, which he professed to the Emperour, and Queen Regent of France, who had seriously pressed upon him not to alienate the Niece; and to justifie himself, required time to send some Minister of his to Madrid. But Piemen­telli being not at all satisfied therewith, refuses to depart without the Princess, when she falling sick, and he being brought to see, that she was not in a condition to be hazarded in a journey, it ser­ved for a just excuse for his departure.

The Duke with all speed sends into Spain Scipione Pasquali Re­serendarie, and another Minister into France to represent his excuses to the one, and sollicite the assistance and good offices of the other Court. The Governor, at the same time he sent Piementelli to Mantua, not to shew partiality, had dispatched Sanchio Luna, Castellan of Milan, to Turin, to signifie to the Duke he must disarm. Carlo foreseeing, that his disagreeing with Ferdinand tended to make them both fall under the Dominion of Spain, not being willing flatly to deny it, carries himself with several pretexts, and in particular, that hearing [Page 29] there was a Rendez-vous of some French upon his Borders,An. Dom. 1614 it be­longed to him to be upon his guard; and therefore desired, that he might be permitted to levy some foreign Forces, and for a greater pledge of his fidelity to the King, and disposition to peace, he desires some Spanish Regiments to quarter in Piedmont, to the end he might be in readiness to march whithersoever need should require. The Spanish Ministers observed well, that his aims were either to draw in, and at the same time set on the French, or betwixt ill Quarters and bad accommodation to consume the flower of the Forces of Milan. Rejecting therefore the Proposition, they pressed him to disarm, and the Secretary Vargas going into Spain passed by Turin, to know Carlo his positive intentions. He in the presence of Vargas caused a shew to be made of disbanding some Troops, but it was ra­ther a reforming, because sending home the Militia of the Country, which might easily come together again, he kept on foot the Stran­gers. Neither did the Governour proceed in forms disproportio­nable; whereupon not being able to penetrate into the present Councils, nor make a judgment of future accidents, the minds of the Princes remained perplexed amidst the several Interests, and in no less suspicions.

The Venetians making these Interests their business, remonstrated to the Catholick King the glory of moderation, and the securing of the Peace. They put France in mind, that the Interest and Honour of the Nation would suffer prejudice, if they should wholly aban­don the arbitrement of the affairs of Italy to others. They de­manded from the Pope the care of his Pastoral Office; and of Mat­thias the Authority of the Imperial name, to confirm quiet. But the Spaniards in place of facilitating peace, and doing offices to the Princes for it, imposed such conditions, as appeared to all no less displeasing than a War, because they at Madrid finally expressed the Kings intentions to be; That the points of the Rebels, and dama­ges, should be referred to the Pope, the Emperour, and himself: That the Princess should be brought to Milan; the Mother marry with Ferdinand, and both the Dukes disarm; the Forces of the King being sufficient to execute whatever should be needful for relieving the oppressed, and sup­pressing the refractory.

Carlo stormed, and Ferdinand resents highly, that at one and the same time his Niece should be violently taken out of his house from him, and his own will forced to the Marriage. Nevertheless not seeming to dissent, he interposes for excuse, that it was fit, that to­gether with the Marriage, all diffidences should be reconciled, and the Rights of the States adjusted. In this uncertain state of affairs ends the year 1613; in which, for what concerns the Venetians at Sea (besides what we have related of the Ʋscocchi) four Gallies of Barbary meeting at Saseno to rob, were by Girolamo Cornaro, Pro­veditor of the Fleet, chastised with the taking of one, and putting the rest to flight: two Christian Ships with many Slaves being by this means rescued out of the Pirates hands. This served rather for an example than was of much consequence. There appeared a [Page 30] greater danger arising from the attempt of Octavio d' Arragona, who with eight Gallies of Sicily, passing beyond the Island of Scio, had surprised twelve Turkish Gallies, and taken seven with a very rich booty, and a great number of Slaves. The Ottoman Port, taking the outrage to be as great as the loss, published their threatnings to revenge themselves without distinction upon all Christians, and in the Spring to put a powerful Fleet to Sea.

The Venetians, as nearest and most exposed, made ready some armed Ships, and ordered the number of Gallies in Candia to be in­creased. James King of England, upon this rumour of preparations, and threatnings, though in such Interests he may with reason be said to be separate from the World, offers the Republick, in magnificent terms, his Forces, when they should be invaded by the Turks. The Republick publishing the offer, that it might serve for a terrour to the Turks, and an example to the Christians, answered both with thanks and applause.

Carlo, Duke of Nivers, about this time had conceived grievous thoughts against the Turks, and much greater than those, which the condition of a private Prince could bear, and under the name of a Christian Militia had ingaged in several Provinces where he had been for that purpose, several men to follow him. In the parts of France he had some few Vessels ready, and carried on an Intelli­gence in Morea. Being now at liberty from that business, which had so long kept him in Monferrat, he went to Rome to communi­cate his designs to the Pope, demand a Squadron of his Gallies, and the authority of his endeavours to move the Princes of Christen­dom to set upon that vast Empire, not with Leagues, which were long and doubtful in treating, but every one with the Arms, which lay proper for him. The Pope encourages the Venetians, as the most powerful at Sea, in great earnest; but they measuring the business according to piety and prudence, offered considerations to the Pope, of how much mischief might happen from provoking so powerful an Enemy, without hope of bringing him under: Never­theless offered, having above all others just provocations of interest and revenge, to concur with all their power, when the other Princes of Christendom should resolve upon it indeed, and lay aside those jealousies, which unseasonably distracted Italy at present. The Popes zeal being applauded in other Courts, all offering, and no body performing, the project fell quickly into silence.

ANNO MDCXIV.

With the new year the affairs of Italy were much changed; for the two Crowns, having reposed in the Marriages concluded the se­cret of their union and power for the oppression of others, under the pretext of removing the War out of that Country, introduced ser­vitude there. The Dukes of Savoy and Mantua made their com­plaints upon like terms; the one, that his Army and his Daughter were violently taken from him; and the other, that his will, and [Page 31] his Niece were disposed of without his consent. Carlo aggravated with greater vehemence, telling the publick Ministers of Princes, which resided with him; What signifies the requiring of my laying down Arms else, but to exact from Italy a Tribute of the basest slavery? I respect­ing the greatness and the authority of the King, my Kinsman, have yield­ed up at his beck my Conquests, and my hopes, and now am paid with ingratitude, and scorn. My rights are buried, Marriages are imposed upon me, I am commanded to disarm. Can slavery have any thing in it more base, and miserable? Shall I then give up for Hostages the Guard of my security, and shall my Countries Subjects, my Family, and my own Person remain disarmed, and exposed to the ambition of another? What testimonies of most partial affections have not I gi­ven to Spain? One of my Sons, though in great Command, is notwith­standing, if I may say so, a Prisoner, and a Slave amidst the Spanish Guards. The other, who is the Heir to my Estates, I have delivered into the Kings hand for a pledge of Fidelity. All this is not sufficient, but now it is imposed upon me to disarm. Who shall secure my For­tresses from a potent Neighbour? Can the Spaniards possibly think to satisfie the jealousies of my mind, by the same way they make it lawful to dispose of my Daughter? The Governour of Milan disarms not, though protected by the name, and defended with the shadow of so great a Mo­narchy; and shall Piedmont be left destitute of all help? It belongs to the weaker, to beware of the more powerful; and in the defence of a mans self, and the protections of Subjects, the Laws, and obligation of Principality make all equal, why should Fortune alone predominate? If Spain can gain this point with me, we Princes of Italy shall from hence forward lye at his feet, either fearing punishment, or asking par­don, without other glory, than to be at the pleasure of his Ministers, ei­ther subdued by Arms, or deluded in Treaties. An unwary Peace hath brought us to this pass, and a more base obedience will degrade us from all Authority and Command. Such were the complaints of Carlo, who, though the Governour threatned, France suspected, his Coun­try lay open, and his two Sons were in the power of the Spaniards, couragiously professed to dye armed, no less than to live like a Prince. Many had a fellow-feeling with him, insinuated also by their own fear and interest in the first offence, taken at him for his unseasonable taking up of Arms.

The Queen Regent of France, to make appear a shadow of her Authority, dispatches at last the Marquess de Couvre Ambassador to the Princes of Italy; but Carlo, knowing that he brought nothing but offices, and pressing instances, that the Marriage might be ac­complished, and Arms laid down, when the Marquess was arrived in Piedmont, went to Nizza, taking his pretext from some commo­tions by reason of grievances, which were risen amongst those peo­ple; whereupon the other staying some days, and having discove­red what the matter was, seeing himself laught at before he was re­ceived, passed hastily to Milan.

The Spanish Ministers, notwithstanding the apparent Confidences betwixt these Crowns, could not endure to have in Italy a French-man [Page 32] for Companion or Opposite, labouring by all possible means, that not only the authority, but the name of that Monarchy should not be revived again in that Country; insomuch that the Governour declares to him, in excuse that he did not admit him, and withal not to disgust him, that, the Duke of Mantua having, by sending a Minister into Spain, transferred to Madrid the seat of the Treaty for those affairs, they were to be managed there, and not elsewhere. The Ambassadour then going to Ferdinand, to shew himself not wholly useless, besides general offices, and consolations, exhorts him, bating the delivery of the Niece, to consent to the Marriage, and the rest of the points. With this also the Councils of Castiglione, and the Resident of the Venetians agreed; because it being discove­red, that Italy could promise little of it self, and that Strangers did conspire to her prejudice and destruction, it seemed best, that the impending storm should in some measure be diverted; and there­fore they sollicited the Duke for his consent, to the end that for matters of no great concernment, the fault of having disturbed Ita­ly might not be laid on his shoulders; always excepting the Niece, who was thought a price worthy of the danger of a breach, and War. That which was the desire and prayer of all, came doubly confirmed from Spain, as a precise command, and particularly that the Marriage should be consummated, with the agreements made with the Duke Francis excepting the line, and cession of Rights; for their minds being by this new band united, the King would have seasonably provided for that, which his authority and the general quiet required. Ferdinand, out of a firm belief that Carlo would op­pose it, feigns to shew compliance with Spain, to yield to their will; only sollicited, that the marriage might be accomplished, under the the word of the King, Emperour, and France, that he should no more be disturbed by the Savoyards with Armies, and that the Niece might not be taken out of the Family; and for the rest, in conse­quence of the marriage he assented to the pardon of the Rebels, and not to keep on foot the pretension of damages, but to make use of them against some pretensions of the Savoyards; all which he declared to repre [...]e [...] for the publick good, and not to restrain the Kings will: But the Prince Vittorio returned from Spain, who, after the news of the restitution of the places possessed in Monferrat, being admitted to the Court, was from the pride of the Grandees, and the jealousie and aversion of the Favourite, though the Kings Ne­phew, received with coldness and scorn, related to his Father the absolute will of their Councils; That he was to obey or submit, other­wise they threatned to punish and chastise him, in design to bring down that natural height of his spirit, which made him suspicious to the Spa­niards. That the Duke of Lerma spake of his interests with hatred and disdain, vaunting that if heretofore he had diverted a Marriage betwixt the King and one Carlo's Daughter, he did now also know how to afflict and mortifie him. Such thoughts as these served the Duke fitly as so many provocations to shake off the yoke; and therefore inveigh­ing against the pretensions of the Court of Spain, he refuses to con­sent [Page 33] to the marriage of Margaret with Ferdinand, if the things in dispute were not first agreed, and that his pretensions might find such advantage, as he fancied to himself was due: But foreseeing, that the Spaniards would quickly follow their commands with force, he arms the best he could; invites some French of quality to his Ser­vice, raises men in the Vallies, and in Bern, imploreth the favour of all far and near, and in particular where he knew, that for inte­rest or emulation the power of the Spaniards was suspected, he used all his Art to insinuate himself. With a considerable pension he obliges the Count John of Nassaw to serve him, and begets a parti­cular confidence with Maurice Prince of Orange.

The Governour of Milan, that saw himself against his will inga­ged in a War of Reputation and Puntillio, neglects not any means to increase his Forces. Italy thus filled with Armies, the Princes grew more and more jealous, and disordered. Monserrat almost no less possessed, than oppressed by the Spaniards Quarters there, gave Inoiosa occasion to insinuate under-hand to Ferdinand, that that Country languishing betwixt Jealousies and Armies, it would be more advantagious for him to exchange it for another less con­tentious and exposed. But the Duke alledged for excuse the dis­composure of the present affairs, and the consideration he had of Italy, which being accustomed in the greatest calm to fluctuate amidst jealousies, would in this Conjuncture be tossed up and down with more violent discontents. The Spaniards, to say truth, had alone the power in their hands: For the Queen Regent had recalled al­most as soon as he appeared, the Marquess de Couvre into France, contenting her self for that time to have laid a stone of Foundation for her Authority, to build upon when a better Conjuncture should make way for it; there discovering it self just at that instant in that Kingdom one of the wonted storms of that Climate. For ma­ny of the great Ones having united themselves under the Conduct and Command of Conde, first Prince of the Blood Royal, pretended with a plausible pretext to hinder the Marriages with Spain, as if the Maxims and Interests of that Crown would thereby be introdu­ced into the Government of France. The more secret motive ne­vertheless arose from the Interest of some, who proposed to make their profit in that Crisis, which the King, being near going out of his Minority, gave hopes to afford private advantages, and the ha­tred and envy of all concurred against Concino Concini, called the Mareshal d' Ancre, who, brought by the Regent out of Italy, was from mean Parentage, by her great favour advanced to the chief­est place of Government.

Carlo, who from France expected jealousies rather than succours, was not ill pleased to see that disturbance, and the mind of the Re­gent distracted. He entertains therefore a Confidence with the dis­contented, and they, sending the Seignor d'Ʋrfu to Turin, insinuate with several Propositions, that setting aside the Arbitrage of the Crowns, the differences betwixt the two Houses of Savoy and Man­tua, might be referred to the Duke of Nevers, their common Parent. [Page 34] But that business, however neglected by France, was not so easily to be taken out of the hands of Spain, which held it fast by so ma­ny bonds of Authority and Power. The stirs now in France quick­ly vanished, and a Conference held at Soissons quiets all, with the promise in appearance of the Regent, to defer the consummation of the Marriages till the States of the Kingdom were called. And for this the united Princes conceived great merit to themselves, participating, by the means of the said Seignor d'Ʋrfu, the agreement to the Venetians, and inviting them to cooperate, that the accom­plishment, which would be troublesom to the Nation, and formida­ble to all, might be wholly disappointed. The more secret condi­tions notwithstanding consisted in private advantages; for to Conde was given the Castle of Amboise, to Nevers St. Menehoud, and to all in general great recompences; fruits accustomed in France to be reap­ed from that, which elsewhere was punished by the Hangman. In Mi­lan the suspicion of the Mediation of France disappearing, and the Treaty re-assumed, the Savoyards and Mantuans joyned issue for a meeting in the presence of the Governour to mediate the Peace of Italy. Castiglione wearied himself with many Expedients, and because Carlo as the recompence of his rights proposed, that some part of Mon­ferrat, and namely the Canavese might be yielded to him, he insinuates the Marriage of Margaret with Ferdinand, and of his Sister Eleonora with the Prince Vittorio, giving to the Savoyards certain Lands near unto Turin, of about the value of 5000 Crowns yearly Revenue. But all was turned topsie-turvy by the Governours insisting, that Carlo should disarm, intimating that without more ado he should perform it within six days. On the other side Carlo undauntedly denies it, and knowing himself in the necessity to provide himself of Friends, fixed his eye upon the Venetians, whose Correspon­dence always heretofore having been improved by him with all sorts of offices, had had effects considerable, and honourable for Italy; but at present had been interrupted by his transport of anger for the assistances of the Republick to Ferdinand, for which the Ambassa­dour Gussoni was discharged; and although by means of Hippolito Cardinal Aldobrandin, he had endeavoured to renew it again, ne­vertheless in the Senate, which always maintains the point of its dignity, he had found a deaf ear to whatever he had proposed.

But now pricked forward by the urgency of more resolute refle­ctions, he sends to Venice Giovani Jacomo Piscina, a Senator of much wit, and voluble eloquence, who was received by Dudly Carleton Ambassadour of England. That King shewed himself beyond mea­sure partial for the Duke, by improving with such a friendship that rest of authority, which he had a mind to assume in the Affairs of Italy; and therefore the Ambassadour laboured exceedingly, that he might be introduced, remonstrating to the Senate, that to the testimonies of ancient respect, the Duke added at present one more apparent, than possibly could be desired, by sending an Ambassador express, who should soon be followed with a Leiger, to cast him­self into the arms of the Republick, and to open his heart to them, [Page 35] hear their judgment, and imbrace their counsels. He interposed the intreaties of the King, and passing to more serious appre­hensions of the present Conjuncture, he considered that the affe­ctions of Princes, except in things belonging to Religion and Justice, did adjust themselves according to Interest and Time: the Punctilioes and Formalities rather befitting private men, ought not to divert Princes from the substance of more weighty affairs. He moved them to reflect, that if the Italians disunite, all would sink under the burden; but joyned together, would with impunity despise Foreign powers. He pressed upon the Conjuncture and ne­cessity of the times; whereupon at last, after some difficulty, Piscina was admitted into the Colledge, to open to them all that had passed betwixt the Duke and the Spaniards. He insisted much upon the violences, which they presumed to offer him; deplored the con­dition of the Italian Princes; added the consequences of the ex­ample no less than the motives of the common Interest; despaired, through the pride of the Governour of Milan, Castiglione being weary of proposing Expedients, and Ferdinand having called back his Deputies to Mantua, of a good end of any Treaty. He there­fore stirs up the Senate to reflections and remedies, how to uphold the Dignity of Italy, which if it reverenced that Assembly as the Tutelar Deity of its Liberty, Carlo, as eldest Son of the Republick, desired to have it for his Director and Father.

The Venetians consoled the Duke, and assured him of their affe­ction, and good offices, and exhorting him to an agreement with Ferdinand and to Peace, that neither of them should omit any thing to render that respect to Spain, which in the disproportion of their Forces might be compatible with the Dignity of a Free Prince: They at the same time earnestly pursue in all the Courts their sense and desire of Peace, moving some to be Mediators, intreating others to facilitate the rejoyning of the Treaties; in Spain particularly, and in Milan not missing to represent the dangers of the War, and the calamities. But Inoiosa shews himself rather provoked than satisfied with Piscina's journey to Venice; whereupon the Republick grounding their own jealousies upon those of his, the aspect of af­fairs continued to look more and more troubled: And she in con­sequence to arm her self, substituting Antonio Lando, Procurator di St. Marco, into the Generalat to Priuli, committed the Levy of 2000 Foot to the Prince Lewis d'Este, newly entred into their Service. Of the Switzers she procured, as hath been said, passage and Levies; but neither being to be obtained without a League, the Ambassa­dour Barbarigo applies himself to the management of it, remaining some time for that purpose among the Grisons, a people no less gross by nature, as they are rough by situation; but with them he found no disposition to renew that, which being formerly stipulated with the Republick was lately expired; because, besides the venality of their friendship and interests, opposition was made by Pascal, the French Minister, who by rendring the passage of Rhaetia common to others, thought it would be a derogation to the pretended Au­thority [Page 36] of that Crown. Whereupon he goes back to Zurich, where, and at Bern, being the seats of the best Government, and greatest Power of Helvetia, it was no hard matter to adjust an Alliance. And in the Diet, called at Baden for that purpose, the project of the two Cantons was approved, notwithstanding the violent opposition made by the Governour of Milan, who could not suffer, that a way should be opened for the Princes of Italy to arm themselves; which if it served not wholly to discompose, might yet for the present prolong the Treaty.

In the intricacy of so many affairs, the thorn of the Ʋscocchi still pricking, Ʋsseim, Chiaus of the Ottoman Port arrives at Venice, with a bundle of complaints for the damages done by those Piqueroons, but he was sent away with the impression, that the Republick it self were no less sufferers by them: which continued the Siege for the restraint of their courses, and the revenge of injuries. Never­theless frequent disturbances and assaults were heard of 400 of them, who roading along the shore, and chasing away the Guards came to St. Michael, a Rock opposite to Zara, where landing, and some being left as a guard to favour the retreat, the others passed through the Territory of the Venetians to plunder Islan, a Town of the Turks, returning with many Slaves and a rich booty, without withdrawing the Guard from the Rock, till they saw the Venetians in motion to drive them away by force. Felice Dobrovich, Governour of the Albanese, took one of their Barges, which was condemned to be burnt, and the men to be hanged. After this, Pasqualigo came to be General of Dalmatia, and Lorenzo Veniero of Albania, and still more and more straitned Segna, doubling the Guards, and having an eye every where; so that the Ʋscocchi, having the Sea shut up, had no choice but to turn themselves to free-booting at Land. As well the Subjects of the Venetians, as the Austrian Inhabitants in Istria upon the declivity of Monte Majore, have a custom upon the change of the seasons for their flock to change their pasture. At the very time of the heat of Summer, those of the Venetian Subjects were, in the Territory of the Archduke, secured by the publick faith of the Lieutenant Governour of Pisino, that by none whomsoever, and especially the Ʋscocchi they should be molested. But 200 of them ransacking the Country, took away a considerable number, without the least respect to those of the Austrians, to whom never­theless restitution was quickly made to the so much greater asto­nishment and indignation of the Venetians, as by how much oftner they had required theirs in vain. Veniero thought it not possible longer to dissemble the loss, and the affront; whereupon landing his men, he orders the Reprisal of a good number of Cattel upon the Lands of Ferdinand. The Ʋscocchi on the other side, besides the late Incursion into Istria pillaged upon the Island of Ossero the two Villages of Lussino, Mandre in that of Pago, and the Rock of Provecchio.

The Venetians land again upon Ferdinands Country, but found it defended by a Militia in pay: whereupon ingagements going on, and [Page 37] War with flying Colours declaring it self openly, some Troops of Horse were sent out of Dalmatia to Pola, and the Senate made choice of Marco Loredano for Superintendent in Istria. The Emperour dis­patches the Count of Echemberg, General of Croatia, to Segna, to hinder the progress of imbitterments and offences. But the wound, which required fire and sword, was either fomented by lenitives, or became corrupted through the delay of remedies. Echemberg by means of the Count de Cesarea gets knowledge from Veniero, what it was the Republick required, and having for answer, that they pre­tended the punishment of the guilty, the restoring of what had been taken, and above all, the performance of the agreement of Vienna, he insists to have the Siege raised. But the Venetians through past experi­ences denying it, he having only chastised some guilty of other facts, but left those, that took the Gally, unpunished, and appropriating to himself the last booty brought from the Islands, departs out of those Quarters. These Pirates, seeing that the bait of their Robberies was still pleasing to the taste of the great Ones, took greater confidence, and some few of them, who feigning fear were retired far off, being returned to Segna, were well received, as before. The Venetians then foreseeing that it belonged to them to apply the remedy, and that it ought to be such as might at the same time spur on the Austri­ans to Peace, Antonio Civrano, their Captain of the Gulf, disbar [...]s Souldiers betwixt Laurana and Velosca, and ravaging the Country, burns some Towns, and brings away a great booty of Cattel. So that the Thunder of War did not yet cease from afflicting, but con­tinued burning in several parts, and particularly in Piedmont, where the Interests of the two Houses were no more disputed, but the Au­thority of Spain, and the liberty of Savoy. The Governour, as hath been said, positively requires Carlo to disarm, and will besides have him promise in writing, not to molest the Country of Ferdi­nand; and for the disbanding of his own Army declares, that the King his Master was to receive no conditions but from his own mo­deration; nor went further than the offer of his own word to the Pope, and the Emperour, not to offend Piedmont. But the Duke in the one considered the decay of the Age, and in the other the frail­ty of that Authority; and therefore, for his indemnity, desired also a promise from the Venetians, and above all, that the Governour would take away the jealousie, which so great an Army gave, and that the disbanding might be alternative; in which, in token of his reverence, he offered to begin first on his part.

But Inoiosa refuses every thing that might have but the resem­blance of Capitulation, much less the shew of parity; and although by his own inclination he was far from breaking, yet he could not avoid, by strict reiterated Commissions from Spain, coming to a pro­test, letting the Duke know so much by Luigi Gaetano Ambassador of that Crown in Turin; and himself at the same time marches with his Army to the Borders of Piedmont. But the Duke not at all frighted, nor rendring himself at his threatnings, bidding Gaetano be gone, delivers to him to be carried to the King the Order of the [Page 38] Golden Fleece, denying to retain so much as the bonds of honour from him, who threatned him with chains; and immediately going to Asti assembles his Army. The Governour without dispute was superior in number, and there being arrived in those parts some thousands of men from Spain, it was observed, that they were con­voyed and disbarked at Genoua by the Prince Filibert, a Son of Car­lo's, General at Sea, in ostentation, as it were, that the Son should be made the Minister of the Fathers chastisements. But Inoiosa passing Sesia, quarters at Caresana in the Vercellese, in a belief, that the Kings Army having fame and reputation, the Duke at the first appear­ance of it would have humbled himself and yielded. But Carlo, in a defence so necessary, knowing he should be excused by many no less than commended by all, leaving to the Governour the blame of having first moved, passes to the other side of the Sesia, entring into the Novarese, and there surprising Palestre, burns certain Villa­ges, returning with booty, Prisoners and an elevated mind. The Spanish Chavalry, to be even, marching along the Sesia, met with a notable Encounter, where they would have come off with the worst, if the Prince of Ascoli, with a great body of Foot, had not season­ably come in to their succour, so that the Savoyards received a blow, and the Marquess di Caluso, Governour of Vercelli, taken Pri­soner by the Spaniards. The Germans of the Kings Army burnt Caresana and la Mota, and the Savoyards in revenge fired some Towns of the Milanese; the burning of the Bridge, built by the Spa­niards at Villatta over the Sesia, not succeeding, which the Duke at­tempted, so to have cut off their Camp from the Milanese.

Such resistance, among the Spaniards, had the qualification of a hainous offence; and Inoiosa shewed himself so disordered at it, that to Augustino Dolce the Resident at Venice, who perswaded to more peaceable remedies, he sharply answered; That if the Grandeur of the King abhorred to take away what was anothers, it equally belonged to his power to mortifie the contumacy of the Duke, whose offences were gone so far, that they left him nothing in his power but punishment and correction. For pardon, he was to have recourse to the Kings clemency at the Court it self. To this discourse followed a Declaration in print, which devolved to the King all the State of Carlo, which held of the Milanese. And Castiglione at the same time, by sugge­stion of the Spaniards, thunders forth from the Frontier the Ban of the Empire, if within a certain time the Duke should not lay down his Arms, and bear due respect to Monferrat, and every other Fief of the Empire. The Spaniards themselves nevertheless would have desired something more of the Emperour, and particularly, that Piedmont might have been as a prey to whosoever could possess it, and that the Governour of Milan might have been the Executor of the Ban. Against these two paper-blows, Carlo without much ado defends himself by one of the same stamp, and therefore with a Manifesto denies, that his house did hold any portion of his States of the Dukes of Milan, and to the Emperour he accuses the Prince de Castiglione for suspect, sending an Ambassadour into Gremany to inform him better.

[Page 39]After Piscina, arrives also at Venice Carlo Sc [...]glia, Son of the Count of Verrua as Ambassadour in Ordinary: both together press the Se­nate for assistance, who chusing first to make tryal of the ways of Peace, made choice of Renieri Zena Ambassadour Extraordinary to go first to Milan, and thence to Turin, to pass offices seasonable for Peace. But their minds being equally incensed, they inclined more to wish the Republick a Partner in the War, than a Mediator for Peace. The Governour, to render the Venetians suspect to Carlo, pressed, that the Duke of Mantua might yield up to him 2000 Foot, which were in Casale, being the residue of those paid by the Repub­lick. But the Republick understanding the instance, hindred it, notwithstanding that Monferrat, for Passage, Victuals, and Quarters, was altogether at the disposition of the Spaniards. In Madrid, so soon as they heard the spoil Carlo had done in the Milanese, the Mi­nisters were so much the more easily inflamed with anger, by how much they had not been accustomed to find resistance in Italy. They therefore swear his ruine, execrating his name, and the impudence he had to violate the Royal Army, Standard, and Confines; and re­proaching Inoiosa of faint heartedness, stir him up to more rigorous resentments. But in direct opposition to the ordinary government of the World, it might be said, that the severe influence of the higher Region, which in Spain was that ill will, the Duke of Lerma bore to Carlo, was mitigated and corrected by that of the lower and nearer, which in Milan was the Marquess Governour; because find­ing the Milanese was invaded, and on all sides open and undefend­ed, he immediately abandoning the Posts of Piedmont, retires with­in his own Confines, to the so much heightning of the Duke, that he esteemed and published him conquered.

The Governour incamps not far from Vercelli, to secure the build­ing of a great Fortress, which, being a mile in circuit, he placed within the Kings Confines in a situation very commodious; for it did not only serve to bridle Vercelli, but to cover the Milanese, and shut up a passage open enough to strangers for the Invasion of that State: An old design of the Spanish Ministers; but, not to raise jealousies in time of quiet amongst the Princes with novelty, defer­ed to be put in effect till this present Conjuncture. It was named Sandoval, in honour of the Duke of Lerma: and Inoiosa amuses him­self there without further action for several weeks, with great re­proach from those who would have wished rather, that he had marched into the bowels of Piedmont to chastise the Duke, and lay waste the Country. The season, to say truth, for the imployment of Armies passed in this interim, and gave time, that in the name of the King of France, who, though come out of his Minority, left the burden of the Government to his Mother, arrives as Ambassadour in Italy Carlo Marquess of Rambogliet, to perswade and press the Duke of Savoy to disarm. It sufficiently appeared, that the Councils of that Crown tended to make a Peace at the charge of the Dukes Ho­nour and Estate, and it was made the more evident, that while Ram­bogliet passed the Alps, Monsieur de Sillery was on his way from Pa­ris [Page 40] into Spain to concert the exchange of the two Spouses on the Bor­ders. Carlo utters his mind with bitter complaints, that both the Crowns conspired against his dignity and security. But Rambogliet, passing by the consideration of what was fit, judged warranty enough the word which France offered with an order to Dighieres to march immediately to his assistance, if any molestation should come upon him from Milan; otherwise if he should continue refusing to lay down Arms, threatens him to give a summons to all the French, of which the greatest strength of his Army consisted, to abandon his Standard and Service.

The Duke considering, that succours, after a loss received, would come too late, and be unprofitable, judged, that the safest guard for a Prince consisted in his own strength; another mans word, faith, and orders would not want evasions and pretexts. He says; I am divided from France by Mountains, Precipices, and Rocks, and sepa­rated from the Milanese with narrow Ditches only. How often may the seasons and the snow contest for me the passages from France? The King hath the name, the Queen the power. The Marriages are desired, the bonds to joyn interest with Spain are hastning. If that Crown a­bandon me falling, I shall be laughed at when I am down. If I lay down Arms in the fear of my armed Enemy, who shall secure me from blows? Ʋpon the dispatch of a Courrier, Armies are not so quickly ready for mo­tion. Whither shall I direct my complaints, and who shall be the judge of my wrongs and my offences? Reason without force is little differing from a trick of wit; and on the other side force without reason passes for the height of justice. With such reasonings the Duke counselled himself not to yield, and Julio Savelli, the Popes Nuntio, having proposed, that the Army might be consigned to the French Ambassa­dor, to the end the disbanding might be treated by a Peer with equal dignity, he refuses it: not to subject himself to the judgment of both, while he contended with the predominancy but of one of the Crowns.

All the Spanish Ministers in Italy, seeing it difficult to bend the Duke to the respect pretended by them, sollicited Inoiosa, that since he had threatned with so much earnest, that he would not imploy force so faintly, it seeming to them, that the Arms of that Monarchy were fallen below that opinion of Invincible, into which they had endea­voured to invest her. But the edge of the affairs at Land by the Governours slackness seeming to be blunted, they deliberate to im­ploy a maritime power to torment Piedmont on all sides. The Fleet, making a course into Sicily to defend it from the attempts, which the Turks threatned in requital of what had passed the year before, sailed within sight of Navarino, where the Turks lay; but without hazarding a Fight: they losing two of their Gallies, which were sent out to discover, both retired. Part of the Spanish with Philibert sailed into Spain; but the Squadron of Italy with the Merchant Ships of Genoa, which were in the Kings Service, making a good body, attempt the enterprise upon Oneglia. The Dukes Territories face two ways towards the Mediterrarean; the one, where towards the [Page 41] West the River of Genoua terminates, betwixt this and France the County of Nizza interposing it self, with very strong places, and a very safe Bay: The other, in the midst of the same River opening amongst craggy Rocks ashore, where Oneglia is situate. A little Town, but more inward, commands certain Vallies with many Vil­lages.

The Spaniard, finding they had not a power to attempt Nizza, nor being willing by such an undertaking to make France jealous, turn­ed their design towards this other, which being incompassed by the Genouese, and divided from Piedmont by the cragginess of the Appe­nine, was not to be relieved. Alvaro Bassano, Marquess de St. Croix, coming near it with twenty four Gallies, disbarks in the Territory of the Genouese, and from within their Confines (so near are they to the Town) plants his Cannon to batter it. The Marquess Dogliani defended that very weak place for five days, having made some lit­tle Fortification at a Monastery. At last renders it with honoura­ble conditions, and a part of the Garrison with the Cavalier Broglio enters into Marro, a Castle upon certain steep Rocks, which com­manded the Vallies. With the arrival of the Gallies of Sicily, the Spanish Forces being increased to 5000 men, Giovanni Girolamo Do­ria attempts to take it, and succeeds sooner than could have been imagined, because the Governour in a certain Faction was killed.

The Genouese having denied passage for the succours, which un­der the Command of St. Georgio the Duke had sent, he revenges himself by taking Zuccarello, a Fief of the Empire protected by the Genouese, and situated to do them great mischief. In further resent­ment, he had in his mind greater designs by the surprisal of the Ci­tadel of the Capital City it self, which was to be executed by cer­tain English Ships; but being discovered, gave only to understand, that amidst the straights of a most dangerous War, his mind was still carried forth to great Conquests. To manifest the friendship, renewed with the Republick, he had received in Asti the Ambassa­dour Zeno with all possible honour, and having heard the inclinati­ons and Councils of the Senate tending to Peace, one day, all fire and courage, he spake to this purpose; I deny not but the delicious­ness of Soveraignty, the good of Italy, and the felicity of the World are placed in Peace. But what is that Peace which an Enemy offers, who hath War in his heart, and in his hands? Let us, I pray, draw it out in its proper shape, and well consider if we can tell how to distinguish it from baseness, servitude, and infamy. I do not see but an imperfect mixture, which is compounded of these two Elements only, Empire and Obedience. The one I hold from Heaven common with the King. The other is not known in my Family. Liberty is a Twin of Dignity; they have Chance, Fate, Accidents common; the one is not offended, but the other resents it. Oh let us once resolve to attempt great things, and not distrust Fortune! We shall find that power, which in perspective appears terrible, to grow less from it self, and vanish like a shadow, if we shall have hearts to go near it. Let us joyn our selves together, and in that union vindicate the contempt Strangers have of Italy, because at discord. [Page 42] What cause more just to shake off the yoke, which is made more insuffe­rable by our own patience? where can the Republick better imploy their Power, their greatness of Mind, and their Treasures than to the relief of an oppressed Prince, and oppressed for no other occasion, but because he would live and dye like a Prince. The Republick hath large Confines with Spain, but by this League may enlarge them, even to Piedmont. This State shall be all at her devotion, and she shall be able to say, that she environs the Milanese more than she is encompassed by it. My own breast, and those of my Sons shall be the Frontiers of the Republick. If she attacque, we will draw the gross of the Enemies force on this side; if invaded, we will divert the mischief with the hazard of our lives and blood. God hath given to the Republick and to me two flourishing States, which are balances to Italy, scourges and tongs to the Milanese. We have need to bind and unite our selves without delay; for if the Spaniards should come to disadvantage one part, the other will be made of no use. We are both armed, and to what purpose consume our selves betwixt jealousies and expences, without other advantage, but not to be overcome? The Republick abounds in Arms and Money, and to me men are not wanting. What a number of people should we have begging passage, if we had once declared War, and I have the Keys of the Moun­tains? We will cause floods of stranger Nations to come down into Ita­ly, whither the Spaniards can have no passage but with slow voyages by Sea, and most tedious marches by Land. If France will not be with us, it will not be against us. And when War is once declared, it can­not be, but that the French, at least privately, will run to our Colours. To a duplicated vigorous Invasion how will the Milanese be able to resist, lull'd asleep in a long Peace, and under the shadow of an imaginary re­putation, with weak places, an unwarlike people, and so remote from succours? I invite the Republick to the spoils, not to dangers. I will be the first that shall invade, I will take some place or other, and then if the Republick will go before, and give the Princes of Italy an exam­ple, we shall not be alone. Those that cover themselves most under the wings of that Monarchy, will be the first to pluck the feathers out of them. The Indies, Spain, and Flanders are not places we ought to be afraid of, but the States of Italy are the fetters of our slavery. Let us free our selves from them at last: for in the Milanese, as in the Center, the Register of all the Monarchy being kept; disorder that, the rest will lye dismembred and remote; nor shall we any more fear to have the Spaniards our enemies, when we shall not have them so near Neigh­bours.

Such generous conceptions were heard, but not approved by the Senate, so long as there appeared any hopes of Peace; and belie­ving withal, that Carlo, in the love of a great War and general Con­flagration, to enlarge amidst fire and destruction the greatness of his States, and the lustre of his Name, did refuse to prefer his own and common quiet before the vast ambition of his nature. The Duke failed not to do the like with others, using the same instigations to the King of England, the States of Holland, and the Princes of the Union in the Empire, and with the same success: For, the first as [Page 43] ready as he was to interpose good offices, was as backward to con­sent to the War. The Hollanders professed to follow the Kings ex­ample, and Germany did not yet owne its Authority and Power.

The Governour of Milan, to second the maritime undertaking, yielding to the reproofs and accusations of those that envied them, rather than following his own inclination, in Autumn moved the Ar­my, though afflicted with several sicknesses, and in their march in­commodated by excessive rains, which overflowed all the Country. Having passed the Tanaro in view of the Duke, who endeavoured to hinder him, he found himself perplexed; because the Siege of Asti, considering the season, and the Dukes strength, who was there in person, was not advisable. To quarter at large, served the Ene­my for pastime, who being vigilant, and bold, would harass it with continual surprises. He resolves therefore to retire in all haste into the Country about Alessandria, against the opinion of Giovanni Vi­ves, Spanish Ambassadour in Genoua, the fierce incendiary of this War, and of other principal Ministers, who would have rather dis­posed of the Armies lodging into the Territory of Asti, while the Troops of Santa Croce should have taken their Quarters about Ceva and Mondovi, to torment and oppress Piedmont. Carlo, on the other side, commodiously enjoys his Lodgings upon the intermixtures of the Fiefs of the Empire, to the great relief and sparing of his own Countries. In the Spring the Armies were re-inforced, and great provisions made, but the Duke with a new blow of a Treaty, be­ing sollicited by the Mediators, signs a paper for Peace, in which he consents to disarm, retaining only wonted and necessary Garrisons. It was promised him, that within fifteen or twenty days after the Governour should also disband his Army, and give his word to the Pope and King of France not to offend him, and in case of default, the Princes, called the Defenders of the Faith of Inoiosa, and Vindi­cators of the Duke, should do it with Arms. The Prisoners, and places taken, were to be reciprocally rendred, and Ferdinand was to restore to Carlo the Dowry and Jewels of Margaret; other things in controversie betwixt these two houses were to be decided within six months after, or to be determined by Law, if any difficulty arose. The Dowry of Blanche was to be restored within two years, and the Rebels to be pardoned.

It was much doubted, whether to this project, which secured few things, and left many undecided; Carlo, for the desire of quiet, and apprehension of the Enemies Forces, or to gain applause, and to interest the Mediators in his cause, would give his consent. But if that were his intention, the design deceived him not; for the Trea­ty being carried by the Nuntio and Rambogliet to Inoiosa, with an assured hope, that he would approve it, because the Ambassador of Spain at Paris had also notified the Proposition to the Court, they found, that by a late Commission from Madrid, all power concern­ing Peace was taken from him. It is not to be believed, how much they were offended at it; but not being able to obtain more, they demanded at least a suspension of Arms for forty days. The [Page 44] Governour denies that also,An. Dom. 1615 knowing nevertheless, that the season of it self did it. But the Prince Thomaso, who was Carlo's youngest Son, marching out of Vercelli with twenty Companies of Foot, and 700 Horse, surprises Candia, a great Town in the Milanese, and gi­ving it to fire and spoil, brought away a great booty. For which the Governour and the Mediators equally complaining, the Duke endeavours to excuse what had happened by his Sons being far off, and not knowing of the Treaty, but the Spaniards compensated themselves with the taking of Monbaldona and Denice, Towns in the Mountains of Piedmont.

ANNO MDCXV.

King Philip being not to be perswaded to treat with Carlo de pari, all endeavour was in vain to get the Treaty approved at Madrid, notwithstanding the Pope with his own hand wrote earnestly to him about it. Neither were the French much pleased with it, be­cause Rambogliet, more desirous of the glory to conclude it, than ap­plying himself to the means of having it well executed, had not well provided for the Interests of Ferdinand. Divers Princes of Italy in the vanity of their obsequiousness, had offered to the Governour of Milan their Militia, and he seasonably accepting the offer, either to take from Carlo the hope of assistance, or to boast his predomi­nancy, intimates to all, they should either according to the band of Capitulations, or in testimony of their affection, perform it. By the investiture of Siena he required 4000 of the Grand Duke; of Modena, Parma, and Ʋrbin, each a Regiment of Foot; of Genoua as much, and a certain number of Luca. Cosmo sends 2000 Foot, on condition they should not go out of the Confines of the Milanese, and disburses besides pay for 400 Horse. From the Dukes of Parma and Ʋrbin was sent a third, Modena alone his excuse was admitted, either from his inability, or kindred, he having a Daughter of Car­lo's for his Daughter-in-law. Those of Luca gave liberty to the Spaniards to make Levies in their State, and the Genouese were ex­empted from their assistance, by the necessity of being vigilant for their own safety round about them, and by their known aversion to the Savoyards. Besides all this, many private men of the richest, having their private interests dis-joyned from the publick, furnished the King upon several conditions with some millions. So did Italy study to overcome it self by it self!

The Venetians, who in the long Peace had, for the honour and safety of the one, and the others Fortune, gathered together a great Treasure, had now in pay 12000 Italian Foot, divided into four Bodies; the Commanders of which were, Camillo Cauriolo, Giovan­ni Baptista Martinengo, Giacomo Giusti, and Antonio Savorgniano. Giovanni Baptista General of the Infantry being dead in a decre­pit age, they received into their service Pompeo Justiniani a Ge­nouese, who had made himself a name in the War of Flanders. To visit the places, and particularly Peschiera, to the end the Fortifica­tions [Page 45] might be reformed to the use of modern defence, they sent three Senators, Giovanni Garzoni, Nicholo Contarini, Benedetto Tagliapie­tra, who joyning with Lando, General, and Girolamo Cornaro, chief Commissary, upon hearing the opinions of the Chief of the Army, should resolve upon that which was judged fit. Hereupon they re­solved to levy 3000 Foot more, desiring they might be strangers, in regard Italy, degenerating by idleness, hath with liberty lost military vertue. Order was given to the Ambassadour Barbarigo to conclude a League with the two Cantons, Zurich and Bern, which consisted in promises from the Republick, to assist them with a sum of money, if they should be invaded; and for the Cantons, to permit the Levy of 4000 Foot of their Nation, whenever they should have occasion: in consideration whereof, it was agreed, that the two Cities should each receive a yearly pension of 5000 Ducats, conformable to the custom of the greater Potentates, from whom the Helvetians extract gold with their Valour and their Swords. The League notwith­standing was not yet published, because, to assure the passages in the Grisons Country, it was agreed, that Barbarigo should go thither with the Ambassadours of the two associated Cities. That people, who of their government make a mystery also of trade and gain, unmindful of the benefits received from the Common-wealth, of their own liberty, and of their obligation to open the passage to the Cantons, suffered themselves to be seduced by the Ministers of France and Spain to deny it.

Both the Crowns agreed therein, to the admiration of many; be­cause, if it served the Spaniards turn for the subjecting of Italy to shut up every passage whence it might have relief, it did as much disserve France, who by frustrating the union of the Republick with the Grisons, helping to introduce the Spaniards there, it was clearly evident, that they prevailing in cunning, power, and money, would quickly exclude the French themselves. Barbarigo could not over­come the opposition; therefore going on to his Ambassie for London, leaves in Zurich Christofero Suriano Secretary, resident in Helvetia. In the beginning of this year, the Governour of Milan appeared at the head of a flourishing Army of 30000 men. The Savoyard had not above 17000; but if in the one, the valour of the General was wanting, in the other the courage of the Duke supplied it. The Prince of Castiglione, by order of Matthias, who complained that he had been left out in the project of Peace, and that the judgment of the Dukes pretensions were deferred to others, sends to Carlo the intimation of the Imperial Ban. He imprisoning him that secret­ly put it into his hands amongst other papers, appeals, with many protestations of obedience, to the Emperour himself, who, without much ado, at the intercession of the Dukes of Saxony, from whom the House of Savoy boasts its Original, lets all things fall into silence and oblivion. The Duke himself, by means of the Venetians, re­news the project heretofore set on foot by Castiglione, of the reci­procal Marriages of Margaret, and Eleonora, with Ferdinand, and Vittorio, with equal Dowries, and with a certain Parcel of Mon­ferrat, [Page 46] which might regulate the Borders; but it behoving Ferdi­nand to depend too much upon the Spaniards, it served for nothing but to give time to Carlo, the better to justifie himself, and inveigh in discourse, by endeavours, and in print, against the Government of Spain. For this purpose served wonderfully certain Dispatches directed from Madrid to Inoiosa, which falling into the hands of Carlo, gave him means to publish the Orders they contained, to in­vade Piedmont without delay, before the friends of Carlo, and those that emulated the Crown, could be ready to relieve it. Upon this Intelligence, Carlo sollicites those far off, and stirs up those that were near. But many believing, that a bridle was more necessary than spurs to his fiery spirit, in place of assistance counselled him to incline to Peace.

James King of England, hiding the intern weakness of his King­dom under a great Cloak of Authority, and honouring his own quiet with the name of Studies and Learning, contributes nothing but his good offices, commending him to the Venetians, as a Prince animated with the ancient Genius, Valour, and Lustre of Italy; and for a better appearance, orders his Ambassadour at Venice to go and reside in Piedmont. The Hollanders forbid the Levies to the Count of Nassau, which Carlo desired, and in France some paid the penalty of having transgressed the Kings Orders, by going to serve him. Carlo, to justifie himself in that which was imputed to him, viz. that too immoderately he desired War, calling one day the Ministers of Princes, then with him, desires their advice to what conditions they would counsel him to condescend, protesting that bating Dignity, which was the Pupil of Principality, he was willing to any thing. The Ambassadours of England and Venice, applauding greatly his understanding of things, carried it to the Governour; but he find­ing himself not yet authorized, nothing could be done, but to ex­pect the resolutions from Spain, whither the Senate with serious Letters to the King himself ceased not to exhort earnestly to Peace.

At last the Spanish Ministers explain themselves; That at the in­tercession of so many Princes the King did graciously oversee all that humiliation, which he might pretend from the Duke; but did require, for the publick Peace, his disarming no less than the adjustment of the differences with Ferdinand. Upon which they declared themselves more fully to Monsieur de Sillery: That it was to be understood, that Carlo, retaining convenient Garrisons, should disband his Army, and the Emperour should be Judge of their pretensions of Monferrat; in the mean time, Hostility, and offences ceasing, the places possessed with the Prisoners should be restored. They promise moreover, so to dispose of their Army, that no Prince of Italy shall have cause to be jealous of it.

This being arrived at Turin, the Duke having always feared, that the Spaniards would have him disarm, the more easily to wound him, joyning to difficulty delays, denied to consent, that those that had followed his party, being Subjects of Ferdinand, should remain excluded from pardon, and that his own rights to Monferrat should [Page 47] be buried for ever in the wonted tediousness of the Imperial Court. With this he got so much time, that the Spring opened the field for the action of Armies. The events of the War had not hitherto been suitable to the power nor dignity of the Princes, imployed only in plundering, spoiling, and burning. The Spanish Chiefs in the mean time endeavoured to shew themselves in more becoming Atchieve­ments. The first occasion was given by the Inhabitants of Roccau­rano, who being weary of quartering some insolent French, called in the Spaniards to help to drive them away. The Marquess di Mortara, Governour of Alexandria, who was very much one of those who above all others kindled the fire, marched in great haste with 5 or 6000 men, in hope that getting into that Town through a place in the Walls, which lay open to take also Cortemiglia, and so to in­compass Piedmont on that side, he might have the opportunity to do it much mischief. But the Duke, who had a most vigilant eye to observe the first motions of the Spaniards, sends presently St. Giorgio into Cortemiglia, and himself going from Turin with 7000 men, meets Mortara in Bistagno, a place belonging to Monferrat, situated upon a height commanding a High way, which goes from the Sea into the Milanese. He attacques him there, and wanting his Cannon, which by reason of the speedy march was stayed behind, he thought with the Spade to make a breach. But the Spaniards, with Muskets and frequent Sallies killed some of the boldest in the Assault.

Inoiosa, at his wits end, to see the Dukes courage, and the dan­ger of the loss of those men, which was the flower of the Spanish Souldiery, hastes thither with a great Body; neither did the Duke stir, till he saw him camped, and then with excellent order retires in his sight without being molested. It was then generally reported, that the Spaniards, by not following the Duke inferiour in strength, lost a signal Victory. But they marched away to Asti, a City lying on the Frontier of the Territory of the Alexandrino, environed with several parcels of Monferrat, with a Campagnia round about it, in­closed with many little Hills of equal fertility and beauty. At the foot of these, the City stands upon a Plain; which afterwards pre­sently rises and terminates, where an old Castle stands above it, in­capable of fortification or defence. The Tanara, a little way from it, runs from the Southward, and the Versa a small River on the other side. The City being of a large circuit, and the Walls old, the Duke, who was got thither first, places the hope of the defence in keeping the Enemy far off, intrenching himself both on the Hills, and in the Plain. The Governour, to disturb Piedmont on all sides, leaving about Sandoval 6000 Foot, and 500 Horse, and by consent of Ferdinand, having placed Garrisons in St. Damiano and Ʋlpiano, Towns of Monferrat the first on the side of Asti, and the other just before Turin, found himself 24000 strong in view of the Duke. The other not more than 15000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, had intrenched them longst the Versa, and at the first appearing of the Spaniards ha­ving sent a gross of Cavalry towards them, they ingaged in a Skir­mish so hot, that the Governour found it necessary to imploy all [Page 48] his, when at last the Savoyard giving way to their number, Inoiosa had liberty to form his Camp. He designs afterwards, ascending the Hillocks, to get behind the Duke, and constrain him to aban­don the Plain, and to command the Town it self; for although Carlo had fortified some Posts, nevertheless the shortness of time had not permitted him to perfect them. The Prince of Ascoli then ta­king the Land of Castiglione, opens the way for that whole Army to march thither, and the Savoyards abandoning the Campagnia and the passages of the Rivers, betook themselves to their own defence, making choice of two principal Posts, the one committed to the French, the other to the Switzers, with some pieces of Cannon: These two Nations making betwixt them 10000 Souldiers. Against the first came the Spaniards in a well-designed order, and Pietro Sermi­ento, who led the Vantguard, attacqued them with great courage. The Cavalry of Savoy, who flanqued the Posts in a Plain a little below, attempted in full speed to stop them, but were repulsed by other Troops that interposed.

The Spaniards advanced booldly without losing their order, but where now and then the straitness of that way required it, or the Vollies of Muskets made them to open. But where the first were killed, or wounded, the second File taking their place, they gained the height, where they had not only liberty to put themselves again into order, but plant two pieces of Cannon, by which the French taking fright, turned their backs. Certain Troops of Horse, who endeavoured to rally them, and stop the Enemy, the place being steep and narrow, was the cause of greater confusion and disorder. Giovanni Bravo, which led the second Battaglion of the Spaniards, seeing the first master of the field, marches beyond it, and gives up­on the flanck of the second Post: neither was the resistance greater there; for the Switzers, some flinging away their Arms, others for­getting they had them, with their flight gave no occasion of fur­ther dispute. The Duke alone with equal skill both of a Prince, and a common Souldier, directing the fight, mingling himself where he apprehended disorder, and either staying where the danger was greatest, or flying thither whither need required, gave proof of great valour by animating the weary, rallying the faint-hearted, and reproaching the fugitives. But he found it fit at last to yield to the cowardise of his own men, and the number of his Enemy: not to lose all his Cannon, he caused two pieces to be flung off the Hill, and to be recovered in the night. Three others were brought into Alexandria in great triumph.

On the Savoyards side Francisco di Sylva, Brother of the Duke of Pastrana, was Prisoner, and dyed a while after at Turin of the wounds he had received. The common opinion now was, that to prosecute this Victory, and make Italy tremble, nothing was want­ing but Carlo at the Head of the Spanish Army, or the Spanish Army under the Colours of Carlo. But the Spaniards halting there, gave time to the Enemy, who weak and much in disorder, was retired into the Town to recruit their courage and strength, in such sort, [Page 49] that the one did not overcome, nor the other lose. The Gover­nour applies himself to fortifie a great Circumvallation, taking in Hills, and doubling Trenches and redoubts, to defend himself as if he had been the weakest, and in a condition ready to be over­come. The Duke keeping himself more close, runs forth a line notwithstanding, as if he would attacque the enemies Camp; and at last lays a Fort under their nose, notwithstanding many Skir­mishes, and other Feats of War. The Spaniards, as the more pro­voked and insulted, breaking ground, run a line with many Works towards the Fort; but the Savoyards having taken and fortified another Post of certain houses in the middle, turned another way. With Fire-batteries, but afar off, they play upon the City, and the Dukes Camp, who with 1800 men assaults the Quarter of Gamba­loina, burning their Parapet of Gabions, but were at last repul­sed. The Governour with his slackness made War to himself, and found the greatest to arise from the Situation and the Elements. Upon the Hills they suffered for want of water, and the filth of the Army causing sickness, men and beasts dyed. Lodging in the open Air, the heat, the nourishment, the unripe fruits corrupted health. The Camp was not to be distinguished from an Hospital or a Church­yard, so great was the number of the sick and dead. From whence, although the Army was re-inforced with the Troops left at Sando­val, and others come to them by Sea, it was nevertheless not half so strong as when it sate down before Asti.

Carlo, as to his Quarters, had greater commodity, but in other things was in no less difficulty, because his own Country being not able to supply the charges, he had so frequent experience of Muti­nies among the stranger Militia for want of pay, that oftentimes he could not distinguish whether they were a greater burden or assi­stance to him. In this state of affairs Rambogliet arrives at Asti, and the Spanish Cannon in honour of the Mediation suspended their Battery. But the Duke even in this precipice of Fortune practi­sing the arts of wit, interposed always the difficulties of requiring ho­nour and safety. Zeno, and the Ambassadour of England failed not to beset the Duke with many reasons, and he acknowledged, his happiness lay in peace; but added, that as Fortune obliged him to yield to the more powerful, so to expose himself to dangers, to obe­dience, and humiliation, were not the counsel of prudence, nor per­mitted by his Fortune. He insisted upon the Governours disarm­ing, or that the Republick might be the Warranty of the Peace: knowing in it to be stability of Government, and a faith not subject (as in the Pope, and in France) to the vicissitude of time, the mu­tation of Princes, and the corruption of Ministers. The Senate se­riously weighed of what importance that was, because great Princes not being to be constrained to performance but by the same faith with which they promise, if the Spaniards should profane theirs by reason of interest, the Republick put it self into great trouble.

Nevertheless the desire of Peace prevailing, they command Zeno to sign, and over and above to promise assistance to the Duke, [Page 50] when (others failing) France alone should concur in it. Such orders arrive very opportunely in Piedmont, because Rambogliet having a little before pressed the Duke in vain with threatnings and protests to consent to the Peace without any such caution, was ready to take his leave, commanding those of the Nation to follow him, and with much ado had yielded to a short suspension of his journey at the in­stance of the Ambassadours of England and Venice. But Zeno giving his word, the Duke, who had dextrously directed his counsels to such an end, threatned by one party, secured by another, and in­treated by all, under-writes the Treaty, which took its name from Asti. Carleton and Zeno deliver it to Rambogliet; he and the Bishop of Savona, the Nuntio succeeded to Savelli, carried it to the Governour of Milan, and being greedily received by him, he con­firms it with a Writing, which he put into the hands of the French. The Capitulation for disarming contained, that the Duke, except some Companies of Switzers, should within a month disband the Strangers, and of his Subjects should only keep on foot so many as sufficed for Garrisons. He gave his word not to offend the States of Mantua, and to refer his pretensions to the judgment of the Em­perour. On the other side Rambogliet promises for France, that the Subjects of Ferdinand, which had served Carlo, should, with the se­curity of their persons, be restored to the enjoyment of their estates; Prisoners and places to be reciprocally rendred: And for the Dukes security, France declares him to be in their protection to assist him with all their power, whensoever he should be molested by the Spa­niards; and Orders were consigned to him to oblige Dighieres to march to his assistance, without expecting other Commission from the Court. And because it was known, that some Levies were making by private persons out of Italy in favour of Carlo, he was obliged to communicate the peace to his friends, and stop all pro­ceedings; and on the other side it was agreed, that for six months the Spaniards should not require of him passage for Flanders. But con­cerning the manner of retiring, it was also agreed, that the Duke at the intreaty of Rambogliet withdrawing 1000 Foot out of Asti, the Governour should retire from the Hills to Croce bianca, and to Quarto, places belonging to the Jurisdiction of Asti; after which Carlo, leaving a convenient Garrison in the Town, should remove his Army further off, and then the Governour should return into the Milanese, where, as to number and time, he should so dispose of the Army, that neither to Savoy, or any other, there should remain any occasion of suspicion. In this manner the Duke seemed to have preserved his dignity and indemnity, and Italy applauded him, and most especially the Venetians, who with their Council had main­tained the Common Interest. By the Expedition, with which these first steps were accomplished, great hope was conceived, that all the rest would have been duely executed; whereupon the Venetians reform a great part of their Militia, and reduced the payment of Ca­sal to 1000 Souldiers, giving passage to the Duke of Mantua for 500 Germans, which, as an independent Militia, he thought fit to bring in there.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE.An. Dom. 1615 THE SECOND BOOK.

THE stormy blasts of Piedmont quieted by the pacifica­tion of Asti, a continued dissembled connivence of the Princes of Austria at the uncontroulable boldness of the Ʋscocchi, amassed in the minds of the Venetians a great heap of resentments and revenge. Some belie­ved, that the suffering and permission of the villanies of that most wicked people proceeded from the want of power in the Austrians; because it being necessary, for keeping them in order, to maintain a Garrison in Segna, the Archduke had not the means to defray the Charge. Others judged, that it was interest and profit to keep that Frontier of the Turks armed without charge, and besides to exercise a certain pretended Jurisdiction, though a thieving one, by Sea. Neither did there want that thought, that the Archduke was incouraged by the Spaniards, because, having discovered, by what had passed in the affairs of Savoy, the Republick to be jealous above all things of their own and others liberty, they took pleasure to entertain and distract her in and by so troublesom an exercise. This is certain, that if upon the continual complaints of the Vene­tians, the Emperour inclined to the remedy, those of the Archdukes side did always infeeble his earnest and interposed delays. In or­der to this, it fitly happened, that John Prainer, dispatched by the Emperour as Commissioner to punish the insolences, and find means that the Treaty of Vienna might be executed, was, when he came [Page 52] to Ferdinands Court, hindred from going forward, as if it were not seemly to yield, while in Arms, to Conditions, and during a Siege about those places of refuge, where the Ʋscocchi were freely recei­ved, where their booties were kept, and the spoils, together with the dignity and patience of the Commonwealth, were publickly ex­posed to sale. The Garrison in Fiume and other places were now increased with German Souldiers, who now and then assisted the enterprises of the Pirates with ingaging the Colours and name of the Austrian Princes, who authorizing their transgressions, rendred the enduring of them more difficult, and unworthy of the Venetians. In the beginning of the year one action did much exasperate mens minds, too much disturbed already. For Antonio Giorgio, who go­verned the Isle of Pago for the Venetians, seeing Scrisa just over a­gainst him, where was Carlopago, a little Fortress, but a nest of the most infamous amongst the Pirates, suffered himself to be deluded by a false Treaty to attempt its surprise, and with six Barks only, and a few Souldiers, without the General Veniero his knowledge, was by concerted signs drawn on; but no sooner disbarked, but being received and environed with an Ambuscade, left his life there with eighty others, part Souldiers, and part Inhabitants of Pago, whom he had brought along, as to a sure Victory. His own Standard, with anothers Colours, and one Bark, remained in the hands of the enemy.

This success was variously interpreted by both parties; but in effect both reckoned themselves offended, though amidst so many dissatisfactions there was occasion given for Treaty; for that the Lieutenant of Pisino by his Letters to some of the chief Venetian Mi­nisters, proposed an interview of Commissioners, but Giorgio Justi­niani, Ambassadour for the Republick at the Emperours Court, re­monstrated, That they were no more to treat about adjusting differences or confines, but the faith of the Princes. That the Treaty of Vienna was in force, concluded by the Imperialists, and executed by the Republick. That to gratifie Matthias, Prisoners were set loose, Guards removed; but on the other side, what was there practised but cruelty and rapine? That complaints had several times been made to the Emperour and Archduke of Islands laid waste, the Sea infested, whole Territories given to spoil, of Colours taken, Gallies surprised, Patricians killed, some intrapped by fraud, and others drawn in by treason. On the other side doth there appear any Forces garrisoned in Segna, according to the agreement? Whence have the Uscocchi been driven away, or where punished? Are their Barks burnt? Are the Confines, the Subjects Navigation, and the Sea free? It is not denied but that the Emperour commands, the Arch­duke dispatches Ministers; but let it be to execute the old agreements, and not to contest new ones. That the Republick, knowing common hap­piness to consist in Peace, was ready to forget what was past, but as much resolved not to endure loss and invasions for the future.

These reasons were admitted by the Emperours Ministers; but being opposed by the Archdukes with various delays, gave occasion for new accidents, which hastned open War. Lorenzo Veniero, Ge­neral [Page 53] of the Venetians, brought up from his youth in Sea-affairs, could not bear the memory of the Gally surprised, and the insult of Giorgio killed. He observed Novi to lye before him (a place of the Jurisdiction of Frangipani upon the Sea-coast, and situated high) defended by some of those Cannon, which being taken on the Gally aforesaid, were brought in thither by the Count Niccolo, now Go­vernour of Segna, in triumph and memory of the action. Resolved therefore to cancel that indignity, and to get them again by force, disimbarking men with Ladders and Petards surprised it by night. In the assault and fury of the Souldiers, all fell by the Sword who offered to resist. All things were given to spoil; but the Church-furniture and sacred Vessels, not spared in that military licence, were upon severe inquisition restored. The Town, with such Barks as then there, was burnt; the Salt-pans destroyed, the Governour made Prisoner, but above all the Cannon of the Gally were brought away.

They on the Archdukes side aggravated this success as a manifest provocation of War, forgetting, as is usual to them that do the wrong, the insults which the Venetians had suffered; who on the other side maintained, That they had no reason to respect the Walls and Dens of the Uscocchi, more than they had preserved the Towns, Waters, Ports, Confines, and Territories of the Republick, their Gallies and arm­ed Ships, which were their floating Fortresses. But Ferdinand not sa­tisfied with such reasons, sequesters the Revenues of the Subjects of the Commonwealth which lay in his Country, obliging the practice of the same towards those of Ferdinand. On the Borders of Istria they prosecute Hostility, both the Ʋscocchi alone, and often in con­junction with the Archdukes Souldiery; whereupon some going out of Pogdavia, made prey of the Cattel of those of Poppechio, who were not long without making themselves amends. A while after, about 800 Germans, Souldiers, and Natives, returned from attempting an Incursion of more moment. The Corsi, who guarded the Confines of the Republick, falling into their Rear, forced them to abandon their booty, and retire upon the Carso; whence going deeper into the Country, they spoiled Cernicale and Cremosich, Towns belong­ing to Benvenuto Petazzo, a turbulent Fellow, and who above all others troubled the Confines. The Ʋscocchi made an attempt upon Veglia, but were repulsed, and Felice Dobrovich scouring that River with armed Barks, destroyed and sunk many of theirs. It was now foreseen, that going thus on from irruptions to offences, it would quickly come to an open breach.

Some Princes therefore interposed themselves, and in particular Pope Paul, to Matthias, to the Republick, and to Ferdinand, contri­buted his incessant intreaties for Peace, complaining, that two of the principal powers of Christendom should fall to Wars, and kindle a fire on the Frontiers, and under the view of the Turks, who alone would enjoy the warmth and profit. His considerations to the Re­publick were; That having with so much wisdom quenched the War of Piedmont, they would with the like zeal for publick good, pass by offen­ces [Page 54] and revenge. To the Austrians he represented The blemish, that redounded to their splendour of their August name, from the protection of Piratical Thieves and Robbers. That the Uscocchi being now ren­dred the abomination of the World, they should give up to common re­venge that infamous sacrifice made fat with the goods and blood of so many men. The Austrians answered with excuses, and the Venetians insisted with reasons; That there remained after so long time no place for a longer patience, but that which was unworthy of Principality. That they had for many years past by the insolences of the Uscocchi, the com­plaints of their Subjects, and the threatnings of the Turks. From the many relapses they judged the remedy desperate; and what then was there more to be expected? It was fit at last to do right to themselves, and justice to their people, and to give protection to their Navigation. Proper defence is suggested from nature, from use, and from necessity. The burning of so many places were almost to be seen from the Capital City, and the crys of innumerable persons afflicted heard there: Instan­ces, prayers, complaints themselves had never had any effect. It was now in vain to propose Treaties, if those already concluded were not ful­filled. The Senate had been willing, not once, but many times, not to appear suspicious, to trust to promises; but it was not sit out of too much credulity, to let her self be any longer deluded. He was therefore to convert his offices to the Austrians, and with his paternal Authority require their observance of the things promised; for the conditions ac­corded, and the proceedings since, made it easily to be discerned, who it was that was against Peace.

At this instant of time happens to be proposed in the Imperial Court a suspension of Arms, and the Venetians accept it for two months; during which, the Ʋscocchi were to abstain from their courses, and to be removed from their maritime places. But the Archduke refuses the prescription of time; whereupon, by new in­tercession of Princes, the Senate gives consent, that there should be a cessation without limit, with promise nevertheless, that during the same, the mischiefs should be remedied, by cutting them up by the root, which could no otherwise be done, but by removing the Ʋscocchi. The Archduke then pretended, that the Guards before Segna and other places should be removed; but the Venetians, taught by former experience, would not without further security consent. Thus, while they differed in opinion about the Treaty, Hostility going on, and growing hotter, Petazzo, to repair his losses, attempts the Villages of Hospo, and Gobrovizza in Istria; but being repulsed by the Guards, spends all his spight against Benedetto da Legge, Pro­veditor in that Province, publishing him banished with a severe sentence. Legge proceeds against Petazzo in a way of justice, he having first practised the same thing. Then applying himself to more proper resentments, he burns the Town of St. Servolo, Prebe­nich, Poghdaria, and Polina. Thence going down to spoil the Salt­pits of Trieste (a thing heretofore for the Dominion of the Sea pra­ctised by the Republick in more quiet times;) with about 800 Soul­diers under Fabio Gallo, Colonel; provoked those of Triest to come [Page 55] forth first with some Horse and 300 Foot, which afterwards, strength­ned by Wolfango Frangipani, Earl of Tersaco, come in with a great number of Germans and Ʋscocchi, found themselves strong 20 Com­panies of Foot, and 300 Horse. The Venetians, who having some armed Barks on the shore, had put hand to the work, seeing the ene­my so much exceeding in number, resolved to retire, and putting their men into two Squadrons, take the way towards Muglia, which along the Sea is so narrow, that being assaulted by the Archduca­lians, the Rear led by Gallo himself, could receive no assistance from those in the Van; nevertheless withstood the Charge so long, till finding the passage a little too open, he was able to put himself in better order. But Gallo killed by a Musket-shot, his men fell into confusion, in such sort that the other Squadron, commanded by Legge, falling into the same, the field with 200 dead, many wound­ed and some Prisoners, was left to the enemy.

The Austrians, animated hereby, spoiled five Villages, and in the Territory of Monfalcon burnt seven, besides two plundered. Upon these successes Veniero, to give courage to the people with his pre­sence and Fleet, comes to the Istrian shore, puts a Garrison into Albona, Fianona, and other maritime places, and with eight Gallies attempts to take Moschenizza; but, the stone of which the Wall was made being Cannon-proof, and the season not permitting a longer stay, retires further off, after he had laid waste for 15 miles in length the appurtenances of Monte Major. A design, the Germans now had upon St. Vincenti, succeeded not, but the Venetians made spoil of Chersano, and then left it, not to be ingaged in the Siege of the Castle and the Church, which was fortified. The Venetians, from these little doings called to greater thoughts, and preparations, dispatched to the places most exposed their Lieutenants Extraordi­nary; and chose Pietro Barbarigo, Procurator, Commissary General of the Terra firma, and for General, Marco Loredano; with whom, for the better directing the affairs of the Army and War, they sent Paulo Aemilio Martinengo, giving Commission for 4000 Italians and some few Corsi. These preparations went not so fast forward, as invasions and offences did. The Senate knew, that their great ad­vantage consisted in prevention, and firmly believed, that from the Mediation of Princes, the clamour of Subjects, and the damage of his own Country, the Archduke would be induced to fulfil the Treaty of Vienna. But the event succeeded not so happily as the in­tention was prudent, by reason of the nature of War, which, contrary to a Labyrinth, admits not of a going out the same way you go in. And though now the season grew towards the end of the year, the Senate ordered Francisco Erizzo General of Palma, that sending forth some Forces under Pompeo Justiniano, he should possess those open places, which lay on this side the Lisonzo, and lodge them there to hinder the passage of the Archdukes people; who gave out they would build Forts, and over-run the Country to the Walls of Pal­ma. It is here necessary to describe that part of the Country, wherein, as in a Theatre, we shall presently see the War confined, [Page 56] which was made by puissant Forces, but ballanced; carried on a­midst many distractions and reservations with unequal success, but at last overcome by the Republick with Treaties more than Arms, and was followed with great jealousies.

Istria, a Peninsula of the Adriatick, confines with Croatia, where the Limits of the Austrians separate those of the Venetians from the Turks. The County of Pisino, subject to the Austrians, comes in be­twixt; and Trieste, which gives name to a little Bay or Gulph, faces upon the Sea. Beyond on this side are the Mountains of Carso, not steep, but rough and craggy, and may well be called one great stone; amidst these incompassed by the Sea and Lisonzo, lies in Friuli the Territory of Montfalcon, subject to the Venetians; but where those Hills terminate near to the River before mentioned, a large Plain extends it self to the Julian Alps, which in ancient times was fre­quently made the door to let in the Barbarians, and in these latter Ages the high way for the Turks.

Goritia, which gives the name to a County, is situate in this Plain, leaning to a Hillock, which in its ascent leads to the top of the Castle. It is defended by a strong Tower, there is a Bridge there over the Lisonzo, beyond which the Campagnia extends it self with many Towns upon some little Hills. Five miles lower upon the right shore of the River, lies Gradisca built upon a Rock, of the form of an oblong square, with a good Castle, and heretofore garri­soned by the Venetians against the Incursions of the Turks. It hath beyond the Lisonzo the Mountains of Carso, directly opposite, and on this side many Towns environ it, as Lucinis, Cormons, Medea, Fara, Romans, and other places of less moment; which nevertheless in the progress of the War will become so many Ports, and so many Forts, which will consume Armies and Souldiers.

Towards the Mountains, out of which riseth the Lisonzo, the Country is straitned with certain narrow Vallies bordering on Car­niola, and other Provinces of the Austrians, who towards the Sea command certain Villages, and in Maranuto, Castel Porpeto and Aquileia, though of these there remains nothing but the ruines and the name, kept Souldiers. In those parts on this side the Lisonzo, the Venetians made their Invasion, nor was it difficult to possess every place; for except Medea, which they got with approaches and Trenches, though it was in vain to resist, every one yielded at the first appearance. The Garrisons without much ado quit the Tower of Aquilea, Castel Porpeto, and Maranuto, which were demolished. On the other side of the Lisonzo, Eliseo Pierantoni and Hugo Crutta, for a diversion, marched out of Monfalcon, and took in Sagra, then left it: and Pom­peo Justiniano did the same with Lucinis, which was afterward much repented; for had it been kept, it might have served to get the Bridge, and the Tower upon the Lisonzo, and by them to have straitned Gradisca from succours; and passing to the other side of the River, which was so many times after attempted in vain, might not only have shut up Goritia on all sides, but taken it also, being open and exposed; as was the counsel of Marc Antonio Manzano. But [Page 57] the Orders of the Senate containing only to lodge in the Archdukes Country in Campagnia, without attacquing places, as not willing to divide into so many parts their men, which consisted for the most part of Trained-bands, Justiniano took up his Quarters in the Towns of Meriano and Cormons. The Austrians, in disorder at the ap­pearance of the Venetian Colours, applied themselves with all speed to a vigorous defence. Gradisca was fortified by Ricchardo Stra­soldo, its Governour. The Count of Tersaco puts himself into Go­ritia, and the Baron Adam de Trautmanstorf arriving soon after with Title of Ferdinands General, ordered Repairs and Garrisons for both those places, fortifying Rubia, St. Floriano, Vipulzano, and Dobra on this and that side of the Lisonzo.

This first Rumour of War being spread abroad, sad judgments were made of it, and the Princes discovered in themselves thoughts and reflections of no less. The Duke of Savoy offers the Senate himself, his Sons, his States, and his Army; and others were not wanting to animate to greater designs. In orders to which, the English Ambassadour being returned from Turin to Venice, exhort­ing the Republick to reflect upon the state of things, while the Crowns of France and Spain linked together by Marriages, did con­spire at present in the same Maxims to divide betwixt them, what with Negotiations, what with Arms, the Arbitrement of Italy and the world, offered a League with his King; who, though separated by situation, yet never by authority and prudence to the common Interest, might with the moveable Bridge of his Fleet upon the vast Ocean, joyn England to Italy. He remonstrated the association of the Northern Princes against the vast designs of the House of Au­stria; and considering that those friendships were never remote, which were made upon the ground of common Concern, he be­sought the Republick to joyn their reputation and wisdom to that League, assuring them they should find a candid heart and warm spirits amongst those people, who are thought to have Sea and Dark­ness for their Element and Climate.

The Senate, with many wary and respectful answers, entertains and cherishes these good dispositions; but in their moderate coun­sels, did not consent to conjoyn their Interests with those of Princes so far remote. As to the affairs of Italy, in a belief, that the Peace of Asti was secure, Rambogliet had taken his leave of Piedmont; but was no sooner gone, but the Duke of Mantua denying to have gi­ven his consent to the oblivion, proceeded to execution against the Rebels. The Venetians, interposing themselves, obtain, that suspend­ing any further act, he should yield that to their intreaties, which they perceived for decency he would not yield to authority.

Carlo, as to the point of disarming, proceeds with great caution: because he had a mind to hear the judgment of Spain concerning the Treaty of Asti; and although he had discharged those of the Vallies and the French, yet he had with them recruited some Com­panies of Savoyards, and delayed to discharge the Swizzers, upon a difficulty risen about the accounts of their pay, and because the [Page 58] Governour of Milan had denied them passage. These on the other side set at liberty no Prisoners, nor were the places possessed reci­procally rendred, the Duke himself not caring to be thought advan­taged by the acquisition of some far Fiefs. The truth was, that at Madrid, upon the advice of the Peace, there was observed a long and severe silence both in the King and his Ministers, but discour­ses were universally published so much the more licencious against Mendoza, thought a man equally weak in the management of Civil and Military affairs. It was nevertheless evident to those of the best Judgment, that the facility contributed by him, proceeded from secret orders from the Duke of Lerma, to the end the Marriages with France might be accomplished without disturbances; after which, and the exchange of the Brides, a change of Councils pre­sently appeared. Spain in that business did certainly keep con­cealed one great Stratagem of their Secrets; and had therefore of­fered to the Court of France all assistance against whomsoever should disturb her; because the States of that Kingdom having for a shew been called and separated with good words only, and the Commit­tees to whom the reformation of abuses were committed done nothing, the male-contents had again united themselves to the Prince of Conde, and endeavoured to stir up the Hugonots.

The Queen, that for her own interest was resolved, the Marri­ages, whatever came of it, should be accomplished, sending the Ma­reshal de Boisdauphin with an Army into Champagne to oppose the united Princes, and giving the Command of another to the Duke of Guise to be her Convoy on the Journey, parts from Paris with her Sons; and arrives in October upon the Confines of Spain, whither King Philip was come also. The Kingdoms shewing equal magni­ficence, each giving and receiving the Brides, it looked neverthe­less as if France only were to change Interest. The little River Vi­dasso, which separates the two Kingdoms, joyns together at present the Spouses, and nothing was wanting of that, which from ambition and luxury could be added to the greatness of the Princes. At the same instant of time, the two Princesses in Boats loosing from the respective shores, and it being observed, that in the Spanish Boat there was a Globe, representing the World, placed under the Crown and Trophies of Arms, the French would have it put out, presaging, as time, the ordinary Judge of Events, hath since made appear, that from this Marriage, in which the Spaniards placed the strongest foundation of the universal Monarchy, is seasonably sprung up that contention, which more than ever hath opposed it. The Queen-Mother receiving her Daughter-in-law at Bourdeaux, the Marriage being not consummate, by reason of her tender age, brings her to Paris.

The united Princes, notwithstanding the opposition of Boisdau­phin, had passed the Loire; but Conde being fallen sick in Poictiers, the rest were easily perswaded to hearken to Propositions, which the English Ambassadour and the Duke of Nevers made for an a­greement; whereupon the Treaty was concluded in Londun, the [Page 59] Princes and others of their party, according to custom, rewarded,An. Dom. 1616 who for their own profit easily gave over the pretext of their Arms. But the Spouses were no sooner exchanged in France, but the Coun­cils in Spain began to inveigh against the Capitulation of Asti, be­cause it was out of the way of the Dignity of that Crown, and the usual Arts of its Ministers. Above all others, no man declaimed so much against it as Pietro di Toledo Marquess de Villa Franca, a Mini­ster, who with bold and vehement counsels upheld the credit of those that shewed themselves zealous against it. He was allied in blood to the Duke of Mantua, and shewed himself so much the more averse to that of Savoy, and emulating Inoiosa. From his judgment there­fore and from his inclinations he appeared fit for the Government of Milan, and was thereto chosen with this clear argument, that he was not a fit Minister for Peace, who was the publick Author of Coun­cils for War. A forerunning order, for shew at least, was dispatched to Inoiosa, that the Duke having disarmed, he also should license stranger Souldiers; whereupon Claudio Marini, Resident of France at Turin, bringing an attest to the Governour, that there remained nothing to be desired on Carlo's part to fulfil the agreement, he dis­charging only the Auxiliaries of the Italian Princes, begins to re­form the rest. But behold Toledo, unlooked for, now arrives with a great supply of money, and Inoiosa not able to bear the sight of him, because as one that envied him, he came in word and deed to discredit the past Government, takes his Journey for Spain, where the Governours of Milan having been accustomed to arrive with applause, for having increased authority and enlarged advantages, he being accused to have given occasion for discredit, by having managed the Army weakly, and the Treasure with little fidelity, was subjected to censure; in which being protected by the favour of Lerma, the Judges differing in their opinions, the King assuming the cause to himself, absolves him. Toledo now in Milan, giving no credit to the disarming of the Duke, excluding Marini from nego­tiating, and declaring no more to acknowledge him for a Minister of the Crown of France, laying aside the reformation of the Mili­tia, applies himself presently to the raising of new Forces.

ANNO MDCXVI.

In the very end of the year past, Marco Anthonio Memo, Duke of Venice, dying, Giovanni Bembo gave happy presages to the Com­monwealth, being taken up from the Procuratorship of St. Marco into the highest dignity, after having gone through considerable Imployments, and the Command of the Sea; a person of much ver­tue and a decrepit age, as is usual in the Government, in which men rise to the height by long steps of merit, and not by the favo­rable wings of Fortune. The Venetians, in the beginning of this currant year, acquainting the Princes with the motion of their Arms, and informing them of the necessity of making use of them, added also their intentions to be as much distant from the desire of [Page 60] Conquests, or the enlarging their State, as they should be inclined to Peace, when the causes of so many calamities being removed, the Treaty of Vienna should be put in practice; the Ʋscocchi should be sent far from the Sea, that is, they which imploy themselves in Piracy, and under three distinct names of Adventurers, Hirelings, and Outlawed, formed but one Colluvies of people; who without other profession but thieving, had wickedness for their trade. The Archduke on his part failed not to represent to the Courts his sense and complaints of being invaded in his own Country; which were variously hearkned to, according to the diversity of interests and dispositions. The Pope and France declared themselves to imploy their offices for Peace with equal zeal and affection. In Spain the Ministers at first seemed in suspence, yet offered their interposition; and Toledo contented perhaps that the War should go on, declared publickly in Milan, that the Venetians had reason to seek just repa­rations; but soon after, seeking War more than the cause, they changed their mind. Although some discourses, to give jealousie to the Venetians, were scattered abroad of Ferdinands nearest Kind­red, the Emperor and Maximilian Archduke of Insbruch: yet neither of them departed from Neutrality; and the Grand Duke of Tuscany went no further than intreaties for the Peace and good Offices.

The Venetians appointing Ottavian Bono for Ambassadour Extra­ordinary in France, caused Vincenzo Gussoni, who had served in that Court for Ordinary, to take his way to the Rhine, to improve the affections of those Princes of Germany, which called themselves of the Union, to the end to oppose them to the Emperour, if he should take part in the Interests of his Cousin with Arms, and in the mean time inform them of the whole affair, and of their reasons not at all separated from sincere desires of Peace; which produced such an effect, that the Duke of Wittemberg, Head of it, offered to send an Ambassadour to Vienna to mediate the Peace, and the Elector Palatine moved Matthias with Letters very effectual. But with Fer­dinand the Negotiation proceeded not with a pace equal to the common desire; for that Matthias solliciting him for a suspension of Arms, accepted by the Venetians, he offended at the Invasion of his Country, sends Ecchemberg to the Emperour, to offer him conside­rations, how great the resentment ought to be after such offences; and in case it should be thought necessary to admit of a Truce, he yet understood that the places taken should be first restored. On the other side, the Venetians scorned such an extravagant Proposi­tion, which seemed absurd to all, even to Toledo himself, the execu­tion never preceding the Agreement. They notwithstanding offer­ed, in case the Treaty of Vienna were accomplished within two months, to render all. An offer, which being not only approved, but commended by the Emperours Ministers, was notwithstanding rejected by those of the Archduke, to the great advantage of the Venetians; because not liking that cause which condemned it self, the Emperour angry at the Archdukes backwardness, did for ever deny him those assistances, which he thought were due to the common [Page 61] interest of the Family, and which he sollicited with great earnest, and reproach sometimes to the Favourite as long as any Hostility remained.

Thus the War from Injuries goes on to Treaties of Accommoda­tion, and now at last to new Ingagements, contrary perhaps to the belief of those themselves that were ingaged in it. Now, to say truth, were the preparations proportionable to the motions in several parts; for the Venetians in particular having, in hopes of Peace in Piedmont, disbanded a good number of their Militia, found their Army not sufficient for their necessity. Therefore till men could be raised, they sent into Friuli the Militia of the Territories thereabouts; and from the Archdukes side, notwithstanding the snow, Troops came down from the Mountains. Those of Trieste with thirty Barks ha­stily got together, attempted to make some disturbance, but were quickly by Giovanni Giacomo Zane, who succeeded in Dalmatia in­to the Generalship of Veniero, with certain Gallies repulsed. Those of the Archduke over-running the Territory of Pola, were also driven back. At the same time, in the Country of Montfalcon, the Count Fer­dinand Scotto put to flight 500 men, which attempting to plunder it, he obliged to leave their booty. To enlarge the way for the sup­ply of Provisions, Francisco Justiniano had a mind to attempt Vipol­zano; but his party being but small, and those that defended it more numerous, he retired without doing any thing. Daniello Anthonino with 300 Horse, stops a Party of the Enemy near Dobra, which ran up and down the Country, and had wholly defeated them, if he had had foot with him to have forced a strong house into which they retired; but a little while after, he meets in a more open Cam­pagnia Daniel Francol of Trieste, one of the principal troublers of Istria, who being come out of Gradisca with 300 Musquetiers, was so beset, that after a brave defence, himself, together with the ma­jor part of his men, were killed. The General Barberigo, at his co­ming into Friuli, resolves by means of a Ford over the Lisonzo to possess Chiavoretto, where near to its Fountain the River is con­strained betwixt the Hills. But Hettore Savorgnano, who had the Command to attempt it, understanding by the way, more from re­port than truth, that it was too well provided, returns without ef­fecting other than that the Archdukes people, comprehending the design and importance of the Post, put a stronger Garrison into it. Trautmanstorf, having in this interim strengthened himself, plants a Fort betwixt Goritia and Gradisca, to assure the communication of those two places; after that, raises another on the other side of the Lisonzo, called the Trinity, upon the Hills of Lucinis; obliging the Venetians to oppose one at Medea, and to contract their Quarters.

To second the designs in Friuli, the General Loredano marching into Istria with 2300 Foot, 150 Horse, and two pieces of Cannon, took Antignano, a great Town in the County of Pisino, and left it garrisoned. By Sea Giovanni Giacomo Zane coming to Mosche­nizza, takes it after two days resistance, and afterwards Barzech by assault. But in Friuli Pompeo Justianiano, made Maestro di Campo [Page 62] General, offers himself to besiege Gradisca as a thing of no difficul­ty, designing with Trenches and approaches to enter into the Ditch, and afterwards with Batteries and Mines to bring it to sur­render, notwithstanding that by means of the Hills of Carlo, which were directly opposite on the other side of the River, there was an open passage for relief; and that being situate upon a Rock, there was not much hurt or loss to be feared from the Cannon or the Spade.

It being resolved with better hope than counsel to attempt it, about the midst of February with 2000 Foot and 500 Horse he takes in Fara, which on the upper side lies upon the Lisonzo, betwixt Li­cinis and Gradisca. He soon after abandons it to amuse the Enemy with the uncertainty of his designs; but having viewed the place, returns unexpectedly thither with the whole Body, and intrenching himself, fortifies the chief Quarter which hindred relief to the Town by the River. The rest of the line, but that very large, was drawn on this side the River from Cormons, Medea, and Meriano with Guards of Horse between. The Army lying at large and about many Posts, consisted of 12000 men, of which all could not be called Souldiers, in an age, in which men were rather bought than chosen, and at a time when the Venetians were enough unprovided of a stranger Militia. There was within the Town, besides Stra­soldo, the Governour Giovanni Perino a Walloon, with a Garri­son of 1200 men. They seeming to make little account of this at­tacque, suffered the Venetians to carry on their approaches with­out disturbance. Only Trautmanstorf with the Horse frequently mo­lested the Camp; but the Skirmishes went on with equal success, without contributing the least to the issue of the business, and with­out other reflection but to have been the cause of the death, by a Cannon-bullet, of Daniello Anthonini, a valiant Souldier. To the common sorrow for this accident the Senate adds testimonies of ho­nour to his Brothers; and to encourage Posterity, caused an honou­rable Monument to be set up for him in the Cathedral of Ʋdine. Some Works being finished, four Batteries with 24 pieces of Can­non on them were raised in the Camp, some playing upon the Port filled with earth, and the Bastions, others ruining the houses. Some of the Enemies Cannon were dismounted, and a Cavalier or Catt beat down. Howsoever the effect of the Cannon imitating a Thun­derbolt, which with a great rumbling for the most part doth little hurt, was not answerable to the noise. A Half-moon defended the Wall, and the Venetians entring into the Ditch, tryed to mine it; but the stone being hard, whilst they were labouring to pierce into it below, those within had time to cut off a place of retreat above; but seeing themselves straightned, they at last make a Sally at break of the day with three Troops, one at the head of the approaches, the other upon the flanks, and forcing away, the first Guards, which negligently kept that Work, they enter the Trenches. Justiniano was seasonably present; but disturbed at the fright of his own, and the boldness of the Enemy, and being put hard to it be­twixt [Page 63] those that abandoned him, and those that pursued him, hardly escaped from being taken. But getting at last into a Fort that was near, the Enemy stopped not but at the first redoute at the Battery, where Lelio Martinengo was with his Regiment, with which giving courage to the run-aways, and with the Cannon, the Enemy being put to a stand, he forces them to retire. Four Companies of the Venetians were defeated; two Captains were killed, and one made Prisoner. A relief of some Corsi arrived at this time from Fara, and supplied their place in the Trenches, which the Enemy might in that disorder easily have slighted, and filled up the Mine, if they had not alone made it their business to pursue those that fled from them. The Besiegers, to retain their credit, attempted to storm it. Oratio Baglione, who commanded the first Squadron, made a brave assault, and forced the Enemy to betake themselves to their cutting off; but being hurt in the face with a stone, and many of his men killed about him, and Francisco Justiniano for private grudge not seconding him, as it was his charge to do, he was constrained to retire. At last springing the Mine, eight French Souldiers, hired by reward, hazarded themselves at the head of some others to climb the breach, which was wide enough. But three running away before they came to grapple, and the five not being seconded by a Troop which should have followed them, two of them were killed, one taken Prisoner, and the other, after having been in the breach, retired.

Justiniano seeing that neither Courage nor Fortune favoured the enterprises, getting together a good number of Pioneers, endea­vours to straighten the Town more nearly, and to change the place of the attacque. Upon the first report of the Siege of Gradisca, the Archduke Ferdinand trys more than ever to stir up the Emperour to assist him; but he refusing to depart from mediation, did no­thing but nominate two Commissaries in Italy, which were Cosmo Grand Duke of Tuscany, and Ferdinand Duke of Mantua, to the end they might procure an adjustment of Peace; but they imployed no­thing else in it but some offices and the name. The Spanish Ministers taking for a pretext that their King was allied to the Archduke, thought the Conjuncture very fit for their design to promote their greatness in Italy, that the Republick should be imployed elsewhere; and therefore declared in Madrid, that they could do no less than assist Ferdinand; and the Governour of Milan sending the Marquess Andrea Manriquez di Lara to Venice, he pressed, that to make way for a Treaty, the Siege might be removed from Gradisca, his King promising to interpose with Ferdinand for a suspension of Arms, and offering that the Town should remain in the present state, without repairing or bettering any thing. This office was not free from jealousie, because at that very time Gamboloita lodging in Giara upon the Adda, environed the Territory of Crema; and there being 24 pieces of Cannon mounted in Pavia, it was given out, that 8000 Souldiers under the Command of Zanchio Luna, Castillan of Milan should move towards the Confines of the Republick. The Re­publick [Page 64] kept the Frontier on that side well provided; however the Army in Friuli, by such a diversion, remained much weakned, and by the Ingagement of the Army it self, the Frontier was much ex­posed.

The Popes Nuntio and other Ministers of the Princes interceded with the Republick, if not for a Treaty, at least by connivence for a forbearance of Hostility; whereupon the Senate, considering the instances of so many, the difficulty of what they had undertaken, and the distractions in Lombardy, answered in the same sense to all, That remembring the past provocations, the injuries long suffered, and last of all their declared inclination to Peace; for a greater proof of it they were contented to slacken the Siege, and withdraw the Batteries, to give time to them, the Mediators, that imploying their affectionate offices to the Archduke, he might be induced to take away the causes of those re­sentments, which depended wholly upon the Uscocchi.

Manriquez with this returns to Milan, and the Venetians withdraw from the Posts nearest to Gradisca, retiring with the gross to Meri [...] ­no; after forty four days attacque, and twenty five of Battery. The Negotiation upon these terms seemed in a fair way: but it was not long before it changed its aspect, the Pope making a Proposition, that the places possessed should be deposited; a thing no ways plea­sing to the Venetians; because, besides the doubt of relapsing into the former slackness, and delays, it seemed no easie matter to make choice of one, into whose hands to deposite them, while the Pope being very aged, could not dispose of the will of his Successors, who for the most bring along with them new affections and interests. The Emperour and Spaniards were too near allied to one of the parties, and suspected by the other, the lesser Princes falling not under consideration, as wanting power and credit, to maintain rea­son and right against force. Manriquez then arriving a second time at Venice, the Negotiation is made more difficult than before; be­cause perswading himself to obtain every thing with the same faci­lity, he proposes, That Ferdinand giving his word to Toledo, that the Commanders and most mischievous of the Uscocchi should certain­ly be removed, the Republick should presently restore what they possessed in Friuli and Istria, after which Don Ferdinand should execute the foresaid remove, and the differences be adjusted within a term limited. The Venetians highly offended, made this complaint, That the con­ditions were by the Governour made worse, in place of better, which they expected, in proportion to the respect they had shewed to his offices, and that he pretended to perswade them to a restitution upon the uncer­tainty of that which might afterwards be agreed on, the apparent ba­nishment of some few not sufficing to take away the encouragement from so great a number of such mischievous Villains.

Manriquez hereupon returning without satisfaction to Milan, leaves the Ambassadour la Queva to pursue his instances, and he continues them with such urgency, and withal insolence, ascribing the withdrawing the Siege to the difficulty alone of the enterprise, that the Senate offended at it, openly rejected his importunities. In [Page 65] the Emperours Court things were treated more calmly; because the Archduke thinking it best to endeavour to adjust an agreement without speaking of a cessation of Arms, the Ambassadour of Tus­cany proposed, That to reconcile the diffidence of the Parties, and the punctilio, the restitution of places possessed on the one side, and the exe­cution of the promises on the other should be practised piece by piece al­ternatively, so that one Article should be the defence of the other; A Proposition which then came to nothing, but was the foundation af­terwards of the Peace, though with some protraction of time; for it was necessary that it should be ripened under another Climate more remote. The Republick in this manner tossed to and fro with Hostility, with Jealousies, and with Treaties, the Duke of Savoy was not much more quiet, but being hurried about amidst no less suspicions, it happened, that his interests were interwoven with those of the Republick; nay in such sort ingrafted, as may be said that the cause became common, and therefore the Narrative with equal exactness ought not to be omitted.

Carlo covering with a profound dissimulation the jealousie he had of Toledo, sends at his arrival in Milan the Seignor de Parela, not so much to complement him, as to penetrate his intentions, and insi­nuate to him the conveniencies in fulfilling the Treaty of Asti, with restitutions and disarming. If the Governour was new in his Office, he shewed himself also a very Novice in the discourse of Treaties and Peace, and so clearly expresses himself; That he knew not to what a powerful King could be obliged: That he was bound to no Law or Contract, but his own moderation and clemency. And if Carlo would make tryal of it, and cast himself upon his favour and Royal arbitre­ment, he should experience that the bounty of a great Prince is the only restraint of his power. As to the disarming he declares, That the Re­putation of the King, the State of Italy, the Motions of the Venetians, and the Concernments of Ferdinand did not permit it. From such an answer was clearly understood the sum of Toledo's instructions to consist in breaking the Treaty of Asti, to re-establish either by Arms or Treaty the pre-eminency of that Crown in Italy. The Duke neverthess upon his perswasions is reduced to write into Spain, and make some kind of excuse for the things past, and press for the ful­filling of that Treaty; but at the same time came Orders to the Governour of Milan to press the Duke to ask pardon, to refer him­self concerning the Capitulation to the Royal Favour, and that Maurice the Cardinal his Son should go to the Court of Spain.

All this being a bitter Pill for Carlo to swallow, Toledo sweetens it with an offer to give him assistance to recover Geneva, and reclaim that City from disobedience to their Prince, and their Apostasie from the Faith. This did not at all satisfie the wary and wise dispo­sition of the Duke, and so much the less for having towards the end of the past year discovered some practices of the Government a­gainst his own person, and came daily more and more to know, that the eldest Prince his Son had been tempted by the Spaniards to so­licite the Succession, though he that retained towards his Father an [Page 66] affection equal to veneration resisted all their suggestions. There was a Treaty in Zuccarello to deliver that place to the Spaniards, which came to be discovered, and the flight of the Colonel Allardi Provencal, who passed from the Service of the Duke to that of the Governour of Milan, confirmed it. He gives out that the Savoyards held Intelligence in several places of the Milanese, and particularly in Pavia. But the Duke denied every thing, bitterly complaining that Toledo should lay Plots to intrap him, corrupted the Governors of his places, received his Rebels, and debauched his Souldiers.

Preparations for War were now strongly carried on, and the Agent of France being gone to Milan to endeavour means to bring the Treaty to effect, Toledo inveighing against the Duke, sollicited France to force Carlo to lay down Arms, promising that when by the restitutions he should have shewn the respect due, Spain should leave nothing to be desired from its just Greatness; declaring ne­vertheless, that the present Arms tending to the relief of the Archduke, and to bring the Venetians to a Peace, were to be reputed out of this case, and the obligation of laying them down. But Carlo sustained, that by the Treaty not only himself, but all Italy ought to be freed from the Jealousie of his Arms, and offered the restitu­tions whensoever Toledo should first disarm. These then were the steps to a new War in Piedmont; and Carlo, informing the Princes, especially those which were Protectors of the Treaty of Asti, repre­sented the opposition of the Governour, and with his own suspici­ons the common dangers. The Pope, to prevent the impendent mischieves, appoints for Nuntio Extraordinary Alessandro Lodovisio, Archbishop of Bologna.

The King of England presses anew, that the Republick and the Duke would enter into the Northern League; but they, thinking it not an adequate remedy for the diseases of Italy, King James applies himself to the ways of procuring Peace. For the same purpose ar­rives from France Monsieur de Bethune Ambassadour in Italy, and under-hand proposes a Marriage betwixt Christina the Kings Sister, and Vittorio Prince of Piedmont: But Carlo receives it with a kind of distrust, as if it aimed at disarming and amusing him. France, to say truth, was not now in a condition to give the Duke that assi­stance of Arms which he earnestly required; for, d'Ancre govern­ing all by private Counsellors, grounding himself upon the Marriages contracted with Spain, and the impressions he received from that Crown, had perswaded the Queen to imprison the Prince of Conde; upon which many withdrew from Court, complaining, that promises and treaties served but to insnare and make ridiculous the unwary. So that the Duke of Savoy had little more hope of assistance left than of the Venetians, who by the Jealousie they received from To­ledo, and for the Declarations of the King in favour of the Arch­duke, were very much perplexed.

The Ambassadour Scaglia then coming into the Senate, relates the series of the former Negotiations, the endeavours of Carlo, the answers of the Governour, his actions, the designs justly giving Jea­lousie [Page 67] to all, but to the Republick and the Duke chiefly mischie­vous, then adds: It is known how much Carlo, a generous and mag­nanimous Prince, in his consent to the Peace, hath considered the satisfa­ction of the Princes Mediators, and particularly of this Republick, on whose word and warrant, and none other, he was willing to let his Arms fall out of his hand. And now I beseech you, what is the state of Af­fairs? Treaties, the just Rules of Friendship, are converted into the treacherous snares of interest. Heretofore we fought armed; but now under the fraudulent name of Peace we find our selves little better than without Arms, environed by a most powerful King, exposed to dangers. It is uncertain how far the Spaniards will extend the greatness of their power and arbitrage. If enlarging Dominion be their design, no other mans state is more secure than that of Piedmont. True it is, that my Prince stands the first exposed, and although he be strengthened with his own generosity, and animated by the hopes of friends, yet he hath re­course, as to the inviolable Sanctuary of Faith, to your assistances. He supposes them because of the treaties, the promises, and your friendship; I may say, of your own interest: but let that be left to be weighed in the scales alone of your greatest prudence. 'Tis certain, that common and greater troubles are at hand. Toledo either imposes disarming, or threatens War. Betwixt two great, and little less than equal, dangers, the Duke must either lose himself in the one, or hazard himself in the other. Betwixt War and Servitude there is no middle security. But to lose generously the State, is a courting of Fortune; to stand the shock of death, is to yield a little before-hand to the right of Nature; but to make himself a Slave, what will it be else but to subscribe to the perpe­tual reproaches of Fame, and to the contempt of Posterity. Hitherto the Duke hath made resistance: he hath done himself right, and repaid in­juries. Mendoza's provocations have not gone scot-free; and now To­ledo would overcome him with treaties, promises, and threatnings. But Carlo supported by your constant friendship, will equally despise their flatteries and their frights. It properly belongs to your greatness and wisdom to blunt the edge of that injury which is offered to the Word and Honour of Princes, and to resist that pride, which thinks it self of no authority, if not feared. Does Philip possibly forget the so many King­doms which he enjoys, largely scattered in all the parts of the world? Do not the States of Italy suffice, which heretofore made several Princes great? If Piedmont be not added to it, Monarchy, it seems they con­clude, will fall to the ground, without glory, discredited and neglected. It is, O Fathers too true, that ambition hath placed the Centre, and from thence it seems they draw the circumference. The Conquest of Piedmont is but a step of ascent to the Monarchy of Europe; the States, the Treasures, Liberty, Dignity this very Capital City, which is the representative of the felicity and beauty of Italy, is destinated in their hopes to spoil, to fire, and to slavery. Now at length they thrust themselves into your rights, they assume the interests, they divert resentments and just revenge, and under the specious title of assisting the weaker, they aim at nothing but establishing Authority and Power. What more re­mains there in Italy free and beautiful, when the glory of this Republick, [Page 68] and the generosity of my Prince shall be laid low. Let those dangers, and the foreboding of them be far from us. O Senators, let us joyn here, that we may not fear their threatnings, nor experience the loss of our Arms; and if we shall be necessitated to make use of them, the la­bour will be gloriously crowned by our constancy. Carlo is displeased to be a burden before he can be of service to you; but he has heretofore offered you all he hath, and now he makes a present of his very will to you. Direct his Arms by your counsels, who therein will be your faithful friend, and an inseparable follower in this cause, in which not glory only, but common safety is in question.

Scaglia by this discourse aimed to incite mens minds to those two affections, which in Republicks, composed of many, are powerful enough; the one relating to private men, the other to Princes, that is, scorn and suspicion. But Carlo at Turin to the Ambassadour An­thonio Donato used with great art incitements yet more moving; for discoursing things more narrowly with themselves, and of the means of defence, he represented his state, wasted with the late Wars, incapable to withstand the burden for the time to come, leaving him to comprehend, that the Common-wealth not stepping in with effectual assistance, he should be forced by necessity to some kind of agreement, though disadvantagious, in which case the whole power of the Arms of Spain, besides that of the Archdukes might fall upon them alone. The Senate being obliged to deliberate upon so weighty a matter, it was the opinion of some, that so many other Princes, equally Trustees for the Peace of Asti, standing Spectators, or at least interposing nothing but desires and endeavours, the Re­publick alone ought neither to espouse so great a quarrel against so potent a King; Saying, That Wars were the Crisis, and most dan­gerous sickness of States, subject to chance, to accidents, and the uncer­tainty of the remedies themselves. If the Republick found one War at present not a little burdensom, why would they distract their thoughts and forces into two several parts? Have they possibly so much assurance of the Dukes faith, or so great proof of his constancy, that it is firmly to be believed, that one day either beaten or flattered, he will not aban­don us? must the Army of Piedmont be maintained by the Treasure of the Republick? But what Treasury will be able sufficiently to supply two such devouring Gulphs? The beginning of a War was ready, and easie, the progress of it difficult, and the issue uncertain. In sum, that Fortune makes sport with Princes, and that of Princes those prevail, who with the greatest powers are able to weary the adversity of For­tune. That the Republick in times of greatest straight was wont to make use of the prudence of Councils before the noise of Arms, whilst in affairs most difficult, time is the fittest and most wary Counsellor, which oftentimes gains that which Fortune cannot give. To the most power­ful what is the benefit of being Conquerours? And of the conquered, how many are the dangers and losses which they reckon? Their Judgment therefore was, not to pass beyond the offices of a good amity with Carlo, and that in other Courts they should imploy their exhorta­tions to Peace.

[Page 69]But Nicolo Contarini, a Senator of a warm spirit, abhorring such slow opinions, spake in this manner: Whilst we lose the occasion of the present Conjuncture, and thereby declare our opinions, that affairs for the future will go on prosperously without our mingling in them, we our selves by our own Counsels greaten the Enemy. We have so long neglected in­juries, that now, being proceeded to violence, we ought no longer to suffer them, nor indeed can we. God presents us an occasion for our constan­cy, and withal gives us for a Companion in it a Prince generous in com­mon Interest. Can we possibly have a mind to expect the enjoyment of our liberty precariously at the will of the Governour of Milan? He vio­lates Faith and Treaties, forces Savoy to obedience, threatens our Do­minions; which to you is so much the more compulsive, or more mise­rable, by how much reason and justice, trod under foot by the more pow­erful, do not give their votes for the Princes. Shall free Princes then take up just Arms but at the good pleasure of another; and must they expect no Peace but upon servile Conditions? Let the generosity of Italy once awaken, and let us hear words worthy of Princes. But I would to God it were permitted at present to resolve upon that which the Dignity, the Decorum, and Expediency requires, and that necessity interposed not with Counsels more resolute and precise. Fathers, if we will not have the War in our bowels, we must resolve to nourish and keep it afar off. Well is that Treasure spent, and most happy those cares, if they can re­move from us the miseries, the calamities, and the mischiefs which Ar­mies bring with them. From Carlo what hostage of gratitude, and what pledge of faith can we have more sincere, than the drawing the Enemy into his own Country? And if we will have him yet more se­cure, how can the Duke abandon Ʋs, if he be abandoned of all? Amongst Princes there is no stronger tye, than that which adjusts a conformity of Interests. They are the heart-veins, which meet in the liberty of the one, and the safety of the other. Both in a word are threatned and despised, and may at last be insnared and oppressed. The assistance of the Republick is necessary for Carlo, and a diversion by him is necessa­ry for the Republick; if by Arms or Treaty we pretend to bring the Arch­duke to reason and quiet, we must give that fatal Remora of the Forces of Spain imployment elsewhere. I imagine, the charge will be objected; but for what imployment have our Ancestors left us a rich Treasure, but to be serviceable at need to maintain honour, and make good the great­est and most unlooked for emergencies. Do you think our servitude will be less grievous, when we shall be bound with our unimployed Trea­sure, and bound with the chains of our own gold? It is much better to fear, than make tryal of the Spanish Forces; and if we fear them, let us dispose of a defence far from us. The rule of just is of equal extent amongst Princes. If Philip give his most vigorous assistance to the Archduke; why should we offend in giving ours to Carlo? To Carlo, with whom interest combines us, and faith given requires it. After the promise given, deliberation and counsel are no more in our own power. Let us look out Examples of old, and revolve the Memorials of fresher date, we shall not find, that the worm of a promise falsified hath ever corroded the integrity of publick faith: And that for this reason, because [Page 70] this bond of things divine and humane cannot be loosned, but the order of the world will be confounded, and civil societies left as a prey to opi­nions, interests, and affections. If we will make our selves idle specta­tors of others oppressions, we our selves shall deserve to be abandoned by all in our dangers; and with what heart can we invoke God, much less our friends to our succour, if obliged, and also required, we should leave the Duke in prey to Toledo? Assistance is to be implored from Heaven it self with the right hand held up to joyn endeavour to the vow, in imi­tation of the Marriners, that have the Helm in their hand, and their eye on the Stars. God himself will assist our cause, because this War, whether it be with Arms or Money, takes not counsel from ambition, but is the resolution both of necessity and justice, in whose bosom the Common-wealth hath always found Peace or Victory. Let us couragi­ously adventure to take the resolution this day, because though the en­trance should prove difficult, certainly in the progress we shall meet with accidents of hopes, friendships, interests, and succours that me think not of. I know, that in great affairs it is dangerous to discover ones opi­nion, because the Authors of resolute Councils are like to those that fling heavy stones into the air, not without danger of having them return up­on their own heads, rather than hit the mark to which the hand dire­cted it. I know also, that of good success every body will be a sharer, and that if it prove unprosperous, the blame shall be imputed to me alone; but if such respects perswade me to silence, the zeal for my Coun­try hath forced from me this discourse.

The Senate was really inclined to comply with the Dukes instan­ces, moved also from their own concerns; whereupon they resolve to assist him, and though upon no particular Treaty, yet it was done under the bond of common Interest, so inviolable in the minds of Princes, that till the very end of the War the one wanted not money, nor was the other failing in his faith. They immediately consent the levy of 4000 French under the Command of Monsieur de Chastiglion, at the charge of the Republick, that 2000 might serve the Duke of Savoy, and the other pass by Sea into Friuli; but in the conclusion they remained all in Piedmont. They disburse 50000 Ducats for another Levy, that the Marshal Dediguieres offered of the same Nation; and to the end the Army in Piedmont might be kept vi­gorous and contented, they contribute, besides other extraordinary assistances, 72000 Ducats a month. The Duke had a close and particular confidence with Dediguieres, and he, little regarding the counsels of the Court, either corrupted by Strangers, or confound­ed in the private interests of the Favourite, did not only leave the passage of the Mountains open to the Souldiers, which in great numbers flocked to the readiness of the pay; but was moved to go himself in person to Turin. 'Tis not to be doubted, but Carlo thinking to gain great reputation to his Forces and Counsels, drew him thither with the powerful attractive of gold: for the Mareshal grown old in glory and the Wars, yielding easily to it, had gain­ed from slender beginnings equal reputation and wealth. The Duke versed in the management of things, suddenly orders a meet­ing [Page 71] with the Mareshal that should make a noise, in the presence not only of his own Sons and Ministers, but of the Ambassadours of France, England, and Venice.

Bethune come into Italy with Court-impressions, approves the dis­arming of the Duke; but upon better discussion of the business, the prospect of affairs, and the state of the present Juncture being other­wise represented, Dediguieres shewing no less wisdom in his discour­ses than affection to Italy, it was unanimously concluded, that first with Negotiation, and afterwards, if need should be, with Arms, Carlo his dignity and the common interest should be maintained. Dediguieres offers to the service of the Republick 2000 men under his Nephew the Count Sol; but the difficulty of the passage through Rhetia made it without effect. Noble was the offer of the Duke of Maine, to come with an Army levied at his own charge into Piedmont, and forcing the passage into the Milanese to penetrate in­to the State of the Republick. But vast obstacles lying in the way, though the Duke couragiously boasted to overcome them, the Se­nate accepted only the good affection; judging it also their advan­tage, that he should reside at Court to make opposition to those, who in the disadvantages of Italy understood not the loss of that Crown also. Willing therefore to procure elsewhere a Levy of Strangers, they send to the united Switzers, to have 4000 men, and to the Grisons to obtain passage, Giovanni Baptista Padavino their Secretary, who formerly having concluded the League, expired a few years since, was very acceptable among that people, with par­ticular applause of wisdom and dexterity. He imploys himself to­gether with Augustin Dolce Resident in Zurich, by those means which suit with Rhetia, where poverty, the defect of the Country, goes hand in hand with avarice the vice of that Nation. From France, the Court taking it, as if the Republick did not procure those passages but for their own safety, and the indemnity of Italy, came order to Gheffier not to oppose it; but the Spaniards, ingaged in the French Factions, as Auxiliaries, were now grown to have almost the chief credit amongst them, drawing to them the good will and inclinati­ons of many. Their Minister thereupon circumventing the people, calling Councils, and sowing Jealousies, put them in mind of the mischiefs, formerly by the like Treaties suffered by the Count of Fuentes; threatned anew to interdict Commerce, extolled the bene­fits of the vicinity, and of the quiet; and intermingling gifts with his protestations and promises, turned the people about as he plea­sed, imprinting upon them hopes, fears, and jealousies, passions com­mon to the ignorant vulgar. The multitude therefore presuming themselves necessary to all, fancied also every thing to be lawful; those few, which adhered to the ancient friendships, and knew that the liberty of Government consisted in Justice rather than insolence, could prevail nothing. Whereupon in a Pittach (for so they call the general Council of the three Leagues) congregated at the in­stance of the Venetian Ministers, so far were they from granting the passage, that they dispatched away Guards to the places lying fit to [Page 72] hinder it, and recalled all those that were already in service of the Republick. The aforesaid Ministers then agree to leave the Country, leaving that popular passion to spend it self, and till those seditious Conferences should be dissolved.

But the Spaniards, upon the consent of a great Levy among Ca­tholick Switzers, published that they would imploy it immediately against the Venetians; to whose Confines, having got knowledge of the concerts betwixt them and the Duke, they send a great many Forces. The Cardinal Borgia not long after in Rome endeavoured, though in vain, to stir them up against the Pope, requiring restitu­tion to Spain of those assistances, which in the beginning of his Pon­tificate had been largely given by the Spaniard against the Repub­lick it self. The Vice-King of Naples arming some Ships, professed to give jealousie to the Duke of Savoy towards Villa Franca, and stop the Venetian Levies by Sea; and to spread their applications and forces into all parts, published besides to infest the Adriatick, the part, whereof the Republick is above all others jealous. The Re­publick sends to Corfu the Proveditor of the Fleet, that it might joyn in that Port after it had destroyed the Salt-pits of Trieste; and as to the Terra ferma, the Confines were no sooner fortified, but To­ledo was quickly obliged to recal the Militia towards Piedmont, be­cause the Duke was in the field, in a condition rather to give than receive jealousies.

The Venetians now apply their mind more attentively on Friuli, and send to the Camp Ferrante de Rosso and Francisco Martinengo, the one General of the Ordnance, and the other of the Horse; persons advanced in years, and of tryed experience, to the end that with their help and counsel they might amend past miscarriages. There went also the Prince d'Este as Governour General of the Gendarms; notwithstanding that the Duke his Father, to please the Austrians, had severely forbid him; and because the market-place in Venice, which in its discourses hath its Arms so much the more sharp as they are secret, inveighed against the Chiefs of the Army, with some sort of ignominy, Anthonio Priuli, Cavalier and Procurator, was sent Proveditor General of the Army with supreme Authority. And Barbarigo within a while after had leave to return home.

Giovanni Battista Foscarini and Francisco Erizzo were added as Proveditors, to the end that they, with the General and the advice of the Chiefs of the Army, might determine upon the state of af­fairs; but all counsel being in vain without an increase of strength, assembling with all speed the most Troops they could, especially of strangers, they made haste into the field. And to Traut­manstorf also in the opening of the new Campagnia arrived from Hungary 1000 Foot, and he with money from Spain levies a Regi­ment of 3000 more, besides 500 Cuirassiers, which the Spaniards under Baltazar Marradas sent to assist Ferdinand. Heightned there­fore in courage with these and other assistances, he passes to this side of the Lisonzo, and incamps at Lucinis, designing not only to cover Gradisca, but to dispute the possession of the Campagne with [Page 73] the Venetians. The design troubled them not a little, because they became obliged to put themselves under the Walls of Palma for the defence of their own Country; whereupon the business being put to debate, it was resolved to try by all means to dislodge him by force. The Army then ordered accordingly, the attaque by way of the Plain was assigned to Baglione with the Italians and Corsi; that of the Hills, avoiding the steepy part of them, where was the Fort, to Camillo Trevisano Proveditor of the Croatian and Albanese Cavalry with the Strangers. Justiniano followed with the gross to assist where occasion should lead him; and Barbarigo (not yet gone) was in the Army, assisted by Rossi and Martinengo.

They began to march in the night, and Trautmanstorf was found in his Quarter with 5000 Foot and 1500 Horse, fortified with con­fidence and the vndervaluing of his Enemy, rather than with Guards or Ramparts. Baglione surprising some Sentinels, entred into the Quarter, possessing the Gate of a great Court-yard which served for the entrance; but finding not the other, covered by the situa­tion and darkness, so readily as to advance further, the Germans had time to take the Alarm, and make it good. Constrained there­fore to retire hence, he attacques in another part, and penetrates in­to certain Trenches; but the Enemy, being now every where in Arms, and the Cannon playing from the Fort, found every where a vigorous resistance. Trevisano upon the Hills had possessed two Redoubts; but the enterprise not succeeding prosperously on the other side, Justiniano commands the Retreat after two hours fight; during which, with some few Souldiers, some Officers were slain on each side, and particularly of the Venetians, Lucio Richieri, whose death was lamented, and honoured by the Senate with testimonies of Honour to his Family. The assistants joyned again to the gross, de­fied the Enemy with the sound of Trumpets; but Trautmanstorf, glad to have had the better by accident, and as it were sleeping, came not forth, but applies himself to the better fortifying of his Quarter. After this there followed several Skirmishes and Incursions on both sides, but of little moment, the most considerable being that of Tre­visano in the Canal of Ronzina, which lies in the utmost parts of Friuli fast by the Lisonzo, with the spoil of some Villages, and bringing away booty. Anthonino his Brother, a young man of great courage and extraordinary hopes, perished miserably in Meriano, killed by a casual stroke, whilst the Souldiers in the idleness of the Quarter; being fallen to blows, he was hastened to quiet them. But Summer coming on with excessive heat, sickness increased in such sort in the Armies, that men and horses dying, both sides thought it best to keep themselves for a time upon the defensive only. Build­ing of certain Forts was their only imployment, those of the Arch­duke raising one at Fara, which was called St. Pietro, and the Ve­netians another at Foggiano, to cover the Territory of Montfalcon, and was called Priuli. To that which was beyond the Lisonzo, Trautmanstorf opposes another a little upon the side, called the Star, and at Gradisca caused to be made a Ravelin, which covered the [Page 74] old Port. This last Fort vexed the Venetians, because it might hin­der the design of laying a quarter upon the Carso, at which they aimed, so soon as their Army should be re-inforced; whereupon command was given to Francisco Justiniano, with some Companies of Corsi, and to Baglione with others of the Albanese, to attempt the taking of it by Scalade; but were beaten off by those within, and from the discovery of relief, which came behind them, perswaded to retire. After this preparations go every where roundly on for great­er attempts.

Where Friuli confines with Carinthia, falls in one of the principal Roads, which descends into Italy out of Germany, and there lies Ponteba a great Town, and of good trade; it is divided by a Bridge, the part on the other side is belonging to the Empire, and that on this to the Venetians. Trade, by reason of common benefit, went secretly on under the tacit faith, and good correspondence of the neighbourhood, and the rather, because the Towns adjacent and Ponteba it self were of the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Bamberg. Those of the Archduke designed to make a sudden irruption into Friuli from that side, hoping to ransack many places in their way to Gemona, and perhaps get into the more open Country, and Traut­manstorf from the other side marching in thither, either make the Seat of the War upon the State of the Republick, or at least with incon­vience and confusion divide their defence and Army. The Bishop being perswaded to give his consent, there came down from the Hills into Ponteba 400 of his Souldiers to strengthen his Confines, and second the design. Guglielmo Smit with 400 more of Ferdinands follows, and surprises the Venetian Ponteba with the Inhabitants bu­ried in security and sleep. Two Forts were presently raised, one on this side the River kept by himself, and the other on the other side, which he put into the hands of those of Bamberg. His intention was to go on further when he should be re-inforced with more Troops, which he expected, but found, that the Pesants, especially those of Venzone, possessing the tops of the Mountains, and fortifying the High-ways with some Works, threatned to oppose with Arms and Stones whosoever should dare to attempt the passage.

No sooner was the News hereof come to the Venetian Camp, but a sudden remedy was judged necessary for an unexpected evil. And therefore the Proveditor Foscarini hastens thither with the Generals Martinengo, Count Nicholo Gualdo Governour of Ʋdina, and Marco Antonio Manzano, commanding the Cavalry of the Country for that time. At Dogna upon the Fella, finding the Bridge broken, they got it mended, and the Germans making opposition, such was the mettle of the Corsi and Albanese, that flinging themselves into the water, and passing from Rock to Rock, they so disabled Smiths peo­ple, that they were forced to retire in disorder. The Venetians then pursuing the flight, entred mingled with them into the Ponteba of this side, and passing the Bridge, the Bishops Souldiers giving way, they take the Imperial also. The Germans were almost all of them cut to pieces. The Plunder and Booty was great; neither [Page 75] did the resentment of this surprise stop here, but invading the Con­fines of the Austrians, they pillaged Malborghetto of the Manzano. A little above Trevisa, a place somewhat bigger, and that making no resistance, became the prey of the Souldiers. Terrour spreading it self as a stone in the water which inforces one wave upon ano­ther, the City of Villaco was upon rendring; but the Venetians not willing to remove their Forces far from the center of the War, nor ingage them amongst those craggy Mountains, having fortified Pon­teba retired. At the same time Erizzo emulating his Colleague at­tempts Chiavoretto, where lay intrenched in a convenient Post 800 Foot of the Archdukes, and 150 Horse. Livio Puppi, a man of credit amongst those of the Country, advancing before the rest with a good number of those who inhabiting the Mountains about Cividale are called Slaves, attacques the Trenches, seconded by Giovanni Marti­nengo with the Souldiers in pay. The Enemy were easily disorder­ed, because the Horse instead of helping them in those narrow pas­sages, being not able to govern themselves, trod them under foot, and brought them into confusion; whereupon every one provides for his safety by a Retreat. The Albanese following the instinct of the Nation, fell presently to pillage the place and the Quarter; which and their disorder some of the Archdukes people perceiving, came down to fall into their Rere, and snatched away one Colours. But being presently beaten back, left that place in the power of the Venetians who fortified it. Trautmanstorf hereupon fearing, if the Venetians should pass the Lisonzo thereabouts, to be taken napping, abandoning the Quarter of Lucinis, goes to incamp himself in the Plain near Goritia. The Venetians having gotten the chief end of their intentions, follow him a little way, but without doing him any hurt, and being aware of it too late invest Lucinis, and attacque the Fort there. It concerned Trautmanstorf to preserve it, and therefore entertaining the Besiegers with frequent skirmishes, he brought into it, through by-paths, 200 Souldiers with several pro­visions; but all in vain, because those within having no more water resolved silently to withdraw, and leave it. The Venetians entred into it, appointing for Governour the Count Alberto Pompei, and placed in the Town one of their principal Quarters. The Fort also of Fara being viewed by Baglione, who was there hurt with a Mus­ket-shot, was immediately attacqued, and battered from a place of eminence, which for want of powder, Captain Sibit quickly rendred upon honourable conditions, there marching out 230 Souldiers be­sides some hurt. In the heat of these good successes Erizzo attempts Vipulzano, where being about 100 Souldiers in a great house, he bat­ters it with three Cannons, and demolishing part of the wall forces it to render, to go out with their swords. Tolmino, which is a great Town on the other side the Lisonzo in the Mountains, was attem­pted by the Count Gualdo with 500 of the Country Militia and some in pay; but the Castle discharging some Guns, the Peasants that knew not to distinguish where there was danger, or safety, hearing the noise disbanded, obliging the Count to retire but with a few.

[Page 76]The Venetians now increased both in strength and courage, thought of passing the Lisonzo and marching towards Goritia; the Archdukes Army for want of pay being diminished by the abun­dance of Run-aways: but the death of Pompeo Justiniano interrupts the design. He was marching in the Country towards Lucinis to view the situations and the passage of the River, when death seized him by a shot of a Musquetton from the other side of the Lisonzo, which stroke him in the reins, and brought him within a few hours after into the Quarter, where coming to extremity, he expired with the piety and constancy becoming every Christian Souldier. His life, made famous in the Wars of Flanders, where he got the name of Bras de fer, because having lost his natural one, he made use of one of Iron, deserved peradventure to have met with death in a more honourable occasion. But in War chance ballances the events, not distinguishing, for the most part, in the last action, baseness from va­lour. The Senate so much the more careful to adorn the memory of the dead, by how much the Common people were ready to blame his conduct when alive, acknowledged the services he had done, by giving yearly pensions to his Mother and his Sons, and defraying his publick Funeral, caused a Monument to be erected for him in the Church of St. Giovanni and St. Paul with an Equestrian Statue. In place of the dead was substituted with the title of Governour Gene­ral of the Armies Giovanni de Medici, natural Son of Cosmo the First, Grand Duke of Tuscany, who in the Wars of France and Hungary had acquired great fame. The Prince d'Este, to avoid any emula­tion with Medici, was sent into Lombardy, whither also de Rossi was transferred, to observe in those parts the jealous proceedings of the Spanish Army. Before this new General was arrived in Friuli, the Venetians attempted to execute the design of Pompeo Justiniano to raise a Fort upon an height covered with Chesnut-trees, on the other side being a Rivulet which runs betwixt the Hills of Lucinis, and from thence to batter the great Tower and the Bridge, which towards Goritia lies over the Lisonzo; but no sooner came any Souldiers to seize that situation, but they of the Archdukes side apprehending the design, flocked thither in great numbers, and after long skir­mishes obliged them to retire; and planted a Fort there called St. Bosco.

The Venetians nevertheless, a little more backwards raised ano­ther, and with some great pieces destroyed the Bridge, which was of great convenience to the Enemy; but Trautmanstorf a little above laid another upon Rafts covered by a certain turning of the Chanel, and fortified it with some Trenches and Cannons upon the River it self. The Venetians thereupon withdraw their Battery, become now of little profit, and in the Hills more distant from Lucinis made another Fort, called from the Family of the Proveditor, Erizzo, or from its figure the Star. After this, doubting lest the Enemy strengthened with many Companies under the Spanish pay, and by Isolani with some Troops out of Croatia, should possess the Plain of Mainizza betwixt Lucinis and Fara, another Fort was laid there in [Page 77] form of a square, and of a more considerable circuit, to which the General Priuli gave his own name. So that all that Campagnia be­came a circumference of Forts, and a defence of Redoubts and Trenches, dispersing and imploying all that Souldiery, which united into a body might have been able to undertake some more generous adventure. The season proper for the management of Arms being past in this manner, Excursions were made on both sides, with equal damage to certain Villages in the Mountains.

Henry Count d' Ampierre, French by Nation, was no sooner come into Ferdinands Camp with 500 Hungarian Foot, and 400 Horse, but attempts to get himself reputation, by going out of Gradisca and falling into the Venetian Quarters at Romans, where in a large cir­cuit a few men were lodged: And it happened that he brake in upon them; but the Souldiers recovering their first disorder, and putting themselves in defence in a great house which stood in the midst, ob­liged them to retire. To repay them in the same coin, Camillo Tre­visano passed at noon-day the Lisonzo, which in that season was ve­ry shallow, and forces a Quarter of Walloons, who save themselves by flight, he retiring in good order, upon the confluence of the Enemy from all parts thither. Trautmanstorf, to resent it with equal boldness, passes with all his Horse to this side with more happy suc­cess; for having driven in certain Guards advanced, he meets with Trevisano come out of Lucinis with few Companies of Capelletty on Horse-back. Five Companies of Cuirassiers a little behind were to serve for their Retreat with some Corsi, placed in ambuscade be­twixt Ditches and Hedges. But the heavy Horse of Trautmanstorf shocking the light ones of the Venetians, obliged them in the charge to such disorder, that in place of rallying behind the Squadrons of the Cuirassiers, they forced in upon them, and confused them in such sort, that they drew them to run with them. The Germans, pursued to the Trenches of Lucinis, by which and the Forts being repulsed, thought fit to retire; the Infantry remaining a prey to the Ene­my, who cutting off their way, they were either cut to pieces or dis­persed; Francisco Justiniano and Giovanni Domenico Ornano, Captain of the Corsi, being Prisoners. Foglia a French Captain was killed, and on the Archdukes side Trautmanstorf, Marradas, and other chief Offi­cers were slightly hurt. Justiniano a while after was exchanged with Father Valerio a Jesuit and Ferdinans Confessor, who, contrary to the orders of the Republick, passing through their Country in a dis­guised habit, came to be a Prisoner.

From Dalmatia and Istria came at the same time advice of seve­ral successes; for the General Zane dis-imbarking at Scrisa, sud­denly by night plants his Cannon, with such a fright to the defen­ders, which consisted of Germans, Segnans, and some Ʋscocchi (whose principal nest it was) that they sent out to treat of a surrender. Gio­vanni Sarsich, one of the very vilest of the Ʋscocchi, Captain of the place, considering that for him, made criminal already of hainous offences, there could be no place in the agreement, attempts to make [Page 78] his escape; but finding the passages stopped, enters the Town again, animating those of his party, who despaired of pardon, to defend themselves. The others intimidated with the threatnings of the General, that, if they delayed till the first Volly of his Cannon, he would give them no quarter, rising up against Sarsich cut off his head, sending it with the Keys of the Town to Zane, who received them at discretion, giving them all afterwards liberty and life, except the Ʋscocchi, who lost their heads by the hand of the Hangman. The Cannon taken away, Scrisa was utterly demolished; and after­wards attempting to land at Buccari, succours, by reason of the im­portance of the place, flocking from all parts, the season permitted not longer stay for the Gallies there. In Istria, whilst the unwhole­somness of the air consumed the Souldiers, taking away also some of the Chiefs, as it happened to Martinengo, and the Cavalier Thomaso Cocapani; to the General Loredano, Anthonio Barbaro was appoint­ed to succeed. Trautmanstorf made a course thither to oblige the Venetians, as afterwards happened, to quit the Posts possessed about Zemino, which is a Town of some moment in the County of Pisino, and wasted the Country about Polesana, a fruitful Plain of that Pro­vince. But being called back into Friuli by the successes of Pon­teba and Chiavoretto, it gave opportunity to the Venetians to ruine the Austrians harvest. Luigi Giorgio, Proveditor of the Cavalry, sacked Verma; forced a strong Monastery near St. Pietro di Selve; burnt the Suburbs of Ʋmber and of Lindar, with the death of some of the Ʋscocchi, one of the Chiefs whereof, called Andrea Ferletich, revenged himself by robbing seven Barks and a Frigat in the open Port of Selve. Barbaro also at last falling sick by reason of the ill air, the Generalat was conferred upon Maffeo Michaele.

All these successes in both these Provinces of Friuli and Istria served rather to entertain than decide the War: But in Piedmont the rupture broke out with greater noise; for Bethune, having with the Governour of Milan used means and instances for Peace and for disarming, had after twenty days received in answer, that the Duke having not sincerely performed the disbanding of his Militia, and having broken the Articles of Asti, neither did the King think himself obliged to them: Nevertheless declared, that when Carlo should have effectually disarmed and restored, he then would give his word not to offend him; but for the general disarming, he would not consent to it, by reason of the proceedings of the Venetians, rendred suspect as well by the Invasions made upon the Archduke, as for the succours given to Carlo. He added a promise by word of mouth of a suspension for a month, when the Duke should give his word in the same manner to Bethune, not to offend the Milanese. Carlo consents to it, perswaded by Dedigueres; and induced with many reasons, or rather forced by the Authority of the French Ministers to forbear, if not provoked by Invasions and Hostili­ties; upon conditions nevertheless to retract his word, whensoever the State of the Venetians should be assaulted by the Spaniards. But the Governour, whose aim was by such a Proposition to make the [Page 79] Venetians jealous by making them believe, that the Duke by little and little would be ingaged in other Treaties with other counsels, draws near to the Frontier of Piedmont, casting several Bridges over the Sesia and Tanaro to facilitate his attacque in several parts, and give time for the springing of a great Mine elsewhere, capable to bring the Dukes affairs to the last gasp, if the Treacheries con­trived, and the Forces now ready, might be able to proceed with equal steps.

There was in France the Duke of Nemours, a Branch of the House of Savoy, and next to the succession into those States, if the Line of Carlo should come to fail. He postposing certain private discords in being, about his appanage, shewed himself very earnest in main­taining the common Interests and Grandeur of the Family; and on that score had promised Carlo a Levy of French to help to defend Piedmont. But having in his heart the motives of interest and am­bition, which more vigorously stirred him up to have a view afar off, of the succession to those States, hearkens to the insinuations of the Governour of Milan, who represented to him, that he might accel­lerate the hopes, rendred almost impossible by reason of Carlo's nu­merous issue, if he would turn his Arms against his Kinsman, and conspiring with Spain to his expulsion, reap as it were without ha­zard a most rich booty. Nemours no sooner heard the offer, but he readily embraces it, consenting to hold those States in Fief of that Crown. Such a cozening blow could not succeed but by surprise and a carriage of great secrecy; he therefore continues to assemble his Levies with deep dissimulation, making a shew to imploy them for Carlo's assistance; but the concert was when he should be entred into Savoy, where it was designed to give him his place of Arms suddenly, and with all his Force to march into the heart of the Country, and in the surprise and so great a confusion possess him­self of all that which could not resist; and at the same instant a great strength raised by the Spaniards in Burgundy were immediate­ly to hasten to his succours, while Toledo with the powerful Army of the Milanese should make such an impression into Piedmont, that they should not leave to Carlo, betrayed by his own, and at the same time assaulted by his enemies, any way of safety, nor hardly of escape. But he, always vigilant, having got knowledge, that money had been furnished by the Governour of Milan to Nemours, came to discover the bottom of the secret, and orders the Marquess of Lants Governour of Savoy, that he should have a careful eye up­on the Troops of Nemours, and receive them but in one place, and that far from any Town. It seemed, that Nemours was displeased at this distrust, and at last doubting to be suspected, sends to the other side of the Rhosne 1500 men; who seduced by the Officers, endeavoured to fortifie themselves in Clermont, and another Town near-by. Lants immediately dispatches, to drive them thence, some Troops, which sent to Carlo by the Duke of Main, were passing through Savoy; whereupon the former, that did not willingly bear Arms against him, in whose name and under whose pay they had [Page 80] been raised, repass presently the River, before Nemours, with other Forces, or any of the Burgundy Troops now upon the way, could arrive to strengthen them. Toledo expecting that the design beyond the Mountains should discover it self, stays with his Army of 30000 men at Villatta and Candia, his chief Quarters. And the Duke lodges in the Vercellese at Caresana and la Motta, with his Army of 20000; Forces unequal, not only for the number, but for the esteem and power which gave reputation to those of Spain: whereas on the Dukes side there appeared scarce any thing considerable but his own courage and the constancy of his friends.

Toledo himself had a little after it had been given, retracted his word for a suspension of Arms, displeased that the Duke should re­serve to himself a power to assist the Venetians; and although Bethune took the trouble to go to Pavia to propose one more general, which might comprehend the Venetians also, he found opposition, and the Governour was heard to declare himself, that as things stood, he had no power but to assist Ferdinand. And so the War hereupon breaks forth into Piedmont, receiving its first motion from 200 Spa­nish Horse, which on the other side of the Sesia over-run the Coun­try towards Stroppiana for booty. The Duke believing them more in number, went to meet with them, and obliged them to retire. He afterward attempts to burn the Bridge, which Toledo had over the Sesia; but the Fire-boats, stopt by certain impediments laid longst the shores, had no effect. He then enters into Monferrat, plunders certain Villages, takes Villa nova, and casting a Bridge over the Se­sia, threatens to pass into the Milanese. The Governour sends 6000 men to recover Villa nova, in the defence of which the Savoy­ards not willing to ingage themselves burnt it; and thereupon fol­lowed a notable Skirmish in the open field, where were killed on the Spanish side, together with 200 Souldiers, the Son of the Prince of Ascoli, and Lodovico Gambaloita Colonel of the Lombards, an experienced and valiant Commander. The Governour aiming to inclose the Duke, sends towards Gattinara a body of his Army, and with the rest takes his march towards Crescentino.

Carlo was first posted in Sigliano, which is a place environed by moorish grounds and waters, with one sole avenue, and very op­portune to succour Vercelli, if the Governour should attacque it. Seeing afterwards the Enemies motion towards Crescentino, taking with him his Cavalry, and 2000 Musquetiers behind them, passes in sight of them, and coming first he provides, and pre­serves that place. Threatning as he passed to fire Livorno, a great Town of Monferrat, he receives Hostages with promise of contribu­tion. Several Skirmishes happened; in one of which Francisco Vi­ves, Son of the Ambassadour in Genoua, commanding 100 Horse, fell into the hands of the Savoyards. The Spaniards frustrated in their first design vented their malice with burning the Villages of Piedmont; and Carlo, of Monferrat, to be even with him, either out of hatred to the Duke of Mantua, or because willing to proceed with a certain respect towards the Milanese. Alphonso d' Avalos was [Page 81] Governour of Monferrat, born in Italy, but by extraction and no less in affection Spanish, who having several times provoked a rupture, experiences now the equal burden of the Arms both of his friends and of his enemies. He assembles a certain number of the Country-Militia; but Carlo fearing lest the Spanish Garrisons should practise to get themselves into those places, which should make themselves most troublesom to them, caused the Prince Cardinal Mauritio to take, as he did with little opposition, and demolish Vulpiano.

Autumn was now come, and with so much rain, that the Rivers overflowed on all sides. The chief bodies of the Armies were therefore constrained to halt for some days, the Spaniards in Livorno and Bianze, and in Crescentino the Savoyard. The waters at last making place, Toledo, who aimed at Vercelli, commands Madruccio with the Germans to lodge at St. Ja, and he with the rest goes to St. Germano, eight miles distant from Vercelli, a place, though not exquisitely fortified, that had nevertheless a good Rampart, and a Ravellin without. The Signor di Cro was Governour, with 500 Foot Savoyards, and 300 of Piedmont; but scarce had the Spaniards plant­ted five pieces of Cannon in Battery, but he, first overcome either by fear or infidelity, renders himself, saving the plundering to the Town, and to the Souldiers their Arms. Carlo was on the way to relieve it, when understanding the loss, inraged with grief and anger he retired, and inveighing bitterly against the baseness of the Go­vernour, caused him to be arrested, and his head taken off; vent­ing his fury afterwards upon Monferrat, Bianze, which made resist­ance against his Vantguard experienced the utmost of rigour, and many Towns and Villages yielded to the fire, sword, spoil, and con­tributions. Piedmont in the mean time was no less afflicted with sword and burning, in that part especially situate betwixt the Sesia and the Dora, though the Duke to restrain excursions had laid two Forts in places convenient for it.

But Toledo, having his aim still upon Vercelli, feigns his march to­wards Crescentino, when the Duke still marching in his flank endea­vours to prevent him. Each Army aspired to anticipate his Enemy, and be first in the Plain called Apertole, where they might conveni­ently range themselves, and either give or receive battel. The Duke hastened to pass, being the more earnest in it, because Toledo made as if he would amuse and hinder him, and therefore brings the best of his Forces into the Vantguard, in hope to come to blows. The Spaniards feigning to attacque him in Front, charged with 10000 Foot and 2000 Horse his Rear, which consisted of 4000 French, and some few Horse, and in the filing through a Wood was disordered; so that he was now put to fight with his Enemy, with the situation, and with his own disorder; and although the Count of St. Giorgio with 500 commanded Musquetiers arrived to their relief, yet it was so late, that it served only to put the Enemy to a stand for a while, till night coming on the fight ended, and the French re­tired to the gross of the Army. Though the number of the dead on the Dukes side exceeded not 200 Foot and 50 Horse, the Spa­niards [Page 82] with reason ascribed to themselves the Victory, because they remained masters of the field and of much baggage.

The Duke had the contentment to see the French blooded, hoping that the ancient hatred and emulation betwixt these Nations being once awakened, they would repair their losses, and bring no small ad­vantage to himself. He retires to Crescentino, and the Governour re­turns to Lucedio from whence he was come; passes afterwards to Vena­via to begirt Vercelli from far, and orders the Germans to take in Sa­lizzolo, which lying on the way of Invrea, excluded all succours from that side. Nevertheless Carlo had brought them in before; so that under the Marquess di Caluso, who by flight had saved himself out of the Spaniards hands, there was 5000 effectual Foot and 250 Horse, strengthening the place in such sort, that Toledo judged the enter­prise for that year too late and unseasonable, and contents himself to possess those Posts only, which in the next Campagnia might best serve for his purpose. To keep the Forces of the Savoyards separa­ted into several parts, Mortara the Governour of Alessandria taking the field with few less than 5000 Foot and Horse, for the most part of the Militia of the Country, takes in Canelli, and afterwards Corte­miglia. The Duke presently orders the Prince Cardinal to oppose him, joyning 3000 Souldiers of the Country Militia to 1000 French. Three hundred of the Monferrins lodging in St. Sebastiano upon the Po, shut up the River, and infested the parts thereabouts. A thou­sand five hundred of the Savoyards attaque this Port, and with lit­tle ado cutting to pieces the defenders, raze it to the ground. St. Giorgio attempted St. Damiano, but was repulsed, and Mortara at Cestiola had no better success. Thus betwixt the parties passed se­veral factions and ambuscadoes, wherein Fortune gave little advan­tage to either.

But beyond the Mountains Nemours having got together about 7000 men, gave not only jealousie to the Savoyards, but some ap­prehensions also to the neighbouring Provinces of France; where­upon Monsieur d' Allingcourt, the Duke of Bellegarde, and Dediguieres, who governed the Lisonzo, Burgundy, and Dauphine, having a Meet­ing in Lyons (where also was Prince Thomaso, whom the Duke his Father had sent with a good strength into Savoy) and falling to re­flect upon the intestine troubles of the Kingdom, and the artifices of Strangers that might under this Army either be fomented or con­cealed, they resolved to deny him passage, and by all fair means to perswade him to Peace. It behoved him therefore to restrain him­self within that narrow corner, which served the Spaniards for pas­sage of their Troops into Flanders. Being repulsed at the Bridge of Gressin, which he attempted to pass, he was there abandoned by the French, who in a body marched away with flying Colours. He was no sooner got back with the Troops of Spain into the County of Burgundy, but he lends his ear to an accord; and though he pre­tended some place in Soveraignty, and to keep a Garrison in Nixi, as it were for his Appennage, nevertheless he was contented that 50 Switzers should be left there for a year, and 50000 Crowns, beside [Page 83] some hopes of having one of Carlo's Daughters for his Wife.

The prize and prey of fraud being come to nought, Toledo, to prepare for some enterprise worthy of himself and of his Forces, ap­plied so much the more to straighten Vercelli, causing dal Luna to possess Gatinara, which stopped another passage over the River to the Town it self. All this while Treaties of Peace ceased not; the season now become very sharp, giving opportunity for it. For that purpose Lodovisio already assumed into a Cardinalship, and Bethune, conferred with the Governour in Trin, and with the Duke in Chi­vasso, and finding in both an equal peevishness and punctuality not to be willing to offer Propositions; they offered a rough draught containing, That the Duke for the first step, licensing the French, the Governour should then retire out of Piedmont, and quit the places pos­sessed during this War. That he should then also discharge the Switzers and Germans with a part of the Horse, and should promise not to molest the Venetians. That Savoy should then quit all that had been taken in this War, and that Toledo should at last do the same. The Duke made no difficulty to give his assent, because the conditions were seemly, and preserved common safety. But the Governour of Mi­lan denies them upon the wonted pretext, to have no power to meddle in the affairs of the Venetians otherwise than by Arms. As for Savoy, he promised nothing more but his word to the Pope and to France not to offend him, and to restore what he possessed when the Duke with an effectual disarming should shew an inclination to Peace, refer to the Judgment of the Emperour the differences with the House of Gonzage, and render the places taken. But Carlo not observing in these conditions any footstep of the Treaty of Asti, saw Italy and himself involved in greater suspicions, and the Vene­tians in more considerable dangers. And therefore to the faith of the promises agreed on, and the gratitude of the succours received, he added this consideration; That the Governour aiming to break this Union, the better to oppress all, he could expect no other ad­vantage by it, but to be the last should perish in the common deluge. For this cause, although the Mediators did de novo speak with him, and also with the Governour, discoursing of modifications and re­prises, and that the Governour insinuated to him particular advan­tages, if separating from the Republick he would make a private accord, he constantly resisted all their Propositions. In this ma­nagement Bethune encountred the Dukes kind acceptance and ap­plause, and Lodovisio that of Spain, it seeming that he now designed to lodge in that Monarchy the hopes, which together with their ha­bit many of the Cardinals use to put on. The Treaty being now at an end, Bethune would have repassed the Alps, if the Venetians had not prevailed with him to stay for the order and grace of the Treaty. Peace then despaired of, all parties arm with great dili­gence, and the Governour making great Levies every where, keeps his Army in great vigour. Carlo strengthens himself with 6000 Foot and 700 Horse, which after the accord with Nemours being of no use in Savoy, he causes to descend into Piedmont, and Dediguieres [Page 84] not regarding the threatnings and protests of the Count of France, sends him 4000 Foot and 600 Horse, raised under the Venetian Pay.

The courage of the Duke and the gold of the Republick drew Souldiers in great number, and Ernesto Count of Mansfelt arriving, in the name of the Protestant Princes of the Empire, at Turin, offer­ed as many as they needed. The Venetians finding the difficulty great to get supplies through the straights of the passages of the Gri­sons, resolved to make use of the Sea, although with greater charge, agreeing with the Count Levestein for the Levy of 3000 Walloons and of as many Hollanders under Count John Ernest of Nassaw. The Winter was spent in giving orders, and making provisions, yet not wholly without some intermixture of enterprises of War; for Fer­dinand Duke of Mantua, the better to redress by his presence the affairs of his States, being come to Casale, Carlo resolved now to do him a publick affront, causing several of his Towns to be plunder­ed under his nose, and Moncucco to be assaulted, which by its vici­nity was very troublesom to Chieri. Though Ferdinand desired to bring succours into it, yet the Savoyards Cannon not giving time, the place was presently buried in its own ruines, and the Governour coming forth without Arms, the Germans that were of the Garrison being cut to pieces, the Monferrins had their lives given them. These attempted a revenge upon Passerano, assisted by some of the Spanish Horse; but being repulsed by the Peasants alone, left dead upon the place the Cavalier Rivara, Governour of Trino, with the reputation of a gallant Souldier. On the other side the Signor Var­riea with some few French, recovered by Scalada Salizuola, not well guarded by the Germans. Toledo, not to let the whole Winter pass without some advantage, frames a design to surprise Crescentino, put upon it by two Nephews of the Signor of Albigni, who upon some distast with the Duke had taken imployment on the Spanish side.

But Carlo, with good Spies having his eyes and ears every where, came to the knowledge of it, and carefully sending Prince Thomaso to change the Garrison he brake the design. The Governour see­ing, that remaining in the field did diminish the Army without any advantage, orders Mortara, that abandoning the Posts possessed, he should withdraw it into the most convenient and quiet Quarters of the Milanese, leaving Garrisons in Trino for Monferrat, and in St. Germano and Gattinara for Piedmont. But the Duke through ex­cessive fatigue falling to be crazy, was still active with his mind, ordering the Prince Vittorio to attaque Gattinara where were 4000 Foot in Garrison. To dispatch it quickly, the Prince had a mind to take it by Assault; but the French Officers thinking it a hazard of too great difficulty, he would not ingage himself in it, but tur­ned about to Masserano. This is a little Principality on the other side the Sesia, where for the more strengthening the Vercelli on that side, Toledo designed to place a Garrison; but whilst ratifications were expected from Spain, concerning the recompences with which that Prince was to be contented, Vittorio breaks the Treaty with his Sword. The Princess, who alone with her Sons was within it, [Page 85] from fear was easily perswaded to surrender. At Creveceur, a place appertaining to the same, the dispute was something harder, because Luna hasted from Milan with succours; but Vittorio going to meet him, beats him, leaving Luna himself with many of his dead upon the place. The place then renders of its own accord; and because it is a Fief of the Church, justly excused to the Pope the force, whilst that Prince so perniciously conspired against Piedmont. Ca­luso, Governour of Vercelli, drives the Enemy out of Desana; but factions and further progress ended with the year, the Prince also falling into a dangerous sickness. The Venetians were not well pleased to hear, that Carlo sparing the Milanese which did offend him, should trouble the Monferrat, which was innocent; and there­fore attempted to set on foot a Composure betwixt the two Dukes, and that in order to some kind of reconciliation of their minds, they should speak together; but 'twas in vain, because Ferdinand required, that as a Preludium to the future friendship, the Savoyards should have regard to his State; and Carlo, who found not the French wil­ling to enter into the Milanese, by reason of the interests of that Crown, alledged for excuse, that with invading it, he should have re-inforced Toledo with those assistances, which some of the Princes of Italy are in that case obliged to give. He continues therefore in his insults and damages done to the Monferrat, and so much the more by how much the Duke of Mantua, having a little before married Katherine Princess of Medici, and thereby the former project of Marriages being fallen to the ground, he had now no other remedy for his pretensions, but to do himself reason with his Sword; where­upon in the places taken, and particularly in the Canavese, he exact­ed an oath from the people as their lawful Prince.

An. Dom. 1616 THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE. THE THIRD BOOK.

MANY believed, that King Philip being of an upright mind, and a most impartial understanding, and the Duke of Lerma, both by Genius and Interest inclined to Peace, that which followed in Italy was appro­ved, rather than contrived in the Court of Spain, and that it had its rise from that Triumvirat, which Pietro Girone, Duke d'Ossuna Viceroy of Naples, Toledo Governour of Milan, and la Queva Ambassadour in Venice formed; who in their vast thoughts endeavouring to banish Peace and oppress Italy, had their aim not so much to make themselves famous, as the imployment necessary to the King, and of advantage to themselves. It was therefore judged, that the Councils of Madrid, ingaged upon their relations in a point of honour and reputation, in which the Nation is beyond measure tenacious, did prefer this sole consideration before so many others, which rendred the present actings prejudicial to the Monar­chy; because in some Princes hatred springing up, in others jealou­sies being awakened, it seemed that all were afraid, and nothing was thought secure from the Power of Spain, or sufficient for their avarice.

To inform themselves then of the mind of the King and of the Favourite, the Venetians give command to Pietro Gritti their Am­bassadour, a Minister of a so well tempered prudence, that flegm was not predominant, nor did it yield to the sagacity of that Court, [Page 87] no less considerate than circumspect, to represent the present state of affairs; Putting them in mind of the ancient correspondencies sin­cerely practised with that Crown for the restraint of the Turks, the Peace of Italy, and the good of Christendom, assuring them also, that the Republick retained the same lively motives of esteem and affection to­wards that Crown, united to the designs and intentions of a free and honourable Peace. They declare withal, that having taken Arms to de­fend themselves against the untolerable outrages of the Uscocchi, they pretended nothing of the Archduke but the execution of things promised. That Carlo had nothing to require of the Governour of Milan but the ob­servance of things already agreed. To what purpose then should Italy be scourged with Armies, and tortured with Jealousies, if under the shadow of mutual faith, which is the most precious Crown of Princes, all things might be quieted? The Ambassadour added other conce­ptions which might manifest, the Republick inclined to Peace, but resolved not to abandon their own decorum or their friends. In Spain the Ministers had various reflections thereupon. It seemed to some, that the arbitrement, which they affected in the affairs of Italy, being rather called into doubt than maintained, it was fit to re-establish it with some advantage before to admit of a Treaty. Others apprehending, through the universal disgust of the Princes, greater commotions and accidents, which time did afterwards pro­duce greater indeed than could have been believed, were of opinion to embrace conditions of composure.

Lerma, to make himself Arbiter of the War and of the Peace, in­clines, that a Treaty should be set on foot, but that it was to be transacted in Spain, doubting lest the Emperour, resolved that the affairs of the Ʋscocchi should be composed, if the management of the Peace should be in his Court, he should constrain the Archduke to accept it; in which case the Venetians, free from a diversion on that side, mihgt be able to revenge themselves upon the Milanese, for those jealousies which the Governour had endeavoured to bring upon them. It was therefore answered to the Ambassadour in the most lively expressions, that the mind of the King, always conformable to piety and justice, was possessed with equal motives of inclination to Peace with the Republick and with the Duke; whereupon it was resolved in Venice and in Turin to dispatch to Gritti powers to treat and conclude a Peace.

The Ministers of France and England did highly resent it, by rea­son of that competition of Authority, which, in affairs of weight, Princes, though friends, ascribe to themselves; prejudging unhappy success to the business, if, placed in the self-will of the Spaniards, their authority were not qualified by the power of some other Crown, which might be able to facilitate the Negotiation, and wa­rily inspect the conclusion. But although the designs and ends of the Duke of Lerma were not unknown, Carlo nevertheless thought to have much advantaged himself, by having brought the Spaniard to treat with him as an equal; and the Republick hoped that the King thus interessed in the mediation of Peace, the minds of the [Page 88] Ministers of Italy would prove less hostile and troublesom. That Court being more given to delay than conclude, all things began and proceeded very slowly; but the War was speeded in Friuli with so much the more diligence, though in Piedmont with greater success. In Istria the Venetians happened to take Zemino, a place strong and of importance. The Town was easily taken, being abandoned by the Garrison; but the Castle was forced by three Batteries, there marching out 300 Germans and some of the Country Militia. In Friuli, Anthonio Lando Procurator, succeeding in the Generalat to Priuli, there being arrived at the Camp a Renfort of good Troops, all diligence was used to straighten Gradisca in earnest.

It happened, that as the Count d'Ognate, Ambassadour of Spain to Ferdinand, passed through those parts, to receive him with the accustomed honour of the Militia there was a suspension from action for a little while; and the Venetians in that interim to honour him by meeting him with their Army, covering with some Squa­drons of Cavalry a certain house, which stood betwixt Meriano and Fara, very near to Gradisca, cast up earth about it, and, before the Enemy were aware of it, raised a Fort in defence, which was afterwards called the Fort of the Compagnia, and was the beginning of the circumvallation of the place.

But Medici desiring to stop up all the ways of succours, orders the taking in of St. Martino di Cusca, and sends thither by night from Vipulzano and other Posts Souldiers with necessary provisions. The Garrison had been surprised in their negligence and sleep, if an ac­cident had not procured their escape; for in a very narrow Lane the Horse, which carried the Pettard, taking fright from a certain rustling noise, set a running, with the shock of some, by whose Arms in the wonted resonancy of the mountains the noise being augmented, those that were behind, frightned with the confusion of them that were before, not knowing what the danger was, and therefore thinking it greater, betook themselves also to flight. The command of the Officers increased the disorder, who calling to the Fugitives to make a stand, it was believed of those afar off, that they meant they should rather double their steps in their flight. But being come to a Village, and some gathering together there, the light clearing up by the breaking of the day, they saw nought but the image of their own shame. Nevertheless in consequence of the noise the Enemy being alarmed, hastened from several Posts to re­lief, and d'Ampierre causing four Companies to advance, orders them to assault the Village; but the Venetians being found covered with some earth hastily flung up, one Company was defeated, and ano­ther left its Cornet there. Whereupon the rest of the Archducari­ans having made a halt, the Venetians had opportunity to retire to their Quarter, quitting the thoughts of attacquing the Castle, into which succours were now entred. But to exclude the Germans from all access of coming on this side the Lisonzo, there was another Fort laid betwixt that of Lucinis and Priuli with two Cannons on it, which beat upon the shores of the River.

[Page 89]Nevertheless there wanted not passages elsewhere,An. Dom. 1617 and D'Ampierre falling in at Cravaglio, a Village not far from Palma, upon the Com­pany of Cuirassiers of Girolamo Tadini, broke it, carrying away thir­ty Prisoners with forty Horse. Marradas with 500 Musquetiers and 300 Horse sets upon Chiopris, where one other Company only had their Quarter, but without other success but taking Prisoner the Lieutenant and some others, the rest defending themselves with so much valour, that Marradas, before help could come from the neigh­bouring Quarters, thought good to retire into Gradisca, leaving 40 of his Party dead upon the place. He was afterwards sent into Istria, where after the Surrender of Zemino, the people were waver­ing, and the more, because the Town of Gallignano was ready to be lost, invested by Anthonio Barbaro, returned General into that Province. Marradas brought succours into it, plundered here and there the Country, and coming to Fionova burnt certain Vessels in the Port. Besides these, the actions on that side were of no great moment.

But in Friuli, Lando was resolved to climb the Carso, it having seemed fatal, because there was the open Sea, if till now any one had attempted the passage betwixt the Mountains. The Enemy themselves discovered this deceit, because some had made a doubt, that for want of earth, there was no lodging with necessary defence upon those Rocks; but now it was seen, that they apprehending that which was the Venetians very thought, raised a Fort upon those very Hills, which was called Diana, taking its name from some Ladies, who to hasten the work did labour about it. This did not only not divert, but promoted the intention of Lando, who planting a Fort with his own name at Bruma, which with two others reached to the Lisonzo, closed on the under-side the circumvallation to Gradisca, whilst on the upper side the Fort of the Campagnia, joyn­ed with good intrenchment to Fara and Meriano, fully stopped every passage. Trautmanstorf made a great Sally, chiefly to view these new works: but being beaten back by the Corsi, who had the guard of the Fort Lando, and the Commander Colredo, who was there with him, receiving a Musket-shot, he retired, ordering a half-moon to cover the place on that side.

The Venetians nevertheless deferred for some days to pass the Lisonzo thereabouts, because the Hollanders under Nassaw, who dis­imbarking at Monfalcon were to take those Posts, were not yet ar­rived, and therefore they had thoughts to attempt it on the upper side in the Chanel of Ronzina. Medici, to distract the Enemies Forces, orders the attacque of several Posts: Sends Contino Mamoli, Colonel of Greeks, to take in a house near to Gradisca, where pla­cing some Cannon, it occasioned some fright within the Town. Count Nicholo Gualdo took St. Floriano in the Mountains, abandon­ed after a short defence by the Garrison. But Cosmo de Monti, who with a Pettard was to attempt the Fort Diana, and the Corsi, who had the charge committed to them to take in that of Bosco by Scalade, were both repulsed. Medici was in the Plain of Mainizza, [Page 90] to the end that under the favour of a battery the Horse might pass to the other side of the River, and Trevisano with Count Ferdinand Scotto performed it with the shew of so much resolution, that the German Foot thinking themselves not able to resist, quit the Tren­ches and the Posts, when the Cavalry gallopping to their assistance stopped the flight, and the Officers with their Swords in their hands killing some, brought back the rest to their Guards. The Veneti­ans, who had no other aim but to divert succours from the places attacqued, retired in good order. But Erizzo, who with Giovanni Martinengo, Marco Anthonio Manzano, and others, were marched out of Cividale to take in Ronzina, either deceived by their guides, or retarded by the difficulty of the way, arrived not till it was day, and so discovered; whereupon finding the Garrison vigilant and in order, they could not apply the Pettard, neither did they think fit, by reason of the steepness of the cliff, to make tryal of an assault. Burning then certain Villages, and routing a body of Peasants that would have stopped their passage, they returned safe into their Quarters.

So many designs not succeeding, provoked Medici to new at­tempts; whereupon he causes the Fort Bosco to be invested, where the excessive rains retarded the Besiegers in such sort, that Traut­manstorf had opportunity, notwithstanding the battery of two small Pieces, to pass the River with 600 Horse, and fall into the Quarter of Piuma, which being ill defended by the Venetians in a great rain, which beat into their faces, was abandoned. The Troops, now be­ing assailed also by the Fort, retired, and Trautmanstorf having got­ten his design, leaves Piuma, into which the Venetians re-enter. Re-inforcements now arrive in both the Armies; in the Austrians 500 from the Archduke Maximilian, and 900 under the Spanish Pay, besides those which Ferdinand himself in good number had raised; and in the Venetian 1000 Hollanders under Colonel Vassenhoven, and 3000 under Nassau. Better men and better chosen than these, Italy had not in a long time seen, nor which carried with them more re­putation and greater reflections; for the Spaniards extremely vex­ed, that two so great Common-wealths, well understanding one ano­ther, and which had fixed the center of their liberty in common in­terests, had found the way to unite the Adriatick with the Ocean, raged with great aggravations, holding forth the zeal of Religion, according to that custom, that the most powerful do also love to ap­pear the most pious, and therewith beat the ears of the Pope, inces­santly inciting him to oppose himself against the entry into Italy of that sort of people, who being of a differing Religion, might easily infect it.

But Simeon Contarini Ambassador for the Republick, in his grave and graceful way of speaking, remonstrated to Paul; That the piety of the Senate, mindful of the signal actions of their Ancestors, was an evident assurance of the constancy of their Religion, which having always been promoted, should also at present by good orders and most vigilant endeavours be protected. That this Holland-Militia was for no other [Page 91] service but to defend the liberty, betrayed by those who were to regard it, and [...]ot to relieve it by such as ought to assist it. Many Princes denied them Levies▪ stopped the passages, made difficulty to give help to the Republick: though in the disadvantages done to them they acknowledg­ed their own proper safety was disputed. Were they therefore to perish at anothers will? And to abandon that defence, which being command­ed by God, justifieth a lawful use even of things more sacred? Must then those friendships only be approved, which please the Spaniards? In their Armies all Nations and Sects by Troops were promiscuously con­founded; their Interest justifies all Religions, because in alliance with them. That they now went about to impose upon the Republick a Law scrupulous and severe, whilst lawful in the necessity and intention to up­hold their friends and themselves, and that expresly, to preserve Reli­gion no less than liberty undefiled.

Paul, who discerned that the apprehensions of Religion served for the use, opinions, and designs of all, was easily appeased. This re-inforcement came very seasonably to the Venetians, and would have been much more considerable, if so soon as Nassau came into the Camp, there had not risen an implacable dispute with Medici; be­cause he pretending to command him, and he not to submit but to the Captain General of the Republick, although at last it was a­greed, that Medici receiving orders from di Lando should commu­nicate them to Nassau; yet their minds remaining discomposed, there happened in the executions thereof many delays and difficul­ties, which greatly served to confirm the conceit, that Medici had a mind rather to protract the War without loss, than to end it with advantage. And so he truly appeared fixed in the preservation of those Posts wherein he had once set his foot; but in prosecuting he was always carried away by violence, and with delays and errours corrupted the resolutions of others, and his own counsels.

Proceeding on this and that side of the Lisonzo in concert, whilst Nassau disbarked his men at Monfalcone, Lando passed upon a Bridge laid at Villesso, secured by two Forts, and Giust' Anthonio Belegno with six Gallies battered Duino, and pillaged the Coast of Trieste. Lea­ving the Posts about Gradisca well provided, and a strong Body to keep the Campagnia, they had 6000 men upon the Carso, who through several passages made their way to several Posts. In the march there arose among the Switzers, who though not obliged but to serve in Garrisons, were notwithstanding by large promises per­swaded to take the field, a little tumult, but was presently quieted, their Officers coming in, and reproaching them with perfidy if they would not, and Cowardise if they durst not meet the Enemy in the face, and joyn battel with them.

At the same time, on that side which lies above Gradisca, Fran­cisco Strasoldo with about 800 Horse wades through the Lisonzo, followed by Nicholo Contarini, who to Foscarini was substituted Pro­veditor in the Camp, and Giovanni Basadonna, Lieutenant General of Ʋdine, at the head of the Feudatarians. In the Town of St. Mi­chaele was made the place of Arms, all other open places giving [Page 90] [...] [Page 91] [...] [Page 92] themselves up. Nassau besieges the Fort Diana, and ruining a part thereof with the Cannon, obliged 100 Souldiers, which were within, to render themselves Prisoners. The Imperial, which was a Fort a little more towards the River, but of a greater circuit, and guard­ed by [...]00 Foot, capitulated also, inrolling themselves under the Venetian Colours. Baglione, being come to the utmost hanging over of the Carso, fortifies himself there, and seeing the confusion of the Enemy, much frighted with this Invasion, advertises Medici that il Bos [...]o and il Parco di Rubia were abandoned; the banks of the Ri­ver Vipao not defended; all the Campagnia of Goritia incumbred with flight and disorder, the Souldiers as well as the Peasants seek­ing to save themselves; whereupon his advice was, that since for­tune and opportunity fought for a Victory, he should take possessi­on of Fiume and il Parco. But the other with a superfluity of cau­tion fearing treachery, where the Enemy was running away, or­dered to halt there, that the Troops should be intrenched, and St. Michaele fortified.

There arose afterwards new disputes with Nassau, and all things passing with delays, the Enemy at first overcome with fear, took courage again, and bringing Colonel Stauder into Rubia with 1000 Foot guarded that place, and defended the Vipao. It seemed then, that that little River, which, where the Mountain terminates, dis­charges it self into the Lisonzo, was become an Ocean, and the Fort Bosco a Wall of Brass so; great was the resistance, so impossible the fording! From two places with Batteries upon the Mountains was this Fort beaten, and with another from the other side of the River towards Mainizza. But Gradisca was in this interim more strongly begirt; for another Bridge being laid by the Venetians at Fara, it closed all passage on the upper side also. Nevertheless con­trary to the course of the season, which was in the month of June, there falling incessant rains for forty days together, not only the Souldiers suffered very much in their Posts, but the Vipao overflow­ing, and the Lisonzo much more, both the Bridges were broken, so that down the stream upon floats some provisions entred into the Town. And now it seemed to be in earnest, that time would ren­der more inexcusable Medici his delayings, discovering how much it imports not to make use of fair weather, or lose one sole moment of occasion when it is offered. The Bridges however were repair­ed, but always with great longsomness, which gave Trautmanstorf time to assemble his Army in Rubia, and better to fortifie the Vipao. This was his last action; for, assisting at the raising of a Ravellin by a Cannon-bullet sent from the Trenches of the Venetians, he unfor­tunately left his life upon the place. He had without doubt main­tained the War, and defended the Archdukes Country with great resolution, and that with weak Forces.

The Venetians now made themselves believe, that, as it happens in the sudden accidents of War, the minds of the Militia would be wavering, and the Chiefs be divided in their opinions. But Mar­radas presently taking upon himself the absolute Command, suffer­ed [Page 93] not the Army to be sensible of the loss of Trautmanstorf; under­going the direction of the War with equal courage, and perhaps a better and more vigorous conduct. The Hollanders had indeed the good luck to take Parco, and to lodge themselves there; but in the attempt of it▪ Bosco environed with a Wall in form of a Square, and about a mile in circuit, but crooked and of unequal situation, they were repulsed. Gradisca notwithstanding the succours began to suffer indeed; whereupon Strasoldo attempts to send out those that were not useful for the defence; but the modern Armies understand­ing no other commendation but that of overcoming, they were for­ced by the Venetians to return into the Town. Some by stealth, under favour of the Starfort drave down the stream by night, not­withstanding that the Guards now and then took them Prisoners, bringing to the besieged some slender relief. That Fort indeed served as a Cittadel to the Town, and Nassau had offered himself to take it when the others rendred themselves to him; but some urged to the contrary, that that Garrison would serve to famish the Town the sooner, beside the doubt, that having better defence it would not be taken with Batteries, and the Besiegers then wanting earth be obliged to expose themselves to hazard uncovered, if they would offend them.

But the issue proved, that the number of votes rather than the weight of reasons prevailed. For these factions in Friuli passed seven months, during which, first with Jealousies, afterward with Hosti­lity, the Republick was again greatly troubled in the Adriatick. Ossuna, Vice-King of Naples, did not so much levy men for the suc­cours of the Milanese, as he had proposed with a Naval Force to molest the Venetians, knowing that he could no where touch it more to the quick, than by infesting the Dominion of the Sea, and disturb­ing Commerce, though with great damage to the Kings own Sub­jects, who drove a rich Trade with the City of Venice. Never­theless, against the gainsaying of all, and preferring before all other respects, that which might bring apprehensions or disturbance to the Republick, breaking the security of Ports, he had made booty of the Ship, the Pilgrim of Rossi; and although upon the instance of the Ambassadour Gritti in the Court of Spain, command was given to release it, nevertheless in the execution he always directly oppo­sed the Orders of the King, either because in the height of the pride of his mind he truly despised him, or because that Crown was glad to cover their most secret designs with the disobedience of a capri­cious Minister. The Venetians were not ignorant of it; and there­fore fully resolving to defend themselves, made it their business to increase their strength at Sea with two Galliasses and some Ships, and made choice of thirty Commanders of Gallies, to the end that according as there was need they might on all sides be arming.

Ossuna seeing that the Ʋscocchi had lost many of their roving Nests, invites them with the promise of a free Port and other re­compences to retire into that Kingdom, caressing them more and more, as they became more offensive to the Venetians. Whereupon [Page 94] under the countenance of such a protection, these Pirates seized the Ship Doria, which with some other small ones was passing from Cor­fu to Venice with Merchants goods, selling publickly under the Stan­dard of the Viceroy the spoil they had taken; and although the Receivers of the Customs in the most principal Ports of the King­dom exclaimed, that with Trade would also cease the Tolls and Royal Entries, they were threatned by Ossuna with the Gallows, if they should dare any more to complain. He naturally abounding in the vanity of his tongue and thoughts, did not only apply to trouble the Sea, but discoursed continually of surprising Ports in Istria, ransacking Islands, and making his way into the most impe­netrable corners of the Capital City. Sometimes upon paper, some­times in discourse he traced and drew out his designs, ordered Barks with flat bottoms fit for shallow waters, modelled this and that Engine, and hearkened so willingly to none as those that en­tertained him with flatteries to his person, or facility in his under­taking.

Nevertheless, to say truth, that which he believed he should be able to effect, was not so much, as that which he desired should be believed, designing to keep the Republick involved in great expen­ces, and distracted to such a degree, that it might be less able to offend the Archduke, or assist Carlo. He then sends forth under Francisco Rivera into the Adriatick twelve well armed Ships; and although, when they were ready to set sail, orders came from the Court of Spain to suspend their going forth, it seeming strange, that at the time of the beginning of a Treaty of Peace in Madrid, un­sufferable injuries should be done by the Viceroy of Naples, he ne­vertheless taking pretext, that by some armed Vessels of the Re­publick had been taken a great Ship, which would have gone into Trieste, maintains his resolution with a Writing extorted from the collateral Ministers, who remonstrated, that it was for the honour and service of the King, that Rivera should go out, and that the Ve­netians should be kept under. These Ships bore only the Dukes Colours, to the end the design might more secretly be carried on, not to let the War break out, nor leave the Venetians in peace. This Invasion with armed Ships being against that Dominion, which the Republick for so many Ages had possessed in the Adriatick, ob­liged Giust' Anthonio Belegno, that commanded the Fleet, to assem­ble in Lesina that part of it which he could soonest get ready, and from thence pass to Curzola, to cover the Islands and the State, and in particular to break the principal design of Ossuna to appear in the sight of Istria, to give countenance to Ferdinands Army, and di­vert that of the Republick. It was no hard matter to compass his design, because the twelve Ships set their course to Calamota, a Port belonging to those of Ragusa, where they were received with great applause of that Government, which to the prejudice of their Trade receiving very unwillingly Law from the Venetians upon the Sea, gladly heard this novelty of Ossuna's, and incouraging it with pub­lick services, permitted that upon these Ships many of their Sub­jects [Page 95] should take imployment. But Belegno following with seven Ships, four great Gallies, thirteen Lighters, and fifteen armed Vessels, Riviera doubting to be assaulted with disadvantage in that place, setting sail with a fair wind crossed the Sea, and came to Brindisi. The Venetians followed him, and not being able to fight them in that Port, which was well defended with several Forts, the Admi­ral, which was Lorenzo Veniero, letting fall his Sails, defied him four hours long with Cannonades; but the other not willing to come out to an ingagement, he ransacks all the Coast of Puglia. This motion of the Spaniards had not only disturbed the Venetians, but greatly alarmed the Turks, who taking jealousie, came down in great numbers to the guard and preservation of their marine Coast; and because Ossuna, to the end he might ingage with him the Gallies of the Pope, of Malta, and of Florence, published that he would at­tempt upon the Ottoman State: The Ministers of the Venetians caused the contrary to sound aloud in all the Courts, it appearing that he had sent to the Grand Visier, Slaves and Peasants to gain him, and with all sorts of offices incite him to make War against the Republick. For this cause the said Princes did not only abstain from giving their Gallies to Ossuna, but used all effectual means to divert him from sending abroad such rumours, knowing that they tended to nought else but to provoke the Turk, and draw him into the Adriatick, to the disturbance of the Kingdom of Naples, and the Ecclesiastical State also.

But Ossuna stopping at nothing, so that he might gain at present, from the boldness of the attempt, fruit equal to the rashness of the counsel, despising the conscience of the fact, had brought into Na­ples as in triumph certain Merchandize, as if it had been taken at Sea by his Ships, though in truth it was the lading of the sequestred Ship of Rossi, and meaning by this applause to spread his designs, he sends Pietro Leiva with nineteen Gallies to joyn with Riviera. They passed altogether to Santa Croce, which belongs likewise to those of Ragusa, and found at Lesina the Venetians inferiour in strength, the Gallies of Candia being not yet joyned, nor those ten others with some Ships, which with all speed were making ready at Venice. The Commanders then themselves, not only crossed by the wind, but counselled chiefly by the disparity of force, applied to nothing but their defence, placing on the Land certain pieces of Artillery in convenient places. So the Fleets cannoned a whole day at random with more shots than blows, and night coming on, the Spaniards stood away before the wind, taking a Ship of Sali. There fell in­to their power also a Vessel of Holland, which sailing with some Souldiers of those Levies, was like to be taken by the Ships of Os­suna, and thought to find in the Port of Ragusa a safe retreat; but that Government permitting the Souldiery to pass by Land to Cat­taro, put the Vessel into the Spaniards hands, who causing the Cap­tain to be hanged, turned their course towards Brindisi. From such passages as these the Venetians more and more understood, what weight lay upon them of Arms, Jealousies, and Negotiations; re­solving [Page 96] therefore to maintain themselves in liberty and safety, they deliberate greatly to re-inforce their Fleet, without weakening or distracting their Forces by Land. Conferring the Title with the Authority of Captain General upon Giovanni Giacomo Zane, they caused besides other provisions ten Gallies to be armed in Candia, which with a 1000 Souldiers raised in that Island arrive at last in the Gulph to joyn with the Fleet, after some retardment, caused partly for fear of falling amongst the Spanish Ships, which they knew were laid for them, and partly for some regard had of the Turks Fleet, which with two great Hulks and seven and thirty Gallies plyed to and again in the white Sea, not so much to be taken notice of for their force, or the courage of the Turkish Officers, as for the Negotiations of Ossuna, who commanding a nimble Frigat to the Captain Bassa, had sent him for a Present a Kinsman of his, till then kept Prisoner with the Spaniards, and giving liberty to a hundred other Slaves, invited him with such flatteries and with express Offi­ces to infest the State of the Venetians, and particularly to command their Fleet to fall upon Candia. But the Turks themselves abhorring such wicked counsels, set themselves rather to make a course longst the Coast of Calabria, but without doing hurt that was of the least im­portance. The Port being indeed throughly moved, threatned the Ragusians for the reception given to Ossuna's Ships, and invited the Republick to joyn Forces with them to suppress (as they called those Magistrates) the common Enemies.

But the Senate, though provoked by the example of the Vice-King, and invited by so grievous injuries, not willing to confound the interest of State with Religion, placed their defence in the ju­stice of their cause and their own Arms, not omitting every where and in all Courts the diligence, offices, and forces to resist so great a power. The Spanish Ministers, to terrifie with the fame of vast preparations, gave out that the Fleet of Gallions, accustomed only to the imployments of the Ocean, coming within the straights of Gibraltar, should advance into the Adriatick, and that there was a new Armature of many Ships in Sicily; rumours in a good measure believed from the proceedings of the Viceroy of Naples, who strengthened the Squadron of Leiva with certain Gallies com­manded by Octavio d'Arragona, and gave liberty to the Ʋscocchi to rove every where, and rejoyced already in the conceit, that with their Barks they would brave it within the sight of the Ports of the Capital City, taking Prises, and doing mischief. This obliged the Senate to dispose of certain Gallies for the guard of the Chioggia, and to pick out in Venice a number of people fit to bear Arms, who being new, and therefore more apt to be dis­coursed of, than they that were wont to be seen in War, kept the people in no small unquiet. During these apprehensions, a false and short joy was the fore-runner of greater trouble. The Mariners of a Packet-boat bringing Letters with information of what had happened about Lesina, scattered a report every where as they pas­sed, either from their own invention, or a willing credulity of [Page 97] others, that the Venetians had obtained a great Victory; of which some bringing the first notice, the people greedy of the news, and desirous of good success, without giving time for greater certainty, overflowed with such an excess of satisfaction, that running up and down with crys of applause, and making Bonfires in all the streets, they were very near, if Guards had not been timely appointed, lay­ing hands on the person and house of the Ambassadour la Queva, believed the principal mover of the attempts of Ossuna. But the va­nity of the report quickly appearing, one more troublesom arrives upon it. The Spanish Fleet, increased to the number of eighteen Ships and three and thirty Gallies, shewing themselves before Lesina, had provoked the Venetians to battel; and that coming out of the Port, shewed themselves ready for the Encounter: But the Spani­ards discharging their Cannon afar off, gave them the slip in the night. Shewing themselves again afterwards with the advantage of a fair wind, obliged the Venetians, that had it contrary, to stand up­on the defence of the Harbour; whereupon the Spaniards with the same propitious wind went and anchored at Trau vecchio, pillaging certain Barks, and burning some Cabanes there. Zane afflicted that the Enemy was so far advanced, and to see himself left behind, having no mind to abandon the great Ships, and separate himself from them, hales them out of the Port with such length of time as is usual in disorders of that nature, and makes to Spalato, to suppress any Incursions and Hostility the Spaniards might attempt upon that Coast. But Lieva in the mean time passing speedily with the Gal­lies towards Zara for a booty offering it self casually to him, was diverted from a greater Victory; because the orders, he had, im­posed precisely upon him to attempt the surprise and taking of Pola, or some other Port in Istria; but coming in sight near Morter, a shelf of Dalmatia, of two Merchant Gallies (Vessels of great bulk for carriage, but not fit for fight, built especially for the transport of Merchandize, which in great abundance pass by long voyages re­ciprocally from Persia, Turkie, and Venice,) whilst, although newly come under the Convoy of seven Gallies of the Fleet, they sailed with great negligence, ignorant of what had happened at Lesina, possesses himself of them.

Upon the discovery of the Spanish Ships, the Merchant Gallies run ashore, the men saving themselves, and the other provided for their safety with their Oars; but one not so nimble remained, though void of men, in the power of the Enemy, with some small Vessels which were Victuallers to the Fleet. By an action which made so great a noise, the Alarum was given every where, which made the Spanish Officers believe they should find no place unpro­vided, and having now the Venetian Fleet coasting upon them, and being besides embarassed with the Prizes and the rich Booty, cros­sing the Sea towards Mont Angelo, keeping close to the shore, they got back to Brindisi, and then the Gallies went out of the Gulph. Ossuna not at all satisfied that for a piece of thievery there was lost an opportunity of a more important conquest, sharply reproved Lieva [Page 98] for it; nevertheless boasting of the prey, caused the Wares and Ships to be brought into Naples with solemnity, much rejoycing at the displeasure which appeared in Venice, and in the hopes to bring the Republick into War with the Turk; because many of those Mi­nisters being interessed in the Commodities taken, and others feign­ing themselves to be so, as that Court made profit by the com­plaints, so they pretended to be repaired in the loss by the Venetians. Nevertheless Almorò Nani Bailo had the good luck without much ado to stifle that noise, partly with reason which distinguished the accident from the blame, and partly by change of the King, which disordered for a time the Empire; whilst to Achmet that was dead, passing by his two little Sons, Mustapha his Brother succeeded. But at Venice they were not a little disturbed at the news of this suc­cess, and the blame being laid upon the delay of moving the Fleet from Lesina, and no less upon the negligent Convoy of the light Gallies, Pietro Foscarini was sent Inquisitor to clear it, whether the Chiefs were to blame or not. To Zane was substituted Veniero in the Generalship, and thereupon the Command of the Ships being vacant, it was committed to Francesco Morosini. Some other Ships and Gallies besides were ordered to be made ready together with the Gallion called il Balbi, of a vast bigness. All Courts did now ring in favour of the Republick, that under the pretext of Treaties and of Peace, the Spanish Ministers had designed to give her a more cruel blow; and because it was certain, that neither their Fortune nor Arts were pleasing to the Princes of Italy, the Senate ordered Simeon Contarini, returning from his Ambassie of Rome, to visit Cos­mo the Grand Duke, who had denied his Gallies to Ossuna, and with­held a certain sum of money, sent at first to Milan in assistance of Ferdinand his Kinsman.

Thence he passed to the Dukes of Ʋrbin, Modena, Mantua, and Parma, giving them all to understand; That the most potent Engine of Foreign power in Italy was the patience of the Princes, for whom it was now time that they should understand, how much the liberty of that Coun­try was hated by Strangers, whilst they accounted all that for the greatest injury which was justly made use of to oppose their avarice and ambi­tion. But being held, even all of them, in the bonds of a greater dependency, they knew not what to do but wish better times for the common safety, every one having a sense of the Common-wealths sufferings; but no man moving in favour of it: Their greatest hopes then were reduced to a diversion in Piedmont; for which the Venetians, besides the monthly disbursements, furnishing 80000 Crowns as an extraordinary aid to the Duke, had given him the means to draw Dediguieres once more into Italy, and to main­tain his Army in such vigour, that, whilst Toledo had his men yet in their Quarters, St. Damiano was besieged, a Town environed with a thick Wall, and a good Rampart of earth within it, and kept by Andrea Prando with 600 Souldiers; but he, miserably burned un­der the ruines of some houses, the Garrison, without a Commander, after five days battery was forced in a most furious assault.

[Page 99] Dediguieres had honoured the Enterprise with his presence, and the Duke during the contest running to and fro amongst the foremost, had his Horse killed under him, with the loss of some few Souldiers, who being of no note remained, as usual, buried in oblivion. The place given to pillage, was presently demolished, and the Duke lay­ing waste the Country, constrained Mortara and Davalos for want of victuals to quit Alba, who were entred into it with 4000 men. And now finding in it 1000 Souldiers only (Monferrines, mingled with some Germans) the Duke causes the Count St. Giorgio to invest it, and after draws near with the Army. The Governour, who was Alleramo, and one of the Counts of St. Giorgio also, but a deadly Enemy to Guido, made as if he would hold it out to the last, though it was in a manner open, yet environed on three sides with the Ta­naro, and other little Rivers. The Germans lodged in the Out-works, and the Inhabitants had the defence of a Half-moon. The rains, which making the high-ways deep in mire, retarded for some days the Besiegers in bringing their Cannon, and the attacque hindred also succours to the Besieged; so that for want of Ammunition they were forced to render. The City agreed for a sum of money not to be plundered, and that the Garrison should not be French, the Germans marched out with Arms and Baggage. The Town of St. Germano, where an intelligence failed the Duke, was presently invested at large, and at the same time that of Montiglio was assault­ed by St. Giorgio. The Town taken, kept but by 400 Monferrines, the Castle after a breach made is also rendred; for the custody of which there arose a dispute betwixt the French and Savoyards with the death of more than an hundred of each side. In this disagree­ment the Capitulation was also broken; for entring in confusion in­to the Castle, they cut in pieces the Garrison. Dediguieres after such successes, in which he assisted with his help and counsel, re­turned to his own Government, whilst in France the Court, to dis­approve his partiality to the Savoyards, had suspended several of his entertainments and profits. Toledo not regarding the slaughter and losses of Monferrat, and resolving not to repair anothers damage by an unseasonable consuming his own Forces, and prejudice his own advantages, stays to re-inforce and rest his Army till the end of May, and then coming into the field, closely besieges Vercelli. So soon as he moved that way, St. Giorgio had happily put into it 1000 Musquetiers, and 200 Horse; so that the Garrison consisted of 4000 men, and the Duke, incamped in the Town of Gabiano, had his aim to take in Pontestura, so to cut off the Spaniards from that important pass; but finding a defence in better order than was sup­posed, he forbore to ingage in it, to be in greater readiness to suc­cour the place already battered; and so much the rather, because having discovered several treacheries, it was necessary both with his mind and person to be active in several places. In St. Ja parti­cularly some French Officers had concerted to put fire to the pow­der, make the Prince Vittorio, who was there, their Prisoner, and give him up to the Spaniards, who were to come in upon it to se­cond [Page 100] the design. But they that were found guilty by a Council of War of the Nation, to whose sentence the Duke submitted them, suffered punishment by the hand of the Hangman. A certain Pro­vencal also was put in Prison for having attempted to corrupt ano­ther to poyson Carlo. He notwithstanding amidst all these acci­dents shewed great constancy, and professed to revenge himself for these treacheries upon the Governour of Milan with Arms beseem­ing a Prince. Toledo, having inclosed Vercelli with a large circum­vallation, disposes Batteries in four places, to which the besieged with much boldness oppose theirs; Garzia Gomez General of the Spaniards Artillery being killed, and Alphonso Davalos so hurt by them, that he dyed soon after. They attempted afterwards with Sallies to drive the Germans from a Post upon the brink of the Sesia; but all they did was to demolish there a Fort, which was quickly repaired again. A great circuit of Out-works was the defence of the place, and some Trenches also kept the attacque far off, as much as was possible. But the besiegers directed particularly their offence towards the Bastion of St. Andrea, and under which the defendants, in the doubt they had to lose it, had made a Mine, that it might rather serve the Enemy for a sepulchre, than a place to lodge upon. It having not been possible to bring all things in abundance into the place after sixteen days siege only, Ammunition was wanting, inso­much that they were forced to charge their Cannon and Muskets with Tin and stones in the place of Iron and Lead. Carlo to sup­ply it in the best manner he could, at least with powder, sends the Signor Fleuri with 200 Horse, and as many Sacks. But being met by a Party of the Spaniards, the powder which they carried behind them taking fire from the discharge of Harquebuses, thirty only got in, and the rest for the most part, being a miserable spectable, were burnt. And now forty great Pieces battered the Walls with great violence, but two Half-moons were bravely defended, they within cutting to pieces in one Sally three hundred Germans, and a hun­dred and fifty Horse. That which covered the Bastion of St. Andrea was possessed by the besiegers, and regained by the besieged. At last upon springing a Mine, the Spaniards made an effort to carry the place by a general assault. As they had equal motives, so the valour was not unequal, both in them that gave it, and them that received it; for if the one were driven on with the rewards of glory and the pillage, the other were exhorted by the safety of themselves, their Country, and their families. Fire and Sword with the shedding of blood had pertinaciously their effect for a long time; but the Spaniards were forced to retire, and in that instant 100 Cuirassiers sallying into the ditch with their Swords in their hands made a great slaughter. Fifteen hundred men, and amongst them some of note, perished on the Spanish side; of the besieged the dead exceeded not a hundred. The Duke was in Livorno with 12000 Foot, and 1500 Horse; to whom joyned 3000 Bearnese, and he expected a Renfort from France; for by the death of d'Ancre the inchantment upon the Government being discharged, the Maxims and Councils were also changed.

[Page 101]It hath been already hinted, what power that Stranger had in the Kingdom. The Armies depended upon his will, he issued forth the money, and disposed of all Charges; so that he had the chief Ministers depending upon him, and the Queen her self had placed the stress of her Authority in the maintaining of him. He notwith­standing pretended to subsist of himself, holding places and govern­ments upon the Frontiers, and a Militia of Strangers, which acknow­ledged nothing but his name and authority. But the people in ge­neral hated him, the great ones abhorred him, and those that were friends to the Crown detested his maxims. Howsoever having the Councils of Spain interessed in his safety, he thought in the favour of that Monarchy to enjoy a strong support. Some there were that doubted not but that his thoughts were to make himself be feared, and that he might, when he believed himself no longer secure in France, sell to the Spaniards himself, the places and the Kingdom, at a high rate.

That at least was instilled into King Lewis, who in the flou­rishing age of eighteen years was amused by his Mother and the Favourite in childish toys, far from the knowledge of any business whatsoever. He therefore, melancholy by nature and loving soli­tude, looked with delight upon that Authority which he had not yet enjoyed, and feeding himself with suspicions, nourished a bitter hatred against d'Ancre. Divers persons of great birth, of his own age, and that had been bred up with him, began to find it strange to serve a Prince, and that grace and favour should depend upon the Minister. They ceased not therefore either with secret signs, im­perfect sayings, or covered discourses, such notwithstanding as Lewis understood, to go on censuring the present Government, the condi­tion of the King himself under the direction and tutelage of ano­ther.

Amongst all, Monsieur de Luines got the ascendant, a Gentleman of Avignon, of no great birth, expresly put about the King, that he might take up his time in hunting and hawking and other lesser pleasures. But he with these insnares him in such sort, that he quick­ly made the whole Kingdom his Quarry. Corrupting some of d'Ancres Domesticks, he brings them to represent to the King his actions, designs, and the means to preserve himself in his greatness, with so much horrour and detestation of Lewis, as yet without ex­perience, that not thinking himself secure, either as to his life or Kingdom, he resolves without delay to rid himself of so formidable a Minister. His death was betwixt a few resolved on; the King is perswaded to it out of a desire to exercise his Office, and make tryal of his Authority. Luines hopes to inherit the favour and the spoil; and Monsieur de Vitri, a Captain of the Guards, who under­took to kill him, thought to oblige the young Prince to him by the first fruits of his command. The Mareshal then incertain of his de­stiny, proudly entring into the Royal Palace of the Louvre the four and twentieth day of April, sees the door clapt to behind him, and in the same instant Vitri making a shew to arrest him, d'Ancre falls [Page 102] dead with the shots of three Pistols. The business was no sooner di­vulged, but the Queen-mother, doubtful what should become of her self, breaks forth into a flood of complaints. Those that had been of the Confidence, fearing the same chastisement, dispersed in disorder. But the people, who are moved with every blast, running amongst them upon a report that the King was betrayed and wounded, took Arms; but assured of the contrary by the chief Ministers, who rode through the streets quieting the tumult, turned their fear into glad­ness, and detesting the life and name of the dead, let the World see, That the lustre of favour is glorious, but a thing so tender and weakly, that going out with every puff it stinks at last, and is infe­ctious. The Corps ignobly buried was taken up again, and man­gled into little pieces was burnt, the ashes carried through the streets to sell, and bought by many at a great rate, to vent the publick ha­tred and private revenge. The King greatly rejoycing, that the judgment of the people did justifie the violence of the fact, sends away the Confidents of the dead, amongst whom was the Bishop of Lusson, who retired to Avignon. The Marquess his Wife was pub­lickly beheaded, and the Queen-mother confined to Blois. And now those great ones, who, upon Conde's imprisonment, had been kept from Court, returned. The Prince nevertheless was not set at liberty, because the King, contented by his own occasion to know his Authority, left the height of favour to Luines, and he with wonted craft considering how to establish himself in that condition, resolved, with the price of the liberty of two such Prisoners, to play the Merchant with both for his own conveniences.

France with this sudden change might be said to be restored to it self, and gained to Italy, because the King stood in much jealousie of the Spaniards, by reason of their confidences which he had disco­vered with the Queen-mother and with d'Ancre. The reconciled Princes were addicted enough to Savoy, and the progress of the War in the Milanese gave that Crown justly to understand, how much of its honour and interest, till now neglected, was treated there. And therefore understanding the danger Vercelli was in, Lewis expressed himself to the Ambassadour of Spain, That if some sudden composure were not found out, he should be constrained to make good his obligation, and maintain Carlo in the Treaty of Asti. In this interim he gives the Duke leave to raise what French he desired, and sends to the Borders of Savoy 6000 Foot and 2000 Horse to go forward into Italy where there should be need. The Archbishop of Lyons go­ing in great diligence to Rome, communicates to the Pope the in­tentions of the King in favour of the Duke; and seeing a young Prince that inclined to War, and gave from his Race future presa­ges of his Government; every one believed a flood of Armies in Italy was to follow, and an open Rupture betwixt the Crowns. And therefore the Pope did not only double his endeavours for Peace, but an Union was spoken of by some of those Princes (and particularly the Grand Duke) who knew they had offended France by having superciliously adhered to the other Party. The Spa­niards [Page 103] apprehending at first Lewis's threatnings, and, to pacifie him, readily shewing a desire to Peace, afterwards being assured that that Kingdom would not remain so quiet, but was within a while to expect a new Crisis, which promoting with Arts, Friends and Money, and with the help of some of the chief Ministers, who dis-inclined from having any thing to do with the affairs of Italy, they proceeded in the siege and in their designs. The truth was, that the first heat of the French cooling again, the most secret inten­tion appeared to be as not to let Piedmont be lost, yet so as not to break with Spain. Thus with appearances, proposals and en­deavours to hinder it, Vercelli was near being lost; for all the Half-moons were now taken. The Neapolitans with their approaches having cut their passage into the Ditch, had a breach open in the Bulwark of St. Andrea; and towards the River on the other side the Walloons had made another. The Garrison from duty and sick­ness appeared to be greatly diminished, and for want of powder had at last resolved to take that out of the Mine under the Bastion fore­mentioned. No experiment to get some in by stealth had succeed­ed: The Duke thereupon applying himself to force, draws near to the Enemies Camp by night, placing longst the Sesia 9000 Foot with 1400 Horse, and 10 small Pieces. Three thousand Foot and 400 Horse were appointed for the relief, and there stood in the Rear the French under the Marquess d'Ʋrfè, Signor di Chigliè, and the Baron di Rairan, and the Italians commanded by the Serjeant Major of the Marquess of Caluso, and the Signor of Parella.

When the Duke caused the Alarm to be given, the Arrierguard aforesaid divided into several Parties, and d'Ʋrfè having passed the Sesia, met by a Body of Horse, and forced to fight, was defeated with the loss of 600 men: But whilst the Spaniards hasted to that side, 1000 men entred into Vercelli on the other, with some pow­der, though not so much as was proportionable to the want. For all this, Toledo slackens not his attacque, but re-inforcing with twen­ty Cannons more his battery of the Fort St. Andrea, caused another assault to be given so vigorous, that the effect was to see himself lodged upon the breach. The place then capitulates, agreeing un­der honourable conditions to deliver the Town and Cittadel. The Siege lasted two months, during which were discharged 67000 shot of Artillery. The Enemy lost 6000 Souldiers, and 67 Captains, be­sides some persons of Quality. Giovanni Bravo with a strong Gar­rison enters into it as Governour. The Marquess of Caluso, who came out of it, notwithstanding the Fathers favour, was forced for a while to forbear the Dukes angry presence; but being guilty of nothing but ill fortune, was quickly restored to his former favour. The Duke with this loss felt himself touched to the quick, and apprehended consequences yet worse, fearing lest Toledo should be­siege Asti; whereupon to divert that thought, and to shew courage in his ill fortune, finding his Army strong 18000 Foot and 3000 Horse, and not a little heartned with Dediguieres presence, who, by the Kings consent being newly come again into Italy, had brought with [Page 104] him some men under the Dukes pay, and some Troops that carried the Colours, he resolves to enter into the Milanese. Leaving An­nona, la Rocca, and Rocchetta behind him, he invests Felisano, where the French forcing the Barricadoes, and entring the Trenches, fifteen hundred Germans together with the Inhabitants were cut to pieces, the Officers made Prisoners, and nine Colours taken. Going thence to Quattordici, an open place, where were lodged 300 men, leaving their Arms they were obliged to ingage, not to serve any more against Carlo. Out of Renfracore, which rendred it self, 200 Swit­zers were permitted to march out with their Arms and Colours, in respect to the Nation, with whom the Duke was in alliance. Toledo, who in the Siege of Vercelli had harrassed and diminished his For­ces, had now separated them into several Quarters to refresh; but moved with the Dukes bold attempt, assembles his Army at Soleri. Nevertheless suffers Annona to be taken in his sight, a weak place, but garrisoned with 2000 men, who after a short battery of six Pieces marched out, life and Arms saved. La Rocca d' Arasso also, and la Rocchetta, with the spoil of 500 Souldiers, yielded.

These successes contributed to the heightning of Carlo's reputa­tion, who always appeared above all misfortunes; but in effect the advantage was much less than the noise, because they did not re­compense the loss of Vercelli, whereof not only the Duke, but the Venetians were very sensible. Nevertheless, to uphold a gravity in the Negotiation equal to the constancy of their minds, the Senate with the consent of the Duke, after the Invasions of Ossuna, the ta­king of the Gallies, and the rendring of Vercelli, recals the powers give their Ambassadour Gritti to treat a Peace in Spain. For the dispatch to Madrid of necessary powers concerning this Negotiation, the Archduke was carried to the Court of the Emperour Matthias, and there had pretended, that the Ambassadour of the Republick should not appear in the Churches, or on any other occasion when he was present. But the Emperour, not willing to pass beyond the Mediation to a partiality, remained resolute to oppose it.

The Archduke had other greater concerns pressing upon his mind; for all the Line of Maximilian the Second, though numerous, co­ming to fail without posterity, the Fortune of the Empire was to devolve into his House. And for that cause he was tyed to the Spaniards in the bonds of greater confidence, and they expresly pro­moted it with certain hopes to cast the Empire according to their arbitrement, when it should fall upon Ferdinand. The Archdukes Albert and Maximilian, Brothers to the Emperour, wanting issue, easily yielded their pretensions and hopes; but it was a hard matter to bring Matthias to it, who heard not willingly the discourse of celebrating in his life time the Funerals of his Authority and Go­vernment. He nevertheless insinuates to him the cession of the Title only of King of Bohemia, for prevention of those accidents, which to Religion and the Family, in case of his death, might in the Interregnum be feared; because it being not certain, whether it be Elective or Hereditary, the minds of the people sufficiently [Page 105] prepared for it, might be moved; and if it should fall into other hands, or to a Protestant Prince, the Election it self of the Empe­rour would run a great hazard, in the parity of six other Electors equally divided into Catholicks and Hereticks themselves. Upon such effectual motives, the Emperour at last lets himself be perswa­ded; but the Spaniards, although with all earnest they inclined to the advancement of Ferdinand, yet would not quit their advantages in view; and therefore the consent of King Philip, the Son of Anna Daughter of Maximilian the Second, seeming necessary, they re­quired a vast compensation for it. Upon this score it was divulged, that the Towns of Istria should be yielded to them, with the Coun­ty of Goritia, and with all that more which the Archduke possessed in Italy; but that tended only to give jealousie to the Venetians, al­though in truth all the Country was moved at the report, doubt­ing to be bound up, both by Sea and by Land, with such Fetters as were not to be shaken off.

An agreement was afterwards privately stipulated betwixt the Archduke and the Count d'Ognate, which contained Philips ces­sion of his Rights to the hereditary Provinces in Germany, in favour of Ferdinand, and his Brothers, and of their descendants masculine; but that failing, they to return to the House of Spain, of which the Females were to be preferred before those born in Germany. In recompence it was promised to give up Alsatia to the Spaniards, and to maintain them in the possession: they bound themselves to grant reciprocal Levies, and that the one should not confer benefits or favours on the Vassals of the other but by the approbation of his own Prince or his Ministers. That part nevertheless which concerned Alsatia was never executed, for fear of making too great a commotion amongst the Princes of the Empire, and indeed of all Europe. The design notwithstanding of uniting the two Houses, and extending their limits, coming to be known, such was the jealousie of many Princes, that that Treaty may justly be called the founda­tion-stone of the calamities of Germany, and the Original of the great accidents that ensued.

But for the Treaty with the Republick, the Count d'Ognate ha­ving protested to Ferdinand, that the management thereof would not be suffered to pass through other hands than those of Philip himself, the Count Francisco Chefniller was dispatched into Spain as Ambassadour Extraordinary from Matthias, and the Archduke (who shall henceforth be called King of Bohemia) and he carried the re­solute intentions of Matthias and Gleselio, his chief Minister, that by all means a Peace was to be made. But at Madrid blocks in the way were not wanting; for the Spanish Ministers pretended, that the Venetians should first restore what they had taken, and then Ferdinand should fulfil the agreement, but without burning the Barks, or banishing but some few of the Ʋscocchi; and for the affairs of Piedmont, they insisted upon the Dukes disarming: after which things they offered a restitution of all, yet without any prescription of time, or obligation on their side to lay down Arms. But Gritti [Page 106] foreseeing that they joyntly aimed at the predominancy in Italy, and to weary out the Princes in jealousies, sustained, that for common quiet and security the disarming of the Milanese ought also to be concerted, and as to the interests of the Ʋscocchi, insists, that those three sorts should be banished, which the Republick had already declared; and for the rest, that the agreement in Vienna should be precisely executed. For some kind of temperament it was propo­sed by Lerma, that the Venetians should first render the places in Istria; Ferdinand then, to perform the promises on his side, and after that the Republick should withdraw their Arms out of Friuli, the word of his King remaining security for the due execution of the Treaty. But in this present state of affairs the news arriving, that the Hollanders were safely landed in Italy, Lerma in anger protests to Gritti, that if the Treaty were not concluded within one day, he would hold it for broken. The Ambassadour complaining, that the means of necessary defence should be converted into the pre­texts of a most unjust War, shewed himself very indifferent, whe­ther the Negotiation were continued or broken. Chefniller gave out, that the Negotiation coming to dissolve in Spain, the Empe­rour should re-assume it elsewhere, and the Ambassadours of France and England seeming to wonder, that Lerma should proceed with such passion, the Secretary Arostighi comes to Gritti to excuse the Dukes heat, and to signifie to him in the Name of the King, that he held not the Treaty otherwise broken, than that he reserved wholly to himself the power to approve the Articles treated on, when he should know they were accepted by the Senate. The Ambassadour thereupon equally disapproves the things proposed and the form. Lerma then at last calls together the Nuntio, the Ambassadour of France, and him of Venice, offering to the two first, that as to Savoy, the Capitulation of Asti should not be altered, and as to the Vene­tians, they restoring the half of the places possessed, and afterwards the rest at twice, Ferdinand should also go on alternatively in the execution of that which some years past had already been agreed upon at Vienna.

Gritti, not at all satisfied with this, requires, that Ferdinand should first settle in Segna the Garrison agreed upon, that then the Repub­lick should quit one place in Istria, and that, all the rest afterwards being executed, Arms should be every where withdrawn. Here­upon Lerma not dissenting, certain Articles were drawn; but in the affair of Carlo the Ambassadour sustaining, that by reason of new accidents it was necessary there should be some explication and ad­dition to the Treaty of Asti, the whole business thereupon was at a stand. Things standing in this posture at Madrid, Gritti receives the revocation of his powers; for the Venetians and the Duke being ex­asperated to extremity against the Spanish Ministers, thought it bet­ter to have the Treaty transported to the Court of France, where the change of Government opened a way to hopes of a better minding of the affairs of Italy. Gritti then had no other Commission but to [Page 107] ratifie and see that worded which should be concluded at Paris by the Ambassadours Bon and Gussoni; and King Lewis was assured, that Carlo being satisfied in the point of disarming, the Senate dis­sented not from the substance of that which had been in Proposition at Madrid about the Ʋscocchi; adding only in consideration of late emergencies the restitution of Ships and the Merchandize stayed and made prize of by Ossuna: and the rather because the reprisals could not be called just, whilst Spain declared not to be in enmity or rupture with the Republick. Gradisca in the mean time being brought to the last gasp, the Austrian Commanders imployed all their power to make it subsist. Several reliefs having not succeeded to get in by stealth, they resolved passing on this side the Lisonzo with 600 Horse and 400 experienced Foot to attempt the Line to make way for the succours; but being repulsed by the Guards of Horse upon them, the action proved very bloody. Of the Venetians were killed Marc Anthonio Manzano, Pietro Avogadro, and Leonoro Gualdo, persons of Noble birth, and all their Captains of Horse. The loss in other respects appeared not unequal. The night following, the Austrians having a mind to make another attempt, the breaking of some of the floats, upon which they were to pass over, suspended the effect. But on the other side, a while after they assaulted those Batteries which incommoded Rubia, and driving out of the Re­doubt, which was most advanced, four Companies of Switzers sur­prised in their negligence, and killing some Cannoniers, who would have made resistance, they entred into the Quarter even to the lodging of del Lando, where they were opposed by some Corsi, till Don Giovanni coming with some succours forced them to retire. The Battery was presently recovered, and some Cannon being un­nailed, and turned upon the Enemy, made a great slaughter a­mongst them. Marradas and D'Ampierre still applying their minds to new attempts, laying a Bridge over the Plain of Mainizza passed the River, and convoying some provisions with a great body of men, finding the Line ill guarded, and having had the encounter only of a few Horse, brings them happily into Gradisca. Nassau was commanded by the Bridge of Fara with 600 Musquetiers to charge them in the flank; but doing it out of time, and the Germans under the favour of the Town fording the Lisonzo, by the Hills of the Carso got safe into their Quarter. Marradas encouraged by this, with 800 Horse and 500 Musquetiers assaults some Quarters upon the same Hills, forcing certain Trenches, and although at that time repulsed, yet upon a second attempt he was able to bring powder and meat by the way of Dobredo into the Fort Stella, from whence it was afterwards carried into Gradisca.

The Camp of the Venetians was found weakened by its suffering, and the Hollanders in particular, not accustomed to the Climate, were afflicted with several diseases, of which Nassau himself dies in Monfalcone, and Lando falls desperately sick. It was therefore re­solved to reduce the Quarters into a lesser compass, and to aban­don St. Michaele, whence Marradas arguing a greater weakness, [Page 108] took heart to assault them, but was vigorously repulsed with the death of 300 of his own. Discovering afterwards preparations to hazard anew succours, the Venetians resolved to encounter it near to St. Martino with 300 Foot under Oratio Baglione. The Enemy be­ing discovered to be more than had been supposed, which through by-ways conveyed a certain quantity of meal; the Prince of Este, returned to the Camp in the place of Medici who was indisposed, gave Baglione advertisement, that without ingagement he should pre­serve himself till He might arrive with a Renfort proportionable. But the Enemies eagerness gave not time for the advertisement; whereupon the fight beginning, the Venetians, who to cross upon se­veral passages were obliged to an order too distant from one ano­ther, were defeated. A Company of German Cuirassiers lighting on foot, with their Swords in their hands, did the greatest execu­tion, few saved themselves; 80 were made Prisoners, the rest with Baglione himself, Verginio Orsino, Lamentana, and Giamaco Alberti a French Captain, were left dead upon the place. The Senate, to re­compense with immortal memory to posterity a life lost in the flo­wer of his age, erected in the Church of St. John and Paul a goodly Monument for Oratio, who with equal testimony of his fidelity and courage had in this War made his Name famous above any other. These reliefs to Gradisca, though frequent, yet scanty, sufficed not to secure it from being taken at last; the Germans therefore put­ting themselves upon new attempts by artificial Fire-works, took upon them to burn the Bridge at Fara; but the Engine being in disorder, it came to nothing. The Venetians on the other side, to cut off communication with the Fort Stella, by means whereof succours entred into Gradisca and some unprofitable mouths were got out, made a quarter at Drausina, straightning the besieged in such sort, that the Fort wanted water, and the Town was brought to extremity. The Inhabitants had sent to Ferdinand the Baron of Ech, to inform him, that now at last their fidelity was invaded by the utmost necessity; and to Milan, the Bishop of Trieste, to sollicite To­ledo to some vigorous diversion. He in the hottest of his actings in Piedmont had always kept a good number of men on the Borders of the Venetians, and they having kept them well provided, left no place but for reciprocal Jealousies and good heed, till Vercelli co­ming to be taken, and the Spaniards increasing the number of their Militia, suspicions were also increased on this other side; for Lad­ders being making at Lodi, and other Preparatives given order for, it seemed that the Governour of Milan had his eye upon some sur­prisal and attacques, and particularly of Crema.

But in this very Juncture a Courrier from Spain brings the appro­bation of the Capitulation of Peace as it had been first concluded at Paris, where the King and his Ministers, desirous above measure that the affairs of Italy should be composed without being obliged to imploy their Arms in that War, had perswaded Carlo to consent to disarm under the word and faith of that Crown, and the Duke [Page 109] had not made difficulty to approve it, because despairing to recover Vercelli by force, he desired by all means to have it by some Treaty. Then concerning the affairs of the Venetians, the Duke de Monte­leone Ambassadour of Spain, not having the powers necessary, had given assurance under his hand-writing, that at Madrid they should not recede a tittle from what had formerly been concerted betwixt Lerma and Gritti.

The Ambassadours of the Venetians hereupon making no difficul­ty, persisted only in the pretence that the restitution of the Merchan­dize and Ships might be comprehended in the agreement. But re­solutions and power concerning that point being not yet come from Spain, the French Ministers glad to have happily gotten the prehe­minence, which the Spaniards had endeavoured with so much noise to arrogate to themselves alone, for prevention of any evil accident, obliged the foresaid Ambassadours to be contented, that King Lewis should promise in writing to interpose with his Father-in-law his most effectual offices for the restitution. The Venetians, to say truth, had instructions to the contrary; but having a jealousie, that, the affairs of Piedmont being composed, in which the Duke, inamou­red with a secret Proposition of Marriage of a Sister of that King with the Prince Vittorio, as a caution of the Treaty, shewed himself contented, the Republick should be left alone and exposed to an inundation of the Austrians, after some hesitation gave their consent. Upon the sixth of September then was a writing under-written, in which, referring themselves, as the Ʋscocchi, to the Articles al­ready adjusted in Spain, there was added over and above for the observance of them the word of France, and for the restitution of the things made prize of, Mediations and Offices were promised; to Carlo were confirmed the Articles of Asti, with the promise of France, that Vercelli should be restored to him.

It did not, to say truth, appear, that the Capitulation did unite in the expressions of it, as was desired, the interests of the Republick with those of the Duke; but by Gritti, to whom the Ambassadours in France, as they had it in commission, referred the extension of the whole Treaty, it was fully supplied. So that in Madrid the 26. the September the agreement was signed, in which the reciprocal con­sideration of the quiet of Christendom and of Italy being premised, it was through the mediation of the Pope and France agreed, that Ferdinand placing a Garrison of Germans in Segna, the Republick should render one place in Istria at the choice of the Emperour and of Ferdinand; after that, by the meeting of two Commissioners on each side it should within twenty days be declared, that the Ʋs­cocchi, which were to be far removed from Segna and the ma­ritime places, were to be accounted Adventurers and Banditi, which imploy themselves in Piracies; except those that dwelt quietly in their houses, or which had only been guilty of some Hostility in this present War. The Barks imployed in this Pira­cy were to be burnt. All this being performed, the Venetians pro­mised to withdraw their Garrisons from all places taken. Never­theless, [Page 110] from the beginning of the excution of the Treaty two months were to be allowed, Fortifications and Hostility by Land and by Sea were presently to cease on both sides, all things being to be executed within the said time, and then Commerce to begin, which also was to take place, though the execution should require more than two months. The Treaty of Vienna was word for word inserted, and the point of free Navigation referred to another time; Prisoners according to custom were released, and were compre­hended under a general oblivion those Subjects which had served on the other side. The Catholick King for performance received the word of the Venetians, and he gave it reciprocally that Ferdinand should not restore the Ʋscocchi, nor any one damage be felt from them, suspending equally his Arms, and Hostility every where cea­sing. Then, as to what concerns Savoy, Gritti capitulates with Lerma, that the Treaty of Asti should be executed, places and Pri­soners restored, all offences betwixt Carlo and the Duke of Man­tua laid aside; all which was to be ratified within forty days, if in that interim no other accord were made in Italy with Toledo, which in that case was to take place.

Concerning the restitution of things pretended by the Venetians by the depredations of Ossuna, the Duke of Lerma consents not that they should be mentioned in the Treaty, but orders la Queva, that in the Name of the King he should give his word for it to the Se­nate. In this Treaty, which is called the Treaty of Madrid, the will of Matthias that the affairs of the Ʋscocchi should be composed had great influence; and also the desire of Lerma that the French should not be ingaged further in the affairs of Italy; as to other things aiming rather to make an end of the War, than to confirm the Peace. When the first advise from Paris arrived at Venice, the news was generally received with great joy, and by the Senate so consi­dered, that having obtained the expulsion of the Ʋscocchi, and the observance always pretended of the agreement in Vienna, their Rights were not only with great grace maintained, but their inten­tions justified; and although they had not made by the War any particular progresses of advantage, nevertheless the Common-wealth with great constancy had without all accidents, never receded from the point, reduced Gradisca to extremity, taken many places, lost nothing of their own, and at the same time, resisting the jealousies of Toledo, defended the Sea from Ossuna, together with the dignity of Carlo preserved the glory and common liberty of Italy, and dis­puting Authority with the Spaniard, called in France to take part in the Treaty and in the Warranty of the Conditions. Some ne­vertheless, more tenacious in the customs of the Country, did not in the formality of the Treaty acknowledge the wonted punctua­lity and obedience of the Ministers, because the Ambassadours had transgressed their Commissions; neither did it appear, that Mante­leone had a sufficient authority; but that it was believed, that they were still to depend upon the abstruse sense and mysterious coun­sels of Spain, whilst possibly in Italy the Forces and the Courage [Page 111] slackning, and what concerns Piedmont being executed, the Com­mon-wealth would remain loosned from the union with the Duke, and separated from the common interests. Amidst these opinions the respect to France prevailing, to whom the mediation was volun­tarily offered, it was resolved to approve the Treaty, but at the same time to recal the Ambassadours to imprisonment to expiate their disobedience.

Simeon Contarini Cavalier, was sent as an Extraordinary into France, to inform the King of the just motives the Senate had for it; but Lewis being something troubled that the Ambassadours should be punished for that, which in contemplation of himself they seemed to have incurred, passed such effectual Offices in their favour, that at last being once called home, the punishment was pardoned. All being approved at Madrid, which had been agreed at Paris, the advice of the conclusion was by an Express dispatched from the Court to the Governour of Milan, causing him to be held up by the way, whom the Ambassadour Gritti sent to Venice, to the end that the knowledge of it arriving, before others, to the Ministers of the Crown, they might, in the execution of the things agreed, the better resolve that, which the conjunction and state of things should counsel them; and to say truth, Toledo upon it was wavering amidst various thoughts; for some perswaded him to cease from all action, not to discompose the Peace, and others stirred him up to go on with his Arms. The Bishop of Trieste above all shewed what a great hazard Gradisca ran, remonstrating that it could not hold out so long as the time prefixed for the ratifications of the Treaty; in which case, in the very close of the War, the Venetians would be­come triumphant, not without a blot upon the reputation of the House of Austria, and ignominy upon their Arms. Toledo at last re­solves either to preserve it by a diversion, or to bring the Common-wealth to some agreement whereby to save the place, or, if it should be taken, to oblige them to restore it. And this he might put in practice with so much the more freedom as he was more at liberty on the side of Piedmont, there being a cessation of Arms, and Dedi­guieres repassed the Alps, in regard Bethune had the 9. of October made an agreement in Pavia with Toledo himself, that the Duke some time that month should restore what he had taken, and disband his Army, himself in November to render all, and dispose of his Ar­my conformable to the Treaty of Asti. Going then in person to Lodi, and sending the Prince of Avellino to Caravaggio, he environs on all sides the Territory of Crema, harrassing the Country to the great prejudice of the Towns Camisano and Volpino. To resist them there went out of Crema 300 Horse under Lodovico Vimercati with 200 Foot, which obliged the Spaniards to leave their Booty; but they came near to Fara with a greater strength in the Bergamasco, where by a narrow Lane that Territory joyns to that of Crema. Two hundred men having the Guard in that place, of a weak inclosure, with a low Intrenchment, rendred themselves to go out with their Swords after five hours fight. Romano, a great Town and of im­portance, [Page 112] put it self presently into defence, Girolamo Cornaro Pro­veditor General coming thither with Francesco Martinengo, under whom they joyned some Souldiers in pay, and some of the Country. Francesco Erizzo came thither with title of Proveditor and Com­missario. But Toledo, to straighten the Common-wealth the more, demanded passage of the Duke of Mantua to make a further inrode on that side, and published it was to bring a Garrison into Ca­stiglione.

The Venetians complained highly that Toledo executed in such manner the Capitulations of Asti, which obliged him to free Italy from offences, jealousies, and molestations; and that he should no otherwise respect the Peace of Madrid, which suspended warlike proceedings, and terminated Hostility, but with doing new mis­chiefs, and contriving greater vexations. They therefore endeavour­ed to stir up France with the contempt Toledo shewed of their me­diation, and with the obligation which engaged them to maintain to them the Treaty. The Duke of Savoy after some perplexity, be­cause the desire to recover Vercelli sufficiently restrained him on the one side, and common faith and his own interest advertised him on the other of the dangers the Republick was in, offers to move im­mediately in person; and recals the Troops, which having caused for the most part to pass out of Italy, in order to the execution of the Peace, loitered under the Republicks pay in the Country de Vaux in Helvetia, to attend the issue of things. They stipulated be­sides at common charge a great Levy of French, and another with Mansfield to be raised in the Provinces of the Empire. Neverthe­less these great preparations came presently to nothing, because la Queva at Venice complying with the conclusion of the Peace, and giving word for the restitution of the Ships, Gallies, and Merchants goods, insinuates in order to preserve Gradisca a general suspension of Arms; and the Popes Nuntio, with the Ambassadour of France, pressing it also by their offices and intreaties, the Senate was per­swaded to order their General, that for Friuli, Istria, and Dalmatia he should concert it with the Austrians; whereupon at a meeting upon the 7. of November of Pietro Barbarigo Procurator, and who was succeeded to Lando, who lay dangerously sick, and Marradas, they adjusted every thing, proportioning how much victuals should every day enter into Gradisca. Toledo now having obtained his de­sign, published on his side the Peace, and some Troops being licen­tiously run abroad towards Romano, though repulsed by the Vene­tians with the death of twenty five of them, he punisheth the Offi­cers, and leaving Fara withdraws his Army into the Milanese. Os­suna on the contrary was mad at the name of Peace, and giving out that he would invade the Gulph anew, invented two pretexts; the one unjust, from the coming over of the Holland Troops; the other false, that there was a Fort building at St. Croce. It was true, that Veniero was in that Port with twenty three small Gallies, five great ones, nineteen Ships, and some armed Barks, with other lesser Ves­sels, but without other design than to hinder the Spanish Fleets en­try, [Page 113] if they should attempt it, and divert the thoughts of Ossuna, who divulged that he would fortifie thereabouts some of the Rocks be­longing to those of Ragusa. The Souldiers, in truth, had done some hurt, not without the consent of the Chiefs, to chastise the boasting of that people, and the assistance given to the Spanish Ships. But those of Ragusa, by reason of the smallness of their Country, think­ing themselves lost, when they were scarce touched, made grievous complaints against the Venetians to the Turks.

The Pope and the French interposed with Ossuna, and it was pub­lished, that Philip himself by Letters under his own hand had seri­ously commanded him to be quiet, and to restore to the Republick the Ships and Goods. But he feigning in greater scorn obedience, and to be willing to deliver to Gasparo Spinelli their Resident the Ships, speaking nothing of the Goods, but dissipating them publick­ly, that Minister would not receive them to the prejudice of the rest. The Duke not stopping his turbulent thoughts here, sends anew Francesco Rivera with nineteen Men of War into the Adria­tick.

The Venetians discovering him towards St. Croce, ranging their Fleet in order, came near to them cannoning one another. But night now coming on, the Spanish Ships set their course towards the Coast of Naples, and Veniero follows them so close, so that in the mor­ning some of the Ships were very near to those of Spain. He with the incitements of honour animates all to the fight, and laboured to put the Fleet in order, something confused by the sailing in the night; but besides shooting from far with the Cannon nothing was done, because the Venetian Ships got into order with difficulty, and some of them not without blemish abandoning that Post which the General had assigned them, they came not to grapple; but a great storm following thereupon, they were forced to leave the Enemy to contend against the Sea, the lighter Gallies ran towards Dalmatia, and amongst the Rocks of Meleda there perished five. The great ones with the Ships, the General himself being gone into the Gallion, Balbi followed the Spaniards as far as Manfredonia; but by the same occasion of the wind, which drove them upon the land, they were obliged to return to St. Croce. And Rivera stays some time in Brin­disi with his Ships ill enough handled.

But if there were a storm at Sea, the waves went not less high at Land about the execution of the Peace of Piedmont; for that Be­thune making a journey to Mantua to induce that Prince to the par­don and restitution of Goods to St. Giorgio, and the others compre­hended in the Treaty, found him totally averse to it. The mystery was quickly discovered; for the Venetians having also interposed with the project of a Marriage betwixt Leonora and Vittorio, to which, lest he should ally himself with the Sister of Lewis, it was believed the Spaniards would not gainsay; yet it appeared that the Governor of Milan kept Ferdinand to hard meat, strictly imposing upon him not to consent at present with so much facility to France that which he had constantly heretofore denied to Spain. Whereupon Bethune [Page 114] parts with this impression, that Toledo did not like that there should be an entire composure betwixt the two Dukes, to the end that by their divisions he at his pleasure might have a stone at his foot to stumble the Peace. And he was therein the more confirmed, when coming to Milan, the Governour would not rest satisfied in the truth of Carlo's disarming, pretending, that though his Troops were discharged, yet they were entertained out of Italy to be at the Dukes disposing.

Bethune extremely troubled a this proceeding, sends him a protest in writing, charging him to be author of all the evils, which might arrive upon his so much niceness. But Toledo not considering offices or protests, strengthened himself continually with new Troops, and therefore it was but fit for Carlo to imploy himself in making great­er provisions. St. Ja and Crescentino were put in defence, and Piscina being dispatched again to Venice, there was proposed an adjustment of a new consort and defence. With such ambiguity of mind and thoughts ends the year 1617. memorable for the War, for the sus­picions, for the Treaties which disturbed rather than quieted Italy, and which out of it scattered also mischievous seeds of new and greater calamities; for no sooner had Padavino, a Minister for the Republick, appeared among the Grisons, but the Governour of Milan sends Mora with orders, not only to hinder the League with the Venetians, but with Propositions to conclude one with the Mila­nese. Gheffier the French Minister opposes himself to these dealings of Spain: but although the Orders of the Court divulged the con­trary, he as much opposed that of the Venetians; from which Casati the Spanish Ambassador, taking encouragement, proposes in the Pit­tach a League hereditary for a perpetual defence with exclusion of passage to every body else, and a prohibition to Padavino not to proceed in his Negotiation, promising that done (to gain their con­sent) the demolishing of the Fort Fuentes.

But so far was this Proposition from being approved, that a Uni­on with the Republick was rather universally desired, and that to such a degree, that for fear it should be effected, the Ministers of both Crowns conspired anew to divert it, by dividing the affections of those people, rendring jealous the Commons, turning some about, and bringing them all into confusion. It was no hard matter to compass their end, considering the affections of that wavering peo­ple; whereupon some made an Insurrection in the Agnedina, and joyning with sixty Musquetiers of Coira, attempted to drive away Padavino by force. Those of Tosana whither he retired took him into their protection, breaking a Bridge by which these armed men pur­sued him with great violence. But taking counsel from the most ex­perienced, they let that sudden motion, as they had seen it at other times, vanish of it self; whereupon he retires into the Valtellina to Morbegno; where neither being secure, by reason of Orders from those of Coira not to let him remain there, he was obliged to return into the Bergamas [...]o. And so the Souldiers which had been levied, disbanded without much difficulty, and over and above every Pass [Page 115] was stopped to some Souldiers of the Republick,An Dom. 1618 which by conni­vence filed towards their own State; and it was proposed, that a Tribunal should be erected to punish those of the Commonalty, who had hearkned to the Proposition of Union with the Republick. The League of the Grisons, to give them their due, opposed that; but some of the chief prevailed, and turning Justice into a Reve­nue, hoped to make their profit by it. This was the foundation of that open discord, which did in a manner totally subvert the li­berty of Rhetia, which being equally in confusion and poverty, ea­sily prostituted it self to be the laughing-stock of strangers, and to be changed according to the private interest of the Inhabitants.

ANNO MDCXVIII.

The year terminating so tempestuous, 1618. in consequence be­gins with little appearance of quiet. In Germany, the truth was, that the inclinations of Matthias without question tended to Peace, whence although the Austrians, to give all the honour to Spain, de­sired only that the Treaty of Madrid should be approved, with the exclusion of that Writing stipulated in Paris; nevertheless the Ve­netians dissenting from it both from decency, and the Warranty of the Treaty, the ratifications were solemnly exchanged in Vienna. Giorgio Justiniano, Ambassadour for the Republick with Matthias, was admitted to Audience with Ferdinand, to whom in an honou­rable discharge of his function, omitting past diffidences, he repre­sented the intentions of the Republick towards his Royal person and Family, inferring from the present accord and the mutual readi­ness to execute it, presaging of a lasting peace and felicity of their Subjects, who from the affections of their Princes receive the most benign or the most severe influences.

The Emperour, together with the King, had both a mind to no­minate Commissioners, for executing the accord, Pope Paul and Cosi­mo the Grand Duke (but that served chiefly for State, and rather, to have Mediators) Confidents to both Parties, if any difficulty should come to arise. Whereupon, it being necessary that the Depu­ties should meet upon the place, from the Austrians were sent the Barons, Carlo d'Harach and Giacomo Elding, and from the Republick Girolamo Justiniano and Anthonio Priuli Cavalier, both Procurators of St. Marco. The Island of Veglia was chosen for the place of meeting, both for the conveniency of the place, and because the Venetians even in that loved to keep up a seemliness, bringing them home into their own Country. In the mean time the Austrians be­ing sensible of an Incursion upon the Frontiers of Croatia, sent thi­ther a part of the Militia which was in Friuli, abandoning the Post of Rubia, and the Republick re-inforced with some of their Soul­diery their Army by Sea, appointing Barbarigo Captain General over it, in whose place passed, out of Istria into Friuli, Barbaro in quality of Vice-Proveditor General of the Armies. Into Segna be­ing brought the Company of Germans of Captain Suech for a Garri­son, [Page 116] Zemino was immediately delivered by Luigi Giorgio Proveditor General of the Venetian Cavalry to the Commander Rudolfo di Col­loredo.

All passed with somewhat greater length than was accorded, and it was caused by various accidents and the quality of the business, rather than by the will of the Parties; besides, because it behoved reciprocally to substitute new Commissioners, Elding of the Austrians being dead, and of the Venetians in place of Giovanni Bembo Duke deceased (Nicholo Donato having possessed the place less than a month) Priuli was assumed into the Principality. He resolved to depart secretly from Veglia, and being met near to Venice by twelve Ambassadours, not of the oldest, but of the most illustrious, with great solemnity assumes the Government of the Republick. There succeeded as Commissioner Nicholo Contarini, and to Elding Mar­quardo Baron d'Ech; but being recalled a while after, the Pleni­potence rested in Harach alone. The Commerce was re-establish­ed, and there being 133 names of the Ʋscocchi agreed upon, they were banished with their families, and threatnings of most severe punishments, if they should dare to return. The Barks were burnt, and in them also was burnt the Name of the Ʋscocchi, with which the Republick was rid of an unquietness which had vexed them for many years. The greatest part of them were transported to Car­listot, and other Frontiers of the Turks further from the Sea; some of the boldest were received under the protection of Ossuna, and amongst them Andrea Ferletich conveying away a Bark, made in his passage some pilfering upon the Island of Arbe, at which the Vene­tian Commissioners highly moved, protested to suspend the restitu­tion of the places they possessed, if against the offence visible seve­rities were not made appear; whereupon Harach desirous to make a speedy end of the business, because the Insurrections in Bohemia required to haste the Troops thither, not being able to get Ferle­tich into his hands, arrests by way of Hostage the Wives of three of his Followers, and banished them all with a sentence of death, if they ever returned. With this and the restitution of the Cannon of the Gally of Veniero, the Venetians delivering in exchange those carried away from Scrisa, the Austrians having punctually perform­ed the agreement, the Republick presently delivered the places they held; though on the one side the stirs of Bohemia, which greatly straightned the Empire and Ferdinand, suggested a conjuncture to attempt advantages, and the proceedings of the Ministers of Spain pricked them sharply forward to new resentments and revenge: For Ossuna was so far from shewing any inclinations to Peace, that rather denying the restitutions promised, and continuing secret contrivan­ces and publick designs, if he covered the one with silence, he pub­lished the other with ostentation, and talked of nothing else; in his Government keeping no other rule but his own will and Capri­cio, the conduct he used was in all things most extravagant. To be subject to Reason and Law he held an unbecoming servitude, vio­lated the Priviledge of the Church, trod under foot the Nobility, [Page 117] carried himself insolent tnwards all, and oppressing the Kingdom, insulted without distinction over all the Princes of Italy. Howsoever his extravagances serving for a kind of excuse and cover, he seemed at the bottom not only supported by the most secret counsels of Spain, but there was a talk of prolonging his Government for three years more. The Pope foresaw that this troublesom Spirit would over-turn again the Peace of Italy; insists therefore with most effe­ctual offices that he would be quiet, restore the Prizes, and not di­sturb the Gulph.

But the Vice-King, all other excuses failing, offered to execute every thing when the Republick should discharge the Hollanders. He nevertheless at the very same time was providing himself with Ships in England and Holland; whereupon the Republick rather than suffer Laws to be imposed upon them, from his provocations found themselves constrained to provide by all means for their own defence. The Spanish Ministers failed not to oppose themselves to it, and therefore in England their Ambassadour imployed all means and art to perswade the King to deny them leave to hire Ships, and to divert Commanders from agreeing with them, and in Holland no endeavours prevailing, they gave out threatnings, that so powerful a Squadron of their Men of War should meet them in the Straight, that they must expose themselves to a Battel whosoever would at­tempt the passage. All which notwithstanding, Pietro Contarini, Am­bassadour for the Republick with King James, obtained his consent for as many as he pleased, and Christophoro Suriano Resident in Hol­land provided twelve, fitted in all points, which, equally slighting the boasting reports and the hazards of a Battel, set sail for the Adri­atick, and their courage not degenerating from their design, six Gallions of Spain, with ten or twelve lesser Vessels facing them in the Straight, passed happily, forcing the Ships which offered to op­pose them to retire with some loss to their own Coast.

The Venetian Fleet being augmented with so notable a Renfort, Ossuna from the design of force turns his mind to negotiate with the Turk, on the one side stirring up those of Ragusa to make great com­plaints of the damage they had suffered, and insinuating on the other by the means of Caesar Gallo a Truce betwixt Spain and the Port. But the Ottomans hearkened not at all to it, involved in a War with Persia, and not at quiet in their own Country; for after three months, Mustapha, as simple and unfit, was by the Muffti, the Caimecan and the Chislar Aga, that had promoted him, being deposed; and Osman, eldest Son of Achmet deceased, assumed into the Government in so tender an age, that if the other had served only for a short Spectacle of Fortune, this as an image of weakness, was forced to depend up­on the Authority of the Ministers.

The complaints therefore of the Ragusians had scarce any access; and by two several Chiaus, sent from the Port to Venice to commu­nicate the assumption of two Emperours, and by the extraordinary Embassie of the Republick, committed to Francesco Contarini Cava­lier and Procurator to congratulate with Osman, the ancient amity [Page 118] remained confirmed. Nevertheless Ossuna boasting, expresses in publick that he would attempt against the Turks, raised Souldiers, joyned Squadrons, and pressed the Princes of Italy to joyn their Gallies unto his. But every one understanding his intentions to trouble the Adriatick, denied him; except the Pope, who sent them but with express prohibition to the Commander not to enter into the Gulph. At Taranto he stops another Ship with Merchandize which was going to Venice; and although for that and other things the Spanish Ministers in Madrid affirmed to have sent express Or­ders both to abstain and to render, he nevertheless equally despised the Commands of the King, and the respect to the Common-wealth. He kept his Ships at Brindisi; published, that he would invade Dal­matia, caused an armed Ship to make a course to Trieste, and made the World believe that he designed the pillaging of Lazzaret­to of Spalato, where in an open place the Merchandizes, which come of the Turkish Country, are aired from the suspicion of the plague, and that not so much to satiate himself with spoils, as to en­joy the benefit of the disorder, in which he hoped to involve the Venetians, if to the Goods lost upon the Sea, the Subjects of the Port should joyn their complaints and losses of such as were ravished out of the custody, and, it may be said, the very bosom of the Re­publick. The Senate, weary of such a vexation, orders its Captain General, that was ready with forty two Gallies, six Galleonasses, and six and thirty Ships, being superiour in strength, to scour the Sea, free it from armed Ships, and take as many as he could meet. He presently comes before Brindisi, and for a whole day invites the Spaniards to come out; but knowing themselves too much over-matched, retired to the innermost part of the Port, where being covered by the Town, the Cittadel, and a Fort, they could not be forced. He then sets his course longst the shores of the King­dom of Naples, and at last Ossuna, some of his more secret design, as shall be said hereafter, being vanished, recals his Ships from the Gulph, keeping them in Naples, although he had order to send them towards Spain.

But the Venetians took a great Ship of Ragusa, which laden with Salt, was going from Barletta to Trieste, and burnt another of the same Nation, which run her self aground under the Town of St. Catoldo. Out of Fortore they took another lading Corn for Naples. All this being followed with the interruption of Trade, and the grievous complaints of the Neapolitans, who represented in Spain, that from that populous City was taken even their very nourish­ment, it induced the Ministers at Madrid to recal the business of the restitutions out of the hands of Ossuna, and refer it to the Cardinal Borgia, that with Girolamo Soranzo, Ambassadour for the Republick at Rome, it might more easily be made an end of. But they having not been able to do the least thing but the Duke got some kind of notice of it, he interrupts the proceeding anew, giving to the Car­dinals Auditor, who was come to Naples for that purpose, such an imperfect Inventary of the Goods found in the Ships, that the Ambas­sadour [Page 119] would not receive it. But Santa Croce being arrived with the Gallies, the Viceroy put into consultation what enterprise they should undertake, and proposed to enter again into the Adriatick, to deliver, as he said, the Ports of that Kingdom from a Siege. But Santa Croce dissenting, who inclined rather to some enterprise in Africk, Ossuna designs to do it himself by sending by Sea to Trieste a great succour of men to King Ferdinand, who by reason of the occurrences of Bohemia, had great need of them. This coming to the knowledge of the Republick, they command Justiniano their Ambassadour in Germany, that he should roundly declare to that King himself, that they would not suffer the Jurisdiction of the Gulph to be violated, nor let Ships and armed men pass under the eye of the Capital City; whereupon the King, who had need of the assistance, yet desired not that the Peace with the Venetians should be interrupted, represented seriously to Ossuna the sending of it some other way more safe, though more long. Nevertheless, the Republick with a great Fleet, resolved to guard themselves even from the same, and thoughts of the Duke, and observing in the Governour of Milan a mind equally averse to Peace, upon the arrival of Piscina at Venice, they command Renieri Zeno, who after Anthonio Donato resided Ambassadour at Turin, to stipulate new ad­justments with Carlo.

The Venetians had heretofore in former occasions contributed to the Duke more than two Millions in ready money; now they pro­mised him ninety thousand Ducats a month, when the Spaniards failing in the things agreed, it should be needful to take Arms. The Duke on the other side ingages himself to make a diversion with between fifteen and twenty thousand Foot, and two or three thou­sand Horse, if any molestation was offered to the Republick. This being put into writing with mutual promise not to make Peace or Treaty apart, was not at that time signed; but being concluded up­on the word and faith of the Princes Contracters, the Publication was deferred as long as any shadow of hopes of Peace remained. Upon this opportunity the Republick and the Duke pointing out to the other Princes of that Country the horrid image of slavery which threatned them all, insinuated the means to free themselves from it by a general Union, a thing very easie, if toward common safe­ty there was stirring in them a love equal to that excess of respect they shewed to the more powerful. The said Princes were in truth little contented with the present state of things, expecting from what part the hope of security and quiet would discover it self; not any nevertheless had the courage to shew themselves, and France it self preferring Negotiation before a rupture sent to Turin a new Ambassadour Monsieur de Modene, not without the envy of Bethune, that he might perswade the Duke to disband those Troops kept on foot out of Italy; but he had no power to dispose of them, because being maintained by the pay of the Republick, it was fit to have their consent for it. The endeavours then of the Crown were ad­dressed to the Senate, with a promise, to take away jealousies of [Page 120] powerful assistance, if the Spaniards should hereafter fail in the least tittle.

This difficulty then removed (for the Venetians consented to it) the French Ambassadours went to Milan to assure Toledo of the dis­arming, and he not being able to shew distrust, because they gave it him in writing, privily undermines the Treaty by secret Propo­sitions to the Duke of great advantages, if he would separate him­self from France and the Venetians, and offered him over and above, except Casale, which he desired might be left to Spain, the rest of Monferrat, provided he would not insist to have Vercelli restored. All aimed at delays, and being not able to gain Savoy, he turns to Mantua, doing his utmost to perswade that Duke not to be satisfied with the restitution of places, but to pretend recompence of dama­ges, and deny pardon to the Rebels. And this serving no less for his purpose, to the end to perswade Carlo not to be too hasty in rendring, he lets it be divulged that Ferdinand being restored to the possession of Monferrat, the Gonzaghi would give it to the Spaniards in exchange for other Possessions. There was indeed such a pro­ject talked of, but never concluded, because it neither pleased the Duke of Mantua to deprive himself of so noble a Patrimony, nor would Italy have suffered it, having at last learnt it was better to resist the Spaniards by Arms than by Treaty.

All therefore served for the Governours purpose, who not being able to overcome Carlo with his flatteries, endeavoured to provoke him with disgusts, and for that end his Secretary Carone being then with the French Ministers, he caused him to be injoyned immedi­ately to depart. The Duke in effect was angry at it, and suspend­ing the withdrawing of his Garrisons out of the places possessed, which was at the instant ready to have been done, he calls present­ly to him the French Ambassadours, as if the Treaty had been bro­ken. But they pacifying him, and disswading him not to make sport for Toledo, who sought nought but pretexts and difficulties, upon the 6. of April he restores seventy four Towns of Monferrat, and retires out of Annone, Massarano, and every other place feudal, delivering the Prisoners to the French Ministers. Of all which as­surance, contrary to what he could have believed, being given to Toledo, the report was, that in a rage he brake out, saying, It ap­pears the Peace must at last be executed, since Heaven and Earth have fatally conspired to have it so. He then releases his Prisoners, and restores St. Germano; but for Vercelli, it seemed that the diffi­culty was a Labyrinth, notwithstanding that from Spain, at the sol­licitation of the French Ministers, were arrived Orders and frequent Courriers to restore it, and that to disapprove his proceedings, his remove from his Charge before his time was published, the Duke of Feria being designed to succeed him: But nothing availed; for first alledging, that it was not agreeable to the honour of the Mo­narchy to render the place, while the Ambassadours of France were in Milan, as if it were to extort it with the force of threatnings and protests, afterwards pretending that the Town of Garesio be­longing [Page 121] to St. Giorgio should be restored by Carlo, taking away both the pretexts by the departure of the one, and the restitution of the other, Vercelli was notwithstanding not rendred. At last the King of France giving it out, that if the Spanish Colours did not boudge, he should be constrained to go in person into Italy, they began slowly to carry away the Ammunition and the Arms; afterwards, to keep footing yet a while, he requires a new promise from Carlo not to of­fend the Duke of Mantua. But the Ministers of Ferdinand decla­red, they desired no greater security, and against the liking and expectance of the Governour amply expressed it in writing. Amidst the amazement, the World was in, to observe the proceedings of To­ledo, and the actions of Ossuna, it quickly appeared that the designs of great men are like the springs of water, whose source is more hidden than their streams.

All had its rise from the issue that was expected of a treacherous Plot, which la Queva, with participation of the fore-mentioned, ma­naged in Venice, where having his Residence, he had served not only as a Director to their Arms, but an Architect of Treacheries. There was neither deceit nor hostility, which either in private or publick he practised not, prying into every thing, he insinuated himself into all; whosoever resisted his corruptions, he laid execrable impo­stures to his charge; to him that yielded to them, he proposed most damnable designs. He fomented among some Souldiers of Holland kept in the Lazaretti, a certain specious Tumult, raised up against their Officers; he attempted to debauch many from the Colours and Service of the Republick, and to bring in others to practise Treasons.

Amongst the chief of these, Ossuna sends a certain Jacques Piere, a French man, of Normandy, and Pirate by profession, a man of great courage, but bred up in evil, and capable of all sorts of wickedness. This Fellow feigning to be unsatisfied with Ossuna, declares he would be revenged of him, passing to the Service of the Republick, and was without difficulty received there with his Camarade called Langlad, that had skill in Fire-works; although Simeon Contarini Ambassador then at Rome, a man of profound wisdom, advertised, that there might possibly some treachery of the Viceroys be discovered. But Ossuna, to take away all doubt, shewing to be angry, caused the Wife of Piere to be detained, and with feigned Letters propounding to him great rewards, recals him to his service. He on the other side, to make himself acceptable at Venice, shews the Letters themselves, proposes many specious things, feigns to discover the Viceroys de­signs, and suggests the means to oppose them. Having by this means gotten himself into great trust, he was admitted with Langlad into the Arsenal to exercise his Art. He had afterwards secret meetings with la Queva, and there continually passed secretly Courriers and Spies to Naples. They had drawn into their wicked intentions Nic­colo Rinaldi, Carlo, and Giovanni Boleo, Lorenzo Nola, Roberto Revel­lido, Vincenzo Roberti, Captain Tornon, who had then a Company in service of the Venetians, and some others partly Burguignons, and the rest French.

[Page 122]The contrivance was, that under an English man, called Haillot, Ossuna should send certain Brigantines and Barks capable to enter into the Ports and Chanels, of which they had every where taken the soundings; greater Vessels were afterwards to follow, and cast Anchor on the shore of Friuli, under the countenance of which, and in the confusion, which the first were to make among the peo­ple, the Conspirators had their parts divided; Langlad to give fire to the Arsenal, others in several parts of the City, some to Pettard the Mint, to possess the principal Posts, kill the most considerable persons, whose houses were now marked with private tokens, hoping all to inrich themselves with rich and unwonted pillage. Some things in­deed were not easie to be put in execution; but wickedness and ava­rice blinded them, with the imagination, that every strange fancy was not difficult. At the same time Toledo having corrupted in Crema Giovanni Berardo, Lieutenant of a French Company, and some of his gang, held a correspondence with him, receiving Letters and dire­ctions to surprise the place, for which end he had sent Souldiers to Lodi: But God with a Mist frustrates such wicked designs. Whilst the Brigantines were in a readiness to joyn together, expected by the Conspirators with such impatience, that every day they went up to the top of the highst Steeples to discover them, some were taken by piratical Pinnaces, others dispersed with a great storm; so that being not able to get together again within the time appointed, they agreed to defer the execution till Autumn. Piere and Langlad commanded to go out with the Fleet, could not avoid going with Barbarigo the Captain General. The rest remaining in Venice, cea­sed not to ruminate on the means of execution, impatiently expect­ing the time. But discoursing frequently of it amongst themselves, and to increase the number of their Complices, the confidence and secret coming to the knowledge of some others of their Nations (trea­chery being seldom so blind or so deaf that it hath not some light, and rumours;) Gabriel Montecassino and Baldasar juuen Gentlemen, the one of Normandy, and the other of Dauphiné, and nearly allied to Dediguieres, abhorring such wicked counsels, discovered them to the Counsel of Ten. Being afterwards made more evident by the means of others secretly placed to hear, undiscovered, their confe­rences and discourses; some of the Conspirators being imprisoned, the Treason was confirmed both by Letters found about them, and the confession of the guilty, who satisfied the penalty both with pub­lick and secret punishment. Some nevertheless, frighted with the arrest of their Companions, saved themselves by flight, betaking themselves to their Sanctuary, which was no other but Ossuna. But Piere and Langlad, by an Order sent with diligence to the Captain General, were drowned in the Sea, and in Crema, Berardo with his other Complices ended their lives ignominously under the Hangman. The City dreadfully frighted at the discovery of such a Conspiracy, and at the danger they had run to have seen the Churches and houses burning, and the seat of the liberty and beauty of Italy inwrapt in a moment with sword, fire, and a miserable destruction; by or­der [Page 123] of the Senate prayers and devout thanks were given to God. But la Queva, who was accounted the Director and Minister of such wicked designs, was in great danger to have been from the fury of the people sacrificed to the publick rage, resolved to retire secretly to Milan, and the Senate already by an express Courrier, had reso­lutely required of the King to remove him. Princes being accu­stomed in such occasions to be pleased with the effects rather than the means, in Madrid the actions of this Minister were disapproved, and to make it certainly appear, answer was given to the Venetian Ambassadour, that Luigi Bravo was already designed to succeed him, and he to pass into Flanders to be assistant to the Archduke Albert. Ossuna denies to have had any hand in it; for when the event of such execrable practices is not such, that for advantage, or for the ingenuity, is wont to make it commendable, there remains nothing but the abominable image of ignominy, rejected and detested of the Authors themselves. The World nevertheless condemned him for guilty, whilst the Fugitives, it was evident, had their refuge with him; and the Widow of Piere set at liberty, was sent to Mal­ta with an honourable Convoy. All this falling out at the time that the Peace was ready to be executed, the Senate was willing deeply to dissemble it, having respect to the honour of the two Nations defiled, the one with Treachery, and the other with Venality, by the occasion of a few wicked Villains, which being execrated of good men, would be rejected even by Nature her self, if she could as well revenge her self of a wicked man, as it is necessary to up­hold him no less than the good.

Unto this discovery, and the stirs in Bohemia, Italy was believed obliged for their Peace; for now were the Ships of Ossuna with­drawn from the Adriatick, and Vercelli was restored to Savoy. A little while after Feria, being arrived at Milan, set his hand to a re­formation, and to disband the Troops, deferred by Toledo upon pre­text, that the Republick was armed, and the Duke of Savoy forti­fied with an extraordinary Militia. It only remained that the Duke of Mantua should pardon his Rebels, and nothing else hindred his assent, but the delay of the approbation from Madrid; whereupon the Ministers of France, who desired to reap the glory alone, pre­fixed him a certain time, not without protests, within which Ferdi­nand, with the good liking of Spain, should grant the pardon. And thus one part of the unhappy Tragedy of Italy was at an end, there remaining amongst the Princes, as after a great tempest at Sea, agi­tations of jealousies and distrust, which quickly returned to new Wars and discords.

Carlo could not quiet himself from the jealousies he had concei­ved against the Spaniards, nor cease from those thoughts, which kept him always intent upon novelty and his own advancement. On the other side, the Council of France tended to keep him with­in bounds, not only to keep alive, through a confidence with him, the Party in Italy; but also to oblige him in such sort, that he should not give countenance to the Hugonots, in the thoughts which [Page 124] Luines had to take out of their hands the places, wherein having been established in the time of the Minority, rendred that Sect equal to the Royal Authority, if not superiour. The Marriage therefore, upon the going of the Prince Cardinal Maurice to Paris, was con­cluded of Christine, Sister to the King, with Vittorio Amadeo, Prince of Piedmont, nowithstanding that the Spaniards with much money, scattered amongst their Partisans in the Court, had endeavoured to hinder it. The design nowithstanding against the Hugonots was for a while deferred, because some disturbance rising in the Kingdom, Luines having not so suddenly been able to resolve, whether to de­liver the Queen-mother from her Confinement, or Conde from his Prison, was most for his interest. Whereupon the Duke of Esper­non, a man of an inflexible spirit, habituated formerly in favour, an object rather than a party in the flatteries of Court, receiving dis­content, because in the Council the precedence of the Keeper of the Seal had been decided against him, and in the nomination to a Car­dinals Cap, Gondi the Bishop of Paris had been preferred before his own Son, retires to his Government of Metz; where communica­ting counsels with the Mareschal of Bouillon, he enters into the Par­ty to take away the Queen from Blois, which he secretly effected, bringing her first to Lochies, and afterwards to Angoulesme. The King came to Tours, and the Kingdom was every where in Arms; when the Bishop of Lusson, whom Luines secretly gave leave to quit Avig­non, having a more than ordinary ascendant upon the mind of the Queen, concluded an agreement, in which, with the pardon of Es­pernon and his Followers, was promised to the Queen her self the Government of Anjou, with that of Angiers, Chinon, and Pont de Cé. But de Luines, not wholly relying upon this new-made friendship, takes Conde out of Prison, and enters into familiarity with him; which causing suspicion in the other Party, he both pursues new In­telligences and Levies of Arms.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE.An. Dom. 1618 THE FOURTH BOOK.

THE calm and quiet of the rest of Europe had till now rendred more considerable the successes of the Wars in Italy, and the Treaties worthy of greater observa­tion; but mens minds began also elsewhere to be di­stracted, for War creeping like a Cancer, corrupted all the parts of Christendom with mutations of States, alterations of things, memorable Sieges, great Battels, Actions famous, though ve­ry often unjust, with so much slaughter of People, and calamity of Countries, that the present time might justly be called the Age of Iron and Blood. The beginning of such grievous mischiefs brake forth in Bohemia with the commotion of the Kingdom, which was believed the cause, and no less warranty of the Peace of Italy. It will not therefore be besides the purpose to deduce the motives and successes of it, because no otherwise than in the Conjunction of the greater Planets, upon whom the most notable Effects depend, the influences of the one alter the dispositions of the other; so in the affairs and linked interests of Princes, the accidents, whether good or bad, of the one part, are felt to be weighty in the other. King Ferdinand did now appear adopted by Fortune to the hope and suc­cession of the Empire, because the Line of Maximilian the Second, though numerous, having no Heirs, the Masculine Issue failing, the Dominions devolved to the other Line of Carlo, that was his Brother; upon which Right Ferdinand having already received the Crown of [Page 126] Bohemia, that of Hungary was now to be joyned to it to make way for him to the Imperial also, and in his person to unite the Soveraign­ty and States of the whole House in Germany. But there wanted not oppositions and difficulties; jealousies awakening in the stranger Neighbours through the apprehension of so great a Potency, and doubt creeping into the hearts of the Germans themselves to fall at length under the yoke of a base slavery, if the Empire should be perpetuated in the Austrians, and in particular if they should confer it on Ferdinand, in whom the power of all the hereditary Provinces, coming to be united, they did believe, they should strengthen for ever after that Chain, with which for a good while already they had found themselves begirt.

To the Policy of Princes, and to the Zeal of the People Religi­on equally served for a pretext and motive; because Ferdinand, brought up in the Catholick Faith, detested all sorts of errour, and therefore by how much, not succeeding to his Father, he found the Patrimonial Countries incumbred with false opinions, so much the more with signal piety had he applied himself to promote the true Worship, with such success, that at last those Provinces rejoyced to be restored to the bosom of the ancient Religion. But this was not effected without some sort of severity; so that many, not to leave their errours, constrained to abandon their Country and sell their Estates, lived elsewhere in poverty and discontent; and others dro­ven away by force, and their Estates confiscate, saw them, not with­out rancour, possessed by new Masters. In the Empire therefore, in which the Religion no less than the Genius loves liberty, there appeared great apprehensions, that where Ferdinand should get the power, he would exercise the same reformation, and impose a yoke so much the more heavy, by how much standing in need of money, and the Councils of Spain, he should be governed by the Rules and Maxims of that Nation, so hateful to the Germans.

Frederick Elector Palatine young in years, but of a high mind, troubled more than any other with those thoughts, visiting for that purpose the Electors, had diverted them from the Election of a King of the Romans, remonstrating, that if the succession of the Austrians were not interrupted now that the right Line failed, there would be no reason to hope for it when it should fall to Ferdinand, who being upheld by foreign Force, and having Issue, would for ever establish the Imperial Throne in himself and his posterity. Never­theless, not thinking it an easie matter to gain the Empire for him­self, or any of the Protestant Electors, he offered it to Maximilian Duke of Bavaria, for whom concurring the Votes of the three Pro­testants, and a fourth of the Archbishop of Cologne his Brother, the Election would be secure. But the Ministers of the Pope and those of Spain opposed that Proposition; and therefore, besides private interests, stirred up those of that Religion, which, the Empire go­ing out of the House of Austria could not, wanting so strong a sup­port, but extremely suffer. Great advantages being offered to Ba­varia not to accept the invitation, the proceeding vanished, which [Page 127] notwithstanding the Election of a King of the Romans was deferred.

The Empire tossed to and fro amidst these Negotiations, Bohemia falls into commotion. In that Kingdom, as it is the highest part of Germany, so it hath always been the most eminent Theatre of Re­bellion and of Heresie, and their minds almost in all times have been divided into various Sects. That of the Communion under both Species exceeded any other, having risen to that growth amidst the past dissentions of the Emperours Rudolphus and Matthias; who, to gain that sort of people, had to strives inlarged the liberty of Co [...]sci­ence, and consented to such Priviledges, that the Protestants, ma­king use of the facility of the Concessions, were by degrees, through urgent importunities, arrived to a parity with the Catholicks, saving in the Crown and the Majesty of the Government. These Indul­gences were commonly called Letters of the Royal Authority, so much the more tenaciously kept by the people, by how much less pleasing to the Princes, who by an ambitious necessity had granted them. For this cause, if any doubt arose, they procured a restraint of them by judgments in favour of the Catholicks; and Matthias being no sooner gone to hold a Diet in Hungary, but there came forth a certain Decree in favour of the Archbishop of Prague and the Abbot of Bruno, who had opposed the building of two Temples for the Hereticks upon ground belonging to them.

The Bohemians, free from the bridle, which the presence of Prin­ces carries with it, assembled about this in Prague, and requiring a ge­neral Diet of the Kingdom, to bring their grievances thither, and to promote their advantages, whilst Matthias, so counselled by his chief Ministers, denied and deferred it; they parted in a Rout from the Colledge Carolino the 23. of May in the morning, and coming to the Castle, and going into the quarter of the Chancery, and asking for the Authors of such a refusal, finding the Counts Martinitz and Slavata with Philip Fabritius the Secretary, esteemed the most zea­lous for the Catholick Religion, they flung them out of the Win­dows. The miracle of the success is convinced from the situation, the view whereof gives the lye to the imprudence of those, who with false inventions have gone about to blemish it; because to the place, from whence they fell, there joyning a Precipice of a dreadful height before you come to the earth, and being continued with a steep declining to the foot of the Wall, forming a most craggy Ditch for the Castle; all three of them falling right down, and certain shots of muskets made after them, were taken up without hurt; only Slavata lightly scratched by the resistance he made; nevertheless he was able to save himself in a house adjoyning. Martinitz disguised, went out of the City that very day, and the Secretary hasted im­mediately to Vienna to be the first should bring the News. The Mutineers bethought themselves, that, together with the chief Mini­sters, they had precipitated peace, hopes, and pardon. And there­fore easily possessing and fortifying the Castle, the ordinary Resi­dence of the King, they set themselves to maintain by a proporti­onable force what they had begun with so great violence.

[Page 128]The head of this commotion appeared to be Henry Count de la Tour, who to his private emulation to Martinitz (to whom had been granted the Government of Carlestein, the place where the Crown of the Kingdom is kept, taken away by Matthias from la Tour, expresly from the suspicion of his haughty mind) conjoyned the publick concerns of his Religion rather than his own interests; for he, by occasion of the same, having been driven by Ferdinand out of his Countries, with the loss of his Goods, expected, when he should come to the Crown of Bohemia, to be used in the same kind. The people therefore being moved with crys of liberty, a name dear above all others, when it is not, as it often happens, from am­bition and interest abused; and calling together the chief of them to a particular Conference, he thus spake: I call you not hither to yield me your obedience or your oaths, neither do I aspire to the Crown or Scepter of this unhappy Kingdom; but ready to run equal hazards with you, I invite you to be Companions in your own liberty. I see, by your silence, amazement united to the assent; and not without reason, be­cause this unexpected light, which Heaven here opens amidst the calami­ties, to which we are accustomed, comforts together and dazles. Let us now begin to enjoy life and liberty, the Soul it self. Where are the most worthy Priviledges of the Kingdom of Bohemia? Where is the re­verent Authority of this unconquered People? Where is the exercise of Religion so many times sworn to God? forbid that Conscience, that rare gift from Heaven, should depend upon the will and promises of Princes! This usurped Crown passes from head to head, as the Revenue and Inhe­ritance of one House; and to establish an everlasting Tyranny, being ra­vished before its time from Successors, in spite of death, is never suffer­ed to be vacant. Is not Dominion without peradventure the peoples Pa­trimony, and the Dowry of the Common wealth; and yet the Austrians without our consent have arrogated it to themselves? What have we not hi­therto suffered? The use of life comes now to be denied us, and the usu­fruit of the soul contested; but all our past miseries will not be able to call to your remembrance but some imperfect representative of the Cala­mities to come. In sum, Rudolphus lived amongst us; Matthias hath reaped us as the first fruit of his ambitious desires; but what may we expect from Ferdinand, unknown to us, and in himself rigorous, dire­cted by the Counsels of Spain, and governed by that sort of Religious Priests and people, who detest with an equal aversion our Liberty and our Belief? He hath been born and bred up in the abhorrency of us Prote­stants, and why should we be forward to make tryal of it, if the persons banished, the Families displanted, the Goods violently taken away, de­monstrate too cruelly to us, that he would abolish our very being, if he could as easily command Nature as he uses force? Wo to you, Bohe­mians, to your Children, to your Estates, to your Consciences, if you suffer Ferdinand to keep his footing in the Throne. And when will you at­tempt to shake off the yoke, if you have not courage to do it at a time, when without power, without guard, the Kingdom is in your own pow­er, and that you have two Kings to oppose you, one whereof is fallen, and the other totters? Assuredly you shall not be alone, but as many Compa­nions [Page 129] as you have in your Religion, so many friends shall you have in Arms. All Europe will be moved, and you shall see in your favour in some rise up the provocations of piety, and in others undistinguished considerations of Religion and State. Such commotions are like the great Rivers, which rising from very small Springs increased by many, as they run, carry into the Sea the name of one, and the waters of ma­ny. Look upon those happy people of Holland, who with more zeal than fear undertaking their deliverance from Captivity, enjoy at present the famous station of Liberty and Greatness. I dare assure you, that in all Ages the Generosity of the Bohemians shall be memorable, that having flung tyrannical Government out of the windows, hath caused the glory to spring out, which from this Kingdom will easily diffuse it self to the Empire; and though some appearance of violence hath been in it, ne­cessity and piety will excuse the fact. There is no more place for re­pentance or pardon, counsel or discourse avails no more, but only con­cord and constancy. The Lot is drawn, Liberty or the Hangman; if Conquerours, we shall be just, free, and Princes; if overcome, perfidious, perjured, and Rebels.

A little served to stir mens minds, incensed of themselves to thoughts of Novelty; for if that flourishing Kingdom in its soil rise as it were into War with fertile and almost continued Hills, the people are no less accustomed to float amidst perpetual provocations of Religion and Liberty. It was then decreed to shake off the yoke by the consent of all; and if there were any, that in their minds were against it, yet knowing they were not able to resist that universal violence, not to make themselves suspect, they made a shew to adhere to it with greater vehemence. To carry on the Go­vernment, a Magistracy of Thirty with title of Directors was cho­sen. But what had happened at Prague, was no sooner divulged through the Kingdom, but all was in revolt, drawing also the im­portance of Lusatia and Silesia, Provinces annexed. The advice be­ing brought at the Emperours Court, there was a great division of opinions and counsels.

Matthias by plausible means, letters, and perswasions, together with something besides of concession, desired to reduce the Bohemi­ans to their obedience, and Gleselius strengthened him in that thought, out of the consideration, that coming to Arms, the War was to be directed by Ferdinand, in which, if the authority of the one might be rendred suspicious to the Emperour, the practices of the other would be no less troublesom; against which, from the time when in his younger years he was carried to the Government of the rebel Provinces of Flanders, he had retained a certain aver­sion in his mind. Nor was the Cardinal in his judgment a jot de­ceived; for Ferdinand, that inclined more, than to pleasures, to the management of Arms, abetted by the counsels and favours of the Archduke Maximilian, and of the Ambassadour of Spain, no sooner saw the Emperour levy some few Souldiers for necessity, but he asked the Command of them. Matthias, troubled to deny him, re­solves to grant it, but with such restriction, that forming a Council [Page 130] of War of his Confidents, of which notwithstanding the King should be chief, and limiting the Authority, he left him no more than the shadow. All this was attributed to Gleselius, to whom was imputed, besides venality in affairs, little propension to the concord of the family and greatness of the Austrians, a connivence and superabun­dant facility towards the Hereticks; accusations which proceeded principally from the hatred conceived against him by the Ministers of Spain; because to his utmost keeping the King and Archduke, from the knowledge of the foreign affairs, he excluded them also from those of the Empire; and in the affairs of Italy his inclination to Peace had carried him to oppose their designs. Amongst the means studiously thought on to take him out of the way, that ap­peared too sacrilegious to stain the Purple of a Cardinal with blood, and in the City of Vienna to kill, as it were upon the Altar, Bishop thereof.

It was then resolved to arrest him Prisoner, not regarding the af­fection and authority of Matthias, which were his only refuge, not without hope and design after the thing done, either to pacifie the Emperour by flatteries, or curb him with apprehensions. So being one day called to a Council in the Archdukes Quarter, where the King was with Ognate, he was seized as he came in by D'Ampiere and Prainer, and put into a close Coach with a hundred Horse for a Guard, hurried apace toward Inspruch. Although the Princes themselves went to communicate it to Matthias with many pretexts of Religion, of connivence, advantage to the house, and of his own service, it is not to be said, how much he was moved at it; because touched in the apple of the eye of his authority and affection, it drove him to the extremity of passion; nor could he withhold him­self, both when awake, and in his dreams from crying out with a loud voice, that Gleselius should be brought back to him again. There was an opinion, that he had some thoughts to cast himself in­to the arms of the mutined Bohemians for revenge. But the Cardi­nal Dietrichstein, a person of very great credit, did in some manner pacifie him, bringing into his Chamber the King and the Arch­duke to ask pardon for the transport, with protestations not to in­trude themselves into his Authority or Government.

The Emperour required that promise in writing; but it was a­greed, that he should be contented with the word only; and the lit­tle while he lived, he passed in continual apprehensions and melan­choly, not without calling to mind Divine Judgments, which to him from his Cousin retributed the spoil of that Authority, which he but a few years before had with great violence extorted from his Brother Rudolphus. And it in truth seems that the imprisonment of Gleselius had set wide open the Sepulchres of the Austrians; for Anna the Empress and Maximilian dyed presently after, and were soon followed by others. The Prisoner was found to have neither money nor goods, and that absolved him from the common report of corruption and avarice, he being discovered to be poor, who under the benign influence of the favour of the Prince it was be­lieved [Page 131] had enjoyed Mines and Treasures. He was at last put into the Popes hands, who exclaimed that the Dignity and Priviledge of the Church was violated, to the end that he might judge him for the faults committed, being mixt of Religion and State. But after a year or two being restored to his liberty, he lived quietly as he had been known to be innocent. During these present domestick contentions of the Austrians, the Bohemians had made great advan­tage of that time in furnishing themselves with arms, money, and friends. Amongst the first that ingaged in this troubled affair was Ernest, Count of Mansfelt, natural Son of Peter Ernest, as famous for the mischiefs done with small Forces, and the height of courage for the space of many years to the Austrians, as the Father had been remarkable in the Government of the Low-Countries, and several other imployments for his fidelity to Spain. He being of an ambi­tious spirit, desiring by notable actions to make good to the World his spurious birth, after having passed through many Charges a­mongst the Austrians, renouncing the Romish Religion, made it his ambition to close with Fortune in the greatest dangers. He was at that time in Piedmont in service of the Duke, who, placing the prin­cipal security of his own quiet in the disturbances risen in Bohemia, gave him leave to raise 2000 Souldiers, and paid them for him for certain months, that he might carry them to the Bohemians. Carlo over and above exhorts the Venetians to contribute to that cause some secret assistance; but the Republick did not believe that it was fit for them to ingage themselves further than in their own defence, and in the common Liberty of Italy.

Mansfelt was gladly entertained by the Bohemians, and honoured with the Charge of General of the Artillery, he with la Tour became the chief Parties in the Revolt, which, to say truth, could not be more furiously conducted than by those two Chiefs, one of which passed for desperate, and the other for one of a most turbulent spirit. Mansfelt presently possesses himself of the Town of Pilsen, and there remained now no other of consideration for the Emperor but Buduais, where Carlo Count of Buquoy raised some Troops.

Such was the Praeludium of so many other calamities, which have since involved Germany in many miseries, which were too much threatned her by a fierce Comet, which about the end of the year appeared towards the North. And if it be true, that at some great Crisis Nature it self is moved, the fall of a Mountain, which burning a whole People alive overwhelmed Plurs, the greatest City of those parts, might be reckoned as a prodigious Prognostick of the unhappi­ness of Rhetia. And, to say truth, both for the business and the Arms the affairs of Bohemia and the Grisons had a sufficient resemblance; because that in this very year the minds of that people continued stirred and implacably disordered. It happened, that the Venetians having published, and by the means of Anthonio Antelmi solemnly sworn the Alliance formerly concluded with the Cantons of Zurich and Bern, the agreement in consequence was, that in order to the Union of the three Leagues with the Helvetians, the passages should [Page 132] be open for them; but the Spaniards opposed it with so much vio­lence, that some certain Horse, raised under pay of the Republick by Colonel Sciavaleschi, were obliged to make a stand, finding that the Ministers of Spain themselves kept their own Guards upon the passes, doubting lest connivence or the venality of those of that Country should let them through. To this business being after­wards added fear and force, Feria the new Governour of Milan, to incommodate Rhetia, and stir their minds, stopped the passage of Merchandize; and Gheffier observing, though there was no Mini­ster of the Venetians in those parts, that in the Agnedina the Election of a Ministrat (who is a temporary Head of their Government) af­ter some contests with the shedding of blood, was fallen upon a per­son of that Faction, presented a certain Writing, in which feigning to controul the Treaties of Spain, struck more to the quick upon those of the Republick, proposing that all other Alliances might be cast off, except that with France.

The Proposition pleased not the Commons, and so much the less, by how much the Creditors of many Pensions from the Crown re­quiring payment of them, he offered to satisfie only one of them, which was refused by the people with insufferable scorn. Never­theless their minds were generally wavering, because the chief a­mong them making Merchandize to their own profit of the publick evils, made themselves powerful with adhering to Strangers; and the poorer sort vexed with this corruption and the severity of their judgments, did not willingly bear the yoke. For which cause, ta­king Arms on a sudden in several places, they furiously ransacked the Country, not knowing who was to be their enemy and uncer­tain of their own designs. At Zernez they obliged Rudolpho Pianta to run away, who with his Brother Pompeo, declared Partisans of the Austrians, rendred themselves under that protection even as odious to all as feared by many; and to him it was principally imputed to have been one of the sowers of discord: so that they would have put him to a cruel death, if he had not made his escape by flight. They run then to Coira, whence Gheffier, who by his proceedings was not distinguished from a Minister of Spain, resolved to retire in haste to Maianfelt; and as if the fury of the people had been ca­pable of any order or discipline, they deliberated to establish a Tri­bunal in Tosana, composed of Judges Catholick and Protestants, who should proceed against those who should have sold to Stran­gers the weak of the Country.

Under this censure many principal men perished; Giovanni Bap­tista Zambra by the hand of the Hangman; Niccolo Rusca the Chief Priest of Sondrio dyed under Tortures; the Pianta's were banished upon grievous punishments, and Giovanni Bishop of Coira; the City it self being fined in the sum of 15000 Crowns. Molina, Interpreter of France, Native of Rhetia, was in like sort banished, and to Ghef­fier was intimated the leaving his imployment; but he hoping that good order would be so much the less durable amongst that people by how much they wearied themselves to introduce it, took time [Page 133] to give advice of it to the Court,An. Dom. 1619 whither the Grisons also dispatch­ed Letters and Deputies to inveigh bitterly against him. There being also for the same cause of the Grisons some dissention risen in some Cantons of the Switzers; to quiet it, as is the custom, rather with conference than force, a Diet was called in Baden; where Gheffier appearing, taxed the Venetians to have fomented this last revolution, in which there appeared many of their party. But the Ambassadours of the Grisons, who were at this meeting, maintain­ing the liberty of their actions and judgments against those who had betrayed the Country, imputed to himself to have with all Art gi­ven incouragement to the present turbulencies. But for a proof of their indifferency, they had recalled those few Troops of their Nati­on who served the Venetians, and had condemned in a mulct of mo­ney some Captains, who were not so ready to obey them. But the Pianta's, to nourish the divisions, scattered Letters and Libels; and having recourse to the Governour of Milan, to obtain only 30000 Crowns therewith to arm their friends and adherents, they promi­sed to rise, and subject the Valtolina to him, which being subject to the Grisons, but inhabited by people more civil, not willingly suffered the heavy yoke of Democracy so corrupted. This, passing not without the Grisons knowledge, caused, that to keep the prin­cipal Post they sent some Souldiers, which were very useful to sup­press also the disturbances, made by those of Como in the dispute about Jurisdiction over certain places.

ANNO M.DC.XIX.

Many sollicited the Venetians to send a Minister, to conclude a League quickly during the predominancy of those most inclined to their Party; but they willing to observe the issue of so strange ac­cidents, not to confound things rather than contribute to their re­medy, forbore it. It quickly was made manifest, that the people in their affection had but a short space betwixt their flood and ebb; for they presently fell back into the contrary party. Gheffier and the Spanish Minister, conspiring by concert to stir up a new Revolt, with money and other endeavours raised some of the Commons un­der the pretext to abolish the new erected Courts of Justice, and to restore the Bishop. About Coira there happened betwixt the Parties a bloody Encounter, and according to the reciprocation of force, sometimes making faulty, and sometimes giving authority; another Tribunal was erected in that Town, which abolished the acts of that of Tosana, called back the banished, and punished the Judges themselves.

The oppressed had recourse to the Venetians; but instead of as­sistance they received Councils for a sincere reconciliation; for in effect, in that confusion of affairs, they knew not how to de­sign any advantage, and foresaw, that the most powerful at last would reap the benefit. Nevertheless in the Agnedina the tumult began of its own accord, and taking Arms, spread it self through all [Page 134] the Country with so much violence, that the new Judges fled from Coira, and those formerly banished absented themselves anew. In Cicer, twenty nine Ensigns being assembled, they established a Tri­bunal of sixty six persons, who taking a review of things past, were to act in such sort, that Gheffier should not stay in Rhetia. All that had been decreed by the Judicatory of Tosana was authorized by this, and what had been acted to the contrary made void. It was enough for Feria, Governour of Milan, to have put the Country into confusion, content at present to foment the disorder under­hand, and whilst all the Ministers of the Monarchy of Spain were assembled upon the occurrences of the Empire, to apply himself to what in their absence at this time happened. Matthias the Empe­rour, after a long sickness of mind, no less than of body, expiring in the month of March, left, for the Election of a Successor, minds divided, according to the difference in Religion. The Catholicks, animated by the Offices of the Pope, and upheld by the promises of the Spaniards, inclined to Ferdinand, as one who being taken notice of for piety, might also be able with puissant Forces to maintain the Dignity and Religion. On the other side it hath been said, how much the Protestants abhorred him. Whereupon the Palatine laboured all he could, that the Diet might be deferred, the better to concert his exclusion; and the others were willing enough to observe the issue of the present Revolts, taking for pretext, that the stirs in Bo­hemia ought first to be quieted, and afterwards in the general calm of the Empire choice made of a Head to the satisfaction of all. But the Archbishop of Mentz, to whom, as Chancellor of Germany, the Charge belongs, proclaims a Diet at Francfort, and at last the Ele­ctors appeared there, either in person, or by their Deputies; al­though to hinder it, there were some that infested the High-ways, and kept them in a manner besieged.

The Bohemians rejecting the Letters, by which Ferdinand offered clemency, pardon, confirmation of Priviledges, with Liberty of Conscience, and all that which they could pretend, stir up those that were far and near. Upper Austria unites with the Rebels, a few Catholicks in vain contradicting, and declare to govern them­selves by themselves, till it should be decided, who ought lawfully to succeed, pretending it did belong to Albert, Brother of the Emperour deceased, notwithstanding his renouncing to it in favour of Ferdi­nand. And the Lower would not have acted otherwise, and in par­ticular Vienna, which was pestered with Heresie, if Ferdinand, being then there, had not with his authority and presence withheld it. In Moravia, the States being assembled in Bruna, and having sounded one anothers minds, and estimated their Forces, follow the same re­solution in favour of the Bohemians; notwithstanding that a little before that Province had sent to Ferdinand a succour of 3000 Foot and 2000 Horse, who, having understood in their march the resolu­tion of their Province, facing about in a general tumult, returned. The General only (who was that Albert of Wallestain, who by that act of fidelity gave beginning to that great Fortune, which in a few [Page 135] years carried him to an Ascendant, and afterwards to a Precipice, went on to Ferdinand, delivering a certain sum of money he had in his possession for the payment of his Souldiers; but the Moravians had a mind to fetch it again by force, detaining, till it was restored, in arrest the Cardinal Dietrichstein, a faithful Servant to the King, who believing himself more in want of faithful Counsellors than money, although he was in great necessity, for his liberty readily restores it. Ferdinand by all this was at the very brink of passing to the succession, and the Empire in a calamitous condition, and ex­posed even to the extremity of dangers; for la Tour, sollicited by some Barons of Austria, came near to the Danube, and being furnish­ed with Boats by those of his Party, passed it to the terrour of the Country, and of the City of Vienna, having as it were no Garrison but the presence and constancy of Ferdinand, whilst the Souldiers within it exceeded not 1500 Foot, and 200 Horse, who were to guard it from the Inhabitants, no less than from Enemies, because they held Correspondence with la Tour, and had treated to deliver him a Port. But he having lain still two days at Fischen, lost the Victory; because, believing to conquer a City, by the same manner he had made whole Provinces revolt with Letters and invitations, he wrote to Vienna, and while he expected an answer, the Univer­sity armed five hundred Scholars; Victuals were brought in, and some Souldiers arrived. Most opportunely of all came the succours of certain Companies of Cuirassiers, sent by the great Duke of Tus­cany to his Kinsman, which by the address of one Santilier, a French Gentleman, falsifying their Colours, entred, passing through the midst of the Bohemish Squadrons into Vienna, in that very instant that the King was hard put to it by some, who insolently plucking him by the Doublet, required the Concession of Priviledges and Liberty of Conscience. But hearing the trampling of the Horses, and unexpectedly seeing the Souldiers run up and down the streets with their Swords in their hands, the fright was so great amongst them, that they dispersed, and together with them the Conventicles were dissolved, which they held in private houses, wherein also store of Arms were gathered together.

La Tour, to give courage to his, drew near to the City, and lodg­ing in the Suburbs, besieges it, but for a few days only; for D'Am­pierre with 4000 men raised in Hungary, designing to joyn with Buquoy, who was strong 1000 Cuirassiers, Mansfelt attempted to hinder him in his way; but Buquoy fell upon him so opportunely out of an Ambuscade, that he defeated him with a great number of slain, and more of Prisoners. Upon this advice la Tour draws off from Vienna, fearing lest upon this disgrace the Bohemians might be wavering. But Fortune carried Ferdinand from a Siege to the Em­pire; for, fetching a long compass, and arriving at last at Franc­fort, he was received there with infinite applause, and the instances of the Bohemians being rejected, who endeavoured to exclude him, the oppositions of Saxony being overcome with recompences, and the Palatine at last forced to consent, he was the 28. of August adorn­ed [Page 136] with the Imperial Dignity, while at the same time the Bohemians resolve upon a new Election of a King. Whether this Kingdom be Hereditary or Successive, is a dispute which hath long wearied Ar­mies and Pens with various Judgments; some approving reason, though over-mastered, others applauding the direction of Fortune, and the Conquerours. As to that which concerned this business in question, the resolution sprung both from the necessity of having a Director of that confused Government, and from the want of a support by foreign Force. In consideration of his nearness, his Re­ligion, and his Power, they offered the Crown to John George, Duke of Saxony; but he, hoping for more certain advantages from the Au­strians, refuses it.

The fame of worth and courage begot a great esteem of Carlo Emanuel Duke of Savoy; so that he was invited by the Bohemians, and in regard of their Religion and Liberty would have preferred him before all others; but it appearing environed with thorns that were too sharp, neither Carlo nor any body else was yet found, that was willing to accept it. It was then adjudged to Frederick Prince Palatine, a young man, and in whom concurred his own high de­signs, and the hopes to be assisted by others, being Son-in-law to the King of England. It seemed to some of the more wary of that Party, that affairs were too far advanced, the Austrians being put to a necessity of putting forth their utmost strength, and the Catholicks into the obligation of uniting themselves with them. Therefore some of the Electors were not wanting, who disswaded the Pala­tine; Bavaria counselled from it, and the King of England himself endeavoured to divert him. He at first shewing himself backward, was at last seduced by hopes and ambition to despise their counsels. He had his chief incouragement from the then present state of things; for although Ferdinand were advanced to so remarkable dignity, his ruine was thought near hand; whilst, being got free from many trains, which in his return from Francfort were laid in the way, he no sooner arrives at Vienna but he sees all Hungary ri­sen in Arms.

The Bohemians having applied themselves to the Ottoman Port, to get a consent that Bethlem Gabor, Prince of Transilvania, might raise Souldiers in those parts, where many Hereticks of the Country mo­ved him to it, had no great difficulty to obtain it, the Turks being always greedy to see the Christians weaken themselves by them­selves, and having now made a Peace with the Persian, were so much the more vigilant, if amidst these discords a way might not be opened to advantages of their own. This nevertheless, as it ordi­narily happens that the most wicked counsels are the least success­ful, instead of bringing a prejudice to Ferdinand, served greatly to advance his Cause; for the Protestants themselves, and the Catho­licks, which took Arms in his favour, upon a specious pretext al­ledged, that it was fit they should all joyn for common defence a­gainst the Infidels, to maintain that Frontier which defended Ger­many and Europe from ruine. Nevertheless the motion of Gabor [Page 137] was at first with great force; for with little opposition he makes him­self Master of Cassovia with upper Hungary. Afterwards of Altem­berg, and of Presburg, or Possonia, where he found the Crown, wor­shipped by that people, as a testimony from Heaven of lawful Em­pire. The Confederate Bohemians, to joyn with him, enter into Austria, and failed but a little that they had not possessed the Bridges of Vienna, if D'Ampiere and Marradas with a stout defence had not maintained them. They then advanced towards Hungary, when Buquoy with 5000 men only meeting Gabor, who not far from Possonia marched with 15000, knowing the Hungarians more fierce to charge, than stout to maintain a fight, gave them battel, and de­feats them. But the Victory was not of that importance, as in the disproportion of their Forces to hinder la Tour from joyning with Gabor, and entring into Austria threaten Vienna with a Siege; but the season being advanced into November, and Victuals in the open Country through the licentiousness of the Souldiers being quickly consumed, they were constrained to retire; and the rather because the Archduke Carlo, Brother to Ferdinand, driven in the Revolt of Silesia from his Church of Ʋratislavia, and having fled for refuge to Sigismond King of Poland, had obtained of him a Levy of 10000 men, though without the consent of the States of the Kingdom▪ and they under Homonay, a Hungarian Baron, being entred into the upper Hungary, had defeated Stefano Ragotzi, Gabors General. The Con­federates for this cause resolved not only to leave Austria; but a Diet in Hungary, in which was treated the conferring of that Crown upon Gabor, was dissolved for fear; and Gabor himself, retaining his Conquests, yields to a Truce, which though it ended not w [...]h the Peace, nevertheless for ten months it took away that troub [...] som distraction, giving opportunity to Homanay to pass into S [...]l [...]a and Moravia; to Buquoy to go into the upper Austria; and to D'A [...] ­piere to follow la Tour into Bohemia. And now the applications and thoughts of the Princes were turned towards this Kingdom, and it might be said, that it resembled a great Lake, in which many were fishing with various designs. Ferdinand looked at it as his Patri­mony; Frederick reckoned it as a gift bestowed upon him; Saxony and Bavaria gaped after spoils; and there wanted not those, who waiting upon accidents, hoped, when others were wearied out, to reap for themselves the recompence of the War. The House of Austria at that time was truly the die of the Fortune of Europe; some desired to raise her up, others laboured to bring her down; the most were to keep her in a moderate condition. All parties there­fore made use of the same pretexts of Piety and of State, albeit that Princes of several belief joyned themselves together, and Religion made War to it self.

The eyes of the whole Empire were now turned towards the King of England, because being so nearly allied to the Palatine, and in all affairs endeavouring to thwart the advantages of the Austrians, it seemed that it would be difficult for him not to ingage in Arms. But in that Prince decorum and want of power were commonly opposites. [Page 138] He being Scotch by birth, and come to the Crown by inheritance, was the first that governed the two Nations, by natural Antipathy and ancient emulation Enemies, and designing to reclaim the fierceness of those people with ease and idleness, had set up his rest in Peace, and avoided as much as possible the calling of Parliaments, without which having not the power to impose Contributions, nor levy Mo­ney, he contented himself rather to struggle with many straights and difficulties, than see them meet with a jealousie of them, or be­ing met, be obliged to separate them with the disgust of the people, or with satisfaction of prejudice to the Supreme Power. These Novelties of Germany coming to his knowledge, he first disapproves the resolution of his Son-in-law to accept the Crown; afterwards publishes at last that he would assist him, and dispatching an Am­bassadour to Vienna, demands impossible Conditions of Peace, pro­posing that Bohemia should remain to the Palatine; whereupon from measures so fickle and ambiguous, the opinion was universally con­firmed, that he inclined more to foment the flames of the Empire, than to extinguish them. Neither did the Kings of France and Denmark aim at other ends, both offering to interpose, but neither caring to bring things to a conclusion. Three Diets were held at the same time in the Empire, and there were digested the common miseries under the form of several interests. In Erbipolis or Wurtz­burg the Electors Ecclesiastical, the Bishop of that City, he of Bamberg, and others, together with Bavaria, and all those Princes which formed the Catholick League, unto which the Duke of Lor­rain also was now joyned, entring into an association, resolved to raise an Army, making General of it Maximilian Duke of Bavaria, a Prince of most excellent understanding, and who above all o­thers, hath had the wisdom out of the common interests to draw private advantages, by merchanding time, and managing of For­tune. The Pope also entred himself into this Union with a monthly contribution, rather for decency than strength. All this without doubt was to serve for succours and advantage to Ferdinand; as also in another Diet, which the Elector of Saxony, with the Ambassa­dours of Denmark and the Princes of the Lower Circle held, where he, prepossessed with promises of great advantages, declares him­self for the Austrians, magnifying the Rights of Ferdinand, which would render the zeal to Religion unjust, if, in a cause so unrighte­ous, assistance should be given to the Bohemians.

The Imperial Forces being in this manner remarkably increased, Ferdinand, what with his own, and those of Spain, found himself sufficiently strengthened; for the Archduke Albert from the Low Countries had sent him between seven and eight thousand Soul­diers, and as many being dispatched by Ossuna for the Milanese, ar­rived about the end of the year by that way in Austria. On the other side, the Fortune of Frederick declined in the very begin­ning; for in the third Diet of the fore-mentioned, of the Princes of the Union assembled in his presence at Nuremberg, the City complaining, that the Contributions were distributed to the benefit [Page 139] of a few, who assuming specious titles, and the Primacy of the Uni­on, enjoyed vast entertainments, decreed to arm themselves for their alone defence, and not to furnish any money to the Army of Bohemia. Frederick was then obliged to levy in his own Country about 10000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, with which entring the King­dom, he was in November solemnly Crowned at Prague. But he no sooner put his foot into the Throne, but having conferred on the Prince of Anhalt the Charge of Generalissimo of his own, and also of the Bohemian Army; la Tour and Mansfield, who first commanded them, were greatly disgusted. And so the year as to the affairs of Bohemia ended. Frederick signifies to the Venetians his taking of the Crown, and they with Letters congratulated, at the same time making choice to send to Ferdinand, according to custom, two extraordinary Embassadours, which were Augustin Nani and Simeon Contarini, both Knights, though by reason of the turbulency of Ger­many their Mission was retarded for some time, and in place of Na­ni, who fell indisposed, was substituted Francesco Erizzo Knight and Procurator. The Republick, though strongly pressed, would not interest it self in the affairs of the Empire; but for those of Italy continued in a greater vigilance, because the designs of the Spanish Ministers not only appeared discovered, but by the Treason disclo­sed in Venice, although dissembled, mens minds there remained great­ly moved.

Besides these, that which had happened in the Grisons came also to be considered, by which the Republick did believe to under­stand, that that Monarchy did aim to shut up on all sides the ave­nues and passes, so to besiege her, and when an opportunity should require it, to give her some notable blow. Neither did the Spani­ards themselves dissemble the distast, conceived in the past occur­rences, ascribing to her the resistance made to their designs, and im­puting to her, that what with succours to Mantua and assistance to Savoy, she had equally aimed to blemish and overthrow their repu­tation and predominancy in Italy. The Venetians therefore seek every where for assistance and friendships far and near. It appear­ed not safe to relye upon France, now involved in domestick broils; whereupon it was resolved to sign and publish the League of de­fence with the Duke of Savoy, sending Girolamo Cavazza to the Dukes of Mantua, Parma, Modena, and Ʋrbino, to communicate it, and to invite them to enter into it, to recover once by a firm Union unto Italy its beauty and esteem, and also, if occasion should be of­fered, the Priviledges of Nature; which having separated her by the Alps and Sea (as it were with strong Walls, and an impassable Ditch) from Strangers and their Manners, hath intended, that she should not only enjoy the wealth, pleasures and benefits, which with a large hand the benignity of the Air, and the pleasantness of the Country impart to her, but should also breathe the two most pretious Elements of sociable living, Liberty and Command.

Not one of them had the courage to owne his consent, though they all applauding it, esteemed it the only defence of the common [Page 140] safety. Of the greater Princes, to whom communication was given by the ordinary Ambassadours, the Pope shewed himself firm in in­differency, in regard of his Office of common Father, and France promised to have an eye upon the affairs of Italy, though judged, that to render its services more effectual in case of a new Rupture, it was best not to declare it self further. The Spaniards shewed them­selves greatly moved, judging this Alliance as a Seminary of Jea­lousies and bitterness. In those Negotiations with Carlo, there was intermixed an example of the domestick Discipline of the Common-wealth, in which Rebellion and Peculat are held to be offences equally to be execrated; for in the adjusting of the account of Subsidies furnished to the Duke, it was found that one month was wanting, and the money being issued out of the Treasury, it was easily discovered, that it had been converted to the proper use of Anthonio Donato the Ambassadour in England. Opinion did not con­cur with the fact, because, in a person adorned with excellent parts, particularly of wisdom and eloquence, the fault was rendred so much the less credible, by how much the more he had domestick representations of the highest integrity of his Ancestors, amongst which his Uncle Leonardo, Prince of the Republick, and his Father Niccolo, an honourable Senator, had given proof in home and foreign imployments, of inflexible minds to whatsoever fault or interest. An­thonio was at that time Ambassadour in the Court of England, and to clear this account, he had leave to come to Venice; where ha­ranguing in the Senate with great power and no less hope to pacifie mens minds by the merits of his Ancestors and his own Services, he found, that in cases the most important, Justice did not hold the ballance to equalize merits with faults. Being summoned to Pri­son to render account as a Delinquent, and yielding to it, he was banished with a Sentence of Death, and Confiscation of Goods, his Name and Posterity cancelled out of the Order of the Patricians. He retired himself into England; where Girolamo Lando succeeding him in the Ambassage, moves the King to discharge him thence. But the Senate by the League with the Duke Carlo, believing by his strong diversion the State at Land only secured from the attempts of the Milanese, and by that of the Switzers judging to have provi­ded themselves with little more than with the appearance, and some numbers of Souldiers, applied themselves to an equal strength of shipping and men also on the Sea-coast, lest the Viceroy of Naples should continue his thoughts to disturb the Islands and the Gulph. For this cause they listened to a Proposition of Alliance, insinuated from the United Provinces of Holland, in which, besides the com­mon interest of Liberty and Commerce, they had a great desire to strengthen themselves with some strong support before-hand, if within a while the Truce coming to expire, they should be expo­sed to a new ingagement with the powerful Forces of Spain.

Christofero Suriano was at this time Resident for the Venetians at the Haghe, who with much ripeness of judgment, and dexterity in the managing of persons, had introduced himself into a confidence [Page 141] with the Prince of O [...]nge and the Chief of the States, and from thence collecting easily their sense, he proceeded from discourses to a Treaty, for which some Deputies of the States of the Provinces being appointed to treat with him, they set down in writing the Conditions of a League of common defence. But being propound­ed in Venice for the approbation of the Senate, opinions differed; for amongst those of the Colledge Giovanni Nani judged, that the Conclusion should be deferred, believing that the Republick, though involved in great and grievous suspicions, ought not at this time to intangle it self in that interest, which presupposing a perpetual War put her into such and so great expences and dangers, that the remedy would be found worse than the present evils. And so he spake to this purpose; If it be true, that the faith of Princes is a bond not to be untyed, and that Treaties of Leagues, as Marriages, make a Community of Fortune and Interests, it is never too late to resolve upon a Decree which cannot be retracted nor amended. A Decree which concerns an Alliance, not of those States which govern their Councils by the alteration of things, by the vicissitude of affections, by the corruptions of Ministers, and the change of Governours, but of two Republicks in their Constitution im­mortal, in their Maxims immoveable, and in their Word constant. An Ʋnion comprehending a short period, and a limited number of years, yet extends it self to the most weighty affairs, and, putting the Republick in­to a long and inextricable Labyrinth, draws along with it consequences of great moment; because it hath for its object a perpetual War, in which with unwearied exercise of mind the Ʋnited Provinces defend their Religion and Liberty against a most powerful King, implacable in the offence, and indefatigable in the resentment. That the Treasure of the Republick should be poured forth to the assistance of the weak, that our aids should be the certain Capital of the oppressed, that the Arsenals and Treasuries should be common to Italy, there are so strong motives that it cannot be denied; but they have not the same force for the affairs of Holland, and if they have force, by ballancing the reasons, it is fit that we measure their strength. Our succours perhaps will be large, yet un­sufficient to be able to maintain a War, which subsists upon terms of Li­berty and Rebellion, irreconciliable with subjection and Kingly Autho­rity. A War extended to the four parts of the World, which hath no limits, nor can be bounded, which hath emptied Spain of People, exhau­sted the Indies of Gold, and swallowed the Blood and Treasures of Eu­rope. The Republick hath always been most just in her undertakings, in her own defence most circumspect, and in the assistance of others con­stant. What is now pretended? is it to take Arms against Spain? have we Peace with him? is it to preserve our selves? but what more safe remedy than the sparing the vital spirits for our own occasions? Some desire to perswade those States, at the end of the Truce to make an end of the War; but if in their intestine Divisions having experi­enced greater mischiefs from Peace than hazards in the War, they are thereto perswaded by their own interest; that diversion will surely serve to our advantage, and that War will be carried on without us; under the shadow of which Italy will take breath, and the Republick, protected [Page 142] by Heaven against force and treasons, will happily enjoy a calm and quiet peace. Holland hath the assistance of their Neighbours, and they most potent Princes; some conformable to their own Religion, others by a suitableness to their conveniencies and designs, and these can and will uphold her with puissant Forces. To what purpose then hasten our Car­rier, if by the steps of others, without wearying our selves, we may ar­rive at the end of our advantages? The Republick hath to its praise as­sumed to her self the protection of Italy, hath maintained it, and doth maintain it with glory; but it would be too vast a thought to espouse all the differences of Europe, and have to do in every part of the World. If out of prudence we have abstained from meddling in the affairs of Bohemia, why should we pinch our selves with those of Holland? is it to obtain assistance? But that people will not be wanting to be ser­viceable to us without a League, who agree with all the World, where there is money and reward. I deny not, but that friends are a great defence, and that in true Mesnagery that Treasure is not to be valued, which keeps the Monster of War far off. But do the bonds of friendship consist in Treaties only? The affections of Princes are there joyned, where the Interests are not separate. Who doubts but that the Ʋnited Provinces will embrace our assistance, as often as being in distress it may be seasonable to give it, and render it to us again, when the Conjunction of affairs shall shew it to be necessary? We have hitherto at least drawn Commanders, Souldiers, Ships out of that Country, open to the money of all. That very money, which for the purchase of a friendship not neces­sary we are here vainly so ready to disburse, shall be that, which in oc­casions more needful and better shall bring us assistance. But if by un­profitable profusions we shall exhaust our Treasury, we shall have an equal want of defence and friends, and be put to beg of others, rather than receive relief from our selves. As for my self, I look at those friend­ships most profitable, which upon equal conditions have their rise from common conveniencies; but in the case in question, how unequal does the fortune and state of things appear! with the Catholick King we may have Peace, nay we shall have it, whensoever moderation shall come to be in his Councils. But in Holland, where the obstinacy of a false belief, and the desire of true liberty are contended for, there can be no place for quiet. So that we shall be constrained to subscribe to a perpe­tual grievance. Nor ought we here to believe we shall enjoy aids reci­procal, because there being not place for a Treaty which can preserve from suspicions, or by jealousies oblige to assistance, the Spaniards will be so wise as to make War in Flanders in earnest, and in Italy in shew, revenging himself of us by a double blow, the one by the imployment of the money we shall be obliged to give Holland, and the other by the con­sumption of all our Forces in a long defence of Land and Sea. Who knows not, that in the Maxims of Spain War is covered over with art and time; and on the other side those of the Republick consist in the preserving and defending her self without provoking and offending o­thers; always in their counsels and resolutions uniting prudence, justice, and time?

This opinion meeting not with the Genius and approbation of [Page 143] all, Sebastian Veniero one of the Counsellors, moving the Senate to anger no less than jealousie at the proceedings of the Spaniards, dis­coursed in the contrary sense: Nature hath prescribed to living Crea­tures one Element; but Heaven and Earth are too little for ambition. It will be a rare felicity to see Princes contented with their own State, in an Age, in which good Conscience is no more the reward, but Inte­rest is the price of Reigning and of Victory. It is not therefore false, that if private men have placed the praise of moderation in being con­tented with their own, Princes hold the glory of their greatness setled in the usurping what is anothers. This Age of ours makes it good, in that the Monarchy of Spain standing possessed by Fortune, Counsel, and Arms, of such vast Countries, being nowithstanding hunger-starved, and not to be satiated with almost two worlds, assaults or attempts all that which carries any likeness or splendour of Liberty and Empire. And amongst its Arcana, discord hath not the last place, which darkly insi­nuated and nourished every where, either by the provocation of Religion, or under the title of Interest, or the visard of Ambition and Preroga­tive, disuniting the minds of Nations, and the intercourse of Princes, like a hidden Mine razeth the foundations of those Dominions, which it cannot attain to by force. It fears nothing more than the discovery of its machinations, or the concord of its enemies. Hence so many Arts practised on the minds of the Grisons, to divert them from our alliance. Hence so many complaints for our League with the Cantons of Helve­tia. Hence so many invectives for our Levy of Hollanders; and hence so much noise for our union with Carlo. But we ought to know, that where our Enemies are most upon their guard, where they contend most fiercely, there is seated the pawn of common safety. That it behoves the weakest to unite themselves against the most powerful, is a rule and direction of Nature, and to have set that at nought, hath defloured the beauty, and almost ravished the liberty of Italy. The occasion now pre­sents to us the ready means to strengthen quiet to our selves, and pro­vide security for our friends, by imbracing the invitation of Holland. Experience puts us so much in mind, how fatal their Truce hath been to Italy, which during the trouble of those Provinces, was happy and quiet. But War serving great Princes but for exercise, the flame, being quench­ed there, is kindled again on this side the Mountains. Our Envyers now seeking occasion and advantage for themselves more than quiet, greater flames lye hidden under the warm ashes of a teacherous Peace. It belongs therefore to us to carry the tinder some whither else. For if we resist an open Enemy with force, there is no better guard from a se­cret one, than by the advantage of a distraction. Let us not doubt but that War will suddenly break forth again in the Low Countries; but too unequal, to say truth, are the Forces of the Ʋnited Provinces to grap­ple with those of so puissant Kingdoms. It is best then to re-inforce them with a powerful assistance, to the end that with equal prejudice to our affairs, those States yield not to the flattering invitations of the Spa­nish Ministers by prolonging the Truce, or fall not into great dangers, and at last relapse under the yoke by a weak management of Arms. Nor let faint hopes comfort us, that they are to receive sufficient assistances [Page 144] from the neighbouring Potentates; because we are not now to learn, with what winds, and they moved for the most part by the breath of Spain, France is driven; and we see England, that having nothing great but the name, hath a King always in fear to be constrained to a War, and his Ministers to continue Peace in Holland, fixed in the same reasons which induced them to procure it. To him then, that knows and expe­rimenteth that he hath the greater need, it belongs also to set his hand to the remedy; otherwise, whilst one preserving himself by another, and every one sheltering himself under the interests of others, more than his own, we shall play the game of our Adversaries, who, fighting with one at a time, are sure at last to conquer all. How can our Common-wealth pretend to be assisted, if at her ease she will look on upon others wants? Do we possibly trust in the Peace two years since concluded with Spain? but what fruit have we hitherto enjoyed by it but the Invasions practised by Toledo, the Restitutions denied by Ossuna, the Treasons framed by la Queva, Provinces invaded, Towns little less than surprised, the Con­fines more and more threatned, the Sea roved, Commerce disturbed, and for the highest degree of hatred in others, and dangers to our selves, the Turks sollicited to oppress us? We may suppose the intentions of King Philip to be good, but certainly the actions of his Ministers cannot be worse: and nothing else hitherto hath diverted the discomposing of the Treaty, and kindling again the flames of War, but the patience of them that have received and endured injuries. Of a Peace so full of trea­chery, what more safe caution can we for the future procure for our selves, than to have Companions, whether it be in Peace or in War? Other­wise, without friends, we shall always find our selves, amidst troublesom suspicions, exposed to open injuries and secret treacheries. And if War be calamitous, jealousie is miserable. The friendships hitherto contra­cted are not sufficient to preserve us. The Alliances with Savoy and the Switzers are an ornament to the Peace, and a defence in War: But they open us not the passes, they furnish us not with Souldiers, they pro­tect not the maritime Provinces for us, but that this very City, the wor­thy seat of Liberty, and Empire stands no less exposed to dangers, than that she hath almost been a prey to Treachery. Let us then unite our selves with Holland; because if other Leagues defend our Dominion by Land, since it is not the Spaniards interest to provoke anew a generous Government, which hath taught every one the art how to resist the more powerful; they will in future also respect the Gulph, not to draw upon them the Arms of that unconquered people, which disturbs their posses­sion of the new World, and triumphs in the vast Ocean of the Indies. By this means our Peace shall be defended by faith, but much more by fear. If peradventure that rage be objected, which in a great Prince will be conceived implacable: What occasion will be for it? What, because we make Alliance with those Provinces, with which Spain it self hath con­cluded a Truce, acknowledging them for Soveraign? Shall we then be so unhappy, that friendship may no more be contracted betwixt free Princes? But may not our designs perhaps be to drive the Catholick King out of his vast Territories? Our institution and the moderation of our counsels are not accessary to that. The League will do him no hurt, [Page 145] if he promote not injuries; and if he be offended that he finds resist­ance, what greater argument to us to suspect his designs? But the charge possibly will be increased? But where can it be better imployed, than to preserve us from the worst of evils? What serves our Riches too, if they lye idle, but for a provocation to War, and a reward to a Conquerour? If our Ancestors have been provident to heap up Treasures, it belongs to us to be as prudent in the using of it, and for fear of growing poor, we ought not to imagine our selves always poor; for it is not money but Country and People, which are the most opulent Treasuries of Princes.

This opinion prevailed. Orders then and powers being dispatch­ed to Suriano, a defensive League was concluded for fifteen years, in which, in case of Invasion the Republick promised 50000 Flo­rins a month to the States, and they on their part an equivalent suc­cour of Men, Ships, or Money, as the Senate should appoint. For the solemn Ratification of it, the Heer Aersen was deputed from the Hagh to go to Venice, and from the Venetians into Holland Girolamo Trevisano, Ambassadours Extraordinary. This League was no sooner published, but contrary to that of Italy, all the considerable Princes of the North desired to be of it. And for that purpose instances and frequent Ministers arrived at Venice. In particular Balthasar Nei, Secretary to the Marquess of Anspach, and Prince Magnus of Wirtemberg, in the name of the Protestants of the Union, and of the Bohemians, came to demand assistance, the King of England streng­thening their demand with effectual offices. But the Republick re­solving not to depart from the defensive only, did not admit of their instances.

At the Conclusion of this League the Spaniards seemed to be greatly strucken, and their Ministers contrived more and more to increase jealousies and troubles, in particular Ossuna, who, confound­ing the promised restitution of the goods made prize, with the shew of new attempts, kept a Squadron of Gallies ready fitted, with all their furniture, to offer at some surprise in the Adriatick, with a doubtful report, whether he would fall into Albania to the damage of the Turks, or of the Venetians in Dalmatia. In both these Pro­vinces he had Intelligences and Treaties; and keeping Souldiers alongst the Coast of Puglia, gave out that he intended to send them to Trieste by Sea.

The Venetians constant in their resolution not to suffer armed Ves­sels to come into the Gulph, ordered Lorenzo Veniero, surrogated to Barbarigo, deceased, into the Procuratorship of St. Marc and the Charge of Captain General, to hinder it and to oppose him with all his force. The Fleet was at Curzola, very strong in Ships and Soul­diers, and Veniero making choice of twelve light Gallies, new clean­ed, and five great ones, made a course to the Coast of Puglia, clear­ing the Sea of some Pirate Pinnaces, by taking four, and making himself Master besides of a Flemish Vessel, which laded Corn for Naples. He afterwards went back to Corfu to secure ten Gallies, which were coming from Candia to joyn the Fleet, for which the Marquess of Santa Croce with a Squadron of Naples laid wait in their [Page 146] course. But Anthonio Pisani avoiding the ambush, keeping the other Coast, brought them safe. Veniero then joyning with thirty four Ships, which were in the Roads of Meleda, and two, which they had taken, come from Vallona with Corn, scoured longst the Coast of Albania, where he took three which laded Corn for Naples, where there was great scarcity. At last coming to Pola, he discharged some Ships, which were over and above what he had need of.

Freletich, that had done some mischief under the countenance of Ossuna, seeing the Venetian Fleet advanced into Istria, had the bold­ness to enter into the Gulph to make prey of some Ships; but be­ing pursued by some Gallies, he ran on shore on the Coast of the Kingdom, and leaving the Ship with the Arms of the Viceroy in prey to the Venetians, with the death of some of his, saved for that time his own life. At Naples also the Fleet at last separates; for being informed of the defence the Republick had ordered in the Gulph, the Ships were sent to Vado to land the Souldiers appointed for the relief of Ferdinand; and the Gallies, under the Command of Prince Philibert, joyned to the Squadrons of the Pope, Malta, Ge­noua and Tuscany, passed into Africk to attempt upon Susa; the Prince having first assured the Republick under-hand (who, jealous of so great preparations, ordered Veniero to assemble the Fleet at Corfu) that they should fear no disturbance so long as he commanded. But finding the Pirates in Susa upon their guard, and all Posts already in defence, all they were able to do was but to throw down the first Port with a Pettard, and the second being mured up, they were obliged to return with some loss: It being commonly belie­ved, as was divulged by the suspicious Genius of Spain, that Ossuna, desirous for his own ends to consume those Forces of the King, had given the Pirates notice of the design. Certain it is, that the right, those Pirates did themselves, was greater than the loss; for a while after they ransacked the maritime Coast of Spain, burning Orpesa, carrying away Booty and Slaves.

Philibert in his retreat sailed within sight of Cerigo and of Zant, where the same night the Turkish Fleet, much greatned, appeared. Nevertheless, although the Spanish gave out they sought it, to give them battel, they avoided taking their course towards Naples, under pretext that the Turks being infected with the plague, it was not fit to ingage in a fight with them. But they staying a while at Navar­rino, returned at last, as usual, to winter at Constantinople, without other prejudice but the loss of the Galley del Bei di Santa Maura, which was taken by Octavio d'Arragona.

Ossuna applying himself rather to do mischief to the Republick, than minding the molestations of the Turks, sends into the Archpe­lago under his Commissions six Ships to rove, which were in parti­cular to prey upon the Vessels of the Venetians, and into the Adria­tick sends the Ship called the Great Tiger, upon which was Freletich to carry to Trieste a quantity of powder to the service of Ferdinand. But being discovered by the Galliasses, and chased, she was forced to save her self in the Port of Manfredonia. These were the last [Page 147] attempts of the Duke,An. Dom. 1620 against whom the patience of the people was now grown to its extremity, as the connivence of the Court had been no less in his favour. The Kingdom of Naples had for several years groaned under the Tyranny of this Minister, who, carried a­way by the two Furies of Luxury and Ambition, exercised a disso­lute Government, confounding things sacred and profane, setting Laws at naught, trampling upon the Nobility, and infringing Privi­ledges. The King had commanded, that the Father Brindisi, a Ca­pucin of a most holy life, gone secretly out of the City, should come to the Court, although the Duke had procured to have him stopt at Genoua, and to his relations being joyned the complaints of many of the Nobility, who were secretly gone to Madrid; his Favourers, who had been entertained with vast gifts, part of his rapinous pil­lagings, could no longer support him. He perceiving that his re­move was near at hand, accustomed to command, had for a good while been considering the means to exchange his Government into a Soveraignty, and thought that not unfit for his purpose of having turmoiled Italy, and rendred the Name of the Spanish Monarchy so hateful to the Princes. He had besides, under pretence of sediti­ons, which himself raised, a Militia of Strangers under his pay, Ships of War depending upon himself, and by flatteries had gained the Common people to him, making use, as the means, of Giulio Geno­vino, they elect of the people a man of sharp understanding, a prompt spirit, Inventor of Novelty, and a greedy Disturber of quiet, proper to animate sedition.

As to the rest, he protected the people without distinction against the Barons, and gave out that he would ease their grievances, and take away Impositions; and passing by one day, where, to adjust the Impost, they were weighing Victuals, he cut the ropes of the Scales with his Sword, giving to understand, that he would have the fruits of the Earth unburdened and free, as being the free gifts of the Air and of Heaven. Hoping that the Princes of Italy would second his designs, he uses secret means to sound the Duke of Savoy and the Venetians, informing the one, that all he had done had been by precise Orders from the Court, and inviting the other to concur in the design of driving the Spaniards out of Italy; but the Repub­lick avers from such shifts, and, always wary, would not so much as hear it. Carlo imparts the project to the Court of France, and a person was sent by Dediguieres to Naples to observe the state of things.

ANNO M.DC.XX.

The Court of Spain, which by the distance of its many Countries hath it for a Maxime to distrust the Ministers which govern them, heedfully minding the proceedings of Ossuna, easily discovered his practices, and resolved to remove him; but doubting that by send­ing a Successor from Spain, he might make use of that delay to strengthen his disobedience, orders the Cardinal Borgia that with all speed and caution he should transport himself from Rome to [Page 148] Naples, and introducing himself into the Government, should dis­possess Ossuna. The Cardinal having gained the good will of the Governor of Castel nuovo, enters into it secretly by night, and betimes in the morning the discharge of the Cannon advertizes the City, that the new Viceroy being arrived, Ossuna was laid aside; where­upon the oppressed rising in commotion, and the turbulent being discovered, the Duke nevertheless upon the instant wanted not Arts to flatter the people with fair words, and the Souldiery with gifts. But the former uncertain what resolution to take, and the other, in particular the Spaniards, averse from staining themselves with unfaithfulness; the Nobility, the Council, the Ministers ap­proving the change, he was forced to depart, detested by all sorts of persons. By easie Journies to give time for pacifying the Kings displeasure, and that the favour of his friends might get strength, he takes his way towards Spain, where being received into prison, he was a while after brought to the sentence and punishment of death. Before this change was made, Rivera, who commanded the Ships of Ossuna sent into the Levant, comes with three upon the Coast of Candia, where sculking in by-kreeks of the Kingdom, remote and unguarded, by landing he had done some mischief. But having af­terwards discovered at the Rock of Christiana one Ship riding se­parated from his consorts (which was the Admiral Ship of Frederick Nani, a person of great skill in the Militia by Sea, and of exact and severe discipline) setting up his bloody Flag, came to attacque him. But Nani, to whom with eight Ships was committed the Guard of those Seas, though then alone, weighing Anchor, and charging him with so much courage, that two of his Vessels, not able to endure his Cannon, were forced to leave the fight, and amongst them Rivera's own, which made all the sail it could towards Italy; boarded the other which was the Admiral of Naples, and after a hard contest took it. Besides the slain, the Venetians had two hundred Priso­ners, and found upon the Ship some of those Cannon taken by Ossu­na out of their Gallies. Retiring with this purchase he meets the other Squadron, who shewing signs of friendship were answered with the like respect. The action was much commended, and by reason of the provocation approved by those themselves who were offended at it.

The Senate well pleased, that their honour was vindicated against Ossuna, and Rivera chastised, ordered the Prisoners to be released, and the Ship to be restored to Borgia the new Viceroy, who in a friendly manner demanded it, and had recalled the Ship Tiger from Manfredonia, and discharged Freletich with the Ʋscocchi. Where­upon Feria vainly shewed at Milan a particular resentment at this success, in such sort that he threatned the Frontiers with an Inrode. But the Senate ordering Andrea Paruta, Proveditor on the other side of the Mincio, to repulse all sorts of injuries, provided it so well, that the Governour easily let fall those thoughts. Two other sparks were amicably quenched, the one of small moment concerning cer­tain waters of the Forno, disputed betwixt those of Monte, a Town [Page 149] of the Cremasca, and they of Postino in the Milanese, which was also easily accommodated on the place by Anthonio da Ponte Governour and Captain of Crema, and by Coiro a Senator of Milan, under the title of Commissioners. The other carried a greater appearance; because the Prince of Castiglione being under Pupillage, the Town of Mel­dole, subject to him, shook off their obedience.

The Tutor who was the Signor di Solferino, went about to cha­stise it; but the Duke of Mantua declared it under his protection, and sent a Garrison into it. The other had recourse to the Gou­vernour of Milan, who, to use authority and force at once, sent thi­ther ten Companies of Foot, five hundred Horse, and four pieces of Cannon. But the Republick, who having those little States within theirs loved not such disorders, and much less that Garrisons of Stran­gers should be introduced there, sent some Souldiers to the Borders, and with the Duke of Mantua and the Guardian passed effectual of­fices, remonstrating, that as well the assistances as the enmities of the more powerful were equally dangerous; that for a most trivial cause they were kindling a great fire which would first burn their house, and afterwards the rest of Italy.

To the Ministers of Spain it was also declared, that the novelty would be extremely grievous, because Italy being not yet quitted from the late troubles, might upon every emergency be put again into greater agitations. The Governour of Milan, to say truth, judged not the matter such, as deserved to disturb the present quiet; and commanding thereupon his Souldiers not to pass beyond the Confines, interposes himself, adjusting the differences by punishing some of the Mutineers, and pardoning all the rest. The minds of the Princes nevertheless were so much disturbed with jealousies, that upon every accident they were stirred up to apprehensions, even upon very rumours. The Town of Sabieneda, which is of a situation of importance, not only to the Duke of Mantua, but also to the other neighbourhood, was yielded in Dowry to the Prince of Stigliano, one of the chief Barons of the Kingdom of Naples. He being a man of mean parts, allured by promises of honours, especi­ally of being made a Grandee of Spain, shewed himself not unwil­ling to have a Garrison of that Crown put into it. But his Wife, of a more masculine spirit, opposed both their flatteries and threat­nings, encouraged by under-hand perswasions of the Princes, and particularly of the Venetians, who would not willingly have suffered it. Insomuch that the jealousie, which seemed to be raised on that account, presently vanished. The Republick, amidst their vigilan­cy in so many places, omitting not the care of the domestick policy of their State, sends three Judges throughout the Country to take a view of affairs for the right administration of Justice, and remo­ving of oppressions and grievances from their Subjects. At Venice, Cardinal Francesco Vendramino, Patriarch, being dead, was substitu­ted by the Senate Giovanni Thiepolo, chief of the Church of S. Marco, a man of singular charity towards the poor, and of great magnifi­cence in the building of Churches, which being proposed in the Con­sistory [Page 150] by the Pope himself, was confirmed without his going to the Court of Rome.

Prince Thomas of Savoy about this time came to Venice, to give thanks for the favours which the Republick had so largely contri­buted to his Father, and was entertained and lodged according to the Magnificence belonging to so wealthy a City. From the Eastern parts came some little distraction upon mens minds; in that Ali Bassa, formerly Admiral, and one that shewed himself very troublesom to the Common-wealth, was at Constantinople promoted to be Grand Visier. By such Ministers is that Empire absolutely governed, whilst the Kings, buried in Luxuries and the wantonness of the Seraglio, shut up from all but vice, give up the supreme Authority in their affairs to the basest of Slaves. This man bearing in his pub­lick Office the affections of a private man, and thoughts of revenge for two Galiots, Men of War, taken a good while before by the Ve­netian Ships, vents presently his spight against Buonricci, Interpreter of the Venetian Bailo, who had prosecuted against him in the said business, causing him to be most unjustly strangled. Amidst the Fast of that Nation, maintained by the intestine discords of the Christi­ans, neither the Right of Nations, nor the practice or respect of Princes, is of any consideration; insomuch that a little before also, the Ambassadour of France had been some days in arrest, and his Secretary upon false pretext put to the Torture. Now the com­plaints of the Republick could not come to the King, but by means of the same Visier, and he, to stop every passage, revived the preten­sions, that had been silenced, of those of Bossena and others, who in the Prize of the Galley of Merchandize had suffered loss, intending to oblige the Bailo to restitution. Moreover, setting on foot most unjust pretensions upon the Confines of Dalmatia, he threatned In­vasions and Incursions. The Senate, who at the conclusion of Ossu­na's Government had disarmed Veniero, and reduced the Fleet to little more than ordinary Guard, sent Anthonio Barbaro, Procurator, as Proveditor General to take care of the Sea, and be assistant to Dalmatia against all injuries of the Turks. But before he could be in a readiness, sixty Turkish Gallies laviering without Corfu, with all signs and tokens of friendship, while one part only of the Venetian Fleet was at Merlere with a force not able to resist, landed in the Kingdom of Naples at Manfredonia, where the Governour of the Castle basely presented the Captain Bassa with the Keys. The Turks contented themselves to carry away out of the City and thereabouts Prisoners and Booty, retiring before forty eight Gallies of Spain could joyn together at Messina.

At Constantinople the Ministers excusing to Giorgio Justiniano, Bai­lo of the Republick, who made a sharp complaint of it, their en­tring into the Gulph, alledged the provocations and mischiefs done them by the Spaniards. But the Grand Visier was soon after snatch­ed away by death from the designs which he proposed against the Venetians, and Ʋsseim succeeding him, one of more moderate thoughts, with a present, according to the custom of the Country, [Page 151] lets fall into silence the business of the Bossenians, applying his mind and forces to a War against the Polacks, to which Osman pretended to go in person. For a pretext of it were alledged cer­tain differences raised by Gratiano Prince of Maldavia, whom the Turks had a mind to dispossess of his Country, and the Polacks, to maintain him. Others believed, as the truer motive, the instances of the Protestants of Germany to divert King Sigismond from assist­ing Ferdinand.

It is surely true, that the Agents of the new King of Bohemia and of Gabor did entice the Turks with a counsel as wicked as it was im­prudent, to weaken a private Enemy, for to strengthen the declared one of all Christendom. The Bailo of the Venetians by express Or­der of the Senate, abstained from having any thing to do with those Negotiations. But at Venice it appeared, as if the Republick had been the Refuge of every one that desired succours. The Palatine demanded an hundred thousand Ducats at least; Gabor, assistance: And for the Catholick Ligue of Germany, Zaccaria Trattembach and Giulio Cesare Crivelli, returning from Rome, were earnest for aid and free passage for Ammunition and Souldiers, and that the Concessions of the Pope of certain Tenths upon the Clergy of Italy might be extended also into their Country. But the Senate not yielding to their importunities, nor diverting their thoughts from the affairs of Italy, excused to all, with many reasons, their refusal. Neither could France now, taken up in domestick confusions, be assistant to the af­fairs of the Empire, but with good offices and counsels; and there­fore had made choice of the Duke d' Angoulesme with Monsieur de Bethune and the Abbot of Preo for Ambassadours Extraordinary in­to Germany for various ends, not liking on the one side, that the House of Palatine should be advantaged by that protection which they had always given to the Hugenots; and desiring on the other, under the title of Mediation, to introduce themselves into the busi­ness to foment the disorders, or end them according to their own mind.

That Kingdom was surely in a very tottering condition; for the Queen-mother had made so considerable a Party, that, to resist it, the Kings Authority seemed not sufficient, nor Luines his favour. Never­theless the Council being corrupted, (the Bishop of Lusson, who presided, being gained by the Court with great promises) it quickly fell to the ground. The King followed by very few Troops, ha­ving quieted Normandy, and seized the Castle Caen, comes near to the Pont de Cé, where the Duke de Rhetz, who with a greater strength was there to defend it, abandons it, either terrified by a needless fear, or prepossessed by the Cardinal his Uncle, who fol­lowed the Kings interest. From this success was derived the con­fusion of all the Party, because their Forces were divided in several Provinces, and the Queen in Angiers was exposed to dangers; where­upon an agreement was on the sudden concluded, with a general pardon. The Bishop of Lusson got for himself of the King the No­mination to a Cardinals Cap, and laid by this Treaty the founda­tion [Page 152] of that greatness, which did afterwards render him one of the most notable and most powerful Ministers of Europe.

The King resolving to go on in restoring the Catholick Worship, and the Ecclesiastical goods in Bern, a Country in the Pirenean Moun­tains, the chief Shop of Heresie, and where the name without the presence of the King was not known, but in a way of mocquery, or for some pretext; goes thither, notwithstanding the cold and incon­venience of the season, and the delays and arts which the people laid in his way; but at last, having suppressed some, setled Religi­on, and trusted the places of strength to the most faithful, he de­parts, leaving nevertheless seed sown in the disgusts of many of a War near at hand. But in Germany the Ambassadours of France were come to Ʋlm, where were assembled the Deputies of the Ca­tholick and of the Protestant Parties, and there, through their mediation, was firmly established; That they should not offend one anothers Countries, Bohemia notwithstanding to be exclu­ded, where, without breach of the agreement, Hostility might be used. It seems, that by such a Negotiation the ruine of Frede­rick was concluded; because the Austrians being secured from France, not regarding the bare Offices of England, and little fearing the Princes of the Union, which drove vain and uncertain interests, en­joyed the advantage of the Arms of the Catholick League; Bavaria being now gained with the hopes to have the spoils, and the Vote of the House Palatine, his Kinsman but Envyer. In Milhausen the Electors held yet another meeting, from which they send exhorta­tions and intreaties to Frederick, that he would lay down that Crown, which now shook upon his head; but he knew not how to resolve to withdraw himself from Fortune, though she threatned to forsake him. He was then by the Imperial Ban proscribed by Fer­dinand, who committed the execution of it to the Archduke Albert, to Bavaria and Saxony: All three near about the same time march­ed with powerful Armies towards the month of August. The most powerful attempt was from that which came from Flanders; because the Archduke in his own name, but with the Forces of Spain, sent Ambrogio, Marquess Spinola, with twenty five thousand men towards the Rhine; Louys de Velasco being left with considerable Forces to de­fend the Frontiers towards the United Provinces, with which the Truce being expired, they remained without provocations, but also in great distrusts.

Giovacchino Marquess of Anspach, General of the Union, lay in­camped with his Army at Oppenheim, and had laid a Bridge over the Rhine, when Spinola having obtained passage of the Archbishop of Mentz, and of some Princes and Cities, for fear of the Army and the Imperial Ban, approaches towards him, and made himself Master of Creutzenach without much opposition. He then makes as if he would advance towards Worms, and Anspach moved for its succours; but the other changing his march falls suddenly upon Oppenheim, and with a resolute assault carries it, finding within it all the provisions which were made for the Protestant Army. He therefore plants his [Page 153] place of Arms there, repairing the Bridge which had been taken up, and carrying into the Lower Palatine, governed by the Duke of Deux Ponts, great fear. The weaker places yielded without dispute, and some of the Princes of the Union separated from it. Many taxed An­spach of want of experience; but he excused himself upon the Or­ders given him by the English Ambassadours to stand upon his de­fensive, without provoking the Spaniards. To speak truth, that King made bitter complaints at Brussels and at Madrid to have been amused and deluded with the hopes of Peace; nevertheless not en­larging his hand in assisting, he continued by the luke-warmness of his mediation to foment the proceedings of Spain.

The United Provinces shewed themselves more earnest, who li­ked not at all, that the Arms of the Catholick King should advance to the Rhine; Maurice therefore Prince of Orange, passing it with 8000 Foot and 3000 Horse, sends Frederick Henricks his Brother to joyn Anspach with a good Body of men; but he losing the time un­profitably, the Hollanders returned, some few English only under Horatio Veer remaining in the Protestant Army. If the Palatinate groaned under oppressions, Lusatia experienced a scourge yet more cruel; for the strongest motives of Religion not having been able to over-ballance the most powerful ones of interest, and remove the Elector of Saxe from adhering to the Austrians, he enters into that Province, and taking Budissen the Capital City, laid in ashes for the most part by the Bombes flung into it, all the rest submitted to his will. From thence he sends 14000 men into Silesia, which, threat­ning the Metropolis Ʋratislavia, made themselves masters of Glos­gaw. This Province and Moravia had a little before been over-run by the Cossacks of Homonay, and Frederick, who held a Diet at Bru­na, had been forced to save himself from their swift Incursion with four persons only into Prague.

The Moravians sent four Ambassadours to meet with these Bar­barians to offer them money, that forsaking Ferdinands Party they adhere to their interest. But the Cossacks with a cruel document killing two of them, let the other go free, that they might relate what was the duty of their fidelity, and what punishment they ought to expect from their rebellion. Those Provinces had an effectual tryal, that the yoke of War is more heavy than that of obedience. The upper Austria also confessed it with tears and blood; because Buquoy having, during the winter-season, gently tempted it with al­lurements and Treaties rather than with Arms, Lintz being re-in­forced by Mansfelt with 2000 men, the Province was then confirm­ed in the Rebellion. But the Duke of Bavaria being entred into it with 20000 Foot and 4000 Horse, filled it with such a terrour, that the people, having neither defence nor excuse, knew not where to resist him, nor how to appease him. The States of the Country assembled in Lintz, were willing to propound Conditions of Peace; but the Duke despising them, because they had let him come too near, upon the 4. of August caused the Gates to be opened by force. Where some of the guilty being punished, the rest oppressed with [Page 154] a great Garrison, and all chastised with the general sack and spoil of the Country, obedience was re-established. It was fit to follow for­tune while she smiled with success; and therefore it was resolved to enter into Bohemia, to make an end of the War while it was but beginning. The Duke then taking the one way, and Buquoy the other, marched in such a distance, that the numbers did not hinder their progress, and Victuals were supplied to all, each taking in such places and Castles as lay in their way. At Buduais they met to speak together, thence uniting their Forces, but not their minds, which for sundry emulations were always in this Expedition at dis­cord, they moved towards Pisec, and that taken in they advanced to Pilsen.

The Army of the Bohemians superiour in number, but an equal in prowess and discipline, coasted upon them, and troubled their march. The Chiefs were persons of no great reputation, and Fre­derick, in a Labyrinth of endless interests, could not govern, nor would be governed. His endeavours to hinder the Catholicks from coming near to Pilsen succeeded not; but Mansfelt supplied it with art; because in that place, as in his own Conquest, he had fixed the seat of his Fortune. By proposing a Treaty he hoped to gain time, till the season should be more advanced to afford him succours. Nei­ther did the Duke and Buquoy despair of drawing him to their par­ty; because he feigned discontents, which besides the custom of Mercenaries, wont to abandon their party in the ambiguity of For­tune, they might easily give credit too in him that served a foreign Prince and a distracted people. But he, after some days, feigning also Orders from Anhalt, which in regard of his honour obliged him to make resistance, discovers the fraud; whereupon the Catholicks not willing to waste their Forces in a long Siege, nor entertain For­tune with lingring hopes, leaving Pilsen, went to Prague. Frederick assaulted from so many parts, and worsted in all, was in disorder; the people stood in a fright, and the Army was wavering. Near to Raconits the Armies met, and that of the Protestants was driven from most of their Posts, Buquoy being hurt, which nevertheless hin­dred him not to go on in his march. Anhalt perceiving whither the Enemy bent, sent la Tour before to Prague with some Troops, and himself, leaving the Baggage behind, by ways to rights hastens thi­ther, to prevent their possessing of the Wiisemberg or White Hill, in which might much consist the defence of the City, of a vast circuit, open in several parts, and in many commanded, and that within shot.

A little after arrive there also the Duke and the Count, so that both the Armies were now near to Prague. The Bohemian, in the superiority of Forces shewing a distrust of courage, intrench upon the highest part of the Hill, placing their Cannon in certain Re­doubts, and part of their Souldiers in the Park, called the Star, a place of pleasure for their Kings. There was in the Austrian Army the Father Domenico of Giesu Maria, a bare-footed Carmelite, repu­ted for a man of singular piety, who stirred up the Chiefs to fight, promising a certain Victory. But in the Council there was diffe­rence [Page 155] of opinions, some considering the Enemies greater number, and particularly of Horse, and others the disadvantage of the situa­tion, in that the Souldiers before they could come to handy blows with the Enemy, were to go a good way exposed to the Cannon and Musket-shot. Some added the unevenness of the Hill, which by several sloapings and in windings, gave the Bohemians means to fortifie themselves, and at every pass to make good their Retreat. But hope of Victory and the greatness of the recompence over-ballancing dangers, the Battel was resolved on. Anhalt kept the Ports of Prague shut to take away from the Souldiers the hope of escaping thither. In the Army he took for himself the right Wing, and assigns to Hol­lach the left. Frederick, though so chief a part of the Judgment of Fortune, stood in a place a little remote to observe the event.

Of the Catholicks the Imperialists had the right, and the Bava­rians the left hand. Their Word was the Glorious Name of the Virgin, under the protection of which, represented in the chief Stan­dard, the Wing of the Bavarians moved, over which, next the Duke, Giovanni Count of Tilly commanded. To come to the Hill they were to file over a Bridge, and then to pass a dirty Valley, and in that disadvantage the young Anhalt would have charged them, if the Count of Hollach had not staid him; whereupon the Catholicks dis-engaged themselves, and being defended from the Cannon with the rising of the Hill, they advanced in better order. Buquoy to avoid the Cannon-shot, to which his men, divided into three great Battallions with Horse on the Wings, stood most exposed, hastened his pace and came to the charge at the very same time that Tilly made his attaque. The shouting of the Souldiers, the noise of the Drums, and the roaring of the Cannon deafned Heaven, making the Hill a deadly Theatre of outrage and slaughter. The two Armies consist­ed of more than sixty thousand men. At the beginning advantage smiled on the Bohemians; for young Anhalt, with the assistance of the Count Slich, repulsed the first Charge, pursuing the Enemy with the gain of some Colours, the death of Prainer, and dead wounds of the Colonel Macau. The Protestants hereupon cry out Victory. But the Veteran Squadrons of the Catholicks, giving themselves not for lost upon the first accident, nor suffering themselves to be over­come by clamours, returned so home a Charge, that Guilielme Ver­dugo that commanded the Walloons, possessed one of the Redoubts with three pieces of Artillery, and took Prisoners Anhalt and Slich before mentioned. Fetheu turns the Cannon against the others, do­ing execution, and bringing terrour. The Hungarian Cavalry fright­ed with the yelling of the Cossacks, and beaten with the thick hail of Muskets, be gave themselves to a hasty flight, drawing after them a good part of the Infantry of the Bohemians, Hollach abandoned by all, his Horse being killed under him, had much ado to retire him­self. Anhalt the General with his voice and with his hand exhort­ed and laboured to stop the Run-aways, and put them again in or­der; but fear being deaf, he saves himself at last, after timely notice given to the King Palatine to provide for his safety. The Regi­ment [Page 156] of la Tour, drawn up into a Battaillon, was the last that was de­feated after a great resistance. All the Hill was seen covered with dead bodies and fugitives. He that had his Arms loose flung them away, and many that were heavy armed perished in the Molda, endeavour­ing an escape by the River, while the Gates of the City remained yet shut. The Battel lasted not above two hours, the Conquerours wearying themselves more in the slaughter than they had done in the fight. The Count of Merode makes towards the five thousand Bohemians, which had their Poste in the Star-Park, receiving them into submission with their Colours in a bundle, and with their Arms hardly obtaining their lives from the fury of the Souldiers, who with the weariness of the spoil alone remained satisfied. The Can­non was all taken by the Victorious with more than one hundred Colours. The dead on the side of the Conquered were above six thousand, with as many more Prisoners, the rest scattered and dissi­pated in such sort, that they could no more rally themselves again. At the miracle of so great a Victory both Conquered and Conque­rours were overcome with amazement; that of the Catholicks there were not reckoned above three hundred slain. This Battel, which happened on the 9. of November, confirmed the Kingdom to the Austrians, and to all the Catholicks the Empire.

Frederick got back into Prague, demands twenty four hours of Truce; but Bavaria would grant only eight, within which he was to abandon the Title and the Kingdom. He without other Reply, the next morning with his Wife and little Children flyes out of the City; leaving a memorable Example, That Ambition, a splendid Guide, but little secure, like nocturnal Lights in the Air, leads him that follows to destruction. By unfrequented ways he arrives at Ʋratislavia, and the Catholicks, the way being made for them by the Victory, might have entred that night into Prague (for the Wal­loons came close to it on the highest side of San Lorenzo) if the Chiefs, fearing under the darkness of the night the cruelty, outrage, and villanies of the Souldiers had not forbid it. The following morning those same Walloons, assisted by the Catholick Inhabitants, by some open places and by Scalade got within the Wall. The Pro­testants being retired to the other side of the River into the old Town, rendred themselves without more ado. The Duke restrain­ed as much as he could licence and spoil. After thanks rendred to God, and the Oath of Fidelity taken in the Name of Ferdinand, he leaves his Troops in the Kingdom, and returns into his own Coun­try. The Prince of Lichtestein, left Governour of Bohemia, takes the Castle of Carlestein, where the Crown of the Kingdom was kept by a Garrison of six hundred, some English, some Scotch. Buquoy on the other side entring into Moravia, at his appearance only redu­ced it to obedience, vipartiting there, for a punishment, his Troops into Winter-quarters.

Frederick now found himself indeed cast out of the Throne, not so much by the Arms of his Enemies, as by intestine disorders. He exercised a precarious Command, every one of those who had lifted [Page 157] him up to the Crown, pretending at his pleasure now to deny him obedience. The Count of Hollach, ill looked upon by all, had the favour of his greatest confidence; the principal Bohemians had con­ceived great disgust, and the most part of the Strangers had served at their own charge. The Souldiers not being paid, had with their violences provoked the Peasants. Religion it self, divided into se­veral Sects, divided also mens minds, and Frederick with Edicts in favour of his Calvanism had offended many, and raised some tumult amongst the people. In sum, after this all loving liberty, no body would be at the charge, or run the hazards of it; and many being deceived, in the belief of making their private fortunes in the loss of the publick, denied to contribute, others did it scantily, and it was said that some taxed at two thousand Florins, and not willing to give more than five hundred, left after the battel, when they fled from Prague three hundred thousand Dollers in prey to the Conque­rours. In Hungary a Diet held in this interim in the presence of an Ambassadour Turk, and those of France and Poland had not been able to conclude the Peace, and the Truce expired, the War began anew, and D'Ampiere taking a view of Possonia, for the applying of a Pettard, lost his life by two Musket-shot. Nevertheless after the battel of Prague, Gabor inclined to Peace; but demanding the charge of Palatine of the Kingdom, which is the same as Viceroy, he could not effect it. He taking the Kingly Title, and solliciting the Vene­tians anew to assist him, did not obtain it, although to incite them, he offered to cause the Town of Segna, formerly so troublesom to them, to fall into their hands. The year 1620. ending with such successes in Germany, although the Fortune of the Austrians appear­ed to be bettered, yet men perceived that the War nourishing it self with its own blood, increased rather, than had the least shew of coming to a period. The affairs of Italy went on as if measured by equal steps; for according to the accidents of Germany, Feria did sometimes suspend, and at others promote his designs upon the Val­teline. In the Grisons for some months the peoples minds had been quiet, rather than at concord; the banished under-hand solliciting Feria continually for assistance. Some of the Commons foreseeing themselves, that they were not able to subsist of themselves, and be­lieving that no Prince, more dis-interessedly than the Venetians, were like to uphold their liberty, called from Zurich, with an intent to make a League, Pietro Vico Resident for the Republick, who had no sooner set his foot in the Grisons; but hearing of the Revolt of the Valteline, thought best to defer his Negotiation to a more quiet season.

The Valteline is a streak of Land, which exceeds not fifty miles in length, and being of a various breadth, surpasses not twenty five, watered by the River Adda, situate in the midst of the Mountains in the extremity of Italy, and seems cut out by Nature to divide States and separate Confines. It hath Tirol towards the East, and the Milanese towards the West; on the North Rhetia commands it, and on the South it borders with Brescia and Bergamo, Territories [Page 158] of the Venetians. The River discharges it self into the Lake of Co­mo, and on the one side and on the other a Plain is extended, peo­pled therefore with many Towns, and where the Mountains are any thing low, abounds with Corn, Wine, and Cattel which feed it, and by imparting thereof to Strangers, inriches it also. At its beginning and ending it hath, as Appendixes, the Counties of Bormio and Chia­vena; the first joyns to Tirol, and pierces with vast high Mountains deep into Rhetia, the other on this side of the Spluga declining into a little Plain faces to a Lake, which though it be a narrow part of that of Como, yet under a divers name is called the Lake of Chia­vena. All this Country, subject to the Grisons, sought with all im­patience, conjunctures, and pretexts to withdraw themselves from their Dominion, and matter of Conscience suggested to the peo­ple motives very effectual; because the Leagues sending them Judges and Magistrates, for the most part infected with Heresie, it seemed by their founding of Colledges, and building of Churches, as if their aim were, not only to spread it through the Valley, but also to introduce it into Italy, where the true Religion residing as under Wardship, errours cannot be admitted or tolerated. Upon this stock of universal piety, the banished grounded their desire of being restored to their Country, and Princes their interest; the Au­strians in particular, who considered the Valtelline, as in effect it is, as a Gallery, which uniting the Countries of Germany with those of Spain, separates the Venetians and Italy from the assistance of Strangers. The Count of Fuentes, who more than any former Go­vernour of Milan had inlarged his authority in that Province, was wont to counsel his King, that to put Fetters upon Italy, Monaco, Fi­nal, and the Valtelline were to be possessed by him. Of the two first the design proving easie, the last, as the most difficult, was reserved for a better conjuncture, the Grisons making themselves considerable by their adherencies, as well as their strength; and it appearing that the Venetians, not only for their own, but were easily moved for anothers interest. The Count notwithstanding layes the first stone, planting the Fort, which commands the entrance into the Valley. Ferdinand by fast bonds being now indissolvably united to Spain, nothing was wanting for the convenience and strengthening of the common Monarchy, but to conjoyn their States, and if by possessing the Lower Palatinate, a great passage was opened for Germany to com­municate with Flanders, by making themselves Masters of the Val­telline, the one and the other were linked unto Italy. The princi­pal persons of that Valley, and in particular the Piantaes and the Cavalier Robustelli, offered to seize it with so much facility, that Fe­ria had no other thought but to enjoy the prize. They represented the desires and invitations of the people groaning under the yoke of a base Government, which having avarice for a Law, sold Autho­rity to Magistrates, that they might expose Justice to sale to the people. They considered the Order of Nature it self in that un­happy Country perverted, where the worst possessing more authori­ty than the better, there remained nothing that was not venal; [Page 159] Goods, Life, Honour, nay Conscience it self: nor could more wic­kedness be practised by the Judges, nor more misery be endured by the people. What better opportunity was to be looked for than this, in which Rhetia, torn to pieces with Factions, is neither capa­ble to command nor to obey, no not to it self?

France was incumbred with its own discords, and the Venetians while the Conjuncture favoured them, did rather divert blows than resent them, if given on a sudden they came to succeed happily. Though Peace in Italy was at that time most necessary for Spain, Feria nevertheless quickly assents to the Proposition; for if it suc­ceeded not, it cost only the banishment or lives of some few; and if it took effect, he thought the advantage such as might deserve at least some little hazard and pains. Besides the desire to signalize his Government, he did believe he should not want excuses and ac­cidents to colour his attempt, nor devices, or a Treaty to divert coming to Arms. These were the causes of the new War in Italy; in the banished desire of liberty; in the people zeal to Religion, and in the Princes Interest of State and mutual Jealousies. In the month of July began the Revolt of the Valteline, into which there coming down by concert three hundred men out of Tirol, the whole Coun­try rising in a tumult of a sudden, it seemed like a flash of Light­ning which over-ran it in a moment. The Governours of the Pro­testants, in particular the Heads of the Families, which were to the number of three hundred, were killed, and under the Cloak of Re­ligion were committed execrable villanies, much innocent blood shed, Estates violently taken away, and private revenges exercised. The Catholicks immediately chose new Magistrates to sway this new Government, and fortified certain places of importance with money from Spain. From the Milanese also Souldiers came filing on, and from the Fort Fuentes Cannon descended, otherwise without this strengthening the fire would have been quenched, while it was kindling. The Count Giovanni Serbellione raised men for Feria; but the name of the Pope was pretended, the better to cover the design. The Venetians more than any other seemed strucken with this accident; because besides the increase of power to the Austrians, by whom they saw themselves encompassed with a line of little less than five hundred miles, they saw also the way stopped for any suc­cours, but from Levies in their own Countries. And for that cause both to the Pope and to the Austrians they made serious remon­strances for Peace, prognosticating the evils to come, and shewed the distractions which would arise upon it. Bur all offices being vain, they apply to strengthen themselves, stir up their friends, and give vigour to the oppressed. Judging that their advantage consist­ed in not giving time to the Spaniards, and the formerly banished to settle themselves in the possession, they exhorted the Grisons to a sudden attempt to recover what they had lost, by alluring the peo­ple with a general pardon and security to the Catholick Religion in the Valley. They perswaded also the Switzers, upon the ground of their Alliance with the Grisons, to take Arms, and promised on their [Page 160] side to be assistant, disbursing money to the Grisons, and sixteen thousand Ducats to the two Cities of Bern and Zurich to arm two Regiments. Indignation and common interest not prevailing so much with that people as gold and private profit moves them, in Rhetia with that impulse of money they raised twenty four Compa­nies, hastening therewith to provide Chiavena, upon which the Mu­tineers had their eye. Seven entred into the Valley on that side, taking in at the first assault Traona, and certain Trenches guarded by the Captain Carcano Milanese. But coming with little order near to Morbegno, garrisoned by Spaniards, they were repulsed. But they had their revenge at Sondrio, taking the place. All this could not be acted without much slaughter and disorders, the Grisons being blooded and inraged. Fear therefore spreading it self, Fryars, Nuns, and many other retired into the State of the Republick, which gave order that the persons and holy things should be received and kept with great care. Such an Invasion nevertheless was like a Torrent of a Land-flood, which pouring forth all at once from the Moun­tains, quickly vanishes. Those of the Valteline, re-inforced from the Milanese with four thousand Foot, and four hundred Horse, at­tacque them, and drive them from the Bridge of Ganda; thence re­covering Traona and Sondrio, they took also in the County of Chia­vena, Riva, and Nova. Animated afterwards with this superfluity of Fortune, having a mind to attacque Poschiavo, which is a Town of Rhetia, where, coming down from the Country of Bern, is the straightest passage of the Valley, being beaten, they returned back. The Protestant Switzers causing ten Colours to advance, partly to secure Chiavena, partly to give courage to the Commons of the Agne­dina, came down to Bormio, strengthened with some Troops of the Grisons, and, forcing the straights of the passages, drive the Spani­ards thence with the loss of two Captains. This County was of great concernment to both the Parties; because, separating the Valley from Tirol, and without joyning to it, communicating from Rhetia with the State of Venice, it might from Germany and from the Re­publick receive and give mutual succours. Andrea Paruta, General of the Venetians, sent seasonably Arms, Ammunition, and Souldiers for its better guard, when the Grisons and Switzers, impatient to ex­pect so opportune a succour, and presuming upon equal success in whatsoever they undertook, would needs advance into the Valteline. But proceeding in their march without order, and disposing of their Quarters without defence; all Discipline and Conduct failing, co­ming to Tirano, and being resolutely received by a Body of the Spa­nish Souldiers, they were defeated with the loss of two Colours, and the Colonel of the Regiment of Bern. In place of retiring to Bormio, they thought of nothing but returning to their homes, a­bandoning the Town and the County; whereupon those of the Valteline and the Spaniards enter again into it without opposition. Feria gave out, that his assistance was only in defence of Religion, for which there appearing no caution offered to him which was suf­ficient, he denied to withdraw it, as was proposed, to make place [Page 161] for some composure betwixt those of the Valteline and the Grisons. But he knowing of what advantage discord amongst Enemies was to overcome them, sows it among the Helvetians; whereupon the Catholick Cantons rising up against the Protestants, shut the passes of entrance into the Grisons, and having raised fifteen hundred men, with two Companies of the Vallies threatned to enter into the Valley of Musocco, to assist those of the Valteline, and such of the commons of the Grisons as professed the Catholick Faith. The Cities of Zu­rich and Bearn dejected with the blow received at Tirano, diverted by the threatnings of their Confederates, and amongst themselves intangled by many arts and considerations, left Rhetia exposed to their Enemies and in prey to their own disorders.

The Arch Duke Leopold, Brother of the Emperor, in this while arm­ed in Tirol, and publishing his pretensions of Soveraignty over some of the Commons of the Ten Directorships, it appeared that his aim was to reduce all the Country to the ancient subjection of the Au­strians. The Affairs stood in this manner much straitned, no succours appearing from France, but rather the Ministers of that Crown in Rhetia made things more intricate; because at the instigation of Mo­lina, though against the mind of the Ten Directorships, Gheffier be­ing called to Slants, where the Pittach was held, he perswaded the People to approve certain Articles, which nevertheless were to be confirmed by the Crown, by which the judgment of Tava being a­bolished, that of Coira should be revived, with the factions and en­mities which in consequence went along with it. This served to play the Spaniards game; for the Lega Grisa, protesting against these de­liberations, the Government thereby growing into greater confusion, neglecting the Valteline, applied not remedies to the present evils.

The best resolution was to send Ambassadors to Venice, Hercules Salica Cavalier, and Constantino Pianta, the first whereof dying be­fore the declaring their Commission, leaves to his Collegue the care of representing the need which Rhetia had of the authority of their counsels, no less than of the assistance of their Forces, the Govern­ment languishing in discord and confusion, the People uncapable to discern their evil, or discerning it to apply the remedies: The Se­nate knew of what importance it was to take the charge of a body, that not being able to govern, but rather disturb it self, could be of no service but to incumber others also. Yet it being not fit to put him in despair, they send back Pianta with hopes of good assistance, when the people reflecting upon their miseries, should be willing to put a hand to their own preservation. But in its more secret refle­ctions, they looked upon Italy henceforward in a condition not to be able of it self to bear up against the Arms and Arts of the Austri­ans. They thought it therefore necessary, for the remedy of one power, to raise up another of contrary interests and opinions, since the balance of Europe consists in two Kingdoms which would be equally formidable, if in the Spanish ambition were not corrected by sparing, and in the French force was not weakened by incon­stancy. The Senate sends Girolamo Priuli Ambassador extraordina­ry [Page 162] to Paris, to the end, that informing that King of the state of things, he might perswade him to assist his ancient Confederates, and offer them for that purpose the union of his Forces. With wonted in­citements of profit and favour, Dediguieres upon the first motion be­ing come into Italy, to whom the care of that Country seemed com­mitted, speaks with the Duke Carlo at Turin, in the presence of Giovanni Pesari Ambassador of the Republick. Several ends disco­vered themselves in that conference; for the aim of the Venetians tended to nothing else, but either by Treaty or by Arms to bring things to some kind of composure, that might restore the Valteline to its former estate, and the liberty of the Grisons.

But Carlo who kept the Gates of the Alps, not regarding those other passages aimed to draw the French into Italy, to the end that making a general change in the state of things, his own might be ad­vantaged according to success, and he might enjoy the spoils of others losses. Now the only design of France, was to interest it self no farther than by Treaty and name, proposing that the Re­publick should charge upon it self the burden and the War; for which purpose Desdiguieres, in quality of a private Captain, offered under their pay to raise in an instant ten thousand Foot, and a thou­sand Horse, and to pass them through Helvetia into the Grisons; but the Venetians, excusing themselves upon the season, so far advanced, which made the passage difficult, did not embrace the proposal, in­sisting that they would not be alone; but that in the Cause which was common the Crown also should concur, and the Switzers assem­bled then at Badan upon these occurrences. Nothing therefore was concluded in Piedmont; but in France Priuli, being arrived at Court, and found the King rid of the disagreements with his Mother and the Voyage of Bearn, Declares the intensions of the Republick to be, that Religion should be secured, and the Country restored, to preserve to God and the Princes that which divine and humane right had imparted to them. He offers the consideration, that Italy despoiled in a manner of the ornaments of its liberty, of its strength, and of its beauty, did ap­prehend destruction, being invironed with a formidable power, watching on occasions ready to take advantages, greedy of conquests, and tenaci­ous in keeping them. That in the support of that Crown alone was placed the hopes of the Grisons, a people, it may be said, protected from their very beginning, and by the constancy in their friendship ready to fall under the Yoak. True it was that the Republick was concerned in the neerness, but nevertheless glory ought to stir up the King, who was bound to render an account to publick fame of the distress of his most faithful friends. That Europe had hopes now in his youth of fruits equal to justice and power, the one being due to the oppressed, and the other required by his own and common interest. That in his Kingdom he had by both triumphed over two of the fiercest Monsters, Heresie and dis­cord. That now Heaven reserved for him the honour of conquering the ambition of Strangers, and overthrowing the slavery of Italy. That no­thing was so much expected in that afflicted Country, as the happiness of his conduct and authority to add new examples to the old, that in its [Page 163] straits it was delivered by the Arms of France.An. Dom. 1621 That Rhetia at present did implore him, and the Republick readily offered it self to second his royal intentions with their endeavours, and they not being sufficient, with Arms, mindful of the ancient friendship, and so long correspon­dence by which Italy hath always received honour and relief. That the Valteline and Rhetia did expect it alone from this Ʋnion, equalising by a just Treaty the present advantages of the power of France with the be­nefits of the vicinity of the Venetians.

France truly acknowledged the great mischiefs received in the fears of the minority, and the civil discords, for having neglected foreign occurences, and Monsieur de Villeroy being dead, an old man and trusty Minister, but most averse to the affairs of the Gri­sons and of Italy, a great obstacle was removed. Monsieur de Pisi­eux, then Secretary of State, in the name of the King answers to Priu­li, with full encomiums of the vigilance and prudence of the Re­publick; that by sudden and seasonable assistance to the Swizzers and Grisons, had endeavoured to remedy the present evils, and prevent the future. That the King would not suffer the wrongs of Rhetia, nor the oppressions of his other Friends: That he was sending to the Court of his Brother-in-Law the Marshal of Bassompiere Ambassador extraordi­nary, that he might endeavour the quieting of the present divisions, by removing violence and restoring all things to their first estate. In case that should not avail, that he declared himself fully resolved to take Arms in conjunction with the Republick and Carlo, both keepers of the liberty and security of Italy. All this was communicated to the Pope, who being far advanced in years, and desirous to repose his ashes, and adorn his Sepulchre with the memorials of Peace, was greatly disturbed hearing it in danger and tossed up and down among the greater Powers. Of such resolutions, which howsoever came to no­thing in regard Treaty, separated from Force, served not but to con­firm the Spaniards in the possession of the Valley, and of their minds the Austrians believed the Venetians to be Authors. A War there­fore of hatred rather than Arms breaking forth, the Spaniards recal upon the score of their private interests their Ambassador from Ve­nice, and attempted in other Courts to introduce disparity betwixt their Ministers and those of the Republick, contrary to the practice and use of the other Crowns, which treated them as belonging to a Prince that for Soveraignty, Power, and Titles was numbred amongst the Kings; so that all correspondence by Treaty and Offices was wholly interrupted; whilst in such formalities the present Age be­lieves that if not the Essence the Covering and Vail of Principality consists.

ANNO M.DC.XXI.

The Spaniards judging it their great advantage, that the business of the Valteline should pass for a matter of Religion, to the end that amidst applauses, excuses, and pretexts, some Princes might be re­strained, and others proceed with greater caution, applied all care [Page 164] well to impress the Pope with that opinion, to their offices of duty joining other means, and in particular to gain his Kindred, having for that purpose created the Prince of Sulmona his Nephew Grande of Spain. Paul nevertheless, having had the teaching of a long expe­rience, preferred Peace before all flattery, nor did believe it fit, that, confounding together the interests of Religion and State, the Popes ought to expose themselves to the enmity of great Princes, or put themselves to have need of the assistance of the more powerful. He applied therefore to a neutrality, as a course more prudent, than what the Princes shewed themselves pleased with. But in the begin­ning of the year, having in a certain ecclesiastical function superflu­ously wearied and inflamed himself, he passes to Heaven to render an account of the World, over which for the direction of Souls he had been for sixteen years placed in the Popedom. Ever since to the Ecclesiastical Dignity a worldly Power hath been superadded, and that the corruption of the Age hath with the veneration of ho­ly things confounded also humane respects, Princes have very often in the election of Popes caused to be profaned with their interests, that which the Church possesses of most pure and most to be re­garded. But God that hath espoused it with the Ring of his true Faith, protects it from violence, confounds the counsels, punisheth the attempts, and preserving it by his holy Spirit, makes it clearly evident, that though the Conclaves are not exempt from factions, and affections, nevertheless, the counsels of man seldom succeeding, the lot falls where Divine Providence directs it.

For the present by how much the suspence of the Affairs of the Valteline was more embroiled, with so much the more diligence did the Princes effectually labour to prevail with their partisans, to cause the Pontificate to fall upon him, that either by his own inclination adhered to their wills, or in regard of the Family and Kindred was like to be more easily gained. The will of the Spaniards, and of the Nephew of the dead Pope inclined to Cardinal Campori of Cre­mona, subject not only by birth, but by affection partially addicted to Spain, and by consequence for the same respects abhorred by France, and it appeared as though the election was not to be hin­dred, so strong was that party, although together with his pri­vate enviers, the Marquess de Coure Ambassador of France did open­ly oppose him. But the minds of the Conclave unexpectedly alter­ing, contrary to the opinion of themselves, all concurred unani­mous in Alexander, Cardinal Lodovisio, Boltognese by birth, who took the name of Gregory the Fifteenth. He almost seventy years old, giv­ing himself to quiet more than business, leaves quickly the directi­on of Affairs to his Nephew, now a Cardinal, who governed them through the whole course of this Pontificate, with great ability and an authority supreme. The Princes studiously contended to possess the Pope in their favour, in the business of the Valteline, Favin sol­licites those People to send Deputies to the Court of Rome, that they might fill all with clamours and complaints, so to stir up com­passion towards those that made a shew to breathe nothing but Re­ligion [Page 165] and Liberty, motives so powerful, that the one with reason possesses the chief place in things sacred, and the other in civil. He sends also Giovanni Vives, a known Minister of the advantages of the Monarchy, and of the disturbances of Italy, and joyns to him the President Acerbi; who, during his private Fortune, had been fami­liar with the Pope, that so in publick Audiences and private Dis­courses, he might continually have his ears beaten with the incite­ments of zeal and piety. The Ambassadour of the Venetians on the other side endeavoured to represent that affair in a contrary shape, and separate from Religion. Because that, If the Republick kept it with so much care unviolated in its own Dominions, it could no less suf­fer it to be defiled amongst their Neighbours. But it was not to be en­dured, that under a pretext of Piety, Interest should intrude it self, to the possessing of a Country, to which the Spaniards had no other title but that of their own profit and convenience, and the oppression of others. The Pope was greatly perplexed at these beginnings, and desired a composure of the business; and thereupon with his own hand wrote into Spain to the King, and the Cardinal Lodovisio to his Confessor and principal Ministers, representing; That to Italy, nay rather to all Christendom, there could not be an appearance of a greater calamity by War, in which, amidst the zeal of Religion, military Licence would slip in with the contempt of Laws, both divine and humane, it being impos­sible for impiety it self and injustice to carrry on a War by honest rules and innocent means.

There arrived at this time in Rome an Embassy from the Veneti­ans, which according to the pious custom of Catholick Princes is called of obedience, and consisted of four chief Senators, that is to say, Girolamo Justiniano Procurator, Anthonio Grimani, Francesco Contarini Cavalier, Procurator, and Girolamo Soranzo Cavalier; the which, besides the accustomed offices, had order to insist much upon the business of the Valteline. But Gregory, by a diversion from that chief point, required with great earnest, that the Republick would re-admit into their State again those religious people of the Society of Jesus, which for important causes, in the time of his Predecessor, had been banished, which being repugnant to many Laws and For­mality, the indissoluble bonds of Government, he could not obtain. Nevertheless the Marquess de Coevre, in quality of Ambassadour Extraordinary, passing from Rome to Venice, with the business bet­ter laid, presses it home in the Name of King Lewis, and at the same time the Bishop of Monte Fiascone, Nuntio Apostolico, with a Brief from the Pope, and Letters from the Cardinal Lodovisio, did ear­nestly second the importunity. But the Senate did not depart from their first conception, remonstrating to the foresaid Ministers their Decrees and grave Considerations, by reason whereof Princes in amity with them ought not to press them to that, which was neither permitted to them to grant, nor could they deny without doing dis­pleasure to themselves. Some took upon them to judge, that this demand had its rise from a higher account and more secret ends, it having perhaps been the aim of some, to render the Venetians, who [Page 166] it was supposed would not have given their consent, either distrusted by the new Pope, or little acceptable to France at a time when it was needful to gain the good disposition of the one, for the affairs in agitation, and to manage confederations and adjustments with the other. In the mean time the hinge of the business of the Valte­line being fixed in Rome, with various turnings, passing also to other Courts, Feria manages his business more happily, planting Forts at Morbegno, Sondrio, and Tirano to establish himself in possession. Sow­ing in Rhetia incessant divisions, the effect was, that he at last gain­ed la Lega Grisa by Rams of gold which equally over-turn Moun­tains, and the hearts of those people, perswading them to send six Ambassadours to Milan. The Government being in this manner divided, he could not have safer Hostages of their Venality, and of the ruine of that unhappy Country. To give it the last blow, with four of the Ambassadours, the other two dissenting, he concludes a Treaty, by which the Custody of the Forts was yielded to the Spa­niards, the Passes were to be open to them, they with a shew of words reserving to themselves in appearance the ancient Alliance with France and Feria, promising assistance, if the other two dissent­ing Leagues should not confirm the Treaty. This Monster of Ambi­tion and Interest was without form, begotten by an illegitimate Au­thority, but which nevertheless served for an advantage to Feria's designs, to put the Grisons into confusion, to remain in the Valley, and discompose whatsoever might be resolved elsewhere. Gheffier attempted to oppose himself, but in vain, the name of the French being either detested by the party most oppressed, or despised by that already sold to the Spaniards.

Scaramuccia Visconti going hereupon into Rhetia, in the name of the Governour of Milan, with money and promises, some of the Commons of the Grisa failed not to adhere to the foresaid accord, induced thereto besides from the fear of some Colours of the Ca­tholick Switzers, who at the instance of Feria, being entred into that Country, oppressed it with Quarters. And the Canton of Zu­rich in opposition to them kept Souldiers in the other two Leagues; but esteeming no mischief greater than charge, these would have been long before disbanded, if the Venetians with ten thousand Florins a month had not kept them on foot. With this incouragement la Ca­dé and the Directorships took Arms, pretending by forcible reme­dies to keep the Grisa in the ancient Union. Pompeo Pianta, the sup­posed chief Contriver of the disagreements, was killed, and Visconti with many of the Faction of Spain, were forced to retire in great haste out of the Country; because to the first fury of that inraged people, nothing being able to resist, the Catholick Switzers also with their Colonel Betlinger retired, leaving Cannon and Baggage behind.

La Lega Grisa then joyned themselves to the other; but Feria in hopes, which quickly vanished, to keep the Torrent of these armed people far from the Valley, did not only strengthen the Forts, but to facilitate the gaining of Chiavena, caused an Invasion to be made [Page 167] into the Valley of Musocco, which alone of the three Leagues is situate on this side the Mountains. The Inhabitants, though Catho­licks, yet for all that not inclined to the Spaniards, having cold and ice for the defence of their situation, hid themselves behind a great Trench of Snow, whence sallying without being observed, they so unexpectedly charged the Spanish Troops, that leaving five hundred dead upon the place, they retired dispersed by several ways into the Milanese.

Thus every day were their minds as well as Troops more and more imbrued in blood, and the Venetians finding in the Princes of Italy more apprehension of the evil than resolution for the remedy, had recourse again to the King of England, by the means of Girola­mo Lando ordinary Ambassadour, representing to him the state of things to be in a condition of great contingency. James with wont­ed magnificence of words answers; That he took to heart the security and safety of Europe. That the Interests of Italy were always in his eye and in his cares. That he held the Republick above all in a choice confidence and constant friendship. And did therefore declare, that if his Son-in-law were despoiled of his Patrimonial Countries, he would send a powerful Army into Germany to uphold him. If the Hollan­ders should be invaded, he would not spare his assistance; and if the Venetians should suffer any molestation, he would succour them with the Forces of all his Kingdoms, and for an earnest offered a present Le­vy in England of ten thousand Souldiers. The Senate by Letters express renders him thanks in abundance, esteeming those magnificat offers for a grace, if not an assistance. It was now no secret, that at this time the Spaniards themselves kept the King in hope of the Marriage of Mary, second Daughter of Philip, with the Prince of Wales, to the end to make him suspected by all, and beget a belief in himself, that the restitution of the Palatinate should be one of the chief Articles in that agreement. He nevertheless at Madrid presses also effectually for the restitution of the Valteline, and Bassompiere, arriving thereupon, pursues the same, the Popes Nuntio also and the Ambassadour of the Venetians contributing thereto their endea­vours.

But the death of Philip the Third leaves for some days the business in suspence. The face of the Court was a little before this much changed; for although Lerma, with the Purple of a Cardinal, had thought to cover himself from changes and accidents, yet it being difficult by honest means to maintain the ascendant over the Genius of Princes, he escaped not the accustomed malignant influence of Envy and of Fortune. Publick discourses ran abroad, that he had with poyson procured the death of the Queen Margaret, by the co­operation of Roderigo Calderone, who had a power over her mind, equal to that which he exercised over the will of the King. The disorders in the Government being over and above imputed to him, and in many things calumny, envy, and the interest of a few being joyned to what was true, his disgrace, from the hatred of all was fiercely promoted. Having for some time since wrestled with ma­ny [Page 168] in this narrow path of the ambition of Court, he met with no more fierce Competitor, than the Duke D'Ʋceda his own Son, close­ly oyned up with Father Luigio Aliaga, he Kings Confessor; so that there was not a corner that was not cunningly beset, even to the in­ward retirement of Conscience, and the most secret Colloquies of the Soul. The King at last yields to the general desire of the Court and Kingdoms, and in honour of the Purple silencing his accusations, commands him to retire. It remained a doubt, whether in an age, proclaimed by the wrath of Heaven, to the mocquery of Favourites, the King would not have taken upon himself the Government, when death, in the forty third year of his age, takes him away from the troubles which Empire carries with it. His years would surely have been more memorable, if he had been born a private man ra­ther than a King; because being better adorned with the ornaments of life, than endowed with the skill to command, as goodness, pie­ty, and continuance placed him in a degree higher than ordinary Subjects, so the disapplication to Government rendred him lower than was fit or necessary. By publick defects, private vertues being corrupted, and in particular keeping his mind in idleness, it was be­lieved, that he had reserved nothing for himself to do, but to con­sent to all that which the Favourite had a mind to. Thus the Go­vernment of the World, recommended to Princes as to the true Shepherds, falls into mercenary hands, making themselves not un­derstood but by the sound voice of interest, and the authority of ambition, the people suffer ruine and calamity, and the Princes themselves render account to God of that Talent, which they have suffered their Ministers to make merchandize of. It is certain, that Philip in the agony of death, was not so much comforted with the calling to mind his innocent life, as he was troubled with the sting of conscience for his omissions in Government. The report was, that the Maxims of Interest yielding in that instant to the Law of God, the restitution of the Valteline was precisely ordered.

The Son, Philip the Fourth, comes to the Kingdom in an age so young, being but sixteen years old, that the World had cause heed­fully to observe, whether ambition, the common disease of Princes, would sooner move or satiate him. But it quickly appeared, that the Ascendant of Favourites was not yet set; for dispatches being brought to the King, he delivers them to Gasparo di Gusman, Conde d'Olivares, and he shewing himself backward, though he desired it, commanded they should be given to whom the Count would ap­point. He feigning modesty, assigns them to Balthasar di Zuniga, an old Minister, and of great credit, but yet by concert; for Zu­niga being his Uncle, they had agreed to support one another; whereupon taking off the Mask, the Power fell to the Count, who quickly honoured besides with the Title of Duke, will be found with this double attribute in the following relation to be more famous than fortunate.

From the Republick, according to custom, were appointed an extraordinary Embassy to the King Simeon Contarini Cavalier, Pro­curator, [Page 169] and Girolamo Soranzo Cavalier. But Bassompiere, An. Dom. 1620 the time being passed which the change of Princes necessarily carries with it, sollicites the affair of the Valteline in such sort, that it was the 25. of April concluded, That the Armies should be withdrawn out of the Valley, and the Countries adjacent, and Religion with every other thing, as it was before the year 1617, restored; France, the Catholick Switzers, and the Valesians obliging themselves caution for it. To execute that much which was to be done, there was to be a Meeting in Lucerna of the Ministers of the Pope, of France, and the Archduke Albert in the Name of King Philip. The ancient Treaties of Rhetia with the House of Austria and with Tirol were to remain untouched. Some other Ar­ticles in favour of passage for the Spaniards were secretly added, which at that time were not known. That notwithstanding, which was published, was more than sufficient to make it understood, that both the Crowns conspired in one and the same thing, which was to seek to delay the business; for France, the agitation of civil dis­cords not yet well setled, cared not so suddenly to involve it self in those of Strangers; and Spain, in the instant of the new Reign, thought it wise counsel to defer the War, and dissemble a Peace. The Treaty, to say truth, contained but a huddle of things, little having been decided, and all remitted to new Conferences. And therefore, although in Madrid were published positive Orders to Feria, that he should withdraw his Arms, and restore; the effect ne­vertheless did not appear; some ascribing it to accidents suggested from more secret counsels, and the more simple reproaching the Go­vernour of Milan, as if he so tenderly loved the fruit of his own contrivance, as not to be willing to part with it. But in Treaties faith will fail as long as interest lives, and interest will be found as long as Princes reign.

Feria, notwithstanding the advices of Peace, arms still more pow­erfully, and in Germany the Archduke Leopold, interdicting Com­merce to the Grisons and Venetians, raised Souldiers, threatning the latter with Jealousies, and the other with War. Thus the Mine sprung with great ease; for the Archduke having possessed himself of the Valley of Munster, while the Grisons demanded the restitution, al­ledging the Peace of Madrid so newly concluded, denies to be bound to observe it, he having had no Minister there, nor given his con­sent, and desired that Deputies might be sent to Felkirch, to the end, that by an amicable accord those causes and suspicions might be re­moved, which had moved him to possess it. The President Dole, in the Name of the Archduke Albert, being arrived at the meeting in Lucerna, pretends to be treated as representing Philip, stirring up the dispute of Precedence with the French, which expresly the Articles of Madrid by designing a Minister of the Archdukes had aimed to divert. During the delays to overcome this difficulty by writing, came new Orders, Albert dyes, and with him the Presidents full power failing, the Conference dissolves. Neither were other hinderances wanting, Feria declaring himself, that he would not execute the Treaty without the caution of the Catholick Cantons, [Page 170] capitulated not so much for their power, as for their neighbourhood, and the dominion they have of passages. But they would not inter­pose betwixt two so powerful Monarchs, and the common opinion then being that Feria himself did strengthen them in that resistance. He also puts those of the Valteline upon sending Deputies to Ma­drid, to make a clamour that Religion was not sufficiently provided for, and he accompanies them with Letters from the Senate of Mi­lan, in which with motives of piety and Religion were mingled con­sequences of convenience and advantage. He offers afterwards to make a shew only that the Forts should be kept by the Catholick Swit­zers, but that the Protestants should not abide in the Valley, till the Treaty should be mended, and at the same time suggests under­hand to the Grisons vain hopes of having again the Valteline, if point blanck it should not be otherwise conditioned, by some ac­cord, in which the passages should be left free for Spain. But it was not in the power of the Grisons to alter what was agreed in Madrid betwixt the two Crowns.

All this while there arrived not a Courrier out of Spain in Italy, but orders to the Duke were published for restoring and disarming, with an express command besides to hasten Souldiers for the Fleet, whilst the Turks, unsuccessfully involved in the War of Poland, and in the Black Sea employed in repelling the Cossacks, left the White open to whatsoever attempts of the Christians. But Feria, and the other Ministers having their minds more fixed on advantages in Italy, than progress against the Turks, such discourses had no other end, but to raise a jealousie in the Venetians, as if within the bosom of the Adriatick some surprises and acquisitions were to be attempted in Albania; but the Fleet lying idle in Messina, more numerous in Ships than provided with men, the apprehension the Republick received from that side was but little and short.

But towards Lombardy jealousies did increase, because betwixt distrustful Neighbours, either accidents frequently cause discord, or the more powerful seeks pretexts. And so a contest and almost a breach arose for a very narrow way which is called the Steccato, which to the Territory of Bergamo joins that of Crema, imbayed and environed on all sides with the Milanese. By most ancient contracts with the City of Milan, it is the absolute and undoubted Dominion of the Venetians; but for convenience and shortning of way, a pas­sage remains open, not only for passengers, but was wont to be per­mitted to Souldiers, when passage was demanded from the Gover­nours of Crema. Now it hapned, that a Company of Horse sent by Feria to Soncino, attempted to pass without leave, with the flying Colours advanced, and Arms uncovered; but was hindred by the Guards. Feria in great wrath, and taking it for an affront to the Kings Colours, sends store of Troops to the Confines, publishing, that he would pass with a good Body of men without leave. But the Venetians making equal provisions ordered Nicolo Contarini, Pro­veditor beyond the Mincio, that he should hinder him with all his force. They at the same time offered the pass, when according to [Page 171] custom it should be demanded,An. Dom. 1621 and propounded that the Contracts might be examined by Commissioners on both sides. They wrote also to the Court of Spain, inveighing against Feria, that by rais­ing discontents, and preferring idle tales before the merit of business, he aimed only to disturb the quiet. The Pope and the Grand Duke seriously considering, that from a small cause worse accidents might arise, employed their exhortations with the Governour of Mi­lan to give place for a composure, since the Venetians did not appear averse to consent, that that Company should now pass, but without doing prejudice to the right of either party, that afterwards that might be determined by Commissioners, which right required. Fe­ria deputes two Senators, which were l' Arese and Salamanca, to treat with Giacomo Vandramino Resident of the Republick, and they would quickly have been agreed amongst themselves, that the Pass should have remained free for a certain time, within which the business should have been quietly setled, if the Duke, rejecting a while after all sort of handling, had not referred it to the Court of Spain, and as though nothing but management of Arms had belonged to him, he had not sent seventeen Companies of Horse with some Foot to attempt the Pass by force; but finding it well guarded, the Spani­ards thought it best to make a halt. Many believed that in the heart of Italy there would from this little spark have been kindled a Fire, which might have prevented that, which upon Rhetia was foreseen to be but too imminent.

The Pope wrote briefs to the Republick; and orders Scappi his Nuntio in Lucerna to go to Milan to mediate; but he no sooner ar­rives, but there rising, as it happens in times of jealousie, one acci­dent or another, he found that for a contest only about Confines be­twixt the States of Mantua and Bozzolo, Feria was upon sending to the latter Souldiers and assistance, which could not be done with­out incensing the Neighbours and stirring up the Venetians. From this he succeeded to divert him; but for the way, it was agreed to expect Commissions from Spain, where what had happened being re­ceived, as it deserved, more calmly, and the Governour Caimo be­ing deputed to treat with Luigi Cornaro, Ambassador of the Repub­lick, it was at last by the interposition of the Nuntio agreed, that the company being sent again should pass without prejudice to the rights of either; and also that the difference should be terminated within the space of four Months, by Commissioners upon the place. And so in a cursory manner it was punctually performed. But Luigi Mocenigo Governour of Bergamo, and the Senator Piccinardi meet­ing in quality of Commissioners, could not agree in a total decision of the matter, it seeming, that where Confines are in dispute, force hath greater place than reason, and is more in use; howsoever in the course of the present suspicions, the passage was no more attempted by Souldiers in Arms, and within a while Affairs and mens minds set­ling into the former quiet, respect and good correspondence quickly began again. This composure hapned in the following year: But in this present upon the Borders of Brescia, there was a certain light [Page 172] encounter; upon the occasion that a Chain, laid by the Venetians over the River Oglio, which hindred the transport of Corn, because of the scarcity of that years Harvest, was loosned by people in Arms, and they of Seniga coming to hinder it, some of each side were kill­ed, and some hurt; which nevertheless, being reciprocally taken, as done rather by the transport of the Borderers, than the command of the Princes, was easily appeased. All notwithstanding serving to disturb mens minds, and adding as considerations to those which the Affairs of the Valteline carried in too great measure with them, the Venetians had agreed with the Duke of Savoy that he should leavy four thousand men, to the end that from the side of Piedmont they might make some seasonable diversion when there should be occa­sion

That nevertheless was not performed by the Duke, though the Republick had disbursed their part of the charge; for Carlo in the vastness of his mind, embracing many things, and always novelty of projects, had suffered himself to be perswaded by Feria to surprise Geneva, possessed formerly by the Dukes of Savoy, and once at­tempted by himself. For that purpose, the Governour of Milan had not only offered him assistance, but sent certain Troops towards Sa­voy, to be at his dispose, both to divert him from the Affairs of the Valteline, and also give jealousie to those of Bearn, and the other Protestant Switzers, Protectors of that City, that they might think no more of the Grisons. Nor did the design fail, for the intention of Carlo, from the moving of Troops out of the Milanese being dis­covered, those Cantons were in such a combustion, that they pre­sently recalled out of Rhetia all assistance and consideration of it. The Venetians therefore resolved to interpose, and having procured Carlo to give his word, that he would not molest that City, they carried it to the Switzers to quiet them. Nor was Carlo very diffi­cult in that promise; because the plot being discovered, Geneva was in defence, and the Neighbours were so ready with assistance, that the enterprise could not succeed.

Feria then recals his Souldiers, and opposes himself more power­fully to the Grisons, who, weary of their own calamities, had re­solved in a Pittach at Coira by forcible means to get out of them, sending Souldiers down into the Valteline, to try the utmost reme­dies of their strength. But the enterprise was so ill managed, that it seemed a Monster begotten of despair; for that it was an Army composed of the meanest sort of people, without Commanders, with­out Counsel, without Provisions and Money, and in a manner without Arms, and abounded in nothing but temerity, confusion, and inraged madness. Those that sided with the Venetians disswa­ded it, as unseasonable; but the Emissaries of Feria and his Faction had put them upon it, to give a more apparent pretext for the non-observance of the Treaty at Madrid. Six thousand men divi­ded into three Bodies fiercely descended into the County of Bor­mio. One of them possesses certain Trenches abandoned by the Spaniards that kept it, fearing an attacque from behind them. Ano­ther [Page 173] entred into the Town of Primai, and from thence to Bormio. The third at the Bridge of Santa Lucia, mastering the defence there­of gain Chiappina, and the Pass of Monbray, which shuts up the way that comes from Venosta. Altogether stopped the Passes which could bring succours to the Fort of Bormio, where they lodged in the Town, dissipating those few which they found within it; but the Cannon from the Fort kindling a Fire in it, they were con­strained to go out into the Campagnia, and the Guards of the ave­nues, being pressed by hunger, to abandon them in disorder, to provide themselves of Victuals, gave opportunity to the Spaniards to possess them. At the same time that they attacqued them in Front, they were assaulted in the Reer by the Colonel Baldirone, who, with fifteen hundred Souldiers of Leopolds, from the side of Tirol came down by the way of Monbray, and the Garrison of the Fort making a sally, the Grisons who also had want of ammunition, were so encompassed, that despair or courage would not have been able to have saved them, if the darkness of the night covering them, had not facilitated the means to many of hiding themselves in the Mountains, and from thence in small Troops to retire home. After this success, Serbellone, with a greater Force supplied him from the Governour of Milan, easily possesses Chiavena, and Baldirone makes himself master of the Valley of Partentz, Poschiavo, and many other Towns and places of the Agnedina, and of the Ten Directorships. Rhetia by these redoubled invasions, was full of confusion and slaugh­ter; nevertheless a Pittach was held in Coira, which, if it proved al­ways tumultuous, was at present void of all order and form, every one pretending to give counsel to other, and no man knowing what was fit to resolve.

There was a great contest about sending new Ambassadors to Milan, many approved it, and the Ten Directorships opposed it: when Leopolds Army coming to Coira, resolves the doubt and the meeting; for the people in a fright went out to meet them, and renders them the Town, saving their Priviledges, Government, and Liberty of Conscience. Certain it was, that the Arch Duke desired to have it, and pressed the Bishop to renounce the Church to him, to which are annexed many temporal jurisdictions, and the dominion of one part of the Town it self. In the mean time, to hinder the Switzers from succouring Rhetia, he causes a good Fort to be laid towards Regatz, slighting the jealousies of the Cantons and their dis­pleasure, whilst not being able to resolve any thing, but by an una­nimous consent, they were obliged first to call a Diet for it. And because Feria apprehended some motion from the Venetians, to keep the chief strength of their Forces in Lombardy, he sends a great num­ber of men to their Borders. But there appeared a kind of breath­ing to Affairs, from whence it was least expected; for Mansfelt, who sought War every where, and his profit from every accident, be­ing scarcely dis-intangled from the losses of Bohemia, with a speedy march comes into Alsatia, with so great a diversion, and such suc­cess, [Page 174] that he not only obliges Leopold to hasten thither with all his Forces, but Feria to send thither (having the convenience of the passes, and of the new Conquests) four thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, lessening the Garrisons and the jealousies towards the Venetians, and in particular taking some Companies out of Son­cino, the which in respect to the Pass of the Steccato, went round about the Territory of Crema.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE.An. Dom. 1621 THE FIFTH BOOK.

CErtainly the Valteline and Rhetia were not taken to be of little consequence, as not to deserve the care of the Prin­ces, both as to the seizing and defending of them; such being their situation, that being possessed by Strangers, a snare might be said to be closed upon the relief and li­berty of Italy. The Venetians therefore, to whom it more nearly belong­ed, became more earnest upon all occasions in their offices and invita­tions with the French. But that Kingdom, involved in new intestine discords, still languished from its first distemper, and the remonstrances or threats of the King were little feared by the Austrians. For Luines having formed a great design to take from the Hugenots the places, which former Kings, under the title of security, had for a time ac­corded to them, took pretext from a certain Assembly which they held in Rochel, that since the successes in Bern, they complotted with over-much licence things prejudicial to the Kings service, and de­claring it suspect and unlawful, followed the Edicts with an Army. That Party was weakened enough already through dis-union; for the Court had gained some of the chief ones, who preferred their Interest before Religion, and amongst those Dediguieres; so that there remained no more Chiefs of Authority amongst them, but Ro­han, Soubize, Chastiglione, and la Force, of several inclinations, and divers ends amongst themselves. Many of the people desired peace­able rather than turbulent counsels, others adhered to the Chiefs, or [Page 176] followed the obstinate zeal for their false belief. The Court de­signed to suppress them all, and, the sooner to end the War, be­gan it with great force, and with several Armies dispersed in seve­ral Provinces. With one the Duke of Espernon curbs Rochel; and with another, the Duke of Maine in his Government of Guyenne ei­ther confirms the Towns in obedience, or forces the disobedient. Conde longst the Loire takes Sancere, and the King with the most considerable part of his Forces besieges S. Jean d' Angeli.

The Hugenots were not wanting to themselves, some serving in person, others contributing money, notwithstanding all help from without failed them, Germany being too much imbroiled, England not minding Foreign affairs; and Holland, ready to come to blows with the Spanish Army, had more need of French succours, than were inclined to assist the Rebels of that Crown. They were there­fore in many places obliged to submit, and St. Jean d' Angeli, though defended by Soubize to the utmost, was forced at its surrender to accept of any conditions, and to have the Walls razed. Such a re­sistance of such a place was of marvellous use to the Hugenots to blunt the first fury of the Kings Army, which, having rather done honour to some obscure places than overcome them, sate down at last before Montauban, a good deal weakened, and not so fierce. This was a very memorable Siege, because the place wanted nei­ther Fortifications, Commanders, Provisions, and Garrison; nor the Aggressors Force, Discipline, and Courage. All Arts and Force of War were there practised; there were to be seen diversions attempt­ed, ambushes laid, succours brought in, and sometimes repulsed, thundering batteries, assaults with more rashness than bravery un­dertaken and repulsed, with the shedding of noble blood, in such sort that the Ditches of Montauban were the burying place of the most worthy and valiant Souldiers. But at last some being weary, others disbanded, most dead, the Army was much weakened, and the sea­son so far advanced, that the King was forced to raise the Siege, and withdrawing to Winter-quarters in Guiena, expect the taking in of some small places; where Luines, by favour assumed into the ho­nourable Charge of Constable, surprised with a dangerous sickness, ends his days; worthy in this of great praise, that he at least rough-hewed the great design of uniting all France unto it self, which was afterwards more happily perfected by others.

These Ingagements of France contributed much to advantage the Spaniards designs, who with various Arts laboured to continue them longer intangled in the same; whereupon making shew of friendship and zeal of Religion, they offer succours to subdue the Huguenots, and particularly a Fleet to conquer Rochel. And indeed, not only the Valteline, but in all parts else, the Arms of the House of Austria went prosperously on, scarce finding opposition; for in Bohemia there remaining but Tabor and Pilsen, which held for Fre­derick, the first was by Tilli, who corrupted the Commanders, won with gold, and the other by Marradas after a very long Siege. Si­lesia was quickly brought under by the Elector of Saxe; and Hungary, [Page 177] Gabor having in vain sought succours from the Turks and the Vene­tians, was forced to receive a Peace and Laws, Bethlem having laid down the Title of King, and restored the Crown, with the recom­pence of seven Counties in Hungary it self, and two large Dukedoms in Silesia.

There remained both the Palatinates, higher and lower, the Pa­trimony of Frederick, in whose name Mansfelt, yet making War, was, as hath been said, entred into Alsatia, doing the Bishoprick of Spira and other places on the Rhine intolerable mischiefs, and in Alsatia it self, taking Haghenau, and with a strait but vain Siege attempted Za­bern. In favour also of Frederick some other Generals of Armies discovered themselves, who, in imitation of Mansfelt, had the bold­ness, with secret assistance from other Princes, to struggle with the Power and Fortune of Ferdinand. One was John George, Marquess of Jagendorf, of the House of Brandenburg, who, by reason of the Reformation of Religion, which the Imperialists in the subdued Provinces executed with so much severity, that it seemed to many a slaughter rather than a remedy or chastisement, assembled many of the male-contents and some Souldiers to infest Moravia and Sile­sia. Another was Christian, Duke of Branswich and Administrator of Halberstat, who taking into his service some Troops of the King of Denmarks, for that purpose disbanded, and having formed a con­siderable Army, harassed Westphalia and the Catholicks of those parts. Frederick, weary of the vexations of a Crown so trouble­som, and now desperate, being retired into Holland, gave way, that under the protection of the King of England his Interest should be managed in the Imperial Court, and that the Palatinate should de­fend it self.

But the offices of James were discredited by the weakness where­with he accompanied his force; whereupon, under pretext that the business of the Peace and pardon of Frederick was to be deferred to a general Diet, as was desired not only by England, but by Denmark and the Lower Saxony, the Army of the Austrians marched. Upon Spinola's coming near the Rhine with an Army well ordered and pro­vided, the Princes Protestants of the Union being frighted, conde­scended to a Treaty in Mentz, by which their Union being dissol­ved, which consisted more in name than in a true concord of minds, they resolved to stand neutral, and Spinola on the other side promi­ses so to respect them. In the Palatinate there being now, and that but with a very few Troops, only Colonel Veer, an English man, and Obentrauta German, it would have been easie for Spinola to have possessed it, if out of fear to have too much irritated the King of England, and a desire he had to attempt some Exploit upon the Hol­landers, he had not consented to a Truce for some months. A Truce highly disapproved by the Spanish Ministers, but which being of lit­tle continuance, advantaged them in the pretexts of their attempts, because the Commanders of the Troops in the Palatinate, encoura­ged with the succours which Mansfelt and Halverstat gave out they would bring them, having by a pernicious Council broken it, awa­kened [Page 178] the Spaniards, separated into Quarters, to assemble them­selves and besiege Franckental, after having taken Stein, which was done by Gonzalo di Cordua, Spinola being elsewhere imployed.

The King of England nevertheless ceased not by means of his Ambassadour Digby, at the Imperial Court to sollicite the renewing the suspension of Arms. But Ferdinand, impressed already with the thought of depriving Frederick of his Electorship and Country, re­mits the Treaty to Brussels to gain time, and in that interim the Duke of Bavaria, in a manner provoked by Mansfelt, who with se­veral Treaties for several months had deluded him, enters the Ʋp­per Palatinate, and possesses it without opposition, the Country be­ing destitute of Fortresses or Forces. And the Duke, not to be wanting to the occasion and his own advantages, to pursue Mansfelt sends Tilli to the Rhine, and orders him to seize all that part of the Lower Palatinate, which lies betwixt the Rhine and the Neccar. A blow which Maximilian believed doubly pleasing to the Catholicks, not only because it deprived the Hereticks of that very strong Hold, but because it prevented the Spaniards, whom the Germans did not willingly see advanced into the Empire by such Conquests. The King of England was inraged to see his Son-in-law oppressed, and himself deluded; but not having forces proportionable to his anger, and his Authority serving no longer for a sufficient cover for his weakness, had called a Parliament, according to custom, to consider of Contributions and Provisions. But grievous complaints were presently started, some desiring that the Treaty of Marriage betwixt the Prince and the Infanta of Spain might be broken, and that a Wife might be given him of a Religion comformable to their own; others pressing a Reformation in the Government, with pretensions which were injurious to the Soveraignty, and opposite to the nature of it; so that he dissolves it without coming to a resolution.

The Palatinate then remained at the discretion of the Enemy-forces, nor was to expect other succours but from Mansfelt, who, according to his custom, with sly marches and unexpected arrives there, so unlooked for, that Cordua taking fright, raises the Siege, retiring or rather running away by night, leaving in his Quarters sick Souldiers, Materials, and Cannon. Thus ends this year famous for War, kindled in so many parts; and to the end no corner of Eu­rope might remain free from the flame, in the Low-Countries also the Truce being expired, it fiercely breaks out again. Heretofore in the interval of greater Wars, that of Flanders served the Spanish Monarchy for a standing Army, and to keep Military Discipline in exercise. But exercise it self becoming violent and to excess, con­sumed the most vital spirits of the Crown; the Souldiers of Spain, the gold of the Indies, the vigour of Italy being not able to supply them. And therefore a Truce for twelve years was willingly in­terposed, and might easily again have been prolonged, if in Spain, at the expiration thereof, the counsels of those had been continued who first setled it. But the Conde Duke, new in Government, keep­ing the young King remote from affairs, took the measure of his [Page 179] power from his own opinion and pride.An. Dom. 1622 Hence the Treaties which for some months had run on, being by this means broken, his thought was to break out into War, vainly believing to make the glory of the Monarchy appear, if amusing France in the divisions of Religion, and dandling England with Treaties of a Marriage, he should slight all others, and at the same time molest Italy, overwhelm Holland, and triumph over Germany.

Spinola then having consented to a Truce in the Palatinate, as hath been said, marches to the Frontiers of the United Provinces, threatning many places. At last encamps his Army near to Prince Maurice of Orange, who was at Emerich to observe his motions, and having by a Stratagem induced him to draw a thousand men out of Juliers, making a shew to attacque another place, turns to that, first invested by Count Henry Vanden Berg with six thousand Foot, a thousand Horse, and six pieces of Cannon, and afterwards by Spi­nola himself with the gross, environed with Forts and deep Trenches. That Town, the Metropolis of the Dukedom of the same name, is commodiously situate upon the Roer, a little River, but in the mid­dle betwixt the Rhine and Mase, doth not less cover Guelders on that side, than opens the way which leads into the very heart of the United Provinces. Maurice laboured exceedingly to put relief into it; but at first waited upon by Spinola, afterwards hindred by a strong Circumvallation, at last drawn away by another body of men, which from Brabant-side threatned Holland, he was forced to see it rendred after some months resistance. Upon the motion of these Armies, the States sent to several Courts for succours, and demanded of the Venetians those disbursements, to which the League obliged, and which being comprehended in the Article stipulated of Invasion, were by the Republick accordingly paid unto them.

ANNO M.DC.XXII.

The Prince of Echemberg, Favourite and chief Minister of the Emperour, having in the end of the year past, in the name of his Ma­ster espoused, in Mantua, Eleonora Gonzaga, Sister of the Duke, a Prin­cess, which over and above her Portion brought rare Beauty and sin­gular Vertue; the most convenient passage for the Bride lying through the Territory of the Venetians about Trent, she was received and de­frayed by Andrea Paruta, General di Terra firma, by order of the Senate with suitable Magnificence. But at the same time the Count d'Ognate disputed in Vienna the Rank and Dignity with Pietro Gritti, Ambassadour of the Republick, denying him the same Treatment and Title, which always formerly had been practised; and al­though Ferdinand, to whom Ognate in other respects had made him­self sufficiently odious, shewed his great dislike of it, yet the Spaniard persisting in his conceit, the Senate was necessitated to recal their Minister, leaving at the Court Marco Anthonio Padavino Secretary, till such time that by the alteration of affairs, minds co­ming to change and be pacified, they might, as after a year or two happened, send again an Ambassadour to reside there. Amidst a [Page 180] heap of so many cross things, it served for some kind of satisfaction, that in Naples the Vice-King, Cardinal Zappata, restored at last the Gallies formerly taken, with the Merchandize remaining undevour­ed by Ossuna, nothing was spoken of the remainder, nor more of the Ships; because there having been much hurt done on either side, the liquidation would have been difficult. The Admiral Ship of Na­ples was alone, as hath been said, rendred by the Venetians. Ano­ther molestation at Sea ceased about this time; for Freletich, famous for many rapines and villanies, discharged out of the Spaniards ser­vice, was entertained by the Grand Duke in Ligorn; but being weary of quiet, and hungring after pillage, enters into the Adriatick to attempt in the Quarnaro, wonted surprisals upon the Islands or Ships of Venetians; but being taken by the Men of War, paid at last with many of his Companions for his folly with his life. Amidst foreign relations, domestick examples, and testimonies of the well regulated Discipline of the Common-wealth must not be omitted. It is forbidden the Sons of the Dukes, for important reasons which re­gard that temperance, which is most necessary among Citizens, du­ring the life of the Father, to accept Benefices of the Church.

It happened that the Pope conferred upon Mattheo, Cardinal Priu­li, the Bishoprick of Bergamo, and he mindful of enjoying the free­dom of his Country, and to uphold in his Father the chief Dignity of the Common-wealth, refused it with great applause of his Fellow-Citizens, and probably to the admiration of those who know no other Law but that of Ambition and Interest. But amidst the mo­deration of such an example, another above measure abominable pollutes the City: For Anthonio Foscarini Cavalier and Senator was seen hanged upon the Gallows, upon a calumny to have held a se­cret Correspondence with Strangers. The fraud of some of the wickedest of men, proposing to themselves rewards, had conspired against the life of the most innocent and eminent Patricians; for as much as the Government in turbulent times calling to mind past Treacheries, and considering the present hatreds, suspicions alone were easily disguised into crimes. They addressed themselves to the Magistrate of the greatest Inquisitors of State, and dividing the parts, some of Accusers, others of Witnesses, they betrayed Justice and the Just. But this infamous Conspiracy could not last long; for the hainousness of the offence being discovered, Girolamo Vano da Salo and Domenico da Venetia as the principal suffered just punish­ment. Foscarini, by a publick declaration of his innocency, was re­stored, if not to life, at least to his good name, and his family to their former lustre, and from common compassion promoted to great­er degrees of Honour.

And now returning to the successes of the French Armies, whose motion was depending also upon those of Italy, they proceeded against the Hugenots with some sort of prosperity; for that Soubize being driven out of the Islands of Rochel, the King in the mouth of the Chanel planted the Fort Louis, which though it did not shut up the Town and Port, did nevertheless incommodate, and was afterward [Page 181] the foundation of that memorable Siege. The small places of Guy­enne and Languedock were all rendred, being so much the more weak as they were more numerous, whilst the Hugenot Party, com­posed of many, equal in authority no less than in interest, instead of strengthening the vital and more noble parts, applied themselves to the defence of obscure places, which at the appearance of an Army or the first Volley of shot, were obliged to yield. But gaining the Chiefs of that Faction, turned to a far greater damage. La Force, upon a secret promise to be created Mareshal of France abandons it, and Chastillon pretending to be ill satisfied with Rohan, retires him­self. Dediguieres declaring himself Catholick, obtained by it the Charge of Constable, which is the highest in the Armies; whereup­on by example and other benefits magnifying his own advantages, he drew many that considered, such notable rewards were not to be had from other than the King. A Peace therefore with the Huge­nots being procured by the Ambassadours of England and Venice, to the end the King might apply himself to foreign occurrences, was diverted, the endeavours, besides the allurements of present advan­tages, of the Apostolick Nuntio who wholly opposed himself against it, the artifice of the Ministers of Spain who craftily nourished the division, and the judgment of the Prince of Conde, who with great aversion to the belief, in which he was born, implacably sollicited the War prevailing. But to the affairs of the Valteline, the greatest stop was put by the inclination of Monsieur de Pisieux, Secretary of State, who succeeded to Luines in the favour, shewing himself irre­solute in business, inconstant in his word, and in all things a Minister of greater cunning than ability. He professed great respect to the Spaniards, and in the affairs of the Grisons published himself above measure solicitous to terminate them by Negotiation; but particular­ly with ambitious designs and hopes imbarking in the pretensions of the Court of Rome, he procures the Expedition of the Ambassador Monsieur de Sillery, his Uncle, to Gregory, and assents so much the more willingly, that the seat of all that management should be in that City. Amidst these considerations the business languished, and if upon the attempts of the Governour of Milan and of Leopold, any complaint and threatning came forth from King Lewis, it quickly cooled again, being deluded by new projections; for the Spanish Mi­nisters making the tumultuary motions of the Grisons the excuse of their Conquests, the Negotiation in Madrid being turned topsie turvy, referred the Treaty to the Court of Rome, where the com­mon Father residing, the Mediator of Peace, the Prince, who, for what concerned Religion, had the greatest interest, shewed them selves always ready to execute whatsoever he, for the good and se­curity of the same, should prescribe.

At the same time the business came to be disturbed by new Pro­positions; for in Madrid the French Ambassadour consents to a cer­tain Writing to deposite the Forts in the hands of the great Duke of Tuscany, and although at the beginning in France they seemed to oppose it, because it made a rent in the first Treaty, the insinua­tions [Page 182] nevertheless of the Marquess of Mirabel, Ambassadour of Spain, prevailed above the considerations of that of the Venetians, which shewed the confounding of the business and the delusion of the Proposition; so that it was accepted with a change only of the person, trusted into, the Duke of Lorrain, as more acceptable to the French. In Spain, time, mens minds, and the business being tired out with such kind of proceedings, Feria in Milan precipitates himself with so much the more haste, to conclude with some Ambassadours of the Grisons (those of Switzers, who were come thither to assist the weakness of the others, being excluded from the Negotiation) three Treaties, one with the Milanese, another with the Valteline, and a third with the Archduke. In which was agreed. The subje­ction of the Ten Directorships to Leopold, a perpetual Confederation with the Milanese, openness and liberty of the passages to the Spaniards, reser­vation of the ancient Alliance with the Crown of France, and the sub­straction of the Valteline from the Soveraignty of the Grisons; in place whereof twenty five thousand Crowns were to be paid unto them. It was difficult to discern which in these conditions was greater, the vio­lence of Feria, or the baseness of the Ambassadours, only excusable, that to dispose of the Liberty and Dominion was not in their power. Nor did the Commonalty dare to oppose it; but being assembled in Ilants, suborned by fear and force, notwithstanding the Ministers of France protested against it, they approved every tittle of it. The Venetians would not alone undergo the burden of redeeming the Grisons Liberty, whiles France involved themselves in Treaties, but observing accidents and the issue of affairs, furnish themselves with all sorts of provisions; and the name of Mansfelt being famous for courage and a numerous Militia that depended on him, they agreed with him under the Title of General beyond the Mountains, and the yearly entertainment of twelve thousand Ducats, though he were not in actual service, that he should be obliged to come to them when necessity required, and bring them twenty five thousand Foot and five thousand Horse, which under the pay of the Republick were to be conducted by such passages and to such places, which accord­ing to opportunity should be concerted. This served to make sure of a Militia in exercise, and a General of reputation to make a di­version, if, while Rhetia were oppressed, and succours excluded, the Republick should be invaded by the Austrians.

But the affairs of the Grisons took a new aspect, though not last­ing, as it usually happens, as much from the indiscreet violence of him that oppresses, as from the inconsiderate licence of a people that rise in commotion. Some of the Commons, no longer able to suffer the misery they endured, fell into a Tumult, and in their fury ma­king use of all sorts of Weapons, with staves and stones killed the Garrisons of the Austrians. In Sciers, where the Tumult began, a hundred Foot were cut to pieces, and in Grus three hundred more, with whose Arms the Mutineers being strengthened, at Miolans a more numerous Party was slain. At the important Pass of Steich towards Tirol were left six hundred men in guard, the others coming [Page 183] to Maianfelt and Coira gave such incouragement to the Inhabitants, that they constrained the Garrisons to retire into the Castles, and render themselves a little after with an obligation to set at liberty certain Grisons, which were then Prisoners in Tirol. Three hun­dred Souldiers that were in Castles offered to render, saving their lives, but that people would give them no other conditions but from revenge to be cut in pieces. Those of Tirol attempted to re­cover Steich; but being repulsed, retrenched themselves in number of six hundred close to the Pass; others from other parts of Rhetia, where they were in Garrison, coming forth joyned to keep the field; but being through the knowledge of the situations over-matched by those of that Country, were obliged to give way and retire with loss. Upon so prosperous beginnings, driven on by that fury which the Spirit of Liberty suggested, the banished appeared; and although Feria imployed all sorts of offices, to the end the Catholick Swit­zers would shut certain Passes, which are betwixt some of the Can­tons where Dominion is promiscuous, the Protestants sent secretly succours, and the Venetians at the perswasions of the French Ambas­sadour with a greater wariness supplied some money, that they might provide themselves with Arms and Ammunition. To so great a Tumult Feria applies no other remedy but well to provide the places possessed: then having experienced more than once the ad­vantages of a Treaty and of time, believed, that the multitude, al­though it should prevail in force, at last by devices of wit would easily be brought under. He then insinuates a suspension of Arms with the Archduke, Gheffier favouring it, being not yet gone out of that Country where his opinions had frequently been fatal. Some that were partial, spread it among the common people, and in the Assemblies, where the Popular triumphed with various discourses of their own prowess and their liberty regained; That now blood and revenge had been sufficiently satisfied, that the ancient valour of Rhetia was gloriously recovered out of ignominy and slavery. That all enjoyed with applause the glory and liberty purchased with so much merit by a few. That a People could not render it self more considerable to Stran­gers, nor more dreadful to Neighbours, than to bring great Princes to be sensible of their misdoings, and oblige them to just resolutions. That now to hear them and adjust with them, a short Truce was necessary, that might somewhat allay the boiling heat of mens minds, suspend the sharpness of the War, and divert accidents which might irritate affecti­ons with prejudice, or alter the state of things to the Wars. That it was necessary also to reform the Government so much disordered by the late Commotions. And how could that be done, the Commons remain­ing separate, and the best Patriots with their Arms in their hands di­spersed into several Posts? Of whom then were they to be afraid? The Austrians being new driven away, and Liberty recovered; neither could ought else be pretended to be done but to preserve it with good orders, and restoring the ancient Institutions. That now Autumn and the approach­ing Winter did perswade it; but that they ought to be doubly secured both by the season and by faith. That the Proposition came from the [Page 184] Enemy but was approved by friends themselves, and thought by the French Ministers to be seasonable.

Some were not wanting to advise them to dive into the Trea­chery of the Peace; That the designs of the Austrians were to cast in a Remora to warlike proceedings. That the invincible Valour of the Gri­sons had in many occasions been taken notice of in the field, but their credulity as much discovered in Treaties, which springing from the can­dor of their faith, and the simplicity of their education, leaves them more exposed to the deceivings of Wit than to the blows of the Sword. That the Archduke, though busied in repelling Mansfelt, would neverthe­less within a while turn his Arms and his Designs against unhappy Rhetia. To what purpose propound a Truce but to disarm the people, separate the Commons, and lull them asleep in the false security of idle­ness? That their Liberty, laid in wait for, could not protect it self better than by the jealousies of fraud and the force of Arms. That they should then believe themselves more secure and defended from the Austrians, when they should have more discovered them to be enemies.

Affections, as is the wont of popular Governments, prevailed much more than reasons, and those which dissented, being the few and the wiser, the multitude on the other side ignorant of that which was in deliberation; the suspension of Arms with Leopold was imbraced, in that instant that Mansfelt marching towards the Low Countries left him also free from his distractions. A Meeting after the Truce being held in Lindó under the name of fully esta­blishing the Peace, there met there the Deputies of the Archduke, those of the Grisons, the Ambassadours of the Switzers, Casati for Spain, and Molina the Interpreter of France. But while the Grisons being disbanded, rested upon the security of that Treaty, Sults, Leopolds General, invades Rhetia, and having overcome the opposi­tion at the first Passes, though with some blood, possesses with one sudden motion both the Agnedina's, the Valley of Partenz, Tava, Majanfelt, and Coira, without that they of the Country could joyn together for their defence. Being then fallen back into their for­mer miseries under the yoke of Arms, there was no doubt but that the Grisons would submit to the Treaty, because that of Milan was concluded and confirmed. The ten Directorships remained at the dispose of the Archduke, who obliges them not only not to permit other than the exercise of the Catholick Faith, but reserves to him­self a power to plant Fortresses, displace Garrisons, and to keep them at present in Majanfelt and Coira. It was to no purpose that Molina and some Switzer Cantons made their protests against it; for the Commons of the Cadé and the Grisa having a Meeting in Coira approved all, renouncing the Treaty of Madrid, reserving to themselves no other hope but to supplicate Feria for some moderate Reformation in that of Milan.

In this manner passed this year in the Grisons, in the end whereof France began to apply more attentively its thoughts to it, being free from domestick War, having concluded a Peace with the Hu­guenots under the Walls of Monpellier, a strong Town of Langue­dock. [Page 185] The King in this Siege meeting with greater difficulties than supposed, and not regarding the endeavours to the contrary, al­though suggested with many Stratagems of Conscience and State, and slighting the aversion of Conde himself, who goes from Court and out of the Kingdom, gave his assent to it. Many of the Con­ditions nevertheless not being performed, which the Huguenots pub­lished were promised to them, as to dismantle the Fort Louis, not to put a Garrison into Monpellier, nor place a Citadel there; the opinion was afterwards believed, that Pisieux had appeased the com­plaints of the Nuntio, by telling him that the Huguenots could not more easily be ruined than by assuring them, disarming them, and deceiving them. But whatsoever the intention was, sure it is, that it was judged in Italy that affairs were to change their aspect; for the King being come forward to Lions, found there the Duke of Savoy with his eldest Son, and having fully understood the pro­ceedings of the Austrians, discovered their ends, and examined their designs extended into several parts, it was resolved to oppose them, and the Meeting being transferred to Avignon; where meeting for the King the Constable Desdiguieres, the Garde-seau, Mareshal Schom­berg, and Pisieux; for the Venetians, Giovanni Pesari their Ambassa­dour, and the Duke himself of Savoy in person, the means were dis­cussed of uniting themselves, so as to imploy their Forces in favour of the Grisons, and by some diversion trouble the Austrians else­where. The conclusion of the Articles was deferred till the next year.

The King in that interim returned to Paris, and Carlo into Pied­mont. At the report only of such a Meeting, 'tis not to be believed how much the Ministers at Madrid were moved at it, who resolving to artifice to joyn threats and fear, declare to the Popes Nuntio themselves no more bound to the deposition of the Forts, protesting, That such a Rupture would arise betwixt the Crowns, that neither the Authority of the Pope would be sufficient to set it right again, nor his own life so long as to see an end of the Slaughters and Calamities which would follow upon it. In effect, the affairs of Rhetia could not be otherwise repaired but by puissant Forces, because they were forsaken by all, and destitute also of Mansfelts diversion in Alsace; for, as much opportunity, as the jealousie, risen betwixt the Spaniards and Bavarians, which kept those Armies idle at the Rhine for a time, had given for his progresses; so much also did their Union, which at last followed, contribute to take it away. To say truth, the successes in those parts were no less important than worthy the due observation and reflection of all Europe. Mansfelt with his Ar­my, Adventurer, as might be said, giving a Lesson to other Ca­ptains, who have since known largely enough to make use of it, how to make it subsist without Pay and without Country, by Contribu­tions and Pillage out of Alsace marches towards the Palatinate, pub­lishing that he made War in the name of Frederick. He neverthe­less intermitted not Treaties at the same time, and at that very in­stant had by him Deputies of the Infanta Isabella Governess of [Page 186] Flanders, and had in a manner concluded with large Conditions to be created a Prince of the Empire, with the perpetual Fief of Haghe­nau for himself and his descendants, besides great sums of money, and such places in the Spanish Army as to be subordinate to Spinola only.

But behold Frederick now appears in this Army, having passed by reason of the length of the way through many dangers; for weary any longer to be amused and deluded with dilatory hopes, he parts from Holland, and in a disguise with two persons passing by Sea to France, from thence crosses Lorrain, through the midst of the Ene­mies Troops; and at one lodging meeting with some Souldiers, and feigning himself to be of the same profession, the better to con­ceal himself, was constrained amidst the round of the Cups to im­precate his own person. At Landau, where Mansfelt had a Garri­son, he discovers himself; thence at Germersheim finds the Count himself incamped, who received him with great applause. The Marquess Frederick of Dorlach, came thither to him, who had de­clared himself for that Party with an Army in great order, and the Count then discharging the Deputies of the Infanta, they possess the Bishoprick of Spire, and recover Manheim, and other places of the Palatinate, giving some little blow to the Troops of Tilli, who at­tempted to oppose them. Halverstadt also advanced after he had gain­ed the City of Paderborn, where he sollicited for Divine vengeance, exercising against the Catholicks all severity with savage cruelty, extorting all their substance, exposing Churches to plunder, convert­ing the Ornaments of Divine Worship and the Reliques of Saints in­to money to pay the Souldiers. Upon these proceedings were the Spaniards and Bavarians with the Renfort also of the Imperial Troops, obliged to joyn against the common Enemies, betwixt Vim­fen and Hailbrun, upon the side of the Nec [...]ar. On the other side by most pernicious counsel the Protestants separate, while Dorlach by private jarrings having made himself incompatible with Mansfelt, divides from him; but being scarce lodged in the Village of Over-Ersheim, understands, that Tilli marched towards him, when putting himself in order in the Campagnia, he environs himself with Wag­gons, forming a large circuit, with his Artillery in fit places marvel­lously well placed.

Tilli on the other side presenting battel, had ordered his Army upon a long Line, with bodies of reserve in the Reer, and with some Cannon in the Front; but receiving great hurt from those of the Enemy, his Troops were near taking flight, and abandoning the field, when a Cannon-shot falling in the middle of Dorlachs Squadrons, where among the Baggage was the Ammunition, with a horrible blow sets the powder on fire. The fire spread it self into all parts; and Carts, living Creatures, and Souldiers flying in a moment into the Air, fell down in ashes, with less unhappiness than they who half burnt lay in a pitiful manner roaring and bewailing themselves. It seemed surely a blow from Heaven, which in an instant destroyed whole Squadrons, and those that being further off remained un­touched, [Page 187] uncertain whether that terrible sound was a Thunder-bolt, or at least a Mine, being frighted ran presently away, leaving that unhappy field covered with ashes and bones. The Catholicks, ani­mated by so happy an accident, overcoming without fighting, failed not in the flight to pursue them, with no less slaughter than that which the fire had caused. The Marquess with a few more hardly saved his life, but not his Country; for that coming to be contested by his Nephews, Ferdinand adjudges it to them, and the Archduke puts into possession William the Elder, who, having been brought up in the Court of Flanders in the Catholick Religion, banished imme­diately every other Belief. Upon the advice of so great a blow Halverstadt makes haste, and with twelve thousand Foot, and more than eighty Companies of Horse arrives at Hochst, a small place a little below Francfort, upon the side of the Main with design, having passed the River, with speedy marches and avoiding fighting to joyn with Mansfelt, and give new vigour to that Party. But spend­ing more time than he believed in the building of a Bridge, he saw himself overtaken by Tilli, who, joyned to Cordua, was thereby be­come stronger in number, & pursued him to constrain him to a battel. He, sending the Baggage with almost all the Cannon to the other side of the River, hoped to amuse the Enemy with Skirmishes, and to delude him at last, by bringing himself and the nimblest of his Troops into safety; but the Austrians having seized the passages, pressed him in such sort, that he could not avoid the shock.

They fought then under the Walls of Hochst for some hours, Hal­verstadts people at first making great resistance, though from twenty four Cannons, fitly placed by the Catholicks, they received great loss. At last, all order being confounded, the Cavalry were the first that shewed their backs, running to the Bridge, where all being in confusion amidst the noise, flight and throng, they pressed in such sort, that the Bridge yielding under the burden brake, and many falling into the River, what with their Baggage, and what with their Arms, were drowned. All order and direction now wanting, it was no more a battel but slaughter. Men fell in heaps, and so their Horses, and every one seeking a way to escape without finding it, no man resisted longer, or delayed common danger, Fortune shewing the way of safety to very few. Halverstadt himself takes the River, and little was wanting but that the Incendiary of Ger­many had been quenched. After such a defeat, being got to the other side of the Main, he endeavours to rally what he could of the Cavalry; for the Foot were almost all cut to pieces, and so he joyns Mansfelt, who, not at all disheartned by such blows to the common Party, carries him to the relief of Haguenau, besieged by Leopold, and where he had left his spoils and booty, and placed the very hopes of a most assured refuge. Nor did the attempt succeed ill; for the Archduke by the supposed distance and weakness of his Enemies, lodging with more security of mind than defence, advice, unlooked for, being brought to him that they were come near, sends a thou­sand Horse to discover, which being met by Obentraut, and beaten, [Page 188] brought back such fright and terror into the Camp, that it was rai­sed as in a tumult with disorder and loss. The place saved, it was yet expedient for Mansfelt to try another Exploit for enlarging his Quarters and Provision of Victuals, that Country being already eaten up; whereupon he makes choice of Zaverne as fitter for his purpose than any other. The Palatine was all this while in his Ar­my, serving only for a shew and a name: But King James, inveigled by wonted Arts, perswades him to withdraw himself; for that the meeting, to find a composure of his affairs, being brought back to Brussels, the Austrians seemed not to know how to be assured of the Palatine, so long as they saw him in the hands of Mansfelt and Hal­verstadt, their so bitter Enemies. And he also adheres so much the more willingly to that counsel, by how much he saw Dorlach wast­ed to nothing, Halverstadt weakned, and Mansfelt (wont, as the for­tune of Arms wavered, to apply himself to Treaties) was always suspected by him, lest one day he should sell him, and sacrifice him to his own interest. But he was no sooner returned into Holland, and by a publick Declaration, (to shew his sincerity so much the more to the Austrians,) discharged out of his service Mansfelt and his Followers; but he perceived, that from an Enemy offended and in Arms, he that had no Forces could expect but hard Conditions of Peace; for there was offered to him but a small pitance of his Country with the rest to his eldest Son after the death of Bavaria, on condition that he should pass from Calvinism to the Catholick Faith. But such offers being openly rejected by Frederick and the Ministers of the King of England, the business was again referred to a Diet in Ratisbone.

By such Negotiations Peace being retarded, the War was more vigorously prosecuted. Heidelberg, the ancient Seat of the Palatines, was by Tilli taken by force, and Franckental reduced by Cordua to extremity; so that the King of England, who published that he held that Country under his Protection, desiring by some appear­ance, though laught at by the World, to cover the contempt, not being able to succour it, consents to a Truce of fifteen months; during which, Franckental, and the rest of the lower Palatinate should be deposited in the Spaniards hands to restore them to the King, if within that time there were not a Peace concluded. So the English in that state of things, contenting themselves only with a promise, abandoned, soon after, the hopes also of recovering that place, the which for many years went not out of the hand of the Spaniards, till the new changes of Fortune, and the times obliged them to render it. But Mansfelt was constrained to raise the Siege from before Zaverna, both because the Catholick Armies, being at liberty from the imployment of the Palatinate, threatned to draw towards him, and that the Duke of Lorrain, not being willing to suffer him to nestle himself upon his Borders, was preparing to relieve it. He nevertheless at that very time, when his Martial attempts succeeded not, sets on foot a Treaty with Tilli in his own and Helverstadts name with offers to change his Party; but his artifices, now so ma­ny [Page 189] times discovered, were by the Austrians with equal arts deluded. He nevertheless with a flourishing Army, and cryed up by Military men, kept himself in great reputation of equally valiant and wise, so that to strifs he was earnestly pressed with offers from all parts. He inclined not, though he were invited to it by the Venetians, in re­gard of the affairs of the Valteline, to pass into Rhetia, apprehending that, amidst the difficulty of the Passes and the Straights of the Moun­tains, he might consume that Army which was accustomed with great spoils to maintain it self in the spatious Provinces of Germany; but he equally hearkened to the instances of the Huguenots of France, who with cryes and provocations of Religion called him to their succours, and to those of the States of Holland, who with equal mo­tives of their Religion, with greater recompence, sued to him for assistance.

At last not being able to subsist longer in Alsatia, whilst the Ar­mies of Tilli, Cordua, and Leopold flanked upon him, and reflecting, that with the Huguenots it was rather to maintain a broken Faction than a setled Principality, he resolves to go into Holland. It was therefore necessary to keep his intention secret, and deceive with ma­ny various reports and divers marches, as he did: For having with great artifice disarmed the Duke of Lorrain, who expected nothing like it, of a sudden he marches into the middle of his Country, and in revenge that he had disturbed him in the Enterprise of Zaverne, put it into so great confusion and fright with such bitter losses, that the Duke was constrained to give him passage, furnish him with Vi­ctuals, and perswade him to vent that Military storm elsewhere. Nor did the Count fail; for the licence of his Souldiery being sa­tiated in Lorrain, he enters into the Bishopricks of Verdun and Metz with such terrour to the neighbouring Countries, that Paris it self was in a fright, whilst the King, by reason of the War with the Hu­guenots, was so far off. The Duke of Nevers, Governour of Cham­pagne, by all sorts of fair means and promises endeavours to stop him; and he, to lay truth, baring those licences, which to an Army that had no other livelyhood but rapine he was necessitated to per­mit, he restrained [...]y as much as he could. Fear therefore en­tred into the Province of Flanders, towards whom it now appeared the march was directed, and the Infanta with no less solicitude en­deavours to keep him afar off, sending as far as to the Pont a Mouson the Duke of Bornoville, who with large offers was to perswade him to divert some whither else, or to inroul himself under the Spanish Colours. Certainly it was wonderful to consider, that an Army, new raised and mercenary, without the Authority of Princes, and without the Protection of Dominion, driven out of Germany after having over­run it, and in a great measure laid it waste, should now be the Scourge of Lorrain, the Fear of France, the Terror of Flanders, be paid by many, intreated by all, and every where most earnestly desired.

But whilst this fury of War in so many places either laid waste or threatned, discord slides into its bowels, Halverstadt upon great dis­contents separating, who being sollicited by the Duke of Bouillon, [Page 190] inclined to assist the Huguenots. Little wanted but that the common Souldiers, according to the animosity of the Chiefs, at variance also amongst themselves, had not fallen to kill one another, and with intestine Arms expiated the offence and the excesses till now committed. But at last foreseeing in their disunion their destructi­on, and considering that the flatteries and propositions of Nevers, by gaining time, had served so to arm the Frontier, as to be able to make a strong resistance; the Commanders and the Troops recon­ciled amongst themselves, and leaving as in trust, under the faith of the Governour of the place, the Cannon in the Suburbs of Mouson, burning many Carriages, to set a greater number of men on Horse­back, he continues his march with haste. And it was now necessa­ry for him to hasten it, because Cordua, sollicited not only by the In­fanta, but also by the French, was come to Ivoy in Lutzemburg to cross him in his way, but with a strength inferiour, not exceeding ten thousand Foot and five thousand Horse; so that at the first Encounter of Mansfelts Horse, who confidently ravaged the Country, he re­ceived a little blow. But a while after, re-inforced by the Colonel Verdugo, whom Spinola, without abandoning the Siege of Bergop­zoom sent to his relief (the Armies now being near an equal strength) they straitned one anothers victuals and march in such sort, that they could not now say nay to the battel. So that at Fleury in the Province of Henault they presentred themselves to it.

Mansfelt calling the Chiefs and principal Commanders of the Ar­my to him, to incourage them says. If out of our Country and from quiet, Glory and Reward have brought us hither through so many Coun­tries, amidst infinite dangers, the occasion presents here in this field an abundant harvest. We the Restorers of the Liberty of Europe; we the Defiers of great Princes; we the Contemners of sufferings and of dangers, follow through every Climate the Star of Military Fortune. Hi­therto I have by wisdom and force conducted you in safety through the hatred of the greatest Potentates, the snares of so many Treaties, and from betwixt the jaws of so many Armies. The rest I now commit to your own Valour. Cordua here waits upon us, a General in so many Encounters in Germany out-witted by us; and an Army more than once in the Palatinate beaten by us, overcome, and chased. And now laden with the spoils of that unhappy Country, it seems they have reser­ved them for us; for they shall be ours, if we will shew our skill in fight, and have a mind to overcome. But why do I speak of the spoils of an Army or a Country, when the most rich and plentiful Provinces of Eu­rope shall remain your prey? All those that obey the King of Spain stand here exposed; we shall rest our weariness in more abundant Quarters; with present glory we shall console the memory of dangers past, we shall inrich poverty it self with the plenty and contributions of most large and fruitful Countries. The Hollanders will then keep their word as to our reward, and the Spaniards remain our prey and spoil. My self your General in name, am in sufferings your Companion, and in fight your fellow Souldier; I shall not spare my self in this Encounter; my heart, my tongue, my hand, shall labour by concert. Other part of the Victory I [Page 191] pretend not for my self but reputation and well deserving; for I aspire to nothing but that death it self which into its bosom gathers the obli­vion of all, should leave me upon my Sepulchre a Record of Glory. I should do wrong to your Courage, if over and above vast recompences, I should particularize to you the necessity of fighting. You perceive very well that we are environed on all sides in the heart of the Enemies Country. Whether can we have a secure retreat, or where a safe refuge? without Country, without money, in this Army alone and the strength of your Arms we have Kingdoms and Treasures. As we are now armed, we are the Scourge of Princes, and the Terror of Europe; if overcome, we shall be named with infamy, proscribed by the Austrians, and cursed by all. In sum, there being no Sanctuary betwixt Victory and Death, we must either be beaten, or get the Victory.

While he was thus speaking, Cordua on the other part failed not, riding round his Army, to put some in mind of the Honour of the Nation, others of the defence of their own Country, and all of the duty to Religion, and the Kings Service. But now the Cannon henceforward silenced words. Cordua had disposed seven in three places. Mansfelt had but two, and therefore it behoved him with a speedy march to hasten to the shock; but at the same instant he commanded them to move, he found that in mercenary Armies and composed of Voluntiers, many pretended to be equal, if not supe­riour, to their Chief. All had not the same motives to fight, nor the same interest to overcome. Part therefore of the Horse muti­ning stood still instead of going to the Charge, demanding Pay. The Counts intreaties or reasons, nor that calling some by their names he put others in mind of their notable actions, and shewed to all, that in the necessity of fighting were placed vast rewards, and in Victory their pay and rest, prevailed not, but that they stood immoveable Spectators of the Battel. Nor could he now refuse it, but with an Army weakned in number and spirit, he resolved to enter into it with so great valour and such prudence, that greater courage or better conduct could not be desired from himself. In the left Wing Halverstadt maintained the fight with his Horse so long till his Arm being broken with a Bullet, which was afterwards cut off, he was obliged to yield to the pain and the Enemy. In the right one the Dukes of Weimar and the Count of Ortemberg were killed. The Cavalry then which remained faithful, wanting their Chiefs, quit the field, leaving the Foot, which for the most part was cut to pieces on the place. And Cordua, although he had the Cannon and Baggage of the Count, with the name of a Victory, received a great blow, nor could he so suddenly repair himself as to follow him; whereupon Mansfelt gathering up the remainder, which were not a few, and the Mutineers joyning again with him, who at last saw themselves in the same danger, marches through Brabant with seven thousand Horse. Count Henry Vanden Bergh, who was to have stopped his passage, returning too late from Frizland, where he amused the Hollanders with a diversion; by this means the Count had free liberty to joyn himself with the Prince of Orange, and at­tempt [Page 192] the relief of Berghopzoom. Spinola, ever since the month of July, had besieged the place, and by reason of the importance of it, Forces not unequal were imployed both in the Siege and in the Re­lief. It is situate on the right side of a Chanel of the Scheld, where beneath Antwerp it divides it self into several branches, and termi­nates, or rather confounds the Confines of Holland, Zeland, and Bra­bant. Nature there scarce leaves the Land to be distinguished from the Sea: At one time it is covered with the Sea, and at another it remains dry. Heaps of Sand discover themselves in some places, and Gulphs of hidden Moors deepen in others; and the Chanels be­ing many, and the Sea-walls every where continued, it looks as if the Waters travelled by Land, and the Fields sailed by Sea. The Zoom, a small River, made famous from the place, rises and runs on that side, and being received in an artificial Chanel in a straight and short course, is carried into the Scheld. The place is of an irregular form and unsafe; of it self little, but enlarged with many Out-works, and that with so many advantages of situation, and such in­dustries of invention, that perhaps for the well fortifying of another place, Nature and Art have not made a strength greater. Not far distant Forts, like so many Islands, do in all places appear, either where the Chanels run, or where the Country is overflowed, or the passage is open for Supplies and the Commerce with neighbour places.

Spinola in this one place had many to conquer; and therefore the Circumvallation was ordered with great Art. The chief Quarters were distributed where there was a height betwixt low and marish places, the rest was environed with a continual Trench fortified with Forts and Redoubts. The approaches were carried on where the soil permitted, and the standing waters in some places served equally as a defence of the security of the Camp. About certain Half-moons and other Out-works, there were incessant fightings and assaults, often taken and re-taken with great slaughter. All in­ventions might be said to conspire against the life of man: Cannon was not sufficient, but Treacheries were hidden under ground with Mines and Fire. Some were met with by the besieged, others had no effect, many carried men and earth into the air, and so resolute was the defence and the attacque, that the Garrison, being strong and numerous, defended the Posts, recovered them when lost, formed new ones, and assaulted those of the Spaniards with so much force and boldness, that it could not sometimes be distinguished who was the aggressor and who the aggressed. Spinola could not totally shut up the way of relief, because the Sea, Rivers, and Chanels kept it open, and they were kept by the Hollanders by a multitude of Forts; and sometimes they laid the Country under water, and then let it run off again in such sort, that the Spaniards frequently suffered ship­wrack in their Posts, sometimes they were seen besieged by an In­undation, and at others, buried in the mud. Nevertheless endu­ring all inconveniencies with great resolution, and overcoming dan­gers with force, Spinola would at last, if a general succour had not [Page 193] arrived, taken the place; but by the coming of Mansfelt, Orange, in­creased in strength, reputation, and courage, encamps at Gertrudem­berg, and making a shew to attempt its Relief by Land, sent it hap­pily by Sea with so great a number of men, that the Garrison a­mounting to ten thousand Souldiers, he threatned by a double assault to drive the Spaniards by force out of their Camp. Spinola finding himself with an Army in a great measure sick, the rest wearied out, and some so much suspected by him, that he feared a Mutiny in his Quarters, and intelligence with the Enemy, thought best to retire.

In this interim, Mansfelt being absent, all the lower Palatinate was forced to submit, and the Town of Haghenau, with the Cities of Spire, Germersheim, and other places, easily yielded to Leopold, Amidst such multitudes of men slain, it served for a kind of breathing and security to Christendom, that the Enemies of it, with equal fury and examples not usual, were busied amongst themselves. The Turks have nothing of moderation; either they adore their Princes as Gods, or kill them like Tyrants. Osman, a very young man, was Emperour of that vast State, who by unhappy success in the War of Poland, frustrate of that Glory, which he had fancied to himself, was much unsatisfied with the Janissaries, to whom alone he impu­ted the fault of his ill Fortune, for having shewed themselves as co­wardly in the field as fierce and insolent in the Court. After a Peace concluded upon Terms little honourable, he published that he would make a Voyage to Mecha,, under a shew of zeal to Religion, but believed by many mingled with a youthful weariness of remaining so very long and idle at Constantinople. Others judged, that he con­cealed a deeper design to remove the Janissaries from the Court, bring them into Asia, and there amidst a greater force of the Spahies their Envyers, disarm and disband them, and form a new Militia. The Baggage was shipping in the Gallies; Tents and store of Trea­sure were carried along to serve in the Voyage, and honour the Sepulchre of that Impostor with vast Presents, when the Janissaries one to another began to discourse of the fatigue and hardships to which, in so long a Pilgrimage, they were going to be exposed, and of the conveniences they left behind, the further they went, and the more divided they were, the more exposed to the hatred and cruelty of the King, more apprehended than any other hazard. Upon this from whispering in their Quarters, they fell quickly into a tu­mult; and a few beginning, but all following, they came into the place of the Hippodromo to the number of thirty thousand persons; from thence one part runs to the House of the Coza (who was the Kings School-master, and thought to be the Promoter of the Voy­age,) but finding him not, exposed it to pillage; the rest hastned to the Seraglio with loud cryes, requiring the heads of the Visir, of the Cheslar, and of the Coza. They within wanted force, and had they had it, counsel. The principal persons, who with authority and friendliness might have opposed the inraged multitude, were the ve­ry object of their hatred, and were demanded that they might tear them to pieces. Nor did the Kings Proclamation to retract the [Page] [...]ge prevail any thing; for Tumults not ceasing commonly [...] those satisfactions which serve for a pretext, it had been far [...] disbanding that people, if a great Rain interpreted by the su­ [...] Rabble for a sinister Predicton, had not separated them. The night probably might have allayed that heat, if some of those of the Law, venerated with a blind ignorance by the Vulgar, had not stirred up the Souldiers anew, declaring Osman fallen from the Empire, for that by sacrilegious actions he had violated the Al­coran.

The Janissaries then casting off all respect towards their Prince, flinging stones at their Aga, who put them in mind of their Oath and Fidelity, denying Cussain Bassa, who to quiet them, offered three hundred thousand Zerchins, forcing the Seraglio, though during that night, extraordinarily guarded, kill at the first entry certain Eu­nuchs with Chislar Aga their Chief, and sought after Mustapha, Uncle to Osman, who formerly had served a short space rather for a moc­kery than the Head of that Empire: he that would not, or could not shew where he was, they presently as in punishment of silence or ignorance cut off their heads. Getting down at last by signs in­to to a Cellar under ground, they found him by order of his Nephew there, in a manner buried and little less than dead; for they had kept him two days already without meat; so that to the cryes of making him Emperour, he answered, desiring at least a few drops of water as the price of the Empire. But he was scarce setled in the Throne but he shewed himself equally thirsty of Osmans blood. He had basely hid himself; but being found when it was very late, and committed to the custody of the Bustangi Bassa, he was after­wards conducted to the house of the Aga of the Janissaries, where Cussain Bassa only was. In many anger yielded to compassion, con­sidering that young Prince, King by birth, made Suppliant to For­tune, and he improving that compassion with his interest, offered to the Janissaries fifty Zecchins a head. Some now relented, and the Chiefs consulted about the means to preserve him and re-establish him in the Throne, when the furious multitude taking him out of their hands, presented him to Mustapha in the Seraglio. Osman with tears begs his life of his Uncle, putting him in mind of gratitude for having, contrary to the custom of the Ottoman Emperours, perser­ved him for the Empire. But the Barbarians making Destiny guilty and Author of their villanies, Mustapha excuses himself, saying, that he knew he had oftentimes decreed his death, but that God would not permit it. Left then in prey to the Janissaries, and conducted to the seven Towers, amidst the concourse and execrations of the people, who having, during his Reign, endured all kinds of calamity, Hunger, Pestilence, and War, detested him as the fatal occasion of their evils, his Head was cut off. Delivert grand Visir, in this inte­rim fled; but taken at Scutari, and brought back to Constantinople, he was killed, with his blood and a few others of the chief Mini­sters, and the pillaging of some house, the Tumult ceasing. Never­theless Mustapha, destinated to frequent passages from a Prison to a [Page 195] Throne, remains not long upon the Stage; An. Dom. 1623 for his incapacity by new experience being confirmed, he was anew deposed, and Amu­rath, Brother of Osman, being very young, was assumed to the Crown. He sends to Venice Mustapha Chiaus with wonted respects of friendship and peace, and the Republick corresponded, as usual, by sending Simeon Contarini, Cavalier and Procurator, Ambassador Extraordinary to his Court.

ANNO M.DC.XXIII.

Bohemia being not alone, but the Imperial Crown, the object and reward of the War which inflamed Germany, the Austrians re­joyced so much the more in the Victories they had gotten, by how much with the spoils of the Palatine, having taken away a Vote from the Protestant, the Empire seemed to be confirmed in their Fa­mily and the Catholick Party. The Pope with motives of Religion pressed, that the Electorate might be disposed of, and recommended Bavaria, not only a Kinsman in blood to the proscribed Palatine, but worthily deserving it for his piety; promising also great assistan­ces, if it should be necessary to maintain the disposal and decree by Arms. Nor was Ferdinand against it, but rather found himself in­gaged in his word and interest for Maximilian; and he by the al­most entire possession of both the Palatinates, by his own Forces and those of the Catholick Ligue, made himself so much considered and almost feared, that it was not easie to dispose of it to another. The Emperour was very earnest to get out of his hands by this change the Upper Austria, which Bavaria held engaged for thirteen milli­ons of Florins, which in subduing the Rebels he affirmed to have spent; but great difficulties crossed his desires.

The Protestants were inraged, and in particular Saxony, vexed be­sides at the Reformation of Religion, which was practised in Bohe­mia; many had compassion of the calamities of the Palatine and the innocence of his Children, and not a few pretended to be sharers in his ruine. But the most considerable opposition rose from the Spa­niards, who irritated, that Bavaria had by Arms possessed himself of a part of the Lower Palatinate, openly opposed Ferdinands intentions, and that with a pretext, that it was not fit so publickly to offend the King of England; and with reasons besides, that it was not conve­nient to set him up so high, who might one day dispute the Empire with the Austrians; but that resolving to maintain the Investiture by Arms, it was better to come to extremities, and bestowing it up­on some of their own Kindred, to advance the greatness of the Fa­mily with an Electoral Vote. But the Emperour aiming to recover his own, and to amuse those of both Religions in the Empire, sends to Saxe the Archduke Carlo, his Brother, to perswade and appease him, and into Spain, some Religious persons to represent motives by which he was induced and in a manner forced to resolve.

There happened at this time the sudden Voyage of Charles Prince of England to the Court of Spain, which put into admiration all [Page 196] Europe, doubtful which was greatest, the artifice on the one side in solliciting it, or the happiness on the other in performing it. In Madrid, Digby resided Ambassadour for King James, so much ena­moured with such a Negotiation, that proposing to himself great rewards, according to his desires and proper interest, he continually represented facility and safety. The project consisted on the one side of promises to restore the Palatine into his Country and Vote, and on the other, of a connivence, or rather assistance to oppress the United Provinces of Holland. There resided then in London for the Catholick King the Count of Gondomar, who with a stupendious acuteness of wit so confounded pleasant things with serious, that it was not easie to be discerned when he spoke of business, and when he rallied. He had marvellously possessed the mind of the King, and the inclination of the Prince, and so insinuating himself into the hopes and inclination of both with mysterious speeches and faceti­ous discourses, he perswades him in earnest to resolve, that Charles himself incognito should surprise them at Madrid to conclude the Marriage, and bring back the Bride to London. The Prince then parting in great silence, passes disguised by Post through France, accompanied by few others, but the Duke of Buckingham, Director of the whole Affair, and who with an unusual example enjoyed no less favour from the King in being than from the Prince his Succes­sor. Not many resolutions haply are to be found which made a noise equal to this. Of a Prince that was foreseeing to a wonder, who was over-shadowed with jealousie; the people made it their discourse, and the English more than any murmured at it; the only Son of the King, the Heir of the Kingdom, hazard himself in such a long Voyage, carry himself as an Hostage, rather than a Spouse; to a Court of contrary Maxims of Religion and State humbly to sup­plicate for a Wife. Most men would not be perswaded but the bu­siness was concluded; so that many discourses were made of secret Alliances, and the Protestants feared it, nay some of the Catholicks themselves no less suspiciously apprehended it, Bavaria in particular doubting lest the Country and Dignity, in favour of the Marriage, should be restored to Frederick; and France was jealous, lest if Great Brittany should adhere to the Austrians, their Power in Europe would be without a ballance. In England the Hereticks were afraid, lest the King, inclined to change Religion, to effect it with greater se­curity had a mind to support himself by the Forces and Counte­nance of great Princes, and the Catholicks rejoyced, hoping by such a Marriage for Liberty of Conscience and security for their lives. In Ratisbone, where the Diet was assembled, the Spanish Ambassa­dour pretended, that without disposing of the Electorate, the Empe­rour should at least stay to see the issue of this Voyage, and of so great an Emergency.

But those of the Popes party and the Bavarians with unusual and incessant instances pressed him to declare himself, and end the busi­ness. Notwithstanding then that the major part of the Empire were of opinion, that the Authority did not belong to the Emperour alone [Page 197] in a matter of so great importance to deprive an Elector, and at his own pleasure to make choice of another, Ferdinand calling the Clergy apart and some others of the principal Ministers, declared to them his resolution, not asking counsel; but shewing, That so im­portant a Dignity, which participated in the conservation of the Empire, could not be so vacant. That Frederick by Rebellion and so many other offences had made himself unworthy of it. That Bavaria, who was of the same House Palatine, for his piety and services done to the Em­pire did as much deserve it. That the reasons of the Pretenders, among which was the Duke of Neoburg of the same stock, could not at present, they being far off, be discussed; and therefore he referred them to ano­ther Diet. That in the mean time, by the Authority exercised by his Predecessors in like cases, he did invest Maximilian with the Electoral Dignity. Some applauded and approved; others silently adhered by force, the Protestants in vain pondering to resent it; in regard the power of Ferdinand and the felicity of the Catholick Arms curbed the wills of the factious, and no less abated the thoughts of the disobedient. Bavaria had no sooner obtained his purpose, but begins to consider of the means to preserve the Dignity, as dif­fering from those Arts by which he had gotten it; and being always mindful of the jealousie and opposition of the Spaniards, seeks new strengthnings against their envy and force. He sent into France fre­quent and secret Messengers to support himself by that Crown, and to shew himself partial to their advantages and interests; because he believed, that to a Party emulating the Austrians it would be a Complement; that he should remain in possession of the places taken upon the Rhine, to hinder the Spaniards from inwarding themselves further into the Empire. Whereupon, not separating himself in the union of Forces from Ferdinand, he was at work with new Treaties, and forming stronger friendships. It was just about this time, not without the Austrians jealousie, discovered, that he had sent to London certain Religious persons, of which sort he willingly made use for less observation and charge, in disguised habits, with many Propositions to King James, that he would unite himself to that Party of the Catholicks in Germany, of which Maximilian him­self was Head, to the end certainly to oppose himself against the de­signs and authority of the Spaniards. But those practices had no ef­fect, because in the conclusion of them Maximilian gave it to be understood, that he would not part with the Electorate; but being without Children, and almost out of hope to have any, he offered the possession of it after his death to the eldest of those of the Pala­tine, provided he were brought up in his Court, and in the Catho­lick Faith, with a promise to obtain for him one of the Emperours Daughters to Wife. All these Propositions were by the English and Frederick rejected; because, besides the change of Religion, they contained but uncertain and remote hopes.

From these foreign occurrences, reflections fell back again to the affairs of Italy, where was contending on all sides with tricks of wit to arrive at their pretended advantages. The League projected in [Page 198] France at the latter end of the year past, was in the beginning of this present concluded without much difficulty, the interest of the Contra­ctors concurring, it may be said, of themselves, because the Venetians thought not themseleves strong enough to restore the Affairs of the Grisons without help of the Crown of France; and that knew an Union necessary with the Venetians, who alone by their nearness could furnish to any undertaking Victuals, other Necessaries, and Cannon. The Duke Carlo was then desired to be of the Party, both for his courage and reputation, and by reason of the situation of his Countries; besides the advantage of keeping him out of the other Party, well knowing that he would not have been able idlely to look upon a War so near him without adhering to one side, and making his profit by it. It was then agreed, That the League should last two years, and what more need should require for procuring a re­stitution of places taken in the Valteline and Grisons; proposing to themselves, to form the body of an Army of between thirty and forty thousand Foot, and six thousand Horse, and they divided by an even proportion; a third to every one of the Princes united, but of those, assigning betwixt fifteen and eighteen thousand of them to France; ten or twelve thousand to the Republick; and eight thousand to Savoy, each to raise them as soon as might be, and send them to their own Frontiers. The Cannon were to be furnished by those that were nearest at a common charge, according to the rating of the Forces.

It was further concerted, To procure Mansfelt to make a diversion of the Austrians, giving him three hundred thousand Crowns yearly, the half to be paid by France, two thirds of the rest by the Republick, and what remained by Savoy. In case of Invasion, the others were to send half their men to the assisstance of the assailed, to which the Treaty obli­ged; and if the Confederates should only shew a willingness to Peace, and remain only defensive, they referred to another Treaty the consideration of dividing the Conquests, when, forced to Hostility, they should happen to make any.

The Switzers were invited to enter into this League; but the Catholicks, prepossessed in a particular Diet, by the endeavours of the Nuntio and Ambassadour of Spain, raised so many difficulties in the general one of all the body of the Helvetians, that, although some understood that their interest was highly concerned in it, ne­vertheless in their accustomed delays they let the Proposition fall. The Treaty was no sooner concluded, but Duke Carlo, well ac­quainted with the liberality of the Republick, earnestly solicited them by the Marquess of Lantz, sent to them Ambassadour Extraordi­nary, to supply him with the means to raise and maintain the Soul­diers, which the League laid upon them. But the Venetians consider­ing that the burden was divided by an equal ballance, according to each ones ability, and that, by reason of their nearness to the Valte­line, they were to bear the hazard and greatest burden of the War, and besides, by reason of the long Frontier with the Austrians, were obliged to a more careful defence, did not hearken to the instances [Page 199] of the Duke, who seemed more concerned in Conquests and advan­tages than in dangers.

As to Mansfelt, from France was sent into Holland (where the Count then was) Monsieur de Monteró, and from the Duke Monsieur di Bos, Christopher Suriano supplying for the Republick, who resided with the States, inviting him to make War in the French Country, supposed the fittest place to cut off communication of succours be­twixt Italy and Flanders, and also to be near Rhetia, as an Army of reserve, if any ill accident should happen. And for this purpose they advance some months pay to him. The Count, who by such art subsisted in credit, shewing a readiness to march, not without the Spaniards apprehending, that to this League might adhere other Princes, made jealous or provoked by them, and particularly the Italians, the most disgusted, although the most patient. They there­fore apply with greater earnest to protect their interest with the Banner of Religion, imploying all art chiefly to gain the Pope, under whose Skirt they did not only hope to preserve the Valteline from War, and induce the Confederates to reason, but setling themselves in the present advantages, by this means obtain yet greater.

To interest then Gregory in this cause, they offer to deposite the Forts of the Valteline in his hands, magnifying their intentions to quiet, and considering, That postposing their own conveniencies and the possession, so much the more just, by how much it proceeded from in­vitation and a voluntary resignation of the people, it appeared, that not the desire of dominion, not the ambition of the Country, nor the designs to oppress Italy, but the sole consideration of Religion had induced them to protect it. That they resigned it to the common Father of Princes, to the Guardian of Religion it self, to the end, that the jealousies of the Ca­tholicks being quieted, the fierceness of the Hereticks restrained, he might prescribe rules to holy Worship, and to Italy convenient security, whilst the King would not depend but upon his Arbitrement, and with wonted zeal to his judgment, and the good of the Church, imploy the power of all his Dominions, where no other but the true Religion raigned.

In Rome the opinions and counsels upon an offer of such impor­tance were wavering; for some, penetrating into the Mysteries of Policy, did not approve, that either the power of the Church, or the Authority of the Pope should be so far ingaged, that the professed Neutrality and Mediation should run a hazard. They well knew, that if the trust were accepted, Peace was not to be hoped for; be­cause, if betwixt the Crowns there should happen any agreement of restoring all things to their former estate, no man could see with what decency the Valteline could pass through the hand of the Pope back to the Hereticks, its first Masters; it being not fit that he should subscribe with the Protestants to reciprocal limitations, cautions, and conditions. On the other side, if with the fast band of Religion, he should be willing to continue in the possession, how could he ever hope for the consent of the Confederates, who pretended to right themselves by Arms. Will they (said they) be terrified with an empty [Page 200] name and Authority without force, and at the sight of the Popes Stan­dard, which upon the first Invasion must implore assistance from Feria, and under the shadow of the power of the Spaniards repair themselves of their losses and wrong? Will Gregory then in the utmost of his life cut off Peace betwixt his Children, making himself a Party, and leave to his Successor a lamentable Inheritance of War and Troubles. And take it for granted, that the Confederates would suffer it, the Protestants yet were not like to endure it; but at the name alone of the Ensigns of the Church would come down in Troops to oppose them. That Helvetia was near; the Princes of the Empire not yet suppressed; Mansfelt had his Arms in his hands; all greedy, and longing to over-run Italy, and mis­chief the most sacred Seat of Religion and the Apostolate.

The offices of the Confederates joyned their assistance to these apprehensions, and in particular the Venetians, who, sending Girola­mo Soranzo Cavalier, Ambassadour Extraordinary to Rome, disswa­ded the Pope from lending his Name and Authority to the Interests of Spain. But he, environed by his Nephews, and they gained by Spain with Benefices, Pensions, and the Marriage of the Princess of Venosa, Vassal of the Monarchy, believed that the Princes made such a noise only to fright him, and that at the appearing of his Colours all their Arms out of veneration would fall out of their hands, there remaining to him, as an ornament to his Name and a Crown upon his Sepulchre, the glorious Memorial of Peace preserved, and Reli­gion protected. The trust then was accepted by him, upon condi­tion, that a Treaty of Agreement betwixt the two Kings should be pursued, and when without the Spaniards being in fault, it should not be concluded, that the Forts should then be restored to them again. This being treated in Rome, Feria perswades the Grisons, under pretext of moderating the Articles heretofore concluded, to send to him new Ambassadours, to bind so much the faster the knots of servitude and dependance. Leopold raises at Steich a very good Fort, and there was published an Investiture of the Emperour, which granted to the House of Trivultia, according to a certain pretension they had, the Valley of Musoccho, The French shewed themselves much moved, that before a Resolution taken upon the Deposition, Gregory had not expected the sense of that Crown upon it. But in the counsel opinions were divided according to affections, some vo­ting to break off all Treaty, and with a sudden march of Troops hin­der the Popes meddling, and the execution of the Trust it self. Others were of opinion, that the Deposition should be approved with certain limitations and reserves, and those counsels taking place which squared with the favour; for Pisieux was Author of them, in whose inclinations, both in Rome and Spain, were grounded their greatest hopes, it passed so.

It was then by the French declared, That the Deposition should re­main until the end of July (it was now the month of May) within which time, the Forts being demolished, and all restraints upon the Gri­sons and Armies removed which did oppress them, affairs should be re­stored to their former state, which not being performed, the League [Page 201] should supplicate the Pope to joyn himself to their Arms, thereby to ob­tain the effect. Before such opinions were represented to the Pope, the Spaniards, getting notice of them, proceeded to hasten the De­position with so much precipitation, that notwithstanding the indis­position into which Gregory was at that time desperately fallen, the Cardinal Lodovisio orders, that the Duke de Fiano, the Popes own Brother, with fifteen hundred Foot, and five hundred Horse should march towards Milan. He being a person of most sottish parts, with the assistance nevertheless of some of better abilities, served only to make surer the engagement, and to conciliate some respect to those Troops. But being arrived in the Valley, he found that the people fearing to fall under another Dominion than that of Spain, to the number of two thousand, took Arms and resolved to oppose him; but all obstacles being removed by the authority of the Governor of Milan, he enters into the Forts, Feria himself furnishing Ammunition and Victuals, and keeping besides with his own Garrisons those of Chiavena, Riva, and Bormio; Fiano nevertheless returns presently to Rome, leaving in the Valley for the command of the Troops Nic­colo, one of the Marquesses of Bagni, and at Milan Monsieur Scappi to reside with the Governour. In the mean time, at Rome the Ambas­sadour Sillery, preventing those Orders which the Ministers of Ve­nice and Savoy expected, performs himself alone the Commissions of the Court to the Pope, changing them, instructed (as was believed) by Pisieux, by approving the Deposition without limitation of time, and without the requiring of those things which the Collegiates were to demand; but by adding only an intreaty for the speedy demo­lishing the Forts and restitution, with those conditions for Religion which Gregory should prescribe.

Before the Pope could answer hereupon, God, upon the 8. of July, calls for him for the deposition of his life, after having held rather than exercised a little more than two years the name and authority of the Apostolate. A Pope that in matters of Religion left a fame of much zeal, imployed with great applause in Wars of Germany, and spread abroad by the Congregation by him founded, for propa­gating Faith amongst the Barbarians. On the other side, as to bu­siness, he was taxed to have been of a mean spirit, and totally sub­ject to the will of his Nephews, amongst which the Cardinal direct­ed affairs with such an absolute power, that in the short time of his Uncles Pontificate procuring vast riches to his house, he minded lit­tle else but the heaping up wealth and honours. The state of Af­fairs and of Italy solicitously required the Election of a new Pope; nevertheless amidst so many affections and interests of Princes, and by reason of the forms, with secret scrutinies prescribed by Gregory in his Bull, it was doubted it would be long a doing.

But upon the 6. of August the Election, where opinions and minds least inclined, fell upon Maffeo, Cardinal Barberino, by Country a Florentine, of the age of fifty and six years, to the wonder of the Electors themselves, who were amazed to have deceived their own hopes by promoting a person, who for his complexion and vigour [Page 202] might out-live the greater part of them. He takes the name of Ʋr­ban the Eighth with the applause of the World, by reason of the high conceit of his Learning and Ability.

And now in Venice to Anthonio Priuli Duke deceased, loaden with years and deserts was sustituted Franceso Contarini Cavalier Procu­rator, signal for many publick Employments, and for having un­dergone Embassies in almost all the Courts of Europe with such in­tegrity and innocency, that nothing could be condemned in his acti­ons, or accused in his manners. One of the first cares in his Princi­pality was to send to Rome the four elected Ambassadours, according to custom, to venerate the High Priest, and they were Francesco Erizzo Cavalier, Procurator, Renieri Zeno, Girolamo Soranzo both Cavaliers, and Girolamo Cornaro, who were so much the more in­flamed as Sillery proceeded with luke-warmness.

The Pope, to say truth, detested the engagement into which his Predecessor had put the Arms and Authority of the Church; com­plaining of the unseasonable charge, but found no way to get out, Lodovisio having strongly tied the knot both of the business and decency; that although Ʋrban, by reason of imployments had in that Court, was thought inclined to France, and in a manner par­tial, it was nevertheless fit to be serviceable in name to the aims and designs of Spain. But however time run on to the prejudice of those affairs, no man in these beginnings durst irritate or provoke the Pope; so that the Grisons groaned under the burden, Leopold continued in possession, and Feria, bating the appearance, enjoyed the conveniences and advantages which he had by the Valteline proposed.

Nor did the diversion of Mansfelt come to any thing; for although he had received from the Confederates their money, yet believing to make War in Germany with more profit to himself, and being stirred up by the King of Denmark and the Protestants of the Lower Saxony was marched into the County of Oldenburg, and having ex­torted great Contributions there, leaving Garrisons in several pla­ces, had entred into Westphalia and the Bishoprick of Munster. On another side Halberstat, separate in Forces, but with the same ends, and with the same supplies from the Bishoprick of Osnabrug, threatned to advance into the Palatinate with thirty thousand men, most new raised, ill furnished with warlike Provisions, and with but a few Cannon. Tilly, inferiour in number, but better provided, prevail­ing in Valour and military Discipline, marches speedily towards him, taking his passage through the Country of Hassia, mortifying the Landgrave, who had had the stoutness to deny it him with oppres­sions and contributions, and indeed terrifying with his fame the whole Protestant Union. He overtakes him in the Bishoprick of Munster, and doubtful whether he should go forwards towards the Palatinate, or bend towards Holland, provokes him to battel, he avoiding it with that disadvantage which he always hath who retires and gives way. Coming at last close up to him at Bursteinfurt, a place of no note, whilst he was marching towards Statlo through a [Page 203] winding way, interrupted with certain small Rivers, which forming in several places dams and ditches, gave him the opportunity to make a stand; then facing about, and leaving a strong defence there, assure both the Reer and this March. But the Catholicks pressed so hard upon him, that overcoming all obstacles, and the ressistance which was made them at the River Aa, they came at last at Statlo upon the River Berchel the 6. of August to a general Battel, in which being defeated, leaving six thousand dead upon the place, besides four thousand which rendred themselves Prisoners, and the rest be­ing dispersed, eighty Colours, Cannon, Baggage, and the glory of the Victory were the prey of the Conquerours. Halberstat then with two Companies of Horse flyes into Holland, giving Tilly liberty to re take many places in Westphalia, in which he and Mansfelt had their Garrisons. Tilly hereupon meditates on a great design to make himself Master of Embden, and from thence through Frizland to pass into the bowels of the United Provinces of Holland, so to retribute to the advantage of the Spaniards that powerful assistance they had given Ferdinand; but the Hollanders furnished the place with all sorts of provisions, sending thither men and a Squadron of Ships of War, solliciting also Mansfelt for its relief, and consenting six thousand men to Haverstadt to repair his Army. For these rea­sons Tilly, seeing the enterprise difficult, and of a longer continuance than the approaching season of the Winter did permit, returns to take Quarters in Hassia.

Nor had Mansfelt better luck; for Cordua, having in Westphalia reduced many Garrisons of places, partly possessed by him, and part­ly protected by the Hollanders, with great facility every other place, except Lipstat, which made some defence, yielded. At last the Count of Anhalt and Colonel Erwits took Mansfelt in the Bishoprick of Munster, at such a disadvantage of situation and numbers, that he was wholly defeated, Heaven making War for the Imperialists with such partiality of favours, that they publickly boasted, That the justice of their cause was decided by the felicity of their suc­cesses.

The Imperialists also perswaded Bethlem Gabor to be quiet; for he proposing to himself either to make a short War or Peace, ha­ving obtained the Turks consent by the means of the Count de la Tour, who went to the Port for that purpose, had invaded Hungary and Moravia. But it being divulged, that Tilly having the fame of so many Victories his fore-runners, was coming to their relief, he retired into his own Country, and applies himself to new agree­ments. He had also in this year sent Stephano Attuani, his Minister of most trust, to Venice, to demand a League and assistance, but without effect; because the Senate purposed to be attentive obser­vers of, but not be intangled in foreign occurrences so far distant from them.

An. Dom. 1624 ANNO M.DC.XXIV.

But was so much the more watchful upon the Valteline, experien­cing now from the usurpation of the passages there, the mischiefs foreseen, whilst for recruiting their Army, and increasing their strength, in order to the fulfilling of the League, and guard them­selves against the jealousies, which molested them on all sides, they had no means to bring any Souldiers but by Sea with much length of time and charge. The Pope, to gain time, proposed divers expedi­ents, and above all expressed, that without re-imbursement of the charges he would not part with the trust; but the Confederates of­fering that with all readiness, provided he would put the Valley in­to their hands, to be rendred when the Forts were razed, and Reli­gion restored to the first Owner, he remained fearful to offend Spain, and proposed, that of the Valley should be formed a soveraign bo­dy to be united either to the Catholick Cantons of Helvetia, or as a fourth League to the three of the Grisons.

But the Confederates, proposing to themselves the end of restoring things to their former state, judged they should be wanting to the protection promised to the Grisons, and nevertheless feared, lest the Valteline, not being able to subsist of it self, as a body apart, should uphold it self by the Spaniards, by which means taking away the cover of the name, they should still enjoy predominancy over their minds, the convenience and liberty of the passage to the ex­clusion of all others. Nor could this chief interest be longer con­cealed; because, it being at last proposed in the name of the Pope, that passage through the Valley should remain free for the Souldiery of the King of Spain, it gave the Confederates occasion to conclude thereupon, that the subtle pretext of Religion being now removed, the Interest seemed discovered to tend to the subjecting no less of Italy than of Germany, by the uniting of Countries, and opening a door to over-run the one and the other at their pleasure. The Pope nevertheless persisted in what had been proposed, moderating the particular of passage, by confining it to the Valteline, exclu­ding the Country of the Grisons and Chiavena; and that, to take away jealousie from Italy, it should be understood only of passage from the Milanese for Germany and Flanders, and not from them back thither, and insisted upon it with so much urgency, that ta­king upon him the part of an Arbitrator, he pretended to a power to decree it, by vertue of the consent the Princes had given, that he should prescribe needful securities for the Catholick Religion, affirming withal, that to bridle the Protestants and Hollanders, a sudden march of Spanish Troops was made necessary for the de­fence of the Low Countries and relief of the Empire; but the o­thers considered that a door once opened to the Spaniards, limits and ways could no more be prescribed, and that under the pretext of passage, the Milanese being made a perpetual place of Arms, jealou­sies, troubles, and apprehensions would be eternized in Italy. Ne­vertheless [Page 205] the Ambassadour Sillery, with the assistance of Gheffier, who was at that time at Rome, although he could not but know France more prejudiced than any others, both by the blow which its Confederates would feel within and without Italy, and the breach which would be made into that most ancient League with the Gri­sons, by vertue whereof the absolute disposition of the Passes was ascribed to them, readily consents to it, to the so much dissatisfacti­on of the other Princes united, that attributing all to Pisieux, from whose Judgment and Pen, by reason of the favour and his charge the business depended, they resolved to discover the Plot to the King himself, giving him to understand the alterations with which they had proceeded at Rome, from what had been concerted at Paris, setting at naught the Princes who were their friends, neglecting the Interests of the Crown it self, and having by a most destructive consent conducted the business to that very end which the Spanish Ministers directed.

Concerning Pisieux, besides the hatred and envy, which are the wonted followers of favour, a common opinion was currant, that he was not more powerful in the Kings favour, than venal in his Ministry, making use of his Authority rather for profit than honour. Being therefore not at all acceptable besides to the great men of the Kingdom, it proved no hard matter for the Ministers of the Princes, and in particular Giovanni Pesari, Ambassadour of the Venetians, by their Offices and wonted Arts to help forward the secret Intrigues of Court, which discovering themselves of a sudden, his Fortune split in a moment, the King intimating to him, that he and the Chancellor his Father should presently leave the Court.

The Marquess de la Vieuville, Superintendant of the Finances, took quickly possession of the favour, and in the little time he sub­sisted, by the Marriage with England, and other means, laid the foundations of those contrivances, perfected afterwards by his Suc­cessor with great felicity. But the affections of the King towards Favourites having hitherto proved but short and unhappy, he continued but a few months. Some ascribed his fall to covetousness, by which he provoked the hatred of the great ones, accustomed to satisfie their private interests out of the publick Treasury. Others judged, that one ingratitude being commonly the punishment of another, as he had lent his hand to the expulsion of Pisieux, the Rai­ser of his Fortune, so the Cardinal Richelieu, introduced by him in­to business, quickly excluded him.

This Cardinal is the person called elsewhere the Bishop of Lusson, and there is no doubt, that, as for the most part in the choice of great Ministers the judgment of the Princes agree with those of their Subjects, though soon after they differ in the maintaining of them, he was not ordained for that place from applause or common con­sent, but was brought into it chiefly by the savour of the Queen-Mother, with whom he had been long exercised in all sorts of ob­servance. The King surely had no inclinations to him, either for having in former Negotiations discovered the sagacity of his nature, [Page 206] or because there is a certain natural secret aversion to those, who with an ascendant of wit exceed. Sure it is, that the Cardinal pos­sessed rather the power of the favour than the favour it self, never­theless, he had the great Art how to fix the mutable and suspicious Genius of the King, and the inconstant nature of the people, govern­ing as with a supreme Dictatorship the one and the other even to his death.

But as to the Affairs of Italy, by the disgrace of Pisieux, the Mi­nister being changed, there was a change also at Rome in the pro­ceeding of the Treaty, and Sillery being recalled, all that was dis­avowed, which he had negotiated and consented to. Monsieur de Bethune, a Minister formerly well known in Italy, being come to Rome in his place, assures the Pope, that all that which his Prede­cessor had approved, concerning the Passes, was wholly against the Kings m [...]nd; and in the name of the Confederates expressing to the holy See unalterable duty, and ready consent to that which might secure Religion in the Valley, as to the rest refuses any expedient, which did not deliver the Grisons from the present oppression, re­store them to their Country and Soveraignty, and did not exclude the Spaniards from the Passes. They published this change of Mi­nisters to be a shift; but the Pope, who had made them deliver to him Riva also and Chiavena, endeavoured to gain time, perceiving, that to which soever of the Parties he should give the possession of the Forts, it would serve but for a pretext to kindle a most dange­rous War, which flaming out betwixt the two Crowns, by Auxiliary Forces, would quickly extend it self throughout all Europe.

Nor did the Spaniards now fail, as they had succeeded in the gaining of the Cardinal Lodovisio with Rewards and Marriages, to try every way to insnare the Barberins also, giving hopes to Ʋrbans Nephews of the Princess Stigliana, who being an Inheritrix of vast Territories in the Kingdom of Naples, brought also in Dowry the Soveraignty of the strong Fortress of Sabioneda. Some also suggest­ed to the Pope and to his House hopes, that amidst the jealousies and dissensions of the Princes, he might have the hap to get himself glory, by uniting the Valley to the Church, or obtain advantages by investing his Kindred in it. But the one and the other equally dis­pleased the Confederates; because no less suspicious was the tempo­ral greatness of the Popes, who, protected by the Cloak of Religion, cannot make War themselves without danger, nor overcome with­out blame, then the inclination of the Nephews doubtful, it being not possible for him that possesses the Valley, but to depend upon the protection and assistance of the Governour of Milan. Nothing then remained but the closing in a War.

France, before ingaging out of the Kingdom, strengthens it self with two great and important Treaties. The first with the Provin­ces of Holland, to whom were promised three millions and two hundred thousand Livres Tournois to be paid in three years, upon condition not to make Peace or Truce with Spain without their knowledge; and if it should so fall out, that France it self should [Page 207] have need of assistance, they were to retribute it either by resto­ring the half of the foresaid sum, or by furnishing Ships in propor­tion. The other was the Marriage of Henrietta, Sister of King Lewis, with Charles Prince of Wales, from which was derived a report, that the English would break into a War with Spain, and the Palatine be restored into his Country by Arms.

Charles, to say truth, from his Voyage into Spain had brought back discontent, hatred, and desire of revenge against that Crown; for though he were received at Madrid with all possible honours, he nevertheless penetrated the intention not to restore his Country to Frederick, nor conclude the Marriage for which the King, the Prin­cess her self, Olivares and all the Kingdoms had in their hearts a par­ticular aversion. Being for some months amused with several pro­portions, and a difficulty which they feigned came to them from the Court of Rome, though to remove it, he was induced to write him­self to the Pope, and tempted at last, if he would have a Wife, to change his Religion, he parted in great haste, returning to London by Sea. It is not possible to express, what disdain vexed the heart of that young Prince, and King James with no less vehemency pub­lished his revenge, having a mind in his old age to adorn his Sepul­chre with those resentments, which in the course of his Reign, having been blunted by idleness, seemed to have blemished the glory of his life. For this purpose he calls a Parliament, in which Buckingham having justified, with a zeal to common good, and a desire of Peace, the Kings intentions concerning the Marriage with Spain; and rendred an account of the Princes Voyage, it was resol­ved, that the Kings Son-in-law should be restored into his Country by Arms, and that the Son should marry with a Princess of the Blood Royal of France. But it being usual in England, that Parliaments have an equal suspicion of their Kings, when they are armed, as Kings have of Parliaments, when they are united, it was presently desolved; many jealousies being spread abroad, which were belie­ved fomented, at least, if not raised by the Ambassadour of Spain, as if the Parliament, adhering to the youthful age of Charles, and with applause flattering that Generosity, which he shewed to re­venge himself, would condemn the cooler proceedings and past acti­ons of the King, in whose life time they were disposing the spoils and Funerals of his Authority and Command. But withal the means were not ripened, nor the contributions consented, which might raise and keep on foot an Army. So that as the Marriage with Henrietta was easily concluded, with a dispence from the Pope, and many Ar­ticles of favour to the consciences of the Catholicks, so the moving of Arms quickly vanished.

It is notwithstanding true, that Mansfelt, beaten in Germany, and in Holland not willingly suffered by Orange, through emulation of mi­litary glory and the applause of the people, was called into England by the King, where being received with great honour, making him his General for the recovery of the Palatinate, he ordains him an Army of ten thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, with six [Page 208] pieces of Cannon, if France would concur with a Force proportio­nable. Sending him with this Proposition to King Lewis, who professed himself disgusted with the Count, because he had taken the Title of the Kings General without his knowledge; and there­fore, when he went to London, had forbid him coming into France, he obtains to be admitted to treat with his Ministers, denying him his own presence. He was supplied with some money by the French with promises of more, though in effect they had little fervency in the interest of the Palatine. But for Italy, having secured all be­hind him by the friendship of the English, and the flank by the War of Flanders, they applied themselves with more warmth to the Af­fairs of the Valteline.

The Venetians imployed all care with the Princes of Italy to unite them in the common Interest. But succeeded no further, but to in­duce the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua to compose betwixt them­selves, (excluding the Mediation of the Spanish Ministers) the diffe­rences so long in question, upon terms, that for the pretended Dow­ry of Bianca, Ferdinand should disburse to Carlo three hundred thou­sand Crowns, a third whereof within the space of four years Con­tant, and the rest with the Dowry of Margaret; Moveables and Jewels should be satisfied in so much Land in Monserrat near to Pied­mont, to be set out by the Duke of Mantua, valuing the Rent at two per Cent. For a greater confirmation of the agreement, there was a promise of reciprocal Marriages, of Mary Princess of Mantua with Filibert Son of Carlo, and of one of the Infanta's of Savoy with him that should be Heir of the Dominions of the States of the House of Gonzagha. This notwithstanding was not to be executed but within the space of eight years, neither was there other difference in the Dowries of two hundred thousand Crowns for each, but that Carlo was to pay in ready money, and to receive in Lands. When therefore the Prince Vincenzo of Mantua should succeed, as he hoped, in dissolving, under pretence of sterility, a certain Bond, and, as he pretended, invalid Marriage, formerly contracted out of an amorous passion with the Widow Isabella, Princess of Bozzolo, the Infanta was to be his; but that not following, or Ferdinand having no Child Male, the other was yet to be accomplished with Filibert. In order to this agreement, Carlo and Mary yield the pretensions on Monserrat to Ferdinand, to his Brother and to their Children, and this was to take place, though by death or other disturbance, the foresaid Mar­riages should not succeed. In sum, the consent of the Emperour, as Soveraign of the States, was to be asked, and out of respect com­munication given to both the Crowns. Such were the conditions concluded on and subscribed, by which the ancient dissentions of both Houses were hoped to have been quieted; but to the delusion of humane wisdom, that which was believed an Antidote, was soon converted into the venemous seed of greater evils.

Amongst various accidents, the first was the death of Filibert; for although Carlo, sending his Secretary Pater to Mantua, offered to substitute Maurice his other Son to the Marriage, nevertheless the [Page 209] business fatally succeeded not, Heaven disposing new Thunder-claps for Italy and the House of Gonzagha. The minds then of the Con­federates, being by such Negotiations forced for the present from se­veral cares, applying themselves in earnest to the Valteline and to Arms, caused the delivery of the Forts to be demanded of the Pope, that according to the League they might be demolished, and the Valley restored to the Grisons, or else that the Spaniards should within three months execute the Treaty of Madrid; but the Pope himself opposing the first Proposition, and not being able to bring the Spaniards to the other, it was replied unto him, That the Con­federates found themselves necessitated for their own safety, not gi­ving place to other expedients, to apply to more effectual remedies. King Lewis had sent into Helvetia the Marquess de Coevre, commit­ting to him the charge of the Treaty and direction of the War. He and Girolamo Cavazza, Resident for the Republick in Zurich, not­withstanding the opposition of the Popes and Spanish Ministers, by effectual offices, and to take away all pretexts, perswaded the Ca­tholick Cantons to perform the caution required in the Treaty of Madrid, and the Protestants to take Arms, and permit Levies of men, provisions of Victuals, and other necessaries. They warily af­terwards took upon them under-hand to animate the Grisons, in­courage the oppressed, raise up the commons, recal the banished and fugitives out of the Country, to the end they might joyn with the Arms of the Confederates to shake off their yoke, and drive away the Enemy. Feria, stirred with great apprehensions upon the arri­val of Coevre at Soluturno, orders Recruits, and to keep the people of Rhetia quiet, threatens them with grievous mischiefs, Leopold also protesting no less chastisements, notwithstanding that he had stipulated another agreement with them, in which, upon the dis­bursement of some thousands of Florins, he promised to take the Garrisons out of Majanfelt and Coira.

The Princes of the League being now resolved to take Arms, agreed to make the War under the name of the Switzers and Gri­sons, levying three thousand men of each of the two Nations, re­inforcing them afterwards with twelve hundred Foot, and four hun­dred Horse of the French, and with another body of the Venetian Troops, of which the gross and those of Carlo were to keep upon the Borders of the Milanese, so long as the Royal Troops should lie incamped in the Province of Brescia; but the Confederates conti­nued to proceed towards the same end, with designs and means dif­fering; for France, abhorring an open breach with Spain, pretend­ed not to manage the War, but by Auxiliary Forces, and without ingaging his own Troops so far off, with little charge and less noise, at the cost of the other Confederates, especially the Venetians ar­rive at his purpose. The Venetians not aspiring, the affairs of the Grisons being restored, so to ought, but to confirm the Peace, de­sired that the enterprise might have carried reputation and vigour with it, so to have obtained the one and the other with equal ho­nour and dispatch. And Carlo concurred rather in name than with [Page 201] his Forces, busying his thoughts in nothing but to bring the Crowns to an open breach in Italy; for being situated in the middle, as in a manner Guardian and Arbiter of the War or Peace, whatever the event should happen to be, he hoped to make his profit, and serve himself of the Arms of others, principally of the French, for his own advantage. He represented to the King and to the Senate how pre­judicial it would be to ingage, and as it were bury Armies in a Country, as Rhetia was, barren and straight, how burdensom to main­tain Troops idle upon their own Frontiers. He remonstrated to what charge the Confederates exposed themselves, and amidst what difficulties they would be straightned, if they aspired no higher than relieving the Valteline and defending themselves. Was it possibly to be believed, that the Spaniards would sit down with one blow, or that they would be frighted with the name of this Alliance? Their intention was nothing so, and being not inferiour in art and force, knew how to make use of them according to the change of times, never neglecting occasions, or losing advantages. When could they have greater hopes to atchieve great designs; since the Princes of Italy, loosned from so many vexatious respects, have at last had the courage to take hands with Strangers, and in conjuncti­on with them, make plain the way to their relief? The Duke laid great weight upon this Union, and the reflections were not of less moment; for, if when the World adored Spain in the height of its prosperity and greatness, he with his own Forces and the gold of the Republick had been able to resist, what might they not promise themselves at present from the powerful assistances of the Kingdom of France, whilst England, Holland, the Kingdoms of the North, and the Protestants conspired in the same designs? He shewed how Eu­rope was divided, and that the Party, which bore Arms against the House of Austria, was much stronger than that which was subjected to their power; for he designed, that on the one side Mansfelt should make a diversion in Burgundy, Hungary on the other should be inva­ded by the Transilvanian, the War should be continued in the Pro­vinces of Flanders; the King of Denmark, with the Princes of the Lower Saxony, should make War in the Empire, and the Seas and Coasts of Spain be infested by the English Fleet. Whence he con­cluded, that they were to remain always in fear, or at once make themselves to be feared, the opportunity was now offered by a great War to free themselves from greater dangers, and seizing speedily the Passes of the Valteline, and excluding succours, invade power­fully the Monarchy of Spain in the Milanese, which is its Center, for the Conquests whereof he generously offered his Forces, his Countries, and his own person, preferring Glory and Liberty before idleness and the greatest dangers.

The Venetians haply might not have been averse from such counsels, although they knew the attempt laborious and difficult, (from the disgusts which now for a long time had rendred the neigh­bourhood of the Spanish Armies so troublesom and grievous) if the French had been sincerely willing to imploy their utmost power; [Page] but they, keeping to their aim not to break openly with Spain, gave it sufficiently to be understood, that by engaging their friends more than themselves, they desired to have them Dependants rather than Confederates. The Duke then, who was wont to have several de­signs in a readiness, to the end that amidst many attempts, Fortune might favour some one, knowing France, as much impatient of quiet, as irresolute to the War, projected with subtil reaches of in­terest and advantage, that the Crown would at least undertake the Conquest of Genoua. He had observed from a long time with a covetous eye that City grown rich by their long Peace, the Coun­try open, the Citizens at discord; and his avarice was fomented by Claudio Marini, a Genouese, but Ledger Ambassadour with him for the Crown of France, who, ill satisfied with his own Country, fought amidst the ruines of it, either to exalt his name, or bury the ungrate­ful Fortune of his native Country. He offered Intelligences, and served as an instrument to corrupt several, in particular has own Kindred; whereupon, by the heat of his inclinations, the Duke earnestly pressed King Lewis, that if he would not spread his Co­lours against the Milanese, he would at least lend them him to im­ploy them against the Genouese. This he looked at to be a meet di­version in favour of Rhetia, which was sought elsewhere in vain; whilst by this Conquest, Milan being disarmed of its Forces, and the Monarchy of money, the Mines would hardly supply, nor the Indies satisfie contingencies and other vast expences, if the Genouese, with equal care and covetousness, did not provide Treasures for the Gulph of Wars. They squeez out the wealth of others to pour it forth into Spain, who, with the money of all, makes War to all. What was there to be expected from that Government where private interest setting publick liberty to sale, that of others is pre­judiced. Their Ports were open to the Spanish Fleets, their Gal­lies augmented the Kings Squadrons, Passage was free, Quarters se­cure, their friendship was by obligation, their wills obedient, the chief ones were ready, and private men, no less either to serve in person in their Armies, or maintain them with their Riches.

The Genouese then was to be invaded, not only as the door, but as part of the Domination of the Spaniards in Italy, by the taking whereof the Milanese is encompassed, Succours are cut off, Corre­spondence, Commerce, Navigation, and Aids are all broken. That that River was a Line, which to force it had no greater difficulty, but to attempt it; a short march would bring the Army under the Walls of the City, great in circuit, strong by situation, but by the barren­ness of the Country, may be said besieged. The Mountains them­selves serve for a Circumvallation of Intrenchment; the Vallies and Passages were shut up in a manner by themselves. The Fleet of France might with ease keep out succours. In Common-wealths with the Metropolis all is conquered; because the seat of liberty and Empire being overthrown, the Union is lost of which the Govern­ment is formed. There wanted not even within the Walls friend­ships and correspondencies with those Citizens, who have more than [Page 212] once attempted to sell their liberty with their Country. Let France call to mind the Dominion it once had over that State, awaken its Rights, extend its Frontiers into the Land and Sea; replant the Flower-de-luces in Italy, and greatning it self with so glorious a Conquest, satiate his Armies with the spoils of the richest Emporium of Europe. All this was suggested by the Duke, and to him by am­bition and interest, although he endeavoured to hide it with the cause of Zuccarello, elsewhere mentioned to be a little and ignoble Fief of the Empire in the Mountains, but esteemed by the Genouese, important; because it lies in their bowels, by that fatality which Ita­ly hath always been subject to, that things in themselves but small, being esteemed great by their Princes, have frequently opened the way to Strangers to usurp the greatest part of it. It was anciently the possession of the Family of Carretta, and the Genouese had for­merly attempted to get a right to it. They in particular bought of Scipio, one of the Marquesses, a certain annual Rent, with a condi­tion of preference, in case the Fief it self should one day come to be sold. But it happened that the same Scipio, to prevent an Imperial Sentence which he feared in punishment for a murder he had com­mitted, sold it to the Savoyards. The Emperour nevertheless, not enduring a fraud so manifest, calls the business to himself, and com­mits the care of it to the Genouese, who aspired to it. At last being sold in these late times by Confiscation, it was not doubted but the gold and favour of the Genouese contributed much to it, and per­haps the consideration of not enlarging the Duke in that Quarter, whence he might have been able to infest them, and greaten himself. All this was published by the Duke with a great train of protests and reasons, to which he added other disgusts, seeing himself hated by the Government of Genoua and the people, and his name and re­putation on all occasions vilified. Nevertheless the common opi­nion seemed to be, that he rather sought an occasion for War, ra­ther than he had cause for it. But in France, although the Crown, besides an universal inclination of the more powerful to oppress the weak, had no other cause of enmity with the Genouese but the dis­crepancy of interests and affections, the thoughts of Carlo were com­mended, and his propositions embraced, if for no other, yet at least to give exercise and vent to the minds now inflamed amidst these Preludiums to War.

But to the end all the League might concur therein, the Propo­sals were carried to the Venetians with a differing success; for al­though the French and Savoyards had made themselves believe, that mindful of ancient emulations, they would easily have assent­ed; yet those animosities, (as good as cancelled by time and the long Peace) being in the Senate, put in ballance with the motives of equity and common interest, Giovanna Basadonna, in opposition to some who did consent to it, spake to this purpose. Ought we then to revenge the provocations and jealousies of the Austrians upon a State that is innocent? Oh how pernicious shall the example be to all, if the opportunity of a situation and the Wealth of a State shall be a sufficient [Page 213] argument to raise a War. It is true, that the Genouese are bound up to Spain, but the fear and necessity into which we have a mind to preci­pitate them, is not the means to loosen them from those Chains. If they lend their Ports at present and consent passage, they will then think it necessary to accept Garrison. If private men contribute money, we shall constrain the publick to receive the Law. Doth the League on the one side pretend with applause to drive the Spaniards out of the Valteline, exclude the Austrians out of Rhetia, redeem the Grisons, and restore them to their liberty and dominion; and on the other, shall it with in­justice attempt to oppress Genoua, to extinguish a Republick, and change perhaps the name but not the subjection of Italy? But what do I say to Conquests? We shall see that instead of moderating the Command of the Spaniards too too burdensom to that afficted Country, it will without dispute increase with a new and greater dependancy under the specious title of defence. Who knows but that the Genouese may one day mind again their fortune, and that Italy, coming to change its aspect, may not restore lustre to their Government? But let us not lose the hope for ever, if to the bonds of gold, by which some are bound at present, we shall joyn those of Iron into which the danger drives them with misery to all. The proposed Conquest is not so easie as by the French and Savoyards we hear described. The Territory of Genoua is made strong by situa­tion, and defended by Nature. The City by its greatness and popula­tion is able to maintain it self; the Sea being open, will furnish suc­cours; the Milanese being near, will contribute assistance. And what will become of Carlo, if he should find himself environed on all sides by the Spaniards and Genouese, and perhaps left as a prey to dangers by the French from their natural inconstancy? It is no short nor easie work to over-turn a Government radicated by time, nourished by good Laws, and strengthened by the thoughts, or at least the imagination of a peaceable liberty. The people will resist the change of Government, and falling under the Domination of a Prince they hate. The Citizens will be obstinate in defending themselves; and although the imployments of the Spaniards in Rhetia, or elsewhere, should interrupt or retard the succours, a State that is rich hath, when put to it, Garrison and Relief within it self. With what hopes will our Republick participate in this design? Will it peradventure aspire to so difficult and remote Con­quests, or will it only for anothers profit bear a part in the charges and in the dangers? The perpetuity of our Government is maintained by immutable Maxims and Institutions. The free and honourable quiet of not provoking, nor being easily provoked, hath always been the vital Ele­ment of our Dominion. We have always joyned our Arms to the better side, and never offended any but those that went about to injure us. Who sees not but Carlo, in the greatness of his mind, hath the presumption to force the nature of things decaying, and forgetting the years he reckons will be sooner abandoned by them than his high thoughts will forsake him? Who knows not the succours of the French to be uncertain, the Genius of the Nation easily to embrace designs, and then with the same inconstancy abandon them, and with short interims seek always in Peace War, and in War Peace? Experience in the present affairs shews [Page 214] it: the League for so long a time not considered; transgressing so often in the Treaty, forgetting as it were the Princes united with them, and now the final concerts scarce setled, the Armies ready to march, either diverting them with difficult designs, or confounding them with new Pro­posals. The diversion is with much wisdom concluded to be out of Italy, to the end to keep Armies far off, because Strangers have never come near this Country but to bring all sorts of calamity into it, and to carry away the spoils. It is not our interest certainly to draw the body of the Austrian Forces into the very center of Italy within the sight of our Confines. But if the desire of glory or the itch of War incite to just and great enterprises, let the Milanese be the Lists, let it carry our Ensigns against that State which is that that troubles us, provokes and torments us. The Conquest there may may be great and common; and if it be impossible to take Genoua so long as that State subsists, why is not the first blow given at the root? Italy will find its liberty there, the Princes their quiet; the Confederates profit and glory; and who doubts but the com­mon yoke once shaken off, the Genouese also will withdraw themselves from it for ever.

The Senate fully concurred in this opinion, declaring that they would have no hand in the business of Zuccarello, as a thing out of the design of the League, far from common interest, and contrary to the good of Italy. But to impress upon France the reasons of this their dissent, and withal divert the mind of the King, they appoint Girolamo Priuli Cavalier, Ambassadour Extraordinary to him, who notwithstanding was obliged to stop at Turin, by reason of the death of Lorenzo Parula, Ambassadour in Ordinary with that Duke, and because the Constable Desdiguieres being come down into Pied­mont with a great many men and a greater noise, the Court of Carlo became the seat of so weighty a business. There met then in Susa the Duke with his Sons, and the Constable with the Mareshal de Crequi his Son-in-law and the President Buglion, both with Chara­cters of Ambassadours Extraordinary from the Crown for the pre­sent occurrences, and Priuli chanced to be there. He contested highly, that their Arms might be imployed in any other place, ex­cept the Genouese, and if they would resolve upon an open War, gave consent that they might be managed against the Milanese.

But the French persisted in the Council to make a War, without breaking Peace with Spain; and Carlo, frustrate of his vast hopes, could not be paid with any reason; but, moved against the resi­stance of the Republick, began to give place in his heart to those disgusts, which carried him afterwards to greater transgressions. Nevertheless, not willing for the present, the Armies being in action in the Grisons, to alienate themselves from the Republick by an open separation of their counsels from their aims, taking pretext from the Winter-season, they make a shew to refer the resolution and imployment of their Arms to another time. But in effect, the concert was secretly concluded betwixt the Crown and the Duke to invade the year following the Genouese, of which the East side of the River remaining to Savoy, that of the West accrued to France [Page 215] with the City it self of Genoua. About this there passed some dis­pute, each desiring, for the importance and wealth, to annex it to his Dominion; but Carlo at last gave way, such being the greedi­ness he had of that enterprise, which, though the augmenting the power of France, and letting himself be environed in a manner on all sides, was not his interest; nevertheless calculating always his de­signs above his hopes, he fancied to himself to remain at last Arbi­ter of Italy, out of a belief, that the French would either quickly be weary of their Conquests, or at least would soon neglect to preserve them. To remove him from such thoughts, the Spanish Ministers propounded large offers, to bestow the Archbishoprick of Toledo, of great Revenue, upon the Cardinal his Son, and other advantages, with some satisfaction also in the business of Zuccarello. But he hopes for all. Feria attentive upon the motions in the Grisons, and the designs of the Duke, had raised a gallant Army in the Milanese, and the Republick encompassed by so many Troops of that State, and by no less jealousies towards Tirol and Friuli, strengthened it self more and more. Amongst many military Commanders which put themselves into their Service, the chief was Henry de la Tour, the famous stirrer up of the Rebellion of Bohemia. They increased also their Forces by Sea, arming in Dalmatia Gallies extraordinary; and it fitly happened, that thirteen Pinnaces of Barbary being ad­vanced into the Chanel of Cattaro, with the connivence of the Turkish Commanders in Castel novo, assaulting Perasto by night and plundering it, had given pretext to twenty three Gallies of Spain in the pursuit of them to advance to Ragusa; whereupon, to repulse the one and the other, Anthonio Pisani Proveditor of the Fleet, as­sembling it in all haste came into those waters. But the Spaniards retiring, and the Pirates flying with the same celerity, these did some little hurt as they passed to the Islands of Teacchi and of Zant, withdrawing themselves from the deserved chastisement, which with a more signal revenge was suspended till another time. During this interim, four Frigats of the Pirates of St. Maura, falling into the hands of the said Proveditor, paid the penalty of their Rapine and Piracy.

An. Dom. 1624 THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE. THE SIXTH BOOK.

THE Negotiation of Piedmont suspended, actions of Arms begin in the Grisons, and against the Valteline towards the end of the year, the Confederates making choice of that season, which, though in the sharpness of situation might render proceedings difficult, was yet very advantagious to keep what should be gotten. The banished, with the incouragement of the Regiment of Salice, one of their own Country, came down at the same time from several parts, and by the knowledge of the situations, over-powering the Posts kept by the Souldiers of Leopold, in a very little time and with no great con­test possess themselves of the Steich, the Bridge of the Rhine, Majan­felt, the Sluse of Partentz, and Flex; excluding succours out of Ger­many. It is not to be believed, how upon the sudden, glaring forth of liberty, the people were refreshed, who had scarce known what it was, till they saw it oppressed. Applauding therefore the League as their Redeemer, those of the ten Directorships took courage, shaking off the yoke of Leopold. The Regiment of Monsieur de Har­court advances now into Rhetia, and the Levy of Switzers and Gri­sons according to agreement was made. The Ambassadour le Coevre commanded these Troops with the assistance for the Venetians of Luigi Valaresso Knight, who returning from his Embassie of England, had order to remain there with him. They both went to Coira to incourage and animate that Government, from thence to Poschiavo [Page 217] to prepare for the Invasion of the Valteline. Feria, that he might preserve it, cared little for Leopolds losses in Rhetia, but howsoever left the defence of the Valley to Bagni to ingage the Pope so much the more to maintain it, and induce him to unite at last with Spain. Bagni found himself exercised with other thoughts; for on the one side he knew not how with a very small force to resist the flood he saw coming upon him, and on the other, calling Feria to assist, de­rogated to the neutrality desired by the Pope, and hastned a War betwixt the two Crowns. He endeavoured to help himself by art, threatning the Confederates to deliver the Forts to the Governour of Milan, if they should attempt them by force. But they, having now their Troops in readiness, could no longer, nor were inclined to it, remain amidst the Rocks of Rhetia without losing their Army by the rigour of the Winter and the want of Victuals. With six thousand Foot and three hundred Horse they enter by the way of Poschiavo, where the Valley being narrowest, opens a short passage to receive from the State of the Republick Victuals, Assistance, and Cannon.

The Pontificians abandon presently the weaker places, to be able to make better resistance in the stronger. Whereupon the Confede­rates become Masters of that of Piantamala, whence without stop­ping they pass on to Tirano. Bagni was fitly there with the Cava­lier Robustelli, one of the chief Contrivers of the late Revolutions, and two hundred and fifty Souldiers, besides some of the Valteline not very fit to bear Arms. Nevertheless he made a shew to be wil­ling to defend himself more with the name and veneration of the Ensigns of the Church than with the Garrison; but the Towns-men not trusting to so weak Forces, and fearing death and pillage from the fury of the Souldiers, went out through a hole in the Wall while the Governour kept the Gates shut, to capitulate the delivery, which was accepted upon condition, not to put a Garrison of Gri­sons, but of French into it. Bagni being retired with his Souldiers into the Castle, imploring succours of Feria, and demanding of Coe­vre a suspension of Arms for some days, desired to protract time, in hope that, wanting Cannon for battery, and other provisions, the season and situation might defend him. But all conditions that might hinder their progress being refused by the Confederates, that, which the one believed impossible, succeeded easily to the others; for six Cannons arrived in the Camp, with a number of Pioneers and every thing else that was necessary, sent by Anthonio Barbaro, General for the Venetians, who caused them to pass through the Snow and over the Cliffs: for those of the Valteline had on that side towards Auriga cut off the way; but all yielding to fatigue and in­dustry, they were quickly seen placed by the force of mens Arms upon high and almost inaccessible places, whence battering the Ca­stle, they obliged it after a few shot to render, and Bagni to go out with conditions, granted in veneration of the Pope by the Confede­rates, with all sort of military Decorum. A thousand Foot with some Horse from Feria were then on their march for a relief; but [Page 218] understanding the Surrender stopped at Sondria, and the Governour not admitting them into the Castle, and they not thinking them­selves safe in the Town, went out of the Valley. Nevertheless in Riva and Chiavena Garrisons were brought in by the Spaniards, and they fortified themselves there with great expedition whilst the Con­federates advanced seasonably to Sondrio. The Town upon their first appearance rendred upon the same conditions, which those of Tirano had obtained, but with different fortune: the Castle, which would expect the Cannon, was taken by assault; but life given to those few (all the Garrison not exceeding one hundred and fifty) which out-stood the first fury, and the Ensign, in token of respect, sent back to Bagni. Morbegno, which is as the Metropolis of all the Val­ley, not being willing to expect force, sends Ambassadours, and was received into the protection of the League, and by its example eve­ry other place yields, the Arms of the Confederates remaining in a few days in possession of all the Valteline. The Army now was somewhat diminished, by reason of the dispersion into Garrisons, and those casualties which War carries with it: whereupon it was resolved to levy at a common charge two other Regiments; but that being not to be done in a moment, the Venetians, at the effe­ctual instances of the French Ministers, sent thither two thousand Foot and four Companies of Horse of their own Souldiers.

The Austrians thereupon inveigh bitterly against them, calling them the Authors of this expedition and success, whilst without Victuals and other Provisions, which they furnished in great abundance, the Army could not have entred nor subsisted in the Valley. They discoursed publickly, that to divert that of the Valteline, the Austri­ans should bring the War into their Country; and in this while to vent their distaste every where, the Count Chesniler, Ferdinands Ambassadour, denies in Spain to Leonardo Moro, who with the same Character resided there for the Republick, the same tittle with which his Predecessors and he himself had till now treated him. Where­upon being in the Antichamber of the King, where none are admit­ted but Kings Ambassadours, there arose betwixt them a great stir, which was well-nigh appeased by the mutual civility of saluting one another without the officiousness of speaking.

The Pope made no less complaint, exclaiming in great wrath that his Souldiers and Colours were not respected; notwithstanding that the Confederates had made appear to him their long patience, the pre­judices suffered, the Treaties unexecuted, the Expedients rejected; but if Ʋrban reckoned himself offended by the Confederates, the Spaniards shewed themselves not at all satisfied with him, it seeming to them, that with an over-much coldness, venting himself only in words, he would endure the injury offered to his Ensigns. But he more and more detesting the counsels of his Precedessors, either be­lieved the Forces of the Church not able to oppose the Confede­rates, or held the Union with the Spaniards suspect, upon whose will, they breaking with the other party, he should be forced to de­pend.

ANNO M.DC.XXV.An. Dom. 1625

If the Valteline served for a Theatre to Italy, the eyes neverthe­less of Europe were turned upon the Provinces of Flanders, where were acted important designs of numerous Armies and excellent Ca­ptains upon places strong and of the greatest reputation. Spinola aspiring to nothing more than to repair by some eminent Enterprise the honour of that Army, and the reputation of that Fame, which in the retreat from Bergeopzoom he thought somewhat blemished, chu­sing Breda for the undertaking, had in the month of August in the year past, straightly besieged it with an Army of thirty thousand men. Threatning in several places, he had at first held the Prince of Orange in suspence where the blow would fall; and Count Henry de Berg, with a separate body of Spanish Troops, made a diversion to­wards the Rhine, and another number of Souldiers made themselves troublesom longst the Maze. Whereupon Maurice, not knowing where particularly to guard himself, had a vigilant eye over all, and having well provided the places of importance, kept his Army in a condition to hasten thither where succours should be required. But when he saw Spinola intrench himself before Breda, a concernment of publick and private interest, by the importance of the place, and for being the Patrimony of the House of Orange, he hastes thither in all diligence, and incamps thereabouts, sending relief by Boats, which got happily in before Spinola could close his Line with Forts, and shut up the River with Bridges.

Breda is situate in the extremity of Brabant, not far from the Sea, and but of a reasonable distance from Antwerp. Since the Hollan­ders had the good fortune to take it by surprize, they kept it with great care, both for the importance of the situation, and the excel­lency of Art, which had endeavoured by all sorts of inventions to render it strong. It being in the midst betwixt Bergeopzoom and Gertrudemberg, forms a Line little less than streight, by which, main­taining a part of Brabant in obedience to the Ʋnited Provinces, is a defence also to Zeland and Holland. It is in a Plain, of a form un­equal, but environed and covered with so many Out-works, that Art hath not been wanting to invention, nor invention to necessity. The Merch runs through it, a small River, but navigable; a little without the Town, losing its name, it discharges it self into several Chanels, where it enters into the Sea, or rather falls into the Scheld.

Spinola foresaw the difficulties of attacquing it by force, and from the vigorous defence, the incessant Sallies, the number of the Gar­rison, and the resolution of the Governour, who was Justinus de Nassau, natural Brother to Prince Maurice, comprehended the da­mage he might receive. Environing therefore his Camp with a strong Circumvallation of Trenches and Forts, resolves to take it by famine, which destroys all defence and devours Armies. Mau­rice had not above ten thousand men, but with them, by changing [Page 220] Quarters, he cut off Passages, disturbed the Country, and laid wait for Convoys; nor did he want resolution and courage to have at­tempted a general relief by attacquing the Line, if the States, judg­ing them too strong, and well fortified, had not dissented not to expose, with a number so unequal, the common defence to a ha­zardous event, and almost certain loss. It was then resolved to ap­ply themselves to the same Arts, which the Enemy practised, by endeavouring to overcome famine with famine, and, by hindering Victuals from the Camp, to reduce Spinola to the fortune of the be­sieged. But he, with the prudence of an excellent Captain, fore­seeing the necessity, had also provided for it by a flying body, cau­sing the Convoys to be so strongly conducted, that the Hollanders either durst not attacque them, or attempting it could not break them. It happened, that for the securing of one, the Garrison of the Castle of Antwerp was much weakned.

Maurice, whom Fortune seldom reproached for neglecting of oc­casions, attempts to surprise it, and having chosen a dark night, with Bridges made for that purpose passes the Ditch, though very broad, and raising the Ladders, which at the head of them were so fastened, that with Ropes they were easily set up, he was now upon the Ram­part, when one of the Ladders, falling back upon its bridge, made such a noise, that the Sentinels heeding it, and they with some shot advertizing the Guards, the Alarm was given in the Castle. The Hollanders taking fright, retired, leaving some of their Engines be­hind; and now Force not being sufficient, nor Art succeeding, the hope of preserving the place was reduced to succours, which with great earnestness the States sollicited from the Crowns of England and France.

Which last, besides the money promised in their Treaty, would not meddle further in that cause, having obtained their purpose to keep a great part of the Spanish Power ingaged in that Country. It maintained over and above the War in Italy, nor were unquiet­nesses wanting within the Kingdom, whilst Soubize, either foreseeing from far the Siege of Rochel, or moved to it by those that desired to divert the Crown from foreign occurrences, had endeavoured to possess himself of some of the Ships Royal in the Port of Blavet; and although the design succeeded not, nevertheless, to the Kings great resentment, he possessed the Islands near to Rochel, and infest­ed the Sea with Piracy, and the Land with disbarkings. To oppose and suppress Rohan, who, in Languedoc and other parts, was contri­ving Commotions, the Kings Fleet assembles under Command of the Duke of Monmorency, and Souldiers were sent into several places to no small disturbance of the Wars in Italy and the necessities of Flanders.

But England had its Forces at liberty and minds inflamed; for James, in the month of March of this year, being dead, it looked as if the spirit of quiet would have extinguished with him, whilst his Successor Charles, as vigorous in his age as in the desire of Glory and hatred against the Spaniards, was believed that with his Fa­thers [Page 221] Crown he would have assumed differing thoughts. He in­gages himself presently to a great arming by Sea, with which he publishes to attempt upon Spain it self, the Head and Seat of its great Power, and at the same time raises an Army to put under Mansfelts Command for the restoring the out-lawed Palatine into his Coun­tries; for which purpose making a League with the King of Denmark, he disburses money to him, to the end, that making War with the same design in the Empire, he should not make Peace with Ferdi­nand without the Kings knowledge, and the restoring the Palatine.

But Breda, that had been many months besieged, could not expect concerts so remote. King Charles therefore, to preserve it, applies means more ready, it serving also his ends to keep the Spanish Forces imployed in the Low Countries, lest, sending them into the Empire, they might hinder the principal design, which was the restoring of Frederick. Hoping then that France would concur in the same in­tention, he resolves, that Mansfelt, with a good number of English Foot, should pass the Sea, and landing at Calais, should first joyn Halverstat with two thousand Horse, and afterwards altogether the Prince of Orange to relieve the Town. But betwixt England and France it was found, that after the Marriage, the interest of State, or rather the passion of Favourites, converted the bonds of affection in­to causes of hatred. Europe in those times reckoned amidst its unhap­py destiny, that the Government of it depended upon three young Kings yet in the flower of their age, Princes of great power, desirous of glory, and in interest contrary, but in this alone by Genius agree­ing, that they committed the burden of their affairs to the will of their Ministers: for with an equal independency France was go­verned by Richelieu, and Spain by Olivares, and Great Britany, by Buckingham, confounding affections with interest, as well publick as private. Betwixt the Cardinal and Buckingham open animosities discovered themselves, for causes so much the more unadvised, as they were more hard to be known.

Buckingham being in France to carry back Charles his Bride, it seemed, that in the free conversations of that Court, he had taken the boldness to discover something of his inclination to the Queen, whilst the Cardinal was inflamed with the same passions, or rather feigned to be so, with aversion in her, who with vertue equal to the nobleness of blood, equally despised the vanity of the one, and abhorred the artifices of the other. Whereupon the Factions, ari­sing amongst the Ladies of the Court, were not so secret, but that the King was obliged to make a noise, and banish some: But the con­tention betwixt the two Favourites was for power, and Richelieu, by reason of the favour of the King in his own Kingdom, prevail­ing in Authority, procured to Buckingham many mortifications and disgusts. The other was no sooner arrived at London with the Bride, but to make shew of a power not inferiour, by ill using her, thought to revenge himself. The Catholick Religion served for a pretext, whilst the Family brought out of France, according to the Contract of Marriage, practised it: whence distasts brake forth to [Page 222] such a degree, that the minds of the Spouses being alienated, and af­fections betwixt the Crowns themselves disturbed, it looked, as if discord had been the Bride-maid at that Wedding.

All this passed to the prejudice of the Interests of the Palatine and of Holland. For Mansfelt, at the instant that he had imbarked the English Army, France denying him the Port of Calais, and entry in­to the Kingdom, was forced to land in Holland, after having nego­tiated several days betwixt the two Kings. But the Souldiers re­maining on board, the Ships wasted time, and almost themselves, and in their passage weather-beaten by a great storm, troubled with rains, and many inconveniences, they arrived so diminished and lan­guishing, that the succours was found to be less than was needful, and fame had made them. Nevertheless at the noise of their land­ing, the Spanish Ministers being moved, and Spinola resolved not to stir from the place now reduced to extremity, assembled in an instant, with the pomp of their great power, another Army of thirty thousand Foot, and eight thousand Horse of the Trained-bands of the Country, intermixed with some old Souldiers drawn out of Garrisons, with which, and the succours together of six thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse sent thither from Tilly, they resolved to keep the field, stop up the ways, hinder the relief or the diver­sion, which Orange or Mansfelt might attempt. But all this was more than needed; for the Hollanders and Mansfelt not finding themselves strong enough to attempt any thing of moment, it was of necessity to give way, and let the place be taken.

Another sudden accident which retarded and discomposed any further attempt by the States, was the death of Prince Maurice of Orange, a person of the highest Renown, who, after his Father, be­ing, while yet a Youth, opposed in the Command of those Armies to Alexander Farnese, Prince of Parma, the most excellent Captain of Europe, became in the Arts both of offending and defence with equal valour and wisdom the most famous Commander of his Age. Frederick Henry, his Brother, succeeds into all his Charges, a Prince, who, in his skill in military affairs, hath held an eminent place, and perhaps superiour to his Brother, if the quality of his undertakings be considered, but certainly inferiour in merit; because he had to do in the prosperous times of the Common-wealth, and when its Fortune was in its prime. But whatever the effect was, the change was certainly prejudicial in that Conjuncture, wherein Breda after more than nine months Siege languishing, and no succours appear­ing, was the 9. of June rendred upon honourable conditions. Du­ring which time many and various were the successes of the War in Italy and the Negotiations of Peace.

The Valteline was wholly reduced by the Arms of the League, except the two Appendixes of Bormio and Chiavena, to which, in the beginning of the year, the Confederates applied themselves. To­wards which the Signor della Lande advances first, and Coevre and Valaresso follow, possessing the Fort of Chioppina which was aban­doned, and the Town it self of Bormio. But Giovanni Baptista Canti [Page 223] of Ascoli, who commanded there for the Pope, being retired into the Fort, knowing that for want of water he could not make it sub­sist, renders it upon the sight and some shot of the Cannon. There marched out three hundred and forty Souldiers, obliged by oath not to bear Arms for the space of six months against the Confederates, and some of the Valesians were put into Garrison there under Com­mand of the same della Lande, who had contributed much to the en­terprise. The Spaniards in Chiavena, retiring into the Castle with some of the Popes Souldiers, abandoned the Town to the Signor de Harcourt, in hopes, by the sharpness of the season and situation, to hold it out for some time; but, contrary to their expectation, seeing two pieces of Cannon appear, brought over the Mountain, called Bernine, with in­finite labour, they also rendred. Together with this prosperity of Arms, went equally on the facility of the Treaty in the Grisons; for the Commonalty being called together in Coira, the Agents of the Austrians being dispersed or frighted, the Treaties of Lindo and of Milan were abolished, and the ancient Alliances with France and the Switzers restored to its first splendour. The Pope, endeavour­ing by all means to stop proceedings by Arms, had sent into France Bernardino Nari Knight, that together with Monsignor Spada, Nuntio in Ordinary, they might make in that Court effectual complaints for the Invasion of the Valteline, contrary to the respect due to his Colours, require the restitution of the Forts, and in conclusion, find­ing it not easie to be obtained, open the way to a Treaty. Upon bringing to remembrance things past, France failed not to justifie the War, and withal to countermine those advantages, which Spain, to captivate the Popes mind, offered to his Relations, proposed the Marriage of Madamoiselle de Rieux, who carried with her one of the richest Dowries in France, with one of his Nephews, together with all the force of that Crown; by means whereof, the Fief of Ʋrbino, by reason of the great age of that Duke, being ready to revolve to the Church, he might invest one of them with it, and maintain him in the possession. By reason of the youth of the said Nephews, the burden of the affairs lay at that time upon the Cardi­nal Magalotti, their very near Kinsman, to whom both Crowns di­rected their propositions and invitations, not without offers of great advantages also to himself. There was no doubt but that the Bar­berins inclined rather to those of Spain, and particularly to the Mar­riage with Stigliana, as believed more contributing to their For­tune, whilst for the State of Ʋrbin so many Bulls and Censures of Predecessors lay in the way, which prohibit to alienate Fiefs devol­ved to the Church, and which they apprehended, when Ʋrban went about to use force, would bring upon them the envy of many, and the implacable hatred of those that should succeed into the Romish See. The Pope made some Levies, letting it be divulged, that he would raise to the number of ten thousand men; four thousand under the name of Taddeo his Nephew, and the rest under the Command of Frederick, Duke Savelli, and one of the Princes of Palestrina, which was then of the House Colonna. He sent besides some Soul­diers [Page 224] to Ferrara, obliging thereby the Venetians to keep a small body in Polesene. By this means he was perswaded to prunk up the ma­nagement of the Treaty and his Mediation, for which he made choice of his own Nephew Francesco, Cardinal Barberino, declaring him Le­gat à Latere, though of unripe years, yet with the assistance of nota­ble and experienced Prelates. Neither was it sufficient to divert him, that the business was yet crude, and the Treaty undigested, and the having it prognosticated to him by many, that the success would be unequal to the Dignity of his Nephew and his own desires; be­cause the passion, the Cardinal had, prevailed to shew himself in the most conspicuous Courts of Europe, and imploy himself in affairs of so great importance.

To prepare the way for it, Ʋrban insinuates to the Confederates a suspension of Arms; but they refused it, by experience of the pre­judices in former delays, and by the prosperity they had in the War, there remaining no more to conquer but la Riva, a Post believed of no consideration, but became famous; because being unadvisedly lest for the last enterprise, it was the first that put a stop to going forward. The Adda, where it rises making a Meer, closes with some moorish grounds to the entrance into the Lago de Como, in such sort, that it separates from it another little one, and of very narrow circuit, which is called by the name of Chiavena. As the Valley ter­minates at the first, (and at the right side of the River, within the Jurisdiction of Milan, stands the Fort Fuentes in a situation some­thing elevated) so to this other, the County of Chiavena faces it self with a Plain, where runs the Mera. Over against it extends it self the Territory of Como, and Mountains with steep cliffs raise them­selves on all sides. To joyn the County to the Valley, the way of the Mountains being too steep, a Street is continued longst the Lake, cut out of the Rock, which is called Corbeio. This begun at the Riva, which taking name from the same use for which it serves, is no other but a cover upon the brink of the water, for the conveni­ence of Passengers, and safety of Merchandize which pass by that place. There is upon a height some marks rather than the form of a small Castle; and there are besides betwixt the Valteline and the Riva certain Villages, as Campo and Nova, and some other that lie higher, which would never have been taken notice of, if in this in­gagement betwixt so powerful Princes, in such a narrow corner, eve­ry Rock had not served for an attacque, and every span of ground for an occasion of War. Into this Post of Riva, kept by fifteen Soul­diers of the Popes and a Commander, the Governour of Milan, amu­sing them with shews, and in a manner forcing of them, were intro­duced the Spaniards, and into the adjacent Villages, to the number of four thousand, with two Companies of Horse, under the Com­mand of the Count Giovanni Serbellone; and enlarging it with many Intrenchments, kept it as a pledge of their hopes to recover what was lost. Nor indeed could any be fitter for their purpose; because keeping a Foot in the County of Chiavena, and being defended by force and the situation, it had ready assistance from behind them by [Page 225] the way of the Lake, commanded by a great number of armed Barks. The Confederates, though late, attempt ro drive the Enemy thence, and making the way of the Rock passable again, which the Spaniards had demolished, assault and possess the Town of Vico, ly­ing above that of Campo. But here was the dispute greater, there lodg­ing 800 Souldiers in it, who, making use of a certain Wall instead of an Intrenchment, had the Assaillants point blank exposed to their Musket-shot. Two thousand five hundred Foot, with some Horse, were appointed for the attacque, the Army standing in Arms with­in a little distance. After the first Salvo, with loss on both sides, the Confederate-Troops advanced in such sort, that the Albanois, nimbly getting over the Wall, obliged the Spaniards to abandon that defence, and also retire out of the place. But in their March towards Riva, meeting with a thousand Foot which came to their relief, taking courage again, they returned altogether, and that so opportunely, that re-entring unawares into the place, whilst those of the Confederates, either weary or dispersed, minded nothing less than the return of an Enemy, obliged them to quit it, and betake them­selves to flight, and could not be stopped by those Troops left more behind them. The Spaniards nevertheless, not to separate them­selves into so many parts in the night, quit it, and the Confederates without further contest possessed and fortified it. Captain Ruinelli, sent by night with four hundred Foot to take in Montagnuola, so situate as to command Riva, and greatly to infest it, found it prevented by great Guards of the Spaniards, and fortified with ma­ny Works. To cut off relief from Riva, without which it was judged difficult to straighten it and take it, the Confederates appli­ed themselves to several Expedients. Shipwrights were sent from Venice to build Barks upon the Lake it self, to dispute the possession of it with the Enemy. It was resolved also to place a Fort upon the Canal which separated the two Lakes; but le Coevre made scru­ple to execute it, finding the place to belong to Milan, within whose Confines he had no authority to make War. Harcourt also, who on the other side of the Mera had taken in Archetto, a Post upon the Lake, thought fit to leave it, because Riva, being re-inforced with three thousand Germans commanded by Papenheim, gave cause to apprehend for Chiavena, out of which Coevre had taken the two Regiments of Salice and Berna, to strengthen the Posts of the en­trance into the Valteline. Codera, a small place, but which facilita­ted Commerce with Chiavena and relief, the Confederates took with a Pettard. But the Spaniards, sufficiently strengthened, extended their Quarters and Trenches to Nova and Colico, threatning to enter again into the Valley, whiles the Army of the Confederates was weakned; and although three thousand Grisons more were levying, yet that Nation thinking of nothing but enjoying their present con­dition, they were long in raising, and as men that were new, could not serve for much. The Regiment of Normandy, consisting of six­teen hundred men, came now out of France, and the Republick sent two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse into the Valley. And [Page 226] now without question the power of the Crown of Spain appeared, in that, besides naval Forces and potent Armies elsewhere imployed, Feria had in the Milanese forty thousand Foot and four thousand Horse. The Dukes of Parma, Modena, and Ʋrbin, had sent their Regiments, and the Catholick Switzers of Helvetia, notwithstand­ing all endeavours of the Confederates against it, had consented a Levy of seven thousand of their Nation, and free passage to all those, who from beyond the Mountains should flock to the Service of the Milanois. Great numbers of Souldiers besides were levied in seve­ral places, and principally in the Provinces of Austria near to the Venetians, to touch them the more to the quick with jealousie. They nevertheless, though in great streights and perplexity, by reason the burden of the War of the Valteline was greatest upon them, and of the difficulty which they met with, France being elsewhere distracted, and the State environed with suspicions, threatnings, and Arms, would not recede from the Union with King Lewis, although, amidst these extremities and hostile appearances, allured by Spain by the sending of Christofero Benevento de Benavides, Ambassadour to Ve­nice, and of Ferdinand Duke of Mantua, who, moved unto by the Spaniards, came expresly to that City, they were invited with full advantages and offers, if they would adhere to the Austrian Party.

Fortune had now beyond dispute conducted the Emperour to such an height of reputation and glory, that what with fear, and what with Armies quartered in most of the Provinces of the Empire, he kept under, or in quiet, as well those that envied him as his Ene­mies. The King of Denmark only with the assistance of money, which England contributed to him, and a certain sum which France with greater caution gave him, shewed his resentment, taking upon him the Title of General of the Lower Saxony, which that Circle, to the Emperours great displeasure, conferred upon him. The King notwithstanding proceeded with some sort of respect, and first send­ing Ambassadours to Ferdinand, demanded the pardon and restitu­tion of Frederick. But the Emperour, making answer to the business with an Army, sent Tilly into those parts to bridle him, and to give countenance, as he passed, to the Election of a Catholick into the Bishoprick of Osnabrug, which also succeeded, notwithstanding that the disagreement of the Chapter had given great hopes to the Pro­testants to obtain it. That Army advances thence to the Weser to hinder passage, and prepossesses the Banks on that side, expecting till Albert of Wallestain, under whom Ferdinand had raised almost in a moment a new Army of twenty thousand men, should come and joyn with him. But he, as he passed by, having beaten the Duke of Luneburg, who at certain narrow passages had endeavoured to stop him, carried his Army with great success into the Bishopricks of Halberstat, Magdeburg, and Hall, heretofore possessed by the Protestants. In the heat of this, Tilly also, who had besieged Sighen­burg in vain, gave battel near Hanover to a great body of the Pro­testants, and obtained a signal Victory, there remaining dead of them [Page 227] upon the place the Duke of Saxony, the Count of Altemberg, and Obentraut, who served to the King of Denmark for General of the Horse. Ferdinand, elevated by so great prosperities, aspired to great things, and having caused his eldest Son Ferdinand Ernest to be proclaimed King in Hungary, reformed Religion in his Hereditary Countries without the least contest, being become formidable to all, and in particular dreadful by reason of vicinity to the Venetians, to whom, as an addition of apprehensions, was joyned the Peace, con­firmed by the Emperour by the means of the Bassa of Buda for ten years more with the Ottoman Port; which, although at the suggesti­on of Gabor, the chief Ministers made a shew at Constantinople that they would not approve it, because the old Treaty, concluded at a time when that Empire was involved in the Wars of Asia, contained things prejudicial and unbecoming; nevertheless being accustomed in the weightiest businesses, cheapning gain rather than glory, to raise difficulties, that they may be overcome by interest, they quick­ly ratified it.

At the same time, but with Fortune differing, John Baptista Mon­talbano, and a Priest being sent to Constantinople by the Vice-King of Naples, they proposed a Truce to be concluded betwixt the Spaniards and the Turks, obliging themselves to restrain the Piracies of the Cos­sacks in the Black Sea, promoted in great part, for the easing of the King of Poland, with the money of Spain, and to interpose them­selves for a Peace betwixt the Port and the Persians. But the Cai­mecan, who at that time had the direction of affairs, knowing how odious such a Proposition would be to the very Subjects of that Em­pire, rejected it, discharging those that had proposed it. The design by this Treaty, to make the Republick jealous, and raise a diffidence betwixt them and the Port, had not probably the last place in the Spaniards intentions. But the Turks, on the other side plunged into the War of Persia, thought it not fit for them to alienate it by un­seasonable suspicions. They therefore caused the Bassa of Buda to send a Sangiacco to Venice, who, under colour to communicate the Peace confirmed in Hungary, offered in token of Friendship twenty thousand men, which the Bassa of Buda with their Commanders at their charge would cause to be conducted to the Confines, where being entertained, should yield their due obedience to whom the Venetians should appoint. But even gifts themselves being from Bar­barians treacherous, the Republick receiving the offer as a Com­plement, did not accept it, making use only of some rules, by which the Turkish Ministers on the Confines might give way to the levy of some Albanese. They there and in other ultramarine Provinces made numerous Levies, but the greatest beyond the Mountains, by the facility which the passages of Rhetia and the possession of the Valteline yielded. Their Army amounted to more than twenty thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, all of stranger Nations, which for the most part, by supplying the Garrisons with the Coun­try Militia, might be drawn out into the field. Therefore wearied with jealousies, and preferring revenge before suspicion, they de­sired [Page 228] by some great enterprise to make advantage of this defence, and put an end to their vexations and the War.

Reviving then in France their instances and endeavours, they re­presented, that by making War in the Milanese, mischiefs might be prevented, much to the common quiet and glory of the Confede­rates, considering, That by one sole blow the Grisons would be establish­ed for ever, the Valteline secured, Italy delivered, the jealousies, ex­pences, molestations of so many years taken away. The honour of the King, the Decorum of the French Nation did not consist in oppressing the image of liberty, which was yet remaining amongst the Genouese, but in confirming it to Italy, by abating the Rival power, and doing himself reason on a State, upon which he hath a pretence, and which more than once, by the united Forces of the Republick, hath been possessed by his generous Ancestors. To what else will amount the undertaking of Ge­noua, but to superadd reproaches upon mischiefs? whilst the Spaniards secure in the Milanese, means will be left there to send Forces into the Valteline, by treading yet harder on the neck of the Genouese, to make the yoke more heavy to Italy, and to make their own advantage of their money, of their Souldiers and Fleets.

But nothing was of force to divert the French and Savoyards from what they had concerted, although dissembling it, they attempted to ingage the Venetians alone to break with Spain; for by promo­ting a diversion in the Milanese, they hoped that their Forces being imployed there, they would not remain so strong and so at liberty as to be forward to go to the assistance of the Genouese. Where­upon Carlo and the French Ministers in Turin feigning to adhere to the judgment of the Republick, dealt with it to invade the Mila­nese, faithfully promising, that upon advice of the breach, the Duke himself with his, and Desdiguieres with the Forces of the Crown, would give countenance and assistance. But diving into the subtil­ty of the artifice, the Senate, with an equal wariness deluding their intentions, offers to enter into the Milanese so soon as the Confede­rates should let him know, that their Armies were passed beyond the Borders. But whilst the Confederates amongst themselves contend­ed about opinions and cunning, the season for the motion of Armies drawing on, the Treaty of Susa could no longer be concealed, and at last Buglione in Turin communicates it to Priuli, with great hopes, that the Genouese being quickly subdued by Force and Intelligence, there would be a fit time to invade the Milanese with greater ad­vantages. The Senate refuses again to approve the design, and to the end to take no part in it, no not so much as in appearance or name, they order the said Priuli not to enter into the Genouese with the Duke, but to stay upon the Borders. In the midst of so diffi­cult affairs Francesco Contarini Duke, who with many and signal ver­tues had sustained the Principality, though but for a very short time, yields to the burden of his years and cares, and Giovanni Cor­naro, Procurator of St. Marco, succeeds him, arriving at the highest dignity of the Country without having made any suit for it, and considerable not so much for his riches and the splendour of his no­ble [Page 229] Family, as for his own goodness, under the guidance whereof with an unchangeable constancy, not intermitting the exercises of piety in his civil cares, he had led a life amidst vertues worthy of Heaven, and functions due to his Country. But in Piedmont, from the place of Arms, which was in Asti, the Army in the month of March moves: it consisted of thirty thousand men, the greatest part French got to­gether by the hopes of a rich and a most certain booty.

Desdiguieres in his decrepit age carried himself as became him with great vivacity of spirit under the shadow of his ancient Fame. The Duke pufft with vanity, appeared in the Army with a self-conceited confidence, rejoycing to see himself once upon the way to great and secure Conquests, and with the supposed increase of his States, now meditated to adorn his gray hair with Kingly Titles and Crowns. Where for a little space they passed through the Mi­lanese, Desdiguieres commands strictly no hurt in any kind to be done; but in Monferrat, St. Damiano, Nizza della Paglia, and Aqui, were forced to open their gates, leaving in the last a strong Garri­son for the guard of the Magazin of War which was fixed there.

The Duke of Mantua complained greatly, that the Army had not only taken their passage, but possessed that place, and feared the wonted imaginations of Carlo, and expected no less instances from the Governour of Milan, doubting lest his State should in con­clusion become the place of Ingagement, or at least serve for Quar­ters to the Armies of both the Crowns. But the French excusing the necessity of the passage, and promising, when the expedition was at an end, to restore all, marched forward.

The Genouese, not accustomed for a long time to the accidents and troubles of War, and losing courage upon so potent an attacque, made shew of a very weak resistance. The Country was open, the City had but weak Walls, and though about some places they rai­sed Trenches, they were nevertheless weak and ill guarded; their Souldiers for the most Peasants, who, used to idleness, were ignorant of discipline, impatient of labour, and fearful in dangers. They implored assistance from the Pope and from the Spanish Ministers; but the one applied nothing but incouragements and counsels, and the other interposed delays; because, fearing for the Milanese, they had a mind to observe the bent of the intentions and the march of the Army, and aimed to let them be streightned with greater ne­cessities, whilst not having elsewhere to expect relief, they would be obliged not only to pour forth their gold to make the Spaniards move, but to subject themselves to whatsoever hard condition that Crown should prescribe to them. Wherefore, dejected in spirit by the difficulty of Councils and the unhappiness of successes, they resolve, abandoning the Country, to undertake the defence of Genoua alone, and ordered, that the Artillery, Ammunition, and Garrisons should presently be withdrawn from Scavona and other places; but soon after, being admonished from a better light of wisdom, particularly from the counsels of Giovanni Girolamo Doria, who shewed, that there could not be a worse counsel than willingly to yield what they [Page 230] doubted they might lose by force, countermanding the first Orders, they generously apply to their own defence, by maintaining Scavo­na and there rest.

The French now made themselves to be felt, being gotten into the Streights of the Mountains by two ways on that side, where the Territory of Genoua is most enlarged towards Tortona. Novi ren­ders it self to Desdiguieres, the Syndick meeting him with the keys. The Duke having taken the Castle of Ovada with little resistance, and by the way routed five Companies of Neapolitans, which were sent from Tortona in relief of one of those Posts, advanced to Rossi­glione, which is one of those passages, and of the two ways (the other being at Gavi) which lead to Genoua and the Sea, and found it abandoned by 2000 Foot of the Country, which left in prey to the Enemy the provisions and money, which was to serve for their nourishment and pay. The Town of Campo yielded in like manner; whereupon the Duke, proud with the felicity of such suc­cesses, sollicited the French to hasten their march to draw near to Genoua, which as yet little better than unprovided, and greatly di­sturbed by these sinister accidents, seemed exposed to the prey, of­fering the benefit of the Intelligences and of so long a March; but the concerts, with some of the Citizens, were just at that very in­stant discovered by the Government, getting knowledge, that some had designed to open the Gates to the French, and the Duke rec­koning amongst them one of the House of Marini, a Kinsman to the Ambassadour at Turin. Whereupon the greatest hopes of the Con­federates being cut off, and nothing remaining but the force of Arms, they were perplexed in their designs and march; and on the other side the Genouese took courage, certain Gallies arriving at that time from Spain with a great deal of money, and from Sicily and Naples Souldiers to relieve them. The Governour of Milan also sends thi­ther under the Command of Lodovico Guasco four thousand Italian Foot, for which they had disburfed three hundred thousand Crowns, and obtained Thomaso Caracciolo to command the Arms of the Re­publick, governed till now by Chiefs not very vigorous.

Upon such re-inforcements there increased in the minds of the Ge­nouese cares also equal to their security, for fear, lest having repul­sed their Enemies, and they gone further off, they should at last re­main subject to their Auxiliaries. They therefore lodged the Spanish Souldiers, either in the places most exposed to be attacqued, or the outmost parts of the City, not without complaint of the Count of Castioneda, who resided in Genoua Ambassadour for the Catholick King, and reproached to the Council the unseasonableness of Jea­lousies in the midst of so many dangers: But new and unhappy events soon brought things to extremity. The Duke having taken Sassuolo, not far from Savona, directed his march to joyn Desdiguieres, when he found the strength of the Enemies Forces assembled in Ot­taggio, which consisted of five or six thousand Foot, commanded by considerable Chiefs, as Caracciolo, Guasco, Cataneo, Batteville, with some of the Nobless of Genoua, and many others joyned together in [Page 231] that great place, in design to keep Gavi from the attempts of the Confederates. But going forth in a good number to keep the Sa­voyards at a distance with Skirmishes, it so fell out, that they pursu­ing them, and the Duke arriving thereupon in person, they were defeated, and Caracciolo in the flight being taken Prisoner, the Con­querours mingling with them, became Masters of the Trenches and the place. The others retreated into the Castle; but unprovided of Ammunition and all manner of defence, abounding in nothing but number, were forced to render themselves, all the Chiefs, Co­lours, and Arms falling into the Dukes hands, with a very rich spoil.

Carlo going out upon the Mountains, and having from thence in his view the Prospect of the River, the deliciousness of the situation, and the Wealth of the City, stirred up in him that avarice which had provoked him to the undertaking. Although this blow had greatly troubled mens minds in Genoua, yet there was not the least wavering there; whereupon the Duke was forced to retire, and, in conjunction with the French, apply himself unwillingly to the taking in of Gavi. He had counselled Desdiguieres, that, letting that Rock lye, which being unmoveable could not disturb their progress, he would, during the warmth of the Victory, bring his Army directly to the Gates of Genoua. But the Constable not consenting, was firm in the opinion, not to leave a place behind him, which having in it no small Garrison, might in those streights of Mountains stop up the ways for Victuals. The Duke had no remedy but to give way, though that resolution highly increased that discontent, which was already secretly creeping upon him; observing that Desdiguieres intro­duced into the places taken Garrisons of the French Nation only; arguing clearly from thence, that arrogating to himself the direction of the War, he assumed, with the disposing of the Conquests, the Arbi­trement of the Peace also. Nevertheless he refused all Propositions and advantages, which, to disjoyn him from France, came under­hand, largely offered to him by the Spaniards, and refuses the sus­pension of Arms, which Cardinal Barberin Legate, touching at Ge­noua in his way to the Court of France, caused Monsignor Giovanni Baptista Panfilio to propose to him.

The Genouese doubtful concerning Gavi, whether it were not best to resist with the hazard of the Garrison in maintaining that Post, had referred the resolution to the Governour of Milan; because not being able to receive succours but from thence alone, it depended upon him to quit or keep it. He was not willing as yet openly to ingage himself with the Army, and therefore commands Captain Meazzi, who was Governour, that for preservation of the Garrison, consisting of about three thousand men, he should endeavour warily to withdraw himself by night. But Meazza being gone out, and finding the passages towards the Milanese beset by the Enemy, and in the confusion of the darkness not knowing whither to go, returns again into the place, and the day following renders it, contrary to the intentions, signified to his Masters to have held it out longer. [Page 232] The Castle suddenly run the same hazard, the Constable having, as was publickly given out, found a more easie way to batter it with gold, than bringing the Cannon before it would have been; for being situated upon a Rock, it was out of all battery and attaque. The expedition of the enterprise would have satisfied the Dukes impatient desires, if Desdiguieres had been willing to second them by going forward; but amidst these Rocks, seeming that he had his courage in a manner petrified, he laid his excuse upon the want of Victuals and the disbanding of his men. The Duke from earnest pressing of him passes into fury, and from fury into suspicions and accusations, laying to his charge, that he had been caught by Ge­nouese money; because the glory of so great a man being notoriously defiled with avarice, there was cause to doubt, that by interest no less than age his warlike spirits had been blunted.

The Genouese, to foment such an opinion, failed not, sometimes by publick dispatches to Desdiguieres, then by secret Propositions to the other Ministers, and sometimes also by advertisements, though false, to the Duke himself, to nourish distrusts and his disagreements with the French Ministers. Nevertheless they found themselves greatly perplexed within; for to move Feria in so fair an opportunity, nei­ther invitations, intreaties, nor the disbursement of pay prevailed any thing; whereupon they go on to protests, declaring, that if he abandoned them, they would submit themselves to the protection of France. Nor failed they, to the end to give credit to that opi­nion, to send certain Propositions to Desdiguieres, which it was be­lieved had a great power to retard and restrain him. But in Ge­noua the name of the Duke was so abhorred by all sorts of people, that every other calamity was thought less, than to fall under his Government. On the other side, mens minds not being accustomed to the War, many being distracted by their private affections and considerations, others afflicted from the desolation, which the Coun­try together with their goods and fortunes suffered, the advan­tages and offers of both the Crowns made them wavering; and whilst against France was objected the fresh hatred of so many evils, and the interest of many private persons closed with Spain; after long debates in the most secret of their counsels, the resolution not to subject themselves entirely to Spain was carried but by three Votes only. They admitted notwithstanding Spanish Souldiers into their places and into Genoua it self; and Feria at last leaving a good part of his Army towards the Valteline and the Venetian Confines, ad­vances with eight thousand Foot and three thousand Horse to Ales­sandria. From thence Gonsales Oliveira, with a Body of that Na­tion, marches forward to Nizza de la Paglia to cut off Victuals from all parts. And now, to say truth, the Confederates about Gavi were brought to streights, no succours coming from France, and the assi­stance hoped for from the Sea failing; for notwithstanding that Carlo endeavoured by most effectual offices to perswade the King of England to send his powerful Fleet into the Mediterranean, he could not ef­fect it, the King proposing to himself more plausible and profitable [Page 233] designs against Spain. That of France, though the motion of it was one of the conditions agreed on, yet could as little be disposed to it, whilst the Ships were kept in the West Sea to repulse the annoyan­ces of Soubize, and the Duke of Guise Admiral, was in Provence with a few Ships, unproportionable to what was needful, and uncapable to undertake any thing but a booty of one hundred and eighty thou­sand Rials, as it was wafted from Spain to Genoua. That caused more noise than profit; for in requital, all the effects of the French in Spain, and, in revenge, those of the Spaniards in France were seized.

The Genouese pretended to make themselves satisfaction by a ven­geance more conspicuous; three of their Gallies taking the Admiral-Ship of the Savoyards at the Islands of St. Honorat, possessing also by four or five thousand men, they sent thither, Oneglia, almost without dispute. Carlo ill bearing the insults of the Enemy, and the loss of his own hopes, though the Conquest of Genoua proved difficult, had a mind at least to attempt the possessing the West part of the Ri­ver, which in the division belonged to him. Separating then his own from the French Forces, he sends one part with Felix, his na­tural Son, to take in Savignone, a Fief of the Empire, distant but a few miles from Genoua; and the rest, which consisted in six thousand Foot and four hundred Horse, he commits to the Prince Victorio, who with one Cariere of good Fortune made himself Master of all that tract; for having after a short resistance forced la Pieve, where were made Prisoners Giovanni Girolamo Doria, with some Officers of note; Albenga, Porto, Mauritio, Ventimiglia, and Zuccarello yielded almost of their own accord; Oneglia was recovered, and almost all that remained of that River gained. The people there wanted ra­ther goods and blood than the Souldiers greediness and arrogance; cruelty and avarice, as it were to strives, exercising themselves, so that the Country not fruitful, nor large, but delicious and opulent, was in a short space set on broach and stript. This prosperity last­ed little; for the Genouese being re-inforced, and Feria drawing near, Desdiguieres was in a manner shut up in Gavi, with eight thou­sand men only, which disbanded also by Troops, not without the secret consent and some sort of licence from the Constable and Cre­qui, who in the want they were in of Victuals, published it better to withdraw them from the calamity of hunger, though the Duke upbraided them, that they did it to convert the pay to their own use. It was therefore necessary to call back the Prince, and resolve to retire into Piedmont, leaving in Gavi nineteen pieces of the Dukes Cannon, for want of draught to carry them away, whilst the Inha­bitants of Pocevera, a bold people, that dwell in a Valley near Ge­noua, entring into the Quarter where they were kept, making prey of a great many, by cutting their Ham-strings, made the rest un­serviceable.

The retreat out of the Country of Genoua was done with some appearance of military daring; for the Duke marching in the Van­guard, when he passed in view of the Spaniards, challenged them [Page 234] to a Battel, and when the Constable was come up, some Horse of Feria fell into the Reer, obliging the rest to make a stand. But af­ter a short Skirmish, with no unequal loss, the one retired to his Camp, and the others kept on their march. The Duke, though weakned in Forces, pressed by all means to invade the Milanese, to the end to ingage France in an open breach, but the Constable would not consent to it. Nevertheless, to feed his disturbed mind, and divert him from more desperate counsels, gives way that Chrequi with the Prince Vittorio should go to attempt Savona; but they scarce were arrived there, but the Governour of Milan, put upon it by the Genouese, and moved by their money, the Spanish Army ha­ving for a good while been maintained by the pay of that Republick, after a short contest made himself Master of Aqui, though well for­tified and provided; whereupon the Magazin failing to furnish pro­visions, and the door being shut against succours, the Confederates were obliged to return into Piedmont. By which means it became easie for the Genouese to regain in a few days all they had lost; for the Marquess of St. Croce arriving with five and twenty Gallies and five Gallions of the Squadrons of Spain, and four thousand Foot, with their pay, raised in the Kings Dominions, they sent them with the assistance of two Commissioners to recover the River. It seem­ed, that every thing strove which should yield first. The Savoyards in some places were forced with little ado; from some they retired, and the Inhabitants beat them out of others; few endured the sight of the Cannon, and scarce any a shot. Some men by a subterranean passage, and the favour of the people, were happily let into Novi. Gavi was by Batteville attempted with six thousand men, and reco­vered with the same Fate to which it yielded when lost; for the Governours of the Town and Castle, which were Father and Son, after having basely rendred the place, were accused in Provence of corruption, and the latter having his head cut off, the other, now dead, was with infamy taken out of the earth and burnt. The Ar­tillery left there by the Duke fell into the hands of the Genouese. Feria lay now incamped at Croce Bianca, threatning Asti, whither Desdiguieres, enfeebled with his age, and much more weakned in his Fame, Reputation, and Forces, being somewhat indisposed, together with Buglione, was retired. But Feria marches presently away, ma­king it be believed, that he designed some more sensible blow with­in the bowels of Piedmont; whilst Santacroce also, to whom were joyned the Squadrons of the Pope and Grand Duke, took Oneglia, Marro, and all that Tract, whence he passed into Piedmont it self, which flanked with it. Nor did Carlo now receive out of France re-inforcements necessary, whilst the Troops of that Crown in Italy did not exceed two thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse.

The French Ministers then were vehemently earnest with the Ve­netians, and the Duke used his effectual intreaties, that to divert the destruction of Piedmont, they would resolve to invade the Mi­lanese. But they ascribing the sinister events to worse counsels, would not make them good by exposing themselves alone to dan­gers [Page 235] and prejudice, and the rather because they saw succours far off. Desdiguieres ready to repass the Mountains, and the power and ho­nour of the Crown of France declined in Italy; nevertheless remain­ing constant in their friendship, they offered the greatest readiness in the Spring to second with their Arms the generous designs of the King in whatsoever the League obliged to.

Feria making choice of the enterprise on Verrua, which at first might have been exploited with a few Troops, ingages his most choice Army about it, to the great ease of the mind and sollicitude of the French and Carlo. And indeed the situation being so deep in Piedmont, the Spaniards supposing it an enterprise of a few days, hoped to be able from thence to torment the Duke in his bowels with their Winter quarters. 'Tis a little place on the right side of the Po, stands on a Hillock, with a weak Castle on the top of it, and a weaker Town on the descent, at that time little less than not regarded and unprovided. But Feria with Gonsales di Cordua, who, come out of Flanders, assisted in the government of the Army, what with preparatives and delays, which the motion of a great Army re­quires, gave time to Prince Thomas and to Chrequi, dis-engaged from the care of defending Asti, not only to follow him, and flank upon him, but to send the Marquess of St. Rairan with a thousand men to strengthen those three hundred which alone were in it before. It seemed to some, that the Spanish Chiefs were excellently well skill­ed in the Orders of the War, but did not well adjust them to the present business; for to march with an Army in a body, secure its Quarters, and intrench it self first before the attacque of a place, was conceived wise counsel against places of strength; but for Verrua it was judged exceeding the quality of the enterprise, and unseasona­ble by reason of the Winters approaching. War, to say truth, is like a mixture of contrary Elements, wisdom is very often con­founded with fortune, and, according as the occasion requires, cau­tion and boldness have each its time.

All gave the Duke means to provide for it better, and to be vigilant for its relief, which at first he in a manner resolved to neglect. He made his place of Arms in Crescentino, which stands opposite to it on the Po, and laying over a Bridge, fortifies himself upon the banks of the River. The Spaniards Force was by this means rendred vain; for succours, at the Dukes pleasure, entred into the place with flying Colours, the Guards were changed, Drums beating, Souldiers were relieved, the weak and hurt withdrawn; and if Feria battered it on the one side, Carlo on the other repaired it. There was notable ser­vice for many days at a Ravelline, which was at the bottom of the Town, defended from the upper part by certain Trenches and Cut­tings, which ascended in most parts above the steep of the Hill, the one giving countenance and defence to the other. There, for the conquest of so small a piece of earth, the blood of many was without consideration sported away in infinite Factions, it being contentiously attacqued, and defended with most manifest proofs of valour. Destroyed at last rather than gained, the Spaniards endea­voured [Page 236] by little and little to advance, creeping as it were upwards; but with slow and always disputed progress, whilst with a pace more swift, the season, sickness, and death bringing the Army to nothing, overcame the constancy of the Governour of Milan. The Duke insulted upon it with so much the greater boldness, as by his pressing instances, notwithstanding the Winter, the Marquess Vignoles with about four thousand Souldiers were coming out of France. Where­upon the besiegers themselves seemed in a manner besieged; for the waters and the mire encompassed their un-inhabited Quarters, in which there was great doubt to be over-powred by the boldness of the Enemy, and the Chiefs of the Army were just in consultation to yield the Punctilio to Fortune, when Carlo and Chrequi giving on up­on the same Quarters, and possessing certain Posts, obliged Feria to rise by night and to retreat à la sourdine. The difficulty of the ways hindred the Duke to pursue him, and the opposition of the French Chiefs diverted him from going into the Milanese. So that Feria, with the small reliques of his great Army, was able to get to Ponte­stura at the same time that Santacroce, having left Piedmont, was re­turning to imbark. These events, in which the two Crowns had gained rather the satisfaction to have protected their friends, than reaped the honour of noble enterprises, must not interrupt the re­lation of Actions in the Valteline, where the Army of the Confede­rates, being come to Riva, as to the boundary of their progress, had remained for some months idle, although by the succours, they had received, they consisted of eight thousand Foot and five hundred Horse in the field, besides Garrisons and a Body of men which was with Harcourt at Chiavena.

Nevertheless the other Party, though inferiour in number, be­cause Serbellione being gone, the Governour of Milan had recom­mended those Posts to Papenhaim alone with five thousand five hun­dred Foot and four hundred Horse, had the advantage of the strength of the situation, and the facility of relief; nor could that be hindred by four Barks, which being built in those parts, were armed with Souldiers of the Republick, because the Spaniards being superiour in number, and their Cannon from the Posts there­abouts beating upon them, did not give them leave so much as to put off from the shore. Besides the proceedings were much re­tarded by the emulation betwixt Coevre and Monsieur de Vobcour, Mareshal de Camp, grown to such a height, that he, envying the glo­ry and authority of the Marquess, contradicted always the counsels, or diverted the executions.

Thus remained the Confederates amidst the difficulty of the En­terprise and the tediousness of Consults, to the great discontent of the Venetians; many imputing also to the Marquess, as it was usual, that he was too much in love with the continuance of the command and the management of the War and Money: Resolving at last to attempt Nova, which having at first been abandoned by the Spani­ards, and neglected by the Confederates, was now with many Trenches joyned unto Riva; but the Chiefs of the French deferring [Page 237] the execution for a month, the Spaniards had time not only to be pre-advertised, but to repair the ruines of Codera, and plant Batteries in flank at San Fedele and at Francesca, keeping themselves in a rea­diness to withstand the attacque. Nevertheless it was attempted, Vobcour with the French in the march having the Vanguard, the stranger Militia of the Republick under Melander, and the Italians commanded by Count Niccolo Gualdo, followed. Vobcour at a little River makes a stand, to lay over a Bridge; but Papenhaim drawing many Squadrons into Arms on the other side disputes it with him, and the Skirmish grew so hot, that if night had not separated, both Armies would have been ingaged in a general fight. The Confe­derates finding the opposition strong, and the batteries annoying, under shot whereof the Troops being obliged to pass, with a loss greater than they on the other side received, retired, having two hundred hurt, and almost as many killed, amongst which Marc An­thonio Gualdo, Nephew to the Count Nicholas, was of greatest name. It was imputed to Vobcour, first to have made a halt unseasonably, and next to have ingaged in a fight without staying for the gross; and because from the delays and ill successes pretexts and accusati­ons were never wanting betwixt him and the Marquess, he was re­called to Court. In the hot months of Summer, both Armies, by the unwholesomness where they lay being infected with sickness, lan­guished, being daily weakned by death and run-aways; so that there was a secret cessation of Arms.

The Venetians notwithstanding not at all trusting in such a calm, brought into the Valteline fifteen hundred Foot, and two hundred Horse more, there being now few others besides their Troops there. Valaresso, fallen sick, they ordered Luigi Giorgio to succeed, and to Barbaro General at Land, Francesco Erizzo Cavalier and Procura­tor. Leopold from the side of Tirol threatned the Valley of Par­tentz; but levying at the common charge of the League two thou­sands of the Peasants of those parts to keep the passages, the danger presently vanished. Papenhaim, at last re-inforced with men, and not at all less by the slow proceedings of the Confederates, passed over the Mountain with three thousand Foot, and his Horse at the same time by way of the Lake disbarking in the mouth of the Val­ley, enters into the little Campagnia called the Back. Melander with Souldiers of the Republick, had the guard of it; but finding himself not strong enough, and having required and not received succours from Coevre, who uncertain whither the Enemies march would tend, would not separate his Forces, he retires in good or­der, first burning the Ammunition, leaving notwithstanding seven little Pieces and four empty Barks in the power of the Germans. Giorgio, to a Redoubt which guarded the high-way, and had been gallantly, at the first assault, defended by the Albanian Foot, would have sent succours, but Coevre thought it not fit that the Army should be ingaged for so small a matter; but rather retired to the Bridge of Ganda, abandoning the Country and several places upon the Mountain, together with the Towns of Trahona, Cepsono, San Gio­vanni, and others even to Morbegno.

[Page 238]The Germans entred into all; but the Venetians not well suffering the indignity of this success, and apprehending the danger of all the rest, sent into the Valteline with all speed the Duke of Candales, (Son of the Duke of Espernon, lately come into the Service of the Republick) with his Regiment of French, and an hundred Horse, at the arrival whereof Giorgio taking courage, and after many difficul­ties, drawing the Marquess to his opinion, they drew out into the Plain, and having sent Melander by the way of the Mountain, attac­qued the Posts. Papenhaim, not to let himself be taken in the mid­dle betwixt them, lightly skirmishing abandons them, retiring out of the Valley. The Rock of Corbeio did now divide the Confines and the Armies; and the Winter no less than the weakness of their For­ces put a stop to their proceedings, though the Regiment of Fec­quieres, as a seasonable relief, was arrived out of France.

During this season, improper for the management of Arms, the Confederates apply themselves to confirm what they had got, pla­cing two Forts, one in the Center of the Valley at Tirano, and ano­ther near to the entrance at Trahona; the first garrisoned by the French, and the second by the Venetians. Nor was there the least doubt of the continuance of the War the year following; because the Negotiation of Peace by the Cardinal Barberin in the Court of France was come to nothing, he, by reason of his Purple, his Mini­stry, and nearness to the Pope, having had an exquisite reception, but found the business as much intricate and difficult. His offices con­sisted in complaints for the Invasion, in demands for the consignment of the Forts, in scruples of restoring the Valley to the Grisons, in propositions to withdraw it from their Dominion, as the only means to secure Religion and the Consciences of the people.

But the Cardinal Richelieu, the Mareshal of Schomberg, and the Secretary of State Herbault, deputed by the King to confer with the Legate, insisted, That the Treaty of Madrid should be executed, add­ing, that Chiavena by the French, and la Riva by the Spaniards should by way of respect, be delivered to the Pope, to be presently demolished, and afterwards the other Forts successively, the demolishing of the one always preceding the delivery of another. That in this condition they should afterwards be restored to the Grisons, with a Covenant express, that the Catholick Worship alone should be there practised, the Magistrates and Inhabitants of a contrary belief excepted.

The Legate shewing himself not contented herewith, proposed at least a general suspension of Arms in Italy, but was rejected by the French, the Ambassadours of Venice and Savoy mainly opposing it; who believed, that the Confederates, intricated in the vain hopes of Peace, would imploy themselves more slackly to the provision for War; and so would be of no other use but to confirm the Spaniards In their predominancy, to enfeeble the French, and to consume the Italians betwixt Jealousies and Charges. The Legate then seeing his longer stay unprofitable to the Treaty, and prejudicial to good Manners, departs without expecting the issue of an Assembly of some chief persons which Richelieu called, because he foresaw that [Page 239] the aim of the Favourite being but to interest the most accredited of the Kingdom in his own judgment; their opinions, as it happened, would not be differing from his counsels.

The Kingdom enjoyed now within a certain appearing quiet, since Soubize being driven out of the Island, and his Ships dispersed, certain Articles were agreed with the Huguenots, which Rochel also at last received under the caution of the King of England, that they should be observed by France, and it looked as if the King were now to imploy himself more powerfully to the Affairs of the Valteline; to promote which, the Venetians had sent besides to that Court Si­meon Contarini Cavalier Procurator as Ambassadour Extraordinary.

But the Pope ill digesting, after the disparaging his Troops, the repulse also in the Treaty, declared, that in the Spring to come he would return into the Valley with six thousand Foot and five hun­dred Horse under the Command of Torquato Conti. To give ground and reputation to this undertaking, he sollicited Leopoldus, who by devotion of the holy year was then at Rome, to invade it on his side. He sends to Milan the Prior Aldobrandino, who concerted, that the Governour was to provide Victuals, furnish necessaries and Cannon, and supply also a number of Souldiers which should waste in the oc­casions of War, at the charge of the King, though under the Popes own Colours.

The Confederates, strucken with this so sudden resolution, shew­ed themselves greatly moved, that Ʋrban, renouncing to the inten­tions of a professed Neutrality, would make himself a Party in this War, in which, amidst so many considerations, the most holy one of Religion served henceforth but for a shadow. The Cardinal Maga­lotti therefore having communicated to their Ministers in Rome, that the noise of those Arms tended against the Grisons only, they let him know, That the interest of that people being indistinct from the com­mon concern of the League, as much as the Princes venerated the sacred name of the High Priest, so much they were resolved not to abandon the Cause of their Friends, and the universal good of Italy.

Surely whoever considered the appearance only and noise of this undertaking, divulged by the Pope, would easily be perswaded, that his mind being overcome with the hopes of the Marriage of Stiglia­na with his Nephew, and the private interests of the Family, he had given himself up in prey to the will of the Austrians, and would draw stronger arguments from his having destined the Cardinal Bar­berine immediately upon his return to Rome Legate into Spain, un­der the title to hold at the Sacred Font a Daughter born about that time to the King; but he ruminating in his mind upon more ab­sconded ends, governed himself by motives more secret: for having discovered the secret Negotiations, which passed betwixt the two Crowns, and knowing that the Peace betwixt them was near being concluded, to the deluding of the rest, he had a mind by this osten­tation of vigour and Arms to uphold to the World the reputation and opinion, which he thought prejudiced by the suffering of so great an affront. Nevertheless in affairs of a like nature, the cause [Page 238] [...] [Page 239] [...] [Page 240] being not to be dived into before the effects, every one believed, that by interessing the Name and Authority of the Pope, the War would be exasperated. Preparations were made on all sides, of Arms and of minds, and the French feigning to be equally pressed, demanded by Monsieur de Bassompiere a great Levy of Switzers, and that passage might be denied to those of the Austrians.

To find out some composure betwixt those of the Valteline and the Grisons, which might serve to maintain the defence with minds united, or facilitate the Peace, Coevre and Giorgio assembled their Deputies in Sondrio, but without fruit, the one not resolving to lose their Soveraignty and the profits, and the other fancying to them­selves, that pardon was more to be suspected than revenge. Seeds of greater calamities sprung now up in all parts; for as much as that in Germany also the Victories of Ferdinand served rather to exas­perate than terminate the War, whilst his prosperity rendred his power as much burdensom to his Neighbours as hazardous to the Empire. For this purpose a Meeting was held at the Hague, to which coming the Ministers of France, England, Denmark, Sweden, Gabor, and of other Princes of the North, they made the World believe, that they aimed not so much at the moderation of the great­ness of the Austrians as totally to suppress it. Nevertheless, accord­ing to the destiny attending such an Assembly, every one amidst the common interest driving his own peculiar designs, it was discovered, that the French did not intend to charge themselves with ought else, but to give the Hollanders the Subsidy stipulated, that they would refuse the Truce offered by the Spaniards with other large Con­ditions.

The Kings of Sweden and Denmark desired to make a War, and demanded great sums of money to maintain it; and the Transilva­nian, not regarding the Conditions lately made with the Emperour, offered to break anew, provided he might have a vigorous assi­stance. In such sort that every one demanding considerable assi­stances, and none being willing to give them to another, the Meet­ing separates like one of those great Engines which split when they are ready for motion; taking pretext, that some, especially the Transilvanian, had not sufficient powers: whereupon the Meeting was put off to the year following, to the end that by a better con­cert the League might then be finished.

No body had shewed himself more earnest in this business than the King of England, as both younger and more provoked; where­upon dispatching his Favourite Buckingham and the Earl of Holland for his Ambassadours to the Hague, impatient of longer delay, he concludes with the United Provinces a Treaty of offence and de­fence for fifteen years, by means whereof he pretended to restore the Palatine Frederick into his Patrimony, concerting a diversion by Sea on the Coast of Spain, and to send an Army by Land at a com­mon charge. But of this, for want of money, which could not be raised without the odious calling of a Parliament, the design va­nished; and of the other, Fortune frustrated the effect, although the [Page 255] Fleet consisted of more than ninety Ships, a Squadron of Holland be­ing therein comprehended, so well furnished with Souldiers, and all other necessaries, that if in the inconstancy of the waves, reason or force might have commanded any attempt whatsoever, seemed like­ly to succeed. But carrying Fredericks Colours for a shew, sailing longst the Coast of Spain, and casting Anchor in the Baye of Cadiz, in design to take that Port, and to pillage the rich Fleet, which was expected from America, they land at Puntal, to cut off succours from the Town, and shut up certain Gallies and Gallions in the Port; which would have easily succeeded, if they had not spent a great deal of time to no purpose in fortifying themselves. Spain, that was wont rather to provoke her Enemies afar off, than to see them before her face, and in her bosom, was in disorder, and the King would have gone in person to oppose them, if Olivares had not di­verted him, considering the remedy too late, and unbecoming the grandeur and gravity of that Nation. Ferdinand Giron, who com­manded in that Quarter, with a stupendious stoutness transported in a few Gallies from the Terra firma, and in sight of the Enemy, Am­munition and Souldiers, with which the Garrison was strengthened; they so molested the English with Sallies, that, judging the gaining of it would be long and difficult, they re-imbarked, applying them­selves to what they could light on at Sea. Many Barks were dis­patched from the Coast of Spain to meet the Fleet, to the end, that changing their course, and keeping aloof from the Cape of St. Vin­cent, where the English waited for them, they might put in at the Corogne. One of them falling seasonably into their hands, saved the rest; for taking it for granted, that the Fleet would make for this Port, they sailed thither, whilst in the mean time having had no ad­vice, it arrived happily at Cadiz. And now the English Weather-beaten, and sickness increasing, returned into their own Country, not without mutual dissatisfaction with the Hollander, the one im­puting to the other the ill success of the Expedition.

But greater were the jars and jealousies, which, after the Confe­rence in Holland, increased more and more betwixt England and France; for the one attributed to the other the loss of Breda, by de­nying passage to Mansfelt, and upbraided him with the ruine of the Palatine, and the other interests in Germany, whilst designing in his own Kingdom the destruction of the Huguenots, he desired the lessen­ing of the Protestants every where. Nor did France want com­plaints reciprocal, for the many reprisals happened at Sea, the retreat of Soubize to London, the assistances promised before the Peace to the Rochellois, and the caution given to that Peace, as though Eng­land intended to make a Party with its Subjects, besides the un­handsom intreatment of the Queen and her Family, contrary to the Conditions of Marriage.

The Austrians hoping for great advantages from such disagree­ments, the common friends to both interposed themselves to put a stop to them or remove them, and particularly the Venetians, who charged Marco Anthonio Corraro and Angelo Contarini Cavalieri, Am­bassadours [Page 252] Extraordinary,An. Dom. 1626 to congratulate, King Charles his Successi­on with express and most effectual offices for that purpose, which nevertheless had no effect, the minds of the Favourites being much more exasperated than the interest of the Crowns discordant.

ANNO M.DC.XXVI.

In the beginning of this year, Torquato Conti with the Popes Army, being entred into the Milanese, put mens minds greatly to a stand betwixt the report, which he published to invade the Valley joynt­ly with Papenhaim, and the slowness of his march, as if he desired retardments and expected accidents, which might divert him from doing of it. The Venetians with a body of their Army coasted up­on him longst the Borders, resolving, according to his motion, to advance into the Valteline and defend it. But before any underta­king and ingagement of Arms, arrives the news, that as to the Af­fairs of the Valteline, France, and Spain had betwixt themselves con­cluded a Peace; a report so surprizing, that it is not to be said, how much it universally struck mens minds; in regard, that though the name of Peace was very pleasing, yet the secret management of it, and the almost shame with which the makers of it themselves di­vulged the conclusion, and endeavoured to suppress the Articles, gave cause for due considerations. Nor was the business so secretly car­ried betwixt the two Kings, but that the Princes Confederate with France had a scent of it. But the appearances of War, the refuse gi­ven to the Popes mediation, and the firm assurances of the principal Ministers of that Crown had made them confident of the contrary. From the time the Cardinal Legate was at the Court of France, it was discovered, that the Marquess de Mirabel, Ambassadour of Spain, had insinuated, that it belonged to the greatness and authority of the Crowns to convert the mediation of others to their own arbitre­ment, and by agreeing betwixt themselves to impose the Law to others.

Olivares afterwards in Spain dealt with Fargis, the French Ambas­sadour, to the same purpose, with such instance, that to sound the bottom, Monsieur de Rambogliet, under pretext to congratulate the delivery of the Queen, was sent from Paris to Madrid. From dis­course they passed quickly to the Treaty, and from the Treaty to the conclusion. During the Negotiation frequent Courriers ran to and fro, and as it was no easie matter to discover the precise con­ditions, (the knowledge so much as of a Treaty being kept from every body but the two Favourites, and very few of their Confi­dents) so it was manifest, that some great matter was in Treaty, and the secrecy made it the more suspicious. The Ambassadours of the Republick and of the Prince of Piedmont, who were in the Court of France to sollicite the re-inforcement of their Armies, concealed not their Jealousies; because, besides the obligation, to which the League did bind, not to treat or conclude a part, expedience required that they should be Parties to the Treaty, who had a common inte­rest [Page 243] in the charge and hazard of the War. But some believing, though falsely, the loss of reputation and faith less than that of pri­vate interest, it was so far, that the chief Ministers had communica­ted the project or the conditions which were negotiated in Spain, that rather with constant asseverations and oaths they denied, that there was a Treaty. At last that secret being slippery, which though the tongue concealed the face declared, the Confederates found themselves to be deluded, and complained bitterly of it. Schom­berg in conclusion confessed the Treaty, affirming then, that some Propositions were come from Olivares, but so unworthy, that being scorned and rejected by France, they had not deserved communi­cation to the Princes their Friends: That the Ambassadour Fargis had since transgressed in signing certain Articles prejudicial and con­trary to the designs of the Confederates; but that the King was not only resolved to disavow them, but to recal Fargis, and severely to punish him.

All this aimed only to temper the taste of the Venetians and Sa­voyards, imbittered to extremity, to digest by little and little a busi­ness so displeasing; for the truth was, the Articles by direction and approbation of both the Crowns had been sealed in Barcellona, where the Catholick King was, though they appeared to have been under­written some days before in Monzone; and therefore the Cardinal Barberins landing just at that time in Barcellona was believed in some measure to cover the dis-respect which accrued to his own reputa­tion and the dignity of the Pope, by not giving way nor place to his Mediation. The Treaty, which was called of Monzone, contain­ed many Articles, in the beginning whereof the Worship alone of the Catholick Religion being established in the Valley and in the two Counties adjacent, it seemed that other Affairs were to be restored to the state in which they were found to be in the beginning of the year 1617. with abolition of all Treaties and every other thing which had been made, or had happened since that time. But this came to be destroyed rather than restrained by other conditi­ons; for taking away all substance of Soveraignty from the Grisons, free Election of Judges and Magistrates was yielded to those of the Valteline; the three Leagues were prohibited in a manner to op­pose themselves, nay were so straightly obliged to the confirmation, that they remained deprived also of this apparent right, if they should but prolong or deny it. In recompence a certain yearly Pen­sion was assigned, which the people of the Valley were to pay the Grisons, the sum to be limited by Deputies of both sides, and this and every other Prerogative should be forfeited, besides the resent­ment of both the Crowns by Arms, if the three Leagues should not content themselves with thus much, and should in any manner dis­quiet the Valley, or pretend to impose Garrisons there. The care over the exercise of Religion was committed to the Pope, who in case of innovation, advertising the two Kings of it, was to sollicite the remedy from them; the Forts in like manner were to be deli­vered into his hands, to demolish those which had been built from [Page 244] the year 1620. forwards. It was imposed upon the Grisons to lay down Arms, and the Crowns were presently to suspend their Auxi­liaries in the difference of Duke Carlo with the Genouese, offering themselves to interpose, that both Parties might perform it, and that cause be made an end of. They reserve to themselves at last the interpretation, in case of any difficulty in the present Treaty, which by other private Articles was yet made worse; for the Grisons and those of the Valteline not agreeing about the Pension, or the Duke of Savoy not according with the Genouese about the business of Zuc­carello, the Crowns assumed the decision to themselves: In sum, capi­tulating all rather like Arbitrators than as Princes of contrary Par­ties and different Interests.

Many believed, that the two Kings and their chief Ministers be­ing with so much secrecy thus agreed, had their aim to divide the care, or rather the Dominion of the World, prescribing Laws to in­feriours, and promising themselves reciprocal assistances to oppress their Envyers and Enemies, subdue the Protestants and Hereticks, divide England, and share Europe betwixt them. But others consi­dered, that the interests of France and Spain being incompatible, what between the emulation and the power, no other effect in this Conjuncture could happen but that which is seen in bodies, which, possessed by two spirits, are strangely tossed up and down; and from thence did foretel, that the present friendship would quickly break out into greater contests and a more sharp War. In effect, the Treaty was penned in terms very differing from those which lodged in the heart of their Authors, such a Union so extemporary taking its measures at that time only from occasion and interest. The two Ministers had no other aim but to deceive each other.

Richelieu sacrificed all considerations whatsoever to appease a fu­rious storm, which, with danger to involve the Kingdom in a Civil War, was rising against his Authority. He had besides a great de­sire to subdue Rochel, and humble the Huguenots, and no less passion drove him to vent his revenge against England and Buckingham. On the other side Olivares thought, that by amusing France, either in Intestine discord, or Foreign hopes, and the designs of great profit, he should without opposition arrive at the height of all advantages in Italy, Germany, and Flanders, thinking by great attempts to legi­timate that Title of Great, which in the beginning of his Power he had caused the King to assume. Nevertheless, upon the first divul­ging of a Peace so unexpected, men could not so soon penetrate into the designs of it; but in the confusion of the causes and discourses all stood amazed, and many afraid. The Venetians shewed themselves greatly affected with it, and stood at gaze with so much the more wonder, because that the very self same day, but a little before the news came, Monsieur d' Aligre, the French Ambassadour, had been in the Senate to give them assurance, that without the knowledge and consent of its Confederates the Crown would not so much as heark­en to Propositions, much less conclude the Treaty. Many doubts hereupon were tossed to and fro in mens minds; but that which [Page 245] clearly appeared, was the omission, not only of the consent of the Confederates, but of their interest and security, which was not percei­ved so much as mentioned; the Grisons, besides all this, remained pre­judged, and indeed oppressed, contrary to that protection, which with so much reason the League had undertaken of them, and those of the Valteline saw themselves by the liberty they had gotten, necessarily bound up to Spain, which, bating the name, would certainly enjoy the disposition of the Valley and the passages.

The Duke of Savoy raged not a little, whilst besides the publick Interests trodden under foot, he complained, that his own proper Concerns were exposed, if not abandoned. In this grievous resent­ment, recalling his Son from Paris, upon his old disgusts he heaps up new complaints, bewailing himself, that the friendship and assi­stance of the French had served for nothing but to traverse his de­signs and greatness, calling to his remembrance, how before Asti, when he had Inoiosa and his Army at an advantage, and in a manner consumed, the Ministers of that Crown by protests and threatnings had extorted his consent to a Peace, and added over and above of a fresh date, that by Desdiguieres and Crequi he had several times been forbidden rather than perswaded not to invade the Milanese, at a time when upon Feria's retreat he had hopes with great ease to have made great progress. Amidst dissatisfaction therefore and dis­dain he meditated on resentment and revenge.

But at Venice the Senate ballanced with great deliberation the conjunctures and the times, and some hesitating to approve the Peace, Girolamo Trevisano, one of the gravest Senators, spake to this pur­pose: It hath seldom happened, that in friendships with the more pow­erful, the happiness of success is answerable to the hopes in the beginning. In the Treaties which unite us to France, we cannot deny but that the thought of increasing the strength of our Arms and the necessity to add security to our affairs did induce us to it. It is now certain, that in the present Treaties the Ministers of that Crown have neglected the inte­rest of the Republick, sailed in their faith and truth, forgotten their friends, violated their own honour, and that which is common to all, the League. But it is true also, that to us remains the glory to have opposed our selves against Princes the most powerful, to have by force and coun­sels maintained our Neighbours, performed the parts of punctuality and of friendship, nay ex abundanti born almost alone the burden of the War. Let the blame then of the Treaties fall upon them that have nego­tiated and concluded them. Certainly the friendships with the French are fatal to the Republick, and great good and great evils have our An­cestors experienced from them. But she hath always, in whatsoever For­tune, held her constancy for her Dowry, and having truth for her guide, hath been delivered with safety and applause even from shipwrack it self. And now setting aside anger and fear, it concerns us to consider what is our part to do and to debate, whether the negligence of the French in their own advantages should be preferred before the institu­tion of this Senate, the fatality of the times present, the importance of our own and the universal Interest. The French Ministers in the Treaty [Page 246] of Monzone have omitted the naming their Confederates; but shall we then reject the Treaty it self, and, if that do not include us, why shall we exclude our selves also from the affection of one of the greatest Kings, and while we are afraid to be exposed to the Arms of Spain, renounce wholly to the protection of the friendship of the French? Fortune is now become the portion of the Austrians; Reputation and Power are their Ministers; Prosperity and Victory fight under their Ensigns. Most powerful Countries and Armies as strong encompass us on all sides, and though jealousies may for a time be stifled, they will never be reconciled. Whither shall we run in our dangers? To whom shall we trust our sus­picions? The Pope pretends to be offended; it is at least true, that he is displeased with us. Amongst the Princes of Italy, Carlo excepted, (who runs the common risque with us, but for the most part hath thoughts and designs apart) to whom can we trust our selves, or our security, or the publick liberty? The friendship then of the French Crown is necessa­ry for us, though perhaps dangerous. It behoves us therefore to dissem­ble much; for all our safety is placed in an Equilibrium, which their power alone is able to give to Spain. Nor let the report disturb us, which gives out, as if these two potent Crowns had united themselves to the op­pression of all else. Heaven hath prescribed limits to Empires, as also to the Elements, and if the divers and contrary qualities of these by con­tending for mastery one over the other, preserves the order and duration of the World, it is not to be feared, that interests as discrepant being radically ingrafted in France and Spain, they can ever conspire to de­stroy the Constitution of Europe. The hearts of Politicians have Ca­verns and secret retiring places, into which there is no penetrating but by the wary guide of their ends and advantages: that errs not nor de­ceives; and from thence I could easily ingage to you, that the present Peace is a false shadow, which seems formed from a light yet more false, from some concern of a great Minister, which disorders the publick ones of that Kingdom and the universal ones of the World. But it will sure­ly vanish, while the cooperating of France for the advantages and great­ness of Spain is a force against Nature, which will languish and quickly fall, when that short violence that moves it shall be at an end. We see the Kingdom already in a confusion, the Court divided, the favour tot­tering; but this tempest will soon vanish, it being the custom of the French Climate not long to suffer turbulent weather, or be pleased with fair. To us who are accustomed by prudence and constancy to weary out adversity it self, it belongs to remain stedfast; with dexterity to oppose the present; to divert dangers; wait for better Conjunctures; and above all, not to assure our selves of our new Enemies, nor despair of our ancient friendships.

By such conceptions, those reasons being rooted up out of mens minds, which before had been imbued with the contrary, the Peace was approved by the Venetians, both by necessity and prudence. At the same time nevertheless, they perswaded the Duke Carlo to re­main firm in the Maxims of the common Interest, and they always fortified themselves with greater Forces, till that, amidst the confusi­ons and obscurity of objects, the bent of Affairs might be better dis­cerned. [Page 253] The French understood the reasonable sense of their Con­federates, and withal feared to lose by this example the imagination and hopes of new friendships. They dispatched therefore in extra­ordinary Ambassage to Venice Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, and to Turin Monsieur de Buglion, to the end, that excusing things past by the ne­cessity of domestick interests, they should give assurance, that Italy should not be abandoned to the will of the Spaniards; should pro­mise assistance in case of invasion or attacque to both the Confede­rates, and to heal the present wounds, should propose to the Repub­lick to procure for them of the Grisons the liberty of the passages, and entertain the Duke with the hopes of Kingly Titles and other vain advantages.

But the Venetians listned with little credit to such projects; for France having with the conclusion of the Articles lost the Authority and Keys, which he formerly had in Rhetia, it was no more in his power to shut or open the Passes to his friends. And therefore France had nothing else to alledge in excuse, but the domestick di­sturbances which threatned to subvert that Kingdom. The Nation nevertheless in general were inraged at the indignity of the Treaty, and those that designed the ruine of Richelieu, failed not to publish the reproofs, accusing him, that betraying friends, he had sold the glory and advantages of the Crown to Strangers, and that with the worse consequences; because it yielding to the Spaniards in the largeness of Territories and the sagacity of Negotiation, there was no way to even the scales but by friendships. But now, said they, who will any more relye upon France, if the observance of Treaties shall not depend upon the integrity of the Princes, or the eternal Maxims of the State, but upon the venal arbitrage and fickle interests of some Fa­vourite Minister? Was it not enough then, to have offended the King of England, ruined Mansfelt, cast off the Protestants of the Empire, lost Breda, and with it in a manner Holland, if Italy were not abandoned, the Valteline and Rhetia oppressed, and the best and ancient Friends of France were not discontented? Is it to be thought, that the friendship of Spain is to be preferred before a base and unworthy Peace, a friend­ship always full of jealousie and trouble, and now so much the more to be lamented, as it by the Treaty makes such breaches into reputation and interest, as by no length of time can be repaired by Arms? Let the Car­dinal then rejoyce in his secret Negotiations, so long as there shall re­main no more famous Monuments of his Authority and Name, than to have razed the two strongest Pillars of the Kingdom, Faith and Friendship.

But the Cardinal, deaf to reproaches and the gainsayings of all, maintained the Treaty, and sollicited the execution of it. It is ne­cessary to know what were the more internal motives of the King­dom to so important an emergency, and what were the successes that followed. France, to say truth, was at the point of being in a combustion; for division was no more restrained to Religion and its Partisans, but had invaded the Court it self, the Cardinal having the chiefest part in it. There is no Nation that more hates and suf­fers [Page 250] Favourites than the French. In civil dissensions they serve some for a pretext, and others for a shelter. War and Peace de­pend upon their will; the Factions are either destroyed or promo­ted. Kings make use of them sometimes for a shadow, and often­times also for a help. The Cardinal Richelieu above all others hath taught the rule to govern himself in such manner, that making his own and the Royal Interest one, and incorporating the Favour with the Authority of the Soveraign, the one, though there was a diffe­rence, could not be distinguished from the other, nor could that be offended but the other was wounded.

The sterility which seemed to be in the Marriage of King Lewis, helped forward this boisterous storm, and there was thereby con­founded together, as is usual in the Court of France, jealousies, inte­rests, passions, and loves also. It was expedient therefore to marry Gaston, then Duke of Anjou, and afterwards of Orleans, the only Bro­ther of the King, and by his Marriage the hopes of the Succession and the fortune of the Kingdom being espoused, the minds and eyes of the Court and Nation were turned towards him. He, as young in years, and inconstant by nature, suffered his affections to be go­verned by the Mareshal d'Ornano, who Governour of his Childhood, and now Director of his Youth, by complying with him in the luxu­rious desires of that lascivious Age, had so much power with him, that sometimes setting him against the Favourites, sometimes ma­king merchandize of his inclinations to his own advantage, with va­rious Fortune passing through a Prison, rose afterwards to be Mare­shal of France, with considerable power and no less riches. Amongst the Propositions of Marriage, the most secret counsel excluded that with strangers, that the Duke might not provoke unnecessarily mens minds to bold attempts, and unseasonable hopes to get and possess the Crown by the trust and reliance upon Foreign Forces.

The Queen-mother promoted that alone with the Heir of the House of Monpensier, which, to the splendour of the Blood Royal, added a considerable portion of Goods, Jurisdictions, and also of Soveraignty with the Principality of Dombes. The Faction of the Guises abbetted her in it; because the Mother of this young Princess, by a second Marriage, was passed into that Family, and the Cardinal de Richelieu concurred in it, thinking to retribute to the Queen the gratitude of that favour, which he acknowledged from her Autho­rity and Protection. Others desired to give him the Daughter of Conde; and Ornano, who was said beyond measure enamoured on the beauty of the Princess, her Mother, promoted it, and moved the will and inclinations of the Duke to it. But the Web was woven with yet greater Intrigues; for many with the discord of the Royal Family desired to introduce an alteration in Affairs, for as much as the favour of the King, and the authority of the Government falling upon Richelieu alone, others were unsatisfied at it, and aspired to their own advantages by jostling out the chief Minister, and chang­ing the Government.

Conde, made wary by past experiences, taking himself off from his [Page 249] pretensions in favour of his Daughter, which in the concurrence of so many interests he saw served but for a state or pretext, the male-contents betook themselves to Engines more powerful, making, to oppose the Queen-mother, the Queen Regent through impressions of jealousie believe, that the Marriage with Monpensier succeeding to be fruitful, she should be neglected, and in case of Widowhood, be necessitated with shame and scorn to subject her self to one of her own Vassals. They let it fall to her, that breaking the Treaty of Marriage with Monpensier, she should promote that with her own Sister the Infanta of Spain, to conjoyn France to that Crown with a double obligation, and establish for her self in all events stronger defence and more pleasing supports.

To introduce such thoughts into the Queens mind, the abhorren­cy which she had of the Cardinal Richelieu prevailed much, which was fomented by the Dutchess of Chevereufe, her Confident, who with many artifices had the power of her will, and besides augment­ed her party; for the Grand Prior of Vendosm being her Gallant, was by her perswaded to owne it, and to bring the Duke his Bro­ther into it; Brothers both, though base born, of King Lewis. With such supports they went on to greater designs, deliberating to offer to the Huguenots Gaston for their Head, suborning Governours of Pro­vinces and places, not without whispering, that Gaston himself, after having killed the Cardinal with his own hand, and retiring himself from Court with the applause of a great party, should not only have constrained the King to pardon him, but disposed, as he thought fit, of the Marriage, of the Government, and of the Crown. Nothing passed without Richelieu's knowledge; for Monsieur de Chalais, Ma­ster of the Wardrobe to the King, a great Confident of Chevereuses, discovering of her the secrets of the business, reported them to the King with so terrible a prospect, as if, the Conspiracy being against his own Person, the design was to shut him up in a Convent, exalt his Brother to the Throne, and make him marry the Queen; so that Lewis, suspicious by nature, and distrustful to extremity, might have been perswaded to believe things yet more absurd. Nature had afforded to few the Magick, I may call it, of the tongue so power­ful as to Richelieu; for, with a quick and nervous eloquence, in­riched with ready replies, and strengthened oftentimes at his plea­sure with tears, oaths, and passions moving affections, he overcame mens minds, and governed above all the will of King Lewis, who full of fear, referred himself to his wisdom and conduct, to the end, that he might conjure down so many false appearances. The begin­ning was made by the imprisonment of Ornano done at Fontainbleau, whither the Court was removed expresly to avoid those uproars and confusions, which are but too easily raised at Paris. The King there talking to him of the Marriage of his Brother with Monpensier, and he shewing himself not inclined to it, he was presently after arrested by the Guards, to the astonishment of all the rest of his party, & that so much the more as it was quickly followed by his death, ascribed by some to the indispositions of his old age, and by others attributed [Page 250] to poyson. The Cardinal ordered it so, that at the time of the ar­rest he was far off, to the end it might be believed, though he di­rected every thing, that the King had done it upon his own will; nay he desired leave to retire himself, and withdraw his life from the hatred and snares of so potent enemies; but the King and his Mother were so far from consenting to it, that, though he with ex­press instances covetously desired the contrary, they permitted him to arm himself against those, that envied him, with Guards; which ser­ving at first for a defence, became quickly an apprehension and jea­lousie to the power it self of the Soveraign. By the imprisonment and death of Ornano, the design of the Factionaries seemed in a good measure broken, but was not totally destroyed, those of most power being far off; they of Vendosm particularly, who having the Go­vernment of Britany, by their great dependencies gave great jealou­sies. The Court set forward that way, but moved slowly, to give time for the Cardinals Arts, who deluding the Grand Prior with his own very desires and designs, and giving him hopes of the Admiral­ship of the Sea, which he with great longing pretended, perswades him to come to Blois, where the King was, and to bring his Brother with him; but were no sooner arrived, but they saw themselves made Prisoners. The Court then with so much the more haste goes to Nantes, preventing the uproar of the Province. Others up­on this would not at all trust themselves.

The Count of Soissons, who aspired to the Marriage of Monpensier, and, to obtain it, was entred into the party of the male-contents, left the Kingdom, and made a Voyage into Italy. Chevereuse, commanded to remain at a house in the Country, making an escape, gets into Lor­rain, and with a spirit, (above the custom of the Sex) greedy of no­velties, passes afterwards to other Courts, carrying every where in her mind the fire of War against France, and that of the loves of great Princes in her rare beauty. Chalais alone remained unwarily taken in the net, which he had laid for others; for either trusting in the good turn he had done, more than mindful of the offence committed, thinking his service not well recompensed, conceived too vast hopes; or that, repenting to have said too much, he would discover no more, was by sentence of Judges, as guilty of the Con­spiracy it self, beheaded in Nantes. Where at last the Marriage with Monpensier was performed; for the Kings Brother, having no body near him that might suggest the contrary, married her, and imme­diately intangled in loves and the first pleasures of Marriage, was careless of the ruine of all his Confidents.

These were then the confusions of Court, amidst which the Trea­ty of Monzone being concluded, if they took not wholly away the blame, they at least served to make some sort of excuse; but the Duke of Savoy not admitting of any, despising the flatteries of Bouillon, was so greatly offended, that swearing an implacable hatred and the most open resentments against the Cardinal, by the means of Alexander the Abbot of Scaglia, his most sharp-sighted Minister, he closes with the male-contents of the Kingdom, offers them all in­couragement [Page 251] and forces, and particularly to Gaston assistance and re­treat, if, as he effectuall perswaded him, he would revenge himself of the Cardinal.

But at Court the seeds of discord being extinguished, he turns his practices to the Huguenots and to England, sending Scaglia to London, to the end that promoting a fierce War against France, he might ei­ther gain upon that Kingdom those Conquests, which he complained he had been elsewhere traversed in by those Ministers, or at least molest and punish him that had dared to abandon and set at naught a Prince in friendship with him. The rupture indeed betwixt France and England advanced apace, the disagreements betwixt the King and Queen in London continuing, notwithstanding that the Mare­shal of Bassompiere, gone thither Ambassadour Extraordinary, setled certain Articles concerning the Queens Family, which in matters of Religion served for a pretext to distasts; but not reconciling the interests and passions of the two Favourites, Richelieu disavowed him, and Buckingham as studiously crossed him. At the instigation of the Duke of Savoy, who by his own anger sharpned that of others, the Domesticks of the Queen were sent back to Paris.

There followed hereupon many reciprocal reprisals at Sea, and King Charles, taking the Huguenots and Rochel into his protection, complained of the inobservancy of Treaties, and of the inconveni­ence, the Fort Lewis was to that Town. Upon these pretexts, Buck­ingham taking the quality of Ambassadour, had a mind to pass into France to procure redress; but the true motive of his Journey be­ing ascribed to loves contracted in that Court, Richelieu perswades the King to refuse him entrance into the Kingdom. The rage here­upon of the other was inflamed to extremity, and swearing that since he was forbidden to enter in a peaceable manner into France, he would make his passage with an Army, he applies himself to an open breach. The Kings intentions being carried by Monsieur Mon­taigue to the Huguenots and the Duke of Savoy, it was resolved be­twixt them, that the King, as Protector of the last Peace with the Huguenots, should, to repair the pretended infractions, send thirty thousand men against France, divided into three Armies; whereof the first was to take in the Islands next to Xaintonge to strengthen Rochel; the second, to land in the Garonne near Bourdeaux; and the third, keeping Normandy and Britany in apprehension, distract the Forces, and, shutting up the entrances into the Rivers, hinder the Commerce.

The Duke of Savoy was at the same time to invade Provence and Dauphiné, promising also to send five hundred Horse to Rohan, who offered to raise the greatest part of Languedoc with the Huguenots, and with four thousand Foot and a good number of Horse to joyn with the English in Guyenne. And to the end the Kingdom might be invaded on all parts, Carlo Duke of Lorrain, moved thereto by Chevereuse and Scaglia, who went to attend him for that purpose, was to enter into it from his side with powerful Forces. The Vene­tians and the States of Holland were also invited by the English and [Page 252] by Savoy, the one by the interests of Religion, and the other in re­venge of the Treaty of Monzone, and for fear of the Union betwixt France and Spain; but both these Republicks, apprehending more than from the Treaty of Monzone, the evils from the discord betwixt England and France, who coming to a War left every where a field open to the advantages and arbitrement of the Austrians, endevour­ed by an effectual mediation to reconcile them.

In this interim the Treaty was executing in the Valteline, though the Grisons, greatly stirred with prejudice, appealed, sending an ex­press Embassy into France. Nor was it to any purpose, that Mon­sieur de Chasteauneuf, to appease them came from Venice to Coira, and from thence into Helvetia: for the three Leagues, and amongst the Switzers the Protestant Cantons would never give their consent. Nevertheless, not regarding their complaints, it was agreed to ren­der the Forts, and withdraw the Armies.

The Venetians, by reason of the nearness, were troubled that the Forts should be demolished, and the Pope refusing to charge himself with such a trouble and expence, Fargis at the Court of Spain had consented to new prejudices, capitulating that they should by the Pope be delivered to those of the Valteline or the Spaniards them­selves to demolish them. But that being disapproved by France and the Republick; it was at last agreed in Rome, between Monsieur Bethune and the Count d'Ognate, Ambassadors of the Crowns, That those old Forts, out of which the Ensigns of the Church had gone forth, should be restored to Torquato Conti, who should enter into them with three thousand men; that he afterwards should go out of them when the Spanish Mini­sters should deliver him a Writing, that they were satisfied of the former deposition: That at the same time the Confederates should with­draw their Forces out of the new Forts, and they to be all at a time de­molished by the Peasants so soon as Pope Urbans Colours should enter into the first. Some retardments deferred the delivery until the be­ginning of the year to come; for Coevre had a mind before he re­tired, that the Pension of those of the Valteline to the Grisons should be adjusted. But Gonsales de Cordua (who, upon the removal of Feria, as little inclined to execute the Peace, commanded in the Milanese) denying that he had power concerning this, it was in France adjudged by the King with the consent of the Ambassadour of Spain at twenty five thousand Crowns a year. Carlo also, pressed by Bouillon, had made a suspension of Arms with the Genouese, ra­ther to revenge himself of France, than out of complacency to it; for being entred into the design to invade with great hopes that Kingdom, he did not unwillingly dis-engage himself on that side. In this manner was Italy set at quiet, but knew it self big with new storms and more fierce tempests. The Venetians accommodating themselves to the time, and reforming their Militia, kept a strong body of the most veteran and tryed ones. In this year amongst the domestick Affairs, Frederico Cornaro, Bishop of Bergamo, being pro­moted to the Cardinalat, in that order in which amongst the other Crowns the Popes are wont to honour the Republick, there arose [Page 253] a doubt, whether, he being Son of the Doge the Law had place, which forbid them to receive Ecclesiastical Benefices; and it was declared by the Senate, that a dignity of that quality was not comprehended under the common name of Benefices. On the contrary, to Carlo Quirini, Bishop elect of Sebenico, was denied the possession, because the Council of Ten, having received knowledge, that he had gotten it by means not lawful for Citizens of the Republick, and by the fa­vour of the Ministers of other Princes, banished him with the se­verest penalties, and the Church was given by the Pope to another.

During the Truce, howsoever short, caused by the Arms and evils of Italy, a new War arises in Germany, or rather the old was increased, by the practices of Christian the Fourth, King of Denmark, contrived with the Protestants. That Kingdom is not great in Territory, nor puissant in Forces, but considerable for its situation by Land and by Sea, and by reason of the support, which through its nearness it gave to the Princes of the Lower Saxony, who, as hath been said, had cho­sen him for General of the Circle, and he, together with the charge, assuming high thoughts, hoped to manage the War to his own advan­tage, by the forces and money of others; believing, that not only the Princes of the Empire, but Strangers also, emulous of the Austri­ans, would assist him, some from the motive of Religion, others from interest of State. He aims therefore to extend his Borders, and that principally by putting his Sons into the Bishopricks, which lying betwixt the Elb and Weser, had for some time been possessed by the Protestants. The designs being not yet ripe, nor the suc­cours ready, which the King hoped for from France, England, and Holland, Tilli, not to give him time to strengthen himself, comes so close up to him, that, not to give way, he was forced unseasonably to break. A Truce nevertheless for three months having, at the in­stances of the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, been concluded before, certain Propositions of Peace were debated; but not agree­ing about the point of Religion, and what should be the limits, which the Peace of the Empire, called Pax religiosa, prescribed, the Negotiation was broken off. The Armies then coming to move, the King calling to him Halverstat and Mansfelt, together with the Princes of the Lower Saxony, who chose rather to lose themselves amidst hopes and attempts, than abandon themselves to despair and fear, the Army was found to consist of sixty thousand men. Ʋlrich Frederick, Duke of Brunswick, refusing to joyn with the others, as partial to the Emperour, was by the King deposed, and putting Hal­verstadt into his place, planted in that Country, very convenient for it by reason of its situation, the seat of the War. But the Army, which united, seemed capable to overcome all obstacles and to march into the Empire, being divided into several parts was quickly ruin­ed every where. The King sends Halverstadt into the Catholick Bishopricks of Osnabrug, Heildesheim, and Minden, which were able to furnish victuals and money in abundance, and Mansfelt towards the Elb, to drive Wallestain out of the Country of Magdeburg, who possessed it with his Quarters, and afterwards to advance forwards [Page 254] into Silesia to incourage the male-contents and Gabor, who of­fered once more to break the Peace in Hungary. Himself takes his Quarters near the Weser to amuse Tilli, more feared than all the rest. But Halverstadt, against whom Bavaria had sent the Count of Anhalt with the Army of the Catholick League, was quickly recal­led to joyn the King, and oppose Tilli with more powerful Forces; but he falling sick, ends his days, being scarce thirty years old, lea­ving that fruit of Glory not yet ripe, which by disturbing the Em­pire he had proposed to himself, and also a great document, how un­certain and short life proves for remote and too vast designs. Mans­felt finding that Walestain held at Desseau a Bridge over the Elb with some Fortifications, attempting it, played upon them for some days with his Cannon; but being maintained and defended by Aldringer with the succours the Count de Slich brought him, Wallestain had time to come with the gross, and taking away the Enemies sight with a blind of linen-cloth, passes a part of his Army, and charges with so good success the Troops of the Count, that the Horse taking flight, left the Foot for the most part cut to pieces, with the loss of six Cannons and forty Colours. But Mansfelt, more ready in re­cruiting Troops, than fortunate in preserving them, appeared again quickly with fifteen thousand men, the Administrator of Mag­deburg having given him some re-inforcement, and more covertly the Elector of Brandenburg, who having married one of his Sisters to Gabor, gave great jealousie to the Imperialists. Joyning at last with John Earnest, Duke of Weimar, his numbers being increased by many that were banished out of Bohemia and Moravia, by unusual ways and a very nimble march he enters into Silesia, giving such heart to the male-contents for Religion, that the Peasants of the Upper Au­stria, though far off, rising in great numbers besieged Lintz, and great commotions appeared in the other Hereditary Provinces.

Ferdinand was in great perplexity at these risings in Arms, be­sides the jealousies he had of Gabor and also of the Turks. Wallestain sending presently▪ into Silesia three thousand Horse under Colonel Beckman, stays himself some days to secure himself of Magdeburg and of the Elector of Brandenburg, who being frighted, did not only give Contributions and Quarters, but acknowledged Bavaria for Elector, as Saxony at the perswasion of the Archbishop of Mentz had done before him. Tilli his Victory a while after ruined at a blow and subdued all the Protestants. He had with great good-luck, though with shedding of blood, taken in Minden and Gottinghen, and afterwards besieged Northeim, places near the Weser, to rid those parts of the Danes, and ingage them to an encounter. The King, to relieve the place, comes near to it, and obliges the Imperialists to rise; but losing the advantage to fight them in the retreat, and at a time, when Tilli being sick was far off, it happened, that he not only had time to recover his health, but with various and uncertain marches deluded the King, and wearied him out. At last, in the Dut­chy of Brunswick the Armies met at Luther, a Village amidst certain Mountains, which by its name gave forebodings of hopes to the [Page 255] Protestants, but by the event proved unhappy to them.

Tilli offered them battel, and the King with great resolution refu­sed it not. That at last came to pass, which is seldom observed, that Fortune changed during the fight, and that Victory crowned them, who in the beginning seemed abandoned, as overcome. At the first Charge, it is not to be said, what the force and fierceness of the Protestants was. The Guards, which consisted of four Re­giments, being at one side made to run, they possessed the Cannon, and by that example almost all the rest of the Catholicks gave way. But, as the more veteran Souldiers are not wont to take fright at the first stroke, but in confusion and the greatest disorder to put themselves again in order, many turning their faces of their own ac­cord, others rallied by their Officers, were brought back to the fight, and some meeting in their flight with impassable Bogs, taking courage from necessity, repulsed in such sort the Enemy, somewhat disordered in the pursuit, that they took from them all their advan­tage. The dispute was very fierce, fighting with an unwonted ob­stinacy for several hours, man to man, their Swords in their hands, with such noise from their Arms and cryes, that the Sky roared for a good way round about. At last the Cavalry of the right Wing of the Protestants fell foul upon their own Foot, with such disorder, as gave the Victory to the Imperialists, to the great slaughter of the conquered. The King changed Horses thrice, and as often re-con­ducted his Troops to the Charge, kept them from running away, animated the faint-hearted, was in every place where either danger terrified, or hopes gave courage, acting with his voice and endea­vours, directive to his own, visible to his Enemies, and of example to all. Nor did Tilli not perform the part of a great Captain, with so much the more applause, as to have got the day, after he was lit­tle less than overcome; so that Chance, which in Battels usurps so great a share, could not in this, by the Victory, upbraid the one with its favours, or by the loss blemish the praise of the other. At the price of such a days work, not only the remainder of the con­quered, who straitned in Luther, rendred at discretion; but Northeim and all the Countries of Luneburg and Brunswick with many other Cities and places yielded; consequences, prosperous to Ferdinand, spreading themselves into every part of the Empire. Nor could it fall out at a time more unseasonable for the King of Denmark; for that England and France, ready to break betwixt themselves, denied him the assistance he hoped for. The States of Holland only, who apprehended Tilli his old design of getting into Frizland by the way of Embden, sent him some succours of men, being able to do it with so much the greater convenience, as that in this year, besides the taking of Oldensel, which was of no great moment, they had stood either attentive on the Affairs of the Empire, or only imployed themselves to hinder the cutting off a Chanel, which the Spaniards attempted in vain to unite, the Maze with the Rhine.

The King himself within a while took new vigour from six thou­sand Foot and a thousand Horse, sent him by the Administrator of [Page 256] Hall, and from Recruits of his own Subjects; whereupon marching out of the Country of Holstein, whither he was retired for refuge, he was able to take Hoye, though himself hurt there with a Musket-shot, and his Son by a double stroke much more dangerously. Ta­king his Quarters afterwards in the Bishoprick of Bremen, Tilli also divided his throughout the Lower Saxony, for a bridle and punish­ment of those refractory Provinces. But the defeat at Luther had given its counter-blow in every other part. To reduce the Upper Austria, whose stirring carried great danger with it, Ferdinand had invited Bavaria to signalize himself by the recovery of that Province once more to God and the Austrians. But he, wont above all men in all Negotiations to joyn together two things so contrary as are Religion and Interest, offers to do it at his own charge, provided ne­vertheless for his re-imbursement, that the Country as a fresh pledge might remain in his hand.

Ferdinand doubtful, if another Country should be offered him, of recovering this, and recompensing him, was contented that he should only lend him some Souldiers, with which joyning some Horse un­der the Command of Papenhaim, the Peasants were forced to re­move from Lintz, and having their Quarters afterwards beaten up at Entz, were at last wholly subdued with much blood and a migh­ty slaughter. In Silesia, Mansfelt had lost the opportunity of going forward by a Truce interposed by Gabor, that he might joyn with him; so that the Imperialists had him shut in betwixt two Rivers: but when they thought to keep him so inclosed, he gets loose from them by stealth, and advances into the Mountains of Hungary, where at last Gabors Brother joyns him with three thousand Horse, and a little after a great Body of Turks, with which he might have had the bet­ter of the Enemy, by reason of the number of his Forces and the inclination of the people, if the fame of the Victory of Luther had not been to Wallestain in place of a great supply: For Gabor applying himself to new projects of Peace, separates from Mansfelt, and by his example the Turks retire; so that the Count, environed in the Mountains by the Imperialists, without victuals, without money, and with Troops almost disbanded and consumed, leaving order to the small reliques of his Army, that they should endeavour to joyn with the Transilvanian, slips away almost alone, and by a desperate counsel getting into the Turkish Dominions, proposes new Unions and Treaties to the Ottoman Ministers, and takes his way towards Dalmatia, so to get to Venice, and from thence pass to those Princes which had formerly assisted him. But being come to Ʋracoviz, an obscure place in Bosnia, near to the Confines of the Venetians, wea­ried with cares and wants he dies, ordering his Corps to be buried in the Territories belonging to the Republick.

And so Ernest, Count of Mansfelt, having sought for a glorious death amongst so many famous occasions, was ignobly surprized by it there where he least expected, to the end it might be said, that Fortune had defrauded him both in his birth and death. A man otherwise that without envy may be called Famous, and be [Page 257] celebrated without blame for great,An. Dom. 1627 in an Age wherein some are chosen from Heaven for Ministers of Divine Justice and publick Ca­lamities. He had the courage to provoke alone, and by his own private Authority and Conduct, the formidable power of the Austrians. He was alone overcome in Battel, but by his felicity of getting up again no less renowned than the Conquerours. Superiour in Negotiati­ons to the greatest Wits. Bold in encountring dangers, and highly subtil in winding himself out of them; a Lover of disorders and novelties; enduring hunger, watchings, and excess; eloquent, wise, and vigilant; prodigal of his own, covetous of anothers; lived a­midst great hopes and designs, and dyed without Lordships and without Treasure.

The Marquess of Dourlach thought by his example to be able to attempt Alsatia, having raised some Troops in Basil, by encourage­ment of the Protestant Switzers, and some little money with which France and England secretly furnished him, but not with an equal success; for the greatness of the Austrians, so firmly rooted with so many Victories, being no more to be moved with little shocks, the Marquess no sooner began to put himself in order, but an Army of Ferdinands arriving in those parts ruined the design, intimidated the Switzers, and obliged those of Basil to discharge him. He therefore passes into Denmark, but had first sent to Venice the Colonel Nicco­las Boet, to communicate his intentions to the Republick, and desired assistance, at a time that the King of Denmark also, by Joachim Cratz, and the effectual interposition of the Ambassadours of England and Holland, demanded money for the maintaining of five or six Regi­ments. The Senate having fully deduced the obligation, which the Republick had to the common Cause, by what had been done in the course of many years in Italy, shewed their sense in the importunity without engaging themselves further.

ANNO M.DC.XXVII.

Ferdinand now feared by many, and respected by all, kept under the Empire with an armed hand, keeping his Armies dispersed in the Countries of the Electors and Princes, that, where any held up his head, they were ready to suppress and chastise them. Nor seemed the design longer concealed to reduce Christian Religion and the Authority of the Austrians to an Union in Germany. The discourse now was to make the Empire successive, Walestain in particular not dissembling his thoughts so to moderate the power of the Electors, that like Grandees of Spain, according to his own expression, they might serve for ornament, but not to give jealousie. He and Tilli disposed with an absolute Authority of all Undertakings, Garri­sons, Quarters, and Contributions, but with a hand so severe and heavy, that oppressing the Countries of the Protestants, and not much respecting those of the Catholicks, they drained them every where, by an unheard of licence of the Souldiery, of their money and blood. The people groaned and the Princes stormed no less, [Page 258] having been accustomed to determine with a certain sort of liberty the most important affairs in their Diet, and not to have Contribu­tions imposed on them but by common consent and an equal distribu­tion. In this sad and servile prospect of things scarce any was found that durst shew his dislike.

Only the King of Denmark, though overcome, did his best to resist, and, to represent the necessities to others, and by the quality of the person to give weight to the business, sends Christian William of Brandenburg, administrator of Magdemburg and of Halverstadt, to several Courts imploring assistance. In France the designs and Arms of the Crown being turned another way, he obtained nothing. In Holland he had better fortune, those Provinces being in a manner without War, in regard the Spaniards continued to apply themselves only to the Affairs of the Empire, out of a firm belief, that the Pro­testants there once subdued, the Hollanders would not be afterwards but an Appendix to the Victory. And for this cause also Spinola, finding himself without imployment, was gone to Madrid, his Re­putation and Glory after the taking of Breda seeming among the Spaniards to be turned into jealousie and envy. The Hollanders then sending to the King of Denmark a body of men, with them were garrisoned some places on the Weser; offering two thousand more to keep the Sound, which is the Streight defended by two Ci­tadels, where betwixt the Island of Zeland and the Province of Schonen Ships pass into the Baltick Sea. The King taking all things in good part, only refused this, out of a doubt, lest the Hollanders once entred into that place so commodious and important, would afterward not easily be got out of it.

Christian went also to Venice, and found the Senate scarce out of the troubles of the Valteline, involved anew in suspicions, and atten­tive upon the dangers, which by the succession of Mantua seemed imminent; so that he obtained nothing but the discharge of the old Count of la Tour from the Service of the Republick, who went thence to the Service of Denmark. Bethlehem Gabor was also tem­pted by the Prince himself; but he, after Mansfelts departure and the disbanding of his Troops upon it, having made a new Treaty of Peace with Ferdinand could not break it, though he wanted not will for it, because he had not the help and the consent of the Turks, who terrified with the prosperity of Ferdinand, and intricated with disadvantage in the War of Persia, thought it best to preserve the Peace, and, to confirm it, to send an Ambassadour to Vienna. And now the King of Denmark taking the Duke of Mechelburg into his protection, and putting himself anew into the field with ten thou­sand Horse and twenty four thousand Foot, besieged Blechede upon the Elb. But Tilli, who had for his fore-runner the fame of so many happy successes, scorning an Encounter with the Marquess of Dour­lach, who endeavoured to amuse him, arriving for its relief at the time that the place being taken, the Castle, more from the valour of the Commander than the force of the Garrison, yet held out, ob­liges him to retire in so much confusion and disorder, that he left [Page 259] behind him his Cannon and much of his military Provisions. The King thinking himself not secure in Butzenberg whither he retired, because the Croats by beating Parties and intercepting Victuals mo­lested him, retires with his weakned Army deeper into the Dutchy of Mechelburg. From thence he sollicites the Anseatick Towns (so called from a certain Company anciently erected for Trade) and in particular the chiefest, which are Hambourg and Lubeck, to joyn themselves to the common Interest, whilst the Arms of the Austrians facing them by Sea, and guarding it with armed Ships, they lost their Liberty and Commerce. But the evil being so far advanced, with fear of worse, hindred the remedy of the present danger; where­upon the Cities not only denied the King assistance, but being inti­midated and admonished by the Imperial Generals to furnish their Armies with Victuals, and give them passage, to grant them Ships, and discharge out of Hambourg the Ministers of England and Holland, they obeyed in all save in the contributing of Ships.

Tilli takes in Lawemburg, which gives name to a Dutchy, and Wal­lestain coming out of Silesia, after having recovered with little op­position all that which Mansfelt formerly held there, entred into the Territories of Brandenburg with Forces so powerful, that he obliges anew the Elector to receive the Law, to contribute Victuals and Money, to recall his Subjects from the Kings Service, and to admit Imperial Garrisons in Francford on the Oder and other places, nay in Berlin, the City of his Residence. The same yoke did the Lower Saxony receive from Tilli, his Garrisons being brought into Wolfem­butie and other places of the greatest strength. There remained no more but to pursue the King, who leaving Dourlach in Mechelburg, was retired into his own Kingdom.

Wallestain, who from henceforward shall be called the Duke of Fridlandt, (for Ferdinand acknowledged his notable services with the recompence of that Title) coming into Mechelburg, puts the Mar­quess to retreat, and expulsing those most ancient Dukes possesses it, exacting from Wismar and Rostoch, Cities Imperial, vast sums for the maintainance of the Army. The States of Denmark despairing now to resist so much prosperity and so full a tide of the Catholick Arms, pressed the King to conclude a Peace, though upon hard terms, and he by means of the Duke of Holstein demanded it, but the two Generals imposed upon him conditions so grievous, as dif­ferred not at all from servitude. They pretended, that laying down the Title of General of the Lower Saxony he should disband his Ar­my, restore all he had taken in the Empire, should leave the Bisho­pricks into which he had thrust his Sons, should deliver up Gluch­stadt upon the Elb, should pay the charges and losses, renounce all Treaties against the Empire or the House of Austria, make no Inno­vations in the Sundt, and in sum, give caution for the observance of all things agreed. The King not assenting to such conditions, saw Holstein invaded by two puissant Armies. Where that Peninsula is narrowest, Tilli enters with one on the left side, and Wallestein with the other on the right. To the first Benneburg, and to the latter [Page 260] Steimberg were rendred without much difficulty, the King not de­fending himself but by retiring deeper into the Country, and burning the Country he abandoned, the Peasants over and above cutting the Dikes, and leaving themselves in prey to the waters to save their houses and goods from their Enemies.

But Tilli, to oppose the Hollanders which had sent considerable Forces into the Territory of Bremen, yielded the enterprise upon Denmark to Wallestein, who quickly taking the places of greatest im­portance, made himself Master before the end of Winter, not only of Holstein, but of the Countries of Sleswich, Jutland, and Ditmars, notwithstanding the strength of the situations and the inconvenience of the Ice and Climate. Dourlach withdrawn into a little Island near to the Continent, was by the Count de Slich, who had first defeated certain Companies, and gained eighteen pieces of Ordnance, so closely besieged, that having no Barks to save his Troops, was him­self hardly able to get away alone in a small Boat, leaving the Soul­diers to shift for themselves, who took Service under the Imperial Colours. The King having a Navy of sixty Ships, guarded the Islands, and scoured the Coasts, and although eight of them fell into the hands of the Imperialists, he was nevertheless Master at Sea.

The Austrians by entring with a naval Army into the Baltick, projected a great design to pierce into the bowels of the Kingdom of Denmark, and at the same time to bridle Swede, subject the free Cities, and to seize upon the Trade and Commerce of the North, to the exclusion of all else, and in particular the Hollanders, who besides great riches draw from thence Corn to feed their people, and Wood for the Fabrick of their great Ships. All those that were concerned were much alarmed, and the Anseatick Towns were more especially disturbed at it, who taking courage from the extremity of the danger, did not only deny Ferdinand their own Ships, but di­verted the providing them elsewhere. The Spaniards notwith­standing talked of sending a Squadron of their Ships to joyn with some gotten of the City of Dantzich with the will and consent of the King of Poland, who enamoured with such a pleasing thought, in hope that the King of Swede would be obliged to retire for the de­fence of his own Country, breaks the Treaty of Peace, which he had almost concluded with him. But the Ships of Dantzick not being sufficient for the necessity, and those of Spain not appearing, the de­sign was rather published than performed.

In this interim another Stratagem no whit less was put in practice by force of Arms; Ferdinand promoting, under the pretext of Reli­ligion, the Grandeur of his House and Sons. Setling upon his Eldest the Hereditary Crowns and the Succession of the Patrimonial Lands, he provided Leopold William the Second with Ecclesiastical Benefices of a large Dominion; for the Archduke Leopold of Ins­bruck being married with Claudia de Medici, Widow of Ferdinand, Duke of Ʋrbin, had resigned to his Nephew, though very young, the Bishopricks of Strasburg and of Possa, with other rich Benefices of the Church, and now having overcome the reluctancy of the [Page 261] Chanoines by frights or promises, the Emperour had got him chosen Bishop of Halverstat, a Principality rich in Revenue, and important for its situation, in the Centre of many Towns of the Protestants, and which enjoyed by them, and particularly by the House of Sa­xony for a long time, had for Coadjutor at that time one of the Sons of the King of Denmark. The Abby also of Hirschsfelt, which is a Principality of the Empire, usurped long ago by the Landgraves of Hessen, was conferred upon him by the Pope, and he was to recover it with Arms. The same was thought on for Magdeburg and Bre­men, by which was formed for largeness, dignity, and riches a vast State in the heart of Germany, which extended the Power and Au­thority of the Austrians, and which at last passing from hand to hand, would be perpetuated in their House.

The Princes of the Empire were sufficiently jealous of it, and in particular the Elector of Bavaria, who by secret Envoyes sollicited the Kings of France and England to reflect upon the oppression of the liberty of Germany. Nevertheless he could not separate himself from Ferdinand, because the Interest of the Palatinate did closely unite him, of which, by the reconciliation with Frederick, the Au­strians might, upon all occasions, be able to deprive him. And just at this time was held an Assembly in Colmar, wherein, by the inter­posing of the Dukes of Lorrain and Wirtemberg, some terms of ad­justment were debated, Frederick being contented not to have the Country and Vote restored but to his Sons after the death of Maxi­milian; but not assenting that the Catholick Religion, introduced by Bavaria, should be continued there, the Negotiation was broken off. That which made more noise, though it came to nothing, was a Conference of the Electors, who, moved at the universal oppressi­on of the Empire, by the excess of Contributions, the licentiousness of the Souldiery, and the arbitrary Power of the Generals, met at Milhausen in Thuringia, some in Person, and some by their Deputies, to confer of the means to preserve Peace, and to remedy the present evils. The Count of Stralendorff assisted there for the Emperour, whither the King of Denmark and Frederick being willing to send their Ministers, they were not admitted. In the diversity of Inte­rests, which some had, and the fear, that all were in, of the Forces of Ferdinand, several things were projected; but no one concluded. Saxony, who could not consent to deprive himself of so great riches, opposed those that would have the Church-lands restored. And he that desired to bridle the Authority of Ferdinand, was disswaded by the apprehension of his powerful Armies; whereupon he percei­ving the thoughts of some, and particularly of Bavaria, to restrain by a Decree of the Diet that absolute Power which he assumed in the Affairs of the Empire, sending numerous Troops into Swevia and Francony, curbs the Catholick League and the Elector himself in such sort, that there was not any that had the boldness to express or maintain his own sense. Thus the Power of the Emperour runs on uncontrouled, all things succeeding to him with such prosperity, that Fortune seemed espoused to his desires. But she playing the [Page 262] Adulteress, at last made her self quickly to be known, then chiefly to lye in wait to deceive when she is most kind; for in the bosom of so great felicity, from the jealousies and suspicions of others was begotten the worm which corrupted it with unhappy and calami­tous accidents.

At the above-mentioned Diet of the Electors was there for the Crown of France, Monsieur de Marscheville, who visiting many Prin­ces of Germany, and penetrating into the secretest of their troubled minds and disgusts, had exhorted some to patience till better times, stirring up others to oppose themselves against the vast designs of the Austrians, by Treaties, if not by Arms; and beginning a Nego­tiation with the Elector of Trier, to bring him under the protection of France, had in many sowed seeds of various hopes and thoughts; for Richelieu foreseeing to what height the power of the Austrians would mount, if no resistance were opposed, endeavoured to dispose things so, that being at liberty from domestick affairs, he might ap­ply himself in time to foreign interests. For that present, the Con­cert greatly diverted him, wherein appeared so many Princes inga­ged against that Crown, and he had discovered it by the Imprison­ment of Monsieur Montaigu as he was going into Lorrain; from whence the Managements and Treaties were not only made known to him, but he discovered the promises which the Austrians had made to the Duke of Lorrain, to assist them with the Forces of the Empire, together with the design which the Duke of Savoy had to surprize Tholoun, and the Intelligences which Rohan held in Mompel­lier. Many of these designs with wit and prevention became fru­strate; but the English Fleet which alarmed all the maritime Pro­vinces, could not be resisted but with an equal strength. The Fleet it self, though considerable for number and quality, yet arrived not at the Puissance designed in the first agreement, being not strong enough to be divided into three parts, nor with proportionable Forces assault France with a triple Invasion. For this cause the Dukes of Lorrain and Savoy kept their motion in suspence, to see what issue the first landing would produce.

The French had disposed their defence longst the Sea-coast with a powerful Army under the Command of the Duke of Angoulesme; but whilst they guarded Xaintonge and the adjacent Country from disbarkings, the Islands remained exposed. These are very near to Rochel, and by consequence considerable for situation; he that hath them being able to command the Sea, and to disturb the opposite Pro­vinces. Buckingham that commanded the English Fleet, boasting to make his way armed, and by force; where he had been denied a peaceable entry, chose them opportunely for his aims, encouraged by Soubize, who accompanied him, and hoped by his credit and artifice to make Rochel and all the body of the Huguenots declare in his favour. But the Cardinal had lost no time to send some of his Confidents into the Town, and to gain some of the chief, who some­times with popular discourses among the Vulgar, and at others in their Assemblies interposing difficulties in their Councils, either op­posed [Page 263] themselves to their debates, retarded their resolutions, or cor­rupted the execution of them: for in all Quarters of the Huguenots he had many that depended on him, who preferring peace and profit before the dangers accompanying their belief, by contradicting di­verted the common Councils, or eluded their effect by the divulging of them.

Thus was Rochel wavering for a time; and Buckingham in that in­terim, not to be idle, lands upon the Isle of Ré. Some imputed to him an errour in the choice of his design, for that the Isle of Oleron was less provided; but he chose that which was most important, there being a Citadel there, which as not finished, it was believed could not resist, and that taken, gave him means to secure himself in that Post, and maintain himself there. And therefore perhaps he deserved greater blame for not executing that with vigour which he had resolved not without reason. At one side of the Island lay by the Sea-side the Citadel of St. Martin, of a narrow circuit, with four Bastions not yet perfected, without any Out-works, ill provi­ded within with Victuals, and with a small Garrison, the vertue only of Monsieur de Thoiras, no less prudent than valiant, supplying all other defects. At the point, which looked towards the Land, lay the little Fort of La Prée, which served for no other use but as a door to let succours into the Island.

Buckingham lands there under the favour of the Cannon of the Fleet, which obliged Thoiras to give way to it. But neglecting the Fort, which he might have taken almost without dispute, nor hast­ning to the attacque of the Citadel, he imployed many days to for­tifie himself on the shore, though no man was there to disturb him. He was at last aware that every moment was lost which advanced not towards the place; for when he came near to St. Martin's, he found the Garrison had raised a Half-moon, the Mills intrenched, and the Fountain, which lay without the Fort, covered with several defences. He neglected besides to take care of the Haven, believing it was sufficient, to hinder relief, to have ordered the Ships to lye about it. He afterwards raised three Batteries against it, but weak and far off, gave some assaults, but without effect; whereupon re­solves to gain that by hunger, which by force he could not do. The Garrison, to say truth, was in want, and Thoiras by frequent messa­ges, sent by Water, gave Angoulesme knowledge of his necessities, but in the mean time deluded the English General with feigned Treaties; for sending frequently offers of Surrender, and still cau­sing difficulties to arise in the conditions, obtained by means of those messages knowledge of the State of the Enemy, and together with the hopes of an accord, slackned the force and heat of the Siege. Barks were frequently sent by the French with some refreshment, some whereof got safe in, and others fell into the hands of the English.

But the general succours was much retarded, because King Lewis come out of Paris to be present in so urgent a necessity, falling dan­gerously sick at Villeroy, obliged not only the Cardinal to stay there, [Page 264] but by the distraction of so unexpected an accident to retard the Provisions. The King being at last recovered, and with the Cardi­nal come into Xaintonge, resolves to make a great attempt, commit­ting the care of the first step to Monsieur de Canaples, who with small Boats passed happily to the Fort of la Prée, and running forth certain Trenches to cover a greater number of men, made way for the Mareshal of Schomberg to arrive with eight thousand Souldiers.

Buckingham, seeing that from the Citadel and from the Fort he might be assaulted from two sides, thought it fit to retire, but per­formed it with so great confusion, that being attacqued by the French, he lost a great many Men, Cannons, and Colours. Some Prisoners were sent by King Lewis to London as a Present to his Si­ster, rather for a reproach than a bounty: But Buckingham being arrived home with his Ships torn and but few of his Souldiers, found the peoples hatred and the blame not less than had been his vanity and the expectation of the World; while the Lorrainois and Savoy­ards stood observing the event of things, and from the infelicity of the success were admonished to more moderate counsels. The Duke of Rohan alone, after the landing of the English, found himself inga­ged in Languedoc, where having taken the field, he had caused some places to revolt, but being suppressed by a small body of an Army, all Engines were applied to besiege and maintain Rochel. That place at last at the instigation of Soubize and his Mother, who for that purpose entred into it, a Woman of a high spirit and of great authority, declaring it self in favour of the English, had furnish­ed their Fleet with much Victuals, depriving it self by that unhappy counsel of the means to overcome hunger, the only force that could conquer it. It was boasted to be the Metropolis of Rebellion, the old Nest of Heresie, the Refuge of Male-contents, and the Forge of the most pernicious Councils. And, to say truth, as being the Head of a Republick within the Kingdom, with adherence to Strangers, with divided Interest, and their own Force, it always disputed or ingelosied the Authority of the Monarch. The Kings respected it as impregnable, by reason of its situation, and invincible by Arms, the difficulty of the enterprise being authorized by the experience of several attempts in vain. On the Land side being environed with Salt-pits and Marshes, lofty Bastions and strong Works were its de­fence. Towards the Ocean, the Sea being narrowed, a large Bay opens it self within, which afterwards having its passage even to within the Walls, makes a Haven immured and secure from the at­tempts of Enemies, or violence of the Winds. Much Shipping be­longed to it, for number of the Vessels, and skill of the Marriners considerable, and in the Town, as many people, so many Souldiers; for every one, even the weaker Sex, being brought up in an aversi­on to obedience, were obliged to take Arms for their own defence. If the Huguenots looked at it as the fixed residence of their refuge, Strangers considered it as the bridle of that most potent Kingdom. Nor were some of the Subjects themselves ill pleased that there should be ready a shelter to withdraw themselves in some cases out [Page 265] of the Kings power, and resist the favour of the Ministers. Sure it was, that some even in the Kings Council believing it impossible, drove on the undertaking, with hopes, in the ill success, to see the power of the Cardinal who promoted it, prejudiced and perhaps ruined. But he, in the vastness of his mind, greedily imbracing de­signs of importance, orders the place to be blocked up; and after­wards environed with a large Circumvallation of strong Trenches. But it could not be reduced by Famine, without taking away the Sea from it; and to do that, it was of necessity to overcome the Ocean, and find a resistance to its great weight and force. Pompeo Targone, an Italian Engineer, more famous for inventions than hap­py in their effects, spent a great deal of time in vain, wearying him­self there with several Experiments.

At last the Cardinal, in imitation of the Ancients, who with un­wearied labour, shut up Havens, and joyned Islands to the Conti­nent, resolved without sparing of charge, since his own glory and the Fortune of the Kingdom now tempted him to it, to lay the foundation of a defence or Dike against the Sea, where that Arm thereof was narrow, and secure from the interruption and Cannon of the Town, by flinging into it stones of a vast bigness, and in an infinite number. Upon these, from each side of the Continent, were advanced Walls; in the middle there remained a gap for the Tide or impetuous ebbing and flowing of those waters, which from the sides Forts and Cannon defended; without, was the Fleet of great Ships; and within others, that were sunk narrowed the passage with some Steccadoes, and with the Guard of a good number of other Vessels disposed into several parts. The besieged beheld the begin­ning of this work with derision and scorn, making of it their pastime, as suggested from the Genius of the Cardinal, who loving to under­take actions of Fame, would quickly perceive, that the wit of man hath not the same strength to execute great things, as it hath capa­city to design them; for the Sea, wont at certain times, when raised by great tempests, to bring in mountains of waters, and afterwards falling again as it were with a Precipice to discover the bottom, made it believed a rash attempt to contend with Nature, by fighting with the violence of so powerful an Element. Nevertheless, the work going on with infinite labour, it was easier for them to con­template the wonder, than break it by force.

Princes had their attention fixed upon this great Undertaking, with various aims and thoughts; Buckingham, touched with the pro­vocations of revenge and honour, made ready another powerful Fleet to repair the unhappiness of his attempts with better success; but the others, which were in concert with him, though greatly inclined to it, yet durst not perform the promised succours. The Hollanders, although the ruine of them was in question that were joyned to them by the likeness of Religion, yet obliged to France, and in necessity of their assistance, contributed secret wishes for the prosperity of their common Religion, but were bound by vertue of Treaties to send certain Ships for the Service of that Crown. Spain [Page 266] alone rejoyced at the Ingagement of these Forces, whilst in place of being able to have contested the contrivances they framed to them­selves, they consumed their Armies and blood amongst themselves.

Olivares therefore careful to prolong it, put on a more strict con­fidence with Richelieu, nourished by Letters, by Embassies, and also by greater appearances: For that, to frighten the contrary Party, and to make a shew of putting in execution the secret Concerts and tacite Alliances contracted betwixt the two Crowns, Frederick di Toledo parts about the end of the year out of the Ports of Spain with a good number of Gallions, and in the sight of Rochel joyns with the French Fleet; but being but slenderly victualled and man'd, returned quick­ly into his own Country.

On the other side, the Princes of Italy foreseeing, by the successi­on of the States of Mantua, a storm at hand, and an imminent need of stranger succours, deplored, that King Lewis in person with the flower of his Forces was imployed so far from them, and particu­larly the Venetians, stirring him up to reflections on the common In­terest, sollicited by most effectual endeavours, performed by Giorgio Giorgio and Luigi Contarini, their Ambassadours in France and at London, both the Kings to a Peace, and to sacrifice to the advan­tage of the Republick some relaxation from the fervency of their hatred and anger.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE.An. Dom. 1627 THE SEVENTH BOOK.

WOuld to God, that, as often as there is occasion to name the Interest of Princes and the Ambition of their Ministers, Justice, humane Reason, and Di­vine Law might go along with them. But the World being tossed to and fro by those two Fu­ries, which with equal provocations, though for the most part diffe­rent issues, do not leave great Princes contented, nor the lesser ones in quiet, it is no wonder, if from thence proceed events lamentable, and such cruel calamities. While some are flattered with hopes; and others thrust on by fear; all are at last in a continual distur­bance from emulations, jealousies, hatreds, and the greediness of Dominion. And for this cause quiet cannot last long, nor the tran­quillity of Peace be enjoyed, especially in Italy, which being sub­ject to many, some very powerful, others more weak, remains by consequence more exposed to various passions, and experiences most commonly greater commotions; whence Wars, like waves of the Sea, always fluctuating, either by the motion of the winds, or the remainder of past storms, rise up one after another. So the Arms taken up for the Affairs of the Valteline, were scarce laid down but there appeared new jealousies, by reason of the succession of Man­tua, and a War brake forth, both sad and memorable for the quality of the motives and the variety of successes.

Many Princes took part in it, and upon it followed plagues and [Page 268] universal calamities, which in the flood of mischiefs and blood have in a manner changed the face of Europe, ruining the powerful, and raising up Princes little less than unknown. The House of Gonzagha, which reigned in Mantua, was now considered, without issue Male, and without hopes of having any, as it were a dead Car­cass of Fortune, neither could Ferdinand and Vincenzo leave after them other than the young Princess Mary their Niece, who as a Wo­man excluded from the Investiture of the Dutchy of Mantua, had some reason, though doubtful, to pretend to that of Monferrat. In her Marriage therefore seeming lodged the pledge of Peace, or the seeds of great contention, many believed it expedient to marry her to Charles Duke of Rhetel, Son of Charles Duke of Nevers, the near­est and lawful Heir. This branch transplanted into a foreign soil, sprang nevertheless from the same root, coming from Lodowick Gon­zagha, Son of Frederick, the first Duke of Mantua, who not con­tented with his lot, that by reason of his age his other Brothers should be preferred before him in the succession to his Fathers Esta­tes, sought in France, and by Marriage met with a better Fortune; whence his Heirs enjoyed with plentiful Revenues three large Duke­doms, of Nevers, of Rhetel, and of Maine. But for that this House was in a manner naturalized in France, the Spaniards, who, as soon as Mary was born, had endeavoured to get her into their power, expresly to divert the danger of such a Succession, abhorred him above all, to the end not to introduce the French into the heart of Italy, and into two Countries which have the Milanese in the middle. They therefore promoted the pretensions of Ferrant, Prince of Gua­stalla, a branch also of the House of Gonzagha, but who derived his Pedigree further off, coming from the second Son of Francesco, Mar­quess of Mantua, Father of Frederick the first Duke. But as much as they favoured him in the Imperial Court with benefits, and eve­ry where else with declarations, so much was France the more ear­nest to strengthen the Rights of Nevers. Whereupon at the time Monsieur de Chasteauneuf went from Venice, as he passed by Mantua, he had insinuated the Marriage of Mary with Rhetel, and the Vene­tians concurring in the same opinion, put the Duke in mind of esta­blishing the Succession in his life time, and with it the Peace of Italy. But Ferdinand apprehending troubles, or hoping for a longer life, or considering his Brother Vincenzo, who by secret love ingaged in the Marriage of Isabella di Buzzolo, and now satiated with those passions, and by reason of her sterility sought to be separated from her, de­ferred so long, that death in the end of the year past seized him. Vincenzo was his Successor, who by sending to Venice, as Ambassa­dour Extraordinary, the Marquess Paulo Emilio Gonzagha, gave knowledge of it to the Senate, confiding to them his thoughts to break his Marriage and espouse the Niece: But though he were young enough in years, yet the constitution of his body being spent and decaying, and the right of the Sacrament justly prevailing with the Pope before the politick reasons, the Venetians sollicited him to prevent so remote and uncertain hopes by the Marriage of his Niece [Page 269] to Rhetel. He delaying to resolve, let the danger approach nearer, every one now concluding that that Line of the Dukes would in a short time fail without Issue, who wholly given over to lusts and luxury, were looked at as punished with sterility by God for their fraudulent Marriages, Adulteries, and Lewdness, with which they had stained their name, and defiled their lives.

Amongst all, none watched on this business with a more attentive eye than Carlo Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, who by the death of Vin­cenzo thought to revive his pretended Rights on Monferrat, and to colour it with the Marriage of Mary to his Son Maurice. In order to this, he protested to the Duke of Mantua against the disposing of their common Niece without his consent; and joyned practices with the Court of Spain and the Governour of Milan, to obtain it by force, if Treaties should not suffice. Nor had he any difficulty to possess Olivares, who usually calculated designs and successes by his own opinion and hopes, with the behovefulness of excluding Ne­vers, and keeping the French far off from Italy, and withal of the opportunity to take Casale and a good part of Monferrat, he for his part shewing himself contented only with Trin, and a portion of the open Country. Though in truth reason did not consent, yet the conjuncture sharpned the perswasions of the Duke, and invited the Spaniards to the undertaking; for France being engaged before Ro­chel, the English in War, the Protestants every where beaten, and the Hollanders, by reason of the affairs of Germany, distracted by great apprehensions, they could not well discern who could be capa­ble to disturb them. They well knew that Italy would be in a com­motion; but with what Forces? As for the Pope, although he lo­ved not their greatness, they were not deceived in believing, that he would proceed with great wariness, and far from engaging in Arms. The Venetians, not wont to declare themselves so easily, would be apt rather by complaints and endeavours to stir up others than move War alone. The Grand Duke under the Government of a Mother of the Austrian blood, did not as yet discern his own in­terest; and to the rest of the Princes, together with Forces hearts were wanting. On the contrary, the Power of Spain saw it self at the height of prosperity, with store of Treasure and puissant Armies, and by its Councils and Money, directing with an absolute Arbitre­ment the Interests and Forces of the Emperour, disposed with no less Authority, as well of Germany, as of Spain and its other vast King­doms.

Certainly it was not advantagious for Carlo to greaten the Spa­niards upon his own Borders; but being accustomed to aim only at the enlargement of his Territories, he proposed to make use of them to make some conquest; and turn himself afterwards to the friend­ship of the French to preserve it, and by engaging the two Crowns in discord and Wars, sell his adherence at a dearer rate, as necessa­ry (however unfaithful) to one and the other.

Nevers had no support, besides the protection of France, but the justice of his cause, which he saw much considered by all, and in [Page 270] particular by the Pope and the Venetians; but right prevailing little without force, he attempted by all sorts of humiliation and promi­ses of submission and dependence to pacifie the Austrians, but all in vain; because interest lying thwart, and looking at him born in France, and brought up there, with Goods, Countries, and Govern­ments, they could never be perswaded, that he would sincerely se­parate himself from that Crown.

King Lewis declared himself, that he would maintain him in his Right with all his Forces and with his own Person, if it were ne­cessary to go into Italy; but finding himself ingaged with the Hu­guenots and the English, such a report served only for an appearance, and the King, well knowing it, made tryal of the way of a Treaty, having sent Monsieur de Saint Simon to the Duke of Mantua, to the end he might dispose him to strengthen the Rights of Nevers by the Marriage formerly proposed. The Ambassadour found the Duke still deluded with the hopes he should live long; so that he obtained nothing else but the gaining of the Marquess Striggio, upon whose counsels Vincenzo mostly relyed, to promote the cause and advanta­ges of Nevers, when the occasion should be presented. He returns then into France; but the designs of the Savoyards discovering them­selves to advance, in proportion as the dissolution of the Marriage was scrupled at Rome, and the indispositions of the Duke increased in Mantua, he was sent back to Carlo Emanuel to offer him Reve­nues and Lands in Monferrat, in exchange of his pretensions, and withal to demonstrate to him; How much it was better for him rather to preserve Peace in Italy, than give nourishment to the Potency of Spain, against which he having in other times made his breast a defence, he ought not to obscure the Glory of it by new Maxims, foreign to his own advantage and his ancient practices. But the Duke so much the more high and lofty, as he was smoothed and sought to, not think­ing the advantages proposed equal to his hopes, pretended a great Party of the Monferrat, not only on the score of his old Rights, but as a kind of revenge, that Ferdinand had not performed the agree­ment, some few years before concluded, and turning the state of affairs and times to his own advantage, considered, that Spain re­maining resolute to hinder, that a Prince protected by, or rather subject to France, should have Soveraignty in Italy, it was best for him to make use of his own connivence and force for the possessing of Monferrat, rather than leave it in prey to the more powerful. Whilst he had his thoughts bent upon this in Turin, greater induce­ments fell out in Mantua, where the Duke, by the craziness he had contracted, fallen very sick, gave occasion for many treacheries and designs. Caesar, Son of the Prince of Guastalla, was then in Milan to promote the interest of his Family, or rather to have his Name made use of by the Spaniards, who, laying hold of any pretext, armed pow­erfully, and ordered many contrivances and preparations to prevent the attempts, which Nevers might make; and, sending four thousand Foot and one thousand Horse to the Confines of Mantua, under the Count de Guerrara, waited only till the Duke should expire, to enter [Page 271] and take possession of it. But Vincenzo, An. Dom. 1628 by the perswasions of Strig­gio, had in great secrecy called to him Rhetel, that he might marry the Princess, and be in the City at the time of his death, the better to secure to himself the Succession and Principality; and he with a seasonable diligence being arrived there unlooked for, dissipated a great storm before it brake forth; for many of the chief persons be­ing averse to the very name of the French, abhorred to have Nivers their Soveraign, and entertained Treaties and Intelligences, to raise as soon as the Duke should be dead and before, some commotion in favour of Guastalla and of Spain; for which purpose Francesco Rota Serjeant Major, had been corrupted, and many Arms were gathered together in the house of Frederick Gonzagha.

But, so soon as Rhetel was arrived, the Duke immediately made him Lieutenant General, and the better to corroborate his Right, by a solemn Testament declares him Heir. To perfect the Marriage, nothing was wanting, but the Dispensation of the Pope, by reason of the Kindred. St. Simon was come to Mantua to sollicite it, and the Count of Serbellone was dispatched from Milan by his endea­vours and protestations to hinder it, and from the Duke of Savoy the Bishop of Mondovi; but they came too late: For the dispence from Rome seasonably arriving at the instant that the night after Christmas-day the Duke dyed, the Marriage was consummated that very hour, the Corps of Vincenzo being yet warm, who, it was gi­ven out, had by his last words ordained it. The day following the Bridegroom, together with mourning, assumes the Title of Prince of Mantua, and having in his power the Garrison and the Citadel called Porto, requires from the people the Oath of Fidelity in the Name of his Father. Guastalla publishes a Patent of the Emperours Commissary, secretly afterwards obtained by the favour of the Spanish Ministers, in which Ferdinand enjoyns to him to take posses­sion in the Emperours Name of the Country of Mantua, till the right should be declared, without innovating any thing, requiring Cordua, that now governed Milan, to maintain the Decree by force, if need required. He had thoughts of going himself to Mantua; but seeing the passage stopt by the anticipations of Rhetel, he sends the Count Mandelli to Casale to cooperate in practices, which Cordua had set on foot there, and to alienate the minds of that people from acknowledging the new Prince. But all in vain, because the name of Nevers, by the endeavours chiefly of Trajano Viscardi, great Chan­cellor, was by those of Casale and the Monferrins with universal ap­plause cryed up.

ANNO M.DC.XXVIII.

The Interests of Princes being now discovered, and the secrets unveiled, Reason or Justice were no longer debated in the Cause of Mantua, but calculations made of force, opportunity, and advan­tage; so that it was like a fluctuant Sea, from which proceeded, and whither tended the affections of Princes, as they were more or less [Page 272] inclined to the one or other Party. At Venice they were all agreed to maintain the liberty of Italy and their own safety, which was un­derstood to be in danger, by the oppression of a neighbour State, but they were as much differing about the means; some with offices alone desiring to divert the dangers, others by open declarations not declining to oppose the designs of the Austrians. There wanted not inclinations to enter into Alliance with France; but others cal­ling to mind the late proceedings of that Crown in the Affairs of the Valteline, and esteeming the assistance of Strangers little less disad­vantagious to this Country, than the injuries of War, preferred a League with the Pope and other Princes of Italy, with whom form­ing a middle Party, they believed it easie to protect the Justice of Nevers by Negotiation, and defend themselves on all occasions a­gainst violence. This opinion was represented by the Senate to Ʋrban, who no whit perplexed, was wavering amidst divers consi­derations, not desiring to be ingaged against the power and rage of the Austrians, nor seeing willingly the power of the Spaniards to be increased in Italy, or the Authority and Name of the Emperour, greatly suspicious to the Popes, to be awakned. He not only ap­proved the remonstrance of the Venetians; but in a manner promo­ted it, frequently complaining to their Ambassadour of the iniquity of the times, in which from a cause most unjust the ambition of Prin­ces was going to subvert the repose of Italy, scarce yet setled. He offered his interposition with powerful offices; but added, What can be promised from reason without Arms, in dealing with him who places Reason and Justice in nothing but Arms? The excess of power in Prin­ces makes little account of the Popes prayers, and their Mediation is re­duced almost to nothing else but to adorn the Frontispice of Treaties with their name. It is meet, since offices do no good, to apply to other remedies more powerful: To improve the thought of uniting the Princes of Italy in their own and the common Interest. But besides his own Forces and those of the Republick, of whom was there any account to be made? The Duke of Savoy renouncing the ancient Glory of maintain­ing the Liberty of Italy, unmindful of his age, and of a Grave at hand, contrives new Stratagems. The Government of Tuscany was inclined to the advantages of the Austrians. In the others power was wanting or will. The Senate therefore was seriously to consider, if the Forces alone of the Church and theirs would be a sufficient defence against the approaching evils, and to maintain the Cause of Mantua, threatned, and, may be said, oppressed by the prosperity of the Emperour and the Potency of Spain. That he was ready with counsels and action to run the com­mon Fate of Italy, but that it was also a common Interest to lean to the more powerful for the upholding of themselves and friends. That he thought application to France was necessary, whose friendship, though by its inconstancy it seemed dangerous, by its power made it self seasona­ble. That he was disposed with his intentions, offices, and endeavours to second the resolutions of that Crown and the Common-wealth.

The aims of Ʋrban were not in truth conformable to his expres­sions. He desired to maintain Nevers in the succession of Mantua; [Page 273] but abhorred to ingage himself so far, as to be obliged to come to a Declaration or taking up of Arms. He encouraged the Venetians, to the end he might enjoy their support in whatsoever should hap­pen, and flattered the French with hopes of adhering to their Party; for if he had the luck to bring him into Italy in favour of Nevers, he doubted not but things would proceed with such a ballance, that he might reserve to himself the glory of the mediation, and the merit of making the Peace. Frequent advertisements were then sent from Venice and from Rome to King Lewis of the State of Italy, disquiet­ed by great apprehensions, and threatned by greater dangers, solli­citing him to imploy Authority, Negotiation, and Force for the saving of the Country and the Princes his Friends.

France in effect, was greatly sensible, and the principal Ministers confessed the Reputation and Honour of the Crown ruined, if it failed to assist Nevers. But the Ingagement before Rochel was equal­ly important; whereupon they turn their counsels anew to prevail upon the mind of the Duke of Savoy, because he, it seemed, was the Arbiter of the Peace or of the War; whilst, if it could be brought about to separate him from the Spaniards, their taking Arms would be diverted, or at least weakned.

The center therefore of the business lay in Turin; the Venetians on the one side assaulting him with reasons and perswasions, and the French on the other tempting him with promises and advantages. St. Simon, besides the ceading of so much Land in Monferrat as should amount to twelve thousand Crowns of yearly Revenue, pro­poses to him secret and great hopes, that France with a more pow­erful assistance should joyn in promoting his undertakings against the Genouese, the differences with whom, assumed by the Crowns with the title of an authoritave mediation, remained yet undecided. But the Duke, mindful of former accidents, relinquished not, for the uncertainty of things to come, the designs of present advantages. Clogging the Treaty therefore by the demand of Trin, a place of most important situation, because it was opposite to Casal, and draw­ing it into length, he no less precipitated the resolutions and getting into Arms. Upon the news of the death of Duke Vincenzo, and what had happened in Mantua, the Bishop of Mondovi, and Serbel­lone were returned back to relate it to the Duke and to Cordua, who agreeing in their aims, aggravated also with uniform dissatis­factions; That the young Princess, Niece of the Catholick King, and also of the Duke, was, without their knowledge, forced rather, upon the dead body of the deceased Duke, amidst sobs and tears, than married by her own free consent.

Then Cordua charges Rhetel with the contempt of having intruded himself into a State in contest, contrary to the Commissions & Patents of the Emperor, Soveraign and Judge of the Parties, to whom being required to refer the cognizance of the cause and the penalty of the boldness, he refused the Letters, which he had written to him con­cerning the Title assumed of Prince of Mantua. The eyes of all men were, to say truth, turned towards Ferdinand, some sheltering them­selves [Page 274] under his Authority, and others considering his Power. Amongst the first, were the Princes of Guastalla, whose interest served not but for a bounded prospect, and stalking Horse for the Arms of Spain; and Margaret, Dutchess of Lorrain, who, as eldest Sister of the last Dukes deceased, pretended, that the Males of the other Branch be­ing excluded, the Succession belonged to her; but her Rights being very little considered, they could amount to no more but to usher in those of Leonora the Empress, her younger Sister. Whilst the de­cision was like to proceed with great length of time, the new Duke of Mantua and the Princes that adhered to him, apprehended the Emperours Forces, jealously observing an Army of sixteen thousand men, under a Count of Mansfelt, in Suaben, kept on foot there un­der pretext of bridling the motions of the Marquess of Dourlach and the Protestants; but in effect, as a body of reserve for the Affairs of Italy, at the disposition of the Crown of Spain, the which, not only by benefits and pensions, held dependent on it the Emperours chief Ministers, but upbraided to himself the holding the Imperial Dignity as but the fruit of their counsels and assistance.

Since therefore Ferdinand was obliged to depend on anothers will, the pressing instances of the Popes Ministers and the Venetians availed little, who perswaded him not to interest himself but with his Authority in favour of the cause, which should appear most just, and to prefer Negotiation before a Rupture. Nevertheless, to co­ver the designs, which were resolved on long before, the Imperia­lists made shew of an outward inclination to quiet, and to amuse the Common-wealth, who appeared to be more alarmed than any body else; the Count of Verdenberg, Chancellor of the Hereditary Provinces, entertained Pietro Vico, their Resident, with frequent dis­courses of breaking into a War with the Turk, now Germany being re-united did almost all acknowledge the Religion of Christ and the Laws of the Emperour; stirring up the Republick to be willing by a close union to participate of the Victories and Triumphs, which were destined from Heaven for the Piety and Greatness of Ferdi­nand.

The Senate, from such generous conceptions, fitly drew stronger motives to exhort to Peace, and remove Jealousies from Italy, to the end, that with a chearful heart and open Arms, Christendom might once deliver it self from the unworthy shackles of the Ottoman Bar­barism. But pretence and dissembling could no longer have place; for Signor Agnelli, Bishop of Mantua, sent Ambassadour Extraordi­nary by the Duke, so soon as by secret ways he was come into Ita­ly, being arrived at Vienna to demand the Investiture, and offer his duty and obedience to the Emperour, was not received, his abode at Court as a Prelate and private person being hardly obtained. St. Simon at Turin leaves the Court, having discovered, that the Duke, too closely joyned with the Spaniards, minded no more whatsoever proposition was made him. At his parting, he intimates to certain French that were yet in the Dukes pay, to leave it, and put themselves into Casal, which proved a seasonable succours, and [Page 275] helped much to maintain that place, exposed as the price and prey of the ensuing War.

Carlo Emanuel had contented himself to leave it in the division to the Spaniards, together with Pontestura, Nizza, Aqui, and all that Tract, which towards the Sea was near to the Plains; retaining for himself Trino, Alba, St. Damiano, with the parcel more commodious and contiguous to his States, on condition nevertheless, that, as he (to take away jealousie) should not fortifie his new conquests, so the Spaniards should reduce Casal to that weakness wherein it was in ancient times. Nor had the Contractors made any difficulty to promise the promotion of one anothers advantages, because each ho­ped that new accidents would afterwards disoblige them from the observance of the conditions; whereupon, although in Milan the Marquess of Montenegro, amongst others, dissented from it, and pro­gnosticated with great wisdom, (as it quickly fell out) that the mis­chiefs of so difficult and jealous a conquest would be more certain than the advantages; Gonzales nevertheless, greedy of renown and glory, and desirous above all to confirm himself in the Government of Milan, as a necessary Minister and confided in, colours the enter­prise to the Council of Spain as so easie and certain, that he had the hap to get their consent. He principally grounded himself upon the Intelligence which he held within Casal, and assured himself to be made Master of it before the design or motion towards it should be discovered; whence carried away with the Fame of the Action, and not minding the French Succours, he boasted, that in that place Mantua would be taken also, nay all Italy, while no man would be able to withdraw himself from the yoke, if the Duke of Savoy, led to it chiefly by his Arts, whilst he framed it for others, laid it upon himself. Olivares, who making light of the consequences of ha­zards to come, was wont to embrace greedily the occasions of pre­sent profit, speeding the ratification of the Treaty into Italy, and causing a hundred thousand Crowns to be disbursed to the Duke to quicken the action, inflames him with Letters full of flatteries and Encomiums, to do himself once reason by Arms, and revenge him­self generously of the wrongs, which he pretended to have been at several times done him by the House of Gonzagha. The Governor had not in readiness above twelve thousand Foot and three thou­sand Horse, and of these one body lodged towards Como, to have an eye upon the passages of the Switzers and Grisons, and he sent another with the Marquess of Montenegro into the Cremonese, not only to restrain the suspected resolutions of the Venetians, but to op­pose the Duke himself, who increasing his Forces by certain money drawn from his Goods in France, had, by the applause of his Name and the Novelty of the War, raised about ten thousand Souldiers; 4000 whereof were in Monferrat and at Casal, and the rest he kept about himself at Mantua. Cordua therefore could not have advanced in the attempt of Monferrat but with weak Forces, if those of the Genouese had not strengthened him, who, after having stipulated, in contemplation of the Spanish Ministers, a Truce for six months with [Page 276] the Duke of Savoy, not being able yet to rescue themselves from the dependence on that Crown, nor renounce the memory of fresh be­nefits, although they had a due apprehension of the War at hand, sent to the Governour of Milan a good body of their Souldiers, who, when they were come into the Territory of Alexandria, put up im­mediately the Spanish Colours. To facilitate the enterprise for him, he made Edicts his fore-runners, full of bitter threatnings a­gainst whomsoever should resist, and of large promises to those, who without expecting Force would render themselves.

On the other side, doubtful, lest the Troops sent to the Confines of the Venetians should serve rather to provoke than check them, he sent to the Senate to amuse them, till Casal should be taken, Pau­lus Rho, who declared, The intention of the King to be only to take possession of those Countries, which were fallen to the judgment of the Emperor, and in his Name to keep them till the Rights of the Pretenders being known, they might be restored to their lawful Lord. He ascri­bed to the goodness of the King himself, and to the prudence of his Ministers in Italy, that foreseeing disturbances imminent, they inter­posed authority with zeal to keep it from Tumults. He then by a large circumference of words let them understand, that the alone suspicion, lest the French, under the name of Nevers, should nestle themselves upon the Borders of the Milanese, had moved the Go­vernour to this prevention and attacque. By the Senate, who knew his ends, was gravely answered, That the dissatisfaction of the Repub­lick could not at all be concealed, whilst the Peace of Italy was ready to be split, which they taking to heart above any other motive, could not but be fervent in the desires, and insist earnestly on the remonstrances of Peace, believing that in that did consist the Glory of the King himself, the happiness of his States, and the moderation of his Ministers. But amidst the motions and furies of Arms, thrust by the Governor into the field, all reasons and offices were to no purpose.

The Venetians therefore were put upon difficult counsels, and the Senate being assembled to debate the matter, Simeon Contarini, Knight and Procurator, spake thus: With the straights of the present time God joyn the constancy of the Republick and the wisdom of them that govern it. These are not the first difficulties with which the Coun­try hath been exercised, but observing the memorable Acts of our Ance­stors, we ought to confess, that if Nature give the Snake an instinct to find the straightness of stones, where leaving his old skin, he re-acquires youthful vigour, God imparts to men prudence, which amidst the most disastrous and difficult Encounters sharpens it self, and subduing adverse Fortune, gets the Victory at last, and perpetuates the felicity of Countries. But it is not needful, O Fathers, that we here go out of the path beaten by the wise Counsels of those that have transmitted to us for an Inheri­tance together with liberty this Empire. I would say, that the most violent resolutions and the most headlong courses are not the Arts of our Fathers, or the Maxims of our Government. Time holding prudence by the hand, hath lead us often out of the darkest Labyrinths, and the Republick preserving Veneration to its Councils, respect to its Arms, and [Page 277] Treasures and Forces for opportunities, hath maintained it self in safe­ty, assisted its friends, and preserved Italy. Now I deny not but that the present attempts of the Spanish Armies, and the threatnings of fu­ture designs envenom to the quick the health of this unhappy Country, and confound mens minds and our own very interests. But let us ex­amine carefully the remedy before we apply it, and reflecting upon the vio­lence of the evil, let us ballance the strength of the medicine. Ʋntil this strong Torrent overflow, it is sufficient to stand within the Banks, and be contented that the course bend another way, and carry the Tide thi­ther; for if the violence of men be opposed to the Justice of God, as it comes not to be endured by the Constitution of the World, so it must needs be short, and within a little while, where it was exalted in pride, it will be seen humbled and brought low. Great is that Power of the Austrians, which without obstacle runs swelling, as may be said, over the flourishing field of liberty and the dignity of so many oppressed Princes. But he that will oppose himself with protests, threatnings, and Arms, let him shew me also a force equal to that which ought to be sup­pressed. My meaning is, that resolutions should be suspended, that the tendency of affairs should be observed, that under the shadow of mode­ration and prudence this storm of ill Fortune should be let pass. The ruines, caused by a Thunderbolt, are for the most part repaired with lit­tle trouble, but to the violence of its flames what humane force is there that can resist? I confess it, I am much afraid of the issue of the present Affairs; but yet I despair not. I see Cordua, I see the Duke of Savoy united to invade the Monferrat, to swallow that Country, and take Ca­sale; I feel the weight of the Chains of the Servitude of Italy; I fear the Counterblow of Mantua in our own very Bowels. But who knows? Some Politick Counsels, which invite with a fair Prospective, are not ordinarily practised without difficulty, and end not but with misfortune. The Enterprise on Casal will not perhaps be so easie, as it is supposed. Carlo Emanuel is not so tenacious in his Alliances, but that he may be altered; the Forces of the Governour of Milan are not so powerful as to be able to oppress Italy in a moment. Where are those Ensigns, those Armies so much feared of the Emperours? It seems to me, that there is great hopes that they are not so easily to descend into Italy; because those vast Provinces of Germany, kept under by Ferdinand with a foot of Iron, will quickly lift up their head, being rather oppressed than over­come. We ought also to believe, that France will quickly be dis-ingaged from the Sea-coast. Will then that warlike Nation, that magnanimous King, and that prudent Minister possibly suffer a Prince to be excluded from his Inheritance and from his Patrimony, for no other fault but be­ing born under the Climate of France; and if they should set at nought Justice, Honour, and Interest, ought the Republick always to take upon it self alone the burden of being the Defender, not only of just Causes, but of the weaker sides? On the other side, if, as reason requires, the French shall resolve to take part in it, what avails it to torment our selves with unseasonable afflictions, and dishearten our selves with sad Divinations, whilst the Affairs now under debate will counsel the Senate to resolve themselves for the occasion, and to preserve their strength and [Page 278] Treasure for the accidents of time. Will the Republick otherwise be pos­sibly able to contend alone with the vast Power of the House of Austria? and with the dreaded Force of the Empire? Foreseeing then ruine, shall we forestall destruction, and in the vain support of the Duke of Mantua sink down our selves, even before the danger and season comes, over and above the losses of the Publick and our own? Much, as to former suc­cesses, is Italy indebted to us, and I think it needful to speak it, our present weakness is but a remainder of the excess of former Forces. Be­hold when we were perswaded, that with so much treasure and so many benefits we had unseparably bound the Duke of Savoy to our friendship, we see him, united to the Crown of Spain, turn himself against the good of Italy. Behold our Ingagements in the Valteline, where with money and blood we have maintained the common Interest and the honour of the Confederates, degenerated into most prejudicial agreements betwixt the Crowns. That benefit is too dear, which, together with ingratitude, produces damage. Wherefore taught from past experiences, my judg­ment is, that placing our safeguard in Prudence rather than in Fortune, we should maintain the defence of our selves with powerful Forces; but I approve not of Declarations, Ingagements, and Wars, to the end we may not heedlesly expose to hazard the Government with the liberty of the Country.

Great was the attention to this discourse, but it was interrupted by Dominico Molino with a contrary sense to this purpose: Neither desires nor hopes can divert our dangers, against which were fear a suf­ficient defence, I should believe our affairs secure, because I confess, that I am afraid. I am not alone incumbred with the tempestuous appre­hensions of the present state of things; but in the interests and dangers of the Duke of Mantua, Italy both fears and trembles. It is true, that the treacherous lethargie which oppresses him, takes away from some Princes the sense of the common evils, and that others in an apparent Delirium extravagate from that path of their own and universal interest, which they have walked in with glory. But behold, let us see also in this Re­publick, where at last is lodged the heart of the safety of Italy, the vital spirits of liberty and honour beat. Let us hearken to the language of the Pope, who abhors the immoderate machinations of Spain, who invites the French, and sollicites to get Companions. Things then are not de­plorable to that degree, that we should despair of a remedy, if we shall be willing to apply it in the beginning; but if the disease shall go on, fo­mented by our negligence, such will be the increase of it, that the recovery will be made more difficult than can be repented of. There are, O Fathers, in cases of importance, three Springs, whence all disasters plentifully flow, which point by point in the contrary opinion I have throughly no­ted; false security, careless delay, and a covetous fear of charge. Let us consider the Duke of Mantua as a new Prince, a Stranger (as may be said) to the Customs and to the Language, encompassed with Subjects un­known, with a Militia that must be intreated, oppressed with necessity, staggering under the weight of a State shaken by the Arms of so powerful Enemies, that who sees him not ready to fall? Let us suppose Casal almost without other Garrison than the Inhabitants; deprived of all suc­cour, [Page 279] assailed by the forces and skill of the Governour of Milan, and by the designs and contrivements of Savoy, so that who expects it not al­most as soon rendred as attempted? Now in this condition let us weigh our own dangers, and in the consideration of them more than of the ne­cessities of the Duke, let us resolve, if we can satisfie our own minds to deny him speedy succours. It may possibly be believed, that Casal may hold out, that Savoy may revolt, that the Germans may stay their march, and that the French may pass the Alps? But if such hopes do but flatter us, of what then shall we be afraid to declare our selves in fa­vour of the Duke? O Fathers, these are Hobgoblins, and, give me leave to say so, false Visions, represented from weakness and the fear accompa­nying too wary Counsels. From the Precepts of our Ancestors, and the Examples of all Princes, may sufficiently be learnt, that by assisting the weak ones, Power is either preserved or increased. The Republick hath always had this belief, that the fruit of their quiet, and I will say of their parsimony was in a manner due to their friends. Those Treasures have been well spent, those Cares happy, and Counsels wise, which in former times have preserved this Country in safety, the Princes in their dignity, and our selves in our liberty. Let us not blush here to speak it. Our assistances have been given out to usury, with the manifold gain of our own tranquillity and glory. All the good which with vain flatteries and uncertain hopes is proposed to us from Chance, we may reap from our own generous and wise deliberations; for the Duke, not abandoned of assistance, will take courage and strength; his Subjects will get vi­gour; Casal being succoured, will defend it self, and by holding out, will divert blows far from Mantua, and keep dangers remote from our Confines. France in this interim dis-ingaged from Rochel, will joyn to make a seasonable Counterpoise; but if standing negligently idle, we shall behold the destruction of our Neighbours, what may we expect but to be abandoned by all, even in their own ruine? If to the French be objected the Rampiers of the Alps, which way shall we open them a pas­sage, if, when we shall have passed the Mountains, Casal being lost, they shall find the door shut? That Prince is reduced to a too lamentable con­dition, that expects savour for himself alone from him that is an Enemy to all. Can we possibly hope to find in the Austrians moderation and re­spect towards us? I, for my part, prefer security before hopes; because we live in times in which Ambition bears rule, the Conjuncture is a pre­text, Interest is the Idol of Princes and the Corner-stone of States. I cannot frame to my self reasons more strong, nor justice more apparent, how to indemnifie and save the Common-wealth, than that which ap­pears on the side of the Duke of Mantua; and if he be invaded, I fear the example; and if he be overcome, I apprehend, lest Fortune should justifie the lust of Dominion. The will and a fit Conjuncture to break is enough for Princes to find abundant matter for occasions and pretexts. Let us at least resolve upon that, which necessity, then which no eloquence is more powerful or more compendious, perswades us; because having once with a generous constancy blunted the edge of the pride of Strangers in Italy, Glory and Peace will for a long time reside amongst us. But let us be mindful here, Fathers, that while we are consulting, Casal is [Page 280] losing, and that if we delay to take our resolution here, safety it self will not be able to succour it.

Amidst these contrary opinions, the minds of the Senators were wavering, because, besides the weight of the reasons of both the Parties, a certain discreet and experienced prudence produced great credit to the Author of the first, and the conceit of a great sufficien­cy in Politick matters did no less for the second. At last, as it often happens, that in extremes equally difficult, middle counsels prevail, a third opinion was followed, which consisted in arming and strongly fortifying themselves in all kinds, to sollicite France to maintain the Cause of the Duke, and when France should ingage it self, and send an Army on this side the Mountains, to joyn to it that of the Re­publick for the defence of Mantua, which could no more without difficulty receive succours from elsewhere. The Senate also were willing, particularly in Spain, to repeat their most effectual offices for Peace, not because they hoped, the Armies being so far advan­ced, to divert them, but at least to justifie the resolutions to which they saw themselves constrained. And, to say truth, their remon­strances were rather made known to, than considered by the Conde Duke; whereupon, all being reduced to extremes, sollicitations were turned again towards France.

But above that affair there arose great divisions in the Kings Council, in which, according to the nature of the Nation, opinions degenerating into Factions, and in them passions and interests ingraft­ing themselves, both Ministers and business were confounded. The Queen-mother had by nature a certain propension to the Spaniards, and nourished a great aversion against Nevers, ever since, during her Regency, he joyned himself several times to the male-contents. But now there were added causes more urgent; for the Duke of Orleans (for so we will henceforward call the Kings Brother) his first Wife being dead, earnestly desired to take in second Marriage Mary, the Daughter of the same Nevers, a Princess of exquisite Beauties; on the other side, the Mother abhorring to see the Daughter of her Enemy, her Daughter-in-law, preferred Anna de Medici, Sister of Ferdinand, great Duke of Tuscany, or Nichola de Loraine, Daughter of Henry, both allied to her in blood. And because she doubted, that the Cardinal inclined to Gonzagha, she began from this suspi­cion to convert her favour into hatred, and their discord had so ma­ny things to nourish it, as will hereafter render her passions as much more famous, as her life and death equally unhappy. She began then to inveigh against Richelieu, that, to play the Merchant at his plea­sure with the Royal Authority, he became prodigal of the Kings health, keeping him, as having him in a manner a Prisoner far from his Wife and Mother, amongst Armies and the Marshes of Rochel, exposed to dangers and in an unwholesom Air. She, besides this, dissented openly to have any thing to do with the Affairs of Italy, towards which she discovered the Cardinal inclined, and aggrava­ted, that he for his vain passions having stirred up a War with the English, now to satiate his revenge, would break also with Savoy [Page 281] and with Spain, persecuting every where the Princesses of the Royal Family, and exposing the Kingdom in prey to the sword and fire, to the end that he alone with his Friends and Kindred might triumph over the publick Calamities, and advance his ambition and avarice upon the common Ruine. By effectual Letters she disswades the King from him, and publickly exclaims against him in Paris, second­ed by many with whispers and discourses in the Court and in the Country; for hatred and envy advanced as much against Richelieu as his own merit increased, and the favour of the King appeared more and more partial to him. The Cardinal Berule and Monsieur de Marilliac were the chief that in the Council sided with her opinions; and to dishearten the Ministers of the Pope and of the Republick, who with frequent endeavours moved the King to serious reflections and seasonable resolutions, they divulged freely, and gave the Mi­nisters themselves openly to understand, that France by Religion and Interest being strictly obliged to its own occasions, could not be diverted elsewhere, nor attend to what happened beyond the Mountains. But Richelieu, who with a profound judgment fatho­med aims and designs, as well domestick as foreign, entertaining them with better hopes; to repair that opinion, which after the Peace of Monzon he knew cooled in his old friends and the Princes of Italy, comforted them with ample promises, that the King would not be wanting in protection and assistance to the House of Mantua, and exhorted principally the Venetians, so much interessed and so nearly joyned, to support the Duke with powerful Aids, till, the Ingagement before Rochel being at an end, and the differences with England in some measure composed, the Crown might turn all its Authority and Forces towards Italy.

The Senate wisely weighing past events, and the dangers immi­nent remained constant in the setled Maxims, not to declare them­selves but conjoyntly with the Crown of France; and therefore sol­licited with earnest prayers the happy success of the enterprise of Rochel, and with urgent mediation promoted the Peace with Eng­land, which seemed much facilitated by various accidents; for ano­ther Fleet being sailed out of those parts, formidable for number and quality of Ships, manned with choice Souldiers, and furnished with all sorts of Provisions, having scarce shewed it self to the be­sieged, and attempted the relief in vain, was returned to the Coast of England, and Buckingham, the Incendiary of the discord, stabbed with a Knife in his Chamber by one Felton for private causes, was dead.

In the mean time Cordua finding no resistance in the field, ad­vances towards Casale, hoping, according to the concerts agreed with Spadino de Novara, Serjeant Major in the Town, that a Port should presently have been delivered to him. But the Marquess of Canossa, a Veronese, Governour of Monferrat, and Rivara a Monfer­rin, who commanded the Citadel, discovering the Plot, as it was almost ready to be put in execution, gave out Orders presently for the defence, by preventing the Treachery and resisting the Force. [Page 282] Spadino saving himself from punishment by flight, meets the Gover­nour of Milan with the Army near to Casale, who, though touched to the quick, that his best and speedy hope was vanished, neverthe­less putting it to a venture, and ingaging his honour upon the rela­tions of the Traitor, that the Garrison, though consisting of about four thousand Foot and four hundred Horse, yet all for the most part of the Country, and having want of many things, would, to­gether with the Inhabitants, be little inclined to suffer for a Prince, they knew not, ruine and extremities, resolves to undertake the Siege. To flatter the Citizens, he made as if he would respite the Country round about, keeping for some days the Militia in such Discipline, that it almost looked as if he would rather preserve than force the place. And the effect, though contrary to his intent, pro­ved to be so; for the provisions, spared by the Spaniards in the Country, were in the interim brought into the Town. At the first appearance of the Enemy, the Garrison made a round Sally; but, being easily beat back, Cordua orders Trenches to be opened, and Batteries to be raised, but with as many failings and errours as they made steps in the attempt.

Casale is situate upon the right side of the Po, where a little Hil­lock begins to decline and enlarge it self into a Plain, in which the Town is placed, being of a large circuit, but of an irregular inclo­sure, inhabited by many noble Families and a numerous well-accom­modated Commonalty. A Castle with Walls and Towers served formerly for its defence; but the old Duke Vincenzo placed there for state and defence a Citadel of a great compass, with six well or­dered Bastions, which with two ranks of Walls were joyned to the City. Against one of these directly towards the Po, which at that time had its course a little distant, but afterwards, changing its Cha­nel, came nearer to the Wall, Gonzales directs his attacques and bat­teries but weak and slow; so that the besieged were able to cover with Half-moons and Batteries the Wall, the Mills, and the Flank of the Town, the most exposed on that side. He could not, by reason he had so few men, begirt the place, and for the same defect defer­red for divers days to take in the Castles on the Hill, by means whereof Provisions in abundance were frequently brought into the Town, and even when he went about it, Frederico Enriquez, sent with a few Souldiers to make his way into Rossignano by a Petard, being partly deceived by his Spies, who brought him thither when it was broad day light, and partly repulsed by the cragginess of the situa­tion, for it stood upon a Rock, received there a great blow. The Savoyards proceeded with greater success. The Duke was no sooner in the field but he possessed in a breath Alba, St. Damiano, with all that which belonged to him by the Treaty; and although Trino re­sisted some days, yet upon the loss of a Half-moon it was forced to surrender. Being thus dis-ingaged, it gave great jealousie to the Governour of Milan, lest having obtained his own design, he should neglect, or rather hinder the success of the Spaniards. And know­ing him fixed in this, that short Wars, frequent Treaties, and conti­nual [Page 283] change of Parties was that which pleased him, he was greatly feared lest he should joyn with the French, fomenting that doubt by various events; for the Duke, contrary to the agreement, fortified Trino with all diligence, having taken Moncalvo, though it were not of his division, kept it for himself, and Pontestura, which he had pos­sessed in the sight almost of the Spanish Camp, though he delivered it to them, yet it was after delays so full of pride and contempt, that it savoured rather of reproach and injury than of confidence and assistance.

But above all, the things which happened afterwards at Genoua troubled him. That Government discovered, that Julio Cesare Va­chero, a man of the Commonalty, with other wicked Villains of his condition, had designed to kill the principal men, and change the form of Government, hoping in the confusions, the Authority of the Laws being captivated, and good men exposed to violence, they might with impunity enjoy great spoils. From him, who was im­prisoned, and other his Complices, who having retired themselves into the Milanese were by the Governour sent back to Genoua, it came to be known that the Conspiracy passed in concert with the Duke, who without dissembling the matter, avowed that he had consented to the Treason, before the Truce was made, to be execu­ted when it should be ended; and shewed himself so throughly moved at the danger his Partisans were in, that he protested to the Genouese to revenge the punishments of those that were guilty upon certain of their Nobles, which he had Prisoners since the last War; and with no less industry induced the Governour to send to Genoua Alvara di Lusara with no less threatnings than instances for the par­don and liberty of those malicious Knaves. The Government mo­ved at the atrocity of the offence and the anger for such a demand, resenting it to the quick, that they must be forced in complacence to their Enemy, or at anothers will to let Rebellion go unpunished, having in a middle way betwixt Slavery and Justice condemned some to punishment, let for that time the business fall into silence. But the Duke not being satisfied, although he used no cruelty a­gainst the Genouese Prisoners, shewed himself wroth both against the Republick and against the Governour of Milan, who apprehending not to get Casale, and to expose the Milanese to irreparable hazards, whensoever the Duke should bend towards France, endeavoured by all sort of satisfaction and pliantness to pacifie him. And for that cause denied to deliver to the Genouese others of the Conspira­tors, and gave security to some in the Milanese, making shew of so great rancour and disgusts against that Republick, that the state of things being represented at the Court of Spain, there also, to keep the Duke to his first designs and hopes, Propositions were treated of, to assault the State of Genoua with united Forces, divide it, and leave Carlo as large a part as he should have a mind to. This, although it was against the true intentions of him that offered it, nevertheless coming to be known by the Genouese, stirred up jealousie in their minds, and a hatred so furious, in particular, when the Count de [Page 284] Monterey passing from Spain as Ambassadour towards Rome, stayed some time in Genoua, making a shew of a certain kind of Superiority, and as if he would take upon him to reform the Government, that the wonted partiality towards that Monarchy began to be cooled, and the veneration of it soon after declining in Italy, they went on to such resolutions and decrees as did greatly raise the Splendor and Decorum of that Common-wealth.

But in Monferrat, through the difficulty of the enterprise the fast of the Governour of Milan being abated, it looked as if hopes ap­peared of some adjustment, the Emperour giving the Ministers of the Pope and of the Venetians to understand, That his intention was not to meddle in the Cause of Mantua otherwise than by Negotiation, whilst the Governour of Milan having put himself into action without his knowledge and consent, he found himself dis-ingaged from assisting his intentions with Arms. But within a while the Authority of the Spa­nish Ministers prevailing above the others Reasons, the Army of Suevia was observed to draw near to Helvetia, to the great jealousie of the Cantons, who thereupon assembled frequent Diets; and it was understood, that Count John of Nassau was sent by the Emperour with Title of Commissioner, to take possession of Mantua and Mon­ferrat with all the appurtenances, assigning only to the Duke a meet Pension to maintain him and some Lodgings in the Palace. This was interpreted as a certain Herald for War; because the Duke not being able to do other than dissent and oppose it, the ingagement of the Name and Authority of the Emperour drew necessarily after it the motion of Arms.

And now Montenegro over-running the Country of Mantua, had attempted, though in vain, Caneto, and put a Garrison into Castiglione to molest the Duke and threaten the Republick. And the Duke sends his Troops by a generous and hasty Inrode to plunder in the Cremonese; but afterwards by better counsel, knowing it a vain thing to provoke with an appearance whom he could not suppress with force, recals them, and causes the Booty to be restored. He was now put to difficult and afflicting Councils; the Catholick Army was at his doors; the Imperial were near at hand, and succours far off. Whereupon dispatching Giovanni Francesco Gonzagha, his Am­bassadour Extraordinary, to Venice, he instantly desires counsel and assistance. The Senate encouraged him to resist with constancy all his troubles, and to comfort himself with hopes of better. They pleaded his Cause in every Court with reasons, and did him all the service they could, and till under the countenance of France they might declare themselves, permitted all advantages to his Country, giving him passage for Men, Arms, and Victuals at a time that a great dearth, foretelling calamities to come, universally afflicted Italy; but the Duke found himself molested with new and always greater cares: For Nassau being now arrived, requires him to deliver the Citadels of Casale and Mantua, that he might put Imperial Garrisons into them, and keep them together with the rest, according to his Commission; neither availed it, that Carlo endeavoured with an­swers [Page 285] of submission and obedience to excuse himself, offering also in token of greater respect to admit the Emperours Garrison into some place of lesser moment; whereupon the Commissary, excluding eve­ry thing, and denying the term of twelve days, which the Duke de­sired to advise with himself, obliges him to publish his Appeal to the Emperour, when he should be better informed, and, if all passa­ges were stopped there, to the Electors of the Empire. With this Nassau returns to Milan, sending from thence to Mantua frequent in­timations and protests, sometimes avoided by the respect the Duke shewed, and then again pressed upon his Declaration to defend himself.

The Imperial Ban was nevertheless deferred by Ferdinand at the intreaty of his Wife, and by the offices of the Grand Duke of Tus­cany, who, but a Youth, having visited the Pope, and received no­ble entertainment at Venice, was gone to the Emperours Court. And it was indeed easier for the Duke to defend himself by Negotiation, than to maintain longer his Souldiers; for there having till now been maintained in the Territory of Mantua six thousand five hun­dred Foot and thirteen hundred Horse, pay at last failing, the Stran­gers disbanded, and those of the Country returned to their houses. He then by the means of Ottaviano Vivaldini desires money of the Venetians to keep his Troops on foot, and earnestly implores, that to his, they would joyn five thousand Foot and five hundred Horse of their own, offering himself with that strength to march to Casale, and having secured that place, and in it preserved Mantua also, to end the War with glory and expedition. Monsieur d'Avo and Mon­sieur de Guron, the one Ambassadour for France at Venice, and the other sent expresly into Italy for these Concerns, promised the entire assistance of the Crown, nay the person of the King himself, when the Siege of Rochel should be ended, and demonstrated withal, that if they in this interim, for want of assistance, should let the Dukes Affairs perish, and Casal were lost, all attempts and succours after­wards would be rendred vain.

But the Senate apprehending the old aim of the French Ministers to ingage the Republick in an open breach with Spain, to avoid that of their Crown, referred all resolution to the arrival of the Kings Colours into Italy, to which they continued their promises to joyn themselves. The Pope also concurred in the same opinion, to ani­mate the French not to abandon Italy, and, in this interim sending to the Emperour and both the Kings Nuntio's Extraordinary to en­deavour a Treaty of Peace, armed and fortified his Frontiers, plant­ing in view of the Modenese, not without the complaints and jealou­sies of that Duke, a good Fort which was called by his Name Ʋr­ban. The hopes of Italy being then referred to the issue of the one affair of Rochel, which seemed now near an end, it plainly appeared, that as much as the Austrians had been advantaged by that Ingage­ment, so much the less were they to rejoyce at the taking of it. And the French began already highly to complain of the novelties and turbulencies raised in Italy; and, to support the Duke of Mantua [Page 286] till they could send him greater Forces, they permitted him Levies and Supplies, giving him connivence and incouragement; where­upon in his name and with money drawn from his Estate in that Kingdom were raised under the Marquess of Ʋxelles twelve thou­sand Foot and two thousand Horse with six pieces of Cannon, to be transported from this side the Mountains to his assistance, seconded by some Troops of the Kings, commanded by the Mareshal of Cre­qui, Governour of Dauphiné.

This Expedition, amplified also more than was necessary, accor­ding to the prompt disposition of the Nation, wont to believe that done which seemed near to be executed, made them believe in France the Duke ready succoured; and in Italy with great expecta­tion fear was confounded with hope: for at the report, that that Army was drawing near, Gonzales imbarked his Cannon, and kept all ready to raise the Siege from Casale; but at the same time, to divert the storm from him, uses all sorts of submissions and promi­ses to the Duke of Savoy; and now Carlo believed himself arrived at that Post, which he had long proposed to make himself Arbiter of the War and Peace of Italy: For the French also demanded pas­sage of him with greater flatteries and ample offers of all sorts of advantages, the Liberty and Wealth of the Genouese being the price, which to strives was offered him by both the Crowns. But mindful of the offences done to Richelieu, and now fearful of his revenge, taking time to answer, the better to fortifie himself after having garrisoned his places, and obtained four thousand Foot of the Go­vernour of Milan, refuses it. The French notwithstanding resolve by the way of Castel Delphino to attempt it; but the Duke being moved with his Army into the Valley of St. Pieter, and having caused the Prince Vittorio to advance, encountring the Vantguard in the Straights of those Mountains, beats them and drives them back. All the Army then of Ʋxelles retreats, and being come into Dauphiné, quickly disbands; for a coolness ordinarily following the French fu­ry, Victuals were wanting, and the money, both managed with cove­tousness and wasted with negligence, sufficed not to supply it. In the beginning also of this Action, the Venetians being requested to permit passage to certain Cavalry of the Duke of Mantua's, that crossing the Milanese, they might move forward to joyn the French, refused it, because in the difficulty to execute it, they could not discern ought but the wonted intentions to draw them unseasonably to Declarations and Ingagements. But the straights of that Prince being now brought to that pass, that he could no longer maintain his Court and Family, much less keep up his Army, they being re­quested in his Name by the Marquess of Pomar with expressions of pity rather than assistance, disbursed to him twenty thousand Du­cats, and before the end of the year they supplied him with other and greater sums for the maintaining of his Garrisons also. Carlo Emanuel having repulsed the French, triumphed greatly, and the Governour of Milan was much more encouraged, who believing al­ready the gain of Casal secure, jealous lest the Duke should yet [Page 287] take in some part of Monferrat, which belonged to the King, sends to Nizza with four thousand Foot the Count John Serbellone, who took it in fifteen days, after having so frighted the Inhabitants with the springing of a Mine, that they forced the Count of Agremont, a French man, who defended it with twenty four of his Nation and some Monferrins, to capitulate and leave it. Of this distraction of Forces, which retarded the Siege, those within Casale made use to great advantage, reaping the harvest, and bringing it into the Town, where was come in Monsieur de Guron, to animate in the Name of King Lewis the Inhabitants and Garrison.

The Nuntio's, sent from the Pope, being come to the Camp, pro­jected in the midst of these actions a suspension of Arms for fifteen days, in which space the Infanta Marguerita entring into Casale, some Proposition of agreement might be concerted. But the Governour jealous of some artifice of the Savoyards, to prolong his conquest by pretending, that together with his, there should be put into it a Garrison of the Emperours, dissolves the Treaty. And the Grand Duke being returned from the Imperial Court had speech in Mader­no, a place of pleasure upon the Lago di Garda, with the Prince of Mantua, and proposed to him a change of those States, since that the Monferrat, exposed to the greedy desires of the most powerful, occa­sioned so great disagreements; but the Spaniards not willing to of­fer an equivalent, that discourse came to nothing. The Negotiati­on then yielding to force, Gonzales, strengthned with new Troops, straightens Casale, taking away at last the entry of Victuals and Suc­cours by the possessing of Ponzone, Rossignano, St. Giorgio, and other Posts on the Hill. The place nevertheless defended it self with brave and frequent Sallies, in one of which Monsieur de Bevron, a French man, being come in as a Voluntier, and having given proof of singular courage, was killed, and in another the Serjeant Major Luzzago, a Brescian, seeing amongst the Enemy the Traitor Spadino, ingaged himself so far to take off his head, that he there lost his life. The Marquess Rivara observing, relief would be difficult and tedi­ous, and fearing that the consumption of the Victuals in the Town would at last bring it to extremity, got store into the Citadel, to maintain himself the longer there, exhorting the Inhabitants to stint Victuals; as they did with great proof of their constancy and fidelity. Nor did the besiegers experience little less necessity; for Italy, over­flowed this year by the Rivers, had given such a slender harvest of Corn, that Famine was an affliction every where, and especially in the Milanese, whence that which could be taken serving for nourish­ment, though very scanty, to the Army, the people in the City of Milan perished. In Provence the French had restrained the liberty of transport.

The Duke of Mantua shut up the passage of the Po; and the Ve­netians, who also suffered very much, were careful that no grain should pass into the Milanese. So that the people being famished, brake out into a kind of Tumult, which constrained the Governour to go thither and quiet it, and must have raised the Siege, if in that [Page 288] instant, from Sicily and elsewhere some Vessels arriving in the Ri­ver of Genoua, there had not been a supply seasonable to the necessity. In the Imperial Court, to divert the Imperial Ban and the vigorous consequences, which it uses to carry with it, it was proposed by the Bishop of Mantua, that in token of the Emperours Authority, to content Guastalla, some place of the Mantuan should be delivered to him, and a suspension of Arms be in the mean time in Monferrat, to treat some Accord with the Savoyards. But the Spanish Ministers accepting of no Propositions, perswaded Ferdinand to new intimati­ons, carried to Mantua by Doctor Foppis, a Counsellor of the Court, that the Duke, within the space of a month was to yield obedience to the Commissary. He always, to gain time and commiseration, sends the Prince his Eldest Son to Vienna, to shew his Duty to Ferdi­nand, and to offer also, upon the obtaining the Investiture of Mantua, to deposite Casal and the Monferrat into the hand of some Prince of confidence, to be kept in the Name and by a Garrison of the Em­perours for a certain time, within which the cause should be deci­ded; provided notwithstanding that the Spaniards and Savoyards should do the same in what they possessed. The Prince instead of being well received, which the Spanish Ambassadour opposed even to protests, was scarce privately admitted; but although he carried back little advantage by the Journey, the Duke nevertheless got himself great applause by it, shewing, that having on his side omit­ted nothing of his bounden duty towards the Emperour, on the other side was discovered the desire and intention of the others; for it was answered, That Casal being in the Emperours Name put into the Custody of the Germans, which served under the Ensigns of Spain, the Emperours will was, that the Governour should keep what he possessed on the account of the pretensions of Guastalla; and that the Savoyards should keep what they held, in consideration of their own Rights, till an Agreement or Sentence should be declared, and then there should be a suspension in the Mantuan. From which was plainly discovered the design to put the Spaniards in possession of Casal, and deprive the Duke of Mantua of Monferrat; whereupon the Prince, denying to have power concerning that, departs; though the Empress had first given him counsel to lay the whole Concern at the Emperours foot, and receive Law from that Authority which he had no power to re­sist. Yet to give time to the French, that they might apply them­selves to the Affairs of Italy, the Duke not wholly breaking off the Negotiation, shews himself inclined to some kind of Exchange; and a Meeting in Piacenza to adjust it was negotiated by the Nuntio Scappi; but Cordua dissents from it, alledging to have no power but to reduce Carlo to acknowledge respect due to the Emperour: at the same time notwithstanding secretly proposes to him great ad­vantages, if he would deliver Casal to himself.

The Duke, to let it be known, that the actions of the Governor had had no other thing in aim but the zeal for the Emperours Au­thority, sends to the besieged some Ensigns with Eagles in them, that being set up in the Castle, Citadel, and the City, they might [Page 289] procure respect to the Emperours Colours; but the Governour get­ting notice of it, suffered them not to go in. Amidst these Negotia­tions, Casal holding out, though there being daily gained on the Duke of Mantua's side, if not advantages, at least hopes, arrives the news, which was so much longed for in Italy, that Rochel was at last taken.

The King of England, to maintain it, had not failed to use his ut­most force, though, Buckingham being dead, much of that heat was quenched which inflamed the War; for having sent a third Float under the Earl of Denby to its assistance, it made a new attempt to bring it in, but the French Ships making a brave opposition, the Dike was maintained against all attempts. The Sea afterwards swelling with a great tempest, dispersed and disordered the English Ships, and and on the other side had such respect to the Dike, as if it had con­spired to the overthrow of the one and the glory of the other; the Tides, which in the month of July and about the Equinox were wont to be more than ordinarily violent and forcible, passed that year so calmly, that they did no hurt. Denby perceiving that he could not compass his purpose, making a Truce for a few days, to the end to retire with greater security, goes his way, and the Rochelois having spent their Victuals, and the uncleanest things now failing to satisfie hunger, seeing all hope of succours and safety vanished, ren­dred themselves at discretion upon the 29. of October. The place, to say truth, suffered during the Siege all that which by humane patience could be endured, or which in any former times may have been suggested by despair. The streets covered with dead Carcas­ses, made a shew rather of a Church-yard of bones unburied than of a City of living men; and those few that were found alive, either languished like men or almost like Skeletons, seemed no less to repre­sent the Funerals of that proud City, than to signalize the Triumph of the Conquerours. The King causing it for two days to be clean­sed of the dead and sick, made his solemn Entry the first of Novem­ber, restoring the Divine Worship, and giving life and liberty to all, except the Mother and Sister of Rohan, who by perswasions and example having prolonged the Surrender, he commanded to be kept in Arrest, not so much for punishment as to have the means to bring the Duke more easily to obedience. He dis-infranchised the City, demolished the Walls, except on the side towards the Sea, leaving Rochel little else remarkable, but the memory of a strong place, and the renown of a memorable Siege.

True it is, that it was much contested in the Kings Council, whe­ther Rochel, thus reduced, ought not to be kept with a strong Gar­rison, as a bridle to the Huguenots and the repulsing of Strangers, and the Cardinal did not disapprove it, as he aspired to take the di­rection and government of it; but discovering that the King, with whom he did not yet enjoy that absolute power, which length of time and happiness of success afterwards gave him, had secretly promised it to Monsieur de Thoiras, he chose rather to see the place razed to the ground than in the hands of another. Whereupon [Page 290] from the labouriousness of the Siege recollecting the danger, which from the Commanders themselves, if they should revolt from the King, might happen of falling into the former evils, and shewing, that Brouage, which but a few Leagues off upon the Sea, he had cau­sed to be fortified for security of the Salt-pits, did plentifully supply the benefits pretended, he easily brought to pass, that the pulling down the Walls was reputed the most remarkable Trophy and greatest advantage of this Conquest. By this most happy issue of the enterprise, which had been believed by few, and was envied by many, the counsels of the Cardinal got more credit and esteem, and the King publickly attributing the merit of it to him, heaped honours upon him, to such a degree, that his Fortune, as a sign from Heaven, was venerated as the destiny of the French, with pre­dictions of greater Dignities, and was looked at by Italy as the Pole of their own hopes.

The season far advanced, furnished therefore those of the Queen-mothers Faction, with pretexts considerable to reprove the thought of succouring Casal, and in particular the Kings going into Italy. The discourses in the Council were; That the Army was wearied out, and the Souldiers in disorder from the sufferings in so long a Siege; That an unreasonable Voyage was now proposed, to traverse the whole Kingdom, and to pass over the narrow and steep passages of the Alps, subject to Treacheries, and disputed by the Enemies Forces; That Winter was coming on; and how an Army could march, and the Cannon pass through the Snow and over the Ice? The nature of those craggie situati­ons had at other times been overcome by Art, but now by the rigour of the season Art it self was overcome by Nature. The Forts, Arms, and Strengths of the Savoyards were to be considered, who, if with a hand­ful of men, they repulsed Uxelles in the Summer, how will they not shut the passage at present when all things contribute to their advantage? The Countries near to Italy were found to be infected with the plague. In Italy it self the people perish for want of bread. To what purpose then expose to hazard the Army that conquered Rochel, or rather the re­mainder of them that beat the English, not only to military Factions, but to Plague and Famine? That Souldiers who had overcome the Sea, repulsed the Enemy, and chastised the Rebels, deserved other rewards, than to be carried beyond the Mountains to a Grave as the scraps of glory, and no less of obedience. That it was uncertain, whether Casal could endure the length of such a March, and if it should yield to neces­sity whilst the Alps were forcing, and the Army was getting into Italy, what way remained there more open for going forward, than that of a dishonourable return? That it was therefore judged the most warranta­ble counsel, since the season necessitated the delay, to except the issue of things, sound the minds of the Princes, and after resolve upon the way either of Treaty or Arms.

To these considerations were added the complaints and tears of both the Queens; for Lewis having a feeling of some little indispo­sition, they exclaimed, that Richelieu, not content to have kept the King in the Marishes of Rochel and the unwholesom Air of the Sea, [Page 291] would now expose him to the colds and inconveniencies of the sharpness of the Alps. Many were of opinion, that before ingaging the Forces elsewhere, it was fit to conclude a Peace with England, knowing also, that Rohan had an Army in Languedoc and some Towns, and that the Duke of Savoy, to encourage him, offered to enter into Dauphiné, and assistances were promised from the Spa­niards; and to adjust them in the Name of Rohan himself, Monsieur de Clausel going with the Abbot de Scaglia to Madrid, had made an agreement with Olivares, that money being furnished him by that Crown, he, together with his Party, should continue the War in France. And therefore Richelieu having often experienced, that in the attempt of great things Fortune made them succeed above expe­ctation greater, insinuated to the King the just motive to shew the Spaniards his resentment of former injuries and the offences of a later date, by justly revenging himself for the assistance they had pro­mised to the Huguenots, by maintaining the just cause of a Prince in his own Kingdom, and by redeeming Italy from present oppressions, and thereby satisfying the perswasions of the Pope and the instances of the Venetians. His considerations were, That the difficulties which opposed the succours, were the Mountains, the Season, and the Enemy; but that nothing was invincible to the courage of the Nation, nothing im­possible to the power, to the greatness, and felicity of a King so pious. That when he had once set foot in Italy, the affections and partialities of several Princes would be stirred up, and those who under the yoke, for present fear, bemoan silently their condition, would be the first that with greediness would breathe liberty again and shake off the Chains: That the Forces of Carlo Emanuel were weak to make resistance in so many situations and parts as there are passages, leading to the Mountains; and if the Spaniards would joyn to make opposition at the foot of the Alps, they would be forced to rise from before Casal. So that Fame and Glory being the fore-runners, the Victory would be without hazard, with­out blood, and without contest: But that nothing could be atchieved without the Royal Presence, by reason of the Genius of the Nation, which, though it undertakes with heat, yet quickly grows cool, when the eye of the King does not quicken and inflame it: That it drew along with it the Guards, a People inured to War, and faithful, it attracted the flou­rishing and valiant Gentry, preserved Obedience and Discipline, made difficulties and wants be born, dangers be overcome, battels won, and impossibility it self conquered, where the Person of the King distinguish­ed courage from baseness, and as a Companion in sufferings and hazards, crowned true vertue with praise and reward. That the Peace with Eng­land was in great forwardness, nor could the Huguenots be better bri­dled, but by drawing the Army near to Italy, that is to say, towards Languedoc, where is their greatest strength, and towards those Provin­ces upon which the Spaniards and Savoyards together have their pre­sent designs. In sum, so many conveniencies and advantages concur­red with it, as now forced a necessity to second the counsels of reason.

The King assented fully to the enterprise, and to attempt it in person; for having now tasted the glory of good success, he aspired [Page 292] to greater Triumphs, and had naturally a great aversion to the Spa­niards, and a greater desire to keep them under. But the Cardinal not believing affairs yet in such a condition, as to be able to come advantagiously to an open breach with them, inclined nevertheless to the resolution of going into Italy, provoked by a violent desire to revenge himself of Carlo Emanuel, and by interest to remove the King from Paris, the proper Seat for the Intrigues of the Court, and particularly of the Queens and their Faction, which could not be better extinguished or weakened, but by keeping the King from thence, and amidst the exercises of War have him under his sole eye and hand. To notifie the action, Monsieur de la Salodie, as a fore­runner, was dispatched into Italy, to incite the Princes to declare and unite themselves, now the King was come near to the Alps with a puissant Army. Being arrived at Venice, he found in the Senate the readiness he had always offered; extolling therefore the Gene­rosity of the King and the Prudence of his chief Minister, with an applause equal to the desire with which they had sollicited it, they wish a happy passage of the Alps, which being, they assure they will concur in the common designs, with the third part of those Forces which the King should judge necessary for the Action. The Duke of Savoy imployed several Arts to divert this agreement, suggesting by the most secret means to France, that the Republick aimed at nothing but to ingage it, and afterwards leave it alone in War with the Austrians: And to the Venetians, that they should remember what had passed in the Valteline, and the old design of the French to bring them to a Rupture with Spain, without caring to second it.

But all attempts proving vain, Cordua was greatly perplexed: For if those of Casal, taking courage from the hopes of succours near hand, shewed more than ever an obstinate resistance, his weakened Army did not admit of a joynt opposition with the Savoyards at the Alps, and to continue the Siege also. Besides this, he knew and con­sidered the present state of things; the Milanese exposed, the Sub­jects discontented, the Places unprovided, Victuals scarce, Provisi­ons consumed, and Money wanting; for just in this year the Holland Fleet under the Command of Peter Hein Admiral, advancing with a noble boldness into the American Seas, had near the Island of Cuba taken the Fleet composed of twenty Ships, which transported into Spain the Treasures drawn from those rich Kingdoms. Whereupon, after a Meeting in Pavia with Nassau and Monterey, he had dispatch­ed Courriers in great diligence to Madrid for Orders and Supplies, and to Vienna for assistance and re-inforcement.

From Spain nothing could arrive but slowly, and therefore his greatest hopes were placed in Germany, where the power and good success of Ferdinand greatly increasing daily, there remained no­thing for him to desire more of Fortune. In this year Tilly had ta­ken in Verden and Stade; nor was there found ought else which could resist, except some certain Islands secured by the Sea, or some few Towns, which having Ports, kept a way open for succours. Whereupon Ferdinand taking courage to attempt higher matters, [Page 293] inclines to make a restitution of Ecclesiastical Goods, and particu­larly to get for the Archduke his Son the Archbishoprick of Magde­burg, which had been conferred on Augustus, second Son of the Ele­ctor of Saxe. But Ferdinand upholding his purpose with force, pre­tended, that the Cannons themselves being fallen from their power, as having run themselves into the delict of Treason by adhering to the Enemy, their Votes were illegitimate, and therefore the Election void.

Frizland was designed to have passed into the Islands of Den­mark, if that Winter the freezing of the Sea, as is usual, had afford­ed him a passage, or if Ships could have been provided for him, which, though he assumed the Title of General of the Sea, he had not been able to get, nor by any means to procure; and that in Lubeck the Count of Swartzenburg for the Emperour, and Gabriel le Roy for the Spaniards, laboured all they could to perswade those maritime Towns to have furnished them. But he, desirous at least to possess himself of Ports, exercised the patience of the Duke of Pomerania with all sort of offences, to the end to bring him to some desperate resolution, which might give him a pretext to deprive him of his Country. But that not succeeding, he besieges Rostock and Wismar, Anseatick and Imperial Towns, with very considerable Havens, and having taken them without much ado, passing also into the Island of Rughen, prepares to straighten Stralsond.

The King of Denmark, to divert him, had possessed the Island of Ʋsdom and the City of Wolgast in Pomerania. But Fridlandt, hasting thither with his wonted good Fortune, gave the King such a defeat, as forced him to re-imbark and leave the City it self as a prey to him. During this absence of his, those of Stralsond making a Sally upon a Fort placed over against their Town, took and demolished it; wherewith provoked, he begirts it with a more straight Siege, in such sort that being almost reduced to extremity, they capitula­ted, by means of the Duke of Pomerania, to render it, when Frid­landt, secure of the event, goes his way to take possession of the Dukedom of Mechelburg, which, the Emperour having deprived those Princes for having taken part with Denmark, had given him, leaving the care to the Duke of Pomerania himself to receive the Surrender, and put a Garrison into it.

But the King of Sweden, who with happy success made War in Livonia and Prussia with the Polaccks, understanding the extremity, in which for want of powder the City was, doubting, lest having taken the Ports of the Baltick, the Imperialists might not only sub­due Denmark, but render themselves terrible to himself and his Do­minions, sends an abundant Relief into it, with promise of greater assistance; whereupon the Inhabitants taking courage, breaking the Capitulation, persisted in their defence, which so much enraged Wal­stain, that, if it were his custom to make War with great cruelty, he now protested to make use of his Victory with all the excess of it. But in the brightness of so many prosperities, from Stralsond arises that little Cloud, which far out at Sea is wont, when it scarce appears, to [Page 296] burst out suddenly into dreadful storms. But the World, that dis­cerns not things to come, adored the Fortune of Ferdinand as per­petual, and Italy in particular ballanced the hopes of the French suc­cours with the fears of an Inundation of the Germans.

Besides these important cares, the Venetians not neglecting the Af­fairs of the Sea, infested by many Pirates, had armed two great Gallions under the Command of Giovanni Paulo Gradenigo, which in Company of two Galliasses, whereof Anthonio Cappello, called Terzo, was Captain, arrived at Alessandretta. There rode there at Anchor five French Ships, when as many English Pirates, coming in on a sudden, set upon them with assured hopes to make them their prey. The Venetians, not being able in view of their own Colours to suffer the insult, taking into protection the French, who were the weaker, af­ter a hard Encounter made the English to be gone. The Turks were pleased with the defence of the Port, and the French with the safety of their Ships; the complaints which the English made, being with reason quickly stilled. In Venice happened, afterwards some distra­ction of minds for private interests, which, because unusual, deserve to be taken notice of. They drew their original from disgusts be­twixt two Patrician Families, to wit, that of Cornaro, of Giovanni that was Duke, and that of Zeno di Renieri Cavalier. This last, a man of a haughty spirit, had in several occasions inveighed against the other, and being one of the three Heads of the Council of Ten, had made use of the Authority of that Tribunal, to rebuke the Duke himself for suffering his Sons to run out into divers and dis­solute liberties. At which Giorgio, on whom, it seemed, these re­proaches reflected, falling into great fury, without his Fathers know­ledge, a Prince of singular piety and highest moderation, not far from the publick Palace sets upon Zeno, when by night coming out of the Council of Ten he was come down the Stairs, and attempts with blows of Hatchets, followed by other Murderers, to kill him. Wounded in several parts, he was nevertheless preserved alive; but the dignity of the Publick, the Council, esteemed in the Common-wealth sacred, and the liberty it self of the Government remained violated.

Cornaro by a quick Sentence was banished by the Council of Ten with capital and grievous penalties, the Character of his Gentility was cancelled, and in the place of the offence a Memorial in Mar­ble erected in execration of the Fact. Whereupon Justice being ra­ther satisfied than mens minds quieted, Zeno being recovered, con­tinued to inveigh often in publick Harangues against all the Family, and many adhering to the one and to the other, either for affection or kindred, it was evident, that mens minds grew imbittered in the discourses of Assemblies and the Walks of the Market-place. Pas­sing then from private affections to publick affairs also, a desire waxed big in many, that to the Authority of the Council of Ten, which is one of the supremest in the Republick, there might be some seasonable regulation made; whereupon in the Election of persons, whereof it is composed, wont to be renewed in the month [Page 295] of August, almost all those who were proposed in the great Council met with exclusion. The most experienced Citizens apprehended danger from novelty, always prejudicial, when under the pretext of reformation change makes a forcible entry; the worst of Moths, which if not killed at first, quickly destroys and corrodes the best ordered Governments. Nevertheless, it being necessary to give equal contentment to the major part, by the great Council were elected Niccolo Contarini, Anthonio da Ponte, Pietro Bondumieri, Bap­tista Nani, and Zacharia Sagredo as Reformers, to the end, that con­cerning the Authority of the Councils, and principally of that of Ten, they should within a little time propound the Rules judged needful or convenient. There followed with full Votes for the Election of Secretaries, for the granting of safe Conducts, and do­ing other things of no great moment, several Consultations, amongst which the chief was the abolition of the Authority, which by the ancient Laws were given it, to revoke the Decrees of the great Council it self, where, as is usual in things most important, they were not bound up to particular Conditions and the strictness of Votes. There was also proposed by the Reformers the Confirma­tion of the Authority which belonged to the Council of Ten, with the enumeration of many cases, and with the power to be the sole Judge of the Patricians in criminal Causes active and passive, with a choice nevertheless to commit to other Magistrates those which were of lesser moment. The contest hereupon was very sore, because it was the very thing wherein many desired an alteration, it appearing too strange, that even in the most trivial cases, the Nobles alone should be subject to the most severe Judicature, where the way of proceed­ing is by Inquisition, with secrecy and a certain rigour which they call the Custom. But our wise Ancestors knowing, that the chief bond of Aristocracy is the chastity and moderation of that part which governs, have been willing to put a bridle upon it, because from betwixt Rule and Licence there would be too short a distance, if the Authority of the Laws and the severity of Judgments did not interpose.

The first day it was proposed, no Decree passed in the Great Council, but the Votes and Inclinations fully tended to reject it. Be­ing taken into debate, another day it was sharply spoken against by Renieri Zeno Cavalier, and defended by Niccolo Contarini; but Fran­cesco Contarini, Head of the Council of the Quaranta Criminali, reply­ing for the opposite Party with an eloquent discourse, so moved the minds of the major part, that many not keeping silence, prevented the Votes with their cryes, when Baptista Nani beginning to speak, making silence by the authority of what he was going to say, and by his gray hairs and the gravity of his behaviour giving credit to his reasons and discourse, thus spake; It is no new thing to me, that he is more applauded and acceptable, who speaks to the liking of others, than for the publick Good: But liberty in Councils, truth in judging, and courage in difficulties shall never abandon me. The itch of insatia­ble Ambition disquiets me not; the common hope of Honours disturbs [Page 296] me not; nor am I moved with the desire of applause. Constant in the adversity of my Country, I fear nothing; moderate in its prosperity, I gain nothing. I look up to no other Pole, nor have other scope than that which hath been prescribed by our Ancestors, always venerable from the duration of the Country. We are all strictly bound to this duty, to trans­mit unviolable and unextinguished that light of Glory and Liberty, which our Fathers have so many Ages ago consigned to us. I know, that man hath no office savouring more of Divinity than that of governing others; but it is a thing of great difficulty, and if such be the government over inferiours, how much more hard will it be to command over equals? But this is our glory, that Majesty and Obedience take their turns; that we are equally capable to govern and to be governed, that to the ambiti­ous dignity of Command is associated the vertuous moderation of a pri­vate life and the most easie yoke of the Laws. So that our Republick is ordered like the Heaven, in which the Citizens, in resemblance to the Stars, have, by office in the universal felicity, influence and light, but with various Situations, divers Aspects, and different Motions, enjoying sometimes a fulness of light, lending it often to others, and then them­selves suffering an Eclipse. Ought we then to accuse the Divine Provi­dence, because it hath not distributed to all the same offices and sta­tions? Shall we then also in our Country where Ten make a supreme Council, which by annual change give place to the merits of others, stir our selves up to envy and anger, because we all cannot be capable of it at once? I dread to think, that there is any that detests the rigour of Justice, the severity of the Laws, and the Authority of the Council of Ten. Let us in this case then suppose our selves guilty from our selves, and to offend without punishment; will we quite abolish Justice and Government it self? Let us, I pray, turn these invectives against the offences, let us abhor the Delinquents, let us make Decrees against faults, and on the contrary, let us venerate that Ray of Divinity, which, though it strike the wicked with Thunder, is a guide to the innocent. I ac­count the antiquity of such a Council always venerable, and the Ages by which its Authority hath been established; a Council chosen by our selves, composed of our selves, is the Maintainer of the Laws, the Protection of Liberty, and the Bridle of Subjects. But what shall become of us and our Posterity, if wanting the sacred refuge of our defence, we shall think to offend without punishment, and be audaciously despised? What pro­tects the Dignity of Persons and of Families, the security of quiet and civil living, the liberty it self of the Government, but the Council of Ten alone, which sharply punishing offences, restrains with their Name and Authority the thoughts also of attempting them. We by weakening it and exposing it to contempt, think by it to diminish punishment, and by it provoke injuries. Do any perhaps, under the pretext of regulating abuses, go about to abase the Power of the Government? A sad design, which betrays to himself and his posterity the hopes of those rewards, which the Country with considerable dignity largely imparts. Let such go out from amongst us, let them not be esteemed worthy to be Sons of so great a Common-wealth, and he that would withdraw himself from the Laws and from punishments, contriving rather to make himself a Cri­minal, [Page 297] than aspiring to be a Judge, like a Monster of Vice, An. Dom. 1629 let him be se­parated from us and cut off. In our Republick this is the just equality not to do and not to suffer wrongs. Away with such conceits, that those in Power ought to have a greater liberty, and that punishments on Delinquents can be either too heavy, or judgments too severe. This is the bond of our quiet and the quiet of our Subjects. Some Law givers have omitted to mention punishments for certain outragious faults, be­lieving that they could never happen in a well ordered Government. Our Ancestors on the other side have been willing even in small matters to assign a more severe judgment, to the end that not so much as the least offences should give encouragement of coming near to discompose the good order and integrity of the Common-wealth. Happy the Country, most happy the People, and the Government to be admired, which hath for its Foundation Law, and for its Crown Liberty; where those of the better sort excel in example, where he finds more restraint that enjoys greater authority. Fathers, in point of Renown we have no cause to en­vy any of the ancient States or modern Soveraignties. In the largeness of ovr Dominion, we have wherewithal to content the moderation of our minds. In the duration of liberty we surpass any Common-wealth what­soever. But the deliberation of this day is to overcome our selves; there­in we give comfort to our Subjects, example to Strangers, and occasion for a good Report. Let the Venetian Nobility, all in a body, in the most majestical and authoritative of their Assemblies unanimously determine, that if Empire and liberty at one and the same birth be acknowledged from God, they willingly consecrate themselves to Justice, and will go­vern the people with such moderation and sweetness, that for the pre­vention of offences, they make choice for their Court of Justice, of the gravest, for Laws, the severest, and for punishments, the heaviest. Upon these or like words, delivered with gravity, and received with great attention, opinions and minds were so changed, that many blushing that they had thought otherwise, the Decree with a great number of Votes was willingly embraced, and two days after followed the Election of Persons proposed, for the new Council of Ten, amongst which with great applause Nani was received, and what had passed was registred in the publick Records with an honourable memory of his Name.

ANNO M.DC.XXIX.

Italy expecting succours from the Alps, and by succours safety, Lewis arrives there with thirty thousand men, having left his Mother Regent at Paris. But before the King moved, Luigi Contarini, the Ambassadour of Venice, had gotten a promise from the King of Eng­land, that he would not interrupt the enterprise; and a while after the Peace was concluded, which, by the death of Buckingham the private passions of Favourities being extinguished, consisted in few Articles; To renew the ancient Treaties, restore Commerce, silence reci­procally pretensions about Reprisals, prevent them for the future, and per­form the Conditions of the Marriage, if any difficulty should intervene amicably to agree it. Each King reserved himself the liberty to assist [Page 298] his Allies without breach of the Peace. The Copies of the Treaty, till the Ratification, were deposited in the hands of the Ministers of the Republick, who by the Mediation had gotten great reputation, especially Contarini, who within a while passed to the Embassy in Ordinary of France. The King then freed from that distraction marches towards Italy, having first sent to Mantua Monsieur de Lan­del, to carry the News of it to the Duke, at a time very seasonable, when the Governour of Milan assaulted him with secret promises, and Nassau pinched hard upon him, who, being gone against Mantua, and requiring a positive declaration of obedience or resistance, while the Duke, fenced with general conceptions, denounced to him War and Force. To the noise hereof, the effects afterwards fol­lowing, the Emperour orders, to please the Spaniards greatly trou­bled at the march of the French, that his Army should descend into Italy. The Duke hereupon in trouble betwixt the hopes of suc­cours and the fear of dangers, equally near, sending Pomar again to Venice, sollicites, together with the French Ministers, the Republick to declare it self and assist him with a body of their men, that, while the King forced the Alps, and the Duke of Guise with the Fleet would endeavour landing, so to send succours to Casal, they might pass into, or attacque the Milanese from this other side, for the assistance of one another either by diversion or conjunction of For­ces. It appearing to the Senate, that the strength of the Army by Sea did not answer the fame of it, and many difficulties discover­ing themselves, which might be met with at the Alps, the Council thought it more wise to stay till the King should be in Piedmont. But to the end the Duke might be able to maintain his Troops, they furnish him with seventy thousand Ducats, and, to have all in readi­ness to second the Kings undertaking, order General Erizzo to dis­pose of the Army into such Quarters, that it might be quickly drawn together to give countenance to the Duke, and jealousie to the Mi­lanese, when the occasion should require it. Nine thousand Foot and a thousand Horse being thus distributed on the Frontiers, gave great jealousie to the Governour, who, to send a body to that side, so weakened himself in the Camp, that he was scarce able to supply wherewith to keep his Posts and Guards in the Trenches.

The Duke of Mantua kept together five thousand Souldiers in pay, but with great difficulty, by reason of the continual want where­in he was of money; so that, to please them with some advantage, and entertain them with booty, he sent them into the Cremonese a­gainst Casal Maggiore, a Town rich and great, kept by eight hundred men of the Country, who frighted at the approach of the Mantuans, left it them in prey, scarce saving the Cannon by Water. It was thereupon exposed to Pillage, and afterwards abandoned. Sabione­da, as hath been said elsewhere, was possessed by a Princess of the House of Stigliana, who not believing it secure from the Forces of the Borderers, had trusted it to the Duke of Parma, who kept it with a great Garrison and exceeding much care, as a pledge recom­mended to his trust by all Italy. The Spaniard had several times [Page 299] in this Conjuncture desired of him to permit the entrance of a body of their men, to trouble the Duke of Mantua and the Neighbours. But finding no forwardness in the Duke, they applied themselves to Craft, causing Nassau to enter into it, admitted by the Marquess of St. Vitale, the Governour, out of respect to the Imperial Name of the Emperor; and at the same time they perswaded the Prince Buz­zolo, who had great pretensions upon the place, to draw near to it, giving him hopes that the Gates, by means of the Imperial Commis­sary, should be opened to him. But the Governour perceiving the design, the Prince found the defence in such sort ordered, that with­out other attempt he retires, and Nassau thought it best to be gone. It was moreover believed, that the advertisement to the Duke of Parma of the design of Buzzolo came from the Spaniards themselves, to induce him with the apprehensions of so many dangers to call them to a part of the custody and defence of it. But he rather streng­thens it, and Buzzolo, having recourse to the Venetians, that they might give him means to attempt the surprise of it, was disswaded by them, both by the difficulty which would arise in exploiting of it, and by the unseasonableness to draw stirs into those parts.

King Lewis, to facilitate his passage of the Mountains, made a new attempt to overcome the mind of Carlo Emanuel, offering to add to twelve, other thirty thousand Crowns of yearly Rent for his preten­sions of Monferrat, and inviting him to the enterprise of Genoua with the flatteries of greater advantages. Whereupon the Duke taking a measure of the Genius of the Cardinal, whom from the desire of revenge he judged to be brought in so cold a season towards Italy, thought it too dangerous to draw under the title of Friendship so brave an Army into the bowels of Piedmont, with the presence of the King and of a Minister maliciously affected. He had his confidence in the season of the Winter, in the nature of the Situations, in his own Forces, in the Succours of Spain, and in the Motions of the Hu­guenots; whence he doubted not of Courage to promote the good, and Art to extricate himself out of all Fortune. He was become crafty above any other in selling himself at a dear rate at a time of need, and was wont always, even to his Friends, to make shew of necessity; but at this very time, to keep all right, he received from the Governour all that he devised to ask. He resolved to send him three thousand Souldiers, which was the most he could do, not having been willing to weaken his Forces on the Confines of the Venetians, or be diverted from strengthening the maritime Garrisons for fear of the Army by Sea, though it appeared not, because the Souldiers appointed for it were called to greaten that by Land. So that he remained before Casal with only two thousand Souldiers in pay, and four thousand of the Country; whereupon he sollicites the Princes obliged to send their Proportions for the defence of the Milanese, but they all excused themselves, it seeming that in some, at the appearing of the French Army, the ancient respect to Spain va­nished together with the present fear. On the other side the French pressed, that the Princes of Italy would now be assisting to their [Page 300] own safety, by joyning themselves to their Crown.

But the Pope perceiving the intention to oppose the Austrians, now he saw the French Colours on the Border of Italy, refused to depart from Neutrality, and had appointed for Legate à Latere the Cardinal Anthonio, his Nephew, for the negotiating of a Peace. The Venetians judging, that the coming of the King did not suffici­ently remedy the necessity, by reason of the coming down of the Germans, and that Mantua was so begirt, that it could not receive succours from France, consented to under-write a League with France and with the Duke of Mantua, which being to last for seven years for the removing of present dangers, and establishing Peace, obliged the Confederates to succour one another reciprocally in case of Invasion; The King with twenty thousand Foot and a thou­sand Horse, the Republick with twelve thousand of the one and a thousand and two hundred of the other, and the Duke with five thousand of the first and five hundred of the last. In proportion to the Forces the Conquests were to be divided, if from the de­fensive they should be forced to attacque. Jealousies were not wanting, even when it was ready to be signed: For the Voyage of Monsieur de Botru, a Confident of the Cardinals, to the Court of Spain, under a pretext to propose Expedients for the Affairs of Italy, but in truth to discover the intentions of Olivares and the Treaties which he had with the Huguenots, kept the Venetians a while in suspence; but the suspicions quickly vanishing, they sent Girolamo Soranzo Cavalier, Procurator, Ambassadour Extraordina­ry, that he might congratulate the Kings Arrival in Italy, move him to advance, and assure him of their constant adhering to the In­terests of that Crown. Being forced to take a long way about, (for that the passages were almost all shut) the Secretary Girolamo Ca­vazza went before by the way of Genoua and of the Sea, though in passing near Monaco he was by a Brigantine of that Prince arrested Prisoner, and in the Town brought to the Marquess of Castagneda, Spanish Ambassadour in Genoua, who was accidentally there; but being known for a Minister of the Republick, and no Dispatches found, which he had torn and flung into the Sea, he was released. The King being come to Orso, an inconsiderable Village at the foot of the Alps, filled Italy with the Name and Glory of his Arms. But the Pass thereabout was stopped by the Savoyards with three Barrica­does; and three Redoubts together with the Fort of Gelassé, placed on a Rock, battered the way. A little further, where the Valley opens it self, which points out to Strangers the broadest way to de­scend into Italy, stands Susa, fortified with a good Citadel, and a lit­tle forwards, those steep Mountains declining into Hillocks, lies Avigliana, as the Guard of the adjacent Plain, and which at that time was provided with a numerous Garrison. The three thousand men of the Spaniards, commanded by Marco Anthonio Belloni, Pie­montese, had the Guard of the places most advanced and exposed. The Duke had not been able to stop the French Army, though he sent to the King the Prince Vittorio, who as a Kinsman might carry [Page 301] him the testimonies of a greater confidence; for the King referring all to the Cardinal, and he, shewing an insuperable constancy in not admitting any proffer, which carried not a secure Warranty of faithful dealing, frustrated all attempts and endeavours. Treaty then being at an end, the French, (the King present) attacque the Barricadoes with that force of theirs which hath no resistance, and possessed them with the Forts and Redoubts, lodging all at once in Susa, and investing the Citadel. The Duke greatly perplexed at this blow, dispatches again his Son with more ample powers and se­cret instructions to conclude upon any Terms. The French had not a mind, altogether free from the cares of the Kingdom, nor had at this time other aim but to mortifie the Duke and preserve Casal.

Whereupon Richelieu having in part obtained his purpose, conclu­ded in Susa with the Prince; That for the Kings Troops, in their going to Casal and return thence, Victuals and Quarters should be furnished by the Duke; that at the Charge of France, but with Corn of Piedmont, the Town should be provided by the Duke himself; that in Hostage the Cita­del of Susa and the Fort of Galassé should be delivered, to be kept by a Garrison of Switzers; and if afterwards Cordua should voluntarily raise the Siege, the King consented, that Nizza should by Switzers, in the Name of the Emperour, be kept for a month, after which time it should be delivered to the Duke of Mantua, although he were not yet invested by Ferdinand. Certain weeks were assigned the Spaniards to ratifie the Treaty, and not accepting it, the Duke promised to joyn his Troops to the Kings, to invade the Milanese, in retribution whereof, and upon the account of his pretensions, there were to be given him, together with Trino, a Revenue of fifteen thousand Crowns in Monferrat.

The Duke approves every thing, and to ratifie the Treaty with pledges of greater confidence, comes to Susa much satisfied, to pre­serve for the present his Country from an Inundation, and perhaps also to hinder the Spaniards from taking Casal, with assured hopes, that such accidents must quickly happen, which would not only prove favourable to him to retain what he possessed, but to recover Susa, and carry on his advantages yet further. The Cardinal on the other side rejoyced, he had obliged Cordua to rise at the Name and Reputation only of the French Arms, succouring without any hazard and ingagement the place besieged. It appearing besides to him, as if he had flattered the vanity and inconstancy of the Duke, his further thoughts were to make use of these Forces and of the Conjuncture to give the Huguenots the last shake, before that from the Spaniards or elsewhere they could receive assistance. In ef­fect, the two Contractors had no other aim but to gain time, little intending to perform the things promised. But Italy not under­standing so soon what was before them, the unlooked for News of the Agreement of Susa brought great amazement.

The Venetians were now ready to invade the Milanese; for ha­ving understood, the King had forced the passage of the Mountains, they had at the sollicitation of the French Ministers ordered their General to joyn the Duke of Mantua, to attempt diversions and such [Page 302] enterprises, as they according to the occasion should find fit. Erizzo then having spoken with the Duke in Villa Franca, and knowing it impossible to pass to Casal through the Milanese, with a Journey of more than a hundred miles, amidst so many Towns and with so ma­ny Rivers between, resolves, leaving Candales with a body of men about Crema to alarm the Spanish Confines, to joyn the Duke in Osti­ano, and from thence to invade the Cremonese with eight thousand & five hundred Foot and fifteen hundred Horse of the Republicks, and with five thousand five hundred Foot and twelve hundred Horse of the Dukes. The Army just marching was obliged to halt, by the advice which was come to Milan of the Treaty of Susa. It was be­lieved, that the Spaniards themselves had under-hand contrived it to be brought to Pietro Anthonio Marioni Resident for the Repub­lick, expresly to divert Invasion on that side, which by reason of the small Forces which they had there was an exceeding trouble to them. But concerning the Treaty, the Venetians remained discontent­ed to extremity, not so much because Monsieur d'Avo, to perswade them to the march, had assured them of the contrary, as because Casal seemed not preserved but for a short time; whence foreseeing, that when the King should be retired, and the Army diminished, the attempts would be re-assumed by the Spaniards, and the evil being prolonged rather than cured, time was given to the Germans to come into Italy.

The Duke of Mantua complained also, that under the favour of an Army so powerful, instead of the Succours he hoped for, he was to receive the greatest damage, whilst Trin and a great part of Mon­ferrat was given to Savoy. The French alledged the preservation of Casal as meritorious, and the necessity of not retarding the Suc­cours as an excuse, understanding the place was reduced to such extremity, that the Army would not have been able to arrive in time, if they must have been forced to make their way with the Sword. In effect, Gonzales drew off from the Siege so soon as he heard of the Treaty, and with the Troops first advanced to Frassinetto retired af­terwards into Alexandria, raging openly, that a certain prey had been taken out of his hand by the Duke of Savoy; but rejoyced in his heart, that if the Capitulation of Susa saved Casal, it preserved also the Milanese, at that time exposed by the weakness of Forces, if it had been invaded, to a most certain ruine. Casal was presently pro­vided with fifteen thousand Sacks of Corn, brought in by the French, and by others furnished by the Duke of Mantua, to whom the Vene­tians gave for that purpose thirty thousand Ducats, besides another sum, to keep his Souldiers in order with some small pay. Into the Town were put a good number of French under Monsieur de Thoiras, Mareschal de Camp, taking their passage through Piedmont, and some were brought into Aqui and Nizza, whence the Spaniards were gone out. The displeasure at their being brought in, more than the shame for the retreat, vexed extremely Gonzales, the French arriving happily there, whence with so much noise of Councils and Arms the Spaniards had endeavoured to keep them far off, and his jealousie [Page 303] was so much the more increased, when he understood, that Father Joseph, a Capucin, most confident with the Cardinal, was going to Mantua to propose amidst many pretexts to the Duke, that, to spare care and troubles, he would yield Monferrat to the Crown, which should give him a Soveraignty in exchange near to the Estate he possessed in the Kingdom.

Carlo from these dealings had occasion to know, that the succours of great Princes are seldom done without respect to their own ad­vantage, and understanding at what the French aimed, he thought it good counsel, if he could possibly bring it to pass, to dis-ingage himself as soon as he could, by assenting to the Treaty of Susa, as well from the assistance of the one, as the Hostility of the other Crown. Dextrously therefore rejecting the Propositions of the Ca­pucin, he sends the Marquess Striggio to give the King thanks for his succours, and together with ample powers to execute the Treaty. But although there was a Meeting upon it of Deputies in Buzzolino, a Town near to Susa, and that the Mantuans offered to the Savoy­ards the choice of Lordships divided into four Ranks; yet Carlo Emanuel, who thought of any thing but observing the accord, first by several excuses, and after by the supervening of new accidents, frustrates the business. The Ambassadour Soranzo being arrived at Susa, and finding the Agreement concluded, though he could not di­vert the prejudices which were apprehended by the Republick, en­deavoured at last, that the execution might be warily provided for, by deferring the departure of the King and the Army till Ratifications should arrive from Spain. His considerations to the King and Car­dinal were; That Peace was not well grounded upon words alone and promises, in an Age, in which fraud passes for expedience, and infide­lity is reckoned amongst advantages; but that security consisted in ful­filling and effectuating Agreements. That fear of that unconquered Ar­my had extorted from the Duke of Savoy a Consent. Fame, the fore-runner of the Glory of so generous a Monarch, had forced the Governour of Milan from Casal. But that agreements dictated from necessity, as by an unjust and violent Minister, have always been observed to be of short continuance. If that troublesom and inconstant spirit of the Duke be thought to be sufficiently fixed, it were but reason to loosen the bond of Force. If the will of Gonzales be thought changed, or the Maxims of the Councils of Spain moderated, he for his part consented that the thought of Arms should be laid aside. But if in the one, from the pro­vocation of the affront, an ambitious heart be discovered, and in the other, vexed to the purpose with shame, a haughty mind, and in both the gnawing desire of Ambition and Empire be invited from difficulty; a false security would delude the mind of so great a King, and scorn the counsel of his wise Minister. That Glory was a Plant, which endu­red load and weight upon it self; but if abandoned to the offences of time, and the injuries of men, naked and torn, though at first adored, within a while it would be despised. That from the Alps the prosperous name of the Crown of France resounded through Italy; but if so soon as arrived it disappears, its friends would within a while seek for prote­ction [...] [Page 306] two Archbishopricks, twelve Bishopricks, and a great number of Abbies and rich Monasteries, to the so great commotion of the Hereticks, that Saxe with all his Party highly complained of it, and denied that such Authority was due to the Emperour alone without a Diet and the consent of the States of the Empire. But flattered with a crafty promise, that the restitution should not be pressed but in a judiciary and civil way, he within a while perceives that the Generals of the Armies were deputed for the execution of it, who confounding the doubtful with the certain, filled the Em­pire with alteration, and the Princes with losses and complaints. The contrivance seemed of moment, because the best Pieces and the Churches which had Principalities annexed, were to be incorporated into the Sons and Family; the rest, to promote the Reformation of Religion, were with vast riches to be given by the Emperour to the Jesuits now exalted, and believed the Authors of this Decree, which, considering the condition of the times, even to the most zea­lous seemed unseasonable.

Designs stopping not here, he sends General Arnhein into Prussia with an Army in favour of the Polacks, not so much in a thankful re­tribution of the succours in the greatest pressure of his necessities, obtained from King Sigismond, as to keep the King of Swede intan­gled in those parts. But the effect was very differing from the coun­sel; for the Polacks, having a natural distrust of Strangers, and in particular detesting the Germans, so soon as under the warmth of this assistance they began to breathe with some prosperity, obliged their King to make a Truce for six years. Whereupon Gustavus began to ruminate in his vast mind upon vast thoughts, and provo­ked, or desirous to prevent the injuries he feared, lent his ear to ma­ny invitations, which in the name of Princes discontented and en­viers of the Austrians were brought to him; and to lay the grounds of some Intelligences and Agreement, he sent secretly to divers Prin­ces Wolmar Count of Faremsback. But in Holland, England, and France, he found as then rather a hearing than reflecting upon this Proposition of moving Arms against Ferdinand, whilst the late Wars in Poland, with the felicity of successes, had rather gotten the King the reputation of wise and valiant, than renown to the Kingdom, be­lieved by all no less poor than remote, and by consequence too weak to grapple with the Fortune and Power of the Austrians, now grown to a full age and well rooted.

Nevertheless Richelieu, who despised nought that was profitable and great, resolves to send secretly Ministers to sound better the Ge­nius and Power of the King and the disposition of the Princes of the Empire. Faremsback, being by by-ways got into Italy, and come to Mantua about the time of the Arrival of the Germans, observed the Dukes great fear, and offered him diversion in Germany, when with ready money he should give motion and means to the good disposi­tion of his King, richer in Courage and Iron than in Strength and Gold. At last discovering the Duke in a condition rather to re­ceive than give assistance, he passes to Venice with Letters Creden­tial; but demands nothing but the convenience of a Galley to go [Page 307] into Dalmatia, his way lying to Buda, and from thence into Transil­vania to Ragotzi, succeeded to Gabor deceased, to settle a friendship, and also to concert on that side more sensible and more than any o­ther important moving of Arms against Ferdinand. Such was the be­ginning, little regarded by some, and derided by others, of that boi­sterous storm, which was seen soon after to over-turn Germany in its greatest prosperity.

Ferdinands cares were now divided betwixt Italy and Holland, to retribute to the Spaniards the Treasure so liberally spent, the Suc­cours given, and the Advantages procured him by so many Forces through the whole occurrences of the Empire. The States of the Ʋnited Provinces with a powerful Army of twenty four thousand Foot and five thousand Horse held Boisleduc besieged, a Town which with its Territory forms a principal part of Brabant; and which be­ing formerly attempted, but by its moorish situation defended, had frustrated both Art and Force. Orange having now disposed his Quarters within a large Circumvallation, and strengthened it with Works to be wondred at, inclosed it so strongly, that having shut out all sorts of succours, and where the Earth permitted advancing his approaches, rendred all other attempts useless to the Spaniards but that of a diversion. And to this they applied themselves but late, Competition being risen amongst the Commanders; because the Commission of Generalissimo being by the King conferred on Count Henry of Berg, native of the Provinces of Flanders, the Strangers, and particularly the Spaniards, accustomed to command, refused to obey him. The dispute at last adjusted, they resolved to carry their Army through Frise into Holland to oblige Orange not only to raise the Siege, but to give the States such a blow, that putting the Country into disorder and confusion, Tumults might be raised and some important Conquests also made. Wesel then upon the Rhine being appointed for the place of Arms, Berg arrives there with thir­ty thousand Foot, seventy Companies of Horse, and forty pieces of Cannon, and after having scattered jealousies in several places and feigned divers attacques, passes that River on a sudden, and surpri­sing a Pass upon the Isel, esteemed the strongest defence in those parts, advancing into the Velaw, whence without much contest the way opened it self to Amsterdam.

At the same time, according to resolutions agreed on at Vienna, the Count Montecuculi with ten thousand Imperialists arrives, Count John of Nassaw with eight thousand more being not far off, sent on purpose, that with the applause of the Family and name he might divide the people, and put Oranges party into confusion. Amersfort was rendred with little ado to Berg; Hem fell into the hands of Montecuculi, the Croats in particular with the terrour of their Fame and Fortune pillaging to the Walls of Ʋtrecht, filling every thing with fear and slaughter. The Spaniards then apply themselves to the Siege of Hattem, placed in a situation, which, besides that it cut off correspondence with some Provinces and places of importance, was of marvellous use for the Armies wintering in the Velaw, which is [Page 308] the heart of the Country. The place was not over strong, nor the Garrison sufficient to defend it; yet it held out for certain days. The belief in Holland was, that for so many losses there was no safe­ty but in Orange, who was thereupon sollicited by the Council of State to abandon Boisleduc, and come to the assistance of the Coun­try in that extremity of dangers. He, either holding, as the Spa­niards believed, secret Correspondence with Berg, or desirous to reap the fruit and glory of Boisleduc, now reduced to extremity, sends Count Ernest Casimir with some Troops, that, animating and assembling the Militia of the Country, he should entertain and in the best manner he could for some days oppose the Enemy.

But chance now brought a speedy and more secure redress to the affairs of those Provinces. The Governour of Emrick, a Hollander, knowing that the Garrison in Wesel was weakened, and that in the Wall, for the heightning of a Bastion there was a place inclosed on­ly with Palisadoes, attempts to surprize it there, and luckily carries it, being favoured by some of the Inhabitants, most averse by rea­son of Religion to the Spaniards. Berg and Montecuculi greatly asto­nished at this unexpected blow, seeing the way of their retreat and the passage for their Victuals cut off by the Hollanders, not to lose their Armies and remain buried in the dirt and ditches of that low Country, thought best, abandoning Amersford and the Siege of Hat­tem to withdraw themselves speedily and with safety into their own Provinces. Only Nassau remained in those parts to see what occa­sion would bring forth: But Boisleduc in this interim being rendred to Orange, he was also constrained to be gone.

The Spaniards, by reason of their applications wholly intent up­on Italy, where they hoped for great advantages, did not resent los­ses elsewhere, but instead of revenging themselves, made a new of­fer to the United Provinces of a Truce, which by some, now weary of the War, being hearkened to with applause, was at last by the major part rejected, after long contestations, upon the perswasions of the Ministers of Venice and France, who by their diligent coope­ration diverted them from it, doubting, lest to that great diversion a stop coming to be put, the full tide of their Armies might over­flow Italy. And they had just occasion for it, because notwith­standing their ingagements elsewhere, they saw draw near to their Confines a brave Army of Ferdinands: Who sent Letters before to the Cantons of Helvetia, by which he demanded passage for his Ar­mies through their Country, and besides that for the accommoda­tion and security of his Ensigns he might be permitted to keep the passages with his own Souldiers.

The Imperialists by such a motion aimed rather to amuse the Gri­sons and their Confederates, to the end to take them unprovided, than to obtain what they demanded of the Cantons; nor did their aim deceive them: for whilst with wonted slowness the Switzers as­semble themselves in Baden, and that the minds of all, with the en­deavours of the Princes interessed, were with great trouble turned that way; the form of denying the Pass, and the means to oppose it [Page 309] being under consideration in the Diet, the Imperial Troops joyning at Meminghen in Swabe, advanced with great expedition to Con­stans, and receiving a months pay at Ʋberling, marched on to sur­prise the Steich, the strongest Pass of Rhetia. Nor was it difficult to possess it, being unprovided, and through the whole Country in the place of defence confusion and fear prevailing, Majanfelt in the very brunt ran the same Fortune with Coira, where Monsieur de Me­min, the French Ambassadour, who was then there, was taken and kept Prisoner. The Count John de Merode led this party of men as a Vanguard consisting of ten thousand Foot and fifteen hundred Horse. At this violence offered to Rhetia, Italy justly trembled, seeing yet greater dangers imminent. The Ambassadour of Spain and the Resident of the Emperour, to provoke them to greater sus­picions, or to make tryal of them in this Conjuncture of their great apprehensions, communicated to the Venetians the march of these Troops as intended only to maintain the Rights of the Empire in Italy, to which the Catholick King also, so nearly joyned in blood and interest to Ferdinand, could not deny him his assistance. And therefore invited the Republick to second the design, and adhere to their party, approved by the occasion and by Heaven, because in their friendship they would find quiet and advantage.

The Senate always accustomed in the greatest hazards to shew themselves more resolute and constant, in short and grave words complying with their duty, applied themselves to their own defence, making Levies and providing the chief Cities and places with Mo­ney, Victuals, and every other thing necessary. It was given out, that the War would fall to be in Friuli, though every body believed, that Mantua was to receive the first blow; in regard that that State, as a Peninsula, being interwoven within that of the Republick, its danger concerned it equally with their own. Wherefore after having dispatched Marco Anthonio Businello, Secretary, to reside in Mantua, they sent the Duke a great sum of Money, Ammunition, and Can­non, with Matroses and Engeniers, that he might make provision of Corn, and be before hand with his Fortifications. In France pressing instances were made for diversions and succours. But the King, though for the insult upon the Grisons and the arrest of his Ambassa­dour he shewed himself grievously offended; nevertheless instead of coming back to Susa, returns to Paris, Richelieu with the Court following him. This retreat, which afflicted Italy and struck the Vene­tians with great dislike, had not so much its impulse from the Kings apprehension, who saw many of the Gentry dye and sick in the Camp, as from the Plots which were working against Richelieu by the Queens in Paris, and from the retreat of the Duke of Orleans in disgust, that the Queen-mother fearing, lest he should with violence take away the Princess Mary to marry her, had caused her to be kept in a manner Prisoner in the Bois de Vincennes. The King indeed had caused her to be set at liberty, but with order to his Brother, be­twixt themselves, not to marry her without the Mothers consent; whereupon against the Cardinal, believed the Author of this con­trivance, [Page 310] was equally stirred the hatred of the Queen and of the Duke. The one therefore sets her self to work his destruction, whilst the other, retired into Lorrain and well received by the Duke, being greedy to involve France in a civil Combustion, published a Manifest, in which concealing the causes of the amorous flames, those of hatred against the Cardinal were sufficiently vented, ar­raigning the form of the present Government.

The burden then of the War of Italy rested upon the Venetians, and France perswaded them to undergo it without fear, with pro­mises of greater assistance, when invaded in their own Dominion; it seeming, that the Mantuan, whither the Arms of that Crown could not reach, was in all respects to rest upon the care of the Republick. Monsieur de Razilier was nevertheless dispatched by the King to Cre­qui, with orders that he should press Savoy to the execution of the Accord; and thence passing to Mantua, should incourage that Duke, and sollicite the Venetians to take into their possession the passages of the Valteline, to stop the Germans way; but difficulties too great opposed themselves, the Imperialists having now Rhetia in their pow­er, and being able by other ways to go into the Milanese; whence the French saw it necessary to change design and resist by more pow­erful means the prejudices feared from that side. Whereupon a Council being held at Paris, where was present the Ambassadour So­ranzo, who consenting that the Republick should come in for a third part, it was agreed, that at a common Charge four thousand Swit­zers should be levied, to which joyning four thousand French Foot and five hundred Horse, the recovery of the Passes by force should be attempted. The counsel was seasonable to hinder the Spaniards from Succours in future, and to keep the Imperialists distracted or in­gaged amidst those Mountains, if to the warmth of the resolution there had followed an effect of suitable expedition. But whilst the Mareshal de Bassompiere was designed for the command of these men and the direction of the enterprise, and that he knowing the Cardi­nal ill affected towards him, feared, lest in the heat of the business he should abandon him and ruine him, and whilst that Coevre was substituted into his place, (who for the future shall be called the Mareshal d'Etré) and whom the Switzers and Grisons, mindful of things happened formerly in the Valteline, openly opposed; the op­portunity and the season vanished: so that when Bassompiere, acce­pting at last the Charge, went amongst the Cantons, he effected no­thing but the Levy of a Body of that Nation to re-inforce the Kings Army which returned into Italy; Richelieu excusing to Soranzo the mutation of Councils by the change of times, because the plague in­fested Rhetia, the Snow shut up the passages, and above all the Swit­zers on several considerations refused to carry their Arms in open Hostility against the Colours of Ferdinand.

Carlo Emanuel, that had stirred up the Emperour to send his Ar­mies into Italy, and with specious offers had presented himself for his Captain General, sollicited the French to render to him the Town of Susa, alledging that by the retiring of Cordua, the Corn [Page 311] brought into Casal, and the giving passage to their Troops to garri­son it, he had on his side fulfilled the Accord. But he at the same time fortifying Avigliana, and more and more closing in confidence with the Austrians, gave clear arguments of an irreconciled and ho­stile mind; whereupon Richelieu lets him know, that the Crown would keep that Pass of the Alps, till the Emperour should restore those of Rhetia to the Grisons. Ferdinand on the other side, renew­ing the respect of that people by giving liberty to the Ambassadour Memin, quits not the possession of the Passes, nor gives the Investi­ture to the Duke of Mantua, though in order to the Treaty of Su­sa, King Lewis, by the means of Monsieur de Sabran, instantly requi­red it; but rather refuses every thing until the Crown of France should ingage it self in Italy, and take part in that cause, the decisi­on whereof belonged to his Authority.

The Spaniards also, alledging the introducing of the French into Monferrat, refused to ratifie the said Treaty of Susa; but to justifie the delay, or rather to try mens minds, and keep the Armies in sus­pence, dispatch to Paris the Secretary Navazza with the President Monfalcon, Ambassadour of Savoy, to offer, that France withdrawing the Garrisons out of Monferrat and Piedmont, they on their side would forbear troubling of Nevers, and remove jealousies from the other Confederates of that Crown. By this it was perceived, that they had no other aim but to exclude all defence from Italy, that so the Imperial Troops, entring thereupon and changing name or pre­text, it might relapse under scourges and plagues yet more cruel. Advertisements of it came already from all parts, and the signs of it seemed clear; for that other nine thousand Foot and fifteen hundred Imperial Horse were near their arrival, and other Troops followed them under Count Rambald Colalto, a Vassal of the Republick, and ho­noured with the Character of a Patrician; but being bred in the Wars of Germany from his younger years, and enriched with an Estate and Honours served Ferdinand in this Expedition in the Charge of Commander in chief. But the Emperour desiring that terror might make plain the way for his Army, to divert by fear the Prin [...]es from declaring in favour of the Duke of Mantua, had answered as the Popes Ministers, who perswaded him to send Commissioners to try the way of an amicable agreement, that Fridland with the suit of fifty thousand Souldiers should be his Commissioner, whose name as much as it was famous by his Fortune, so much was it ren­dred terrible by his cruelty.

But although in the straightness and amidst the wants of Rhetia, the German Troops could not long subsist, nevertheless being suppli­ed with Money and Victuals by the Governour of Milan, it was re­quisite to stay there for some days; for, although the march was undertaken at the instigation of the Spaniards, yet the Seat of the Monarchy and of the Councils being far remote, and the Genius of that Nation slow, Correspondencies on their side could not be speeded in a readiness suitable to the resolutions. Spinola especially was expected in Italy, destined thither with great reputation and [Page 312] vast hopes, that he would correct Cordua's errours, and restore the Lustre of Arms; but the scantness of pay being not sufficient for the greatness of the preparations, he prolonged his imbarking for some months. In this interim thirty Gallions, come out of the Ocean, were his fore-runners to scour the Mediterranean, and to op­pose the attempts of the French Fleet, which, as said, was by way of the Sea to bring men and succours into Italy; and a report was added, that they were already advanced into the Adriatick: where­upon the Venetians, accustomed to consider all where there was que­stion of much, gave command that the Fleet should he strengthened with ten Gallies of Dalmatia and Candia to be presently armed, and greater preparations were put into an order, if there should be oc­casion. At Land, watchful with the greatest diligence, they order­ed the assembling of ten thousand Souldiers, their Subjects, and agreed for numerous Levies of French, which were to pass out of Provence by Sea, under the Duke of Candale, the Chevalier de la Valletta, and the Duke of Rohan, who, to quiet the Jealousies of the Court of France, was come to Venice; and they sent to Mantua, dis­covering as danger approached the faith of that people to be waver­ing, four thousand men for the preservation of the place, and three hundred Albanese to arm a Galliot and some Barks in the Lake, dis­bursing money, that the Duke under his own Colours might levy four thousand men more. But Spinola, dis-embarking at last in Ge­noua with many Souldiers and with seven hundred Cases of Pieces of Eight, came to Milan, and brought the money into the Castle with Pomp, with money and fame recruiting the Army in a mo­ment. And now the Germans, who, Colalto being joyned, amount­ed to thirty thousand Foot and five thousand Horse, marched, and being arrived in the Milanese, extended their Quarters, longst the Rivers Adda and Oglio, to the Confines of the Venetians. On this side of the said Rivers coasted upon them Marco Justiniano Prove­ditor Extraordinary in the Bergamasco, with Colonel Milander and a Squadron volant of betwixt three and four thousand choice men, to repress any insult, which the insolence of that Army might make; but miserably afflicting the Towns of the Milanese, they contained themselves towards those of the Venetians in great discipline. Con­tinuing afterwards their march towards Mantua, amidst the confusi­ons, which the fury of Arms brought with it, Treachery was also discovered; whereupon in Viadana was arrested a French Officer, who by means of the Prince of Guastalla plotted to deliver that place to the Governour of Milan; and in Mantua was made publick a Conspiracy framed against the life of the Prince. It happened at this very time, that the Duke of Main, Son of Carlo, in his passage to Casal, was at Pergola on the Borders of the Piacentino taken Pri­soner by the Marquess Malespina, with the loss of certain Jewels and some money; but delivering him to a Company of Horse to guard him to Milan, the Duke made his escape and got safely into Casal. Amidst so great disturbances, Spinola secretly exhorts the Duke of Mantua to humble himself, by lodging of Souldiers, depositing his [Page 313] States, and referring himself without exception to the clemency of Ferdinand and the piety of Philip. Julio Mazarino, who, as substi­tuted to Panciroli, the Popes Nuntio, begins now to appear in busi­ness, as a thin Vapour that became afterwards the brightest Star of Europe, carried to the Duke himself a project in the name of Spinola for a Cessation of Arms. But that being not to be practised without depositing of places and giving Quarters to Troops; and Colalto de­nying that he had a power to conclude a Truce, the Duke, shewing himself resolute in the most perilous courses, declares, that being un­der the protection of the Crown of France, it behoved him to com­municate to that Court every Proposition of Accord.

The mischiefs of the War being now not to be restrained longer, and the Siege of Mantua seeming to be near, the Republick resolves to maintain it with all their power; for which purpose the General Erizzo, after having spoken with the Duke, incamps the Army, which consisted of about eighteen thousand Foot and Horse in Va­lezzo, a place which covering Verona and Peschiera, was made com­modious for its own defence, and convenient to send succours to Mantua. Colalto publishing an Edict in Milan, by which in the name of the Emperour he commanded the people to withdraw their obe­dience from the Duke, requires of the Prince of Bozzolo the delive­ry of Ostiano, and at the same time, without expecting an answer, caused the Count de Soragna to surprise it. Casting a Bridge there over the Oglio, and fortifying the Banks on each side with a Garrison of fifteen hundred men, the Army halts there for some days, either by reason of the Rains which fell in the Autumn, or the Feaver, which having seized Colalto obliged him to stay in Cremona. The Army at last marching again, the first places of the Mantuan, that suffer­ed, (which may be called rather desolation than spoil) were Vogezzo, Cigognera, and Volongo. Thence four thousand men took their Post at Isola, and fifteen Companies at Piadene. Viadana, a great place, was presently invested, and the Town being not able to resist, la Rocca also, a very weak one, after some shot of Cannon was yielded. The Duke had not placed his hopes in their defence; but thinking by cutting the Banks to have drowned the Germans in the Po, the blow succeeded not; for that Balduino del Monte, to whom the care was committed, had executed the order out of time. By another body of the Imperialists was possessed Caneto, abandoned at their first appearance, because it was a place not to be kept, by Angelo Corraro, a noble Venetian, who, banished out of his Country, had taken Ser­vice under the Duke. There being no Town capable to resist, nor Army which could dispute their progress in the field, the Germans ravaged over all, desolating and burning every thing with so much slaughter, that sacred things being violated by the military impiety, and this using yet more cruelty against the prophane, with un­heard of arrogance of burnings, killings, and rapines, that unhap­py Country, heretofore amongst the pleasantest of Italy, was left for a long time a hideous field, where posterity shall for a great while behold the most outragious marks of barbarism. Nor did the Con­fines [Page 314] of the Republick scape wholly free, after the Imperialists had possessed in the Mantuan the Towns of Ostia and Pontemolino; but there being disposed into several places Horse-Guards of Cappelletti, by them and the Peasants the Germans were often repulsed and sometimes beaten. Some hoped, that the Seraglio might amuse the Army for some days. This is an inclosure a few miles out of Mantua, made up partly by moorish grounds, and partly by certain Works of Earth of a great circuit and difficult to be kept; never­theless some were of opinion that it should be defended, because Winter being near, and the Enemy suffering by many inconvenien­cies and great disbandings, the gain of certain days was reckoned for no little advantage. The Duke doubting with reason, lest in so great a compass, it being not possible to keep it every where, the Germans should break in upon some one part, and cut off the way of retreat for his men into Mantua, abandons it. The force then of the attacque and the care of the defence was to be reduced to about the City alone.

Mantua is by nature of a very strong situation; the River which at its source is called Sarga, issuing out of the famous Lake di Gar­da, takes the name of the Mincio, and passing through the midst of Peschiera, a little below enters into the Borders of Mantua. There where the City is placed it flows into a Lake, formed by Art in those times that the principal Cities of Italy, torn by intestine dis­cords, groaned under the Tyranny of particular Lords. So that Mantua is environed with waters in the midst of many moorish grounds. Certain Bridges joyn it to the Continent; the two longest do end, the one al Porto, which is a Citadel with regular Bastions, the other at the Suburbs of St. Giorgio, composed of many houses, but of little defence. Near to this Bridge lies the Castle, joyned to the City by an ancient Building, and part of the most ample Palace of the Dukes. Where it came nearest to the Terra firma, three other little Bridges called della Pradella, di Pusterla, and del Thé, served to as many Ports, with a certain little Island between, kept for the plea­sure of the Prince. The place therefore was not thought easie to be won, the Artillery being not able to batter the Walls but from far; the approaches being not to be joyned to the Wall; nor the largeness of the Lake suffering so straight a Circumvallation, but there would remain many ways open for Succours. The circum­ference it self of the Walls had been very much fortified with new Works, and the Dukes Souldiers being almost mouldered to no­thing, the Garrison was increased by the Venetians, besides the four thousand Foot formerly sent, with one thousand Foot more and five hundred Horse. The City was now believed in a condition able to consume the Enemy, and give time for Succours, which was alone expected from France. Great doubt only arose from the courage of the Inhabitants inclining to the Austrians; because under the Go­vernment of a great Prince, some imagining they should have peace, and others fancying to themselves advantages, all abhorring the present evils and imminent calamities, detested their new Master, as [Page 315] who seemed the occasion of them. As to other places of the Coun­try, it was agreed, by the means of Giovanni Martiningo, Superin­tendent of the Artillery, sent by Erizzo to Mantua to view the For­tifications, that the Duke with his men should keep Governolo, where the Water-sluces served to overflow the moorish grounds of the Lake, and that by the Garrison of the Republick should be defend­ed Castel Giufre and Goito together, which standing on the Banks of the Mincio, betwixt Mantua and Peschiera, might be greatly useful to help in Succours. But Governolo, abandoned with weak resistance by the Mantuans, fell into the Germans power, as also Gazuolo, whence some few Venetians withdrew, who neither for the place nor for the number were able to defend it. Amidst the flames of the Mantuan were heard also the tears and cryes of the Monserrins; for Spinola sending Philip his Son to Valenza, had commanded Ferrante Guevara with four thousand Foot and five hundred Horse to possess that part of the Monferrat, which is called the Lower. The gross of the Spanish Army intrenched it self at St. Salvador and other Posts about Casal, in which Thoiras, having abandoned all places else ex­cept Rossignano and Pontestura, was with three thousand and five hun­dred Foot. Spinola therefore had not yet a mind to ingage himself in the Siege of the place, but only environ it at large and incommo­date it, not so much because the Winter season was coming on, as to keep the Army free, to oppose the French, if they should return a­new into Italy, and that the Germans in the mean time might make themselves Masters of Mantua: Which place taken, Casal was after to be attacqued by the Spaniards, and the Imperial Army to be in a readiness to hinder Succours.

These designs were made known in France, together with the progress of their Arms to the prejudice of the Duke of Mantua and the danger of the Venetians, who incessantly put the King and Car­dinal in mind of the Word, Faith, Interest, and Honour of the Crown, with those incitements that might provoke the warlike Nation, the magnanimous King, and his most generous Minister. But nothing was obtained but hopes and promises, Richelieu protesting, that neither Italy nor the Republick should receive the least preju­dice; and so the motion of the French was retarded till towards the end of the year, either by the agitations of Court not yet fully quiet­ed, or because, believing it difficult in the concourse of so many Forces in Italy to maintain, with a felicity of success equal to the expectation of the World, the Grandeur and Glory of that Crown, they had a mind that the storm should vent it self, and, the Armies of the Austrians consuming themselves in the mean time, to come upon them afterwards with fresh Troops of greater strength, to give Law more easily to their consumed Enemies and wearied Friends. At last, mischiefs drawing to extremity, it was resolved at Paris, that the Cardinal with Title of Generalissimo should move towards Italy, and that, to draw to Court during his absence Orleans, who shewed an abhorrency to him, the King should go near to receive him on the Confines of Lorrain, and should, to content him with something [Page 316] of appearance, put under his Command a small body of an Army in Champaigne for the defence of the Frontiers. The Cardinal goes out of Paris with great applause, carrying in his hand the Authority of the King and the Forces of the Kingdom, but not with a mind free from many cares, which his long absence from Court gave him, and the Orders, as precise as deep, of the Queen-mother, which charged him, upon severe protestations of disgrace, not to break openly with Spain. Whilst he was ordering his march in France, Mantua suffered bitterly in the Siege.

The Germans, to say truth, declined quickly in their strength, be­cause, besides the evils of the season and the Climate, being accusto­med in the wide Provinces of Germany, where instead of pay they have recourse to military licence, they were in want, in the narrow­ness of the Mantuan, wasted already by Sword and Fire, not only of prey, but also of food. So that many died, some languished with sickness, and others sought their escape by running away. Never­less the Army drawing near the City, threatned the Bourgh of St. Giorgio, believing it as weak to resist as convenient to lodge in. The Prince de Buzzolo going into Mantua, endeavoured to perswade the Duke, from dangers and accidents something disturbed and in dis­order, to deliver it up, to shew some kind of respect to the Emperors Colours, to give occasion for a Treaty, and to stop the proceedings of the Army, which being weakned and in want of many things, had no pretence but to preserve the Emperours honour with some seeming appearance. Durant, a Colonel of the Venetians, opposed that coun­sel, offering to maintain the Burg with his men, and for some days weary and hold the Enemy play, gaining by that vigour those ad­vantages, which could hardly be hoped for from a shewing of weak­ness. But the Duke, too warily preferring the deceitful before the reasonable, sends to the Marquess Frederick Gonzagha to deliver it to Aldringher, who in the place of Colalto, yet indisposed, had the Command of the Army. The Germans ascribing all to necessi­ty, and not to respect, were so far from consenting to a suspension of Arms, hoped for by the Duke, that they rather required to put a Garrison into the Citadel of Mantua, and to have the keeping of a Gate. They then put by the hopes of obtaining it, because the Duke incensed shewed himself resolute to hold out and defend himself, planted several Batteries in the Burg, and particularly in the Church-yard, which stands there in a situation something eminent. Against the Cereso they raised others to gain that Post, by which they opened an entry into the Island of the Thé, and might better than elsewhere approach to the Walls of the City. But finding stout resistance, and being several times with great loss repulsed, they betook themselves to Art, making a Truce with the Garrison for three hours only, during which, digging secretly a covered way, they surprised the Post, the Souldiers that kept it, upon such an un­looked for assault, taking the flight, leaving their Ammunition and Arms behind them. Durant, by reason of the importance of the place, not being able to suffer the loss and mischief by it, a while [Page 317] after making a Sally, drives them out of it with great bravery, for­tifying himself there in such sort, as rendred all the Enemies attempts afterwards without effect.

On the other side, the Germans under the favour of their Batte­ries were advanced even to the middle of the Bridge of St. Giorgio, when being assaulted by a strong and numerous Sally, they gave way leaving their Arms and Gabions in the power of the Duke. The Citadel of Porto with its Cannon made their approach to it diffi­cult; when they, craftily sending a Trumpet to that side, whilst he went softly on, and the Garrison intermitted shooting to expect what Message he should bring, they planted one Gabion, and, under covert of that, ranging others with what haste they could, covered them­selves by flinging up earth. Those within were quit with them in another place, driving the Enemy out of an Inn they had fortified, which gave them great annoyance. But if attacques were success­ful, hunger in the Camp advanced, the Venetians having stopped all passages for bringing Victuals to them, and Corn, for want of which all Italy miserably suffered. The Army having wanted bread for some days, were ready to withdraw, when Corn being abundantly sup­plied out of the Popes Dominions by a Contract made with the Co­staguti Merchants in Ferrara, under the name whereof it was said, that the Popes Kindred by buying and selling made great profit. The Venetians were offended at it, complaining and concealing it not, that for the price of that Corn was sold the liberty and safety of Italy. No want of Victuals was as yet in Mantua, because the Republick had plentifully provided it for a year but of the Souldiery in so many occasions many were lost, and the Ammunition consumed; where­upon it being needful to think of relief, a thousand Foot were sent by Erizzo, with much Ammunition, convoyed by three thousand other Foot and four hundred Horse, which without any ill rencoun­ter coming to the Lake of Mantua, and, by errour in the adjustment, not finding Boats ready there to carry them into the Town, were forced to retire. Nevertheless a little while after, Intelligence be­ing better setled with the Duke, they got safe in, to the unspeakable joy of the besieged. Pietro Quirini Proveditor of the Cavalry of Croats and Albanese, and Colonel Milander, returning from the Con­voy, meeting with seven hundred German Horse carrying away some Booty, beat them, chasing them in such sort, that leaving, their prey, they had no thoughts but to save themselves. Aldringher made aware by this succour, of what importance the place of Goito was, goes thither with three thousand Foot and twelve hundred Horse; and was no sooner arrived but gave an assault upon it, but was bravely repulsed by the Garrison. Bringing afterwards Cannon and with a few shot making a breach in the Wall, not supported by a Rampart, the Governour taking fright renders it against the will of the Souldiers of the Greek Nation, who were of the opinion to maintain it, and therefore so soon as he came into Mantua he was publickly punished with infamy; whereupon a great entrance re­maining shut for the relieving of Mantua, the Venetians endeavour­ed [Page 318] to keep open at least that of Castel Giufré, whence Erizzo let in three Companies of Relief, and committed the Guard and Com­mand of the Post to Colonel Lunge, a French man. And the Impe­rialists knowing now the importance of it, had their aim upon it; but by reason of the time of the year, and not to divide their Troops into too many parts, sparing force for the present, betook themselves to Art, causing Giovanni Giacomo Pancirolo, the Popes Nuntio, to tempt the Duke with wonted flatteries to deliver it to Colalto, that from redoubled testimonies of obedience to the Empe­rours Colours being satisfied, he might at last incline to some Accord, or at least to a suspension of Arms. The Duke, rendred more wary from what had happened at St. Giorgio, rejecting so pernicious Pro­positions, placed his safety now more in Defence than Treaty. He molested the Enemy with frequent Sallies, keeping him busied and distracted in several parts, and one night particularly surprized la Vergiliana, where the Germans, that were not killed or Prisoners, were drowned in the water by the breaking of a Bridge, by which they thought to make a running escape: Assents nevertheless at the endeavours of the Nuntio, that there should be a suspension of Arms for a month, but to no purpose; because Colalto pretended to have liberty in that interim to fortifie himself in his Posts, that no Victuals should be carried into Mantua but from Countries far off, and that Carlo should sign Duke of Nevers, refusing the Expedient, which, something to facilitate the business, he offered, to sign by the name of Carlo, or of Carlo the Duke, without expressing of what. Hostility then continuing, the Venetian General considering of a new supply, sends under Count Bartolomo Soardo, Bergamasco, other five hundred Souldiers with Powder and Match, that were for the most part Greeks that were come out of Goito, the Nation desiring it, that by the proof of hazard the Surrender might be confirmed not to have happened by their default. They all got safe in, convoyed near to Goito by a Body of Horse which halted there to beat back whatsoever coming forth should disturb their way. With this Re­lief the besieged taking new courage, multiplied more and more their Sallies, and in one from the Cereso gave the Enemy a notable blow. The Germans now began to find that there was no hope ei­ther to famish the place or take it; but the thoughts of retiring vexed them not less, whilst the Dukes Sallies and the difficulty of the miry ways made it impossible to bring off the Cannon in safety. Applying themselves therefore to Artifice, they caused Mazarine to propose to the Duke a short suspension of Arms. He first rejects it in respect to the French Army, upon the way for his Relief, resol­ving not to make a step without the Kings knowledge. At last, overcome by Mazarine with the urgency and power of his words, he consents to abstain ten days from Sallies. It was enough for the Germans to free themselves and withdraw the Cannon, lea­ving nevertheless for haste in their Quarters certain Morter-pieces with some Ammunition. The Venetians would have wished, that Army might rather have consumed it self in the sufferings and fa­ctions [Page 319] about Mantua, than opportunity been given them to retire into more commodious Quarters, and were of opinion, that such Treaties served rather to retard than hasten the French Succours; nor did the Duke of Savoy fail to make use of it, sending immedi­ately, to hinder Richelieu, the advice into France, that a suspension of Arms being setled, there was great hopes of an adjustment. But the Cardinal, knowing the deceit and what was aimed at, continues his March.

The Germans, though at a distance from Mantua, kept it never­theless blocked with several Posts, placing the principal Quarters in several Fiefs of the Empire which are thereabouts, as Nuvolara, Cor­regio, and others, and taking it by force where Quarter was denied, as happened in the County of Mirandola, with a great blow to that little Country. The Duke of Modena freed himself by disbursing money, and receiving Colalto, yet indisposed, in Reggio, with his Guards. In Castiglione and in Solferino, by incouragement of the Venetians, who, in case of Force, promised their assistance, they were kept out by the Mothers of those Princes yet under Tutelage; and in Solferino, under the name of their own Fathers, the Princess, Donna Marcella Malaspina of Verona, brought some Souldiers of the Republick. The Duke, to enlarge himself and to open Commerce with the Camp at Valezzo, recovers Curtartone and Montanara, and presenting the Cannon before Marmirolo, forced the Germans to leave it, though those of Goito attempted to bring succours into it, but were beat back by two thousand Foot and a thousand Horse of the Venetians, which under Prince Luigi d' Esté countenanced the design.

In this manner ends this calamitous year; for with the entrance of the Germans into Italy was introduced all sort of miseries, and especially the plague, which, notwithstanding the cold season, spread it self not only in their Quarters, but in the Mantuan, the Milanese, and the Valteline, with so much increase and mortality, that the wrath of God clearly seemed with the most cruel chastisements set to punish the luxuries and dissoluteness of Italy. About the end of this year dies in Venice Giovanni Cornaro Duke, laden with age and troubles no less for publick than private concerns, disgust being raised betwixt the Pope and the Republick, by occasion of the Car­dinal his Son, Bishop of Vincenza, who, promoted by Ʋrban to the Bishoprick of Padua, of a much more plentiful Revenue, was by the Laws of the Republick, elsewhere mentioned, therein opposed. For which cause the Senate denied him possession of the Temporalities; the Pope insisting that it should not be disposed of to any body else. The Cardinal himself supplicates him, but Ʋrban excused himself with having hastily proposed it in the Consistory. Cornaro would have had the new Church renounced, but they being no less wil­ling at Rome to admit of such an Expedient, the dispute lasted, till, after the Dukes death, Giovanni Tiepolo, Patriarch of Venice dying, the Senate (the Jus Patronatûs being in the Republick) nominates the Cardinal to that Dignity, which was also approved by the Pope, [Page 320] who afterwards assigns the Bishoprick of Padua to Marc Anthonio Cornaro, Primicerio of St. Mark, and the Cardinals own Brother. Yet this was not the sole difference which they had with the Court of Rome; for the Venetian Gallies, to preserve the Dominion of the Sea, had arrested some Ships of Ragusa, which trafficking at Ancona, passed by the Adriatick without paying the recognition usually ex­acted from all sorts of Vessels. Ʋrban complained of it by reason of the prejudice that would thence result to the Port of Ancona; but the Senate did not release them, till upon the coming of Bernardo Giorgi, Ambassadour from those of Ragusa to Venice, to demand them of grace, they were contented to deliver them upon payment of the contribution which was due. But because in fulfilling of the Contract made by the Costaguti with the Germans, the Corn was carried by the Sacca di Goro to Ferrara, the Senate sent armed Barks and Gallies thither, which stopped certain Boats, and seconding it with great complaints, made by their Ambassadour Angelo Contarini Cavalier, represented to the Pope, how prejudicial it was, that ha­ving revolted from the first invitations to France, and the Repub­lick, to be assistant to the Cause of Mantua and the publick Coun­sels, he should feed, to the hurt of others, that Army, whereof but a while ago himself was so much afraid of their neighbourhood and force.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE.An. Dom. 1630 THE EIGHTH BOOK.

ANNO M.DC.XXX.

NIcolo Contarini being assumed in the beginning of this year to the Principality of Venice, the care of the Se­nate was busied about the defence of Mantua, whose preservation being to be ascribed to the Merit of the Republick, obliged for the future to a most vigilant minding of it. In order thereunto they brought into it a new Re­lief of Men and Provisions in abundance, repaired the Fortifications, paying the Garrison with their own money, and maintaining also the Dukes Court. Marmirolo, and Castiglione (called the Mantuan) were guarded by their Souldiers, the Duke having abandoned Cur­tartone and Montanara, not to distract his Forces into so many places. Frequent and bloody occasions happened with the German Garrisons of Castelluzo, Gazzulo, Borgoforte,, Governolo, and Goito, with various Fortune. The Country was full of terrour and slaughter. The Campagnia was made desolate, the Churches were pillaged, and the People were killed. The Inhabitants of some Towns taking Arms from despair, drove out the Enemies Garrisons; but not having a Force to defend themselves equal to their impatience, paid misera­bly the penalty with fire and blood; in particular la Volta, a great place, suffered a chastisement so barbarous and cruel, that no sort of cruelty was there omitted.

[Page 322]The Mareshal d'Estré was Richelieu his fore-runner in Italy, ap­pointed by the King to reside in Mantua in quality of Ambassadour Extraordinary. He being arrived at Venice, and followed a while after by Monsieur de Sabran, a Gentleman that was sent, passed to­gether with D'Avaux Ambassador in Ordinary, most effectual offices with the Senate; that they would send their Army into the Mila­nese, magnifying with such efficacy the Generosity of the King, the Prudence of the Cardinal, the Felicity of their Colours, the Strength of their Army, that Conquests seemed secure, and Spoils certain. Their considerations were; That the Germans were weakened by what they had suffered, and were almost consumed by the plague; Spinola's Army diminished, and the Duke of Savoy constrained to submit to the Kings will, or necessitated, if he should resist, to draw the Army of the Austrians into the bosom of his Country, though Auxiliaries, yet lit­tle less than Enemies. So that the Common-wealths danger was every way diminished, and the Enemy removed far off. When could that Chain ever be broken, which hath already held Italy so many years in subje­ction, if a resolution were not taken to shake it off, now that Wills, For­ces, and a Conjuncture conspired for it? Let the Senate therefore hap­pily resolve to be stirring with their Army; for that there remained no greater enemy to be overcome than the slowness of resolutions and hesi­tations of Councils. Let them bestow this unheard of benefit upon Italy, and procure glory to themselves, which carried with it quiet and in­crease, because the King liberally bestowing on his Confederates the Con­quests, contented himself with his own Greatness and with the glorious Title of the Deliverer of Italy. The French were as much fixed in the resolution not to break with the Spaniards, as they effectually desired the Republick should do it. But the Republick, although it knew the present danger to be so great, that it was fit not to re­gard future hazards, persisted in their first counsels; offered to in­vade so soon as the Kings Army, having passed the Alps, should as­sault the King of Spains Country on the other side; alledged in ex­cuse the consideration of being over-powred by the Germans, and the necessity of not esloignating the Army from Mantua. The Cardinal found himself ingaged with the general expectation of the World, to make good with actions and counsels that great reputation, which Fame had cast upon his person; so that he diligently pursues his march, overcoming the difficulty of the season and the artifices of the Enemy, who by several propositions attempted to amuse him. At Ambrun he gave Audience to the Nuntio Pancirolo, and in the presence of the Ambassadour Soranzo gave him a Project, which contained the departure of the Germans out of Italy, the restitution of what they had taken, the Investiture to Carlo, and the liberty of the Grisons. But the Austrian Ministers, affirming to have no power to treat concerning the Grisons, insisted, that the French Garrisons should be removed out of Casal and out of Monserrat.

Peace then amidst such contrary propositions being despaired of, the Cardinal, by means of Monsieur Servient, turns his instances to­wards the Duke of Savoy to give passage to the Army, furnish it [Page 323] with Victuals, and joyn his Troops to the Royal Colours. He, to spend time, alledged sometimes excuses, then made difficulty about the way the Army was to take, and the means to provide it; at last he desired that the enterprise of Genoua might be resolved on, and that invading conjoyntly the Milanese, Arms might not be laid down before it was wholly conquered. Nothing pressed the Cardinal more than to mortifie the Duke. Declaring therefore friendship with the Genouese, and publishing the carrying of Arms into Italy, to no other end but to advance and establish an honourable and se­cure Peace, firmly denies him that which he had formerly offered him; nay seeming doubtful, lest Carlo with scanty Victuals, incon­venient Quarters, and other tricks, might go about to destroy and consume that Army, he demands that Avigliana should be demolish­ed, it being neither seemly to march under the view and Cannon of that place, nor safe to leave it behind. At last it was agreed after long contests, that the new Works being dismantled, three hundred Souldiers should be put into the old Fortress; but it was quickly discovered, that the one Party retaining disdain sought for pre­texts, and the other meditating on revenge, was framing Treache­ries. The French beginning their march, beheld not only the For­tifications still on foot, but the place guarded by the Duke in person with three thousand Horse and fifteen thousand Foot, the Militia of the Country, hastily assembled for a shew. The Cardinal was not ignorant of it; but shewing himself at the sight thereof bitterly in­raged, was yet more moved when he saw the Duke with the gross of his Army flank his march on the other side of the Dora.

Some of the French Chiefs, provoked by their natural prompt­ness, advised, that passing that little River, they should attacque the Squadrons of the Savoyards, who had nothing of Souldiers but the appearance. But Richelieu, who had other things in design, stop­ped at Casalette, complaining, that he found not the Provisions rea­dy, and judging the intention of Carlo to be to make the French Ar­my perish with hunger, and give time to the Austrians to come to his assistance. The Duke comes thither to him, partly excusing whatever was wanting by the universal scarcity, and partly accu­sing the hasty motion of the Army. But in this Conference nothing passing but mutual complaints, they separated with perfect hatred and greater suspicions. Amidst these eager contests the Ambassa­dour Soranzo goes to Turin to mediate, sent by the Cardinal to ex­hort the Duke to facilitate the passage and enter into the League, offering him in the Name of the King, to inveigle him, the enter­tainment of six thousand Foot and four hundred Horse, of those Troops, which for the Invasion of the Milanese he was bound to joyn to the Army of the Confederates. The design of the Cardinal perhaps was, to send the Ambassadour further from him, that by his importunate counsels, knowing that the Venetians would not like the ingaging of the French Forces in Piedmont, he might not attempt to disturb the designs he intended; for Soranzo remaining yet in Turin, the Cardinal the 18. of March in the night suddenly recalling some [Page 324] Troops which were advanced, and repassing the Dora, sends two thousand Horse to Rivali, a House of Pleasure in the Country, to surprize the Duke, and make him with his Son Vittorio Prisoners.

Carlo kept himself there, to make shew, as was his custom, of an unconcerned mind and generous heart, in delights and divertise­ments amongst the greatest cares and in the midst of danger it self. But getting notice of it by a Confident he had in the French Camp, which was suspected to be the Duke de Momorancy, he could hardly get safe with his Son into Turin; where presently shutting the Gates, manning the Walls, imprisoning some French, which were come in to see the Citadel, and causing others, which served the Princess, to be put in custody, the defence was in a moment ordered, out of a be­lief, that the Cardinal would without delay invest the place. If the Duke, for this attempt of taking him Prisoner, flamed out publickly into rage, Richelieu was vexed at heart, that the design had failed him, and presently betaking himself to his wonted Arts, dispatches Monsieur Servient to Turin to speak with the Prince and the Ambas­sadour Soranzo. The Duke hindring him of access to the one and to the other, and to Soranzo himself, detesting the craft and cun­ning of the Cardinal, refuses, (giving him liberty to be gone) to hearken further to any overtures. And entring into suspicion, that he might have had a hand in this contrivance, or vexed that the Arms and endeavours of the Republick opposed his ends, he dis­charges also the ordinary Ambassadour Francesco Cornaro, who had order from the Senate to pass in that quality to the Court of Spain.

The Cardinal imploying with equal dexterity the subtilties of Treaty and the Stratagems of War, makes as if he would attacque Turin, to draw defence and forces to the Metropolis. He after­wards bends towards Pignerol, causing it to be invested by Crequi with six thousand Foot and a thousand Horse, and the day after en­virons it with the whole Army. The Town is twelve miles distant from Turin, situate upon a height, where the Alps terminating, or rather intermitting, certain Vallies fall in, which worthily give it the name of a large and easie entrance into Italy. It being not strong, and one part of the Garrison being gone to the assistance of Turin, the Town held out but one day. Count Ʋrban di Schalenge, the Governour, was retired into the Citadel, which is in the highest part of it. But seeing himself but with a few men, and environed by a potent Army, nay with an Enemy, that under the shelter of the Town at their first arrival fastened themselves to a Bulwark, renders it the 30. of March, which was Easter-day. All the adja­cent places, Vallies, and certain Forts thereabouts, newly built by the Savoyards, followed without dispute, Richelieu triumphing at it, who presently orders, to inclose the Town with Royal Fortificati­ons, as from that time designing it for the foundation of more vast designs. The Duke disturbed both for the loss and the insult, but unable to revenge himself, had in his mind most vexing and violen [...] thoughts; for having from his younger years proposed to himsel [...] great Undertakings and Victories, with increase of State and Glory [Page 325] and now reduced to an unhappy old age, saw his Maxims ill ground­ed, and hopes defeated. He had in his bosom an Enemy implaca­ble and a Conquerour, nor saw other refuge but a recourse to the assistance of the Austrians, though they would prove little less op­pressive and burdensom, well understanding, that if the French Army had made passage into one Town, necessity obliged to set others wide open to the Germans and Spaniards. Whereupon, after waver­ing a while between various counsels, making his Country the Thea­ter of War, despairing to pacifie the French, he resolves to cast him­self into the arms of the Austrians. The Abbot de Scaglia was sent to the Governour of Milan, who rejoyced more at the ingagement of the French than he was troubled at the Dukes losses. Neverthe­less, that he might not be precipitated into a misbecoming accord, he sends two Regiments of Foot to his relief, and together with the Count Colalto goes to Carmagnola to confer with the Duke: where he requiring more vigorous assistance, Spinola refusing, in regard of his own designs, to dismember his Army, it was resolved to succour him with a Body of the Germans, seven thousand more being now arrived in Italy. These then coming into Piedmont, with the savage custom to exercise publick Robbery and the cruellest of Spoils, left it doubtful, whether they contributed to the defence or the desola­tion of the Duke [...] Countries.

Spinola now believing to have opposed a defence sufficient against the French, because the Army of the Savoyards amounted to twenty thousand Foot and six thousand Horse, and together with a Body of the German, under the title of Auxiliaries, to have chained up the Dukes inconstancy, resolves to attacque Casal, and what with hun­ger and force to take it. Philip Spinola, his Son, with four thou­sand Foot possesses Pontestura, twelve hundred French, after a short defence, marching out, on condition not to go into Casal, but to pass by way of the Sea into Provence. Rossignano was by the French Garrison abandoned, Thoiras judging it better to reduce the vigour of the defence to within that place. Casal was afterwards, in the month of May, environed with the whole Army, notwithstanding that the Ministers of the Pope wearied themselves with many en­deavours to have diverted the thought of it, and that the Cardinal Anthonio, Legate, went to Alexandria, thence to Turin, and to the French Camp: But in several Conferences with the Duke, with Richelieu, with the Imperial Ministers, and those of both the Crowns, finding jealousies exceeding, and hatreds not to be dealt with, he thought it best to return to Rome, leaving Pancirolo with Mazarine in Piedmont to prosecute a Treaty. The War then continues at the costs and losses of the Savoyards; for besides the Vallies about Pig­nerol, the Cardinal easily possessed himself also of the Marquisate of Salusses. The King on the other side, having received his Brother into favour, and being come into Savoy, had in four days taken Chambery, which is the Metropolis, and every place else, except Momilian, strong both by situation and Art. But leaving the Mar­quess di Vignoles to block it, went himself into the Tarantasia, [Page 326] where forcing the opposition of Prince Thomas, and passing the Mountain St. Bernardo, he lays the passage open every way. Upon this new irruption of the French, Spinola began truly to be in disor­der; but unwilling to quit the Siege, was contented to lessen his Forces, by sending to the Duke five Companies of Horse and six thousand German Foot, newly come to the Service of the Crown.

The Cardinal, by reason of the diminution of his Army, concluding no further progress would be made worthy of his presence, and by the force of his favour longing to be with the King, goes to him, leaving the Army about Pignerol, which quickly wasted by several accidents, particularly the plague, which notwithstanding the Au­strians and Savoyards remained at Poncalieri immoveable, though weakened. For the same cause the further proceedings of the King were slackned; for through apprehensions of the plague being per­swaded to return to Lyons, though a few days after he came again to the Army into the Valley of Moriene, nevertheless falling into a Feaver, he was carried back to Lyons, where, contrary to his liking, both the Queens being arrived, under pretext to withdraw him from the hazards to which Richelieu exposed him, they tryed all means to slacken, to the prejudice of the Duke of Mantua, the progress of the Army, and to fling the Cardinal out of his Ministry and Fa­vour.

The Confidents of Queen-mother went to work with Art, and the Marquess of Mirabel, Ambassadour of Spain, with abundance of gold gained in a manner openly a Party in Court, in which the Re­gent her self had the chiefest place. Amidst these gusts of War and Court, Mazarine brought projects for Peace, all the secret workings of the Austrians consisting in excluding the French out of Italy. The Cardinal, in truth, held the Conquest of Pignerol for his dearly be­loved; nevertheless, pressed by the Queen-mother, with earnest mo­tives or rather precise commands, lets himself, to faciliate Peace, be perswaded to restore it; declaring to the Mediators, that other things being adjusted, the Peace should not remain interrupted for the cause of Pignerol.

But the Savoyards, not able to put off the distrust of the French Army, nor Spinola the hopes of conquering Casal, the Treaty for this time also falls to the ground. In the Mantuan, the pillaging of the Campagnia, the burning of places, the rencounters of the Soul­diery passed with indifferent successes. The worst was, that the plague from the Quarters of the Germans getting into the City, de­voured every thing: So that as many Souldiers as were brought in by the Venetians, into whose Country that evil was now creeping, they served but to fill up Sepulchres; nevertheless succours were not neglected, so much the more necessary as that a worse enemy, which was the alienation of the people from the Duke and the in­clination of the Nobility towards the Emperour, began to take great strength within. Some there were so much the more perfidious, as by how much the more secret, who feigning confidence, sometimes amused the Duke with false advertisements, then terrified him with [Page 327] vain fears, rendring him in counsels and resolutions always wavering and uncertain. Amongst the worst fruits thereof, it happened, that being deceived by feigned advertisements, he sent five hundred Foot of those of the Republick to Rodigo, an open Village, to surprize a great Convoy of Victuals, which he believed was to pass towards Goito, and hastily requires Zacharia Sagredo, who by the indisposi­tion of Erizzo was succeeded into the Generalat of the Venetians, that on his side he would second him with a body of his men.

The Prince d'Esté with two thousand Foot and four hundred Horse goes as far as Goito, but finding no Intelligence from the Duke, nor advice of the Convoy, returned. Matthias Galasso, who stood watching the opportunity to give this blow as in ambush, with four thousand Foot and eight hundred Horse advances to invest Rodigo, constraining the Souldiers to render themselves, and making them all Prisoners; though with life liberty was also promised by the condi­tions. Things then thus fluctuating in the Mantuan and in Piedmont, the Republick sollicited the French, that for incouragement of the Duke no less than for the defence of the City and the ruling of the people, they would send a good body of men by Sea, offering to convoy them with their Naval and Land-forces, and to bring them in safety into Mantua.

But the Cardinal referring to them the care of that defence, ex­horted them also to resolve with an effort of their Arms to drive the Germans from those Posts, which incommodated the City, since Co­lalto with the greatest strength of the Imperial Troops were now busied in Piedmont. He caused this instance to be made with great fervency and with power; and it being therefore necessary to deli­berate about it in the Senate, Pietro Foscarini, Savio of the Coun­cil, perswading to comply with it, spake thus; If the resolutions of Princes were inflexible, and that States were governed by everlasting Decrees, our discourse and the bringing reasons in the present case would be in vain; because rather than seek them by the light of prudence, which God kindles in mens minds, they would be found in the Memo­rials where Rules and Precepts are registred. But Empires are not go­verned by Principles; they are rather regulated by their Interests, which taking a Prospective from times and occasion, represent various Events with variety of Counsels. I deny not, but that hitherto the opinion, to cooperate for the common Liberty by auxiliary Arms, not to provoke the Austrians, to expect the French Succours to come nearer to us, hath been commended by the event; because the Dutch being harassed and wast­ed, Mantua maintained by seasonable Succours, time given to King Lewis to come to the Alps, the Republick hath deserved the just Title of the Defender and Protector of the Liberty of Italy. But it will be a too obstinate prudence to continue always in the same thoughts, and that wind will at last blow contrary, which hitherto hath conducted us favou­rably. The Rules of the Sea and of the Port are not the same. To en­ter into it, and enjoy a calm, it is necessary to change the order. Your constancy, O Fathers, hath merited much in shewing your selves the alone Maintainers of the Italian Generosity, in opposing and resisting the most [Page 328] powerful Princes, in assisting the Rights of the Duke of Mantua, uphold­ing the Justice of his Cause, defending that City with your own money, with your own Garrisons, and I'le say more, with your own dangers. But this is the nature of Glory, that every little Cloud which is opposite to it defiles and eclipses it. I must needs say, much hath been done, but something yet is wanting; for though Mantua be preserved from the Siege, it is not therefore freed from present damages and future dangers. So long as it remains begirt with the Enemies Posts, and that their Quar­ters remain about it, that Succours are disputed, that according to the success of every Convoy its subsistance is hazarded, that Plots and Intel­ligences are carrying on; I am afraid of open dangers, and much more of secret Treacheries. Who knows but that this very night while we sleep, and that a certain false security makes way for it, and flatters us with the just applause of great deserts for having maintained Mantua till now, it may not be surprised, and within the Walls thereof our own safety expo­sed to hazard? What will avail the blood spilt, the Treasures spent, the dangers run, if we be overcome by our own counsels and reserves? It is now become a necessity to remove the Enemy, to dislodge him, send him packing, and revenge, with the sacrilegious blood of those Souldiers, both Heaven and Earth equally violated and offended. It is marvellous to consider the Senate a little while ago so couragious, as to have made head against a numerous Army, come out of Germany, laden with Tri­umphs, animated with Fury, and ushered in by Fame, and that now, too wary, they have respect to the miserable reliques of a few Garrisons, which remain as the shadows of the Fortune they have run, having out­lived sufferings, plague, and penury. Let us herein, O Fathers, fix a resolution, that by the superiority of our Forces we shall beat them with safety, drive them away with glory, and shall then enjoy with quiet the fruit of past labours. What danger may we peradventure meet with? Are not these few Germans the miserable rests of that veteran Army, which we have forced to remove further of Mantua? Are they not the very same, that having every where lain in wait for our succours, have never been able to hinder them, much less durst attacque them? Are not those which ought to be assaulted in their Posts, the very same who often­times come and look upon our Convoys? And if we make no doubt at all times to expose the choicest of our Forces to convoy our Succours, why should we fear, when a greater reward is in question, to put Fortune once to the tryal? Let us suppose at worst Mantua lost, as certainly it will be, if we suffer it to be exposed to continual contingencies, can we believe our modesty will be respected by him, that hath ambition for his Guide, and the desire of Dominion for his Limits? Will the Austrians, do you think, make less of our past offences than of our present injuries? I cannot see any difference betwixt fighting with them from the Walls of Mantua, and assaulting them in their own Trenches. Let us not, I pray, trust Princes that have power, and are offended. We deceive our selves too much to believe the Austrians either satisfied with our past actions, or pacified with our present respect. But if we ought not to repent our selves of what we have done, why should we abstain from new attempts, so much the more just, as they have no further aim, but [Page 329] to deprive them of the means of offending us? May we perhaps appre­hend that an Inundation of Germans will come upon us to revenge the blood of the first? But who warrants us, that they come not expresly upon us to blot out the shame for the ill success of their undertaking? Will they think of passing into Italy, that shall perceive no foot-steps of their Companions but Graves and Sepulchres? But how much more shall we be exposed to their injuries, when in our bowels, which the Mantuan may be said to be, they will keep footing in their Posts, and perhaps in the City, which must with the expence of time and blood be endeavoured to be regained? But let other Troops come; who sees not but Piedmont will give them imployment; that the Duke of Savoy calls for them, that the plague consumes them, that weariness and sufferings, so soon as arrived, disbands them? The Invasions of the French Army does at present take up their cares and their forces; and we also, when all is done, to a great King and Friend, that hath twice at our instance caused his most power­ful Armies to pass the Alps upon the Ice, nay hath passed them himself in person, owe this gratitude to second his attacques with our Arms; otherwise I fear that the French Succours will quickly grow tired, when they perceive, they are made use of for a pretext and shadow to our sloth. I know that great deliberations are subject to uncertainty, that of War especially, which is the most peculiar Tribute of Fortune. But in things difficult, where by reason of danger counsel is not hearkned to, some steps must be left to Chance; for though through unthought of accidents the success should not fully justifie the prudence and necessity of the resolution, it will at least absolve us from the blame and reproaches of a superfluous reservedness.

Many mens minds were carried away with this opinion; but o­thers contradicting it, Giovanni Nani, Savio of the Council, spake for them to this purpose; In the Decrees of the Country I presage most happy events. But in the strange Revolutions of times, I cannot promise them other than what the condition of things permit, very full of anxie­ty, and uncertain. Sometimes hopes stirs us, and then again fear disturbs us. But prudence ought to be the sacred Anchor which should keep us constant and firm amidst the uncertainties of this afflicted Country. Great is the felicity of this Republick, which till now hath not known how to desire greater prudence in its Decrees, nor wish for better For­tune. Generosity hath gone hand in hand with the moderation of Coun­sels, and if therein Courage hath not been wanting, success hath not de­frauded Courage. Mantua is preserved to its lawful Prince; Italy is defended from more heavy Chains; our Confines and our Interests re­main untouched, if not by threats and dangers, at least from Invasions. What avails it to provoke Fortune further, or attempt longer to make our selves famous. Some Germans remain for the custody of certain Posts; but if they be such as we think we may overcome with a discourse only, wherefore should we be so much afraid of them, why shall we suffer our selves to run into desperate Counsels? I expresly call those Counsels such, to which necessity perswades us not; those that not remedying pre­sent evils, hasten future calamities. Shall we attacque the Germans in their Posts, fortified, guarded, and provided? They will yield to us per­haps [Page 330] in number, but will have advantage from courage and necessity, be­cause they have no refuge but to despair and their Arms. There is no reason to despise them, a people made Souldiers by years, fierce by suf­ferings, used to fight, wont to overcome, who, if they have blunted their fierceness against the Walls of Mantua, will in the field, where the Ger­man Nation uses to be invincible, repair with honour the losses they have suffered both of prey and glory. I have a regard for the Dutch even in their Quarters, and am also afraid to overcome them, lest fighting and possessing those Posts, and mingling our selves with the conquered, we should meet with a more cruel Enemy. The plague will infect our Army, and with the Army will in the conclusion infect and waste the Country. Let us call to mind, what cares, what time, what money the raising of this Army hath cost us, and upon those reflections let us consider, if they ought to be exposed to unprofitable hazards, or be preserved for more ne­cessary Encounters. Let us, I pray, suffer our Enemies to consume them­selves in wants and sickness, and let it not be thought our interest to pro­cure their ruine with the danger of our own destruction. Heaven, made the Minister of our revenge, with the scourges of Nature punishes their wickedness. On the one side I confess I value the Enemies, and on the other I fear the casual accidents of War. I know not what we may therein possibly meet with. This I know for certain, that Fortune uses to delude the most adjusted counsels, and can overturn in a moment glory gotten, and the hope of better success. In that Army which lies incamped at Valezzo is placed our defence and the relief of Mantua. It is therefore needful to preserve it and keep it as the utmost bound of our own and the common safety. Let us take a right measure of the State, Times, and Forces. Can we possibly hope, with one Victory, or rather with one advantage, to terminate the War? It will rise again more pow­erful and more cruel when we turn our selves again to provoke it. May not the Germans perhaps come back out of Piedmont, and the Spani­ards send a part of their Army, which upon our moving may re-inforce their Posts, or invade our Confines? Does peradventure Germany, which is a Work-house so abounding with Warriers, want Souldiers and Armies, or will it be ignorant of the way to lead an Army to repair upon us their losses and affronts? We see at present a great number of fresh Troops descending the Mountains. We already hear, that Walle­stain offers himself to overwhelm Italy with Armies, and to come him­self in person with his wonted Ministers, Outrage and Cruelty. In Co­rinthia and Stiria we hear the Drums beat from our Confines, and we see our selves every where environed with Armies and with threatnings, and shall we think to overcome the Austrians by driving them out of some Quarter? For my part I believe, that they have hitherto born re­spect to our Affairs and Confines out of equity and necessity, which in our resolutions our Enemies themselves cannot deny. But if we shall assault or provoke them with offensive Arms, there is great appearance, that we stir up against us the resentments of two great Princes with strokes more dangerous. I speak not of the French Succours, because being ingaged in Piedmont, there is no means to enjoy them nearer. Overturning then our Maxims, our Counsels, and all our Advantages, shall we declare [Page 331] our selves at present, and alone make War with the Austrians? In a de­liberation so weighty, let us fully weigh the present with future dangers, and if Liberty be our Kingdom, let us put our selves in mind, that mo­deration and peace have always been its most faithful Guardians.

After some wavering in opinions, every one, as to the things spo­ken, having in his judgment motives for the one or other Party, the most generous counsels prevailed over the more wary, and in com­placence to the French Ministers, it was referred to Sagredo, the Ge­neral, to prepare for the march, and undertake those attempts to dislodge the Germans, which by concert with the Duke of Mantua and the Mareshal d'Estré, should be judged fit. The said Mareshal was come into Mantua in quality of Ambassadour Extraordinary from the Crown of France, and General of its Forces, to shew the protection which the King would take of those Interests, and had found the Duke much troubled and perplexed; because he being naturally inclined to discourse rather, and undertake great matters, than with constancy to perfect them, finding himself pierced to the quick with tormenting cares, seemed weighed down under the bur­den of his new Principality. He wanted not secret allurements from his Enemies, nor perverse counsels from feigned Servants; be­ing as much encompassed with Treacheries as abandoned by sound discernings. All this displeasing him, which was working for his safety, he would not consent to what was concerted, and hastened, to others prejudice, his own ruine. In a Conference betwixt the Mareshal and Sagredo, an attempt upon Goito being resolved on to be executed by the Army of the Republick, which was encamped at Valezzo, it was agreed, that part of the Garrison of Mantua, making a Sally, should alarm the rest of the Posts. But notwithstanding that they were the Republicks own men, and that they offered to aug­ment them with five hundred other Foot and three hundred Horse, Carlo, alledging that he remained with the City ill provided, dissents so openly from it, that they were forced to change the resolution, and the two Generals to meet anew. During this suspence, Michael Priuli, Proveditor in the Veronese, drives the Germans out of Ponte Molino and out of Ostia. In this Town, which, by reason it was well inhabited and situated upon the Po, is of some moment, the people had formerly made an attempt to rid themselves of the Gar­rison, but in vain; because retiring into the Citadel, and Succours arriving from the neighbouring places, they were able to recover it again, though, to the incouragement of the Inhabitants, some Soul­diers came to them from the State of the Venetians. Priuli now co­ming before it, better provided, brought to pass, that the Germans abandoned it, without making any defence. At Volta also Quirini, Proveditor of the Cavalry, takes Post, and leaves there for the de­fence of it Cosimo, one of the Marquesses del Monte. But the Enter­prise on Goito, which consisted much in expedition, unhappily came to nothing, by reason of the delays. For the Germans having got­ten notice of the design, recalled with great speed out of Piedmont a good body of men, and Gallas entred into Goito with twenty Co­lours [Page 332] of Foot, intending to fortifie it. Nevertheless d'Estré and Sagredo judged, that taking Post at Rivalta, Mantua would be co­vered, and the taking of Goito made easie. No less by this attempt could the Dukes mind be overcome. Whereupon they were forced every day to change designs; and yet they were retarded, because Monsieur de Sciabant, who carried the Word betwixt the two Generals, falling into an ambush, happened to be Prisoner with the Dutch; so that they suspecting, that he might have discovered the designs, it was needful to change them, giving always more time to the Germans to strengthen themselves,

The resolution was at last fixed, that the Army of the Repub­lick should pass from Valezzo to Marmirolo, and to Castiglione Man­tuano, Towns already garrisoned, but which now seemed fit to lodge the whole body, to the end to take counsel afterwards from the occasion, if Goito might be attacqued, or some other Quarter of the Germans be assaulted, at least to divide and incommo­date them. To prepare the way for the design, la Valetta with three thousand Foot and some Horse advances to Villa bona and Me­rengo, being convoyed with a greater strength of men by Candale and Quirini, who were immediately to return to Valezzo so soon as they should see him within those Posts to have begin to fling up earth. A little while after Gallas comes with great vigour to attacque him, and although at the first assault he was bravely repulsed, neverthe­less causing five Cannons to advance, he began so to demolish those unperfected Trenches, that the Souldiers, remaining without shelter, fell by whole Files in the field. Being constrained to yield to the fury of the Aggressors, which entred every where, Valletta being hurt, remaining with some other Officers Prisoner, the others were dispersed, every one seeking his escape. Some passing through the thickest of the Enemies Squadrons got into Mantua, others return­ed to Valezzo, and they with greater hurt than the Enemy could have done; because either from fear or excuse aggravating the dan­gers, they filled the Camp with confusion and fear. In effect, the Quarter of Valezzo being of a great circuit, and defended with a weak Intrenchment, resented enough this blow, both by reason of the number of Souldiers lost or dispersed, and also by reason of many others, which were separated into several Posts, and were not easie matter to be recalled; for that Gallas, seconding the presence of so favourable Fortune, forming in a trice with other men, which joyned to him, a body of eight thousand Foot and fifteen hundred Horse, and marching thitherwards, gave no opportunity for Provi­sions, and scarce for Councils. A Council being hastily called, it was, by opinion of Candales and the other Chiefs of the Army, re­solved to preserve the Army, since it was not believed the Post could be defended. With the best order then that the case and time permitted, the Cannon was withdrawn in safety, the Ammu­nition fired, and the Militia ordered to march to Verona and Peschi­era to divide the defence of the Country. The major part, by reason of the nearness, taking towards Peschiera, Gallas, who had hoped to [Page 333] subdue at one blow the Quarter of the best Troops of the Repub­lick, seeing the design failed, letting Valezzo lye, pursues them with great speed, and several Skirmishes passing for several hours, the contest particularly grew hot at Castel Novo, to the greater loss of the Venetians, of whom some valiantly fighting fell, and others be­took themselves basely to flight, leaving some Colours in the hands of the Enemy.

The Fame, in truth; was greater than the effect of the Austrians Victory, few being on the Venetians side killed, but the number of the disbanded great; some of which, and in particular the Cuirassiers, who abandoning the troth of their Oath, for prey infested with ma­ny Robberies the Country, which they were obliged to defend. Gallas not willing to ingage himself further under the Walls of Pes­chiera, possesses without resistance Valezzo, abandoned by Cornelio Vimes, who had the custody of the Castle, and judging it a Post ca­pable to endamage the Republick, and to hinder Mantua of Relief, environs it with a Fortification not so large. This so unhappy suc­cess happened on the 30. of May. Fame quickly divulges it, spread­ing in several places fear, and with fear the dangers of worse acci­dents; because not only the Germans pillaged the Campagnia, do­ing much mischief, but there were discourses of more cruel threat­nings of attacques in Friuli and Lombardy, where two thousand Foot with some Companies of Horse made a shew of invading the Con­fines of Bergamo and Crema, and a Body of Germans, which were coming through the Valteline, making a halt in Troana, it seemed as if, passing the Mountains, they would come to their assistance. Gal­las might either have come to Peschiera, or have advanced to Verona. But Conquerours can seldom undertake all that Fortune counsels, and of the conquered the danger is wont always to be greater than the loss. Mens minds at Venice were truly disturbed at the arrival of the news; but the constancy of the Government, and the fidelity of the people not at all wavering, it was made known, that, to second prosperity, belonged only to private persons, but that it was the pro­perty of Princes to grapple with the greatest of misfortunes.

The first care the Senate took, was, to console the Duke of Man­tua, promising him vigorous assistances, lest, dejected by sinister ac­cidents, he might abandon himself to more desperate courses. They writ afterwards to the Magistracy of the City, animating the people amidst so great a tryal. Neither were ready supplies wanting, eve­ry place striving to exceed other in the offers of money and men; Brescia above all making it self famous by the offer, that twenty thousand men of that Territory should take Arms for their own de­fence, and all other occurrences. Erizzo was ordered to succeed Sagredo in the place of Proveditor General for the War; two thou­sand Foot, come by Sea out of France, served for a seasonable Re­inforcement to the Garrisons, with other two thousand of the Coun­try Militia of Padua and Treviso. Commissions were given out for great Levies in Dalmatia and other ultramarine Countries; the Fleet also was assembled and strengthened. The Duke of Rohan, received [Page 334] into service with a great salary, and with the obligation to levy, as there should be occasion, ten thousand men, was sent to be assistant to the General. With these provisions the Town being presently secured from all attacques, nothing remained but to restrain the Ger­mans plundering of the Country. For that purpose were drawn in­to a Body at fit places Souldiers in pay, together with Peasants, and Marco Giustiniano, Proveditor beyond the Mincio, taking the field with four thousand Souldiers incamped at Lonato, greatly incoura­ging the people; so that the Dutch in several Encounters and in ma­ny places being repulsed and beaten, leaving Garrison in Valezzo, returned at last into the Mantuan.

The Republick having an eye on that side on what might be needful, orders Erizzo, that by some way or other, and at any ha­zard, he should cast into Mantua a thousand Foot with a hundred Horse and some money. But it being necessary to concert with the Duke the way of their getting in, he, with various pretexts, to the great difficulty interposed yet greater, in such sort, that Estré had a vexatious life of it, seeing him by the suggestions of some, that held a constant Correspondence with the Imperialists, disposed to some agreement, and to receive a Garrison in Porto. The French and Ve­netian Ministers represented lively to him; That by separating his particular from the general Treaty, he deprived himself of the Warranty, which the Authority of France alone was able to afford him, and the Ʋnion of the League, for the assurance of that which should be promised him; and that recourse to Friends being for ever excluded by ingratitude, and having once received the yoke of Garrisons, it would be no more in his power to regulate the numbers nor the burdens.

The Duke at last, after having some days wavered amidst various counsels, consents to receive the new Succours. There happened a great dispute about the difficulty of the way, and about the plague, spread through all the Country of Lombardy, with so great terrour and mortality, that counsels were very often confounded in the ex­ecution. Howesover Marco Giustiniano advances with his men to at­tempt it, and having made some German Troops to remove from Castiglione delle Stivere, who attempted to invest that place, possessed himself of Caneto; but the Castle making resistance, and many men coming suddenly to its succours, he retired. It not succeeding to put in men in a Body, it was hazarded to get them in by Parties. Some from the Confines of the Veronese entred; other two hundred and fifty conducted by Captain Carlincane, being attacqued by the way, were dispersed, yet not in such sort, but that some few arrived safe­ly with a small portion of money, which in gold they carried on their backs. From the side of Brescia, Giustiniano sent the Cavalier Gori, a Florentine, with two hundred and fifty Foot more, who, de­feating upon the way some of the Dutch Guards, arrived happily there.

But humane provisions being of no force against the determina­tions of Heaven, although the Chevalier de la Valetta, with his Lieu­tenant and with Sciabant escaped out of Prison from Goito, related, [Page 335] that the Germans prepared Ladders, Bridges, and Petards, which probably were to be used in the surprisal of Mantua; nevertheless, the City negligently guarded, or rather treacherously sold, felt the night after, the 18. of July, its cruel destiny. The Germans coming near without noise, in the stillness of the night, to the Lake at the Post called de la Palata, set down there certain small Boats brought upon Waggons; a Guard of Venetian Barks armed, that was near, taking no notice of it, because it was commanded by him that be­trayed the place, that they should not stir that night, though they should hear a noise, because Succours was to be brought in. So that a small number passing at first without disturbance, and they after­wards being increased, by the Boats passing to and again, they with a Petard flung down the Gate of the Castle, where the Duke with a Guard only of his own Souldiers was and Etré lodged. Upon the first Alarm, Durant, who had his Quarter near to the Gulph of St. Giorgio, would have gone out to fall upon the Germans at the place where they imbarked; but finding the Keys hidden, and the Am­munition carried away, was deprived also of the means to cause ei­ther Cannon or Muskets to be discharged from the Walls upon the Assailants. Whereupon, all in fury, he ingages with Francesco Or­sino, one of the Dukes of Lamentana, who with the first relief of men was by the Republick sent into Mantua and in the Siege, and afterwards had given proof of great courage, to charge the Enemy, which entred by the Castle and by the Gate of St. Giorgio, beaten down with a Petard; for that a Court of Guard, which on the middle of the Bridge might have hindred the passage, deceived by the Traitors, with the same order, formerly given the Boats, had given leave to the Enemy to come near to it. But Orsino was killed at the first Encounter, and Durant, hurt in the face, was with four­teen other Officers made Prisoners. Whereupon the Chiefs failing, all was pestered with confusion, as it happens in the actions of night, where Valour, not taken notice of, fights without reward, and Co­wardise, not reproved for want of Witnesses, is covered. The Post only of Predella, assaulted by the Dutch, for a present distraction of the Forces, was by the Venetians defended; but they also quickly advertized by the cryes and clamour, that the Enemy, become Ma­ster of the City, was at their backs, were forced to yield; some, seeking safety in the waters of the Lake, were drowned there, the rest, that were more in number, were cut to pieces. Thus the Garrison was destroyed, those that were in Arms being first killed in the fight, and those afterwards that were without Arms; except some few, who preferring life and prey before honour and fidelity, joyning with the Enemy, took part in the spoil. The Duke with the Prince and Mareshal d'Estré, at the first entry of the Souldiers into the Castle, retired hastily into Porto; the Princess Mary, having saved her self at first with her little Children into a Monastery, and being respected there by reason of her Sex and Relation to the Empress, desired also to be brought. Not one of the Inhabitants stirred for defence, some rather applauding the Imperialists, and [Page 336] hanging out of their houses with lights the Imperial Eagles, thought to preserve themselves, but had the experience what the insolence of a victorious and cruel Army could do; for the Souldiers making no distinction, and the Chiefs not regarding that inclination, which that unhappy people had nourished towards the Colours and Name of the Austrians, nothing either prophane or sacred escaped free from impiety, lust, and cruelty. The pillaging lasted for three days, but will remain infamous to all Ages; for there was seen a direful re­presentation of all sorts of calamity, with all the excesses which Cru­elty and Licence suggested to Conquerours. The City, for many years increased in idleness, and nuzled up in pleasures, became the Spectacle of deplorable misery; Boys and Virgins were ravished, Churches robbed, Houses pillaged, Fire and Sword every where, heaps of dead bodies and Arms appearing at every step, with tor­rents of blood and tears.

The Dukes had, in a long Peace, made a collection of precious things, with so much pomp, that Treasures having been profusely expended for ostentation, it seemed now, that luxury served for no­thing but the Funerals of Fortune. The Palace was given to plun­der, and so many Rarities and so much Wealth were every where found, that the value of the prey exceeds the memory of all other spoils whatever. Nevertheless the enjoyment was but short; for God, the righteous Survivor of all, quickly vanquishes the Van­quishers with contagious sickness and untimely deaths. And it was generally published, that the Emperour himself, justly moved at those execrable things, which were there committed, detested not only the occasion but the effects of a success so tragical, and that Ele­onora the Empress deplored with tears the cruel destruction of the Country, and the calamity of her Fathers house; many presaging that the Fortune of the Austrians would suffer shipwrack in the blood of Mantua.

The Duke, retired, as hath been said, into Porto with much con­fusion, was scarce got in, but he saw, as the full accomplishment of the Treason, fire put to the Ammunition; so that there was a neces­sity to agree the day following to the delivery on conditions, that the Garrison of the Republick should depart in freedom. He and the Son, the Daughter-in-law, the little Nephews, and Estré, con­voyed by two Companies of German Horse, went into the Country of Ferrara to remain at Melara, where the Duke was supplied by the Republick with money to maintain him. A Prince doubly unhap­py, because to the bitterness of Fortune, which drove him from his Country, was added the censure of the World, which attributed to him some part of the blame, though in effect he could not be accused of ought, but that, seeing the people full of infidelity, he had his mind always perplexed with great fears, which begat in him in all business irresolutions, distrusts, and slackness.

Nor was Fame wanting to tax many of the Dukes Subjects, and some of the Family of Gonzagha, and in particular the Marquess Giovanni Francesco as guilty of betraying Mantua, and Carlo endea­voured [Page 337] to sift them out; but at first in the confusion of things and his want of power, afterwards restored to his Country by the Peace he dissembled it, and like a new Prince, it behoved him to secure mens minds by shewing confidence in all, and receiving equally the guilty with the innocent. To Marc Anthonio Businello, Resident for the Republick, liberty was given by the Capitulation with the Duke to go out of Porto, if he should be found there; the Accord having been so hasty, that it was not known who was there, or who not. But he had with the first been pillaged in the City by the Germans, and kept Prisoner till the Emperour, reflecting on the exemption of his Character, orders he should be released. Durant and the other Officers of War got not their liberty but with great ransom.

The Venetians at this blow of the taking of Mantua greatly di­sturbed, deplored, not without reason, so many cares, so much gold unprofitably inployed, so much blood unhappily spilt, and so many people miserably consumed; because having at several times brought into Mantua and other Posts fourteen thousand of their Souldiers, they were reckoned to have all perished, either by the Enemy, suf­ferings, or diseases. They were moreover in doubt, lest the Soul­diers, which were in the Valteline, should make a shew on that side to attacque them, so to divert a part of their Forces beyond the Mountains, that those which lodged in the Mantuan might strike them in the bowels with greater force. Howsoever accommodating themselves to Fortune and Time, they not at all dismayed, order the defence of their Frontiers, abandoning as of no use Castel Giufré and the other places of the Mantuan, the Fortifications being first demolished, and the Cannon withdrawn. The Germans contented with so important a Conquest, applied themselves only to the affairs of Piedmont, whence if they had the luck to drive the French, and lock them out of Italy, they well understood that the rest would fall to their arbitrement and be their prey.

The Republick thereupon had liberty to apply themselves to pro­vide with less disorder against the plague, that more cruel enemy which devoured every thing without distinction, sweeping away the Souldiers, the People, and the Chiefs, there being dead amongst others Giorgio Badoaro, Commissary in Campo, and Marc Anthonio Morosini, Cavalier Proveditor in the Bergamasco. Not omitting care for the State were sent Proveditors over health Giorgio Pisani into the Territory of Padua, and Luigi Valaresso Cavalier, into that of Verona; whilst in Venice also the disease broken out in great vio­lence, after it had for some time gone creeping slowly on, required vigilance and an infinite charge. Certainly better Rules or more punctual Orders could not be given, the publick charity and piety of private men contending with a rare example: So that the Go­vernment going on in its immutable order, the functions of the ac­customed Migistrates of the Republick were never omitted. The oldest Senators did not remember to have at any time seen the Coun­try molested in so many parts; for no small storm arose also from the Sea, and there was not one of them that caused not trouble and required not constancy.

[Page 338] Mary, the Sister of the King of Spain, betrothed to Ferdinand King of Hungary, Son of the Emperour, with a numerous Squadron of Gallies and a Pomp worthy of so great Princes, being arrived at Naples, purposed to pass to Trieste with the same Spanish Army, aug­mented with the accustomed Squadrons of the Italian Princess be­cause the way by Land through Genoua and Milan was interdicted by the plague. That, by reason of violating the Dominion of the Sea, could not be suffered by the Republick, who offered all, or part of its Fleet, to serve for her transport; but the Spaniards refused it, alledging a fear, though a false one, that the Venetian Ships were in­fected with the plague. The Ambassadour of Spain believing that the Senate, diverted by so many cares, might possibly condescend to this prejudice, communicates to it the passage of the Queen with the Army of the Crown, desiring, that if it should happen to touch in the Ports of the Republick, it might receive good entertainment. But in answer found with weighty reasons an open denial, whereat the Ministers of Spain shewing distast, threatned to pass without their consent.

The Senate thereupon ordered Anthonio Pisani, General of the Islands, that assembling and augmenting the Fleet with the Gallies of Dalmatia and Candia, and with ten Ships armed for this occasion, he should oppose their entry into the Gulph, and fight with whom­soever with armed Ships would dare to attempt it. At the same time they make the Queen a new offer to conduct her with their own Gallies, and caused Giovanni Pesari Cavalier, to declare at Rome, and Marco Anthonio Padavino Resident at Naples, that if the Spaniards would prefer the force of Arms before the Civility of their offer, the Queen would be obliged to pass through the Cannon and a Battel to her Wedding. The Ministers had not the boldness to hazard her in such an Encounter; whereupon suspending the Voy­age till new Orders from the Courts, the Republick was afterwards desired in an honourable way to lend their Fleet and the passage. She then, which was about the end of the year, arriving by the way of Abruzzo at Ancona, Anthonio Pisani receives her with thirteen nimble Gallies, and lands her at Trieste, with such treatment and magnificence, that in the straightness of the Ships was seen abundant­ly contained all that which every Element furnishes for the use of Luxury and the honour of Greatness. For which the Republick in the Name of the Emperour and Catholick King received thanks.

Spinola had pressed the Siege of Casal, now brought to straights; for Provisions beginning to fail, and the Garrison diminished, being reduced to only two thousand Foot and three hundred Horse, no hope remained but in the Succours of the French, excepted by the Inhabitants, who although weary of so long vexations, retained ne­vertheless a constant fidelity towards their Prince. Ferdinand, Duke de Maine, incouraged the defence with his presence, but the command, the fatigue, and the vigilancy rested upon Monsieur de Thoiras with great equality of Valour and Renown of two so great Captains; for if Spinola had a confidence, that at his name alone as to a fatal [Page 339] Conquerour of strong places, Casal should yield the glory gotten at the Isle of Rhé, did no less stir up the other to confirm it with most vigorous proofs. Spinola towards the Citadel had strengthened his approaches, which in the circumference of the Camp were four, di­vided to the Spanish, German, Neapolitan, and Lombard Nations, and beyond the Po caused to drive away the French, with the slaugh­ter of many, out of a Fort upon a certain Island which defended the Mills.

Thoiras, not amazed at any thing, bringing into the Citadel for its better defence some French Companies, tormented the besiegers with frequent Sallies, and in one particularly upon the Lombards, killing the Count Soragna with many Souldiers, drives him out of certain Redoubts, flinging down the Works. The Enterprise not advancing with the speed supposed, the Duke of Savoy was highly offended with Spinola, because, neglecting to succour him with all his Forces in his great dangers, in hopes to profit by his calamities, he had ingaged himself before Casal. Wherefore the dispatching the Abbot de Scaglia to Madrid to accuse him and complain, was a mo­tive to perswade him to send him more powerful assistance, by which the Siege slackning, gave time to the French to send new Forces into Italy, under the Mareshal de la Force and Schomberg, and the Duke of Momorancy. He with his Troops, which exceeded not three thousand men, passing towards Pignarol to joyn with the others, was near Avigliana attacqued by the Prince Vittorio with five thousand Foot and one thousand Horse in a narrow passage, where the gross being passed beyond it, the Duke was left with only six hundred Foot and two hundred Horse. But the resistance of the French and the Valour of the Duke was such, that he not only passed, but routed the Savoyards, taking Prisoner Pagano Doria, who command­ed the Spanish Cavalry. The Prince saving himself with few, Schom­berg arrives thereupon to besiege Avigliana, which was rendred after a Siege but of eight days, Colalto having refused to send succours to the Castle.

On the other side, la Force had reduced into his power Saluzzo, making the Garrison Prisoners; Villa Franca and Poncalieri yielded to the Conquerour, and the best of the Austrian Forces, being in­trenched at the Bridge of Carignano to hinder the passage over the Po, received a great blow; for being assaulted by the French, and losing a Half-moon, they abandoned the Post with great loss and no less confusion. Nevertheless the French pressed not forward, de­stroyed amidst the advantages of War by a most cruel plague. Pied­mont now really served for a miserable spectacle, being made the Stage of all sort of Cruelty, destroyed by the Enemies through ha­tred, and by Friends in derision.

Amidst so many and so grievous accidents, the Duke Carlo Ema­nuel burdened with sixty and nine years, but much more pierced to the heart by infinite afflictions and the mocqueries of Fortune, to­wards the end of July being surprized by an Apoplexy, dies in Sa­vigliano. Death surely took him in the greatest straight of his af­fairs, [Page 340] and he just at that time had his thoughts busied in more vio­lent designs. But cancelled the memory of them in the fire, burning a little before he expired many Papers, which contained, as was di­vulged, to the prejudice of the Milanese, Intelligences and Agree­ments with Wallestain, (who was to come for the Emperour into Ita­ly;) so much the more easily believed, by how much the Duke was against the Spaniards, for their scanty and longsom succours the more implacably provoked; and Wallestain above measure disgusted with the Emperour, because, resolving to take from him the abso­lute Command of the Armies, he had a mind to send him into Italy, as into a specious Banishment; but amidst so great chastisements, God spared Italy from so great slaughter.

Carlo Emanuel was without question a great Prince, brought up in the experience of the one and the other Fortune; magnanimous, persevering, and valiant in War; vertues which might be said de­filed by ambition, lust, and prodigality, if his very defects, dressed up by his lively Art, had not passed almost for things approved and commended. He directed his actions immoveably to his own inte­rest alone, and measuring by the same steps profit and glory, disco­vered himself highly inconstant in his friendships, more than liberal of his own, greedy of what was anothers, always poor, never want­ing; with the money of his friends he out-stood so many Wars, to­gether with the Wealth of his Subjects, oppressed with most grie­vous Impositions. Nevertheless, exercising Command in his Coun­try and Authority in his House, and among Strangers keeping up his honour, he was by all reverenced and esteemed. In Wars seeking advantages, or in Peace sowing the seeds of other Wars, his designs wanting success rather than industry, as the Architect of so many confusions he dyed, buried amidst his own ruines. With his death the face of affairs was changed; for Vittorio, though of a profound, yet of a more composed, ambition, assuming the Government incli­ned to Peace; and not having with Richelieu causes of so great diffi­dence, but rather as the Kings Kinsman shewing himself prone to­wards France, would not close with the Spaniards, nor totally sepa­rate from them. Declaring himself therefore to adhere to that side which would most facilitate Peace, he exhorted the Popes Ministers to urge new Propositions; whereupon Mazarine had the luck in September to conclude a Truce, which though blamed, by reason of the conditions, by every one, was nevertheless by necessity obser­ved by all. It was to last till the end of October following, within which time, delivering to the Spaniards the City and Castle of Ca­sal, they were to furnish Victuals for the Citadel, and afterwards to have it, if within the prescribed time no succours should arrive. Some imputed in this Treaty to the French, that by rendring the Town they yielded a point of so much honour, and left means to the Enemy to hinder the succours. Others accused the Spaniards, that hunger having reduced all to extremity, they would be con­tented only with a part, and would for several weeks furnish Vi­ctuals to the Enemy. But by contrary motives these justified them­selves [Page 341] with a suspicion, that succours were at hand; and those by a doubt, they were not in a condition to bring it, so soon.

That which truly induced the Spaniards, was the fear that Vitto­rio would adhere to France; for that without expecting their con­sent, he greedily embraced before any other the Truce. Howso­ever, Spinola was for it in Madrid reprehended with great censure; which being added to the frequent reproofs, suffered by the occasion of the Savoyards, and to the limited Powers, which through Jealousie of a certain Correspondence of his, which he officiously held with Riche­lieu, were come upon him from Spain, seeing his Command restrain­ed, and his Honour wounded, he was afflicted in such sort, that fal­ling ill with a Delirium of mind and failing of strength, retiring himself into Castel-novo di Scrivia, he departs this life within a few days. A Captain, saving in these latter days of his, always fortu­nate, but without exception always prudent. Being advanced in years, from a Merchant coming to the command of great Actions and Armies, before he had passed an Apprentiship in Arms, he gain­ed in counsel, in understanding, and in the executions of things com­mitted to him, such reputation, that nothing else hath blemished the splendour of his name but the envy of Strangers, whom, though ac­customed to justifie ingratitude by suspicions, he, an Italian, for the desire alone of glory served.

Spinola dead, the Marquess of Santa Croix takes the Command, and keeping his Troops within Casal, waited for the time prefixed to receive the possession of the Citadel, and the French strengthen­ing themselves by the benefit of the Truce, prepared to relieve it. In this doubtful state of things, a Peace being concluded in Germany, the news of it arrives unexpected in Italy. Ferdinand, for the In­terests of the Empire and of his House, held a Diet in Ratisbone, where the Electors being assembled, and taking courage from their Union, in their declared Judgments detested the War of Italy as un­seasonable and unjust, together with many complaints, that the Em­perour, at the instance of Strangers, without the knowledge and consent of the principal Members of the Empire, had undertaken it. They exhorted to Peace, and offered to mediate; whereupon the French, to interest themselves, and take the business out of the ab­solute Arbitrement of the Emperour and the Spanish Ministers, sent thither Monsieur de Leon, assisted by Father Joseph, a Capucin, with whom Richelieu not only communicated the confidence, but it seem­ed had in a manner imparted capacity for it. These had in charge to make overtures of Peace, but much more to search into the state of things, foment the opposition of the Electors against the Creation of a King of the Romans, and with other Princes of the Empire to settle, according to the occasion, those agreements which a while after brake forth. King Lewis had now secretly treated with Sweden to in­vade the Empire, promising them a sum of money; the Venetians also coming in for their share, when it should be time to be stirring to divert the War out of Italy. Yet they by invitation from the Empe­rours Ministers, insinuated to Pietro Vico, their Resident with Ferdi­nand, [Page 342] to send a Minister to the Diet, not without hope to separate them by that means from the friendship of the French, dispatched thither Sebastian Veniero, Procurator of St. Mark, as their Ambassa­dour Extraordinary; but with charge not to separate from the Con­federates, both in managing and concluding any Treaties. But be­fore the Ambassadour could arrive, the Peace upon the 13. of October was agreed upon in some short Conferences betwixt the French and Anthonio, Abbot of Crembs Munster, Otho Baron of Nostiz, and Herman Count de Questemberg.

The Articles at length were reduced; To promise mutually not to invade one anothers Countries, nor give assistance to Rebels or Enemies. As to Mantua, the pretensions of the House of Lorrain, for some kind of decency, were referred to the Emperour or to an amicable Agreement. To the Prince of Guastalla were assigned Lands of the Territory of Man­tua to the Revenue of six thousand Crowns, to the end he should renounce his pretensions to Carlo and his Line masculine. To the Duke of Savoy were set apart in Monferrat eighteen thousand Crowns of annual, old, and stable Revenue, Trino being therein comprehended. To the Duke Carlo, who should petition for it, was by the Imperialists promised the Investiture of both the Dukedoms within six weeks, and within a while after to withdraw their Troops, except out of Mantua and Caneto. That the Spaniards should quit Monferrat and Casal, and retire out of Pied­mont. The French in like manner going out of the Citadel of Casal, obliged themselves to repass the Alps, and to restore what they possessed in Savoy, except Pignerol, Susa, Avigliana, and Briquerasco. In Casal the Duke had the liberty lest to keep such a Garrison as his Prede­cessors had been accustomed to do, without jealousie to the Neighbours, that notwithstanding being to have its effect, which might by peradven­ture be ere this concerted in Italy for the demolishing of the Citadel. The Investiture being dispatched, and Carlo put in possession, the places which were in the hands of the Imperialists and French, were bona fide to be restored, and last of all, the Forts in Rhetia newly built, were by Ferdinand to be razed, the Country to remain in the same liberty it formerly enjoyed. For the execution of all this, Hostages were to be given, and to be put into the custody of the Pope or the Grand Duke, or some Prince of the Empire. The Duke of Lorrain was comprehended in this Treaty, and also the Venetians, they, upon restoring what they had taken, not to be troubled for any thing done in this present War; they also were to give their promise not to give any offence, and to reduce their Army to a condition of not giving jealousie to their Neighbours; provided nevertheless, that before the signing hereof no other Agreement had been concluded in Italy to their exclusion.

This was the Compendium of the Treaty of Ratisbone, which in­stead of being received with blessings and applauses, met with the dislike of many, and the blame of all. The Duke of Mantua com­plained, that he in effect was obliged to pay the Charge of the War, and that his Countries were mangled and dismembred. It seemed to the Venetians, that though their Interests were secured, yet their constant friendship to the Crown of France in the form of the ex­pressions [Page 343] was but ill appayed. Above all, the Spaniards, accustomed to preheminence, were inraged, to be (as little more than accesso­ries) constrained to a Peace, the determination whereof they saw divided betwixt Ferdinand and the French. But at this time as well the Princes Contractors, as their Ministers, had not looked at ought but their own interests, and to provide in some measure for their present occasions, for the Emperour now felt himself touched to the quick with the Swedes Army, and France feared some imminent change within it self. The King had in the end of September by a great sickness at Lyons run the hazard of death; whereupon the Cardinal seeing, by the aversion of the two Queens and of Orleans, a furious storm coming upon him, thought to compose Affairs abroad, hoping that if the King recovered, that he should not want means to overturn all that which had been agreed. He had not for all that aban­doned the care of the War of Italy; for the Army under the Mare­shals de la Force and Schiomberg, augmented to the number of six and twenty thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, with Victuals for fifteen days, near the expiration of the Truce marched to bring succours into the Citadel of Casal. Vittorio was not displeased that it should succeed, believing that with the falling of that place into the hands of the Spaniard, the Peace might be made more difficult, and Colaeltoes judgment and Commission were differing, the Emperour desiring, that he might make use of those Troops against the Swedes, that by all means the Peace should be made. Both therefore gave way that the French Army crossing the Po, should pass securely through Piedmont, although the Duke afar off with some Horse marched on its side.

But the French pursuing their march without dispute, there ar­rives a Currier from Ratisbone, which by the advice of the Peace put the Mareshals into great perplexity, whether by advancing they should break the accord, or rather halting lose the Army for hunger in the bowels of the Enemies Country. They resolved at last to go on for the securing the Citadel, for which the Peace of Ratisbone had not sufficiently provided, hoping with their appearance to bring the Spaniards to some more reasonable agreement. Nor did that thought deceive them; for Sainte croix in a fright sends Mazarine to meet them, offering to receive the Articles of Ratisbone, and besides fur­nish Victuals to the Citadel for the six weeks, within which Carlo was to receive investiture. The French perceiving the fright the Marquess was in, hoping by pressing of him to draw him to better conditions, pretended that he with his Army should retire out of the Town, the Castle, and all Monferrat. So that marching resolutely forwards they presented themselves before Casal, where the Spanish Army stood within their infranchment, and Colalto was come thither also, who, to poise things equally, had formerly denied the Marquess assistance, but now would not suffer that the French should totally prevail. They on the other side of the Gattola, a very small stream, put themselves in Battel, and with Troops well in order, after having repulsed certain Polish Cavalry which came forth to discover, marched a round pace to assault the Trenches.

[Page 344]But Mazarine taking advantage from the consternation of the Spa­nish Chiefs, and magnifying the Forces and gallantry of enemy Troops, perswaded them to consent hastily to the condition of go­ing out of the Town. Lo then he coming out of the Trenches, and with his hat and his hand making a sign to the Troops to make a stand, being brought to the Mareshals, concludes the Agreement upon the Field, in which the Armies were in a moment seen to pass from fighting to peaceable meetings, and from animosities to civili­ties. The Conditions were, That the Spaniards going immediately out of Casal and the Monferrat, the Posts should be consigned in token of honour to the Emperour, to one of his Commissioners, who for that pur­pose should remain in Casal with his Family only, but in ought else but carrying the name was not to meddle. He afterwards, the term prefixed for the investiture being expired, was to depart, and the French Garri­sons likewise were then presently to go out of the Citadel, and those of the Country to go in.

The accord was no sooner concluded, but Thoiras comes forth ho­noured already by the King with the Title of Mareshal of France, and was received with the acclamations of all the Army. Nor did the Spaniards delay to go out of it, Casal remaining betwixt the two Armies, after having defloured the glory of two great Captains equally desired by him that saved it and by him that lost it. Here­upon grew some delays in the execution of the Treaty, because the French scarce gone twenty miles, cast into it fifteen hundred Foot and five hundred Horse, upon pretence that the Inhabitants were not suf­ficient to defend it, whilst the Spaniards lodging near might attempt to retake it. But Sainte Croix highly offended repossesses Fontestura and some other Posts, blocking the place, which was quickly like to fall into its first languishing, because the universal scarcity of the Country had not afforded means to furnish it but scantily with Vi­ctuals.

Mazarine was hereupon obliged, though by the conceit that in his Negotiations he had advantaged the French, he was become distrust­ed by the Austrians, to take the business in hand again, and at the end of five and twenty days he had the success to concert anew the reci­procal abandoning of the Posts. But after this retreat the Spaniards remaining armed on the Frontiers of Milan, the French Chiefs, who had made a halt, prone to suspicions, or pretexts, send thither five hundred Switzers as of a Nation free and indifferent. They being of those that bore arms in their Army, Santa Croix taking it for a re­lapse and breach of the Treaty, advances with Gallus, who, Colalto being gone and dead in Coira, commanded the German Troops in Italy, to take again the Posts. The Pope's Ministers being gone, the Ambassador Soranzo, who in his return home was come with the French Army as far as Casal, undertook the mediation, by which the going forth of the Switzers being consented, the Armies at last on both sides went further off. There remained in the place the Duke of Main with the Commissary of Ferdinand, and the Garrison of the Monserrins, to which in Carlo's poverty France supplied. The [Page 345] Peace then of Ratisbone was in this manner executed in the Monser­rat, notwithstanding that at the same time France blamed it; for as much as the King being recovered and returned to Paris, it was so far, that the contrivances framed by Queen-Mother had any force against the Cardinal, that he rather found himself no less by his cunning Arts, than by his so glorious Undertakings, advanced to a greater height in the favour of King Lewis. The favours of Prin­ces resembling a dangerous Voyage at Sea, that either brings Ship­wrack or Wealth, Richelieu having scaped the rocks and snares, be­came exalted with Praises, Honours, and Riches. The Queen be­ing made so much the more impatient, broke forth at last into an open pressing of the King, that he would put him out of the Go­vernment and Court. But by such Arts she confirmed him in place of ruining him, because Lewis, jealous of his own Authority and af­fections, feigning as then, if not to satisfie her, at least not to ne­glect her, retiring himself afterwards for some days under pretence of hunting to Versailles, caused Marigliac, her Keeper of the Seal, to be arrested Prisoner, together with his Brother in Italy, as they that suggested to the Queen such animosities and counsels; where­upon the Cardinal, secured by greater favour, continues the dire­ction of Affairs and the pursuit of his great Designs. The causes then ceasing, for which he had secretly injoyned the Capucin to con­clude at Ratisbone upon any conditions, he feigns to be greatly of­fended with him and Monsieur de Lyon, that they had consented to a Treaty, in which transgressing the bounds of the Affairs of Italy, there was mention made of those of the Empire and of Lorrain, the Venetians being ambiguously comprehended, and the Liberty and Re­stitution of the Grisons not sufficiently provided for. The doubt particularly vexed him, lest upon the noise of such a Treaty and the obligation not to assist Enemies and Rebels, the Swedes should be discouraged, together with those Princes of the Empire, to whom France had made large promises of assistance. He was afraid also, lest the Hollanders should grow jealous, with whom he had lately renewed the League with an obligation of great succours, and their reciprocal promise, that they should not for seven years listen to a Truce; not because the Treaty of Ratisbone did in truth interest those Provinces, but in doubt, lest by frequent relapses into agree­ments, without due consideration had of their Confederates, France should be discredited amongst its Friends. It was added, that if the Hollanders themselves, startled at the Peace newly concluded betwixt England and Spain, with opening of Commerce, and renewing the old Treaties, which for some years hitherwards seemed rather inter­rupted in name than by Arms, should suspect they should be also a­bandoned by France, it would be no strange thing, that they should at last embrace the Propositions of a Truce, incessantly offered by the Spaniards. For this cause the Cardinal with diligent dispatches of Courriers assures all the Friends of the Crown, that the Treaty concluded without the Kings order, and contrary to the good liking of his Confederates, was disavowed, pretending to have it qualified and mended.

[Page 346]The French Ministers foreseeing what might happen, remained, under pretext to wait for the Kings Orders, in Ratisbone; and the Emperour returning to Vienna, was followed by Veniero, the Mini­sters there imploying many instances, that the Republick would sign, separate from the French, and cut off those demurs cast in by them. But the Senate refused to advance a step but by concert with that Crown, although, by reason of the charges and calamities, especi­ally of the Pest, weary rather with the War than contented with the Treaty, it desired it might be quickly executed for the quiet­ing of Italy, having now by many experiences learnt, how unequal and dangerous friendships are betwixt States and Princes of a dif­fering constitution; whilst the one proceeding with a constant or­der in their Maxims and aims, the other either by intestine altera­tions, or the change of Ministers, oftentimes by passion, and always by the interests of Favourites, are obliged either to go out of their way or stand still. But the business was carried on with many de­lays and difficulties; notwithstanding which, Ferdinand, pressed by his own necessities, recals the Troops out of Italy, leaving then un­der Gallas some few, which took Quarters in the Mantuan, and particularly in Solferino and Castiglione, which had been free till now. The Affairs of the Empire began now to take a quite other plight than they had hitherto had, experiencing by a sudden and strange mutation, that in the immoderate desires to greaten Empires, the troubles to lose them are most commonly nearest; such being the destiny of those States, which are increased amidst many cares, that they easily shake with their augmented Conquests, and at last shak­ing, perish either by intestine Divisions or foreign Assaults. Un­der its own weight, to the dread of the Princes of the Empire and the universal suspicions of Europe, the Monarchy of the Austrians began now to sink.

The beginning appeared at Ratisbone, whence they hoped to draw more greatness; the Electors being assembled there by Ferdinand, with pretext to apply remedy to the grievances of the Empire, but indeed to place upon the head of Ferdinand his Son, adorned al­ready with the Crowns of Hungary and Bohemia, that also of the Romans. The Emperour was blamed by some, that he having the Empire subjected and in possession with an hundred and thirty thousand Souldiers, he should call to them the Electors, who se­parated, trembled, but united, knowing not their own strength, but their Authority and the wants of Ferdinand, might resolve in­to great and strange resolutions. The Protestants were much against the Election, Saxony especially full of wrath for the Edict concern­ing Ecclesiastical Goods.

Bavaria above all, though he acknowledged his Electoral Vote from Ferdinand, having, as the most powerful, so the greater apprehensions, declared his Judgment more freely, provoked by great dislikes against Wallestain and against the Austrians, strength­ned by an under-hand League made with the French. Making him­self then the Head and Author of the common complaints of the [Page 347] Empire, he was the first that denied to proceed to the Election of a King of the Romans, the Diet having not been called for that purpose, and then expressed himself; That it was not becoming the Electoral Colledge to resolve so great a business, environed by Arms and armed men. That the Empire groaned under the cruel slavery of Wal­lestain, who confounded all, amidst the frighting of the Princes, and the afflicting of the People. For what served so many Armies, when the Empire was in peace, but for so many Ministers of Cruelty to that most savage Chief? That he, severe in execution, rigid in command, and covetous in exactions, consumed the blood of the Germans, and extort­ed the Gold of the Provinces. That the Emperour ought at last to give a cessation to the grievances of the Country in general, and in his piety, by a separation as it were more strong than that of the fire, to distin­guish at length in that metal, so unjustly drawn out of the bowels of his Vassals, and so unprofitably spent, the tears and blood of so many Innocents. That it was fit to divulge with detestation, that to the People of Germany, otherwise endowed with a most entire fidelity, the suffe­rance of the Emperour was now become more odious than the cruelty of the Minister: That the sighs and neglected groans of so many oppressed would at last make the Empire shake; because being ascended to Heaven, though deemed light vapours, they are converted into the heaviest cha­stisements of Lightnings and Tempests. Such a heavy scourge therefore ought now to be removed, Arms to be laid down, the Command to be ta­ken away from Wallestain, and then with quiet minds and free Votes proceed to the Election of a King of the Romans. Thus did he pub­lickly express himself, and was seconded by others; but in private gave great and assured hopes, that, giving satisfaction, they would all agree in the Election of Ferdinand. And now taking the Eccle­siasticks into the Council, he made it be believed, that Wallestain being dispossessed, and their advice asked to whom the chief Com­mand of those Troops, which were to remain on foot, should be gi­ven, that they should insinuate and propose the King of Hungary. By such allurements the Emperour was perswaded to disband fifteen thousand Horse at a blow, and the rest afterwards by pieces, re­taining but few in pay, besides those which were in Italy, and a Bo­dy, which under the command of Torquato Conti was kept in the Pro­vinces towards the Baltique Sea.

Wallestein, not being able to bear this, did his utmost to demon­strate to the Emperour the prejudice, which he saw would result from it; whilst Germany, brought under by Arms, could not but by the terrour of the same be kept in obedience. He presaged revo­lutions of great importance, the alienations of Princes and States, because, by reason of division in Religion many being offended, and all disgusted, if the yoak of Iron were removed, that of obedi­ence would easily be shaken off. He was wont to say, that it was impossible for the Emperour to entertain ten thousand Souldiers, but very easie to maintain a hundred thousand; because the great Pro­vinces of Germany abounding not only with store of people, but they also a warlike Nation, with small Armies might dispute not [Page 348] only passages, but Victuals and Quarters, whereas those of greater power, making themselves way, overcame every thing, and what with fear and what with force, by getting themselves reputation and exacting Contributions, might feed themselves, and withall gain honour and respect to the Prince. His counsel was, that shewing rigour and a Whip, Ratisbone should be environed from far with a part of the Army, and with the rest the Countries of the most re­luctant threatned, and particularly of Bavaria, to bring him to the Election by force.

But the Emperour, either perswaded that he should peaceably at­tain to his purpose, or not believing to be able without greater con­fusions, so highly to violate the Constitutions of the Empire, pre­ferred the mild before the more violent counsels. But it troubled not his thoughts a little, how to take away the command from Fridt­land, which he exercised with an absolute power, and with so much the more applause of the Souldiery, as it was with hatred to the peo­ple. Wherefore he deputes, to perswade him, the Counts of Verdem­berg and Questemberg his intimate friends, who were received at Memminghen, and forbidden at first to speak of business; but, after having entertained them with divers divertisements, he hearkned to them with a mind free from trouble, and ascribing all to his Ene­mies, amongst which, besides Bavaria, he reckoned the Spaniards and Jesuites, foretold the evil event which would arise from it, decla­ring with biting taunts and jestings, more than with reasons, his obe­dience to the Decree, but not his approbation of the Council. And refusing every of those satisfactions which the Emperour largely of­fered him, except the exemption from rendring account of his past administration, he lays down his Command, and retires to his own estate, leaving it doubtful, whether he appeared greater in the ex­ercise than in the quitting of it. But the Electors having obtained their design, shewed themselves so much the more averse to elect a King of the Romans, as they thought themselves less capable to be constrained to it. Now did they consent to confer on the King of Hungary the direction of the Forces; but the Ecclesiasticks, being re­quired by Ferdinand to give their opinion, proposed Bavaria for the Generalat, to the Emperours great apprehension, lest that Elector aspi­red, by adding this command to the other which he already had of the Catholick League, to make himself Arbiter of the Empire, and in a condition to give Law to the Austrians. Nevertheless dissembling his displeasure, and rather feigning to applaud the proposition, he proposes such conditions to Maximilian for the exercise of the Charge, that he dissenting from them was the cause, that amidst the difficulties and delays the project vanished.

In this state of things and minds, Gustavus Adolphus King of Swe­den, invited (as hath been said) by some, and desired by others, enters into Germany, sending certain Letters as his fore-runners to Ratisbone, in which he complains that the Emperour should have prohibited him Levies in the Empire, given assistance to the Po­lacks, intercepted his Dispatches, taken his Ships upon the Sea, [Page 349] hindred his Kingdoms of their Commerce,An. Dom. 1631 endeavoured with Ships of War in the Baltick to prejudice and offend him, and in conclusion, that his Ambassadors at the meeting at Lubeck, where was treated the Peace with Denmark, had not been admitted. The Emperour had given little heed to such complaints, and to the Letters them­selves the Diet answered but slowly, in general terms and scanty Ti­tles. Whereupon assuming the specious pretexts of Religion and Liberty, to protect the Protestants of the Empire, and deliver the oppressed from the domination of the Austrians, he advances to­wards Pomerania, dis-imbarquing in the Island of Rughen, where driving the imperial Garrison out of a Fort, he fixes the seat of the War; the other Islands, which are a little separate from the Conti­nent, yield themselves to him without dispute. This breaking forth of a sudden, greatly moved the minds of the Imperialists; but it being quickly known, that the King had not then more than six thou­sand Souldiers, so slender a beginning and such a little spark was despised, till many of the Troops, disbanded by Ferdinand, join­ing themselves to him, which being accustomed to the license of Armies, could not live without such an occupation, he was seen with a very powerful Army, leaving a Garrison in Stralsond, to pass into Pomerania.

Bolislao, Duke of that Province, formerly oppressed and molest­ed by Fridtland, refuses the Emperours Garrisons, pretending that he would defend himself. But concluding a League with the Swedes, receiving their Troops into some of his Towns, and giving con­tribution, declares himself under the protection of Gustavus. The King now having a secure retreat, advances into Mechelburg to re­move the Ministers and Garrisons of Wallestein, and by restoring the ancient owners, to procure applause to the cause of Religion and the publick liberty, which he pretended to rescue. To these pro­ceedings opposed themselves the Duke Savelli and Torquato Conti with weak Forces, and uncertain counsels, because environed by the Protestants, they had every thing suspect, while Tilli, whom the Emperour had been constrained to make with limited powers Ge­neralissimo of his Forces, assembled his Army in the Country of Mans­feldt. But now, together with hopes, minds every where raising themselves; amongst the first, the Citizens of Magdenburg brought in again Christian Administrator of that Bishoprick, formerly (as guilty of Treason) excluded by Ferdinand and proscribed.

ANNO MDCXXXI.

From such disturbances in Germany was Italy now again obliged to acknowledge her quiet, though for some months it was tossed to and fro without Peace, and without War, whilst all parties seeking advantages by Treaties, and the Armies being wearied and consum­ed, the War was made with treating, and the treating with Arms. The Plague depopulated whole Provinces, and in the Milanese par­ticularly (the wickedness of man adding Thunderbolts to the wrath [Page 350] of Heaven) there was found a colluvies of people shuffled together of Italians and Spaniards, who inventing new fashions of death, en­deavoured, by an artificial Plague, to extinguish, as much as in them lay, mankind. The poison of their deadly & abominable mixtures killed by the touch only, and was not to be avoided, whilst the treachery was found hidden every where, by the drops of this so cruel liquor, be­ing sprinkled through the Churches and the Streets. The names of these men deserve nothing but oblivion, the most just punishment of actions famous for wickedness. Though the imagination of the people, moved by fear, fancied many things; yet the mis­deed was discovered and punished, there remaining yet in Milan the Inscriptions and Memorials of the Houses pulled down, where these Monsters had their meetings. But in the State of the Venetians, and in the City, the malignant influence ex­ceeded the remedies, till the Senate vowing a magnificent Temple, under the protection of our Lady of health, sending a rich Lamp of Gold to Loretto, and resolving to sollicite with the Pope the cano­nization of the blessed Lorenzo Justiniani, Patrician and Patriarch of the City, besides publick and private Prayers, with Alms and Fastings, God being pacified, the scourge ceased. Whereupon to­wards the end of the year, the City was with great solemnity pub­lished free from Contagion, but the skars remained for a long time, there having perished in Venice sixty thousand persons, and in the State of the Republick more than five hundred thousand. As to the Treaties, Ferdinand accepting the offer of the French, that the Peace should be executed only for the affairs of Italy, the Spaniards opposed it, irritated by their not so happy successes; and in particu­lar, Olivares, far distant from the dangers and difficulties, was vex­ed, that his designs had not taken effect. He sends Feria Gover­nour to Milan, with new instructions to disturb rather than promote the Peace; and into Germany sends the Regent Villani, that he might slacken in Ferdinand that speed with which he drove on the Peace in Italy; offering against the Swede vast assistances, if putting Man­tua into the Spaniards hands, he would leave to them the care of the War on this side the Mountains. But the Emperour reflecting on the issue of past Councils, and seeing the fire of the Swedish Arms blazing throughout Germany with most devouring Flames, sent Gal­las power to conclude and execute the Peace in Italy. The meeting was held in Chievasco, a Town of Piedmont, whither with the media­tion of the Popes Ministers, and the Duke Vittorio being present, Gal­las came, together with the Mareshal Thoiras, and Monsieur de Ser­vient deputed from France, to whom Trajano Viscardi in the name of the Duke of Mantua had yielded the Plenipotence.

For the Republick Girolamo Cavazza; their Secretary, assisted, and for the Spaniards the Count della Rocca, their Ambassador in Pied­mont, who took a greater share in the understanding than manage­ment of Treaties. These publick Negotiations were facilitated by some very private concerts betwixt the French and Savoyards, till the conclusion whereof, Servien, though in appearance for something [Page 351] else, had retarded his appearing at Chievasco. And the promoter and mediator, not without the secret consent of the Pope, was Julio Mazarini, who for his happiness in past Negotiations gaining cre­dit, and giving greater hopes, having by various arts reduced Pan­cirollo to the alone name and appearance of the ministry, had with great applause, and with so much more confidence with Richelieu, as­sumed the reality of the most important Affairs. He in secret con­ferences declares to the Duke Vittorio, That vain was that hope with which he was possessed, to recover by the Peace, what the Crown of France possessed of his. That the Cardinal, ambitious of glory, would what ever came of it, retain in Italy a memorial of his great and fa­mous actions. And who was there, that could hinder that design of his, if Ferdinand, having great troubles upon him, had no thought but of his own defence? That the Spaniards, low in reputation and Forces, mind­ing only their own advantages, had neither the power or the will to repair the losses of Piedmont. The Italians unanimously foresaw the power for the future divided betwixt the two Crowns, not to suffer the arbitrement and jealousies of one of them alone. He himself might now from past dangers sufficiently comprehend, what was the price of his Peace, and Principality. That he was to compare the relinquishing of one Town with the most certain conquest of Savoy, Tarentasia, Moriena, Avigliana, Suza, Saluzzo, Bricherasco, with so many Vallies, Forts, and other places, as rend Piedmont into bits, and besiege the Metropolis it self. And when did he think to drive away the French by force, who by their nearness are able to over-run the Country, and by their courage and power swallow the rest? Could he peradventure expect succours from the Spaniards, who, under the title of protection, would usurp others of his places? He had no way then, but to sacrifice to the unsatiable desire, the Cardinal had of glory, one little part, as Pignerol might be said to be; because the rest being restored, there would not one day want opportuni­ties to recover that also, it being an easier matter to weary the French by giving way to the keeping of their Conquests, than by resisting. But there were offered at present considerable advantages, whilst the division of Monferrat being to depend upon the arbitrement of the Ministers of that Crown, there might be given to him, together with Trino, so am­ple a share, that the worth of Pignerol might be sufficiently recompensed; That that was the very thing which his Father had for many years, and amidst so many troubles, sought for. Nor could the Duke of Mantua complain; because, if the Crown, at the price of its own Conquests, cause his capital City to be restored, having preserved Casal by its treasure and blood, what lesser gratitude can be returned to so magnanimous a King, than by paying the price of that passage, which for his own safety and assistance he desires may be kept for future accidents? Vittorio was to weigh the present conjunctures, and his own interests; because if he should not consent to yield Pignerol, France remained not only in pos­session of that place, but of most ample Conquests made in Savoy and Piedmont. That France was now the Arbiter of Peace or War: Its power and authority extended into Casal. For Mantua, it was not so much taken care of, being far from its Confines, and ballanced by great [Page 352] Conquests, with which it could liberally both compensate the losses of him that had depended on him, and overcome the advantages of the Spaniards.

The Duke was wavering amidst his troubled thoughts; for on the one side the desire of Peace allured him, and the hopes to recover by Treaty that, which by other means he was not able to get again from the French; on the other, he well understood, that giving up the custody of the Alps and passages into Italy, his friendship would no more be valued by the Crowns. At last yielding to the necessity, and to the time, he consents to part with Pignerol, and the Vallies, which are serviceable for passage into Italy, with so much circumspection and silence, that the effect appeared certain Months before any thing tending towards it was known. The Ministers af­ter this Treaty being all come to Chievasco, the agreement for the execution of the Peace of Italy was upon the sixth of April without much ado concluded: for, the longest and most difficult point being the liquidation of the Lands of Monferrat, which were to be given to Vittorio, the French gave way to all advantage of the Savoyards, Gallas not dissenting, who desired to make a speedy conclusion, and, the Mantuans not opposing, being desirous to restore the Duke in­to the most important of his Countries. For the fifteen thousand Crowns then of yearly Revenue, which was given to Savoy, they assign, besides Trin and Alba, eighty other Villages of the best: That Duke taking upon himself the Dowry of Margherita, and, for the overplus of Revenue, which might arise, promising to deposite in Lyons Jewels or money. The investiture of this part of Monferrat, the Emperour was to give to Savoy; the nomination to the Abby of Lu­cadio was left to Mantua, and the Savoyards obliged themselves to permit a yearly draught of ten thousand Sacks of Grain to Casal, which without the help of the most fertile part of Monferrat might easily fall into want. As to the restitution of places possessed, little else was added to the Treaty of Ratisbone, but that in Susa and Avi­gliana there should remain Garrisons of those Cantons of Helvetia which were confederate with France and Savoy, with condition to deliver them again to France, in case that on the day prefixed the German Troops should not be retired out of Rhetia. The Venetians were comprehended in amplissima forma, and the Spaniards obliged themselves to ratifie the Treaty, and to withdraw their Army into the Milanese, without offering offence, or giving jealousies to those Prin­ces which had had no part in the present War.

The Treaty was no sooner concluded, but the Germans silently abandoning Valezzo, retired out of the State of the Republick, not­withstanding that a little before a certain casual accident had in some sort exasperated mens minds; whilst a party of Polish Horse, which had served under the Austrians, passing through the way cal­led the Steccato, heretofore mentioned, betwixt the Confines of Ber­gamo and Crema were assaulted by the Venetian Guards, who killing and taking some, made prey of their goods and money. But upon the complaint of the Governour of Milan and Aldringher, they were [Page 353] released, and the Booty restored. More vehement were the com­plaints of Feria for the things concluded in Chierasco, in such sort, that denying to approve them, and to have powers for the execu­tion of them, he ordered provisions, sought pretexts, crossed the march of the Germans out of Italy, and invited Ottavio Piccolomini to remain in his pay with three Regiments of that Nation, and lastly fomenting the disgust of the Duke of Mantua at the unreasonable dividing of the Monferrat, promised him, if he would adhere to the Austrians, not only to restore him in the Mantuan, but to re-esta­blish him in every one of those places, which the French so prodi­gally alienated from his States; but Carlo deeming it too dangerous to pass from hatred of so fresh a date to friendships so suspicious, contenting himself with complaints and protests in secret, believed, that it was not for him to disturb the execution of things agreed.

The French observing the workings of Feria, stop their march from going out of Italy; whereupon the Popes Ministers were obli­ged to interpose anew, and because the point, which most galled the Spaniards, consisted in the stay of the Switzers in Susa and in Avigliana, it was on the 19. of June agreed, That either all the Re­stitutions should be made to Savoy, Mantua, and the Grisons, upon one and the same day, viz. the 20. of August, or that upon the same day should be quitted by the Imperialists the Forts of Rhetia and Briche­rasco by the French. Ʋpon the 26. should be released to Savoy, Susa and Avigliana, and to Mantua, Porto and Caneto. Then the first of September the City it self of Mantua should be rendred to its Duke, and Pignarol delivered to Vittorio.

This last way as the most secure was chosen, and Hostages were added; and because the Pope, to whom they were to be deliver­ed, would not interest himself in that which concerned the Grisons, it was concluded, That for Bricherasco, Thoiras should be given to the Duke of Savoy, and for the Forts of Rhetia, Gallas to the Duke of Mantua. It was besides determined, that by Feria six thousand Foot and one thousand Horse should be sent away out of Italy, and the Milanese be afterwards disarmed, except but of ordinary Garrisons.

The restitutions at their times gradually executed, gave great satisfaction and no less hope, that Italy might at last breathe after so many calamities; and the Pope wrote to the Republick a Brief with worthy expressions, exalting their deservings, both in maintaining the War, and promoting the Peace. In the mean time while the restitutions were in doing, Monsieur de Razzilier, arriving in the Name of King Lewis at Venice, did not only communicate the Ac­cord concluded, but insisted with great earnest, that the Republick would assist the Duke of Mantua with means to re-enter into his Country, representing his present condition to want counsel, prote­ction, and assistance: That he returned from Banishment and Poverty to a Principality, but brought nothing with him but his Person, his Chil­dren, and his Name, without Souldiers, without Credit, and without Money. The City of Mantua was miserably reduced into the form of a Skeleton, the Towns into Deserts, and the whole Territory into great affli­ction. [Page 354] Was it any ways possible to raise Garrisons and Revenues out of Ashes and Sepulchres? It was therefore necessary to garrison those Walls, for the preservation and rescue whereof, so much gold, so much labour, and so much blood had been spent. France being far off, had in Man­tua no other interest but that of affection and care. The keeping of it therefore belonged to the Republick as a Neighbour. That she was to be careful not to believe too much in the Peace, because those are the most certain blows which throw themselves upon us under the Cloak of confi­dence. That the danger of the War had been perhaps less than that which ought to be feared at present from Treacheries. The Spaniards being no longer able to oppress the liberty of Italy by force, would now be attempting it by Art. And if Mantua should by some deceitful trick be taken, what else would it be but to wound Italy again in the scar scarce healed, to make it incurable and more painful? The King charged him­self with Casal, nay with the universal care of Italy; promising, on any danger of that Country, any attempts of its Enemies, any notice from the Confederates, to descend again the Alps with puissant Forces. He that was the Author of the Peace would be the Guardian of it; intreated the Republick to cooperate with him in so generous intentions, and if she had been his Companion in the War, she would have the satisfaction be­sides with him to maintain the Peace.

The Venetians, after so long disturbances, infinitely desirous of quiet, were in a doubt, lest upon new emergencies and the news of introducing Garrison, the Spaniards taking Jealousie might disturb the Peace. They were besides perswaded, that the Duke drawing some relief from his Estate in France, might supply his present ne­cessity, with which they hoped at last that the Councils of Spain be­ing moderated by events, Italy was to enjoy a long and secure tran­quillity. For this cause they excuse themselves from lending the Duke new assistance, nevertheless promising, if other disturbances should arise, to concur with the vigilance and readiness usual in their ancient Customs, together with the Crown, for the relief of him and the common Liberty of Italy. But the Dukes necessities not at all yielding to these considerations, nor the Kings instances slackning; but the Mareshal Thoiras being sent Ambassadour Extra­ordinary, to give weight to the business by the quality of a person so famous, he repeats with great urgency, that the Republick, ha­ving even in his utmost calamity assisted Carlo with a careful libera­lity, would also compleat the kindness by giving him means to enjoy his present better Fortune. The Senate resolved for that time only to disband upon the Borders certain Foot, that the Duke taking them into pay, might be accommodated with them; but in conclu­sion, Feria not disbanding, and it being discovered, that by the means of the Commander Collredo, he perswaded the Duke, rejecting the French and Venetian Garrisons, to admit into Mantua those of Spain with offers of vast recompences, and there happening in Goito, just at the time it was to be restored to the State, the death of the Eldest Prince, without leaving other Issue than a Son in Swadling-clouts and one Daughter, the Venetians determined to prevent every trou­blesom [Page 355] accident,, to send to the Duke, under the Command of Fran­cesco Martinengo, a thousand Foot and two Companies of Horse with Ammunition, and all that was else needful. Jealousies afterwards increasing more and more, they brought in four hundred other Soul­diers, Monsieur de Tavanes assisting by the Duke to give him the bet­ter appearance and reputation by the protection of that Crown. Nor were the suspicions ill grounded; for Feria having not succeeded to bring the Duke by Treaty to his ends, attempted more secret contrivances, and had sent to Mantua the Infanta Margaret, under pretext to console the Widdowhood of the young Princess, her Daughter, but in effect to sow Discord, suggest Marriages, form Parties, that by dividing the House and the Government, a way miht be opened to some disorder.

Moreover, the Duke of Main being dead in Casal, in the so tender age of the little Prince, new jealousies, designs, and hopes were per­ceived to arise for the Succession. But Feria, by more compelling apprehensions, was forced to lead his thoughts elsewhere; for when he thought the French gone out of Italy, he discovered a Garrison in Pignarol, and the Colours of that Crown displayed. All followed in order to the fore-related Treaties, for pledge whereof was the Cardinal of Savoy gone to Paris under the shew of fulfilling them. But the French making shew of a suspicion, that the Governour had no intention sincerely to observe the agreement, complained that he did not disarm, and that he kept some Germans of Schomberg in his pay, notwithstanding that it was alledged by the Spaniards, that that Regiment in particular belonged to the Crown, under whose Colours it had long before born Arms, and that in the process of the past Negotiations, having made mention of it to the Popes Mini­sters, they had obtained of the French in express terms, that that was not understood to be comprehended amongst those Troops which were to go out of Italy. But they, who sought for excuses and pretexts, shewing themselves not at all satisfied, feigned to demand, for the keeping of a secure passage open for their return into Italy, a place of the Duke Vittorio. And he dissembling what had been agreed, in a mocquery to Feria, communicates to him the request, and at the same time, though it obliged him to deny it, demands of him assistance; but in such a number, and within a time so short, that he could not be able to give it him. The Governour defend­ing himself partly with great complaints, and partly with various and ambiguous answers, the Duke taking pretext from the delays and denial, publishes, that he had consented to yield to pressing in­stances, and deliver Pignarol for six months to the French.

But a little while after a new Treaty was divulged, in which it appeared, that that Town with the Vallies adjacent was sold to the Crown in perpetuity, and that the price of it was that money, (which amounted to five hundred thousand Crowns) which Vittorio, for the satisfying of Mantua, being to deposite in Lyons, the King now charging himself with that debt, took it upon himself. Whe­ther the French Garrison really, at the executing of the Treaty, did [Page 356] go out of Pignarol, and afterwards went in again, after that the Savoyards for the freeing of the Hostages gave assurance, that the place was delivered; or whether a part did not remain in the Cellars or in subterranean places hidden, was then much and doubtfully talked of; but time hath at last discovered, that the French not trusting the quitting of the place entirely, one part only went out, and another remained secretly within, and the Count de la Rocca, the Spanish Ambassador at Turin, who would have gone thither to see the effe­ctual delivery, was diverted by Mazarine by the fear of the Plague, making him believe, that it raged much and mortally in that place. This action moved on a sudden the minds of all Europe, and chiefly in Italy, many at so great a novelty standing amazed, others in sus­pence, others contented, according to affections and interests; be­cause those who for want of power had till now kept in their ha­tred against Spain, breathed again desires and hopes of alterations and changes. On the other side, he that in the present state of things found himself at quiet, equally fearing a yoke and assistance, presaged new and more lasting calamities, if it should remain in the power of the unquiet and head-long Genius of the French Nation, unseasonably to disturb Italy; but others that desired to see it in an equal state of liberty and security, highly rejoycing, that that Crown also was come in for a share, perswaded themselves, that what with reputation, and what with the terrour of the name, it was like to preserve her peaceable.

Richelieu had reason above any other to rejoyce, the Arbitrement of Peace and War being now put into his hand, and having mani­festly revenged himself of Olivares, who, if with clandestine blows, sowing factions and discords in the Kingdom and in the Royal Fa­mily he had endeavoured to ruine him, he on the other side, by sig­nal advantages in Negotiations, and upholding himself by Arms, had discredited and confounded him. In these two was lodged the Destiny of Europe, now openly become Rivals in ambition, envy, strife, and hatred, to such a degree, that the World could no longer bear them either at odds or agreeing without great destruction. The Spaniards seemed highly moved, seeing the Duke of Mantua to their shame established in his Countries, and both by inclination and gra­titude adhering to France, he of Savoy constrained to depend upon the same Crown, and the French with Reputation and Forces fixed in Italy, to give jealousie and dispute the predominancy till now by them enjoyed. And for this cause they made their complaints in all Courts, amplifying in words, that Richelieu had deluded pub­lick Faith, Conditions were broken, and the Peace disturbed. But complaints being vain in an Age wherein Interest gives the Law, Feria, beyond measure in disorder for that, having formerly by possessing the Valteline with so much labour endeavoured to shut up every passage into Italy from Strangers, the Gate of the Alps was now in his Government set wide open by the French, armed with great diligence, and from Naples and the other Kingdoms drew men and money; and to the end to discover affections in so great a con­fusion [Page 357] of things, he presses the Princes of Italy for their obliged assi­stance, as if the Invasion of the Milanese were near at hand.

Richelieu nevertheless had not as yet brought things to that pass at Court, nor ripened his designs abroad so as to be able openly to break with Spain; but laying hold of advantages, his aims were to make himself Master of Avenues and places of consequence. Pied­mond by this means open to the Arms of the French, he contrives to exclude succours by the way of the Grisons to the Milanese out of Germany. But it being difficult without the joyning or at least the making use of the Frontier of the Venetians to maintain an Army in that Country, he sounds them to joyn to three thousand of the Kings two thousand of their Souldiers, proposing Rohan General over all, under the title of preserving those Posts and the Liberty of the Country; but chiefly to prevent the designs of Feria, lest to be quit with him for Pignarol, he might elsewhere and particularly in Rhetia direct his craft.

The Senate intent upon Peace, and doubtful lest the spight be­twixt the Crowns should proceed so far as to be the cause of a new War, did not only refuse to cooperate there, but in all the Courts made it their business by effectual offices to remove what was obscure, and assure the Peace. Howsoever Rohan, without expecting leave from Venice, departs, and going into Helvetia among the Protestant Can­tons, where, by reason of conformity of Religion he was in great esteem, he applies himself to dispose things for the future designs, whilst in the Grisons, Monsieur de la Lande raising with money from France three thousand Souldiers of that Country, fortifies the Steich, and guardes other Passes. Feria, to oppose him, sends into Rhetia Casati, advances Troops to Como and the Confines of the Valteline, solliciting the Archduke of Insbruck to possess in the County of Bormio the Post of Sainte Maria to keep the Communication with the Milanese open, and inciting the Emperour to be sensible of so great an emergency. But Leopold admonishing the three Leagues to abstain from unseasonable novelties, would not by proceeding fur­ther procure himself disturbance; and Ferdinand, in the declination of his own Interests, takes little notice of the Affairs of Italy, con­tented to please the Spaniards, and redeem for a time the prejudices to form secretly a Decree, by which he declares the Investiture null, granted to Duke Carlo, in case of transgression in the Peace of Ratis­bone. As to the rest, exhorts the Spaniards to sufferance, and to assist with all their Forces the common Cause, which in Germany was running a hazard. Feria for this, and also understanding the im­portant defeat, which near Leipzich the Swedes gave the Emperor, was obliged to suspend his motion, and to defer the resentments to more proper Conjunctures and time.

About the beginning of the year there had been published in the Swedish Camp at Berwald the League betwixt France and Gustavus for the defence of their common Friends, security of the Commerce of the Baltick Sea, and restoring of Liberty in Germany and the Gri­sons. These were obliged to proceed in their enterprise with thirty [Page 358] thousand Foot and six thousand Horse, and that, to disburse to them four hundred thousand Ricks Dollers by the year. They had condi­tioned, that in the places which should be taken, Religion should re­main as the Peace appoints, which they call the Religious Peace in the Empire, and where the Catholick was, the Worship should re­main free. The Swede during the Winter made sufficient progress, for that the Souldiers, by reason of the natural coldness of the Clime, equally strong in body and mind, made light of hardships; so that in a short time were taken in, not without some dispute, Griffenhag­hen, Gartz, Damin, and other places, amongst which was New-bran­denburg, re-taken a while after by Tilly, with the Imprisonment of Colonel Kniphausen, that kept it, and an infinite slaughter of the Gar­rison and Inhabitants. But the King at Franckfort upon the Oder, a Town of greater moment, was even with them; for forcing it by assault, he permitted that the whole Garrison should be cut to pie­ces. The Towns of Colberg and Landtsperg intimidated with this success, yielded to him on conditions, whilst Tilly in this interim was ingaged in the Siege of Magdenburg. The Protestants held at this time a Diet in Leipzich, and published under the warmth of the Swedish Protection those conceptions, which the Emperours power had for a long time suppressed; nay they appeared the more irrita­ted, for that in Swabe the Troops of Ferdinand in their return out of Italy, had, as they passed, to some of that Religion done very great mischief. The Emperour had also denied them to recall the Edict concerning the restitution of the Goods of the Church; where­upon they resolved to arm themselves, and to joyn with the Swedes, imploring of the King speedy and vigorous succours for Magdenburg. Gustavus denied it not; but being first desirous to assure himself of the Electors of Brandenburg and Saxony, while they were negotiating about the delivery of the places and union of Forces, Magdenburg was taken by assault, destroyed by the Sword, and desolated by Fire, with such a slaughter, as was made a terrour to the Protestants, and a horrour to the Catholicks, to the great reproach of Tilli, who seemed, as is usual to those that are accustomed to good Fortune, to grow cruel in seeing himself abandoned to a contrariety. At last after reciprocal and various successes of no great moment, whilst Saxe armed, Tilli, to assure himself of his ends, demands of him an Union, Passages, and Quarters, and the Elector not complying with him, he enters into Misnia to fright him, and having taken some Towns, attacques Leipzich that refused to receive his Garrison. The City being of a large circuit and weak Walls, after two days yields. But Saxe thus provoked, joyns presently the Swedes with his Army of twelve thousand men.

Gustavus judged, that to maintain credit and his conquests, it be­hoved him to pursue some new designs, and, without giving the Ene­my time to unite and augment his Forces, to joyn Battel with him under the favour of his Reputation and Fortune. Nor could, the Armies being too near, Tilli refuse it; for to retire would put him upon disadvantage and dishonour, and the King following him, [Page 359] would have disordered him, and beaten him without hazard. The Armies then faced one another near Leipzich, equal in valour and number, commanded by two Chiefs, that in actions of War had lit­tle inequality, save in the dignity. The Armies ranged themselves into a very long Line upon a situation almost plain, a little rising ground interposing.

Among the Imperialists Tilli commanded in the middle, Firstem­burg on the right, and Papenheim on the left hand. Of the Swedes the King took the right Wing, and Saxe with his men had the care of the left. In the Reer of the one and the other stood some Troops of reserve. Tilli, with the skill of an experienced Captain, had chosen the advantage of the Sun and Wind; but the King with an Art not at all-inferior, partly by protracting the time of the Battel, and partly by wrying his order, as he charged the Enemy, got it in a great measure to himself. With a soft pace then and in great or­der, upon the 7. day of September the Troops advance to the Bat­tel, the Cannon on both sides by incessant shooting doing considera­ble hurt, but most to the Swedes, who nevertheless immoveable, kept their order, waiting for the sign to give on. The King at last gave the command to charge, and it was no sooner given but the Troops on both sides were seen to be mingled and disordered. The lives of so many warlike men were now placed upon the points of their Swords, courage was encreased by blows, the wounded appeared in heaps, and the dead bodies were piled up a great height in the Field. In the heat of the Fight, the Chiefs themselves were ingaged in the Battel, equalizing fortune and dangers. The Victory, it seemed, was uncertain, when after about an hours doubtful conflict the right Wing of the Austrians broke and dispersed the Saxons left. But the King, after many Charges, pierced into and disordered the left of Papenheim, in such sort, that finding no more resistance, he had the liberty (causing the Troops of reserve to march) to go him­self with fury to the assistance of the Saxons, and charge the Im­perialists with so much heat, that they quit the Field. And now there was no longer fighting, but slaughter and running away, till night coming on, the Conquerors then first ceased to pursue, and the conquered to fly. Tilli with many wounds, but very few Soul­diers retires into Hall. The report was, that the number of the dead amounted to fifteen thousand; the rest were dispersed, leaving to the Swedes the Field and the glory, with the Cannon and the Bag­gage.

After so signal a Victory Germany was divided as it were for a prey, betwixt the King and Saxony. The Saxe chose Bohemia with the Provinces adjacent, leaving the rest to the King. It was no ill grounded opinion, that if the Army in a Body had advanced di­rectly towards the patrimonial Countries of the Austrians, it would have found no resistance; for that confusion and fear subverting Councils, the speed of the Enemy would not have given time for redress or defence. But Leipzich being recovered, while the Ele­ctor takes in Eyra and Prague with almost all the Kingdom of Bo­hemia, [Page 360] the King bends towards Ʋpper Germany, and travelling ra­ther than fighting, with a carreer of prosperity, possesses himself of Franconia, and of the Lower Palatinate, with the Countries of the Elector of Mentz, and so many other places along the Rhyne, and elsewhere, that it almost appeared, that Fame had used less speed in publishing the success, than the King in subduing the Countries. He now sends to Venice Lewis Christophoro Ratshio, Cavalier, his Ambassador extraordinary, to communicate his advantages and designs, tending to the relief of the oppressed, to the liberty of Germany, and the humbling of the Austrians; whereupon having it in his power to advance the peace and security of Italy, he de­manded money and assistance.

The Senate honouring in officious terms the prosperity of that Prince, condescended not to ought else, but to call to memory the much which the Republick had contributed to the liberty and ho­nour of Italy; over which not without care and charge it was no less vigilant at present. The discourses of the felicity of these Ar­mies, passing to this side of the Mountains, troubled with no small fears the minds of many, and in particular of the Court of Rome; who very unwillingly saw a King supported by great Forces, and so great fortune draw near to Italy, where perhaps he might find no fewer invitations than pretexts.

Apprehensions were increased from Nature and from Chance; for the Mount Vesuvius, which with its burnings had, it seems, formerly presaged either the inundations of people or the grievous calamities of Italy, cast up flames with such violence and astonishment, that the City of Naples was afraid either to be swallowed in the Earthquake, or to be buried in the ashes. The shaking overturned houses, stop­ped the course of Rivers, repulsed the Sea, tossed and opened the Mountains: In sum, there were evaporated by contrary and hideous effects Waters, Flames, and Ashes, by which some neighbouring pla­ces did not only remain covered, but it was doubted, lest, the re­spiration of the air being taken away, that whole people might be suffocated. But Heaven being appeased by publick penitencies, the groans of an innumerable multitude being every where heard, such a wind arose from the contrary quarter, as carried them to fall be­yond the Sea as far as Cataro, and other places of Albania and Dalma­tia. The sulphureous aliment being at last consumed in the bowels of the earth, the fire extinguished.

But Germany, amidst the fears of Italy, experiencing with strange vicissitudes more sensible mischiefs; the prosperity of the Emperour, which a little while ago threatned the Hereticks, could not now serve the Catholicks for a support or countenance, because from the highest mountain of divine judgments was let loose that stone which makes the strongest of Empires to totter. The Elector of Trier, seeing him of Mentz driven out of his Country, took occasion to publish the protection which France had secretly some years before consent­ed to him, when he, offended with the Emperour for not having ad­judged the Abby of St. Maximine, which he pretended was annexed [Page 361] to that Crown, and now opening the Gates to his Forces puts Her­mestain into their hands. Bavaria, who forced to play fast and loose, without separating himself from the Austrians, but no less to ha­zard himself with them, had likewise made a late Treaty with the French, in which they promising him the conservation of the Electoral Vote in his Family, both the King and Duke obliged them­selves mutually to defend those Countries, which they then posses­sed, with a certain number of Horse and Foot. By this alliance Richelieu obtained the separation of Bavaria as head of the Catho­lick League from giving assistance to Lorrain; because that Duke, after the Conspiracies with the English, despairing of ever reconci­ling himself to that Minister, had not only given himself to the pro­tection of the Austrians; but during the War of Italy had perswaded the Emperour to fortifie Moyenvich, a place of consequence upon the Frontier of Mets, and of the jurisdiction of that Bishoprick, and afterward to deliver the place to him, to the end that with it he might cover his own Country, and withall upon occasion give passage for the invading of France. He had afterwards received Orleans in his Country; and now though the protection which he expected from the Emperour appeared weakned, nevertheless provoking the King with offences, and the Cardinal with disgusts, drew unseasonable troubles into his bosom. The said Duke of Orleans, by the suggestion of the Queen Mother and of his Sister in Law, no less than of his Favou­rites, taking the plausible pretext of ill Government, of a sudden retires from Court. The King now comprehending, that both by domestick and foreign encouragements his Brother went about to obtain the Kingdom in present rather than hope any longer for it, fol­lows him towards Orleans with so much speed, that the Duke not willing to be taken by force, nor to trust to any accord, departs to­wards Burgundy, where with the Duke of Bellegard, Governour of that Province, he had already contrived intelligences and agree­ments. The King coming thither also and the Cardinal, constrained him to pass into the Franche Conté, and from thence to take refuge in Lorrain.

Lewis, well to secure himself first in the Kingdom, reforms the Court of the Queen his Wife, discarding the persons suspected, and forbidding the Ambassador of Spain to visit her in private. After­wards brings his Mother to Compiegne, and of a sudden parting thence, leaves her there, kept under the care of the Mareshal d' Estré. His will after was, that she should be removed to Molins, a Town not strong, and in the heart of the Kingdom, giving her as a token of honour the Government of the Bourbonois; but the Queen inter­posing delays by the pretext of her weakness, insinuated to the Go­vernour of la Chapelle, that giving her entrance, she should resign a­gain the place to him; and in this confidence, whilst the Cardinal privy to all, to facilitate her flight dexterously causes the Guards to be slackened, she secretly departs. But coming to la Chapelle finds it in Arms against her, there being entred into it the Marquess de Vardes, Father of the Governour, sent thither seasonably by the [Page 362] Cardinal himself; whereupon entrance being denied her, she was forced to pass into the Province of Henault, and thence to be con­veyed to Brussels, where being received with great tenderness by the Infanta Isabella, she spreads throughout the whole world the complaints of her condition; that, being driven out of that happy Kingdom, where she had heretofore commanded, she was now in her old age put to seek for entertainment, and perhaps a Grave, amongst strangers. The Spaniards hoped from these domestick broils in France great advantages, having the Mother of the King in their hand, and the Brother in the house of a Prince their friend. Nevertheless they could not with Forces proportionable to so great a design promote the disturbances of the Kingdom, being engaged in Germany, and beaten in Flanders by the Hollanders, whilst by the Scheld they were attempting a surprise in Zealand. They saw Orle­ans also not well provided with Forces, nor with the intelligencies they expected: for those, who, as it was said, were to take Arms and kindle the War in the Kingdom, being prevented by the vigi­lance and authority of the Cardinal, had been able to effect nothing, but provide for their safety by running away. The Duke of Lor­rain, who had in his hand the pledge of the Successor of the Crown, thought himself secure; yet to bind him faster, perswades him to marry Margaret his Sister, a Princess of great virtue and rare beauty. On the advice whereof, Lewis was inflamed with ex­tream anger, and Richelieu taking hold of the occasion to revenge himself, perswades him to cause the Mareshal de la Force to invest Moyenvich, which the Imperialists being not able to relieve, nor the Duke of Lorrain daring without their help to attempt, it was with­in a few days rendred.

The French Army would then have proceeded farther, if Carlo, in person humbling himself to the King, had not made this agree­ment; To renounce all intelligence and junction prejudicial to France; to cause the Rebels and enemies to the King to go out of his Country, de­nying them entrance for the future, and to join to the Kings Army four thousand Foot and two thousand Horse, with which entring into Ger­many the third part of the Conquests should be the Dukes. For war­ranty he delivers for three years the Town of Marsall to the French; the King promising not to make Peace without comprehending him in it. This Agreement concluded the last day of the year, men truly judged, that on the Dukes side it would be no longer lived, than the necessity which dictated it at present. The King, to make it ap­pear, that the more Richelieu was attacqued by envy and hatred, the more he embraced him in his favour, created him Duke and Peer of France. So that by those applauses, with which, over and above the rejoycings of those of his own party, fame exalted him, he vin­dicated himself from certain invectives, which spread abroad in print by unknown Pens, came to be published by the discontented, and espe­cially by those in the Low Countries. In Venice also, at the requisition of the Ambassador d' Avan, he was by the great Council received in­to the Order of the Patricians with unanimous Votes.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE. THE NINTH BOOK.

WE shall now describe some peaceable years of the Republick, rendred more joyous from the memo­ry of past calamities, and the hideousness of dan­gers undergone, out of which, amidst Fire and Sword, she was with safety and glory rescued, af­ter the assistance of Heaven by the constancy and counsels of the Citizens, rather than by her own strength or the assistances of Stran­gers. With these better times began the Principality of Francesco Erizzo, assumed to be Duke, after the death of Nicholo Contarini, with great applause, for having through the course of many years assisted the Country with counsel, and joyntly defended it by Arms. And because he held the Generalship of the Terra firma, there was put into that Charge, as his Successor, Luigi Giorgio, at that time Proveditor in the Army. But States being like the Sea where it fluctuates, though there be no storm, there arose at this time several diversities in opinion and unkindnesses with the Pope, which, though they molested not Italy with Arms, distracted nevertheless mens minds with troublesom business.

Ʋrban, after the death of Francesco Maria della Rovere, the last Duke of Ʋrbin, had united to the Church that most noble Fief. And because during the life of the Duke, who was now grown very old, he kept a Prelate in that Country, which assisted in all affairs, he had after his death so little trouble to possess himself of it, that [Page 364] Taddeo Barberino, Prince of Palestrina, entring into it with Souldiers to take quietly possession of it, it looked as if the old Dominion was rather continued than another new one introduced. The Pope un­der the pretext of the Commotions of Italy was already in Arms, ex­pecting this accident, to the end that if in so great a confusion of affairs any body should go about to disturb him, he might be able to maintain his right with a puissant Force. But the Princes rather offered him to strives their assistance, and exhorted him to invest his Nephews with it, some believing to oblige him, others, by dis­membring that State, desiring that the Church should not so much increase its temporal Dominion. The Pope having regard to the severe Bulls of his Predecessors, and apprehending to leave to his House a Patrimony of unquietness and trouble, rather than a peace­able Dominion, made shew to think his Kinsmen more worthy of the Principality by refusing it, than by retaining it. He only con­fers, as the Spoils of so noble a Conquest, upon his Nephew Taddeo the Government of Rome, a long time enjoyed by the Family of Ro­vere. This dignity retains a certain ancient and venerable memory of the Praetor Praetorii, in the times of the Caesars of so much esteem and authority; though at present there remained nothing of it but the dress and the name. From hence brake forth a great distaste with the Princes, because the Prefect or Governour pretending pre­cedency of Ambassadours, who in the most solemn Functions assist­ing at the Popes Chair of State, representing the members of all Christendom united to their head, did all dissent from it. The Bar­berins attempted to gain the Emperour; because from his example other great Princes would certainly depend, and they omitted not any means, offering him great succours and powerful assistances. But in vain; for the Emperour, resolving not to depart from what was fit, and complaining that Merchandize for private respects was made of his necessity, pulled upon him by maintaining of a cause in which Religion had the chief part, orders his Ambassadour to abstain from the Churches, and the other Ministers of the Crown followed him, considering the Pope in his own house, and in the cause of his Kin­dred, Uncle, and Party no less than a Prince. From this common distaste of the Princes rose afterwards a particular one of the Vene­tians; for Giovanni Pesari, Cavalier Ambassadour of the Republick, meeting casually in a street with the Prefect, who stopping his Coach, and the other not observing it, by reason of the obscurity, it being now late, though he civilly caused an excuse to be made for it, yet the Prefect taking offence at it, meets him another time on purpose, having corrupted the Ambassadours Coach-man, who feigning that his Hat was fallen off, staid the Horses, and run his way. Pesary was no sooner got home to his house, but the Coach­mans flight was backed by some armed men, to rescue him from the punishment he deserved.

The Court of Rome always talking, and always greedy of occa­sions for it, measuring things by appearances and shadows, judges such Formalities to be of no less account than bloody Battels and [Page 365] important Conquests use to be esteemed elsewhere.An. Dom. 1632 It being on this occasion in some disorder, and the other Ambassadors taking it for their common interest, offer themselves to the Venetian to do him right. The Senate, knowing that by the support of the Uncle the party of the Barberins would be too strong in Rome, order Pe­sary, that, for a publick resentment, he should immediately leave the City, without taking leave of the Pope or his Nephews, and at Venice they suspend giving audience to the Nuntio. With this ano­ther disgust was interwoven, upon occasion that Ʋrban, at a time which was judged very unseasonable, while Christendom was in a flame, and Italy destroyed betwixt War and Plague, had in the year past by his Bull decreed to the Cardinals, the Ecclesiastical Electors, and the great Master of Malta, the Title of Eminence, for­bidding them to receive any other, except from Kings. The Re­publick notwithstanding continued to write in the stile accustomed; but some of the Cardinals taking occasion from the affliction which they saw it would be to the Pope and his Kindred, refused the Letters, to the great resentment of the Senate. There were added sharp contests betwixt those of Loreo, subjects to the Venetians, and those of Arriano, which belong to those of Ferrara, where the Cardinal Palotta, the Legate, disturbing the undoubted Confines of the Venetians, by imprisonings and other mischiefs, shewed an in­tention to attempt greater novelties, by erecting new high-ways, making the Po useless, and changing the course of the Waters.

Nor were the Venetians wanting, by equal mischiefs, to repair themselves; but Luca Pesaro, Captain of the Gulph, entring into the Sacca di Goro with certain Gallies and armed Barques, stopped the Ships, which with Victuals and Merchandise, contrary to the De­crees of the Republick, passed by Sea towards Ferrara. He de­stroyed also in the River the works newly made to divert its course; whereupon spirits imbittering, it looked as if things would have pro­ceeded further; because Troops increasing on both sides, the Eccle­siasticks on their Confines raised a Fort called delle Bocchette, and the Venetians opposed another calling it della Donzella.

ANNO MDCXXXII.

To the end this first heat of Arms might not proceed to greater ingagements, the French Ministers interposed, proposing a suspensi­on of offences, and that the Souldiers should be withdrawn from those Borders, where just at that time the Agreement was ready to be concluded, it hapned, that in an occasion some of those of the Popes were killed, and thirty three taken Prisoners, with hurt on the Venetians side. But the Pope and the Republick giving their promise to King Lewis, not to offend one another by Arms, and to remove the souldiery, there remained a larger field for Treaty, by which some of the difficulties were quieted; for as much as the Pope, affirming to Monsieur de Brassac, the French Ambassador, that concerning what had hapned at Rome to Pesari, he had not till now [Page 366] had notice of it, much less that his Nephew had been concerned in rescuing the Coach-man out of his house, expressed himself particu­larly discontented at it, and caused them to be punished with Banish­ment that were guilty of the offence. Declares over and above to the Cardinals, that the Republick was, as it had always been, co­numerated with the rest of the Kings comprehended in the excepti­on of the Title of Eminence, and commanded them to receive the Letters in the wonted form. The Senate resting satisfied, admitted the Nuntio to Audience, and sent Luigi Contarini Cavalier for ordi­nary Ambassadour to the Pope. But the differences about the Bor­ders, as being of an ancienter date, met with greater difficulties, though to end them it was resolved to send Commissioners on the place; whereupon from the Pope were appointed Ottavio Corsini, President of Romagna, and Fabio Chigi, Vice-Legat of Ferrara, and from the Republick Baptista Nani and Luigi Mocenigo.

But the meeting was no sooner compleat, but the business was in­tricated in the doubt, what the ancient Confines were, which by both parties had been interrupted by reciprocal acts of possession. The Ecclesiasticks came afterwards to lay claim to certain new-grown Lands (Alluvioni) which may in a manner be called the Ex­crescencies of the Po, where with several Streams impetuously pour­ing forth, it breaks the Waters of the Sea, and then meeting with a greater force, slackning its course, leaves sand and forms certain moorish places, which sometimes lying bare, sometimes covered with the salt water, vary according to the course of the Stream, and the blowing of the winds, their situation, extent, and prospect. The contest seemed of no value, but the parties judged it of great impor­tance, especially the Venetians; because it carried along with it the Rights and Jurisdiction of the Sea, the which although the Eccle­siasticks confessed belonged to the Republick, their Commissioners nevertheless contended for those new parts of the Waters, pretend­ing that they were extended beyond their Borders. On the other side the Venetians dissented to treat about it, as not comprehended in their present Commission, nor in that of 1613. when the same bu­siness of the Confines was in debate; but without effect. So that the Commissioners themselves not agreeing, no not so much as upon the grounds of their business, Nani falling sick was forced to retire, and Corsini follows him, returning to his Government. Chigi and Mocenigo remained there idle for a time. The business at last was brought into Venice by the Mediation of the French Ministers, and the Treaty continued part of the year following, the Venetians de­claring themselves always ready to accept those conditions, which with the Jurisdiction of the Sea, of the Mouths of the Rivers, and of the Sacca di Goro, preserved the ancient Covenants with those of Ferrara, and the power to divert the prejudices of Ports and Cha­nels, which are the veins and heart of the Capital City.

These differences were of small moment in respect of the Rupture which now fatally drew near betwixt France and Spain. King Lewis kept an Army betwixt the Moselle and the Rhine to bridle the Duke of [Page 367] Lorrain, that he should not deviate from the late agreements, as also to extend his Authority in Germany, and invite the Catholicks to shelter themselves under his protection. The Archbishop of Trier served to others for an example; but the Chapter of that Church, not approving his resolutions, brought a Spanish Garrison into the City. Whereupon the Mareshal d'Estré besieges it, and in a short time taking it, the Elector was confirmed there with a French Gar­rison.

Coblents also, kept by the Spaniards, and taken by the Swedes, was delivered to France, as appertaining to the said Elector. It was notwithstanding discovered, that the French now either envied the prosperity of his Arms, or feared the neighbourhood of the King Gustavus; the Mareshal de Brezzé being thereupon sent Ambassa­dour, Neutralities were proposed for the Catholick Ligue and for Bavaria. But without effect; because the Swede pretending that he should wholly separate himself from Ferdinand, and for security should deliver over some places to him, besides the restitution of the Palatinate, and of all that which the Catholick Arms had from the year 1618. possessed, Bavaria assents not to it, and drew the Elector of Collen his Brother into the same resolution: whereupon the King, leaving some Chiefs to make progress in Francony and Westphalia, advances against Bavaria with the greatest power of his Forces. Ha­ving taken Donawert, he easily passes the Danube, drawing near to the Lech, upon the brink whereof Tilli had ordered his defence. But Gustavus, under the favour of many Cannon, passed it with great slaughter of the Catholicks, amongst which Tilli was killed, and Al­dringer hurt. The Swedes found, upon what to vent their cruelty by Fire and Sword, and to satiate their covetousness with Booty in so flourishing and populous a Country.

Munichen, the Residence of the Dukes, and some other places, yielded with little opposition. Ingolstat resisted; but the King be­ing received in Ausburg with incredible applauses of those Prote­stants, fears began to increase in Italy, amorously looked at so near hand by the King, as that, which as much as it renders its people with its opulence contented, so much by its wealth, pleasures, and situation allures Strangers. The Governour of Milan in particular doubtful, lest the King by sending men to Rohan should attempt the Valteline, sends Souldiers to the Confines.

Ferdinand fearing, lest the Swedes through Bavaria should attacque his Patrimonial Provinces in Flanque, resolves, to great mischiefs to apply a desperate remedy, and knowing, that together with money faith failing, and with faith credit, Armies were not to be set on foot without gold and the reputation of a great Captain, he recalls Wal­lestain, who had in an equal measure gained Glory and Wealth, and undergone, no less with applause among the Souldiery than with skill, the Generalship of Armies, and agrees to all the conditions he could devise to pretend to. They consisted in an absolute power, with which He should order War and Peace, having the Command of all the Armies which were in the Empire, belonging either to the Emperour, the [Page 368] Spaniards or the Catholick League; that the King of Hungary should not go into Bohemia, nor to the Army; that he should dispose of charges, punishments, and rewards; of quarters, contributions, and of Conquests; without the recovery of the Dukedom of Mechelburg he should not make Peace, and in recompence of his merit and charges, some one of the hereditary Provinces should be assigned to him.

In sum, the Empire was divided betwixt Ferdinand and Walle­stein, but with this difference, that the General, without expecting commands, had power to do every thing, and the Emperour could only command that which the other was not pleased to do. Where­fore from that very time it was judged, that neither the one would be contented to remain a private man, nor the other as a Prince would be long able to suffer him. He applying himself in Moravia to raise an Army, easily compleated it, Souldiers flocking from all parts to his reputation and pay.

Nor did Saxony give him the least disturbance, intent only upon Conquests in Bohemia and Silesia; and perhaps desirous also, that some stop might be put to the boundless progresses of the King Gustavus. The Emperour demanded of the Catholick Princes spee­dy assistance, for that purpose sending into Italy the Baron de Ra­bata, and, taking it for a common cause of Religion, in which it be­longed to the Pope by his example to exceed all others, sends to him the Cardinal Pasman Ambassador extraordinary. Ʋrban was very unwilling to be thus pressed, because such instances were not to be disjoined from reproofs and protests; wherefore avoiding to admit such an Ambassador, he alledged, that a Cardinal, honoured with the Purple and a holy Character, could not be employed in the service of secular Princes. Pasman, a man of profound learning and most discreet in all his actions, replying, that the interest of Religion obliged every one, and in particular the Ecclesiasticks, to take care of it, and procure its defence; declares, that if the digni­ty or habit hindred him from the exercise of that Ministry, he re­nounced and laid down every thing, being ready also to speak in his shirt, so the imminent necessities of the Church Catholick might be provided for.

At last Ʋrban, seeing that the excluding the instances would be more complained of, than the not hearing of them, admitted him, and heard succours demanded, with a powerful eloquence, as of a Pope and of a Father, in the dangers of Religion, and the urgent necessities of his Sons. His first answers were made up of excuses, that his Treasury was empty, and that he wanted power, which chiefly arose from the German Armies having in these last years un­seasonably disturbed Italy, and obliged the Church it self, together with offensive jealousies, to excessive charges. Whereupon, offend­ing mens minds rather than satisfying the demands, the Austrian Ministers resolved to assemble the Cardinals subjects, and the friends they had in Court, to compel the Pope with shame, and pressing of him yet more home. For which purpose Cardinal Bor­gia in the Consistory with others, who had a mind to shew incli­nation [Page 369] to the Austrians, admonished the Pope, and presented to him a protest in writing, laying in a manner to his charge, that he neg­lected in so important a necessity the duty of his Pastoral Office. Ʋrban, to justifie himself to the Catholick world, publishes instead of a Croisada, which had been required of him, a Jubilé, by which he invites Christendom with publick prayers to pacifie the divine wrath of God, and laying a certain imposition upon Ecclesiastical Goods in Italy, raises some money for the supply of the Emperours necessities. But of those Cardinals, who had been so bold to pre­sent the protest, he tormented some with his long and great displea­sure, forced others to retire out of Rome, as Borgia for one, by a rigorous Bull which obliged Bishops to their residence.

As for Rabata, he brought nothing back from the Princes but ex­cuses, and the Duke of Mantua in particular shewed him the horrid spectacle of his wounds yet bleeding. He desired succours of the Venetians, and offered an alliance, producing certain Articles, which he affirmed would be assented to by the Spaniards and the Elector of Bavaria, for the defence of the Catholick Religion in the dan­gers of the Empire. It was generally believed, that not so much the hopes to obtain succours, as the desire to make France jealous, suggested the design; it being observed, that at the same time there arrived, in the name of the Governour of Milan at Venice, the Se­nator Picinardi to attest the just intention of the Catholick King for Peace, the desire for that purpose to unite himself with the Princes of Italy in a strict alliance, and in particular that the Re­publick would contribute counsel, example, and endeavours. He concealed not the jealousies, that the Governour had for the bring­ing in of nine hundred French with Thoiras into Casal, and presaged troubles and stirs about it. The Senate answered to all with offici­ous expressions of a neutrality, which it had resolved to observe, declaring its earnest endeavours applied to Peace, and, considering the State of Italy scarce recovered out of its great evils, exhorted, that employing that zeal which all have to quiet, the appearances and jealousies of relapsing into troubles might be removed. The like endeavours were used with France, which seemed equally pres­sing, offering alliances and Treaties. But the Senate, holding their interest and Arms ingaged for the security of Mantua, refused in effect every thing that might hasten new troubles in Italy, which though quiet, yet under fear, apprehended stranger and greater acci­dents. Nor amongst the least was reckoned the suspicion, that the Spaniards designed the surprise of Mantua, to oppose it to Pignerol and Casal, where the Duke, overcome by the perswasions of the French Ministers, and of the jealousies, which they represented to him to be of imminent danger, had (as hath been before said) admitted their Garrison. It was commonly spoken, that the Spani­ards were to intrude themselves into Sabioneda, by marrying the Princess of Stigliana to Giovanni Carolo, Brother of the Great Duke, and upon the report thereof, the Marquess de Fomar offered him­self to attempt the surprise, and to deliver the place to the Prince [Page 370] of Buzzolo, to whom he said it did belong, if France and the Repub­lick would send their assistance.

The Venetians did not believe, that it was fit to promote those mischiefs, which they feared but too near, if the Duke of Mantua dy­ing, and the young Princess coming to marry, that State should be exposed to new contingencies, and the rights of the Family be di­vided. For that purpose there was sollicited in Rome a dispensati­on of marriage betwixt the Duke and his Daughter-in-Law, but the Pope denyed it, it seeming an unfit thing, that on the Hearse of the Son should be made the Nuptial Bed of the Father. To all this, to augment suspicions, was added the great preparations the Spaniards made in Italy, particularly in the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, where money was provided, men were raised, Ships were making ready, with other provisions, shewing thoughts of War and designs of some undertaking. But at last every thing being imbarqued, six thousand Foot and one thousand Horse were seen to pass into Spain, to foment the commotions of France.

Orleans, dismissed out of Lorrain by virtue of the Agreement, re­pairs to his Mother at Brussels, giving hopes to the Spaniards to raise in the Kingdom a great party in his favour, to which there was no doubt but the Foreigners would join. In France there still continued against Richelieu hatred, and envy, the wonted shadow of great favours, and was more and more encreased, as provoked from the punishment which was inflicted on the Mareshal of Marri­liac, who, generally esteemed, if not innocent, at least guilty but of very small faults, was beheaded by the sentence of the Judges, who, it was conceived, looked more at the severe mind of the Cardinal, that implacably hated him, than at the offence. The Duke of Mon­morenci, besides this, ill satisfied that he had not the recompences which he pretended due to his merit, offered Orleans the Province of Languedoc, whereof he was Governour; and others were not wanting, for many causes and various aims, to be ready to encrease the Faction. The Spaniards promised to send an Army beyond the Pyrenean, to second Monmorenci, and give Orleans the command of another in the Low Countries.

Richelieu on this side eluded the designs, both by threatning those Provinces to come upon their backs with the Army, which lay about Triers, and by inducing the Hollanders by the strength of money to go powerfully into the Field. The King now, whilst Pont a Mou­son was with little opposition rendred to his Army in Germany, takes in Bar le Duc, and S. Michael, and drawing near to Nancy, ob­liges Carlo, who with many excuses turned himself every way, to make it believed that his Kinsman was come into his house without his consent, to make him be gone, and confirming by a new Treaty the conditions of the first, to yield to the Crown in propriety the County of Clermont, and to deliver the Towns of Astene and Ja­mets for some years in Hostage. Orleans, uncertain what to under­take, had not above two thousand Horse, part of his own Follow­ers, and part of the Spanish Troops; but having cast himself with­out [Page 371] Forces proportionable to the design into an ingagement of such weight, to put things as far as they could go, enters in Burgundy, in hope to give a beginning to a general Revolt in the Kingdom. The Cardinal, exalted by the equal successes of Fame and Fortune, pro­moting it by wit and artifice, had so disposed of things, that not a man durst open his Gates to the Duke; whereupon straigthned one Flank by Schomberg, and followed in the Reer by the Mareshal de la Force, he was forced to cast himself into Languedock, though the agreements with certain Governours of places had not as yet been perfected, and that the arrival of the Ships, expected out of Italy with Souldiers, being retarded, the Spaniards were not in a readi­ness to appear in the field. Nevertheless Orleans was received by Monmorancy, and by many of the Province, which united in a Body acknowledged him Lieutenant General for the King against the present Government. But the Marquess de Fossez, Governour of Monpellier, refuses to deliver that place to him, and some were dri­ven out of Narbone, who contrived to bring in the Spaniards. Dis­cord afterwards, either sowed by the Art of Richelieu, or rising from the nature of such Unions, where the chief commands precariously, brake the neck of that Party; for many desiring the command, and in particular Monmorancy, D'Elbeuf, and Puilaurens (Orleans his Favo­rite) were so disgusted, that, to content them, there was a necessity to divide the Army into several Bodies.

The King, assigning the command of the Armies for the keeping of the Frontiers to the Prince of Conde, and to the Count of Soissons, who being of the Blood Royal willingly embraced, by the down­fall of Orleans, the promotion of their hopes to the Crown, hastens towards those parts, but the storm quickly vanished; for la Force dispersed some men that were getting into a body, and several de­signs which were forming in several parts, and Schomberg near to Chastelnodari, meeting Orleans, joyned with Monmorancy, ballancing with the advantage of a narrow passage the Forces, which he had less, charges him with so much boldness and so good fortune, that at the first encounter, there being slain the Count de Moret, Son, but not legitimate, of Henry IV, de Rieux, and de la Feuillade, the rest was all dispersed. Monmorancy being hurt, was taken Prisoner, and Orleans saved himself by flight. This blow adding to the defeat discredit, the Gentry and the chief Cities yielded who could soonest, the King and Cardinal being come so near as to receive the Surren­der of some, and withal punish the disobedience of others.

Orleans demanded peace and pardon upon conditions, that seem­ed to exceed the fortune of one conquered: for he pretended the li­berty of Monmorancy, the abolition of all faults for his Followers, the restitution of the places of Lorrain, the return of Queen mother, and for himself a place of security; but he was determinately given to understand, That only by his own reputation and the Kings clemency his fault could be covered; for the crimes of others, he ought not to ble­mish himself with them; the King being resolved that henceforward Re­bellion should not be rewarded, and that his Subjects should not find be­nefit [Page 372] or security but in duty and obedience. Reduced therefore to be without followers and without places, he was forced to receive any conditions, Richelieu aiming so to discredit him, that, he abandoning those that had taken part with him, no man hereafter might dare to follow him, or trust to depend upon him. He was no sooner reti­red to Champagne (his Country-house) but he heard, that Monmorancy with a severe but necessary example, by Sentence of the Parliament of Tholouse, had lost his head. A death without doubt unworthy those famous actions, with which he had adorned the years, as yet but young, of his life; but which, he having so often in fight cou­ragiously encountred at the head of so many dangers, was with equal undauntedness undergone by him, amidst the unhappiness of the misdemeanours and the ignominy of the Sentence. Orleans greatly moved, published, that Monsieur de Bouillon, in the Treaty made with him, had secretly promised his indemnity, and there­fore complaining to have been deceived, makes an escape once more into Lorrain. The Cardinal, after a short indisposition restored to health, and having discarded the Guarde-sceau Chasteauneuf, for having had the boldness by secret Engines to aspire to the Mini­stry, proves no less happy in sowing civil discord betwixt his Ene­mies abroad, than he had been in rooting them out of the King­dom.

Count Henry Van de Berg had the Command in Flanders of the Spanish Army, notwithstanding the envy, emulation, and suspici­ons of those Ministers, who laid to his charge the holding intelli­gence with Orange, to whom he was nearly allied, and who, when they passed the Issel, was backward in oppressing the Ʋnited Pro­vinces to extend the Prosperity and Domination of the King. Vexed therefore with many disgusts, and observed with a jealous eye, he at last endures it no longer, retiring on a sudden into Holland, and thence passing to Liege, from thence inviting the people to shake off the yoke, and redeem their liberty, in imitation of the Helvetians by driving away the Strangers. Having with secret incouragement from France got together some Troops, he removes to Aken, in hope to form a third party; but seeing no body come to him, was forced, not without some discredit, to put himself under the prote­ction of the States. The Spaniards hereupon appeared to be much distracted, and full of cares, fearing lest the Nobility should be of the same mind, and the disposition of the people wavering; where­upon, to entertain them with an appearing satisfaction, they assem­ble at Brussels the States of the Provinces; a thing, which as pre­judicious and of danger, had been disused for a very long time. Nor did it now prove of advantage, because some, admitted to the liber­ty of delivering their opinions, and to make demands, thought to moderate at least, if not shake off, the Dominion of Spain, and they sent Deputies to the Hague to treat of an Agreement; but the States insisted, that before entring into the business they should drive the Spaniards out of the Country, which not being in their power, be­ing oppressed with Armies, and bridled by Citadels, served never­theless [Page 373] to disunite them, and make the Spaniards so jealous, that not being willing to use the people longer to such discourses, Command came from Madrid, that the Assembly should be dissolved. Where­upon many, knowing that they were rendred suspect for having truly declared their Judgments, left the Country with better suc­cess than those, who trusting too far, were, though after some years, severely punished.

The Hollanders taking advantage of these discords, invited by the Swedes by a solemn Ambassage, and induced by France with a considerable sum of money, after having taken Venlo and Ruremond, attacqued Maestricht, a place of great strength. The Marquess of Santa Croce, General of the Spanish Army, knowing himself not able alone to relieve it, with Presents and Intreaties invites Papen­haim, who thereupon abandoning the Elector of Colen, who suffer­ed much from the Swedes, comes with the Imperial Troops to joyn with him, and with incredible boldness attacques the Hollaners Camp. But Santa Croce remaining an immoveable Spectator of the success, the Germans found the Lines so strong and well raised, and provided with so many Cannon, that with much loss they were for­ced to retire. The place then, after a Siege of almost three months finding it self, having lost all the Out-works straightned by the approaches, with open Breaches, and the Ramparts blown up with Mines, capitulates with honourable conditions the Surrender; the Garrison, reduced to fifteen hundred men, marching out in sight of the Spanish and German Armies. Upon this conquest, being an acti­on of great reputation, they got the Towns of Orsoy and Limburg with other places thereabouts, which extended the contributions very far. Nor had at this time the Count of Soissons with a consi­derable Army given a little Jealousie on the side of France, so that the Spaniards found themselves obliged to oppose to him a body not inferiour under Carlo Colonna. Thus the Crowns, being not yet broken out into War, exercised openly the hatred of their Mini­sters, who imployed their wits with equal cunning, but different fortune; for as to the Cardinal, the felicity of success did frequently out-run his desires and go beyond his designs, whereas on the other side the Conde Duke could not conceive a thought, but it was enough to render the effect abortive and unhappy.

But the death of King Gustavus looked as if it might make a change in affairs every where. He with the progress he made in Bavaria, had designed to fall into Austria, in hope, that in that, which is called the Ʋpper, the Peasants ill affected to the present State, would have risen, and the minds as well as the forces would have been raised of the Protestants, who concealing themselves, or making an open profession together, made no small Party in that Coun­try. He therefore had first made a course into Suevia, and all ren­dring at his appearance, Ʋlm, Meminghen, and other places fell easi­ly into his power. In the mean time Wallestain in Moravia quietly compleats his Army, and left Gallas with a small body in Bohemia to attend upon Saxony. But understanding that some of the Prote­stants, [Page 374] assembled in Torgan, had resolved to join with that Elector, he moves with his whole Army, and coming to Prague recovers the City without much dispute. From thence he had a mind to give Saxony a Blow, numbring the losses of Bavaria amongst his con­tentments. Nevertheless, called back by the clamours of the Duke Maximilian, and his entreaties, rather than the Emperours com­mands, he leaves Gallas with a new re-inforcement to oppose Arn­heim, General of the Saxons, and with a slow march takes his way towards Bavaria, leaving in his passage through the Ʋpper Palati­nate so many marks of military license, and his own hatred against the Duke, that it looked as if he went rather to ruine him, than carry him relief. Afterwards, near Nuremberg, a City, as is known, amongst the free ones to be one of the greatest, but also the most tenacious amongst those of the Protestants, he intrenches himself. The King could not suffer the ruine of it, without loosing that cre­dit which he had with that party; whereupon he made haste to draw near to it, and encamping about it, was in place of a Garri­son to the City, which supplied necessaries and conveniencies to the Army. This our Age, and perhaps scarce any past, had not seen assembled together so powerful Forces, reckoned in both Ar­mies about eighty thousand Souldiers, besides followers and useless people, which amounted to an incredible sum. Victuals neverthe­theless were plenty, and discipline flourished by the vigilance and skill of the Chiefs, who had art and valour not unsutable to their strength. Each pretended to overcome his Enemy, either by tempting him with inconveniencies, or provoking him with bold­ness.

But Wallestein placed his hopes more in prolonging the War, than precipitating his Councils, and the King, placing all in reputation and fortune, desired to come to an engagement. After having offered Battel to no purpose, he assaults the Enemies quarters, and at the first fury the Bavarians, who were quartered thereabout, giving way, he hoped to have mastered the Trenches; and in effect broke into them, but finding greater resistance from the high and difficult situation, it gave time to Fridtland to come to the relief, and to repulse him. Three thousand of the Swedes were killed upon the place, and it being the first encounter, wherein whether it was fan­cy or fortune that deceived Gustavus, it is not to be said how af­flicted he was at it, and how much that title of Invincible, which common opinion had attributed to him, remained prejudiced. In­flamed by a generous impatience for so long and unsuccessful stay, leaving in the City a numerous Garrison, he marching towards Francony, sending Banier into Bavaria, to keep the Duke from the Imperialists, and dispute with him the re-conquests of his Coun­tries, because, whilst the Armies had been employed about Nurem­berg, the Elector Maximilian with the assistance of the people had recovered most of what he had lost, and making advantage of others dangers had brought a Garrison into the Imperial City of Ratisbone. Wallestein follows the Kings Army, who directing his [Page 375] march towards Wittemberg, thought by drawing the Imperialists af­ter him, to consume and weary them, to overcome them afterwards more easily, when he should meet with a fit place, and an occasion seasonable to give Battel. But Wallestein considering, that for the approaching Winter he lost these better quarters, the further he went from those convenient Provinces, ceasing to follow, goes in­to Misnia, taking Leipzick and every other place of any moment. He had a mind in Saxony to attacque Dresden, the residence of the Elector, not so much to divert him from making progress in Sile­sia, as to chastise him by taking quarters in his Country. Thence in the Spring he designed to go into Mechelburg, to recover that Province, causing Papenhaim to be his forerunner, who in the mean time in the Lower Saxony attempted important Conquests. The King perswaded by the prayers and dangers of the Elector, or ra­ther by his protests, that if he abandoned him he would incline to Peace, joining Bannier sets forwards to his succours; whereupon Fridtland recalling Papenhaim, thought to possess Naumburg to stop his way; but prevented by the King, resolves to protract time, and sends back Papenhaim to relieve Colen, by another body of the Swedes besieged. Nor was the King much inclined to a Battel; but seeing the Imperialists weakened, follows them to Lutzen, a small Town not far from Leipzick. There Fridtlandt doubting to be constrained, with great disadvantage, to some encounter, recals in all haste Papenhaim, who willingly keeping himself in a com­mand apart, was ingaged in the Siege of Hall. But the King hast­ned the Battel so much, that Papenhaim hardly arrived in time with those of his Troops which were in the greatest readiness.

The sixteenth of November was the day, on which with the blood of sixty thousand Souldiers, that in both Armies boldly exposed their lives, it seemed that the fortune and glory both of the King and of the Austrians was to be decided. The Troops were the day before marshalled into their distinct orders; the Imperialists com­posed of great Battalions of Foot, with the Horse that defended the flanks; the Swedes in two very long Lines, mingled with Foot and Horse. Each had great store of Cannon in the front, nor could there on either side be seen better order, or greater daring: Ne­vertheless the Fight was deferred, the King seeming irresolute and troubled; but expressed himself, that for reputation it was fit to fight, doubting nevertheless that Heaven would punish him, by letting many, that worshipped him as a God, see that he was indeed but Man. Each kept their order all the night, and Wallestein took a great advantage by lining with Musquetiers certain ditches just be­fore his Enemy. So that about these, at the first peep of day, was he hottest of the Fight, and the Swedes prospered in the gaining of them, though hindred by a thick mist discerned not in the Fight either their danger or advantages. Six Cannons being taken, they turned them against the Imperialists, doing great slaughter with them. They nevertheless getting into order again, repulsed be­yond the ditches the Enemy, who left four of the Cannon nailed [Page 376] and carried away two. The left Wing of the Imperialists, where was the Polish and Croatian Horse, used more to Incursions than set Battels, being charged by the Kings left, easily gave way, and would have disordered other Squadrons, if Papenhaim, bringing them again to fight, had not stopped the Enemy, till struk with a Cannon bullet he dyed, with that commendation of valour and cou­rage, which with the testimony of many scars appeared imprinted upon his face. The King, that thought it the honour and duty of a great Captain, not to overcome only with the blood of others, but having ordered his Troops, and given directions for the Battel, to hazard himself no less than a common Souldier, was there killed al­so, leaving it uncertain, whether in truth he overcame or dyed first. Some will have it, that in the beginning of the Battel, passing from division to division, accompanied but with few, he fell into a Com­pany of the Enemies Horse, by reason of the Mist not discovered, and that while unknown with his Sword in his hand he defended himself, and by a shot of a Carabine being flung out of the Saddle, and by one foot in the Stirrup, by the Horse dragged away, he was afterwards by another shot slain. Others, that having in the left Wing beaten the Imperialists, and now certain of the Victory, he was ha­sting elsewhere; but by a Company of Horse, which advanced to charge, was flung to the ground, and as an ordinary man trampled upon, and amongst others stript. There wanted not some who re­ported, (and this is the most rational account of them who were in the Battel,) that the King, whilst at the head of the Regiment of Colonel Verde of Finlanders, seconded by two others of Swedes, charged a great Body of eight hundred Cuirassiers, commanded by Ottavio Piccolomini, was shot with a Pistol in the Arm: for his Cui­rasse, by reason of some old hurts, incommoding him, he wore no Arms in the Battel; but not to discourage the Souldiers, conceal­ing the hurt, and though willing to redouble the charge, yet con­strained by pain, had resolved to retire with a few, when at the in­stant he was with a Carabine shot in the Back by a Souldier, who was killed in the same occasion. Piccolomini returning then to the charge, passed over him yet alive, and left him under a heap of dead bodies ignobly covered. It was never known, who could boast of such a blow, either because in Battels chance bears so great a sway, that confounding the Fate of the King with that of the Souldiers, they are not distinguished after death but by Glory or Oblivion, or because in this Fortune had withal a mind to shew her self favourable, that no mean person may vaunt himself to have killed so great a King, and withal so noble a Souldier. The Swedes continuing the fight, ended the Victory before they knew of his death. So that the Souldiers accustomed to fight under the eye of him from whom they expected reward and commendation, believing he was fighting with them, and would overcome, disordered not their Ranks, nor grew cool in their accustomed courage. Bernard Duke of Weimar alone knowing the Kings Horse, that ran loose and was bloody, being aware of what was happened, but inraged with the [Page 377] grief, not to give time to the Souldiers to take notice of it, charged with such a force, that the Imperial Army was constrained to give way. The Horse of both Wings were now fled, Piccolomini alone remained the last with his Regiment, and with proofs of wonderful valour, after four Horses killed under him, had five wounds upon him, which Wallestain with a generous Present of twenty thousand Crowns cured and acknowledged. And the Swedes would now have environed the Enemies Foot on all sides, when the Mist, which arose towards the evening, hindred them, and the darkness of the night after ten hours separated this cruel fight. Ten with the title of Generals were killed in both the Armies. Wallestain was rather threatned than hurt with the shot of a Musket, which favourably passed betwixt the seat and the buttock, though at the blow, not without a mark of excessive fear, he let the bridle fall out of his hand, and his Horse ran away with him. The Imperialists by night retired towards Leipzich, leaving their Cannon in the field; because in the confusion of the Battel the Draught-horses were run away. But in the Triumph of the Swedes the General was wanting; which filling the Army, that infinitely loved him, with sorrow and lamen­tation, some deplored the flower of his age, others the vigour of his mind, and all together the quality of a great Prince and no less Souldier. He was found amongst the dead bodies mangled with wounds, bruised with the trampling of Horses, stript totally, that not so much as his shirt remained as a Trophy of so many Conquests and so great an Empire. A King certainly, saving the errour of his Religion, endowed with those qualities which have rendred the Conquerours of the World famous. Possessing in an equal degree courage and prudence, and if in conquering he seemed fierce and violent, he was as wise and circumspect in preserving. His vertues being solid and all of a piece, it could not be discerned, to which in his knowledge of the Military or Civil Affairs the prize was to be given. Yet all his life having been in a continual exercise of Arms, it seemed, that he himself gave it the preference. And indeed For­tune in these so far favoured him, that having fought many Battels, and always conquered, in this very instant of death he dyed victo­rious after death, and a long course of prosperity hath crowned in such sort his Sepulchre, that his very ashes may be called Trium­phant.

This was the issue of the Battel of Lutzen, both Parties judged fa­tal, the one having lost the field, and the other their King; but if these got the Victory, the others saved themselves. Wallestain stay­ing but a few moments at Leipzich, retires afterwards into Bohemia, and the Swedes conducting the Body to Weissenfelt, solemnized his Funeral with Revenge and Arms. Leipzich was rendred to Saxo­ny; to Weimar, Chemnits; to Kniphausen, Pleiffenberg; and Zuiccan to Horn; and to the Rhingrave, after the defeat of the Imperial Ca­valry in Alsace, Rheinfelt, Colmar, Haghenau, and other places. Fre­derick Prince Palatine, under the countenance of this, the Swedes, Fortune, regains Frankendale, but taking the death of Gustavus to [Page 378] heart,An. Dom. 1633 dyes himself within a while after. Baudissen having taken Andernach, troubled the Elector of Colen and the Dukedom of Berg. In this year also were in mourning, through unhappy Fate, almost all the Royal Families of Europe; for in Spain, whilst King Philip kept his Court in Catalogna, dyes Charles, his Brother, in the flower of his Age, a Prince of a haughty mind, and impatient of being idle to such a degree, that being designed, to temper with more quiet imployments the heat of his nature, to the Government of Portugal, while the Infante Cardinal, his other Brother, was going to that of Flanders, he raging with anger, within a while dyes, either from the weariness of his condition or by disorders, having in a manner dis­solved his mind in idleness, and wasted his natural strength in plea­sures. Fame nevertheless accused the Conde Duke, as if fearing the opposition of his hot spirit against his Authority, he should have pro­cured his death by poyson: But it is not becoming, without more certain proofs, to give credit to so hainous a wickedness. In Ger­many, Leopold Archduke of Inspruch, weary of the blows of Fortune, prejudicial to his House and Country, dyes, leaving little Sons un­der the Tutelage of Claudia de Medici his Wife. In Poland King Sigismond departs this life, and in the Diet of the Kingdom was sub­stituted Ʋladislaus his Eldest Son. The Republick, to congratulate his coming to the Crown, made choice of Giovanni Pisari Cavalier for Ambassadour Extraordinary, who afterwards appointed else­where, leaves Giorgio Giorgio Cavalier to perform it, and it was an­swered in the Name of the King by the Duke of Ossolinschi, after he had been to present obedience to the Pope.

ANNO M.DC.XXXIII.

By the death of Gustavus all the World believed, notwithstand­ing the posthumous Victory and the advantages of Arms, that as great and weighty bodies, when they fall, are split into small pieces, so Fortune would be shaken and such a breach made into that Power, that the Armies should disband, Princes disunite, Conquests be lost, and after a short flash there would remain of this great Thunder­stroke no more but the memory and the ashes. But quite contra­ry; for after having setled in Swede the Succession of the Crown in Christina, the only Daughter of the King deceased, and placed the Tutelage of her that was not above seven years old, in the hands of the principal Ministers, the Chiefs of the Army, calling a Council in Germany, resolved to continue the War so much the more earnest­ly, by how much they hoped, that Honour and Booty will in future accrue to their advantage. To Axel Oxenstern, great Chancellor, a man of a notable Talent, they yielded the direction of the ordinary Counsels, and to Weimar they committed the chief management of the Armies, not without distasting the Elector of Saxony, who by reason of his dignity thought it due to him. So the War under divers Chiefs and with several Armies, was presently spread into many Provinces, to the so much ruine of places and people, that if [Page 379] it ordinarily be nourished with cruelty and blood; at present it seemed that the alone desolating of Germany was the aim of the Ar­mies. Amongst infinite successes, which changing felicity and for­tune hapned in several places, it shall suffice to make choice of the most signal, that serve most for the reflection of Princes and the al­teration of States. Whilst the Swedish Chiefs were dividing designs and charges, Fridtland not only goes far from Leipzich, but out of the Countries of the Elector of Saxony, though with the fright of his Arms he might easily have perswaded him to an agreement; and leaving but a few Troops in Bohemia, goes into Silesia under pretext to oppose the Saxons, who indeed made less disturbance there than elsewhere.

The Austrians, joyful for the death of the King Gustavus, storm­ed nevertheless against their own General, accusing him, that neg­lecting so great a conjuncture to end the War with advantage, he had not made use of the arts proper to a Conquerour, nor his wont­ed ones of a great Captain. Wherefore the confidence, Ferdinand had in him, did henceforward degenerate into suspicion, that he was pleased with War and the Command; whereupon to satiate his am­bition, or rather to found his intention, a great sum of money in the name of the Spaniards was offered him, that by his reputation and conduct an Army being raised, he would send it against the States of Holland, for the Conquest of Friesland, of which with the title of King they willingly gave him the propriety. He by reject­ing the offer increased the jealousie, and much more by entring in­to a project of agreement with Arnheim, General of the Saxons, justly offensive to the Emperour, though Fridland with wonted craft let him know that he had no other end but to delude and amuse the Enemy. But Arnheim having taken his march towards Leutmerits, to attacque Gallas, he makes a show to follow him, but on a sud­den falls near Stenan upon a body of men commanded by the old Count de la Tour and the Collonel Tubald, and surprises them in such sort, that wanting means and time to defend themselves, the Souldiers rendred themselves upon the shameful conditions to deli­ver up the Cannon and Colours, to inroll themselves amongst the Imperial Troops, and to leave their Commanders Prisoners until the other places of Silesia should be rendred to Ferdinand. But the Governours refusing to obey the orders of Tubald and la Tour, Fridland nevertheless increasing as it were with his military attempts, the suspicions, which were had of his intentions, gave to the one together with many Officers liberty, and promoted the escape of the other. He afterwards recovers Lignits, Glogau, and Francford on the Oder, and would have passed on further, aspiring to the re­covery of Mechelburg, without considering those greater mischiefs which the Emperour suffered elsewhere, if new and greater acci­dents had not recalled him.

After the death of the King Gustavus, France saw the Affairs of the Empire constituted in a state which was more pleasing to them, the prosperity of those Arms declining, which at first gave them [Page 380] great jealousie, and all the party of the Protestants reduced to a necessity to receive with its assistances the law and motion of its in­terests. Therefore renewing in Hailbrun for other ten years, with the Chiefs of the Swedes Army, the Treaty, which France had with the King deceased, and inlarging it with other Princes of that faction, it obliges them to hold him for a common Enemy that should dare to separate himself, or conclude a Peace without the consent of all. Supplying then the Confederates with money, the King of France be­gins also to dispose of those Forces. Whereupon to divert the United Provinces from the wonted Treaties about a Truce with Spain, he brings to pass, that the Colonel Melander, who served the Landgrave of Hesse, should be sent with a good number of Troops to join Orange, who so re-inforced might take Rhinberg, and keep the Armies of Spain so distracted, that the French under the title of protection might have success in making themselves Masters of all the Country of Trier without resistance.

In Westphalia then the Duke George of Luneburg, and William Landgrave of Hesse in their progress against the Elector of Colen, and other Catholicks of that quarter, defeated the Count John Merode, who with an Army of thirteen thousand men, raised with Spanish money, defended that circle, and intended to attempt the relief of Hamelen; but being put to flight by the Protestants, left them in prey not only almost all his Souldiers, with Cannon and Baggage, but the place it self, and many others thereabouts.

Weimar in this interim employs himself in Francony, and Horn with Bannier opposed themselves to the Elector of Bavaria, who with his own Forces alone upholding in those parts the Affairs of the Catholicks was after the taking of Raim passed into Swevia, and there taken Meminghen and Kempen. The Swedes effectually strengthened at Donawert to the number of seven thousand Horse and eight and twenty thousand Foot, did most terrible mischiefs in his Country, possessing themselves of Munichen, and the Bishoprick of Aichstadt; but by Aldringher, who came speedily to his assistance, were constrained to retire out of it. The Austrians were not a whit less troubled by the Rhingrafe in Alsatia, and for the defence of it, had stirred up with great promises Charles Duke of Lorrain, who equally ready to take Arms and to lay them down, had, in order to the executing of the Treaty with France, delivered to the King some Troops, but in such sort that they immediately disbanding, and re-assembled anew under the name of the Emperour, with others, which he feigned to license, forming an indifferent Army, they took in Haghenau, Colmar, and other places, which being presently put into his hand served for the price of his ingagement, and a spur to his declaration in favour of the Emperour. He hoped to quell the Swedish Force by Arms, and to preserve himself from the invasion of the French, by the revolutions which Orleans promised to raise up in that Kingdom. But on the one side his design was betrayed by fortune, and on the other success answered not his hopes; for in the first place the Swedes being come to recover Haguenau, [Page 381] whilst Charles attempted to relieve it, he was entirely defeated by them; whereupon Lorrain, no less than alsatia, remaining a prey to the Enemy, the Rhingrave with many incursions did miserably afflict him. Lewis then taking upon himself the revenge of the common injury, possesses without dispute the Dukedom of Bar, after an ar­rest of Parliament, which declared it devolved to the Crown; for that Charles had not done his Homage for it, and St. Michael, Pont a Mousson, Chaunes, Luneville, and other places of less importance being rendred, he comes near with his Army to Nancy.

Duke Charles, having brought the War into his own Country, without means to maintain it, endeavours to pacifie the King with several propositions of submission and agreement. But Richelieu ad­mitted not for caution of his faith other pledge, than the depositing of Nancy the Metropolis of the Country, the residence of the Duke, and a very strong place. The Duke seeing that by nourishing di­strusts he had put all things into a confusion, renounces on a sudden to the Cardinal Nicola Francisco, his Brother, with the Title, the Country, to the end that being new as to offences, he might better mitigate the resentments. Richelieu, despising the shift, and calling the contrivance fraudulent, refuses any propositions from the new Duke, though having laid down his Purple sought in marriage Mad. Combalet, the Cardinals beloved Neece; offered instead of Nancy to deposit la Motha, and to cause to pass into France Mar­garet, whose marriage with Orleans King Lewis pretended was null, as contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom, which prohibit those in succession to the Crown to marry without the Kings consent. But these very propositions were by Richelieu turned into distrusts and accusations; for that Margaret, while these things were in agitation, going out of Nancy disguised, and deceiving the French Guards, which environed the place on all sides, made her escape by flight, and came to her Husband at Brussels; after having wandred in the woods, and narrowly avoided the risque of falling into the hands of some Swedish parties of Souldiers; whence Richelieu ascribing all to the fallacious faith of the Lorrainese, and scorning the alliance offered, constrains him at last to promise; To separate himself from stranger friendships, and not to meddle in the Affairs of Germany, to join close with France, and deliver Nancy in Hostage till time and their actions should mitigate jealousies, and that the marriage with Or­leans were broken.

In the place aforesaid consisted the security of the conditions no less than the fortune of the Duke. Therefore the Governour by secret Orders, which he had from them, denys the French Garrison entry, and on the other side the King threatens all sorts of rigour and force; so that within a few days the same Treaty was con­firmed with the addition only, that both the Dukes had liberty to keep their Residence in Nancy; a condition which tended recipro­cally to deceipt, for by keeping a foot there, the Lorrainese hoped to maintain themselves the strongest, and the French proposed to keep them little less than Prisoners. As force is always accustomed [Page 382] to get the better of wit, so Duke Charles, finding no longer prote­ction in his own Country, nor from Strangers expecting succours, was forced to submit; for being come to the French Camp, under a shew of confidence, as that which was the last remedy, to hum­ble himself to the King, he perceived that under the appearance of honour he was under the custody of Guards, and was thereupon obliged to give precise orders to the Governour of Nancy, that he should receive Monsieur de Brasac with a French Garrison; so that having by this means obtained his liberty, he thought good to leave Lorrain, and the King leaving there the Mareshal de la Tour with a great Army, to favour the Siege of Brisach, undertaken by the Rhingrave, extends as far as the Rhine his quarters and advantages, having obtained of one of the Dukes of Wirtemberg to put a great Garrison into the Town of Monpeliard.

All this vexed the Austrians, and particularly the Spaniards; be­cause if the French should remain in the possession of Lorrain, and Brisach were lost, they saw the passage hindred of succours for Flanders, which they were wont to draw out of Italy by that way. They resolved, that Ferdinand, Cardinal Infanta, should pass to Mi­lan, to be conveyed from them to his Government of Flanders, sol­licited by a double care, both out of necessity to oppose to the pro­ceedings of Fridtland in Germany another Chief of consideration and power, and to provide for the Affairs of the Low Countries, which by the death of the Infanta Isabella fallen under the direction of the Marquess d' Aitona were tottering, both from the unquiet humours of the people, who were ill satisfied, and the vast designs of neighbouring Potentates. The Cardinals Voyage could not be performed without great preparations, which consumed time and money, nor without some apprehensions of the Princes of Italy, who saw the Provinces filled with Souldiers and Provisions, and the minds of the Ministers big with bitter disgusts and troubled thoughts; the Condé Duke venting frequent aggravating expressions, that Peace could never be enjoyed, if Italy were not restored to its for­mer Constitution. And to say truth, there appeared no more that face of Authority and Rule, which the Ministers of that Monar­chy were wont to enjoy, because besides the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua, the one by the Bridle of Pignarol, and the other by the custody of Casal and of the Monferrat, being made dependants on the Crown of France, almost all were wavering, and some for their profit made merchandise of their inclinations, put at present in bal­lance betwixt the one and others Crown.

Nay the Pope himself, though he refused the Duke of Crequi, sent by King Lewis in the usual Ambassy of obedience, to enter into that League which he proposed to him, yet he gave manifest signs of the ancient partiality towards that Crown; so that the Cardinal Antonio, his Nephew, had thereupon and with large pensi­ons accepted the protection of that Kingdom; and although Ʋrban opposed it with the loudest appearances, the Spaniards nevertheless believing rather a secret consent, feared from it pernicious designs. [Page 383] They therefore dispatched to Rome the Bishop of Cordoua and Gio­vanni Chiaumazzero in quality of Commissoners, to require reforma­tion of some abuses of the Dateria, which tended to the oppression of the Kingdom of Spain; but in effect, to oppose themselves to the Negotiations of France, and if they could effect nothing else, to avenge the disgusts with disgusts: whence it was thought fit, that they should have secret instructions to demand a Council, and straighten the Pope with threatnings and offensive demands. Sure it is, that Ʋrban denying to receive them with the Title of Com­missioners, which it seems signifies a certain Jurisdiction and Autho­rity, wearied with difficulties and delays in such sort the business, and cooled also the Bishop with the hopes of a greater Dignity, that the King being aware of it, recalled him, and conferred upon the other the Title of Ambassadour, whilst with time the heat of Spirits being mitigated, and by the contrariety of successes the Spaniards bowing themselves more and more to sufferance, the business vanished of it self.

The French Ministers ceased not to imprint in the Princes of Italy jealous thoughts, and to exhort them to joyn together to drive, un­der the protection of their Crown, the Spaniards out of Italy. They on the other side proposed to all great advantages, offering by means of the Regent Villani to the Grand Duke great Pensions, and to the Duke of Modena to deliver him Corregio, a little Soveraign State, which, being by the Emperour confiscate from its ancient Prin­ces for the imputation of false Money, the Spaniards had in Pawn, to the end to make Merchandise of it with the bordering Princes. To Parma they offered the Generalship of the Sea and a Vice-Re­gency, provided he would, in exchange and as a pledge of confi­dence, permit a Levy of six thousand Foot to be serviceable to the Cardinal Infante in his Voyage into Flanders. That Dukedom was possessed by Edwardo Farnese, young in years, and of a spirit more elevated perhaps than the narrowness of his Country and Fortune could bear. He by a certain lively Genius inclined naturally to the French, and they incouraging it with frequent sending of Mini­sters, brought him at last to their Party. Taking Jealousie there­fore at the preparatives for the Cardinal Infante, and at the Mar­riage of Stigliana with the Duke of Medina las Torres Vice-King of Naples, as though he would call in question again Sabioneda, armed, and under that pretext receives under his own Colours Souldiers which were sent to him out of France. The Venetians above all were more earnestly pressed, so that Razzillier, after having visited in the Name of King Lewis the other Princes, came to incourage them not only to continue in the custody of Mantua, but to exhort them to pay at least half the Garrison in Sabioneda, and to take part in the Affairs of the Grisons, and in the Designs concerning the Valteline.

The Republick constant in the desire, that together with Peace the present State of Italy might be preserved, condescended no fur­ther, but better to provide Mantua with Souldiers and Cannon, quickning diligence in proportion to the unquietness and suspicions [Page 384] which increased in the Dukes Family; because it appeared, that the Princess, by the perswasions of Margaret her Mother, had raised her mind to the hopes of marrying her self with the Cardinal Infante, who was expected in Italy, and taking the opportunity, when the Duke was one day for recreation out of the City, she presents a Writing to the Council, declaring every act and consent null, to which in the time of her Minority she had adhered for her own In­terest. A Novelty which greatly troubled the Duke; because that Writing being received and subscribed, not without the approbati­on of his Ministers, he with reason feared, lest the minds of the peo­ple being divided, and the Rights of the Succession confounded a­new, the State and the Nephew should come to be subjected to more bitter calamities. This being known in France, and discovered that the Council to the Princess was come from Milan, it was or­dered by King Lewis with a peremptory Decree, but necessary, that the Infanta should depart as she did; for retiring to Castle Gualtier in the Milanese, and thence to Milan, the Plots with her absence va­nishing, she afterwards sails towards Spain. At last in the month of May the Cardinal Infante arrives in Italy, and having spoken with the Duke of Savoy in Nizza he comes to Milan, where he received the Embassies of Princes for the congratulating of his arrival, and was pleased above all with that of the Venetians, performed with great splendour by Bertuccio Valiero, and corresponding with the Ex­pedition to Venice of the Count Carlo Borromei his Ambassadour.

About this time the Duke Vittorio Amadeo of Savoy, to rank him­self equal in his behaviour to the Infanta, and not to condescend to the Rules lately introduced amongst the Cardinals, takes the Title of King of Cyprus, the World little approving, that, he after having given up with Pignerol the honour, which the care of keeping the entrance of Italy gave him, should deck himself with the Title of that Kingdom, which lyes under the barbarous slavery of the Otto­mans; and to the great displeasure of the Venetians, who had law­fully enjoyed it for many years, and who complaining of it in all Courts of Europe, declared themselves disobliged from any sort of correspondence with the Savoyards. The first business, in which the Cardinal Infante imployed himself, was in deciding the Controver­sies betwixt the Genouese and the Duke of Savoy, which, formerly referred to the Arbitrage of the King of Spain, were now by him judged on these Conditions; That things taken should be reciprocally restored; that Zuccarello should remain to the Genouese, but with pay­ing in four Terms to the Duke one hundred and sixty thousand Crowns of Gold; that Estates should be restored to the first Owners; that those that had served the one or the other Party should be pardoned, and espe­cially ten of the Conspirators, prohibited nevertheless that they come not within the Confines of the Republick.

The parties concerned not herewith content, power was sent by the King to the Cardinal Infante to determine the difference, and he declares, That the Galley, by the Genouese formerly taken, should be restored to the Savoyards, as it was found at present; that the Crown [Page 385] to be disbursed for Zuccarello was understood to be of the Coyn of Spain, and that besides ten, to be named by the King, should not be compre­hended in the pardon any other of the Participants in the Conspiracy, or that were accused of any other offence.

The affairs of the Empire called him to thoughts of a greater consequence; for, to the end to stop every passage, by which he might go into Germany or Flanders, besides the Siege of Brisach; Horn, to please the French, taking his passage through Helvetia with­out asking the Cantons leave, came to about Constance; whereupon the assistance of the Spanish Army was sollicited, from the dangers of those places, the clamours of the Lorrainers, and much more from the Jealousies which Fridtland gave, by amusing himself in Provin­ces far distant, careless of the losses and damage of Bavaria, Alsace, and Lorrain, which touched the Austrians to the quick. They then deliberate to form the body of an Army independent from him, the Emperour being at last by the urgency of the Spaniards brought to consent to it, after having been in doubt for a good while, whe­ther was best to let him alone and dissemble his suspicions, or pro­voke him by shewing distrust; but the Infante not able to stir with honour or safety, it was resolved, that the Duke of Feria with ten thousand Foot and fifteen hundred Horse should be his fore-runner to open the passage, and without longer delay succour those Towns.

By the way of the Valteline and Bormio he enters into Tirol, Rohan from Rhetia not caring to trouble him, being rather glad that the Milanese should be weakned of Forces, by reason of the designs which were under consideration. At the report of this march Horn & the Rhingrave withdrew their Troops further distant from Constance and Brisach; so that Feria joyning without opposition with Aldrin­gher, might have been able to execute what they designed, if they had not been disturbed by the loss of Ratisbone, which by Weymar, after he had passed the Danube, and taken Neoburg with other places, as may be said, at unawares, was with furious Batteries in a few days taken: a blow, which by reason of the situation and the im­portance of the place, applauded by his Party, afflicted in a high measure the Austrians, because with it losing Straubing also and De­cendorf, they were afraid of Passau, a City tripartite, where the Ri­vers Eno and Iltz falling into the Danube, form as it were a three­fold part, of Bavaria, Bohemia, and Austria. Nor did Weimar ne­glect the thought of the enterprise, but finding it provided, and the Winter advancing, to preserve his Troops distributes them into Quarters about Ratisbone; whereupon the designs of the Catholicks were in great disorder: for Aldringher was obliged to go back to de­fend Bavaria, and Feria was constrained to remain there, dividing his Army with great inconvenience into scattered Quarters in Sue­via, where many Souldiers perished by sickness and other sufferings, and himself left his life also.

The Venetians observing Italy to be in security for the present, carefully but quietly watched upon the event of things, and keeping [Page 386] for decency and defence a strong body of an Army,An. Dom. 1634 found troubles only from the Court of Rome, and the increase of more bitter di­stasts. They kept in Ancona, as is usual in places upon the Sea, a Consul, and he was Michael Oberti of Bergamo, of a Family that for a long time had executed that Office, a Subject of the Republick, though for many years an Inhabitant of Ancona. He coming to be suspected by the Governour, as if by the direction of his Letters the Gallies of the Republick, in maintenance of the right of the Sea, should have intercepted certain Ships of the Raguseans, which were sailing for that Port, vexed with various persecutions, was con­strained to go to Venice to inform the Senate with it; but was no sooner gone, but the Governour caused his house to be searched to­gether with his Houshold-stuff and Writings, and among them were those of his Ministry.

Whilst the Republick complained of it, and the French Ministers interposed and got no satisfaction, the Governour publishes against the Consul a most severe Proclamation, laying to his charge, that he had unladen, in the suspected time of the plague, Merchandise out of a Bark which came from Venice; but there appeared in the Sen­tence more of pretext than of his fault, because he justified himself to have done it by permission of the Magistrates. This increased the resentment of the Republick, and gave occasion to the French to renew with more earnest their Mediation, by which it was agreed, that recalling the Proclamation, Oberti should be admitted, the Se­nate shewing themselves, when that was done, not averse from re­calling him, and appointing some other for the place. But as this agreement was ready to be executed, Michael dying, his Brother was substituted, who going to Ancona to take possession of the place, was by the Governour first put in Prison, and then again released with severe threatnings, and obligations to return no more thither. The French complained highly of it, because they had given their word to the Republick, that the Election should be of such a per­son as the Republick should best like of; but the Senate judging it little secure, and less honourable to continue the Treaty, suspended more speech of it, interdicting Audience nevertheless to the Nuntio Vitelli, and forbidding their Ambassadour Contarini to see the Pope. The Negotiation also was interrupted, which the Duke of Crequi, come in the Name of King Lewis to Venice, managed with Baptista Nani and Girolamo Soranzo, Cavalier and Procurator, deputed by the Senate to adjust the differences about Confines betwixt Loreo and Arriano.

ANNO MDCXXXIV.

The Republick was strongly pressed by the said Duke, that in con­cert with the Crown of France a new War might be moved in Italy; but although his instances were a while after earnestly seconded by Monsieur de Salodie sent by the King with the same projects of Union and War, the Senate nevertheless resolving not to depart from the [Page 387] Neutrality they had fixed in, answers to the invitations by exhorting to Peace, which being the greatest blessing from Heaven, ought ra­ther to be promoted than disturbed by the prosperity, the Crown enjoyed. Not only the French but the Spaniards also used with the other Princes such earnest endeavours, requiring positive declara­tions, without admitting neutrality, that some grew justly jealous, that the Crowns sought no less pretexts for a War, than to make parties for it. At which the Grand Duke more moved than the rest, sends the Archbishop of Pisa to the Court of Rome, to propose a League betwixt the Italian Princes of common defence, to ballance the power of Strangers, and oppose the exorbitancy of it. But at this time, as always, affections contending with interests, many go­verning themselves by separate Councils, and believing an union with Strangers more compatible than with domesticks, the propo­sition vanished in its beginning, through the difficulty to introduce it. The Genouese at this time, embittered by reason of past acci­dents against the Spanish Ministers, and more exasperated at present by the decision made by the King and the Infanta of their contro­versies with the Duke of Savoy, gave ear to the insinuations of Mon­sieur de Novailles, who, in his passage to Rome, offered them the Forces, and assistance of the Crown of France; so that after having for so many years been serviceable to the sole advantages of the Spaniards, they would bring themselves to a fitting neutrality; whereupon that Republick making use of the conjuncture, enters into a correspondence with France, and with many Decrees reviv­ed the lustre of its liberty, and vigour of its Government.

The Spaniards received this novelty not without a sharp resent­ment; but, being more and more intent upon the contingencies of the Empire, dissemble all, making it their business only to take away all jealousies from the Italians, both by reason of the Infanta's stay and the warlike preparations, without notwithstanding to neglect the advantages which the conjuncture afforded: for they took hold of the occasion, to perswade Prince Thomas to depart on a sudden out of Piedmont, and go to the command of the Army in Flanders, sending for Hostages his Wife and Children into Spain. Some be­lieved, that Thomas, and Maurice the Cardinal, who having re­nounced to the protection of France in Rome, had assumed that of the Emperour, held an understanding with the Duke their Brother, thereby to divide betwixt them, by artifice, the affections and good will of both the parties. But, in truth, the two Princes, from the weak constitution of the Duke foreseeing his death to be near, con­sidered afar of the succession of the Country, and those designs which afterwards in their time brake forth, and seeing their Sister-in-Law, by the bonds of interest and blood tyed to France, cast themselves betimes into the arms and protection of the Austrians. Whereat the Duke, being exceedingly moved, sequestred their re­venues, and suspends their assignments. The French, for all that putting no entire confidence in him, shorten the Bridle, increasing in Pignarol and Monferrat Troops and Garrisons. The Infanta at [Page 388] last, after having concluded a League with the Catholick Cantons of Helvetia for the life of the King and the Prince his Successor, obliging them to assist in the defence of the Franche County, moves, in the Month of June, through the Valtelline and Tirol towards Ger­many, accompanied by the Marquess of Leganes, with six thousand Foot and fifteen hundred Horse.

It hath been formerly said, what were the aims of Wallestein to amuse himself in Provinces remote, whilst the more important were in danger; but now upon the loss of Ratisbone, Austria was threat­ned also, and the Duke of Bavaria highly protested, that if he were not succoured, he would agree with the Swedes upon any conditi­ons, and would open them the passage into the bowels of the Em­perours patrimonial Lands. Whereupon Ferdinand with most effe­ctual orders summons him again to come speedily to the assistance of his necessity, and to his commands added importunities and entrea­ties, that he would employ his Army against those of his Enemies, which were the most dangerous and powerful. He with the height of malice, considering that the Spanish Forces were come into the Empire, and knowing the aims of that Crown, tending to thrust him down, moving the Army as if he would answer the summons, quarters it in Bohemia, and distributing several Regiments of his friends into Austria, it looked as if he would keep Vienna blocked, and the Emperour himself Prisoner. This gave vent to universal complaints; because, besides publick mischiefs, the principal Mini­sters were sensible of private losses, the Souldiers lodging upon their estates with all sorts of liberty and undistinguished license. All then shewing zeal equal to the urgent necessity, under pre­text of the common cause demonstrated the common dangers, and calling to mind the conduct of the General, inveighed particularly against the Articles by him formerly projected with Arnheim, among which it had been discovered, that there was discourse of ridding Ger­many of the Spaniards, of the banishment of the Jesuites, of the re­stitution of the Palatinate, and of the force with which the Empe­rour might be induced to accept so destructive a Peace in the Em­pire. Nor was it concealed, that Wallestain openly aspired to the usurpation of the Crown of Bohemia, that there was a conspiracy against the life of the Emperour and his Sons, held correspondence with the Swedes and Saxons, and had set on foot secret Treaties with the Cardinal Richelieu, at the time that Monsieur de Fequieres treated in the Empire with the Protestants. Every one precipi­tating their judgments, and declaring their sense upon the actions of Wallestein, and the punishments he deserved, Ferdinand alone re­mained greatly perplexed; because, if the jealousies of the present Affairs oftentimes moved him, he was almost at the same time pacified with the memory of his past services. The shame to punish a man so well deserving, with the prejudice to suffer his insolency, put him to a stand, and above all he considered the danger, which (Wallestein perceiving to be suspected) resulted no less from his rage than from his faults. Wherefore inclining to that course [Page 389] which was most gentle, he caused cautiously to be insinuated to him the laying down of the Command and of Arms, to give once more place to envy, and signalize his obedience. He despising promises, and not regarding threatnings, looked at himself in the affection of the Souldiery and the Officers secure, having, while he had been General, accustomed the Army both to licence and obedience, and to receive from his hand rewards and punishments. In the Court it self, nay among the Council, he wanted not friends, kept so with profuse gifts of money and booty, which he extorted with unjust ra­pine; so that trusting in his Forces and his adherents, assembling the Chiefs of the Army, he informs them, that he was required to lay down the Generalship thereof: He numbers up the fatigues, the enter­prises, the Victories under the direction of his Command; the years and the sufferings of their making War together; he accuses the envy of his old Enemies; not sparing the Emperour himself and his Counsellors, as those, who to defraud the Chief of Glory, the Officers of reward, and the Souldiers of pay, seek with calumnies pretexts to oppress him. He puts them in mind of the care he had always had of his faithful Fellow-Souldiers, the Booties, the Quarters, the Contributions, the Countries, and the Spoils divided and subdivided amongst them. He at last re­quires of them help and counsel, for that he now weary of cares, and much more of treacheries, would be glad to apply himself to quiet, and leave impartial posterity to be Judge of Merit and Glory betwixt him and his Enemies. There was no doubt, but that with clamours, more than discourse or reasons, he was not perswaded, and in a manner for­ced not to quit. Into the meetings of good Fellows and into the Quarters this discourse was quickly spread. All, to strives, extol­ling his praises, That he was a true valuer of labours and of dangers, the Father and Defender of Souldiers; to whom should they have recourse for the future, and of whom demand acknowledgments of services and pay, if they would suffer the appointment of new Chiefs over the Army, to bury in silence and abolish with oblivion the services they had done? He was then by an universal consent animated not to abandon the Army; some out of pure affection and military transport, others more craftily by his destruction to promote their own Fortunes. With a Writing then, signed by all, they oblige themselves not to disagree, and to the defence of their General, till he, recompensed in the charges he had been at, the Souldiers also should be satisfied in their pay. After such an extravagance there was no place left for sufferance.

The Count d'Ognate, Ambassadour of Spain, who for a long time was contriving the ruine of Wallestain, demanding on a sudden Au­dience of the Emperour, few being by, and those of the most trusted Ministers, lays before them the state of things, the boldness of Wal­lestain, his Intelligences, his Plots, and Designs. Commends the moderation with which Ferdinand, as an excellent Prince, had been willing to proceed; That it was indeed fit to dissemble some secret faults in great Ministers, interpret favourably those that were doubtful, and in a manner bear with those that were manifest, so long as there [Page 390] was no breach of fidelity, the Soul of great Imployments and the Basis of States. That the arrogance, insolence, cruelty it self, and avarice of Wallestain had been longer suffered. The Empire was now betrayed; Bohemia usurped; Austria invaded; Vienna besieged; the Emperour a Prisoner, and his Sons under a shew of Guard and Quarters. What would one expect more? an occasion, or a necessity? this cannot be great­er, that not to be wished more fit. Wallestain was feared by many, and abhorred by all; with insolence and pride he had provoked the hatred of potent Enemies, and the envy of his very Friends. The Emperour was quickly to draw forth his Authority and Justice before the Swedes could lend a hand to the Rebel; that he should find respect among the people, obedienee among the Souldiers, and the applause and benedictions of all. The wound is in truth painful, but because it hath its centre in the bow­els, the more you will suppress it, the more it will increase. That which hitherto hath been done in the Army, may be rather called a Transport than a Revolt. The Militia hath by traiterous promises been blinded, and by false suggestions deluded. The Chiefs have given their consent, terrified by the violencies of the General. That with one stroke of a Sword the knot might be united, and it was better with the death of one alone to terminate, or rather prevent, a Civil War, than with Jealousies provoke it. That there was no time to be lost, in that which cannot be commended till it be done. This said; the Consult was short, fear and fury confusedly seconding one another, and Ognate with aggra­vations cutting off discourse.

It was then resolved to make tryal of the Souldiers fidelity; for Gallas and Piccolomini, and some others of the Commanders had se­cretly offered the Emperour their endeavours, asserting, that many for fear alone having consented to sign the Writing, and participate of the fault, were ready to revolt as soon as they should see a head. A Commission then was dispatched to Gallas, by which all those were commanded to obey him, that would shew their fidelity to the Emperour, and separate themselves from Wallestain, now in open Re­bellion. Upon the publishing of this resolution, he perceived how slippery is the trust to Fortune, which turns her head from those, from whom the Prince withdraws his favour. Seldom, to say truth, hath that Power been seen to subsist, which having grown up under the shadow of Soveraign Authority, goes about to separate it self from it. At the Name of Ferdinand the Regiments fell into com­motion, the Officers and Chiefs withdrew, the sound in a moment separating themselves from the infected. Being then left with a few, not thinking himself secure in Pilsen, where he now was, he leaves the Government of it to one of his Confidents, and takes his way towards Egra, beleft to be a fit place, as being the door of the King­dom, by which he might either let into Bohemia Stranger Armies, or save himself into the neighbouring Provinces. He had sought to Weimar to come speedily to his assistance, offering to deliver him places; but whilst the Duke in so weighty a matter was consider­ing the advantages and the hazards, and that, not to hazard all his Forces, he sent Birchenfelt with one part into the Palatinate to give [Page 391] him countenance, and Duke Francesco Albert of Saxe to Egra to dis­cover the designs, the Scene was changed, and the occasion va­nished.

Wallestain did believe, that those that stuck to him, bound by the bonds of gratitude and obligation, would run all sorts of Fortune with him; but there wanted not some that followed him for the opportunity to vent, by betraying him, secret hatred and designed revenge, and for the hope to get from the Emperour great rewards. He had with him the Irish Regiment of Colonel Walter Butler, John Gordon of the same Nation, Tersica his Kinsman, the Count Lesly Scotch-man, Captain of his Guards, L'Illo, and other as well Officers as Souldiers, believed to be most in confidence with him. Some of these began among themselves to consider, and then discourse with their Friends, That in Battels the danger was common to all, but the Reward and Glory was to a few; that an occasion was here offered to gain a rich Prize with Renown worthily memorable; that the Victory depend­ed upon their own wills and hands. To what purpose follow an unfor­tunate Rebel abhorred of all, that would sell their Blood, their Honour, together with their Faith, and Towns to Strangers? One sole blow kills the Sacrifice, expiates the fault, pacifies the Prince; nay obliges him to retribute wealth and favours to those that with their obedience preserve Kingdoms.

This was enough to animate them, for every one was already perswaded of his own Interest; whereupon Lesly, Butler, and Gor­don promising fidelity to one another, drew in some others, and in­viting L'Illo and Tersica to Supper in their Lodging, growing hot in discourse among their Cups, feigning a Wrangle, confounding Wine with Blood, and violating Hospitality, kill them. Thence not to give time to divulge it, hasting to Wallestains Chamber, and forcing the door, whilst he awakened would have looked out of a Win­dow to call for help, and reproached the Conspirators, they with many blows killed him with a Halbard. Then leaving him dead upon the ground, they went out of the Castle to inform the Soul­diery with what was done, and flatter them with great promises. Nor found they any great trouble to do it; for the Chiefs being dead, not one durst shew resentment. The day following, keeping the Gates shut, that the death might not be published, they went out of the City, under the pretence of honour and conduct to meet the Duke Francesco Albert, who came in the name of Weimar to settle some agreements, and arresting him Prisoner, carried him to Vienna, where they found great commendations and bountiful rewards.

Such was the unhappy destiny of Albert of Wallestain, Duke of Fridtland, who had formerly subdued the Empire by Arms, and frighted Europe with his name. He exalted the Nobleness of his Birth by his Military Vertue, which from the lowest degrees lifted him up to a great Fortune, so much the more honourable, as carried to it by his own Merit, he ascended not upon the ruine of others. Amidst many faults of ambition, cruelty, and violence, with which he afflicted his very friends, his enemies commended his prudence, [Page 392] his wariness, and his discipline. It seemed, that he was always a­bove Fortune and accidents, or rather, that foreseeing and master­ing every thing in his mind, he prevented difficulties and cross ad­ventures. He was accustomed to overcome, and if at any time he seemed to have the worst, the World, in the belief of his felicity, was perswaded that he had no mind to overcome. Some condemn­ed a certain rashness in his actions that rendred him precipitate; ne­vertheless being always guided by hidden motives, it was easily dis­cerned, that leaving little to chance, he rewarded not without judg­ment, nor punished without distinction. Whatsoever the cause was, if he lived with Glory, he dyed with scorn. Nevertheless opinions upon his case were diversly contested, some believing him a Trai­tor before adjudged; others, that he cast himself into the Precipice after he saw himself lost.

Whereupon various were the Judgments, the one by the infamy of his present actions cancelling the Glory of those past, and the others by attributing his disgrace to the Fortune of great Imploy­ments, easily suffering his death, whose life they hated before. But in Vienna, in regard of his Kindred and Friends, which were in the Court, quickly suppressing the discourse of the causes and of the fact, and punishing some of the Conspirators, it was resolved, that the King of Hungary should go into the field, to chear up the Army with his presence, contain the Souldiers in their duty, and hinder competition amongst the Chiefs. This could not be done so sud­denly, that the Swedes made not great advantage of the past altera­tions; for that in Alsace the Rhingrave, routing near Tarn the Impe­rialists, took amongst more considerable conquests Ensheim, Friburg, and Rinfelden. In Swabe were yielded to Horn, Meminghem and Chempem. The Elector of Saxony having besieged Budweis, and first burnt it with Bombes before he took it, passed to Gorlitz, which he found abandoned. Retiring then into his own Country, leaves to Arnheim the Command of the Army; and he, offering the Impe­rialists Battel near Lignitz, after a long and doubtful fight defeats them with the death of three thousand of their men, the gaining of many Colours and nine pieces of Cannon, possessing Stenau, Glogau, and other places of importance, at the same time that Banier took Francfort on the Oder, and Crossen.

The King of Hungary coming forth at last with powerful Forces, and the Army incouraged with his presence, joyns the Bavarians, who had recovered Strubingh, and begirts Ratisbone with a Siege, battering it with a hundred piece of Cannon. Weimar draws near to it, disturbing the Royal Camp, which had not its Circumvalla­tion yet finished; but for want of Victuals he was forced to a far­ther distance. Nevertheless being concerned to preserve that con­quest, he had a mind, joyning Horn, to make another attempt; but withheld by impediments, especially in the Siege of Lantzhut, (where Aldringher was killed, attempting to put succours into it) when he came near to Ratisbone, found it lost. Horn then goes into Suevia, and Weimar weakned, not being strong enough to face the King, le [...]t Donawert and other places fall into his hand.

[Page 393]The King of Hungary desired much to joyn with the Infanta, and to prepare the way, advances to attacque Nortlinghen, which holding out longer than the Imperialists had supposed, gave time to the Spa­nish Army with the Infanta to arrive as a seasonable supply, and to the Duke of Weimar to rejoyn Horn to attempt its relief. These two young Princes communicating to one another the desire of Glo­ry no less than the Counsels of Arms, would not abandon the Siege; whereupon Weimar, not able to endure that it should be lost in his presence, resolves upon a Battel, hoping with the Swedish Arms to recompense at once with Victory, that which since some time the Imperial, under the happy Conduct of the King, had taken from them. He then assaults the Enemies Camp with an impression so resolute, that at the first brunt he forces the Trenches, possesses the Cannon, and took a Half-moon, putting the Austrians every where to flight. But the Officers coming in, nay the King himself and the Cardinal calling to the Fugitives, the fright being over, and all the Army taking courage, the Spanish Troops in particular giving mar­vellous proofs of boldness, the Swedes were repulsed. The Artille­ry, levelled from a higher situation, made a great slaughter among them, because by the scite of the field, being to climb over little Hills, they were forced to fight, exposed to the shot, with the dis­advantage of the place, no less than with the Enemies. They also for not having taken a particular view when they had possessed the first Fortifications, disordered one another, some in going forward mistaking the way, others in fighting, exceeding the order which had been given them. The worst accident was, that the fire casu­ally taking in some Barrels of Powder upon the Half-moon, fright was added to disorder; for the Souldiers, doubting lest a Mine had been sprung, ran headlong away, so that the Spaniards not only re­covered the Post, but took courage to follow them.

Weimar and Horn imployed all their diligence to put their Troops again into good order, or at least to retire with less disadvantage, but all in vain; because separated from one another, with Troops every where in disorder, they neither had communication together, nor did the Souldiers any longer obey their commands. The Austri­ans, under the favour of a Wood putting themselves betwixt them, hindred them of a possibility to re-unite. Whereupon the Cavalry being pursued by the Croats, turning at last their backs, in full Ca­reer abandoned the Foot, which was almost all killed upon the place. The number of the dead was more than ten thousand, and about six thousand were taken Prisoners. Amongst these was Horn, Weimar being saved for a better Destiny. The Austrians lost two thousand in the first heat of the fight, the rest had no other labour but to pur­sue the Fugitives, and to kill and strip the conquered. This signal Victory was rendred more apparent by the consequences; for Heil­brun, Wurtzburg, Augsburg, with many other places, yielded of their own accord, and others were abandoned by the Swedish Garrisons. The Duke of Brunswick and the Landgrave, that imployed them­selves for their own advantages in Westphalia, shewed inclinations to [Page 394] Peace, and Saxony hearkened also to Propositions of Agreement; nor was it doubted, that if the Spanish Commanders had been tem­pted with money, but they would have abandoned Germany and the Fortune of their declining Party. But the Austrians setling their rest upon hopes, whilst the Infanta, called away by the urgency of Flanders, separates from the King, and the King satisfied with Glo­ry, makes haste to return to the Court to enjoy the applauses of it. Richelieu, who from the prosperity of the Swedes had gotten for the Crown of France great advantages, and proposed to himself not a whit the less from their disgrace, sends the Mareshal de la Force to the Rhine with a very puissant Army, boasting assistance to his Friends, and shewing force to his Enemies.

Oxestern, who residing in Francfort had the direction with his Council of that Party, and Weimar, that gathered up the reliques of the late misfortune, knew not whither else to turn themselves but to France, which in retribution of succours drew out of their hands the strong place of Philipsburg, which situate on the right banck of the Rhine belonged to the Elector of Trier as Bishop of Spires, and in the beginning of the year had been possessed by the Swedes. This wounded the Austrians to the quick, seeing the French Colours not only advance to the Rhine, but pass it also, besides confirming them­selves more and more in the conquest of Lorrain; for that the new Duke, having laid down his Cardinals Hat, and taken to Wife Claudia, Sister-in-law of Carlo, gave occasion to Richelieu to con­ceive or feign jealousies, and to require in pledge for security La Motha, the only place that remained at his dispose. The Duke now saw, that his faults and the suspicions of France would last as long as any part of the Country rested in his power. Therefore de­nying the place, goes to Luneville, a House of Pleasure in the Coun­try. But encompassed immediately with Guards, he was required to return to Nancy, under pretence of greater security. It was not in his power to refuse it; but quickly perceiving himself to he kept a Prisoner there, he contrives, deceiving the Guards, to free himself from the slavery, and with his Wife going out by a little Gate in the habit of Gardiners, got to Besanzon, and thence to Florence to be far distant from places suspected by France. The Cardinal, not to be wearied in pursuing advantages and anger, caused la Motha to be besieged, which, the Governour being in an occasion killed, was rendred.

The Lorrainers in this manner brought low, Orleans remained at Brussels, but deprived of a great support, and little satisfied with the Spaniards; because having signed certain Covenants, he pro­mised in them, Not to make any accord with his Brother without their knowledge and consent, and obliged himself to remain in their party, and herein to imploy his Credit and Arms; the Spaniards on the other side being to furnish money wherewith to raise and maintain an Army, with which he might be able to attacque France, and conquer places, whilst they with another body of an Army should give jealousie to the Frontiers. But the Marquess d'Aitona having not been able to [Page 395] make good these agreements, by reason of greater distractions, and principally by the threatnings of the French from the side of Trier, Orleans through weariness and inconstancy, and above all perswaded by Puilaurens his Favourite, agrees with the King his Brother. Pui­laurens had been gained by Richelieu; so that as he, in compliance with his own loves to the Princess of Falsburg, another Sister of Car­lo's, had already driven on Orleans to the Marriage with Margaret, so now weary of those inclinations, and baited by the Cardinal with promises of great recompence, and the Marriage with his own Niece, perswades him to leave his Mother and Wife at Brussels, and to re­turn by stealth into the Kingdom. But Puilaurens was not long ere he felt the punishment of his over-much credulity; for being allu­red by the Marriage, and at that very time new offences being pro­duced, and he condemned to lose his life, his death dissolved it. The Spaniards remained by the escape of Orleans frustrated of their hopes, and the surprise of the Islands of Eres in Provenze was defer­red, contrived by them to be executed, under Imperial Colours, up­on pretence of succours and diversion for Lorrain. For five and twenty Gallies, seven great Ships, with Souldiers and all other Pro­visions, being come from Naples into Sicily to joyn with other eight Gallies, and to take on Board Souldiers, found things there in so lit­tle readiness, that they were forced to put it off till the next year. From such provisions and so great designs was easily to be compre­hended, that some great motion to War was near. And therefore the Venetians failed not to attempt by their endeavours, effectually imployed by Luigi Contarini in France, and Giovanni Giustiniani in Spain, to pacifie their minds, and moderate animosities; but the evil being at the point of breaking forth, was rather provoked, so that all diligence became fruitless, and reasons were heard, but not considered, both the Crowns endeavouring rather by allurements and promises to bring the Republick into their opinions, and change the Mediation into an adhering either to the one or other side.

An. Dom. 1635 THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE. THE TENTH BOOK.

ANNO MDCXXXV.

THE slaughters and calamities, which dishonouring Christendom, and destroying Europe, have made fa­mous the rancour of two great Ministers, will give posterity just occasion, to number this rather amongst the most doleful than a renowned year, in which France and Spain came to an open breach, and gave a beginning to a long War, with memorable accidents and bloody successes, intermingled with fallacious Treaties, vicissitudes of Arms, insurrections of peo­ple, and the mockeries of Fortune. It was already discovered, that the emulation betwixt Richelieu and Olivares could no longer remain concealed; neither wanted there on either side occasions or pre­texts: for the Fleet in Italy, the Armies in Spain, the Treaties with Orleans, the stirring up the discontented, abundantly discovered what engine was preparing by the Spaniards; and on the other side, the possession of Lorrain, the progresses in Germany, the Treaties with the Swedes, and the Subsidies to Holland, pointed out what designs the French were contriving. The Cardinal sent the Count of Botru to Madrid, and the Condé Duke, Benavides to Paris, but rather to espye the state of things than to beget confidence; having rather mutually brought back, instead of fair words and kind usage, provocations and stinging incentives, it is not credible to what a height rage was inflamed, and minds irritated, made sensible through ambition, and resolute in revenge, the better to confirm authority amidst Arms, and uphold favour and glory.

[Page 397] Richelieu was happy, who in these preludiums of War experi­enced in every Treaty the more lucky destiny, to conclude with the Ʋnited Provinces of the Low Countries the League offensive and defensive, which so much awakened in the World discourses, ex­pectation, and fame, and stirred up in the Austrians so many appre­hensions and fears; for by the Articles of the same, The Provinces in obedience to the King of Spain were to be assaulted by the Confederates, with Forces united of fifty thousand Foot and ten thousand Horse, after that by a publick Manifest they should be invited, and for three months their answer expected, to shake off the Yoak, and to unite themselves with others in one common body of liberty, saving to every one their priviledges, and in particular their Religion: but when that time was past, they designed them a pray to their Arms, and the Conquests were to be divided; Lutzemburg, Namur, Henault, Artois, and the Terri­tory of Cambray were to be yielded to France, with a part of Flanders on this side, of a line which was to be drawn from Blankenburg betwixt Bridges and Dam, taking in Ruplemond; the rest was to belong to the States of Holland, with a promise to leave the Catholick Religion every where in the state they found it. It was agreed, not to make Peace or Truce but by common consent, and not to admit of any terms till the Spaniards were first totally driven out of the Low Countries. They proposed to attacque Towns in an alternative order, one of the reparti­tion to France, and then another of those assigned to Holland, but leaving the choice to the will of the Generals. A Fleet at Sea was over and above this agreed upon, and the French were to declare War to the Emperour, and every body else, that upon this account should molest the States. All this tended to give a great stroke, if in the ma­nagement of the War the interests of the Confederates had met with a parity, as in the Treaty their minds were equally disposed and their wills agreeing.

The Spaniards coming to the knowledge hereof, to the Pope and in all Courts laid load upon the French with bitter invectives, as if they would expose Religion in pray to the Hereticks, and that, not contented to see it through the countenance of their assistance de­pressed in Germany, they went about to extirpate it also in those Provinces, where, under the Government of their Monarchy, the true Worship was retained. But all that availing little, pla­cing their confidence in Arms, rather than complaints, they deter­mine upon prevention, by shutting that door, by which the French, assaulting the back-side of the Provinces, intended to bring their Army to join with that of Holland. The Count of Embden, then sent by the Cardinal Infanta to attempt the gaining of the Citadel of Triers, succeeded in the surprise of it by night, through the neg­ligence, with which Arnoud, the French Governour, kept it; the Garrison in the exploit being cut to pieces, and the Elector remain­ing Prisoner; for that, hindred by the Gout, he was not able to make his escape. He was sent to Vienna, to give account to the Emperour of his putting himself under the protection of the French, and to have introduced into his Towns stranger Garrisons, contrary [Page 398] to the constitutions of the Empire. At the same time, Fortune ap­plauding beginnings, Colonel Bamberg, who, after a long Siege, had rendred Phillipsburg to the Swedes, by whom it was afterwards de­livered over to France, by the favour of the Ice passing the ditch, happily surprised that very strong place.

At two so great and unexpected blows the French were greatly moved, but withal believing the occasion favourable to publish the War against the Spaniards formerly resolved on, they sent to the Infanta to require with the restitution of the Country, the liberty of the Elector. But he referring the answer to the Emperour, as professing to have only obeyed his orders, a Herald was sent by King Lewis to Brussels to denounce, in the ancient forms, War, and almost at the same time moved, in the Month of May, his Troops. The French Army, by the Mareshals of Chastiglion and Brezé, were rendesvouz'd near Mezieres, and as it is usual in the first beginnings, especially when a War is undertaken through animosity and revenge, all things did superabound, so that the number of the Army exceed­ed the Agreement, and the warlike provisions seemed to be greater than was needful. For France, being at the height of reputation and power, reckoned at that time to have under its Colours, in seve­ral parts, one hundred and thirty thousand Foot and fifteen thou­sand Horse, with an infinite number of Artillery, and abundance of all other provisions. The French then marching towards Maestricht with above thirty thousand fighting men and forty pieces of Can­nons, Prince Thomas, with weak Forces near to Avesnes, attempts to dispute the passage, and was with much slaughter beaten, so that going on without resistance, they joined Orange, who waited for them with twenty thousand Foot and six thousand Horse, and four­score pieces of Artillery. The Army appeared formidable for num­ber and valour, and the world already supposed the felicity of the enterprise, equal to the Force. But Victuals for so great a multi­tude being quickly wanting, the Army began to devour it self through want, and to be consumed with sickness and suffering.

Brabant was invaded, and Tirlemont, a great Town but weak, ta­ken by force, experienced, with cruelty in the slaughter and plun­der, the first fury of Military license. The Spaniards were encamp­ed with their gross near to Lovain, to cover that City, which is of a great circuit, but weak, and, together with the City, the Coun­try near to it. The Confederates, to draw them to a Battel, made shew to advance towards Brussels, not without hope, but that in the universal consternation, they might have the luck to take it. But Orange, retarding the march, gave time to the Spaniards to draw nearer to it. The Confederates then commanded their march to­wards Lovain, and on a sudden besiege it with great violence, but the defence was no less vigorous, maintained by the Baron of Grob­bendonk the Governour, with the assistance of a good number of Scholars of that famous University, who strengthened the Garrison. The fierceness of the assailants being hereby abated, the Army be­gan to waste; for the Hollanders, supplying their Army punctually [Page 399] with whatsoever they had need of, kept Victuals from the French, who, though by force and courage they were able to overcome any danger, found that hunger and necessity was an enemy invincible. Many dyed, and the rest disbanding, were in great numbers killed by the Peasants; so that the Forces being weakned, and Victuals wanting, the Generals were forced to raise the Siege, and give leave to those that were alive, every one to provide for his safety and escape. The Commanders, and the Reliques of the Army, were reduced to imbark in Holland, scoffed at by the people, and scorn­ed, that of so many men, which aspired to so great Conquests, so small a remainder appeared, and they in disorder, fugitives, and in so faint a condition.

There is no doubt, but as the United Provinces, in making of the League, consented to any conditions, which might oblige the French to an open breach with Spain; so having obtained their pur­pose abhorred no one thing more, than to have them, instead of friends, neighbours. To the common concerns of the Provinces was added the private resentments of the Prince of Orange; for that Richelieu, amidst flatteries and confidences, had some years be­fore endeavoured to surprise in France the Town of Orange it self; but the blow not succeeding, he quickly silenced the fact and noise of it. But the other dissembling with equal artifice, reserved him­self for an opportunity to be even with him, and now he enjoyed this, that if by taking most important Towns from the Spaniards, he had gained by Arms the glory of valour and courage, in over-reaching Richelieu now in wit, the world attributed to him the re­nown of great policy and prudence. Yet the Cardinal, having, by reason of the War undertaken, need of the adherence of the Hol­landers, and friendship of the Prince of Orange, to apply himself to the greater, neglected lesser revenges. This acting against Flan­ders, with the noise and appearance of better success than was met with, had displeased the King of England, who willingly could not suffer the greatning of the Crown of France in those parts. Putting therefore, on that occasion, a Fleet to Sea, observed the issue of things, and the Emperour, considering of what importance those Provinces were to the common interest of Germany, sends six thou­sand Foot and four thousand Horse with Piccolominy to the assistance of the Infante.

The French Army was no sooner dispersed, but the fear, which at first troubled the Subjects of Spain, pierced interchangeably into the heart of the Hollanders. For the Count of Embden, by order of the Infante, surprised Schinche Schans, which lies in a situation above any other important, where the Rhine, divided into two Branches, keeps on the right hand its name, and on the left assumes that of Waaghe; so that the Fort, commanding the Navigation and the Dikes, can overflow the Country; gives an entrance into the Bottowe, and, on the one side cutting off the Towns and Provinces which are be­yond the River, opens on the other passage into the bowels of Hol­land. Orange comes immediately to inclose it with a strong Siege, [Page 400] drawing abundance of Works longst the side of the River. So great a flame of War betwixt two so powerful Kings could not be contain­ed only within those Provinces; but spreading it self every where, broke forth also in Italy, taking its beginning in the Grisons, where Monsieur de la Lande, for the custody of the Passes, for some time past kept three Regiments of that Nation and some French; and now having sent a l'improvisto, by the Mountain of Spluga, six Com­panies, possesses without opposition Chiavanna, Riva, il Sasso Cor­beio, and those other places longst the Lake heretofore named; then Rohan following by the way of Poschiavo with five thousand Foot and four hundred Horse gets Morbegno, and every other place re­maining in possession of all the Valteline and the Counties adjacent. The Cardinal Albornoz, who after the Infanta's departure governed Milan, by profession averse to Arms, was upon this emergency be­yond measure confused. Sends nevertheless Troops towards Lago di Como, but expected his chief succours and diversions from Ger­many, and no one thing could happen more disturbing to the Au­strians, than to see the passages shut, and communication inter­rupted.

The French knew, that though the surprise happened to be easie, yet it was impossible to keep what they had gotten without the assi­stance of the Venetians. The Ministers therefore of King Lewis, bringing to remembrance the pressures and agreements for the re­demption formerly of those Passes, demonstrated the present Con­juncture, exhorting the Republick to take Arms, and participate of the Conquests. But those of Spain extolling those generous Titles attributed to the Republick it self, of the Shield and Defence of Li­berty, and the Peace of Italy, endeavoured to stir it up against the French, as the unseasonable incendiary of so great a discord. The Senate in the present constitution of things, seeming to have nothing to hope nor fear from Strangers, resolved to keep themselves in neutrality, enjoying Peace at least in their own Country, though their endeavours had not been sufficient to divert the War elsewhere. They permitted the French to draw Victuals out of the neighbour­ing places, and the passage of Corn which they fetched out of Al­bania, and besides for some Cannon bought out of Ships in Venice; and consented to the Spaniards the transport, from Trieste to the Kingdom of Naples, of German Souldiers in Barks one by one, and without Arms; which a little before having been demanded in the Name of Lodowick Prince of Venosa, who desired to make the Levy, had been denied. As to other things, fortifying the passages and their own Confines with a good number of Souldiers, and by send­ing Luigi Giorgio General in Terra firma, and Sebastian Veniero into Valcamonica, and Michael Priuli Proveditor into the Veronese, they stood observing what would happen.

Surely the French might have reaped great advantages, if while the minds of the Spanish Ministers were wavering, by reason of the surprise of the Valteline and the weak condition they then were in, the Milanese by the way of Piedmont had been attacqued by them. But [Page 401] whilst they lingered, the better to settle agreements with other Princes of Italy firm, which ordinarily favours the weaker side, gave the Spaniards opportunity to make Levies in Helvetia, call assistance from Naples and Sicily, and receive those from the Grand Duke, wherewith for the Investiture of Vienna he is obliged to aid the Milanese whensoever attacqued. Monsieur de Bellievre, sent from King Lewis, Ambassadour Extraordinary, into Italy, coming to Tu­rin, obliged Vittorio to declare himself, to joyn Forces, and enter into the League.

If the Savoyards, heretofore considerable by reason of situation, were wont, by the credit they had with both sides, to invite to the War sometimes the one, and sometimes the other Crown, it seemed at present, that they could do no other but second the French, being on the one side environed with Pignerol, and on the other with Monferrat. The Duke grew more and more jealous from the pass it self, that necessity forced him to remain united with that Crown; for if by the French the Milanese should be conquered, he knew him­self at their mercy, rather lost than exposed. Nevertheless being a friend in peace, it behoved him to make himself also a Companion in War, not without some hope, that joyning Arms, and participa­ting in Councils, he might arrive at his ends, and direct them to his advantage. So adhering to the French in Name, and in Maxims to the Spaniards, he became in conclusion troublesom to these, and of little advantage to the others. The Duke d'Alviti was sent by Albornoz to Turin, to divert him from signing the League, but in vain; for though many believed, that he passed with him concerts less publick, but more effectual, yet after some delays he closed with the French. Bellievre then goes to the Duke of Parma, who in the heat of his years and passions, greedy of Glory and War, had al­ready so far advanced a Treaty with the French, that little of trou­ble remained to the Ambassadour fully to conclude it, to the so much greater resentment of the Spaniards, as they knew they had unseasonably provoked rather than frighted him with scorns and threatnings to promote to the Government of the Country Alexander his elder Brother, who, as dumb, judged by the Kindred incapable of the Succession, was kept in the Citadel of Piacenza, not without jealousie by the Duke; and although every body condemned Ed­ward, that undertaking War with the more powerful, he exercised rather the warmth of his courage, than the prudence and vigour of his ability; nevertheless the Ministers of Spain conceived strong ap­prehensions, lest the Milanese should be assaulted in flank, succours from Naples be hindred, and French introduced into Piacenza, and perhaps also into Sabioneda. The Duke of Modena set himself to sale to both the Crowns; so acceptable and regarded did the desire of prevailing [...]n their Rivals render at present to those great Prin­ces, those, who at other times they were wont to despise.

At last, after having amused France and Bellievre, who went to gain him, with long hopes he agrees with Spain, signing with Fran­cesco de Mello a Treaty to adhere to that Crowns party, and send [Page 402] the Prince Rinaldo his Brother with three thousand Foot into the Milanese, An. Dom. 1634 in recompence of the Garrison, which he was permitted to bring into Correggio. Then the French Minister turns himself to­wards Mantua, with so much the greater instance, as the Community of Nation and the late benefits seemed to constrain, if not perswade, the Duke. Nevertheless he resisted as much as he could, and re­sorting for counsel to the Venetians, the resolution was referred to his own choice and wisdom. Whereupon he signs the League, but could contribute nought to it but the name, the Republick not sup­plying wherewithal to execute it; doubtful notwithstanding, that from such provocations the Spaniards being angry, might be more forward to make some attempt upon Mantua, re-inforces more and more that Garrison. The Treaty with the adhering Dukes con­tained, An Ʋnion for three years and the promise of the King, besides ten thousand men to be kept in the Valteline to maintain in Italy twelve thousand Foot more and fifteen hundred Horse. To Savoy were assign­ed six thousand Foot and twelve hundred Horse; to Parma five hundred of these, and four thousand of those; to Mantua three hundred of the one, and three thousand of the other. It was agreed, not to make Peace without the restitution of that, which by the Spaniards might be taken from the Confederates. As to conquests which might happen, the divi­sion was deferred, till the enterprise on the Milanese should be at an end: leaving every one of the united Princes uncertain what was to be the reward of their undertaking, and not out of fear, lest in the conclusion the more powerful should keep to himself the arbitre­ment and possession.

The French Ministers, after they had discovered the fixed resolu­tion of the Venetians to stand neutral, had deferred as the last at­tempt, to press the Republick, and get her to come into the League, believing that more than from reason would be powerful to per­swade it, not so much the example of the other Princes united, as the interest and the conceit, that in the taking of Milan it behoved them also to have a share in it, to greaten it self, and injoy the spoils. And therefore they invited them, not as others with uncer­tain hopes, but with express propositions to give them in the Valte­line Tirano, consent to them passage into, and a League with the Grisons, and in the Milanese the Comasco, la Giara d' Adda, with whatever more she would chuse. As the Armies were ready to move, Bellievre arrives at Venice, and being brought into the As­sembly together with Monsieur de la Thuillerie, Ambassadour in Or­dinary, thus spake; If I should come to this renowned Common-wealth to desire in the name of the most Christian King assistance, rather than to offer advantages, his affection and friendship would seem to savour more of interest than of sincerity. But the King my Master, the best amongst his Ancestors, hath contented himself, by the assistance of Di­vine goodness and justice to subdue his Rebels; afterwards to revenge himself of his enemies, and having brought them into a condition of be­ing overcome and beaten, calls now his Allies and Friends to take part not of the danger, but of the rewards, not of the charges and la­bours, [Page 340] but of the prey and conquest. France, by Gods grace, An. Dom. 1635 under the protection of a most just King, and the care of a provident and vigilant Minister, is in that degree of happiness and power, that if in other times it was not to be overcome but by it self, being now united at peace, obedient, and armed is rendred superiour to it self. And now I shall tell you, that nothing is wanting to its felicity, but that which the Kings goodness will have wanting, and that is the communicating his good things to his friends; the dividing felicity it self with his Confede­rates. The Arms of France, heretofore implored by the Princes of Italy, desired by your selves, always ready for succours of the causes most just, fatally also in past Ages the Restorers of Italy, are now offered to you, not to redeem, (for we already number that Ornament amongst our Con­quests) but to secure the perpetual quiet, liberty, and dignity of Italy, which hath hitherto cost you so many cares, and our selves so much blood. I openly declare it to be the chief point of my instructions and of your counsels, that the King renounces the very thought of retaining any thing in Italy. Let the Spoils, Dominions, and Provinces be yours, ours shall he the labours, the charges, and the dangers, let the Glory be sufficient to the French Nation, to know how to overcome their Enemies, and so give Victories to their Friends. Your Republick, beloved by the King, as Coetancan with his Monarchy, the first begotten of his Confederates, the first-fruits of his affection in Italy; what greater pledge can you re­ceive of the Royal inclination, than to be intreated to gather the fruits of our labours, to increase your Empire, and extend your Confines upon the ruine of his implacable and ancient Enemies? Let us, I pray, mea­sure, and not without astonishment, the disparity of the Maxims and Genius of the two Nations, whereof one by affection, the other by necessi­ty offers you friendship. Who knows not the Spaniards, a people cove­tous of their own, and greedy of what is anothers, who by ambition un­dertakes, and by avarice and nature holds fast? We on the other side, prodigal of our selves, if in War we observe justice, in conquering we exercise moderation. How many provocations have we suffered before we declared our selves Enemies to Spain, the Prejudices, the Treache­ries, dissembled to an excess of patience, had rendred the Austrians so bold, that to oppress our Friends, and insult upon our selves, was turned into a Maxim of their haughtiness, as the interest of the French sufferance. You, O Fathers, your selves are Witnesses, how of­ten you have stirred us up to just resentments, and I will speak it with­out shame, because France appeared then alienated from it self, reproved us with reason of negligence. But now my King, who can with his pow­er measure his Generosity, with what motive hath he begun the present War, but to render Justice to his Friends, unjustly violated by the Spa­nish Arms? Though he hath been willing frequently to dissemble the of­fences done to himself, he hath not been able to suffer the injuries done to his Confederates: And who will doubt, that the War will not be car­ried on in future by the same Arts with which it begins, and if the de­ceitful surprise of an Elector protected, be by my King revenged with so great preparations and so great charges, what shall not his Friends be, who shall adhere to him, to be defended by his Royal constancy, and [Page 404] made partakers of his Victories and Triumphs? Certainly, if I consider the present proposition, 'tis needless that I seek other examples to render the Magnanimity of the French Kings, and in particular of Lewis Il­lustrious. Does he invite you to be his Companions in the enterprise of the Milanese? but he gives to you and the other Confederates the con­quest of it, and of the other Territories of Italy, to which the Rights of our Kings are so clear and so just. Those that in the gaining and lo­sing of them cost us so much blood, are your conquests. Believe me, Fa­thers, that if we expect Heaven should prescribe us Councils, it cannot suggest it to us with clearer words, than by shewing us the Conjuncture, and supplying with Forces for it. But why do I speak of Forces? It sufficeth that the Republick contribute herein to it its name. If, Fa­thers, this be sufficient, it is almost no other but this alone that I sue for; because Italy, weary of Wars, of Jealousies, and Discords, which for so long time her constant enemies have scattered there, being now assist­ed and united, is willing at one blow alone to cast off the yoke, and if your Senate have so many times generously sollicited, that your example might be followed, nothing now is required from you but approbation and consent. I dissemble it not; almost all the Princes of Italy are al­ready either open Enemies to Spain, or secret Friends to France; and expect nothing else to declare themselves but the credit of your prudence. In your hands then rests the Force, the Counsel, and the Destiny of Italy. I call not to your memories the ancient Mischiefs, recent Jealousies, and perpetual Suspicions. It suffices to say, that the Domination of Spain, dreadful to all, fears all; that it hates those it fears, and that it is equally insatiable in hatreds, as it is excessive in revenges. And now what else more can be said, but that it is rather preserved by the pati­ence of others than its own power. The Austrians invaded, and every where divided, have rather a proof of the weight than the force of their boundless power, and can no longer govern the vast bulk of their Great­ness. The Milanese in particular, where they have placed the seat of the War and of their strength also, which for so many years hath vexed Italy, who can repair it? Ʋnprovided of Forces, confounded in the Go­vernment, assailed from so many parts, beyond all succours, and if you will, possibility of escape. I know the Spanish Ministers will not fail to allure you; but believe me, that their flatteries are not for nought. They proceed from the guiltiness of their present weakness; from the re­morse of past injuries. So the Serpent benummed in Winter, hath its venom dulled, but not extinguished; when the rays of the Sun touch it again in the Spring, it turns and windes it self, and at last breathes forth death. And what will the Spaniards do else, if propitious Fortune should breath again, but vent the revenges, the resentments, and the offences, which during adversity they keep concealed in the heart? Do not believe, that pretended injuries are forgotten, nor that oblivion or mo­deration can be in minds accustomed to insolence and sole arbitrement. My King will think to have done enough, and to have satisfied what is due to Glory and Himself, whilst this will serve Him and Italy for the last tryal whether she do know and be willing patiently to suffer ser­vitude.

[Page 405]The French Ambassadors were no sooner gone from their Audi­ence, but the Count de la Rocoa in a contrary sense discoursed to this purpose. I speak to a Prince, who upon just grounds hath always exercised hostilities and embraced War. That is enough to perswade me, that the most pious institutions of your generous Ancestors living in you, it may be superfluous, that I here exhort you to that, which by a common concert, grave prudence, and a religious conscience perswades you to. I see the French Ministers wandring through Italy, I perceive they are in this City; but, if elsewhere they meet with equally to their desires, am­bition, the avarice of Princes, nay and ingratitude it self for benefits conferred upon many by my King, they will find here prudence, justice, and moderation united. Let it be the glory of your Republick to make War for Peace, and, having found it, to preserve it; as it will be the eternal blame of the Crown of France, to disturb and confound it. It cannot be denied, but that the genius of that Nation resembles the vio­lence of fire, which, if it reacheth not to something else, burns and con­sumes it self. What, I pray, provokes to this present War? The Affairs possibly of Trier, a thing rather alledged than true; as though, whilst the Peace was treating in Ratisbone, the Treaties with the King of Sweden would not have been assented to, and when the execution was concerted in Chievasco, and that the Austrians, with the just saith of Princes, rendred Countries, Towns, and Posts, the French had not de­signed surprises, treacheries, and injuries. God, the Judge of Kings, and who, called upon in just witness of Agreements, is a severe revenger of deceit, doth now condemn and punish them. Religion, and the pie­ty of the Austrians, triumphs in Germany. In Flanders the Heavens, the Elements, Nature it self fight for us. We see Armies overcome with­out fighting, we hear of places taken without a Siege. What else can be expected in Italy, where the cause is so much the more unjust, as the pretexts are farther fetched? To what tend the offers and propositions of the Ministers of France, but to render this happy Country a deplorable Theatre of eternal War? This, O Fathers, is the thing they would be at; to overcome you with your own very blood, and with a fallacious friend­ship, that by subduing all, they might see you all Enemies amongst your selves. I will not argue the point, whether, as they imagine it, it be so easie to drive the Spanish potency out of Italy. It being founded upon lawful titles, confirmed by time, use, and its own strength, is like a great Oak which stands firm upon its own weight and strength; the winds may shake and toss it to and fro, but they spend their breath in the contest before that is weary of resisting, and if it do fall, it crushes at the same time whoever attempts to violate the roots. But let us exa­mine their specious propositions, of advantages, Conquests, and Spoils, which I would rather see authorised by examples, than amplified with partial discourses. Which way soever I turn my self, either to the no­ble acts of old, or the memorials of later times, I find nothing but sad accidents of Princes oppressed, of places taken, and Provinces usurped; and, if what hath hapned in Lorrain, Trier, and Germany sute not fit­ly as foreign to Italy, enquire of Savoy, and satisfie your selves out of your own Annals, that the French being Neighbours must either be Ma­sters [Page 406] or Enemies. Will you then, O Fathers, give your assistance to them, who in the War having license for their end, and ambition for their mo­tive, will turn against you those Forces, to which your power and friend­ship shall have given vigour and success? I know very well what they have given others to understand; that perhaps, which they go about to make you believe, that they will make the Conquests, and leave you the advantages of the Victories. But if they take the rise of the War from the breach of faith, do you believe, that Victory, which uses to make all men insolent, will metamorphise them into Religion and Modesty? If they think the Italian Princes unable to manage a War without their aid and assistance, it must be their Armies then that must besiege places, and garrison them when taken, and having once (God preserve Italy from that unhappy destiny) excluded my King, who shall be the Judge, who shall decide causes, who regulate the Confines, and who require again what is deposited? I will not vainly boast what the power of Spain hath contri­buted to the honour, security, and quiet of Italy. As to us, your Con­fines have always remained unviolable; within our own have we confined our thoughts and Armies, sollicitous only for our own, and the common Peace. My King hath always been desirous to confederate Empire with reason, and establish his greatness in tranquillity. But the present com­motions, which every where shake Europe, do confound divine Worship, propagate Heresie, oppress Countries, and serve for an argument and proof what will be the progress, if such be the first steps of the French Armies. I know, that the artifices of our Enemies have in times past scattered jealousies, introduced disgusts, depainted shadows, and every thing being suspected which remained a secret, have caused disadvanta­ges and discords; but the end hath been the judge of the intentions, and the work. Great Princes have great wrong done them, when they want the true knowledge of their Counsels, believe all upon same, and suspect every thing. Of that I shall say no more; because it is now, at last, time that we lay aside suspicions, wrath, and enmities, which have hitherto so often reciprocally deceived us. I cannot give this great and wise Re­publick a more safe pledge of the Kings friendship, than offering it an union with him, and suing for the bond of your alliance. If in your pro­tection consists the Peace of Italy, obligation perswades you, custom ex­horts you and interest it self constrains you. My King will believe his opposition more fortunate, if he shall have for his companions those, whom he refuses not for the Judges of his intentions, and the Ʋmpires of the Peace.

Though, from such endeavours, mens minds for some days were variously moved, yet being communicated to the Senate, the con­sent was unanimous, not to change counsel, but to adjust according to Neutrality the answers, with equal esteem to the invitations of both the Kings, equally affectionated and prized, and with exhor­tations to Peace, for the procuring whereof, in the partiality of so many others, who divided Europe almost equally, the indiffe­rence of the Republick was judged necessary, if not serviceable. With these resolutions the Spaniards were more contented, than the French appayed, to whom it appeared, as if, amidst domestick cares, [Page 407] the Republick had laid aside the foreign, and that it was not against having the Spaniards in Italy, so it were in a condition compati­ble with the liberty of that Country.

Before Bellievre departed from Venice, foreseeing that the Repub­lick would be more and more averse from entring into the League, by reason of the harsh usage of the Duke of Savoy, he besought them to admit of some moderations; but the Senate made no re­ply to his instances. The Confederates then in Piedmont, taking the Field in the month of August, the Duke Vittorio, being Gene­ralissimo of the League, and Crequi commanding the French Army, pass the Sesia, possessing with a great effort the Fort della Villata, and the tracings of certain old Trenches. At the same time the Duke of Parma, sending to the other side of the Po four Companies of Horse with Musketiers behind them, caused Codagno to be pil­laged, to vent private revenge against the House of Trivultia, to whom the Town belongs. Upon these invasions, and for fear of greater disasters, the people of the Millanese being in confusion, fled in Troops, for refuge, into the Country of the Venetians, with such of their goods, as time and convenience permitted, or that the value moved them to carry away.

To say truth, had the Republick made an attaque from its own frontier, it looked as if there would have been no remedy or re­fuge. So that their moderation was extolled by many, and the Catholick King himself to Giovanni Giustiani their Ambassador confessed: That he acknowledged the preservation of the Milanese from the generosity of the Senate, which ran the same course unrequired, preserving friendship with them in their dangers, whose hatred they had not formerly, in their greatest power, feared, nor tolerated their jea­lousies.

Crequi, after several consultations, laying Siege to Valenza, thought, by the gaining of it, a door would be opened into the Milanese for the enjoying the conveniencies of a good part of the Country beyond the Po; Duke Edward would be animated, and Vittorio no less, to co-operate and join Forces. He supposed the attacque would be short and quickly dispatched, notwithstanding that the Spaniards had brought some renfort into it. But he quickly perceived, that Francisco del Cardina making a brave defence, there was need of a stronger Army to take it. The Duke of Parma, with four thou­sand Foot and a thousand Horse, passing through the Tortonese, with so much the more faste, for having beaten by the way some Spanish Troops that attempted to hinder him, had joined with him. He of Savoy, who at first had not approved of the ingagement, lingred for many days. At last, sending the Marquess Villa before with some part of his Troops, himself arrives with the rest, which in all made a body of betwixt five and six thousand Souldiers. Du­ring this interim, Crequi, having not been able, for want of men, to perfect the circumvallation of the place, the Spaniards had enjoyed all conveniencies to bring succours into it. But with the arrival of the Savoyards, being environed on both sides the River, the taking [Page 408] it seemed secure, if the emulation and contention betwixt the Con­federates had not weakened their Force and Counsels. Whereupon, the taking of the out-works going faintly on, Antonio Sotello and the Marquess di Calada took courage to fall into the quarters of Parma, with so great success, that, though repulsed, they did him most remarkable mischief, there being killed, amongst others, Ric­ciardo Avogardo, a Brescian of a very noble Family, General of Ed­wards Horse. Upon this, Carlo Colonna also, who, till the arrival of Leganes out of Flanders, commanded the Spanish Army, putting on resolution incamps himself in the Lommelina, in a quarter near to the place besieged, committing to the Marquess of Torrecuse the de­fence of certain Posts advanced. The French, with the Duke of Mantua, passed to the other side of the Po, into the Savoyards quar­ters, to attempt to dislodge him; but whilst Torrecuso, seconded by Colonna, amused the Enemy, five hundred Souldiers carrying cer­tain provisions, going out of Alessandria, entred into Valenza on the other side, through the quarters ill guarded by the Parmesians and French. Which Crequi understanding, fearing lest the besieged with this re-inforcement might fall into his own quarter, returns thither. And Colonna, now seeing the attempt of a general succour seasona­ble, drew forth his Troops along the sides of the Po, and recovers a Fort at the entry into del Ponte, first possessed by the Savoyards. From thence he thrusts into Valence what was needful; Vittorio looking on without opposition, and Crequi, with a battery afar off, in vain endeavouring to hinder it.

This relief taking away from the Confederates the hopes of ma­stering the place, obliges them, after fifty days Siege, to rise and retire. Every one of the Chiefs desirous not to be held the Au­thour or cause of this ill success, carried away with them their pas­sions and excuses. Crequi highly taxes the faith of the Savoyards, as if that Duke, not caring to see a good issue of the Siege, had re­tarded Victuals, weakly assaulted the Posts of Torrecuse, and at last connived at the entrance of the succours. On the other side Vitto­rio imputes to Crequi want of activity and negligence, not only in the first motion of the Army, but in not hindring the entrance of the first succours, complaining, that the French Army, much weak­er than the agreement, and than was necessary, had no other aim by ingaging themselves but to ingage their friends.

The Duke of Parma was universally blamed for his heat and in­experience, in being joined with a few Forces, and with uncertain and remote succours against so powerful a King. The Pope, as So­veraign of those States, had by the means of the Vice-Legate of Bologna admonished him to desist; but Edward not regarding the friendly office, and Ʋrban not pressing it further, the appearance served rather to satisfie the complaints of the Ministers of Spain, who accused the Pope of negligence, than effectually to promote Peace. The Duke, accompanied with few, goes to the Court at Paris, to inform it how things had passed, and to render to King Lewis and the Cardinal, in sign of his constant adherance, a clear [Page 409] testimony of submission and respect. Vittorio, to cancel past suspi­cions, together with Crequi, takes in the Milanese, Candia, and Sar­tirana, weak Towns; plants afterwards at Breme a Fort in a most convenient situation, under the favour whereof, not only the Fron­tiers, but the very bowels of the Milanese might be greatly infested. Thence gives way that the Marquess Villa getting the good will of the reliques of the Troops of Parma, now in the Piacentino, together with some French, should take up their Winter-quarters there, when they had first overcome the opposition of some other Spanish Troops in the Tortonese.

It seemed to many, that the successes of the Campagnia had not been answerable to the designs and honour of the Confederates, and less to their Forces and the expectation of the World. But the conquest of the Valteline recompensing in a great measure the scanty progress in the Milanese, kept still the Austrians in trouble for Ger­many; whereupon the Emperour giving knowledge of it to the Ve­netians by his Letters, sends Troops to drive out the French. It seeming difficult to force those passages, a report was raised, That by the Mountain Tonale, or by the State of the Republick, they might secretly attempt passage. Rohan craftily augments the suspi­cion, offering to come with all his Forces to their assistance, when the Confines should be violated. But the fact gave quickly the lye to the report; for Fernamont, under the name of the Widow Re­gent of Insbruck, having raised four thousand Foot and four hun­dred Horse, goes down to Bormio, and almost without opposition possesses the whole Country. Thence, strengthened with more men, he designed to enter into the Valley so soon as he should see Ser­bellone ready on the other side to attempt the same. The Spaniards retarding the execution of the concert, the Germans retire into the Valley of Levin, where they found some molestation by the French.

At last, Serbellone being also in readiness, Fernamont marches to­wards Tirano, where being encountred by Rohan at the Bridge of Mazzo over the Adda, he was beaten, and many slain. If the Bridge had been broken in time, almost all the Germans had been cut to pieces. The glory and advantage notwithstanding on the French side was great; for that inferiour in number, through the valour of the Duke, the knowledge of the situations, and some ambushes, he prevailed upon the Enemy. Whilst they were fighting on this side, Serbellone comes to Sondrio with three thousand Foot, four hundred Horse, and certain pieces of Cannon. Rohan without other refresh­ment but that which the satisfaction of the Victory brought, turns that way, sending some Souldiers by the Mountains, which seasona­bly in the time of the Battel might fall upon the Spaniards in the Rear and in the Flanks. But the Fame of the success with the Ger­mans, making more haste than his march, perswades Serbellone to re­tire, under the favour of the Fort Fuentes. Then the French passing again the Valley, went to Bormio, and there the Marquess de Monto­sier couragiously assaulting the Town, the Garrison seeking to escape by flight, were defeated by the Guards, placed on the passages. But [Page 410] the Marquess wounded on the head with a stone, and in the side with Musket-shot, ended his life there, with the reputation of a gallant person. The Fort also of Santa Maria was found abandon­ed, and the French demolished it, intrenching every where the ways, to make the entrance difficult to the Enemy.

Nevertheless the Germans, somewhat come to themselves again, remaining with their gross not above eight miles distant, sent again, to recover their credit, ten Companies of Dragoons and three Re­giments of Foot, who taking Quarters thereabouts, upon frequent occasions, gave lusty Alarms to Rohan, who was imployed in build­ing a Fort at Tirano, where formerly the Venetians and French had placed one; whence the Germans, comprehending how difficult it would prove to send into the Milanese the succours intended by the more direct way, resolved to hasten away some Souldiers by the Bridge of Rapsvil, and through the Country of the Catholick Can­tons. The gross, which amounted to six thousand Foot and eight hundred Horse, lodging in the Valley of Frael, was designing to fall upon Rohan's Camp, which was diminished with sickness and Run­aways; but the Duke taking courage and counsel from necessity and danger, though exceeding much inferiour in Forces, faces at un­awares the Germans upon certain Hillocks, and Monsieur de Canisii threatning to assault them from an eminent situation in the Rear, they took so great a fright, that they retired in disorder under the favour of a Fort not far off.

Serbellone, that knew nothing of what was happened on the other side, advanced as far as Morbegno with seven thousand Foot, seven Companies of Horse, and five Cannons, intrenching himself amidst certain inclosures of Walls, which are frequent thereabout. But it was not long, ere Rohan, leaving Monsieur de la Lande, arrives un­looked for towards Bormio, but with his men so weary with so much travelling to and fro, that it was hazardous to expose them to a fight. But not being willing to give the Enemy time to be informed of the weakness of his, nor to his to examine the strength of the Enemy, ad­vances couragiously to attacque them. At the beginning the French Horse were staggering, nay began to run, when the Duke reproaching some, and giving courage to others, puts himself at the head of them, charging with such fury, that the Troops of Serbellone, after a short resistance, quitted the field. The number of the dead ex­ceeded not six hundred, nor were the Prisoners many; because the greater part saved themselves betimes. Amongst these was found the Count de Valenza, with other Officers, and amongst the dead the Count de San Secondo, who commanded the Horse. Of the hurt, the chiefest was Serbellone. The Spaniards being gone, the Germans also, thinking themselves not sufficiently safe in the Valley of Frael, removed further off, leaving Rohan the Glory and quiet possession of the Valteline for the rest of the Winter. Nevertheless he wanted not enemies from within, and they more troublesom; for no succours coming out of France, he found himself greatly weakned, and underwent necessity and many wants, so much the [Page 411] greater, for that the Plague gotten out of Tirol into the Valteline, the Venetians had forbidden Commerce; so that the passage of Victuals, if not hindred, was at least rendred difficult by reason of the usual cautions.

War being kindled in so many parts, the curiosity and expecta­tion of the World did in a manner weary it self in observing the successes, the reflection upon one emergency coming frequently to be interrupted by another more remarkable. The Fleet of Spain, now put to Sea, recompensing with its strength the delays of the year past, consisted of thirty five Gallies, many great Ships, and other lesser Vessels, with seven thousand Souldiers, commanded by the Duke of Ferandina and the Marquess of Santa Croce. Being under sail, it no sooner came near to the Coast of Provence, but be­ing forced back by a furious storm, it took harbour at Capo Corso, after having lost seven Gallies, and the rest been much shattered, whereof many, to save themselves, flung into the Sea Artillery, Horses, and other Provisions. Some of the Ships ran over to Por­to Longone to repair themselves, but all required much time. Ne­vertheless, put into order again, and at last arriving at the Islands of Eres, which are called St. Honorat and St. Margaret, it happily succeeded in the taking of them, and for the preservation of them presently raised certain Forts there. The enterprise was judged to be of great importance; because the Islands being near to the Conti­nent, lye equally commodious to molest France and the County of Nizza. At Paris therefore they shewed great resentment for it; but for the present giving the best order for Sea-affairs, time did per­mit, Richelieu resolves to defer the remedy, because a storm from Germany pressed him more, if by re-inforcing the Swedes, he had not effected the hindring of it.

The Peace concluded by the Elector of Saxe with the Emperour, in consequence of the Victory obtained by the Austrians at Nord­inghen, gave occasion for great apprehensions, because the Elector had capitulated, not only for himself, but like an Arbitrator for all the Protestants: That Religion and Ecclesiastical Goods should remain in the same state, in which they were found to be in the year 1627; and those, for the restoration whereof the Edict of Ferdinand was published, were to be enjoyed by the Protestants for forty years more. To Augustus his Son should be left the Archbishoprick of Magdenburg, and to the Archduke Leopold, Halverstadt, with an universal Amnesty, which should only exclude the causes of the Palatinate and Bohemia. To Ba­varia should be continued the Electoral Vote and the Country, and if they would be comprehended in the Peace, the Dukedom of Mechelburg, Wol­fenbutel, and Haumburg, should be restored to their first Owners; and to Brandenburg the Investiture of Pomerania should be granted. The place of Philipsburg was to remain in the hand of the Emperour; and the Strangers, or those of the Germans, that would not acquiesce in this Treaty, were to be prosecuted with united Forces as common Enemies; for which end in many Articles were concerted the conjunction of Armies, the Command of them, Contributions, and Quarters.

[Page 412]Although the Protestants universally complained, that Saxe, ad­justing his own affairs, and re-assuming his old inclination to the Au­strians, arrogated to himself the disposing of the affairs of the Empire; nevertheless he, accusing the necessity of things and times, which permitted not wonted forms, drew by his example the Elector of Brandenburg, the Dukes of Brunswick and Lunenburg, with many of the free Cities, and especially Ʋlm, Francfort upon Maine, and Nuremberg, to accept the Peace. After this, sending his Army against the Swedes, he offers Bannier, who commanded them, a million and two hundred thousand Dollers, if without expecting Force, he would be gone out of Germany; but he, interposing excuses and de­lays, found himself pursued and shut up in Pomerania. Baudissen, that commanded the Electors Army, besieges Damitz in that Pro­vince, to dislodge the Swedes out of the strongest places; but as he was opposing the succours, which Banier attempted to bring in­to it, was in a manner wholly defeated, and being beaten a second time in his Retreat at Chintz, was forced to leave Pomerania, and the places which he had before taken. On the other side, the Im­perialists passing the Rhine with a great Party under Jean de Werth, made an Incursion into the Borders of France, while in the mean time, Carlo, Duke of Lorrain, to whom they had assigned the body of an Army, possessed many places in Alsace, and Gallas with con­siderable Conquests along the Rhine and in the Palatinate, recover­ed Frankendale, Gustaveburg, Spire, Worms, and other places. Hei­delberg had not run a differing Fortune, if, while the Castle resisted, Gallas had not thought progress elsewhere more profitable. Mentz was preserved, because France, seeing so great a storm at hand, sent to joyn with Weimar an entire Army under the Cardinal de la Va­lette, who putting on Arms above his Purple, appeared among the Armies and the Lutherans. Binghen was rendred to him, for that Gallas, to invite him to advance, feigned to retire, and afterwards on a sudden with a numerous body of Horse pursued him in such sort, that he was hardly able to save himself with so long a march as obliged him to leave nine of his Cannon in the hand of his Ene­mies. Such a Retreat differed not much from a Rout; so many were of the men lost by the way through weariness and the want of Victuals.

Richelieu was afflicted at these accidents, and because Author of the War, he was himself esteemed in a manner guilty of the success. Nevertheless setting Art and his Wits more strongly to work, and binding himself more closely to the Swedes, he perswades Oxenstern to come to confer with him at Compeigne. Where, contrary to that which commonly results from such Conferences, both confessed the interview had reciprocally increased confidence, and added weight unto Fame. Having like inclinations, parts, and interests, they easi­ly agree upon the continuance of the War, of which having the same ends, they had also the same causes. They therefore agree upon a Treaty to confirm the old, binding themselves by new obli­gations, Not to make a separate Peace, and to make use of all their [Page 413] Force not to render any thing of that whereof they were now in pos­session.

The Duke of Weimar was sometimes wavering, great advantages being offered him by the Austrians; but France confirmed him, dis­bursing to him a great sum of money for the maintaining an Army of twelve thousand Foot, six thousand Horse, and Artillery suita­ble, which he was to imploy in their Service. Alsace was left to him in prey, and Haghenau by France it self, which was possessed of it, was delivered to him, with a special promise not to make Peace but by a common agreement, and without which that Province should remain to the Duke. With this ballance of Arms France hindred, that the Swedes should not be beaten out of the field, though alrea­dy overcome, nor the Austrians enjoy the advantages of Conque­rours. But if by the foresaid accords the means were setled for War, those of Peace remained much more difficult. To propose and manage it, it may truly be said, that there appeared no party in Christendom undefiled with Faction, but the Pope and the Vene­tians; and therefore the parties turned their eyes and minds to­wards them, solliciting them, both with open endeavours and pri­vate intreaties, to undertake the Mediation of so dangerous a Dis­cord.

The Pope, who for the affairs of Lorrain had the years past sent Giulio Mazzarini, his Nuntio Extraordinary, to Paris, by his means in that Court, and by his ordinary Ministers in the others, exhorted all with his powerful intreaties to Peace; and the Republick, by its offices and equal instances pressed it, extending them also to the Princes of different Religion, whether those of Ʋrban could not come, and particularly to the Provinces of Holland. To Oxenstern, who sent to Venice the Count Galeazzo Gualdo, Prior of Vicenza, to communicate the straights in which the party was, and to desire assistance, the Senate gravely offered remonstances of the same na­ture. Giovanni Craft, Counsellor of the Court, passing at this time in the Name of the Emperour to the Princes of Italy, enemies to Spain, to perswade them to Peace, exhorted also the Republick to cooperate in so great a good, and had for answer precise expressions of the desire she had of Peace, and the imployment, which with all her power she contributed to the Mediation.

Ferdinand truly desired Peace in proportion as it closed with his interest; for, affairs being in a better condition, he hoped to make, without disadvantage, and to transmit to his Son the Succession more quiet and secure. And for that cause he was not against the sus­pension of Arms, which the Pope proposed betwixt France and the Austrians; but the Favourites of France and Spain, having reduced their private grudges into publick contests, reciprocally believed the Treaty not sincere, and the Peace not secure. Nevertheless at the request and example of Ʋrban, who publishes the Cardinal Gi­netti his Legate à Latere, Plenipotentiaries were named by the Princes to treat of an Accord, and by so much the more willingly by Richelieu, as that, seeing the French themselves apt to blame the un­prosperous [Page 414] events of their Arms, he thereby obtains a suspension of the peoples censure, by impressing upon them the hopes of Treaties for a Peace. But while the Venetians studied to reconcile the com­mon discords of Christendom, their own differences with the Pope increased. The business concerning the Consul of Ancona, rightly understood by the French Ministers, was at last composed, and Oberti thereupon admitted to the Charge, and a while after leave was granted him by the Senate to withdraw himself for a time out of the City.

After this, Meetings being renewed, the Negotiation about the Confines was taken in hand again, the French Ambassadour Monsieur de la Thuillerie treating about it in Venice, with the two formerly de­puted, Nani and Soranzo, proposing to draw a Line, which, always terminating upon the Land, left no other difficulty but to adjust, that the Chanels of the Po, changing their course, and passing the Line, if that of the Donzella should pass to the other, it should be understood to belong to the Dominion Ecclesiastick, and contrariwise, that of the Goro coming to this side, it should belong to the Venetians. But the Popes Ministers, after having in the course of the Negotiation several times changed their minds in the closing with the foresaid Proposition, pretended, that Portoviro should remain on their side. This is but the remaining sign of a narrow Chanel, or rather a moorish Ditch; but because it bore a good deal within the Line, and was a place of the unquestionable Jurisdiction of the Venetians, they would not joyn their consent to the liking of the French, who shewed themselves, by reason of the novelty of the pretension, of­fended with the Pontificians. But this and all other Negotiation was broken off with Rome, by a more important occasion happen­ing towards the end of this year; for the Ambassadour Luigi Con­tarini was scarce gone out of the City, having had leave of the Se­nate to go to certain Baths in Tuscany, and thence home, leaving, till a Successor should arrive, Francesco Maria Rossi, his Secretary, at the Court, but there appeared in the Royal Hall (this is the No­bles Room in the Vatican, where the Ambassages of Kings, which are termed of Obedience, are received by the Pope) an alteration of the Elogium, which commemorated the Merit gained by the Re­publick in the defence of Pope Alexander the Third against Frede­drick Barbarossa the Emperour, almost five Ages agone happily sub­dued by Arms, and constrained to a Peace.

Rome it self was amazed at such a novelty, because the Inscripti­ons, by which were explained the Pictures in the Hall of the most memorable actions of Christendom, had been made choice of in the time of Pope Pius the Fourth, by a Consultation of Cardinals and other Learned persons, and that in particular had been extracted by Alexander out of the most ancient proofs, the consent of Authors, Inscriptions, Pictures, Marbles, and out of authentick and infi­nite Memorials, and though in these late times called into doubt by Cardinal Baronius, yet the credit of the History remained, and out of it redounded praise to the Republick, and to the Church renown. [Page 415] Now the Pope, changing the Elogium, altered the matter of Fact,An. Dom. 1636 suppressed the Victory of the Venetians, and was silent in all that which advanced their deserving and the benefit imparted to the Church. Upon the advice hereof, which came to Venice, mens minds were unspeakably moved, and the thing was not only weigh­ed in the Consults of the Senators, and gravely reflected on; but in common discourses many of the Citizens authorized themselves to aggravate, that the Pope, after having given so many other argu­ments of disaffection to the Republick, had at last resolved to vent his anger against Marble-stones, and disquiet the ashes in the Sepul­chres, abolishing out of the World, as much as he was able, the Me­morials, and cancelling the Glory of their Ancestors.

Some complained, that Ʋrban should deny to acknowledge that Merit of the Republick, to which his Predecessors had not disdain­ed to confess themselves obliged. Others, that in the doubtful state of Religion, in so many parts oppressed, in the discords of Christen­dom, and the general corruption of Manners, he should apply him­self to dispute reputation with the dead. All confessed, that the Republick could no more send Ambassadours to venerate, as is the custom, in that Hall the Vicars of Christ, so long as their most Illu­strious Memorials should remain suspended, if not condemned. But the Senate presently commanded Rossi, that he should come away without taking leave of the Pope or of the Court; and the Colledge, that they should deny Audience to the Nuntio, and communicating to Princes the real resentment of what had happened, declare, that no other course or expedient could ever satisfie it, but the entire re­stitution of the ancient Elogium.

ANNO MDCXXXVI.

In the beginning of this year happened in Venice a thing, almost not to be spoken of, if it had not been tossed up and down variously in discourses, more perhaps than it deserved. The long habit of the Patricians, by custom of immemorial time, retains the reverence and gravity of the ancient Togati; and in Magistrates of Eminency was distinguished, as to Authority and Respect, by the colour and largeness, whereupon such a Garment was called Ducale, or more vulgarly with Large Sleeves. Those that came out of the Charge of Counsellors, or of the Savii of the Council, which among those, be­longing to the City and Policy, have the chiefest ranks, and who in Ambassages to Kings had done Service to the Country, bringing back the degree of Knighthood, continued to use the same form of Garment, but black, during their lives. When this custom had its beginning, is not known, or whether there was a Law for it, oblite­rated by time, or that time had given it the authority of a Law. The number now seemed somewhat enlarged, whilst a certain vir­tuous desire to render themselves distinguished from the common, provoked many to sollicite the chief Imployments of the City, and to merit them, animated to undertake those abroad, that were more [Page 416] difficult and burdensom. Some began with whispers, afterwards with more open discourses in Companies and the idle Market-place, to blame the custom and the distinction not authorized by a Law, nay rather to accuse it, as an ambitious invention of those, who not being able through the wise Institutions of the Republick to continue in the Magistracy, had yet a mind for ostentation to bear the Badges of it. They said, That in these Garments was not mani­fested that moderation of a private life, in which the interchangeable course of command regulates the equality of the Citizens. Whence was that Law, which in the Republick, if liberty exempts from the com­mand of Strangers, moderates and restrains the pride and avarice of private men? Can possibly Honours be wanting to Citizens, or can Ci­tizens be wanting for Honours, where, in the quality of Birth, they all enjoy the ornament of liberty united to the dignity of command? Their service being as a debt, which is lent to the Country, ought to pass with­out reward, and if the imployments be short, to the end that the exer­cise of them may be modest, why should a perpetual distinction be desi­red? That in the moderate minds of the Citizens were more firmly grounded the Ornaments of Dignity, the Monuments of Glory, the Badges, and the Praises.

Others dissented from that opinion, believing that with the uni­formity of Garments was intended the taking away the degrees and difference, not only from Persons, but from Merit, in such sort, that actions and persons should undistinguishedly be confounded. Never­theless by Anthony Veniero and Andrea Morosini, Counsellors, Gio­vanni Baptista Foscarini and Giovanni Cernovicchio, Capi de Quaran­ta, was proposed to the great Council a Decree, that laying aside the Ducals by those that wore them, and not continuing them for the future, when out of Office, they should only be reserved to the Procurators of St. Marco, the Eldest Son or Brother of the Dukes, and to the Great Chancellor, to whom they were already permit­ted by the Laws. To Knights, in honour of the degree, it was granted, that under the Vest should be worn Garments of red, and the Welt of the Robe, with the Ornaments of the Girdle, gilt. Con­formable to the inclination of the major number it was embraced, though the Duke, and Francesco Basadonna, Giovanni Pizani, Dome­nico Ruzzini, Counsellors, together with Francesco Barbarigo, Capo de Quaranta, proposed, that this very ancient custom should not be abolished, but rather reformed, yielding that Vest in future to him, that should have twice undergone the Charge of Counsellor, or four times that of Savio of the Council; reckoning also within that num­ber Embassies and Governments. Immediately with a notable Ex­ample of Punctuality was seen the day following the Habits laid aside, some remaining, from age, their grey hairs, and their merit, taken notice of by the people, much more adorned and distinguish­ed, than they were before by the Garment. A while after an at­tempt was made by Girolamo Trivisano, Girolamo Pesaro, and Marino Bragadino, Avogadori of the Commons, to suspend the resolution, to the end it might be proposed anew with some kind of reformation; [Page 417] but it being confirmed, no more was said of it, which signified, that in the debates of businesses the Understanding is in the Citizens, the Father of divers opinions; but, after Decrees past, the Will is in all equally, the Mother of obedience.

Re-assuming now the discourse of the War betwixt the Crowns; Forces not inferiour to the hatreds were in preparation; nor had advantages served on the one side to pacifie them, or losses on the other to suppress them; but from ancient experiences and new suc­cesses, the Forces seeming rather equally poised, the emulation of minds was so much the more inflamed. In Italy the Spaniards du­ring the Winter were very strong, both by the arrival of new suc­cours, and because the passages for Germany and for Flanders being shut before them, they were forced to entertain the Army in that Province. On the other side the French, partly consumed before Valenza, and partly by natural impatience disbanded, appeared to be greatly weakned. Nevertheless there wanted not several Factions of War. The Marquess Villa lodged with the Troops which served for Convoy to those of Duke Edward in the Piacentino, and had order to made an Inroad into the Modonese, to revenge the adhe­rence of that Duke, and the sending of Souldiers to the Spaniards.

To have a pretext for it, he desires quarters might be given to a part of his Troops, and that being denied him, he falls of a sudden into the Territory of Modena with a thousand Foot and as many Horse, plundering Castelnuovo and other places, and carrying away the Booty. The Duke, from the flames and flight of the Peasants informed of the assault, was greatly surprised, because the mischief was done him by the Troops of the Duke of Savoy, his Uncle, and he was obliged to revenge himself upon him of Parma, his Neigh­bour, Kinsman, and till now Confident. He and his Country were taken unprovided of men, and if he invited the Spaniards, he knew the succours would cost him dear. Having recourse to the Vene­tians, he found, that if amidst the discords of Strangers they kept themselves neuter, they would much less take other part amongst the Princes of Italy, than to perswade and sollicite Peace; so that he was forced to address himself to Leganes, the Governour of Mi­lan; and he, readily embracing the invitations, sends him two thou­sand Foot and eight hundred Horse with his best Commanders, which were Vincenzo Gonzagha, the Baron de Batteville, and the Count Arese. To these joyning between three and four thousand men tumultuarily got together of the Country-Militia, under the Prince Luigi his Uncle, who by leave of the Venetians was come in­to that Country, he sends them into that of Parma, whither Villa was withdrawn, who assaulting them with great bravery in their march towards Parma, forced them to a Retreat, Gonzagha and al­most all the Spanish Officers being hurt. Nevertheless Rossena, which is a little District beyond the River Lenza, belonging to Par­ma, remained in the hands of the Modenese, in recompence of the damages, or rather for a fair pretext for a Treaty. In effect, the Dukes, Edward and Francis, had little inclination to break into [Page 418] War betwixt themselves and the Savoyards, letting pass this resent­ment as in complacence to the French, cared not it should go fur­ther; whereupon Monsieur Mellino, Bishop of Smola, being sent by the Pope to sollicite an adjustment, though for that time, in regard of the interests of the Crowns who desired, to have their parts in it, he obtained it not; yet he effected, that animosities should be laid aside, and hostilities tacitly suspended. But the Territories of Parma were more severely afflicted; for that to free the Modenese from harms, or rather to punish that Duke for the hostility undis­creetly attempted, and to bring him also to a Peace by force; Le­ganes sent between four and five thousand men, with Carlo della Gatta, into the Piacentino, who possessed the Castle St. Giovanni, Rottofre­do, and some Villages, dispersing the Troops every where to plun­der and burn the Country with as much mischief as could be. At this very time Vincenzo Imperiale passing the Mountains of the Ge­nouese, takes Val Ditaro, as a Country to which the Family of Doria pretended right.

Edward was still at Paris; so that upon so many Invasions, the Dutchess his Wife, who governed in his absence, being in disor­der, fearing Gabioneda, requests the Duke of Mantua to send a ren­fort thither, possibly believing, that making use for that purpose of the Troops of the Venetians, they might interest themselves in the maintenance of that place, which gave jealousie to so many. But the Senate not consenting that they should elsewhere be disposed of but for the Garrison of Mantua; Monsieur de la Tour, who for France remained with the Duke in quality of General of his Troops, perswades him to send thither two hundred Foot of his own, which were of the Garrison of Porto. But they were no sooner brought into it, but they were sent back to Mantua, either because there was no need of so slender succours, or because those of Parma con­ceived it better in all events, that Sabioneda should depend upon themselves, without bringing into it the Troops of a Neighbour, who pretended right to it, and had interest for it.

The lamentable condition of the Country of Parma being come into France, the Duke parts Post, loaded with hopes; but being come into Italy, found that he had brought from Court more liberal promises than he could receive ready succours. He passionately de­sired, with the French Troops and Savoyards joining, to assault the Milanese, and, opening the way with his Sword, revenge at once the damage done his Country. Crequi excuses himself upon seve­ral pretexts, sometimes alledging the scanty number of men, and then shewing an unsuperable intrenchment, which, to dispute the passage, the Spaniards had raised, and well fortified along the Scri­via. He promises nevertheless to assist him by diversions; where­upon the Duke, to defend his own, was forced, incognito and ac­companied but with few, by the River of Genua and by Lunigiana, to get into his own Country, where he was received by the peo­ple with great applause.

Most effectual Orders were surely sent from France, not to let [Page 419] Edward be brought to despair, or his Country be lost. The Duke of Rohan, to make a diversion, was the first that advanced towards the Lago di Como, where, taking la Toretta, which is near the Fort Fuentes, and afterwards the Town of Golico, made that Fort use­less, to the great trouble of the Spanish Ministers, and terrour to the Country. But the Duke could not long remain there, having not only want of means to advance and subsist, but doubting, lest, if he went too far off, the Germans should come through Tirol into the Valteline, where the people, though he had declared by a pub­lick Edict, that other Religion than the Catholick should not be practised, hated the Nation and the General, being many ways vexed by the insolency of the Souldiery. So that contenting him­self to have plundred le Pievi and other Towns di Valsasna, he re­tires. He had demanded of the Venetians passage, that through a Friends Country to rights and with more speed he might go to the succours of Parma, not that in truth he did believe he should obtain it, but that by the negative the Crown might better justifie it self to the Duke. The Spaniards also, to oppose him, asked the same for the Germans which were to come out of Tirol into the Mi­lanese. But the Senate, to one and t' other, refuse it, on the just pretext of the Plague, which no less aflicted Tirol than the Val­telline.

Rohan being not yet retired, Crequi, to strengthen the diversion, enters into the Milanese on the other side, having, besides some Troops come to him out of France, perswaded the Duke Victorio to join Forces; so that the Army consisted of ten or twelve thousand Foot, and betwixt two or three thousand Horse. Vigevano was threatned, and being furnished but with a slender defence, the taking of it was judged easie, to the so great terrour of the whole Country, that in the City of Milan fear at last was turned into tumult. Leganes was therefore constrained to hasten thither with all his Forces, calling back those which made spoil in the Piacentino, and leaving Sorbel­lone a few Troops, that intrenching himself at Mus, he might make head the best he could against Rohan, and, if need required, succour the Fort Fuentes by the Lago de Como: He then encamps at Abbia­grasso to cover the innermost parts of the State, and keep off hosti­lity from that fruitful and delicious Country. The Territories of the Duke of Parma by this means taking breath, the Marquess Villa had not much to do to recover Castel St. Giovanni, and plundring some Villages of the Country of Pavia to join without opposition the Army of the Confederates.

They, in the opportunity of undertaking many things, stood un­resolved and in suspence, what in particular was fit to be underta­ken; nor did the Duke of Savoy and Crequi agree. Whereupon quitting the thought of Vigevano, and threatning in several parts, they ingaged in none. At last with changing quarters and running to and fro, having for some Weeks spoiled the Lomellina, they ad­vanced into the Novarese, and took Fontanetto a place of little note, but shall for the future remain famous by the death of Thoiras, who [Page 420] playing the Volunteer with Vittorio, shot with a Musket, dyed im­mediately on the place. Thence they passed to Olleggio, in design to seize upon Arona, a Castle upon the Lago majore, by the possession whereof passage was not only opened to rich and well-peopled Val­lies, which might serve for convenient Winter-quarters; but was shut to Succours and Levies, which were to come out of Germany by that way which alone remained open to the Spaniards. And in this also proceeding slowly, the Counts Borromei, to whom the Fief belongs, had time to fortifie it, and with Garrisons to strengthen the narrow paths of those Mountains. But in truth, a more notable oc­casion allured the French to hopes of better successes by passing the Tesino, always believed a strong and almost invincible Rampart of the Milanese. That River falling from the Alps, and passing through il Lago maggiore, for a little space straightned by Rocks, runs impe­tuously amongst the stones; thence falling into a Plain, waters a fruitful Campagnia, and bearing Boats, serves commodiously for the use of that Country, so long, till with a large Chanel and a plea­sant Stream, it discharges it self into the Po. Where the Plain begins, the Confederates seeing all defence abandoned, and far off, casting over a Bridge of Boats, brought thither upon Carts, pass it. At Tornavento, which is no other than a Country-house, the Quarter was planted, and certain Ditches cast up in ancient times, called Pan Perduto, served for Trenches. They diverted immediately the Navillio, which is a Chanel, that for the convenience of Com­merce conveys part of the water of the Tesino to Milan, to the so great confusion of that City, that imagining the Enemy at the Gates, as if there had been neither time nor escape, many fled hasti­ly with the best of their Houshold-stuff towards the Country of the Venetians.

The Cardinal Trivulsio getting on Horse-back, with his Credit and Authority, which he had very great amongst the Citizens, run­ning up and down the streets, animated some, strengthned all, and distributing Arms to the Inhabitants, appointed Guards, and gave out Orders, restrained the fright, and in a great measure quieted the Tumult, which the Spanish Ministers, retiring themselves, fear­ed rather to irritate with their presence. The City raged against Leganes, that with an Army so well appointed having not hindred that passage, carelesly amused himself in beholding the dangers and the damage; but, as it happens in such emergencies, fear reigned every where more than counsel: for if in Milan they were astonish­ed, the Confederates were also perplexed, whilst the number of their men was not proportionable to the design of besieging that City, and their chief purpose was vanished, which in truth was to joyn with Rohan, and with united Forces to advance, either before Mi­lan, or into the bowels of the Country to carry fear into it, and bring back some notable Conquest; but Rohan too soon, and Crequi too late being come into the Milanese, the one being not able to sub­sist there, and the other not to make any progress, were the occa­sion of more noise than hurt. Besides this, they wanted Victuals, [Page 421] and above all, the inclination of the Savoyards did not conspire in the same ends. Nevertheless Leganes was exercised with many thoughts. To go nearer with the Army to Milan, he feared to car­ty famine and commotion thither; if he drew nearer to the Confe­derates to hazard a Battel, he considered in the uncertain issue the certain loss of the whole State.

At last after several days, perceiving by the Enemies not advan­cing, that their thoughts were in disorder, and their Forces not so strong, perswaded rather by universal reproaches than the opinion of his Counsellors, he resolves to rise from Abbiagrasso, and advance towards the Enemy, without other design than to reap the advan­tage of the occasions. He found, that for conveniency of Forrage the Savoyards were returned to the other side of the River; whence he judged it seasonable to set upon the French on this side. Charg­ing therefore a part of their Cavalry, which was roving without the Camp, and obliging them to retire, he afterwards attacques the Trenches and Forts. The fight was obstinate and irksom, in a long days work, and in the heat of June, to such a degree, that after ma­ny hours both Armies being weary, the French could no longer re­sist, nor the Spaniards prevail. In the heat of the Battel, it seemed as if Leganes had had the better; but the Duke Vittorio, having re­passed the Tesino, brought Crequi succours so seasonably, that For­tune began to waver. But night separated, and Leganes, not ha­ving a more convenient Quarter near, returns to Abbiagrasso. Be­twixt both the parties, about three thousand men were killed, and of the Spaniards, Gerardo Gambacorta, General of the Neopolitan Horse, a valiant and prudent Person. To determine who had the advantage in the fight, whilst each ascribed it to himself, it was fit to observe the consequences; and because in an Enemies Country it seems, that he that makes no progress is the person worsted, the advantage was at last adjudged to the Spaniards, because the French, though they staid some days in their Quarters, yet at last repassed the Tesino. Their desires thereby were, in prosecution of the same end, to open the way into the Vallies formerly mentioned, to possess Anghiera upon the Lago maggiore, or Romagna near to the Sesia; but neither succeeding, they thereupon retire, Crequi to Breme with a very few Forces, and Vittorio to Vercelli to defend his own Country. Discord between them brake forth more and more; the Duke up­braiding the French with the service of having saved them at Tor­navento, and Crequi ascribing to the Savoyards the having missed oc­casions and successes. But if the Duke felt the dissatisfactions of the Confederates, Piedmont resented the injuries of the Spaniards; for that Philippo di Silva, General of the Horse, over-running the Country, recovered Annone, possessed by the Confederates when they first moved, and made himself Master of Gattinara, carrying ruine and desolation where ever he came. He of Parma enjoying a short suspension of mischiefs, assembling some of his own Troops, and some French being come to him by the River of Genoua, at­tempts to recover Rottofredo; but Martino d'Aragona coming upon [Page 422] him with a greater Party, he was constrained to rise. And appre­hending greater oppressions after the French should be dislodged from the Milanese, he sends to Paris Count Fabio Scoti, the most trusted of his Ministers, to the end that as Author of the counsel to adhere to that Crown, he might also be the better instrument to obtain powerful succours.

But the affairs of that Kingdom were in so great turbulence, that there was but faint hope to obtain assistance; for the Spaniards inva­ded Picardy, and Gallas, with the Duke of Lorrain, spoiled the Duke­dom of Burgundy and Champaigne, the people miserably suffering the punishments of faults, which were not their own. The French ha­ving renounced neutrality with the County of Burgundy, under pre­tence that in Alsace that Province had afforded assistance to the Imperialists and Lorrainers, the Prince of Conde had laid Siege to Dole; but after having reduced it to great extremities, by losing much time with his great slackness, he frustrated the enjoyment of so near a Conquest; for Lamboy and Merci being come with power­ful Forces to its Succours under the Emperours Colours, whilst the Spanish Army plaid the Conquerours in Picardy, obliged the King to recall him, and command him to raise the Siege. The Spaniards under Prince Thomaso, and with the assistance of Piccolomini, sent by the Emperour with a good number of men, had besieged la Chapelle, forcing the Governour, the Baron de Beck, to give it up after eight days Battery. The Catelet followed the example, but with less de­fence. They afterwards attacque Corby to assure the passage of the Somma, and whilst the Siege lasted, Jean de Werdt and Piccolomini made a course as far as Pontoise with the Cavalry, burning and plun­dering every where. The place being taken sooner by much than it ought to have been, there was no other obstacle betwixt that and Paris.

But Armies, though victorious, have always greater suspicions and difficulties than are conceived by the conquered. Therefore applying themselves to ransack the Country, and to raise the crys of the people against the Author of the War and the evils thereof, they put Richelieu into a great straight, but gave him time to ward the blow. He in the beginning was in great trouble, and knowing the City of Paris easie to be stirred, hard to be governed, often­times suspicious to the King, and always troublesom to the Mini­sters, had thoughts of carrying the King and Court to Orleans. But in Council being boldly in this extremity reproached by others, that if he had brought the Kingdom into danger, he ought not to leave it without remedy, taking heart, he applies himself to the de­fence. From the hatred against him proceeded in great part the present mischiefs; for of the Governours of the places taken it was believed, that some of them had been corrupted before they were besieged, and that others had hastened the Surrender to burden with ignominy and infelicity the Director of the present Government. He therefore applies himself in his adversity to other Arts, than those which are usually practised in the prosperity of Fortune. He takes [Page 423] away the Gabels, puts Arms into the peoples hands, gives the com­mand of Armies to the Princes of the blood; that their considera­tion and credit might invite Souldiers, and keep them under the Colours, which, by reason of his Government, were abhorred. Sois­sons was the first, who, having near to la Fera augmented in haste the Army which he already commanded, attempted to oppose the incursions of the Enemy; but they beating the Regiment of Pied­mont, he was forced to retire to Noijon to defend the Country, till Orleans should come into the Field with greater Forces. Under the Mareshal de la Force, greatly beloved of the Parisians, twenty thousand of them took Arms, to haste to prevent the mischiefs, which Burgundy and Champaigne lay under.

Gallas, after by burning and pillaging he had given vent to the natural cruelty of the Polonian Cavalry and the Croats, came with an Army of forty thousand men to lodge at Fontaine Francoise, and, to fix his station there by some considerable Conquest, endeavours to possess St. John de Losne; but Richelieu calling Weimar and la Va­letta out of Germany to succour the Kingdom, sent the Count of Ranzau so seasonably into the place, that withstanding the first at­tacques of the Imperialists, it gave time to the French to strengthen themselves with so many Troops, that being equal to the Enemy, or rather more considerable, by reason of the knowledge and ad­vantage of the situation, obliged him, without the hazard of a Battel, to retire, loaden with pillage and much more with blame; spoil alone seeming a recompence disproportionable to the occasion, to fortune, and to so powerful an Army. Yet it is true, that Gal­las had just excuses, though not then discovered, having secret Commission from the Emperour to hazard nothing, and not to in­gage the Army just at that time, when at Ratisbone the election of a King of the Romans was ripening, to the end to make use of the countenance and power of the Army for incouragement of the bu­siness, if need required.

The Forces also in Picardy being wearied and weakned by run­ning to and fro and plundring, the Infanta was not able to make any further progress, distracted also from the side of Holland; for that Orange, having after a long Siege regained Schink Schans upon conditions, was in complacency to the French in the Field, threat­ning certain Forts, which not far from Antwerp lye alongst the Scheld.

Orleans therefore had the opportunity to recover Roye after ten days attacque, and thence laying the Siege before Corby in a short time takes in the outworks. The King was at Amiens to incourage the enterprise, and afterwards came to the Camp, to be present at the surrender, which the Spaniards could not hinder, though they threatned Dourlans, because Soissons opposed them. Thus the for­tune of the Kingdom and the Cardinal breathed again, in as much as also on the other side near the Pireneans, the Almirante of Castil having with a great Army besieged Bayonne, the Count of Gram­mont, Governour of Bearn, had obliged him to raise it. Domestick [Page 424] affairs notwithstanding grew somewhat turbulent, many in Zaintonge and other Provinces rising against the Impositions: So that eigh­teen thousand men were actually in Arms under the Marquess d'Iso­dun, Brother to Charlois, whose head some years past Richelieu had caused to be cut off. Nevertheless one part of these Mutineers was quickly quieted, and the other suppressed.

The discontents of the Princes that had commanded the Armies had yet a worse appearance; because the Campania was no sooner at an end, but they were aware, that they had enjoyed employ­ment not to advance them to command, but to keep them quiet, and that Richelieu had only made use of them during the storm, leaving to others the pains and the dangers, and reaping to himself the reward and the credit. Orleans, who before he made an end of the Siege of Corby, perceived that he served not in the Army but for a shadow, was gone to Blois, but coming after the giving of it up to the Court, to congratulate with the King, departs of a sudden without seeing him, together with Soissons, both publishing to have certain advice, that a Prison was to be their recompence.

The Cardinal applies his Wits to reconcile in the first place the King to his Brother, who was not gone further than Blois; nor was it difficult for him to do it, under promise that the marriage with the Sister of Lorrain should be approved. The Count then weak­ned by the separation from the other, received it for a favour, that he might for four years abide at Sedan, where he appeared to be. France now in this year, by new Treaties, closes more nearly with the Swedes, concluding one in Wismar, wherein all the former being confirmed, the War was distributed into the hereditary Pro­vinces of the Austrians, Bohemia and the Provinces adjacent being allotted to the Swedes, and to France those that were nearest the Rhine. William Landgrave of Hessen came into this Treaty, France agreeing to pay him a great Pension, and two hundred thousand Dollars for the subsistence of his Army. Whereupon he made no small progress; for he not only obliged the Catholick Army, which besieged Osnaburg, to withdraw, but surprised Minden, and brought succours seasonably into Hanau, besieged by Lamboy. Neverthe­less, these ballanced not the advantages of the Saxons, who after a long Siege got Magdenburg, and afterwards Verben; Banier, who saw himself very much weakned, being obliged to go towards the Sea to receive a powerful renfort that was sent him out of Swede.

The King of Hungary, leaving the command of the Army to Gal­las, going to Ratisbone, obtains at last the Crown of King of the Romans, promoted by the reputation and glory gotten in the Wars, and the being adorned with all those virtues which rendred him the most worthy Heir of the Piety and Crowns of his Father. The Spa­niards employing plentifully Gold and endeavours, the Electors were induced to it from the common danger, lest the Emperour coming to dye, amidst so many confusions and accidents, there should not remain liberty for a new choice. Bavaria, at first averse, now, almost seventy years old, having taken to Wife Maria Anna, [Page 425] the Emperours Daughter,An. Dom. 1637 by the birth of a Son enjoyed the first fruits of his posterity. Whereupon, to secure also to his Successors the Electorat, he promoted with more earnest the Affairs of the Au­strians. Some of the greatest opposers were gained with money and presents; nor availed it ought, that the French remonstrated the Empire was rendring it self successive in that House, which, having a long time enjoyed it, hence-forward would pretend it by right and custom; nor, that they offered the Forces of the Crowns con­federate, to maintain the liberty of their Votes; nor, that in the name of the Elector of Trier they interposed their protest of Nullity: for the Election passed with the full consent of the others, and gene­ral applause of the whole Empire. Whereupon arose in the Trea­ties of Peace a lasting difficulty; whilst France, by reason of the exclusion of the Elector of Trier from the Diet, would not acknow­ledge the new King of the Romans but for King of Hungary. Nei­ther were other lets wanting, the confederate Crowns pretending (after the fears were over in France, during which Richelieu had shewed great propensity to Peace, to becalm with the Treaty the fury of the Armies,) Pass-ports for the Hollanders and the Prote­stants of the Empire their Confederates, and the Emperour and Spaniards denying them to these, as to Vassals, and to the others as to Rebels, and therefore uncapable to appear in the assembly in quality of Soveraigns.

But, notwithstanding that difficult and tedious obstacles were foreseen, the Pope dispatches to Colen, the City appointed for the conference, the Cardinal Ginetti his Legate, who passing through the Territory of the Venetians, and being received with meet ho­nours, sent to the Republick a Letter from Ʋrban, which with much urgency perswaded it to co-operate in the mediation of the Peace. The Senate, distinguishing its own disgusts from the common inte­rests, accepted it, and complied with it, making choice at the in­stances of the Ministers of France and Spain of Giovanni Pesari, Ca­valier, for Ambassador at the meeting. In this year the memory of things past being now abolished by the Peace, by time the Mi­nisters of the Emperour and King of Spain began again with those of the Republick the ancient correspondence, with the wonted pa­rity of usage; whereupon Giovanni Grimani was sent to Vienna Am­bassador in ordinary, and from the Emperour was sent to Venice An­thonio, Baron di Rabbata.

ANNO MDCXXXVII.

The distraction of the French, and their retreat out of the Mila­nese, had put the Duke of Parma into very great straits: for Lega­nes sends an Army upon his back under the command of the Cardi­nal Trivultio, who, besides publick respect, had particular motives of hatred against Edward. At the same time Martin d'Arragon roved with the Cavalry betwixt Parma and Piacenza, and taking St. Don­nino, a City which enjoys the dignity of a Bishops See, wasted the [Page 426] Country called Pallavicino; for it formerly had been confiscated from the Dukes of that Family, and Gille de Haes in another part had gain­ed Rivalta, though well fortified by force. The body of the Army attacqued Puiglio upon the Lenza, and finding resistance, would not stop there, but carried the seat of the War and the force of their Arms to the Siege of Piacenza. The Duke shutting himself up there, and providing the Citadel, had therein alone placed the hopes of defence; but after some little contest in the very beginning of the Siege, lost, together with certain Mills, the Island, which the Po formed over against the City, and which, besides the offence it gave the Town it self by Batteries, hindred the Navigation upon the Ri­ver. The Duke now began to perceive, that he had been more greedy to undertake a War than able to defend himself. Never­theless was not wanting to sollicite for succours in several Courts. The Pope, Soveraign of the Country, exceeded not mediation and Offices for Peace by the means of Count Ambrogio Carpegna, who by very secret and private Commission from the Barberins con­voyed offers to Edward of secret Subsidies of Money, provided he would yield to their House certain Towns belonging to the Duke­dom of Castro. The great Duke also sends to Piacenza Dominico Pandolfino, that he might interpose in the adjustment, and by per­swading the Duke to it by necessity, positively denied him all assi­stance.

Nor would the Venetians alter their neutrality, judging, that whilst the Pope, as Soveraign, the great Duke as Kinsman, the French and Savoyards as Confederates, did not lend him their hand, there was no more effectual argument for them not to out-run the others. And the Spaniards with many flatteries assured them, that as the Incursions into the Dukes Countries were only resentments of the damages done by him to the Milenese, so if the Fortune of the War should make any conquest, it should either be restored or de­posited, as a generous testimony of that moderation, with which it was to be understood their King exercised revenge against an infe­riour Prince. And in effect, they straightened the place but slow­ly, rather to bring the Duke to an agreement, than to take it, as well knowing into what disorder in that case, by reason of the pre­tensions of the Church, they should put themselves, and what jea­lousies would thereupon be raised in the minds of the Princes of Italy. The Duke also falling very sick, inclined at last to an Ac­cord, not seeing succours any where in a readiness; for although the Fleet of France, now at Sea, appeared with some number of Ships in the Mediterranean, making as if it would attempt to dis­imbark, and thrust in succours to him; yet the Spanish with Forces equal disputed it, and Leganes by Land had so fortified the passa­ges, that it would be difficult, and a work of time to force them. In the beginning then of the year, excluding Carpegna from the Trea­ty, as little acceptable to the Spaniards, by reason of his inclinations to Ʋrban, and not more to the Duke, by reason of the projects of the Barberins, the agreement was by Melo and Pandolfino concluded, [Page 427] and almost at the same instant approved and executed by both the parties; for desiring not to be discovered in the Negotiation, they equally endeavoured expedition and secrecy; the one, that the French, who had their Garrison both in Parma and Piacenza, might not give them any disturbance; and the other, because Sabioneda being by the Duke to be put into the power of the Spaniards, they doubted lest the Duke of Mantua should take jealousie, and in his regard the Venetians resent it. From the effect only and the execu­tion was argued the substance of the Conditions.

The Garrison of the French in Piacenza was sufficiently strong, and in a condition, if it had been aware of the Treaty, to have crossed it, and to have resisted, if they had attempted to turn them out by force. The Duke therefore, obliged not only to make use of secrecy, but of care, calling together the Souldiers, with Mon­sieur Paulo who commanded them, into a place apart, under pre­tence of giving them a months pay, and there turning the Cannon against them, excusing in a few words the necessity of the agreement, with courteous expressions gave them their discharge. To those that were in Piacenza, passage was permitted through the Mila­nese towards Piedmont; the others that were in Parma, retired to Viadana in the Mantuan, and from thence through the State of the Venetians passed by small parties into the Valteline. And now the Duke was restored by the Spaniards into those Territories taken by them, and into Goods, which at the beginning of the War he possessed in the Kingdom of Naples, and had been confiscate. With the Duke of Modena misunderstandings ceased, Rossena being ren­dred back to Edward. He on the other side gives up Sabioneda as the price of the Peace and the Restitutions, withdrawing his Garri­son out of it, and receiving an hundred thousand Crowns of the Go­vernour of Milan, under the notion of repairing his expences. Ti­berio Brancaccio was hereupon observed to enter into it with Neapo­litan Foot, it being given out, to take away from the envy of the fact, that by the Testament of the old Princess of Stigliana, who at this time dyed, he was named Governour; whereupon he had levi­ed those Souldiers for the custody of it, till amidst many Pretenders the cause should be decided by the Emperour.

Time quickly discovers the dissembling, it coming clearly to be known, that the Revenue being left to Anna, a young Princess, as hath been said, and she married to the Duke of Medina de las Tor­res, Vice-King of Naples, the Governour and the Garrison depend­ed upon the Spaniards, who with the Art of patience and opportu­nity came at last to the possession of that, a sole thought whereof had formerly raised jealousies and stirs. Great was the sorrow, with which in France they understood the agreement; Richelieu compre­hending, that to retain the old friends faithful, & to acquire new ones in Italy, no means could have been more powerful, than vigorously to have maintained and protected him, that with so much fervency had discovered himself to side with that Crown. But if France with its distractions excused the abandoning of the Duke, he with his neces­sity [Page 428] justified the agreement; so that admitting easily of his excuses, the King assures him of his affection, and the Duke preserved in his heart his inclinations entire to the French.

Nevertheless the reputation and interest of France had hereupon a great down-fall every where in Italy; whilst the Grisons also, per­ceiving that they were rather oppressed than succoured by Rohan, shoke off the yoke, obtaining of the Spaniards those Conditions, which in the Treaty of Monzone they were to have had of the French. Out of the supposition to be restored to the possession of the Valteline, or rather by the promise made them by Rohan, they were perswaded to receive the Bridle of the Forts, and to concur in the Enterprise with Arms. The Duke then being pressed by the three Leagues to put the Valley into their hands, now making ex­cuses, and then proposing Treaties, to the end to unite the minds of the people to their ancient Lords, affected delays. At last he suc­ceeded to adjust an agreement, in which they consented, the Judica­ture remaining to those of the Valteline and the exercise of the sole Catholick Religion being permitted in the Valley. Richelieu, who, by reason of his designs upon Italy, desired to retain that purchase, interposed several delays, and at last disapproves of some of the Articles. Whereupon the Grisons, out of the desire to recover the Valley, passing to impatience, and from thence into fury, plunge themselves into the utmost extremities; the Duke, who after his Re­treat out of the Milanese had layn a long time sick, not being able, by reason of his indisposition, to imploy himself in person for dis­persing their Assemblies, and Authority afar off serving for little, after having promised the Grison-Militia, which mutined for want of pay, satisfaction within a time prefixed, the money not coming, they remained so much the more provoked and in disorder. The Com­mons thereupon meeting publickly in Flanks, sent Deputies to In­spruch to demand assistance to drive away the French, and the Duke causing himself to be carried to Coira to restrain and delude them with new Propositions, found, how difficult it is, that a people should suffer it self to be long deceived; for he saw himself environed with Guards, though at large, yet in such sort, that it was not thought safe for him to return into the Valteline, where Monsieur de Leques re­mained with eight thousand Souldiers. This wary proceeding of his was greatly blamed in France; it seeming, that the state of affairs required, that resolute and hazardous counsels should have been pre­ferred before those more prudent and cautious. There is no doubt but if Rohan could have joyned the Army in time, he might easily have suppressed that multitude, which, though it blustered boldly in the Diets, would have been found dejected and confused in the field. But time being given them, and with it boldness, there was concluded in the Court of Inspruch by the Deputies of the three Leagues, with Frederico Enriques, Ambassadour of Spain, a Treaty in which the Governour of Milan was obliged, To pay to the Gri­son Souldiery such advances as they pretended from the French; to drive them out of the Valteline with united Forces; restoring it to the [Page 429] three Leagues, with reserve of the passages to the Spaniards, with a per­petual alliance betwixt the Milanese and Rhetia, besides certain pensi­ons to be paid by the King to the Commons and to private persons, and the obligation to entertain in his service a body of Souldiers of that Nation.

The Agreement was hardly made, but the Country, without ex­pecting the ratification, was seen in Arms, and the Grison Troops revolted against the French Commanders; so that Rohan, the way towards the Valteline being stopped, was forced to retire into the Fort of the Rhine, with eighth hundred men of Zurich of the Regi­ment of Smith, and two hundred French. Into some of the Passes that were abandoned the Grisons immediately entred; then, with six Regiments of that Nation, compleated with money from Spain, and with the assistance of certain Troops sent from Gallas, they in­vest the Fort. Serbellone advances to the Lago di Como, to keep Leques in distraction, who wanting orders from the Duke, besieged in the Fort, was an idle Spectator of so important an issue, for which being highly blamed by the Duke himself, who having in vain demanded succours of those of Zurich, whilst all were well pleased that the Grisons should recover their own, was forced for want of Victuals to capitulate the surrender. The conditions were, That there should remain a Garrison of Swisses in the Fort for six weeks, within which the French were to go out of the Valteline and Rhetia, the Duke to be the Hostage.

The shortness of the time prefixed was sufficient to give advice of it into France; but not expect the remedy. Nevertheless, the French offered the restitution of all, provided the three Leagues would renounce the Treaty newly concluded with Spain; but they, calling to mind the vanity of past promises, would not at all alter it. Leques therefore was forced to go out of the Valley, and Smith delivers the Fort, though tempted by the French to declare himself, and keep it for the Crown, with a supposition suggested by Rohan, that Weimar advancing into those parts, though the Fort should be rendred, would yet repair again this insult. But Richelieu, intan­gled in more difficult matters, thought, for the present revenge was not to be minded. Thus, after many years of cruel Commotions, the Passes, so much desired, remained open to the Spaniards, and the Valteline returns to the subjection of the Grisons, condemned for no other cause to so many and so long miseries, but to serve for an inlet into Italy. It was some time nevertheless before the Agree­ment was fully accomplished, because some difficulties being risen betwixt the Ambassadors of the Grisons and the Governour of Mi­lan, the business was remitted into Spain, where at last after two years it was determined, That the alone Catholick Religion should be practised in the Valley; that for the judicial proceedings there should be chosen two persons, the one to be named by the Governour of Milan, and the other by the Leagues themselves, to whom those might have recourse, that should think themselves grieved by the sentences of the Grison Ma­gistrates.

[Page 430]The loss of the Valteline was in some measure recompensed by the recovery of the Islands of Eves; for, thirty seven Ships come out the Ocean into the Mediterranean, and some Gallies, joined to them to distract the designs of the Spaniards, fell upon the Island of Sar­dinia, taking Oristan. The Squadron of Gianettino Doria hastes thi­ther with some relief, and Leganes sends from Milan Officers and Engineers. But the French not hoping for any progress in Sardinia, nor willing in that unwholsom air to consume their Forces, set sail towards Provence. Henry Count of Harcourt commanded the en­terprise, one of a hot spirit, full of courage, and nevertheless pru­dent. Against a Fort, which guarded the place of landing, were the first batteries of the Ships directed with so great fury, and in so great abundance, that in a short time the defence by razing of the Parapet being ruined, and under the darkness of the smoak the men landed, and an assault given, the Garrison was constrained to aban­don it. The Fort of Montereii (for the Spaniards had built many there) ran the same fortune. The Royal, and that of Aragon held out with a better defence. This maintained the Siege almost for a month, and then, a breach being made, capitulated. The other, by a longer resistance, gave time to Michael Borgia to come near with the Gallies for its succours. But not daring to ingage with Ships, turning head, leaves the Fort to be taken. The Governour, named Michael Sardo, after a Siege, for several weeks sustained with bloody factions, capitulates, that if in eight days there came not in suc­cours of a thousand Foot with Victuals for a month, to give up; as he did with about nine hundred Souldiers. And now, without delay, the other Island of St. Honorat was invaded; and there being but one sole Fort there, Giovanni Tamaio after a few days ren­ders it.

At Land, to recompence the successes of the foregoing Campag­nia, the French invaded with three Armies the Provinces of Flan­ders, aiming chiefly at the taking of St. Omar; but found the Town so provided, and environed with so many Forts, that they thought best not to attempt it. La Valetta and Candale, who, being idle in the service of the Republick, had obtained for some time leave from the Senate, with greater good luck took in Chateau Cambresis in He­nault, and having laid Siege before Landrecy, a small place but of great importance, Meilleray arrives with powerful Forces to parti­cipate of the glory, so that it was constrained to yield. The great Town of Maubeuge falls into the hand of Candale, who permitted his Army to use all cruelty in the sacking of it. In Lutzemburg, Danvilliers, a good Town, after some days of Siege, made its terms with the Mareshal de Chatiglion; and upon the Frontiers of France la Valetta recovers la Capelle.

Nor did the Arms of the Hollanders enjoy less felicity; for with the force of Gold the negotiation of a Truce betwixt those Provin­ces and Spain, being anew rescinded by the French, Orange, having first in vain attempted the surprise of Hulst, and of the Fort of Phil­lipine, turns himself afterwards upon Breda, with so much force and [Page 431] expedition, that the Cardinal Infante, not being able to succour it in time, nor dislodge the Enemy, applies himself to the taking in of Venlo, and Ruremond, which, as weak places neglected by the Prince, fell easily into his hands. But in the month of October, Bre­da treated its delivery, a place, which Spinola being nine months in taking, and that with so much commotion of Europe, and so great a consumption of treasure and men, came now in nine weeks to be regained without the least disaster.

The truth is, fortune every where confounded the counsels of Olivares, who, contrary to the opinion of some, that thought it not a course of advantage to attract the Arms of a potent Enemy into that part where he that provokes is the weakest, resolves to di­vert the flood out of the Low Countries, to draw the French to the Confines of Spain. He formed an Army of those Troops for­merly destined for the strengthening of Orleans, and now calling from Naples new and powerful reinforcements, and from Milan the Count Serbellone to command, together with the Duke of Cardona, Viceroy in Catalogne, sends them in the month of August into Lan­guedoc to the Siege of Leucate, with hopes of a most certain Con­quest, by reason of the situation amidst Lakes and Fens, which by possessing certain narrow Dikes easily excluded succours. Nor did the French Fleet appear ready to supply it; and the place it self was so ill provided, that, notwithstanding the notable constan­cy of Monsieur de Ravii in the defence of it, it was ready every mo­ment to be taken. But Schomberg, Duke d' Alvin, and Governour of Languedoc, in so great a danger assembling the Gentry, and the Militia of the Province, and of others that were near, with ten thousand Foot, and not many above a thousand Horse, comes close to the Trenches, and, without giving time to the Spaniards to take a considerate view of them, assaults them, forcing them in a very narrow passage. By which entring in the evening, they were forced, night coming upon them, to halt within the Enemies Camp. The Spaniards surprised could not or had not the skill to oppose them; but rather, considering that the day following it would be impossible to avoid a Battel, silently under the favour of the night retire, leav­ing Leucate free, the Camp empty, and forty piece of Cannon, with infinite Provisions in the power of the French.

From so many fortunate successes some flattered themselves, that the Cardinal having thus provided for his glory would more easily incline to Peace. It appeared nevertheless, that he became no less amorous of new Conquests, than Olivares was irritated at this his adversity. And for this cause, although in both Courts a truce was proposed by the Ministers of the Pope and the Venetians, and that the General of the Minims carried secretly from Paris to Madrid projects betwixt the two favourites, yet nothing was concluded; because in the Truce, the French would have their Confederates comprehended, and keep what they had gotten, and both the one and the other was denied by the Spaniards, not to treat with the Hollanders as equals, nor accustom their Enemies to a peaceable en­joyment for so many years of the places possessed.

[Page 432]Hereupon arose quickly new difficulties, the French denying, as hath been said elsewhere, to acknowledge Ferdinand the Third for King of the Romans, and successor into the Imperial Crown of his Father, who in the month of February of this year, being the fifty ninth of his age, yields to the frail condition of Mortality. This Prince had experienced such various accidents of things prosperous and unfortunate, as may be equally observed, both for a testimony of divine Providence, and an example of humane vicissitudes. From slender beginnings and a very narrow condition, he rose to great hopes, and afterwards to greater power, amidst the oppositions and treacheries of Strangers, and of Subjects; but they being brought un­der, and the other conquered, for the overcoming also of jealousie and envy he wanted nothing but the moderation of counsels. He had a tryal therefore of the reflux of Fortune with such blows, as made him see his Greatness panting under the Forces of a King almost unknown and despised. But the death of Gustavus, ascribed to a blow from Heaven; the Victory at Nortlinghen no less seasonable than great; and the Peace of Prague, which contented the chief of the Prote­stants, confirmed to the Son all the Dignity of the Father. It was looked at as a great miracle, nay rather a singular protection from Heaven; that the Election of a King of the Romans should succeed so opportunely, and that after so great agitations and so many cala­mities the Patrimony untouched, together with an hundred and ten thousand men in Arms should remain to the Successor.

It cannot be denied, but that to Ferdinand the Second may be as­signed a most deserved station amidst the best deserving Princes, who have received Splendour and Renown from the Catholick Re­ligion; for that with fervent zeal he propagated it in the Hereditary Provinces, nay rather may be said to have restored it by Example, by Laws, and by Arms. He was singular in piety, constant in ver­tue, and inflexible in all Fortunes. Some laid to his charge a too much yielding to the opinions of others, with a too violent heat in execution; an undistinguished liberality in giving; and a too pati­ent tolerance of so many excesses, with which his Souldiery and Generals afflicted Germany and Italy. But his vertues were his own; his faults were ascribed to Fortune and the Times.

And now Ferdinand the Third taken into the Empire in the nine and twentieth year of his Age, the Venetians, to congratulate him, sent Renieri Zeno, Cavalier and Procurator, and Angelo Contarini Cavalier, by whom they sollicited the concession of Pass-ports to fa­cilitate the agreement of a Meeting for Peace, and the King of Po­land also cooperating therein with his endeavours; those for Swede and Holland were consented to by the new Emperour, but upon con­dition, that they should not be delivered to the parties, till after France should have dispatched his own, for his Ministers, with Titles and Quality of Emperour. But the Meeting being still more and more prolonged, military successes were in this year reciprocally ballanced in Germany; for the Swedes having pursued the Saxons, ta­ken Erfordt in Thuringia, and advanced into Francony, were by them [Page 433] joyned with Gallas, forced back to the Frontiers of Pomerania. There Banier, re-inforced with Wranghel, makes head a new, obli­ging the others, through want of Provisions and Pay, to retire back. After this Hermestain, kept by the French, being rendred to Werdt, was deposited into the hands of the Elector of Collen, till the cause of him of Triers, to whom that place belonged, should be decided. Werdt after this draws near to Hanau, and Weimar hastes with speed to its succours, wherein he was not able to succeed, though he beat the Duke Carlo of Lorrain, who had attempted to hinder him in his way.

The Duke therefore turns his march into the Franche Conté, at­tempting to possess Besanzon, an Imperial City, but in vain; and thereupon goes into Alsace, leaving Hanau to be taken by Werdt. He after the place gained follows him, joyned with the Duke of Sa­velli and other Chiefs, and seeing Weimar ingaged under Rhinfeldt, attacques him, obliging him with the loss of his Cannon to rise. In this Encounter Rohan, who was with Duke Bernard, received such a hurt, that he a while after dyed, leaving the Arms, he was wont to wear, to the Republick of Venice, as a gift of affection and Monument of that Renown, which inrolled him in the number of the most fa­mous Captains of the World. The Imperialists not contenting themselves with this success, by pursuing the Victory lost it; whilst at Laufenburg, whither Weimar was gone, they attacqued him, and he made appear of what importance is the Courage of an excellent Captain; for, inferior in Reputation and Forces he encounters them, and fights them with so great resolution, that he defeats them, put­ting almost all to the Sword, possessing Cannon and Baggage, taking the Colours, and numbring amongst the Prisoners of Quality Werdt himself, and Enchefurt. Rheinfeld, under which Weimar returned, was the reward of the Victory, and after that Neoburg and Friburg followed.

That nevertheless happened in the year following; but for the present in Italy the War being transported out of the Country of Parma into the Monferrat, Leganes feigned to himself great progress, finding himself strong eighteen thousand Foot and five thousand Horse, with all sorts of other provisions. But his hopes were not seconded by the event. In the Langhe, Martino d'Aragona took in Ponzone to open the way of succours by Sea and the Communicati­on with Final. Gilles de Haes, intending to surprise Nizza della Paglia, arrived there so late in the day, that he was easily disco­vered. And not thinking it honourable to retreat, fortifies himself in a Convent, obliging Leganes, who by the weakness of the place hoped for a short conquest of it, to repair thither with the whole Army. Nor was he deceived; for after four days the Governour renders it, there going forth four hundred Monferrins, two hundred forty French, and some Horse Savoyards. Thence passing into the Ter­ritory of Asti, orders Philippo di Silva to take in Algiano, which easi­ly succeded. With the Duke of Mantua, who complained of the Invasion of Monferrat, and with the Venetians, who did not willingly [Page 434] hear of his prejudice, the Governour of Milan justified himself, al­ledging, that he was not bound to use respect, where he found Gar­risons of that Nation, which with molestations and jealousies afflict­ed the Frontiers of the Milanese. But the progress of the Spanish Arms quickly terminated in this period; for Crequi returned out of France, where he had been to justifie his past conduct, joyning with six thousand Foot and two thousand Horse Savoyards, attempted la Rocca d'Arasso, a little before taken by the Spaniards; but Leganes coming near with all the Army, he was constrained to retire. This Campagnia afterwards ended with certain Incursions and some En­counters betwixt Brem and Vercelli, which were of no small mo­ment, where Villa beat Arragona with the death of some Officers on the Spaniards side, and among them Spadino, the known Promoter of the first Siege of Casal; and the same Chiefs not far from Mon­baldone putting it to a new tryal, Aragona went away with the worst, who hardly saving himself by flight, abandoned six Cannons and his Baggage.

After these the accidents of Nature promoted new and unthought of successes; for Italy, greatly afflicted by the death of two of its Princes, opened the bosom to new strokes. The Duke Vittorio in Vercelli upon the seventh of October, in the one and fiftieth year of his Age, ended his days with various judgments upon the nature of his sickness, there wanting not some, who imputed it to poyson, gi­ven by Crequi, either for private hatred, or the publick distrusts of the Crown; and they drew their argument from an invitation, where were with the Duke the Count de Verrua, his most confident Minister, and the Marquess Villa, the most faithful General of his Army, of which falling sick together with the Duke, the first dyed, and the other hardly by the strength of his complexion overcame the accidents. Others believed, that the powder of Diamonds, gi­ven him some time before, had corroded his inward parts. But be­sides that the French are abhorring such Arts, it ought not to seem strange, that the Duke, macerated with many cares and tedious in­dispositions in the decline of his age, should run the common Fate; so that in such cases of doubt and concealment, it is more beseem­ing to give credit to Nature than authorize falshood. Let it be as it will; he left with three Daughters two Sons, both very young, and to them War for an Inheritance, and for a Patrimony the ha­tred of one of the Crowns, and the distrust of the other, without sup­port of any sincere friendship. Francesco Giacinto, the eldest, having scarce tasted the benefit of life, but not of command, was after a few months snatched away by death, leaving the Title to Carlo Emanuel his Brother.

Vittorio dead, the Tutelage and Regency were assumed by the Dutchess Christina, alledging the Will of her Husband expressed in his Testament, which committed it to her alone. The Princes, Maurice the Cardinal, and Tomaso, pretended to have a share in it, and pressed it so much the more as believing the life of the little Duke doubtful, by reason of his tender age and weak constitution, [Page 435] and because by the Laws of the Country Women being excluded, they were incouraged to conceive great hopes, that the Succession might devolve to them. For which cause the Cardinal, who resi­ded at Rome, leaves the Court, notwithstanding that the Pope, doubt­ful of what happened, endeavoured to stop him with offers of im­ployments and advantages. He, come to the Borders of Piedmont, and finding an Order there from the Dutchess, that he should retire further off, with a promise, if he did, of satisfaction and an Appen­nage, things being not yet in a condition to use force, retired into the Genouese.

King Lewis, freed from those suspicions, in which the deep and wise Conduct of the Duke Vittorio held him, was glad to see his Si­ster Regent, who, since she could not adhere to her Brothers-in-law, nor put trust in them, remained constrained to shelter her self under his protection. On the other side the Spaniards, by reason of this dependence and conjunction of Blood, endeavoured to have her ex­cluded, or at least that she might govern with an Authority so limi­ted and restrained, that she might not be able to bring prejudice to their interests. Expecting therefore accidents from time, Leganes was not solicitous to make advantage in that Conjuncture with Arms, save only that he took in the Castle of Pomar in Monferrat, which he abandoned so soon as he saw Crequi joyned again with Villa. These two Chiefs were joyned, notwithstanding their dis­gusts, grown even to publick distrust, from the time that Crequi, ta­king occasion from the death of the Duke, had attempted to cast a Garrison of French into Vercelli, and Villa had prevented him by bringing in a strong Renfort of Savoyards. The other accident, which gave no less apprehension to Italy, was the death of Carlo, Duke of Mantua, upon the 21. of September in the sixty and one year of his age. He, whilst he lived privately, had had several thoughts and designs of a great Prince; but having attained the Principality with great hazard, governed himself amidst great troubles with the spirit and manners of a private man.

The Succession fell to Carlo, Nephew of the Duke deceased, and Son of the Prince Carlo, Duke of Rhetel, yet in Minority, and there­fore recommended by Testament and by a Codicil of the Grand­father to the protection of the French and the Venetians, and to the Regency of the Mother, a Princess of a most prudent understand­ing, who, altering nothing of the present state of things, requires the Oath in the name of the Son, and sends to Venice the Senator Para­leoni to obtain the continuance of the assistance and the direction of the Senate. The Republick doubling, to the end to preserve that State, their diligence, passed immediately effectual offices with the Emperour to divert all thoughts of novelty, and in Spain used re­monstrances, to the end the Infanta Maria should have no thoughts of returning to Mantua to sow unseasonable suspicions. Nor was it difficult to obtain it; for although the Spaniards were not pleased at the assistance of Monsieur de la Tour, a French Commander in Man­tua; yet fancying to themselves greater advantages on the side of [Page 436] Piedmont, An. Dom. 1638 they thought it best as yet not to promote disturbances on that of Mantua. The Republick by this means remaining quiet and secure, reformed and diminished the number of their Army, which was very considerable at Land, and recalling the General Giorgio, left Michael Priuli with Title of Proveditor. It applied it self besides, according to its Institutions, so much the more to the Arts of Peace, by how much it was esteemed to excel in those of disburdening the Treasury of those many debts contracted by the long expences of the past Wars; it being its ancient custom in times of Peace to recover strength, to the end to use it more powerfully, where Fortune should present new occasion of troubles. It had therefore laid up no contemptible treasure for important accidents and extremities, taking rather money at Interest from private per­sons, who as well Subjects as Strangers took for undoubted security, that of the publick Faith. Nor were they at all deceived; for it was resolved to take a million of Gold out of the publick Coffers, with which and other sums, which were to be raised by the sale of certain Goods, was to be satisfied in the first place that debt, for the annual Interest whereof was paid seven and six per Cent, with choice nevertheless of the Creditors to continue it in the Cantore, but with the profit of five per Cent only; whereupon the publick Charge decreasing, the over-plus was imployed to pay off the prin­cipal of the debt it self.

ANNO MDCXXXVIII.

The Count of Monterey transporting himself from the Viceregen­cy of Naples by Sea into Spain, and passing by Genoua in the begin­ning of this present year, the Ministers of Spain met at Pegli in a se­cret and grave Assembly concerning the state of affairs and the di­rection of the future Campagnia, in which occasion was opened to them of great advantages. They sent to Madrid their opinions a­bout invading Piedmont, and in that interim, whilst Orders and An­swers should come, resolved to drive the French out of Breme, that the Frontiers being secured, the whole strength of the Milanese might with less distraction make. War upon the Countries of the Sa­voyards. In the month then of March was the Fort first invested, and afterwards very suddenly environed with the whole Army, and to take away succours from it, the Bank of the Po was so fortified, that Crequi attempting to send in by Boat a relief of some Soul­diers, their passage was hindred. He not able to rest so satisfied, had a mind to make a new tryal, when, as he was viewing the situa­tion for planting of a Battery which might oblige the Spaniards to retreat, being taken with a Cannon-bullet left his life upon that place, together with the opinion of a Captain, that for so many years past had rather had a name in Italy than been fortunate. Wanting then a head, almost all the French Souldiers, who were not many, disbanded, and the Officers repassed the Alps; so that Le­ganes had now liberty, almost without opposition, to continue the [Page 437] Siege. The Garrison without hope of relief defended it self but weakly. Five Batteries were raised with twenty pieces on them. A Scalade having been attempted in vain, approaches were opened, and an Out-work, called Horn-work, being gained, could not be kept, the besieged still recovering it.

The place at last being more pressed by the attacque of Carlo della Gatta Neopolitan, than elsewhere, was rendred. The Garrison, which went out to the number of eighteen hundred men, was con­veyed to Casal, and there the Governour, whose name was Mon­gaiard, had his head taken off. To him, who of mean birth was rais­ed by the favour of Crequi to so important a Government, was im­puted, that he had weakened the defence by appropriating to him­self more pays, and hastened the surrender to save the money he had gotten, so that he made good by his punishment, that baseness seldom finds an escape, especially when too much covetousness is that which procures it. To divert the new Regent from joyning her Forces to attempt the preservation of the place, and to make it believed, that Piedmont was in no danger, Leganes had sent to Ge­noua the Abbot Vasques, that with the Cavalier Ogliani, sent thither from the Dutchess at the suggestion of the Spaniards, the means might be discoursed of to compose the differences with the Brothers-in-law and with the Crown of Spain. But it being difficult in dis­courses to keep dissimulation long concealed, the Meeting was quickly dissolved, the Savoyards perceiving that all tended to retard French succours, and give time for the Orders from Spain. And they came at last very positive, that the Armies should be imployed in Piedmont; that the Princes should be incouraged, calling back from Rome Maurice, who was returned thither, and Thomaso from Flanders, to the end, that not only with military skill, but with the authority of the name, and the affection of the Subjects, the proceed­ings of the Crown might be facilitated. The Dutchess found her self now in very great straights, environed with suspicions and with treacheries, the minds of the people alienated, and the succour scanty, which she hoped for from France; for that Richelieu, to bring her to his will, chose to leave her in danger. Leganes, by the taking of Breme, proud to have driven the Enemy out of the Mila­nese, and by the Intelligence he had in it hoping certainly to get himself into Casal, advances to Vercelli in the month of May.

The Dutchess was now forced to cast her self into the arms of the French, by concluding a Treaty that obliged her, To make War for two years with the Spaniards and the Princes their adherents, joyn­ing three thousand Foot and twelve hundred Horse to thirteen thousand five hundred men, which the King, without pretending repayment of charges, but rather paying for his Quarters, obliged himself to maintain in Italy. The King promised not to make Peace but by common con­sent, and without the Investiture should be conferred on the Duke by the Emperour in the same manner as his Father had obtained it.

Notwithstanding the limitation of time mentioned in the Treaty, it was yet visible, that Savoy was in such sort ingaged with France, [Page 438] that it had no means to dis-intangle it self; Piedmont remaining a free and open field for the French Armies, which should not only enjoy Quarters at discretion, but have every place ready to open the Gates to them. Nor was the conjecture groundless; for the Dutchess not knowing in whom among her Subjects she might put confidence, of a sudden under the shew of giving a months pay, brought a good number of French for her security into Turin; and levying a Regiment of that Nation in her own Name to colour the Juggle, committed to them the keeping of the Citadel. A while after the Cardinal de la Vallette arrives in Italy to command the Ar­my; but not followed with Forces proportionable to what was need­ful, nevertheless applies himself immediately to view and strength­en the places, and coming into Casal, discovers the contrivance, which Leganes framed there, whereof Ottavio Montiglio, with the con­sent of the Princess Dowager, being the Author, who commanded there for the Duke of Mantua, by seizing upon him the design to introduce the Spaniards was broken.

But of succouring Vercelli, the Cardinal found himself not in a condition to hope for a happy event; because, besides the weakness of the French Forces, all things in Piedmont were transacted between confusion and jealousies. In the Town they endured great wants; for from the very beginning of the Siege they were unprovided of many things, with a Garrison unequal to the largeness of the cir­cuit. The Marquess Dogliani, the Governour, with skill and cou­rage supplied some of them, by maintaining some Posts, and with frequent Sallies keeping the Enemy at a distance. Nevertheless Leganes having perfected the Circumvallation, which was extended into a great compass, in regard of the situation and of the River Se­sia, which formed certain Islands and Flats, prosecuted the Siege in great earnest. The Cardinal, who assembled his Army with great difficulty, by incessant rains retarded his march for some days. At last, the Dutchess being come to Crescentino, to incourage the un­dertaking, he presents himself before the Line, but not having vi­gour to force it, Leganes amused him by skirmishing with his Horse, not intermitting at all the Siege, but having pierced in several parts into the Ditch, took two Half-moons by assault, and lodged his men upon a Bastion. Dogliani for all this made an undaunted re­sistance, seeing succours at hand, and Vallette in sight, that endea­voured to bring it in, traversing about, viewing Situations, and pos­sessing Posts with greater application than force. The Cardinal, having corrupted, as was said, a Sentinel, sends into Vercelli through the middle of the Germans Quarter, negligently kept, a thousand Foot. But they not suffering to slacken the Siege, some Officers being exemplarily punished, that were found guilty of negligence, Leganes redoubled his Force, closed up his Lines into a narrower com­pass, hastened the Works, and the French for a diversion threatning the Fort of Sandoval, he assembles another body of an Army, com­manded by the Cardinal Trivulsio, and composed of some Switzers and Foreign Souldiery to maintain it. So that Vallette, not to be [Page 439] taken in the middle betwixt them was forced to withdraw further off; but for the last attempt, in concert with the besieged he endea­voured to possess a certain Island of the Sesia, and that design not succeeding, he had a mind in another place with a furious battery to incommodate the Enemies Camp. But all in vain, for the Town having lost the Outworks, and having breaches open, and mines rea­dy, and the Enemies lodged upon a Bastion, the Cardinal plundring Palestre retired, and Dogliani, in the end of June, renders upon ho­nourable conditions.

The French upon this success discouraged, and the Savoyards in disorder, Leganes had opportunity and time for greater progress. But, applying himself first to provide and repair Vercelli, after­wards falling sick, leaves to Francisco de Melo the command of the Army, which made no other Conquest but Pomar, where they de­molished the Castle. The Venetians, who, after the ill seconded confidences with this House, observed the interests of Savoy, with­out taking further care of it watched so much the more diligently up­on the Affairs of Mantua, where, it seemed, quiet began to be di­sturbed by the various disgusts of the Princess at the French. She, presently assuming the Government, let it be seen, that she would no longer depend alone upon that Crown; but desired also the friendship of Spain, and, under the shadow and confidence of the Empress Dowager her Aunt, rely upon the Emperour with grea­ter security and honour.

It seemed, that the French were now, both in Casal and in the Mon­ferrat, rather givers of the Law than protectors. Whereupon she sets on foot at Vienna and in Milan secret practices, and to make her self absolute in the command, confides to the Marquess Guerriero, that depended on her, the Government of Porio, and commits the edu­cation of the Duke to the Count Scipio Arrigoni, which charge the Marquess Cauriani had first supplied.

For these considerations, the French, touched with a vehement distrust, sent to Mantua Monsieur de la Thuillerie, who resided Am­bassador in Venice; though the Senate did not believe it as yet sea­sonable to irritate any further with troublesom instances the mis­trustful mind of that young Princess, jealous above measure of her authority. But, the French thinking to break all Treaty, by shew­ing they had discovered it, did but hasten it. La Thuillerie demand­ed, that the new Ministers being removed, she would continue to make use of the old, and most trusty to the Crown; and the Prin­cess mingling reasons with excuses, under pretext that she would inform the King about it, took time, suspending in the interim for some days the Marquess Guerriero, for a shew, from the Government; and joining to Arrigoni the Count della Roschie Chamberlain to the Duke deceased.

The French nevertheless were not content; for the Spanish Mini­sters, and at Venice particularly the Ambassador della Rocca, assum­ing in a manner publickly the protection of the Regents, pressed the Senate, that it would interpose to remove those molestations and [Page 440] instances, which tended to exercise with the Princess prepotency and command, rather than friendship or counsel. The said Princess dispatching to Venice, as Ambossador extraordinary, to communi­cate the succession of her Son, the Marquess Nicolo Gonzaga, strengthened those Offices; nor was the Senate wanting, by the means of Angelo Corraro Cavalier, its Ambassador at Paris, and by Luigi Molino, sent Ambassador extraordinary to Mantua, to employ them­selves by all means possible, to sweeten the disgusts, and qualifie embitterments. But the Bishop of Casal being sent from Mantua in­to France, to inform the King how things stood, and at the same time the Marquess Giovanni Sigismond Gonzaga to Vienna, to de­mand the investiture, there came to the Princess the Count Frede­rick Attimis with a Secretary in the name of the Empress her Aunt, under pretence to counsel; her and from Milan arriving Diego Saia­vedra under colour of a complement, a secret Treaty was made be­twixt them and the Princess her self, which aimed at driving the French Garrison out of Casal. And now the Ministers of that Crown having discovered it, but willing to dissemble it, departed from Man­tua; la Tuillerie, because Monsieur de Hussé had succeeded him in the Ambassage of Venice, retiring himself to Padua for his health, and la Tour for devotion taking a Voyage to Loretto. The Princess, glad to have removed their assistance farther off, sends the Count Arrivabene, her chief Secretary of State, to Venice, to let the Senate know, that for many disgusts, which she pretended, she could no longer admit la Tour, but that her self, having assumed the Gene­ralat of the Army, had no need of another person of that Nation to command it. She complained, that Montiglio had been beheaded in Casal, by order of the French Ministers, and that it was believ­ed at Paris, that her self had not only knowledge, but was au­thour of the contrived betraying of the place. On the other side, Monsieur de la Tuillerie, being returned to Mantua, sollicited, that she would put the Marquess Guerriero from the Government of Porto, to which he was restored, and also one della Valle, believed a parta­ker of the intelligences discovered in Casal. The Princess, professing her self ignorant of the Plot, rejected the instances, as contrary to her liberty and the dignity of her Son. La Thuillerie acquiesced not; but perceiving at last, that the Emperour had declared, that he would send a Commissary of his to Mantua, if the Ambassador of France should abide any longer there, he departs, leaving the Count Bonzi Florentine as Resident.

The Venetians, seeing that these troubles might break forth into worse accidents, re-inforced the Garrison of Mantua to the number of five thousand men, and sent another party to the Confines, to be ready to be brought in, if there should be need. About this time hapned a notable encounter at Sea, betwixt the Gallies of the two Crowns. Roderigo Velasco with fifteen of the Spanish had dis-im­barqued Souldiers at Vado; and in his going thence was overtaken over against Genua by Monsieur de Poncurlé, who with an equal number followed him. The Fight was bloody separating with a [Page 441] number in a manner equal of hurt and dead, but with a different loss of Ships; for the French took five, and the Spaniards three. But the success of the Armies either weak or unfortunate, which happen­ed elsewhere, had not the same issue; for the Mareshals Chastillon and la Force being come before St. Omer, Prince Thomas seizing on a situation fit to incamp his Army, brought succours twice into it; and afterwards forcing a Quarter, obliged them to retire: so that the Campagnia ended in the Low Countries without other Conquest but of the weak Castle of Renti, which was demolished, and of the Cate­let, which being re-assieged by Monsieur de Halier, was after the springing of two Mines recovered by assault, and the Garrison of six hundred Spaniards cut to pieces.

The Hollanders, to second these enterprises, being by concert come into the field, 5000 men under Count William of Nassau, di­rected their course towards the Scheld to take in those Forts, which defending the Dikes preserve the Country from Inundations, and surprised some of them, particularly that of Callo; but being come to the other of Santa Maria, the Spanish Troops flocking thither, they were defeated with the loss of many drowned in the low Lands, and others taken Prisoners. The Prince of Orange, not daunted with this unhappy success, attempts with the gross of his Army the Town of Gueldre; but the Cardinal Infante coming to its succours, together with Lamboy, who brought to him five thousand Imperia­lists, assaults the Quarters of Count Henry Casimir de Nassau with so great success, that passing over certain Trenches not yet perfected, he took him Prisoner, and put in such relief, as obliged the Hollanders to rise and abandon some pieces of Cannon in the waters, which being let in several ways by the besieged, overflowed the whole Country.

Nor was the Fortune of the French much better on the Frontiers of Spain, whether, to carry the War into the Enemies own Country, the Cardinal had resolved to bring an Army. The Prince of Conde having in Guyenne assembled a body of twelve thousand men, comes to the Port of Passagge, where possessing himself of certain Ships, which were there ready built, he burnt others which were in build­ing, laying Siege afterward to Fontarabie, a Frontier place, and the Key of Navarre, placed, like a Peninsula, in a very strong situation, where the Vidasso disburdening it self, opens a passage to receive the flowings of the Sea. It is beyond belief, in what a commotion the Kingdoms of Spain were, being not accustomed to be sensible of an Enemy at home, and under the guard of opinion and pride to en­joy a peaceable calm. Whereupon the Nobility and Souldiery flocking to strives from all parts, an Army was quickly formed un­der the Admirant of Castille; which, consisting of puissant Forces, draws near to the French Camp. The enterprise, by reason of weak­ness and the disunion of the Chiefs, proceeded more slowly than was imagined, giving time to the Spanish Army to present it self, which appearing at unawares, came before the Line to give an assault. Conde knowing that on that side some Troops had the Guard of the [Page 442] Trenches, the Chiefs whereof, and among them the Duke of Valet­te especially, he had in suspicion of Intelligence with the Enemy, sent others to re-inforce those Posts; but the first being resolute not to give them place, they turned their discontent and arms a­gainst one another, leaving almost without contest the passage to the Spaniards. The Marquess de Torrecuso was the first that attac­qued the Line; but he of Mortara had the honour to get in before him on the other side, seconded afterward by the whole Army, with so little blood, that sixteen only were killed, and one hundred and fifty reckoned to be hurt. On the French side all was confusion, flight, and fear, leaving to the Conquerours the field full of Booty, Arms, and other Provisions.

The News was received in the Court of France, both for the loss and the dishonour, with great trouble of mind, because it looked as if the fidelity and prudence of the Chiefs had rather been wanting than Fortune or the Force of Arms. Conde was sufficiently blamed for negligence, and that not disjoyned from the great greediness of gain, with which he had carried on the enterprise, and he upbraided the Duke de la Vallette with infidelity and want of care to such a de­gree, that he, to avoid the threatning anger of the Cardinal, retired himself to London, and his Father, the Duke of Espernon, was obli­ged to betake himself to a private life, abandoning his Government of Guyenne. So joyful a Victory being applauded in Spain with great Festivals, the King rewards the Conde Duke with extraordinary pre-eminences and advantages, as if the Fortune of the Army had taken its life from his alone direction, not without the murmuring of those, who having been exposed to dangers and the ingagements in the field, saw one alone in the idleness of the Court go away with the recompences and the glory. The War being scattered and spread into so many parts, the variety of relations, which for the most part delights, interrupting at present too often the series of discourses, make them in a manner seem tedious.

Weimar aspired in Germany to establish for himself a Soveraign State, and although with money and assistance from France he ma­naged the War, he nevertheless directed it to his own advantages. After the Victory formerly related, with the places taken, he posses­sed almost all Alsace, a Province of the ancient Patrimony of the House of Austria, both by its situation and extent held to be of great importance. He now sets forth to besiege Brisach, a place ve­ry strong, with a Bridge over the Rhine, and by consequence con­venient for the Navigation of the River and for passage by Land, and driving the Siege to a conclusion, forces it to render, having frustrated all diligence of the Austrians to relieve it. This was the most renowned action which happened in Germany; for in conse­quence of it, Oxenstern being passed into Sweden to dispose and sol­licite the Senate for succours, landed in Pomerania with new supplies for the Army, with which Banier being rendred more vigorous and bold, possesses many places, which Gallas retiring abandoned.

Charles Lodowick, Son of the deceased Palatine, who was elect [Page 443] King of Bohemia, with the assistance of the King of England and the favour of the Swedes, who assigned to him for his place of Arms Minden and Osnabrug, had raised in Westphalia ten thousand men, with which, joyning with Melander, General for the Hessens, he de­signed to attempt the recovery of the Palatinate or the Conquest of some other Country, which might be equal to it; but being met, so soon as he began to march, by the Count of Hatsfelt, General of that Circle, and for the Catholick Electors, was in such sort defeated, that his Troops could never re-unite, and Osnabrug rendred it self to the Conquerours, who with very little blood obtained a very notable Victory.

Amongst the Prisoners remained in the hands of the Imperialists Robert, Brother to Charles Lodowick, who conducted to Lintz, ob­tained of the Emperour to be exchanged with John Casimir, Brother of Ʋladislaus, King of Poland, fallen into the hands of the French as he was passing by Sea out of Italy into Spain. But France would not yield their consent; for pretending for cause of the arrest, that the Prince went to bear Arms in favour of the Spaniards, and remem­bring the mischiefs heretofore done by the Polach Cavalry under the Emperours Colours, Richelieu thought it a very seasonable oc­casion, treating with that Kingdom to make a friendship, and drawing profit from the accident, hinder the Austrians of those con­veniencies, which they were wont to enjoy in Poland, especially Le­vies. And therefore were of little avail for the liberty of the Prince the offices of the Venetians, who being expresly desired by the King Ʋladislaus, through the means of the Baron Biboni his En­voyé Extraordinary, to interpose themselves, had for that purpose made choice of Angelo Contarini Cavalier for Ambassadour Extraor­dinary to King Lodowick: But getting knowledge of the inclination of the King and of the Minister, the Mission was suspended; where­upon Ʋladislaus was obliged to dispatch thither an Embassie express, by which he obtained the liberty of his Brother with a solemn pro­mise, that he would never more bear Arms against France; that the King and the Kingdom should not pretend disgust by this arrest; that by Poland Levies should not in future be permitted to the Enemies of France, nor Alliances made with them to its prejudice. The bu­siness of the Peace languished this year as formerly, notwithstanding the pressing of the Mediators to obtain the Pass ports; because, be­sides the Fate of great businesses, to find the beginning always full of trouble, delays and difficulties, were on all sides affected, to gain time for designs and the hopes of their Arms.

But in the month of March was concluded in Hamburg betwixt Monsieur d' Avo for France, and John Salvius for the Swedes, a Treaty with promise, Not to send their Plenipotentiaries to any Meeting with­out Pass-ports first had for their Ministers, and for those of their Confe­derates in the form required; that in the Treaty they should proceed pari passu in the Interest of both the Crowns, concluding or breaking con­joyntly; that in case of a long Truce, each should remain in the possession of what they held, and a Peace coming to be concluded, the one Crown [Page 444] should break for the others sake, if the conditions to any of them were not by the contrary party punctually observed.

The accident, which was most taken notice of, and rendred this year memorable, was the Birth in France of a Dolphin upon the 5. of September; who, after many years of fruitless Wedlock, given from Heaven to King Lewis's piety, infinitely rejoyced that Kingdom, and seemed to serve as an Augure of future felicity; for the Arms managed hitherto with equality and a ballance, brought Fortune afterwards to incline to the favour of France.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE. THE ELEVENTH BOOK.

AMurath the Fourth ruled at this time the Ottoman Em­pire, in the prime of his age, and the height of ambi­tion, nourished by warlike spirits, and a capacity no less for Arms than Counsel. He had his mind fixed on the glory of his Ancestors, ruminating on their Chro­nicles, and studying incessantly the Annals and famous Actions espe­cially of Soliman. The strength of his body, the arrogance of his mind, the desire of Empire, and the greediness of wealth, equal to that of blood, rendred him venerable to the Barbarians, amongst whom Terrour possesses the place of Virtue. He cast in his mind vast designs against Christendom, and if at all times the concord of Christian Princes uses to be the Guardian of the Barbarians faith, Amurath conceived he might violate it without danger now, that he saw it torn into pieces, and weakned with unquenchable hatreds. But, for the present leaving them involved in their discords, he ap­plied himself to shut the door, by which the Persians might advance deep into several Provinces of the Ottoman Empire. They had pos­sessed, more by intelligence than force, Babylon, famous for its name, though it be but a heap of the reliques, and a shadow of its ancient stateliness, whilst the Turks during the former years made an unsuccessful War with the Polacks.

Amurath had once before attempted it with a formidable Army, but after some inconsiderable Conquest, unworthy of his presence, and of so great preparations, the season, the want of victuals, and [Page 446] many other difficulties fighting against him, he returned to Constan­tinople, rather irritated than disswaded by the infelicity of the enter­prise. In this year he returns with such a disposition of things, as shewed the power of a mighty Prince, and the wisdom of an excel­lent Captain; for to an Army, which was said to exceed three hun­dred thousand men, not only Arms, Cannon, and Ammunition abound­ed, but Victuals, and every other kind of provisions and things that might be needful, with such order and method, that the multitude was not disordered in their march, nor did the length of the way, or the extent of the vast desarts waste the multitude. So great pre­parations at Land weakned the arming at Sea; whereupon, to the end that that might not remain unguarded and exposed, he had enjoined the Pirates of Barbary to come with their Gallies into the Archipe­lago, to join with the Ottoman Squadrons. They were encreased to such a degree, that they were now at last able to command the Sea, rather than commit spoil in it. For in the Mediterranean the Christian Fleets, by the War betwixt the Crowns, by factions, and by other ac­cidents being weakned, gave liberty to those of Barbary to streng­then themselves daily with Booties and with Slaves. They sent sixteen in obedience to the Turks, which, though they were called Galliots, exceeded nevertheless in the greatness of bulk, number of oars and men, the ordinary sort of Gallies. They were divided into two Squadrons equally; those of Tunis were commanded by Sas­sader; the other of Algiers by Ali Piccinino, a Renegado Christian, who, when they were all joined, commanded in chief. They then set sail towards the Archipelago, but having an eye always on the oc­casions of prey, and hearing that the Venetian Fleet was in Candia, changing their course entred into the Adriatick, to make advantage of a sudden course before they could be pursued and overtaken.

The common opinion was, that they designed the rich spoil of the Chappel of Notre dame de Loretto, a place as good as open, defend­ed only by Religion, and the powerful arm of him, that by a won­derful miracle transported so rare a pledge thither. Nevertheless, as they passed they bent towards Nicotra in Puglia, and landing there plundred the Town and Country there about, carrying away many Slaves, and amongst those some religious Women, whom they vio­lently espoused to their lust. Thence passing to the other side of the Gulph they came to Cattaro, where one Vessel fell into their hands, and their design was, after having plundred Lissa, or some other Island of the Venetians, to pass over again towards la Marca, and there having pillaged Loretto, and all that should have offered it self to their rapine, with the same expedition going out of the Gulf, rescued themselves from punishment. Heaven first armed the winds and afterwards men against such wicked intentions; so that having stayed there some days, and meeting with a desperate storm, they put into Valona, giving time to the places most exposed to fortifie themselves, and to the Venetian Fleet to come up to them. It consisted of twenty eight Gallies, and two Galiasses, but not all in a body, eight of the nimblest being divided into se­veral Posts.

[Page 447] Marino Capello, or whether it were Anthony called Terzo, who as Proveditor commanded it, understanding, that there were Corsaires in the Gulph, parting from Candia with all speed, arrives at Corfu, while they were yet in the Port of Vallona. This Town is subject to the Turks, and hath a Haven capable to receive a considerable Fleet with safety, by reason of the situation and a Castle, which being raised on a Hill, commands it. Capello nevertheless resolves to go thither; for the Treaties with the Turks permitted the Venetians to pursue in all places, and chastise the Pirates, forbidding the Ottoman Commanders to receive them, or shew them any favour. He defies them, and plays upon them with his Cannon; but that doing little hurt at a distance, and the Forts by some shot declaring they would defend them, the Venetians withdrew; yet coming to an Anchor not far off to keep them besieged, and fight them when they should come out. This happened about the last of July, and on the third of the following month the Pirates attempted an escape, coming out in the morning with the advantage of the Sun, which shining full in face to the Venetians, permitted them not to discern the number of the Enemies Forces nor their order. However Capello weighing his Anchors, and incouraging his Captains, resolves to attacque them, first playing on them with his Cannon, and afterwards endea­vouring to board them; but the Corsaires seeing that resolution, changing their course, took Sanctuary again under the Fort, which played upon the Venetians in flank, and by a shot split a Mast, the pieces whereof brake the Arm of Lorenzo Marcello, Captain of the Galliasses. Other hurt there was not much, save that the Corsaires were put to repair in the Port five of their Gallies very ill handled by shot. Capello was obliged to return to his first Post, and they not daring to expose themselves again to flight, or to a more close En­counter, in hope that the wonted accidents of the Sea would oblige the Venetians to retire, were deceived by an unusual and long calm, which gave opportunity for more than a month to keep them besieg­ed. During this time the Pirates did not only new-fit their Ships, but ordered their defence; for, fearing lest the Slaves coming to mutiny, might carry away the Gallies, they disbarked them, secu­ring them in a Fort and within certain Trenches, by which they were a protection to the Gallies, besides the countenance of the For­tress, into which the Commanders, corrupted by presents, gave the Pirates not only access, but permitted them the custody and com­mand of it. The Chiefs of the Venetian Fleet were in this interim in a difficult consultation; for the insult done by these Barbary Pi­rates being not to be endured, their chastisement seemed no less ho­nourable than just, lest, if they should this time go scot-free, and through impunity and strength increase their insolence, the Domini­on would be no more respected, the Sea secure, Navigation pro­tected, and the Islands and Provinces preserved; but all Christen­dom would quickly become sensible of these assaults, and Piracy be­ing turned into War, there would be a necessity to subdue them as Enemies, that might at present be punished as Pirates.

[Page 448]On the other side there appeared difficulties in the undertaking, above all the respect to a Fort and Haven of the Ottomans, which though unjustly and contrary to the Peace it protected them, yet the Pirates, rather seeking the occasions than the causes of War, might possibly greedily embrace this opportunity to execute their perni­cious designs against Christendom. The prudence of the Comman­ders fluctuating amidst these weighty considerations, was from ne­cessity induced to more resolute courses; for the Pirates having ad­vertized Bechir, Captain Bassa of the Sea, by express Messengers dis­patched by Land, of the danger in which they were, implored suc­cours, remonstrating to him, how much the honour of their common Master would be undervalued, and his service injured, if they should be lost in a Haven and under a Fortress, which bore the Ottoman Standard, and that that Squadron should be ruined, which without charge to the Grand Signor served for a troublesom exercise to the Christians, and a seasonable strengthening to the Turkish Fleet. Be­chir upon this advice and by such reasons instigated, moves with twenty two Gallies and two great Hulks, besides some other Ves­sels, to come towards the Gulph, to favour the coming forth of the Corsaires; upon knowledge whereof, Capello putting speedily to a consult, what was fit to be done, it was resolved to prevent being catcht betwixt two Fleets, and forced either to a dishonourable Re­treat or to a disadvantagious Ingagement, which at last with an un­happy beginning might break forth into a War. There was no other way to fight and overcome the Pirates but by entring into the Port, and that course the Venetians pitched upon, doubtful never­theless whether it were more expedient to burn those Ships, or bring them away. But of that the resolution being put off till they should see the success, the Fleet on the 7. of August in the morning was ranged into a Half-moon, on the points whereof were placed the two Galliasses to cover the lesser Gallies from the shot of the Fort, and so entred couragiously into the Haven, where the Cor­saires, astonished at so great boldness, and those thereupon who had the guard of the Ships, flying in confusion to Land, they made their defence only with Cannon and Muskets from the Fort and from the Trenches.

The Fort was not sparing of its Cannon; but the two Galliasses halling themselves under the Wall, and with greater Pieces, some shot whereof fell particularly into the Church to the great resent­ment of the Turks, restraining its Battery, covered the Gallies in such sort, that they advanced under the Bolsprits of the Enemy. There finding them empty, some Mariners of Perasto, incensed at the remembrance of the spoils done to their Country not long before by these very Pirates, leaping into the water, cut the Cables and the Chains, which tying the Ships one to another, made them fast to the shore. So all the sixteen being taken and towed away with incessant shooting on both sides, but little shedding of blood on the Venetians side of persons of account, Giovanni Minotto only, a Masters Mate, being hurt with a Musket, they carried them to Corfu in great [Page 449] Triumph. There was found upon these Gallies Cannon, Arms, and Provisions; over and above all, the Furniture belonging to the Ships themselves and some booty which was presently divided. The Hulls of the Gallies, to the end both the Corsaires and the Turks might lose the hopes of ever having them again, were afterwards all sunk for the making of the Mole at Corsu, except the Admiral of Algier, which was sent to Venice to be kept in the Arsenal as a Me­morial, and another which was known to belong to a great Man of the Turks, carried away formerly into Barbary by one Cicale a Fugi­tive. The gallantry of the action was universally magnified, espe­cially in the Kingdom of Naples and by the Subjects of the Church, who acknowledged themselves preserved from cruel mischiefs. The news coming to Venice by the Galley of Martin Molino, Master of it, the Ministers, Residents of Princes, came to congratulate, and the Pope sent an express Brief, commemorating the glorious enterprises of the Republick for the maintenance of the Faith, and numbred this present action amongst the most famous and advantagious to Christendom, offering his Forces, whatever should happen up­on it.

The Nuntio, as the occasion required, was admitted to present it at an Audience, and the Senate corresponded in giving thanks. Greater signs of joy were not publickly permitted in Venice, than to give God thanks by the Sacrifice of a solemn Mass. Molino being re­warded with a Chain of Gold, Capello honoured with the dignity of a Counsellor, and Marcello with that of Censor, and a thankful com­mendation given to the rest; the Senate remained in suspence, what resentments and resolutions the Ottoman Ministers were to shew up­on it. Ordering therefore an exact Watch every where in the Islands and on the Borders, they communicated to the Christian Princes the success, shewing in this occasion also to have practised their ancient custom, to prefer honour and common safety before dangers and their own interest.

At Constantinople mens minds seemed in truth variously affected; for upon the first report of the Pirates being besieged in the Port, the Turks had made a shew to be somewhat sensible of it; but judg­ing that the Sea would either open a way for them to escape, or would hinder the Venetians longer stay there; Musse Bassa, who in the Kings absence governed in quality of Caimecan, that is, Lieu­tenant of the Grand Visier, made himself ignorant of what had hap­pened, not so much out of a dexterity, as because Forces being far off, and the King ingaged against a powerful Enemy, he thought it not fit for him with complaints and jealousies to provoke him there­by against others. But when the certainty came of all that had happened, with the carrying away of the Gallies, artifice being out­done by Nature and Barbarity, he brake out into excess of anger. The whole fact coming afterwards to be published, the principal Ministers and all sorts of persons were moved at it, exasperating the violation of the Port, of the Fortress, and of the Church, besides the carrying away of the Ships appointed for the Grand Signors service.

[Page 450]There happened a while after a commotion amongst the Corsaires, some of which, and in particular the Son of Piccinino in a mournful semblance and a pitiful habit, as is the custom of that Nation, with tears and crys, filled with lamentations the Divan and the principal houses of the great men, describing the insult, deploring the loss of the Gallies, the dispersing of the Slaves, and reckoning amongst the losses, the lost hopes by roving at Sea to plunder and devour the Wealth of the Christians. The Ministers hereupon greatly moved, arrogantly required of the Bailo the restitutions of the Ships; but he, (it was that Luigi Contarini Cavalier, who had grown old in the experiences of almost all the Courts of Europe) with as much calm­ness and constancy denied it, and brought his reasons, interposing time to fury, and also with dexterity shewing, The right to punish him that dare come into another mans house to steal. He alledged the Articles and Agreements, attributing the blame of the evil that had hap­pened to the Turkish Commanders, that had, contrary to the Peace, gi­ven the Pirates protection, and therefore he rather demanded, that they might be exemplarily punished as guilty, through an insatiable covetous­ness of prey, and in contempt of the Orders of Amurath, to have gone out of their way, and violated the Dominion of a Prince in friendship with the Ottoman Port.

In effect, minds being a little quieted, many within a while dete­sted their imprudence and temerity; nay at Algier, Ali Piccinino was condemned, as having gone beyond his Commission, if he should fall into the power of that Government, to lose his head. The Am­bassadours of the other Christian Princes presented a Writing of one and the same tenour to the Caimecan, inveighing bitterly against these very Corsaires for the mischiefs received by every of the Na­tions, which frequented the Ottoman Havens, though in perfect friendship with the Port; whereupon approving as just the chastise­ment received, they appeared to interest themselves in the main­taining what the Venetians had done. It seemed thereupon, that the accident was communicated to the King with some sort of mo­deration. But with so much the more bitterness did the Sultana-Mother and the other Women of the Seraglio exclaim against it; for, either corrupted with gifts by the Corsaires, or longing, that, to exercise their authority nearer hand, and enjoy their wonted plea­sures, he might quickly be restored to the Seraglio, they all labour­ed, that, abandoning the remote undertaking of Persia, he would imploy his Arms on this side against Christendom.

Amurath was at this time come to the Frontiers of Persia, where, Bairan the Grand Visier dying, a man of a moderate spirit and na­turally averse from complaints, he had substituted in his place Me­hemet, Bassa of Diarbechir, one more lofty and unquiet. He agreed better with the inclinations of the King, rendred by his severities terrible to his Ministers and to all; for under the shew of Military Discipline he vented without distinction his cruelties for the lightest offences, executing sometimes with his own hands hideous punish­ments. He particularly could not endure the smoke or smell of [Page 451] Tobacco so much used by the Turks, and having forbid it, he pu­nished with death him that durst use it. Always entertaining himself either with suspicions or tortures, sometimes incognito and by night he went into the Camp, and walked betwixt the Circles and the Tents, observing what was said and done, and then on a sudden punishing, with atrocity of torments, sometimes one some­times another. Death, with the blow of a Sword, from the hand of the common Hangman seemed to him too gentle and merciful. He rather, to the barbarous manner of the Turks, of the Gancio, the Palo, and Fleaing, often added new inventions of punishments. However all this served him for respect with his own, and terrour to his Enemies.

There is no doubt, that had he not been so far ingaged against the Persians, what for the business of Vallona, and the instigation of the Sultaness, he would have returned to Constantinople, and turn­ed his Arms against the Venetians. But being not so soon able to dis-intangle himself there, by an express dispatch he commands, that for the present the Bailo should be put in arrest; that the Corsaires should in some measure be recompensed with ten Gallies of his own; that, to preserve the remainder of the Slaves, they should be convey­ed to Constantinople, to go forth in the Spring together with the Ot­toman Fleet: In his absence nothing else was to be altered, protest­ing with severe threatnings upon the heads of the Ministers, whom he suspected of venality, not to hearken to any proposition, that contained not the effectual restitution of the Gallies carried away. So that, will and violence serving the Turks for just and right, the Order did no sooner arrive, but the Caimecan sending for the Bailo, shewing a visible trouble to be the unjust Minister of a most unjust command, intimates to him his imprisonment, keeping him all night in the house of his Checaia.

Nor was it to any purpose, that the Bailo with great constancy did with his great reasons mingle complaints, for the violence done to common right, and the breach of faith; nor, that the other Mini­sters of Princes greatly offended, did make effectual instances about it: For Mussa, confessing the proceeding unjust, but excusing him­self by the danger of his head, caused him to be brought into a lit­tle house of Galata, keeping him there with Guards, and placed some at the Bailo's ordinary place of Residence, but leaving the Family in liberty, and permitting him visits of conversation and business. The Ships of the Nation being at the same time stopped, were af­ter a few days released, the Turks having considered, that the in­terruption of Commerce and a reciprocal arrest tended equally to their own damage. As to the Corsaires, the promise of ten Gal­lies was not performed; for doubting, lest, if the Slaves were car­ried to Constantinople, the King should make use of them for his own Gallies, they avoided it with several pretexts, and had news of thirty Ships of Barbary in the Archipelago come express to fetch them away, with design to winter in those Seas, and offer in the Spring to join with the Turks against the Republick. But they, perceiving [Page 452] the Corsaires already too powerful, and fearing lest they should su­perfluously provoke in that conjuncture the Christian Nations, or break off all Commerce with the Ottoman States, discharged them. The Ministers of Constantinople, knowing that the Venetians had sunk the Gallies which were taken, to avoid troublesom instances for re­storing them, insolently required of the Bailo, that as many of their own might be delivered to them, otherwise threatning War.

The Senate, in order to it, by Heralds of War received the ad­vise of the arrest of the Bailo, together with the same demands; but constant not to consent to any thing of prejudice or indignity, resolved rather to expose themselves to any how unfortunate soever ingagement. They communicated to the Christian Princes the fury of Amurath, the arrest of the Bailo, the arrogant demands of the Turks, and their own resolves, to the end that great and universal dangers impending, they might equally dispose their Forces for suc­cours, and their minds for Peace; it seeming both reasonable and of necessity, that against the common Enemy there should be an agree­ment even of the greatest Enemies. The resentment was every where not inferiour to the approbation. Yet some offered only to mediate, and others excused themselves upon the conjuncture.

The Spaniards, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany offered their Forces; but these appearing to be weak, and those distracted, the Republick was given to understand, that they could not for the pre­sent make any certain state, but of their own strength. It being a safe counsel never to despise the fame and threats of the Turks, the Senate for that cause was willing to govern it self with such prudence, that, for their own security making advantage of the absence of Amurath and of time, the evils by superfluous jealousies might not be hastened, or that Prince diverted from his present ingagements. Willing then not to provoke him, nor leave him cause of offence, as provisions were not omitted, so they were not greatly divulged or speeded. Command was given to the Islands, and in Dalmatia, that all should be in a readiness for the occasions; that in Candia six­teen Gallies should be effectually armed; that to the Galliasses two should be added, the one commanded by Anthonio Pisari, who had the command of them all; the other by Sebastian Veniero. In the Arsenal every thing for a greater arming was disposed into an order, and the Maritime places were provided with recruits of Foot and Horse. The custody of Cattaro was committed to Giovanni Paulo Gradenigo, and to Marino Molino that of Novegradi, as Prove­ditors extraordinary. Not omitting amidst the orders for defence, the more secure way of Treaty, the Senate wrote Letters to Amu­rath, and to the Grand Visier, aggravating the assault and boldness of the Pirates, justifying with expediency and the capitulations their chastisement, and professing a sincere and constant will not to inter­rupt the ancient friendship with the Ottoman Empire. But the un­dertaking in Asia, upon which the counsels and resolutions of the Turks were chiefly to depend, proceeded with steps faster than was supposed; for, Amurath appearing no sooner in the Confines of Persia, [Page 453] but the Town of Revan, weakly guarded, was rendred to him.

At the same time, by instigation of the Turks, Osbeck a Tartar, and the Grand Mogor took Arms against the Persians; from whence it became so much the more easie for Amurath to incamp himself un­der the Walls of Babylon, a City on the Banks of Tigris, of a most vast circuit, and fortified by the Persians with three ditches and three inclosures of wall, but without that order and art, which in this pre­sent Age renders places invincible, even of a much less circumfe­rence. Emir Fatta was Governour, with a Garrison of little less than thirty thousand Souldiers. Nevertheless, they sufficed not to hinder Amurath, in November, from encamping there; and he having advertisement, that the King of Persia with sixty thousand Horse was on his march to attempt the relief, prevented him, sending a great number of his men to take possession of the avenues and pas­sages. On the other side over-running the Country with many par­ties, and with good Guards keeping the ways secure and open for his Victuals, he diverted from his Camp that necessity which he fear­ed much more than the Enemy. Distributing afterwards three at­tacques, with as many Batteries, against the Town, he gave the command of one to the Grand Visier; assigns another to Mustafa; and committed the third to Deli Ʋssein.

The King had a mind with his own hand to give fire to the first Cannon, and with a fierce stoutness assisted, and was present eve­ry where giving orders, rewarding and punishing with a most ex­act vigilance. To these beginnings the besieged making no oppo­sition, but only with Cannon, endeavouring to hinder their ap­proaches and ruine their works; the Turks, covered with Trenches, were able to advance to the first Ditch. And then the Persians made a sally, with great numbers and much fury, penetrating into the ve­ry Trenches, where they cut to pieces six thousand Janissaries, and would have done greater mischief, if Amurath, hasted thither with the Chiefs, drawing with him the flower of the Army, and the greater part of the Souldiers, had not with as much violence repulsed them. It is the custom of the Turks in Sieges to overcome Art, and conquer Nature with fatigue and industry; for prevailing in numbers and strength of bodies they weary out the defenders with indefatigable pains, win places with works and miraculous la­bours, and, if other means fail, they use to make Bridges, fill up Ditches, and raise Engines with the very bodies of the slain. In this Siege they undertook to fill up a very great Ditch, and effect­ed it after twenty three days of continual labour, and many oppo­sitions of the besieged; by the benefit whereof making a breach of fifty paces in the Wall, they made way to make themselves Masters of the first inclosure. Two others remained, probably of greater difficulty, so that it was of necessity, for filling up another Ditch, to employ great endeavours; and raising a great Cat with many Cannons on it, commanding the Wall, they attempted to dislodge the defenders; but they opposed another not inferiour in height, and with an equal number of Cannon silenced the Battery of the [Page 454] Turks. They then, by ways made under ground penetrating into the Ditch, made nothing of the opposition of their Enemy, taking out of the way all that, which of earth or otherwise they had brought to hinder them. But the Turks, not to be wearied out, with great bodies of Palm Trees, with which the Country abounds, raised the Ditch equal to the Earth.

And now Amurath, vexed that blood was spilt so slowly, resolves to give a general assault, and with one fury alone force both the Ramparts. Making then choice of the day, on which Christians ce­lebrate the Nativity of our Lord, and was the fortieth of the Siege, he orders the Town to be assaulted on both sides. Himself in per­son had a mind to lead on the Troops, and was not easily diverted from it by the chief Bassa's, promising solemnly to expose themselves, and sacrifice their own lives, so he would spare himself. The Grand Visier took the charge of one side, and Mustafa of the other. The Visier, having given proof of all possible force in vain, was killed upon a heap of dead bodies. The other seeing almost all his men dead about him, taking in his hand in a fury one of the Royal Standards, climbs up the wall, and plants it there. The Souldiers followed with great boldness, and killing some of the Persians, they entred the City, meeting with no other difficulty to make themselves way in several places; for the defenders, overcome in one, aban­doned all. The Turks pursuing entred also the third inclosure, with the cruelty which not only Nature and the Victory suggested, but fury and blood also. In the City were killed without distinction the armed and the unarmed, the Inhabitants as well as the Souldi­ers, preserving only alive the Persian Governour, with a few others, to satisfie the pride of Amurath, and adorn the Triumph. In the Assault, which lasted a great while, the fight being obstinate and with much valour, with Sable in hand thirty thousand Turks were slain, and more than ten thousand hurt.

Amurath having his mind sweetned with the flatteries of glory, and so noble a Conquest, suffered it to be carried away with an un­wonted scene of clemency, ordering that the slaughter should cease, and the Inhabitants be pardoned as to life; when Mustafa, immedi­ately taken, as the reward of his courage, into the place of Grand Visier, remonstrating to him how, much danger from commiseration towards a people so numerous and an Enemy might be expected, whilst, when the Army was retired, the Garrison might at some time or other be overpowered, he gave way that twenty four thou­sand men more should be slain. Thus was Babylon lost, losing with­al that boast, which some gave it, never to have been taken by as­sault. Amurath made his Entry over the bodies yet warm, of so ma­ny slain, and amidst their blood, almost reeking, barbarously rejoy­cing to triumph over a City formerly so famous and stately. The pillage lasted three days, and the King commanded, that sixty thou­sand bodies should remain unburied, that a Persian Ambassador, whom he expected, might be terrified at the horrible spectacle of so great a slaughter. Thus pride induces barbarous Princes to shew [Page 455] their greatness by those means, through which,An. Dom. 1639 believing themselves to be exempted from the common condition of Mankind, they fall into that of Bruits.

ANNO MDCXXXIX.

In Constantinople, with all sorts of jollity for twenty days was the Victory solemnized; after which it seemed not to be at all doubt­ed, but that Amurath, from so happy success elated in his mind and confidence, would think of adding to his Persian Triumphs, those also which the disunion of Christendom promised him. In this con­juncture of so great faste arrived to him the Letters of the Venetians; to which, with an express Currier (the Turks call him Olaccho) he an­swers; but not making the least mention of the arrest of the Bailo, if he were a Conquerour of Asia, he no less threatned Europe. Whe­ther through ambition or scorn, he touched not a word of an ad­justment. Diversity of enterprises offered themselves continually to his thoughts; for, the incessant Piracies of the Cossacks in the Black Sea provoked him against Poland, and the discords of Germany al­lured him towards Hungary; besides an old design to dispossess the Prince of Transilvania, and put another in his place of greater con­fidence with him. Under pretext to communicate to the Emperour the Conquest of Babylon, he sends to him Indan Aga Capigi Bassi, but in effect to spie the state of those Affa [...]rs, and understand how they stood. Certain it is, that which way soever he had turned that fu­rious torrent, he would have overwhelmed and carried every thing by force. In this interim he commands, Commerce should be for­bidden with the Territories of the Republick, and their Ships and Merchandise to be sequestred, and that a good number of Gallies should be built in the Black Sea, ordering all sorts of provision for a Naval Army, and in particular a vast quantity of Bisquet. To all this was the Caimecan obliged to furnish what was needful with unces­sant diligence, and fearing the displeasure of the King, having no ready money in the Treasury, he disbursed it of his own.

For the greater credit upon so great Naval preparations, Amurath nominates for Captain Bassa his Favourite Salitar, believing with his name, which was most acceptable to him, he should induce the Soul­diery to follow him more willingly at Sea. Nor could the War of Persia detain him any longer there; for that King advancing, a lit­tle after the taking of Babylon, with forty thousand Horse, had ho­ped to reap some of those advantages, which in new Conquests the negligence of the Conquerours, either disbanded to plunder, or lead away with the Festivals, or negligent in their Watch, is wont some­times to offer. But Amurath, watchful over all, sends against him ten thousand Janissaries with forty thousand Horse, and there was like to have been a Battel, if the excessive swelling of a River, which ran betwixt them, had not hindred the Encounter. The Per­sian hereupon thought fit to retire, and, applying to the thoughts of Peace, being, besides Foreign distractions, molested with seditions at [Page 456] home, he sends an Ambassadour to Amurath, who received him in Babylon with that horrid Ceremony before mentioned. The answer to the Propositions of Peace was not less haughty, declaring, that he would entirely desolate that Kingdom, if he did not give up to him all that, which in other times had been possessed by the Ot­tomans.

Nor did the Mogor speak of milder Conditions, demanding the Province of Candahar, for which he made War. The Persian ne­vertheless, inferiour in strength, went on fencing in the Treaty for the gaining of time, which happened fitly to his advantage; because Amurath was forced to draw further off those Confines. God, who above all hates the pride of men, uses to punish it with the self same instruments of their vanity. And that was seen in Babylon, where those unburied Carcasses caused such a terrible plague, that the Air being infected, men perished in infinite numbers. Amurath gone, and the Grand Visier, left on the Borders, and a great Garrison in the City, comes to Diarbechir to pass into Europe. According to his motion the Venetians hastened also their provisions and the care of their defence. About the end of the year past, the Pope congratu­lating the Victory, had voluntarily sent the Republick the continua­tion of the Tithes upon the Clergy, which was wont to be renewed every nine years.

The Nuntio Vitelli was permitted to present this Brief in the Colledge, and he making us [...] of the occasion, Insisted upon the zeal of Urban towards the common Cause; extolled his resolutions to assist the Republick, if assaulted by the Turks, and with all his care to pro­cure peace amongst Christians. But the Mediation being common to them both, there was a necessity that the Ministers of both should confer together. But in what Method that might be adequate to the necessity, could that be practised, since the affections of the Princes seemed so much disunited amongst themselves? That the Mediators would neglect their duties, if themselves at discord and divided, did not perswade others to Peace with authority and with examples. That the projects to be made use of in the Courts ought to be ripened at Rome; there ought to be con­certed the defence and motions against the common Enemy. That the Pope desired hereupon the counsels of the Republick, no less than the in­formations of the Turks proceedings, to direct the resolutions of what ought to be done. Nor amidst so many cares were to be omitted appli­cations to Italy, reduced to the point of a grand Crisis by the affairs of Piedmont, where the inward affections of that Family made sport for Strangers. What remained now entire in Italy and faithful to Chri­stendom, if the Pope and the Republick at least should not conspire with unanimity and counsel to preserve the one with Negotiations of Peace, and the other with the junction of Arms? The Senate therefore was from the conjuncture of the times, the universal necessity, and the desire of the Pope, invited to send Ministers to him, to the end, that interests and opinions being made common, the remedy of the present evils might be fully considered.

Upon these motives the Venetians resolved to send to Rome an [Page] Ambassadour Extraordinary with express charge, that keeping only to that which concerned the Cause of the Turks and the Negotia­ting the Peace of Christendom, he should abstain from whatsoever business, that might tend to the proper interests of the Republick, which, in regard of those that were common, it was willing at present to lay aside and suspend. Giovanni Nani, Procurator of St. Marco, was made choice of, to the end that by that natural dexterity he had, and consummated experience, gained in the most weighty imploy­ments of the Republick, he might promote affairs of that great im­portance. He was received by the Pope with joy and singular te­stimonies of honour; but Frederick, Cardinal Cornaro, Patriarch of Venice, being his Fore-runner, sent (as is the obligation of Custom) in imitation of the Apostles, induces Ʋrban to cancel the Inscription placed by him under the Memorial of Pope Alexander the Third. But to restore that which was anciently there, he would not, tacite­ly leaving it to the consideration of his Successor, since he abolished that whereof himself had been Author. The Senate, esteeming this, for so much as it was the first step, necessary for the finishing of the work, omitted not to express it self, that nothing else could content it but the renewing of the former Elogium. Upon this o­verture of correspondence with Rome, the Senate assents also to dis­patch the Bulls for divers Prelates, upon whom, during the past un­certainties, Bishopricks and other Benefices of the Church had been conferred, and a certain difficulty about the usual proposing of Bi­shopricks being moved in the Consistory, because it was the desire of the Senate, that that Function should be performed by the Cardi­nals Venetians, of which Cornaro alone was then in Court, it was as an act of confidence agreed, that together with the National, the Cardinals also of the Palace, Brother and Nephew of the Pope himself, should do it.

But as to the affairs most important, the Ambassadour demonstra­ted to Ʋrban, what the danger was which impended from the Turkish Arms. That Babylon was taken, and therefore in Persia the War at an end, or Peace very near. It was not to be doubted, but that to Amu­rath, puffed up and elated in his mind, ambition and power would sug­gest new designs and bold attempts. The long intestine discords of the Princes had these many years served for pastime to the Barbarians, who carefully observe the conjunctures, by assaulting the weakest to make way to invade the more powerful. War was scattered in Italy, and in every other part; Christendom appeared all bathed in blood, nor were other reports heard of, but those of deadly Battels and lamentable Sieges. Why should so great slaughters be endured for unprofitable Conquests, nay for great damages, if we will compare them to the progress which the common Enemy promises himself? That Christendom can save it self from this present shipwrack but by Peace alone. That it was Urbans duty to apply the prayers, and ingage the Authority of a common Father and a Prince, to pacifie his Sons and unite them against the Power of the Barbarians. That it was his office to calm the World, appease the Kings, pacifie the Princes, quiet disturbances, and compose the people. [Page 458] The Republick would not spare pains and endeavours to second those pious intentions and his most prudent judgment. She saw her self threatned by the unjust rage of the Turks, but what was her Country but the out­works of others? She maintained with a long Frontier the Guard of the Confines of Italy and the violence of a furious Torrent. If she should yield to necessity, or fall under force, what would become of the King­doms of Sicily and Naples, nay the State of the Pope himself? This Country, the Guardian of Religion, the Seat of Liberty and Honour can­not be invaded by the Turks in one part but it will be oppressed all over. Their dreadful Arms are to be compared to that poyson, which by one sole touch creeps irresistably over the whole body. That the Senate for a com­mon benefit promises a constancy in maintaining the War equal to the Generosity of provoking it. The proud pretensions of the Turks had for their aim to extort from the Republick Ships and Gallies, to offend Chri­stendom with the very instruments of their own defence. In case of de­nial, War ensued; of granting, the power and strength of the Enemy was increased, who not content with the usurping of so many spoils, lies in wait for the last breath of languishing Christendom. That the Republick had given an absolute denial to their demands, yet knew their Forces un­equal, and by consequence the danger great: Nevertheless put their Arms in order, prepared for resistance, with a firm hope, that that War being from God, and the cause undivided betwixt the Church and the Republick, blessings from Heaven would abound, nor would warlike assistances be wanting, in particular that of the Vicar of Christ.

The Pope heard all with grave reflections; discoursed of many things; and although more difficult to resolve and put them in effect, nevertheless affirmed, that urgency coming upon them, he would not suffer his endeavours and forces to be wanting. For the pre­sent he permitted the Levy of three or four thousand men in his Country, and to promote more vigorously the Mediation of Peace betwixt the Princes, he sent Extraordinary Nuntio's to the Courts with vehement intreaties and effectual considerations to bring them to some Conditions of Peace, and, if that should be found too diffi­cult and long, to a Truce, or at least to a suspension of Arms by Sea, by transmitting their powers to Rome, to the end, that under the eye and direction of the Pope the Treaty might with as much care, as the necessity required, be brought to perfection. The Ambassadours of the Republick cooperated in the same, the interposition of Ʋrban proving faint and not acceptable. For a pretext of particular diffi­dence served the distaste, which was pretended by the Emperour, by France, and by Spain; for there being named in the promotion of Cardinals by the Emperour the Prince Rinaldo d'Esté, and by one of the Crowns Giulio Mazarini, and by the other the Abbot Peretti, the Pope denying to comply with the instances, and, to cover the little inclination he had towards those persons, alledging that they were not National, deferred the promotion, though there were many pla­ces vacant.

The Crowns herewith not at all content, insisted on the Nomination with so much heat, that being at variance in all else, they agreed only [Page 459] in this, to force the will of the Pope; and passing from intreaties to protests and threatnings, gave out, they would forbid their Sub­jects to accept of that Dignity, as often as the nominated should not be comprehended. The French in particular pressed for Mazarine, who, besides what he had negotiated in Piedmont, had in his extra­ordinary Nunciature of France so gained the favour of Richelieu, and had declared himself so partial for that Crown, that, having drawn the Cardinal Anthonio to the dependence upon it, he not only pas­sed in Rome for the most confident Minister of France, but being called to Paris, was declared Plenipotentiary at the Meeting for Peace, not without the disgust and murmuring of some of the Na­tion, that for the Purple and weightiest Imployments Strangers were preferred, as if Merit and Capacity were wanting in so many persons of the Kingdom.

To exasperate minds the more, there happened afterwards other lesser accidents, which yet in the Court of Rome take the place of greater matters; for the Master of the Horse of the Mareshal d'Estré, Ambassadour of France, being out-lawed for having taken away out of the hands of the Serjeants a Friend of his, was killed in the Country, while he was yet in his service, and his head publickly exposed in Rome. Whereupon the Ambassadour taking himself to be slighted, intermitted going to Audiences, from whence came, that in France also they were denied to Monsieur Scotti, Nuntio Ex­traordinary, with much rigour and severity. This disgust was at last composed with the punishing some Officers, and with the offices of respect and esteem, which the Cardinal Barberin passed with the Ambassadour in his own house, going thither to visit his Wife. Af­ter this, upon the old diffidences with the Spaniards were sowed new discontents; so that the Ambassadour, Marquess di Castel Ro­derigo, suspended in like manner the Audiences with Barberino, be­cause, he being the Cardinal Protector of the Religion of the Fran­ciscans, had, by the Authority of the Pope, assumed to the Genera­lat a Brother that had not the Royal approbation; and the displea­sure was so much the more increased, by how much the same Am­bassadour, the night of the Nativity, caused in Rome fast by a Church to be arrested the Prince of Sans, of the House of Dorefici, a Neopolitan, accused to frame with the Ministers of France (not without the knowledge of the Barberins) concerts against that King­dom, and being sent to the Vice-King had his head publickly cut off.

From all this the Negotiation of Peace grew cool, besides that through the difficulty of the Pass-ports the meeting of the Assembly was prolonged; and as for the general Truce, which was to be ma­naged in the Court of Rome, the French, though their Confederates of contrary Religion could not come thither, shewed themselves ready to send their powers; conscious nevertheless, that such a pro­position would be adhorred by the Spaniards, as afterward happen­ed, King Philip declaring himself, that he could not open his mind in confidence to Ʋrban, whilst one of the Cardinal Nephews shewed [Page 460] himself so partial to France. The Mission then of Extraordinary Nuntios, rendred unprofitable by the difficulty, and little pleasing by reason of the disgusts, was of no other use but to give a change in Vienna and Madrid to those in Ordinary. The weight of the Me­diation falling almost wholly upon the Ambassadours of Venice, the Truce was by them point blank proposed in France and in Spain, but was encountred with the wonted disagreements; for Richelieu desired it for eight or ten years, and that every one should remain in possession of what he was seized; and Olivares pretended it for a very short time, for the negotiating of the Peace only, or, if it were to last for a long term, that Conquests should be restored. Nor was there better success in the suspension of Arms by Sea, which was also proposed, to give the Turks some apprehension; for the inten­tions being no less differing than the interests, whatsoever inclina­tion the Spaniards shewed to it, furnished the French with an argu­ment to reject it, out of a belief, that they were induced to yield their assent from weakness and the fear of their Naval preparations. So that during all this present year nothing else was wrought out for the Peace, but that the Emperour at the instance of Giovanni Grimani, Ambassadour for the Republick, consented a safe conduct to the Palatine, to send his Ministers to the Meeting.

As to that of the Spaniards for the Provinces of Holland, after the Cardinal Infante had by several means sought, but in vain, to bring them to a Treaty, he dispatched it, but it was not by them accepted; for expressing, to grant it to the Deputies of the Ʋnited Provinces of the Low Countries, they pretended, that it should have been said, To the Ambassadours of the States General of the Ʋnited Provinces of the Low Countries: And upon this contest they dwelt long, Spain not assenting to the Character of Ambassadours, thereby not to authorize their Soveraignty, but willing rather to leave a blank for the quality, to the end, it might be inserted by the States themselves, as they desired it. But that pleased not Holland nei­ther; so that careless of the dangers of the Republick, and the threat­nings and preparations of the Turks, so far was it from facilitating Peace, that some rather doubted, that the Venetians applications to the affairs of the Sea did much promote the Princes designs to di­sturb Italy. And to say truth, she underwent strange and dange­rous accidents; for Prince Thomas, being come the beginning of the year out of Flanders to Milan, held with the Cardinal his Brother Trivultio, the Governour, Aragona and the Great Chancellor assist­ing, a close and secret Meeting, in which it was resolved to make War in Piedmont. The difficulties they met with about the man­ner were not small, because the Princes, what with the disposition of the people and with Intelligences, hoped to make a Conquest of the Country for themselves, and the Spaniards, who furnished the money and men for it, pretended, that the advantage of the Con­quests should be theirs, to ballance it with the losses which they re­ceived or feared elsewhere. It was at last agreed, that what should come to be conquered by the Kings Forces should be kept by the [Page 461] same, and as much as should voluntarily submit, should be at the disposing of the Princes, who, transported by their interests, consent­ed, that the two Crowns, the one with open Hostility, and the other under the pretext of succours, should rent Piedmont into pieces.

The Spaniards could have desired, that the Emperour would have sent a body of his Troops into Italy, or at least a General to com­mand those of the German Nation, which they had in their service in the Milanese, to the end, that the cause might have received autho­rity from the Emperours Name, and he have been constituted Judge betwixt the pretended Tutors of the little Duke; but Count Traat­manstorf, Ferdinand's most favoured Minister, kept him off from med­ling in the Affairs of that Province, the Emperour complaining ra­ther of the Spaniards, that for the interests of Piedmont the more weighty ones of the Empire were neglected, and in particular those of Alsace, which so much concerned the House in general. Never­theless, to comply with them, he declares null the Testament of the Duke Vittorio, and decrees the Princes Tutors to the Nephew. They under this colour publish a Manifest to gain them the people, and disanulled all the acts of the Regent, who, with other Writings and contrary Edicts, maintained her right and authority. But, passing quickly from the Pen to the Sword, the Spaniards getting first into the Field, one part of the Army, with Martino d' Aragona, went to besiege Centio, not so much to open the passages, as to draw the applications and French Forces into those parts. The enterprise was carried on by Antonio Sottello; for that Aragona, taking a view of the Town of Salicetto, near to Centio, with the shot of a Musket was killed. In this while Prince Thomas, with Spanish Troops only, surprises the Town of Chivas, not far from Turin, and it was firmly believed, that he held intelligence with the Governour; because, though he brake down the Gate with a Petard, there did not appear, in those within, a disposal of those Orders for the defence, which in case of sudden and unexpected accidents use to be given out by those that have the command. The Prince Cardinal conveyed him­self thither, to stir up the people in his favour nearer hand, but the Garrison and the Governour were placed by the Spaniards. Tomaso losing no time to go on, takes Chieri and Moncalieri, so soon as he came before them. The Town of Aglié making resistance was plun­dred, and Inurea taken by force after a short defence. La Valle d' Agosta declared it self to be at the Princes devotion, and because both hearts and Gates were opened to them, Verrua and Crescentino were given up, the Inhabitants in this last hindring the French Gar­rison to defend it. To open the Navigation of the Po, Pontestura in Monferrat was taken in.

Thomaso, coming near to the City of Turin, filled every thing with alteration, and such a muttering, that the Dutchess was more a­fraid of a tumult of the people, than the assault of the Enemy. Nor did this so much arise from the felicity of the late successes, and from the satisfactions which accompanied the Name and Arms of the Prince, as from the great number of Partisans and Confidents he [Page 462] had in Turin, some whereof first with secret and now with open discourses stirred up the minds of all against the present Government. For this cause the Regent, sending the little Duke and the Daugh­ters, for greater security, to Monmelian, was forced to commit herself wholly to the custody and direction of the French. La Valetta orders the defence, Sentinels, and Guards; whereupon the people, that fluctuated amidst various affections, were restrained rather by fear than fidelity. The Prince, seeing no commotion in his favour, retires. While he stayed at Valentino, the Nuntio Caffarelli, who resided for the Pope in Turin, brought him, in the name of the Dut­chess, advantageous conditions of Peace; but without effect, they excluding his coming into Turin, and participation in the Regency, which the Prince pretended. The French tempted the Cardinal, accounting it great advantage, if they could but separate him from his Brother; in him, as in the eldest, residing the more legitimate ti­tle to the succession and the tutelage.

But in the pitch of so propitious fortune the Brothers, not willing by dividing to weaken their hopes and the party, linked themselves ra­ther so much the faster with the Spaniards; and Thomaso, in conjun­ction with Leganes, marches to besiege Moncalvo, and, before it was rendred, separating with some Troops surprises Villa Nova d' Asti. Both the Brothers afterwards go to Asti, a City furnished neither with Fortifications, Provisions, nor a sufficient Garrison; but there be­ing within it certain Companies of Piemontois, who at the name of the Prince flying away, both Arms and Colours rendred without defence. The Commander Balbiani, who was the Governour, re­tired into the Citadel, but kept it not above three days; it being weak, little, and commanded by a small Fort upon the Hill, pos­sessed by the Spaniards. Nevertheless, because he expected not the Cannon, he was suspected, that he had before the Siege been overcome either by affection towards the Princes, or some other interest. The Citadel remaining in the hands of the Spaniards, the City was de­livered to the Princes, either in order to the Agreement, because it rendred voluntarily, or rather because, being exposed to whom was Master of the Field, Leganes did not care to employ a Garri­son there, keeping it under with the Citadel, which remained in his power. The Cardinal fixes his residence there; but beginning, to­gether with his Brother, to be aware, that they were made use of, as instruments of their own and the Country's slavery, they desi­red to raise a body of men to act apart from the Spaniards, take places, and form a third party, which might render them more va­lued by Strangers, and acceptable to the people; and demanded of Leganes, in conformity to the Agreement, money to make Levies. He furnishes it but scantily, to the end, that having Forces of their own, they might not take the liberty and courage to free them­selves from the Spanish party. In the mean time making profit of the Enemies disorders, and of the countenance but rather weakness of the Princes, he promoted the advantages of the Crown, making progress in the Monferrat; so that having forced the Castle of Mon­calvo, [Page 463] he came to the Siege of Trino. A thousand Souldiers which were within it were not sufficient for the great circuit, and the ma­ny fortifications which environed that place. For which cause, la Valetta having not been able to prevent the Siege by succours, the Spaniards had the good luck not only to take the Out-works by as­sault, but to enter into it, mingled with the defenders as they re­tired.

By this means Casal remained blocked; whereupon la Valetta, ha­ving received out of France some little renfort, carefully put into it eight hundred Souldiers, and assigns the Government to Monsieur de la Tour, the Duke of Candale being dead there, who first had it. But not having Forces to be able to resist in several places, he pro­vides Carmagnuola, Chivasco, and some other places, more commo­dious or suspected, abandoning Alba with some other Towns, not possible to be kept. Cuneo also declares it self in favour of the Prin­ces, which served to open them the way to Villa Franca, and ex­clude French succours by Sea; and Sant' Ja gave it self to the Spa­niards: so that, except the Metropolis, scarce any other remained entire in Piedmont. To oppose himself to so many losses, la Valetta goes out of Turin, recovers Chieri, cutting the Garrison in pieces, and together with the Duke of Longueville, come out of France with some Troops, marches towards Asti, where by Intelligence he hoped to surprise the Town, and take the two Princes Prisoners, who were then within it. Understanding in his march, that the Plot was discovered, changing his way he goes to Chivas, and sits down be­fore it.

The succours, which Leganes upon knowledge of it sent, came not in time; nor availed it, that he, to hinder Victuals, lodged with his Army betwixt that place and Turin; much less, that assaulting the Lines, he attempted to force them. Wherefore they being stoutly defended, he was constrained to abandon it; so that the Baron de Sebach, the Governour having want of provisions and relief, surrenders. During this Siege, the Prince Cardinal, invited by the Governours of Villa Franca and Nizza, going towards these parts, taking in his way Ceva with other places, found, that his reception into the Towns fore-mentioned came to be hindred by the French, who with 18 Gallies and 24 Vessels lay before them, when, at the appearing of certain Spanish Ships, removing to chase them, the Governours opened the Gates, the Citadel of Nizza only resisting for some days. The French intended with the whole Army to attempt the relief of it; but not coming in time, having in their march taken the Castles of Bene, Fossano, and Mondovi, resolved to attacque Cuneo, notwith­standing the Intelligence, they had within it, had been discovered. But such conquests and attempts could not countervail the losses and the dangers; whereupon, the Dutchess making great com­plaints to obtain more vigorous assistance from France, Monsieur de Chavigny, Secretary of State, arrives at Turin, not so much to com­fort her as to intimate to her, That there was no other way of safety for her but that of putting her self and the Country blindfold into the [Page 464] Kings trust, who then ingaged in reputation and interest, would with a strong hand and all his Forces come to her relief.

This was Richelieu's counsel, who equally fixed in the advantages of the King, and implacable in his own revenge upon the Savoyards, preferred the profit, offered him by the occasion, before all other considerations. The Dutchess resisting as much as she could, was at last forced to abandon Carmagnola, Savigliano, and Chierasco to be garrisoned by French, for so long as the Spaniards and the Princes should retain their Conquests; and it was agreed, That the King, co­ming towards Italy the end of the year, should somewhere near the Alps speak with his Sister to concert the succours, and give her reputation among Strangers and the people by so evident an appearance of his pro­tection and kindness.

But a more lamentable accident confounded and cast affairs into greater disorder; for that Leganes marching to relieve Cuneo, and divert the French from that enterprise, Prince Thomas secretly sepa­rates from the Army, with a thousand Foot and two thousand Horse, and with Ladders and Pettards coming to Turin, where he wanted not Intelligence, climbing by night that which was called the Green Bastion, and, throwing down the Gate of the Castle, put­ting some few French to flight, which upon the sudden Alarm were flocked thither, takes the Town. The confusion was such, as in surprises uses to proceed from the darkness, the noise and fury of the Conquerours, and from the distraction and terrour of the con­quered. The Prince restrains, though with trouble, the Souldiers from pillage, not to provoke the people so well affected to his name. Upon this success the French were forced to rise immediately from Cuneo, and come near to the Citadel of Turin to strengthen it, and to withdraw the Dutchess, who had scarce had time that night to save her self, half cloathed, with some Ladies and certain Mi­nisters.

Leganes, with excess of pride for so great prosperities, coming in­to Turin, would have the Citadel besieged; for, that taken, as it seemed not difficult to him in that constitution of things, French suc­cours would be excluded out of Italy, and Casal remain a secure con­quest to him. But in regard he pretended to garrison it with his own Souldiers, the Princes with opposite ends, ere they would ap­ply themselves to the Siege, required security, that that and other places, gained undoubtedly rather by the reputation and favour of their presence, than the power of the Spanish Arms, might be con­signed into their hands. Thus discord beginning to insinuate it self, the felicity of those Arms was then at a stand, when it appeared to proceed with the greatest prosperity. This state of things caused great apprehensions in Italy, it being doubted, lest, all at last making way for the advantage of the more powerful, the Spanish Great­ness would extend it self to the Alps. The French making use of this reflection, stirred up the Princes of Italy, both with the fear of the progresses of Spain and with the hopes of their succours, to take part in the Cause of the Savoyards.

[Page 465]The Pope, doubting that all tended to divide that Country be­twixt the two Crowns, endeavoured by all sorts of offices to recon­cile the Princes to their Sister-in-law. Nor were the Venetians, not­withstanding the distraction towards the Levant, exempt from the instances of both the Crowns; for Monsieur d' Ʋssé for France solli­cited, that they would give assistance to the Duke of Savoy, and conspire in the aims of that Crown; nay from instances passing to the considerations of common concern and weighty dangers, he did in a manner upbraid them, That forgetting their ancient Customs, they neglected the publick good for private offences. That the present business did not concern Vittorio deceased, but an innocent Orphan. Do then hatreds betwixt Princes last eternally? The friendship of the Re­publick was deserved by all those that equally loved the liberty of this Country, and have a common interest in it. That the question now was concerning the enslaving of all Italy, and while uncertain dangers were feared from the Turks side, evident mischiefs were advanced by the yoke of Spain. To what purpose had she heretofore defended Piedmont, and in Piedmont Italy with money, blood, and counsel, nay with in­dangering her self, if, at last neglecting it, she should now leave all in prey to the Spaniards? That in other times on appearances and threatnings, and not only upon Invasions, she had been justly moved; had called in Friends; stirred up the World; opposed Forces; but now unlike her self, forgetting in a manner the recent Hostilities of the one, and abhorring the ancient friendships of the other, carelesly beheld the issue of things. By the Conquests of Monferrat and Piedmont succours are excluded out of Italy, and the Alps shut up to France; but what does that import King Lewis, bating his great care of his friends, who might elsewhere more profitably extend his Confines, and enlarge his Conquests? The Se­nate was to consider of it, and the other Princes to give their minds to it; for the disadvantages were at present such, as could not be repaired with good offices, much less with desires or counsels. That States were defended, Friends preserved, and Publick Good protected with resolu­tions, with arms, and with actions, not with cautions and reserves, in­terpreted by the Enemy for fear and a superfluous awe.

To such apprehensions the Count della Rocca, the Ambassadour of Spain, to remove Jealousies, opposed a Discourse no less effectual; he assured, That his King had no intention but to assist the Princes for the advantage of the Duke, whose Countries, under pretext of aid and protection, were seen possessed by the French. That the Governour of Milan did not, though on a subject so just, ingage so much of his own accord, as exhorted, intreated, and implored by the Princes themselves and the people. Whilst the Dutchess opened the Gates and the Towns to French Garrisons, why should it not be lawful for the Spanish Armies to oppose and prevent those that designed, by the Ʋsurpation of Pied­mont, the oppression of Italy? Are then the Spanish Garrisons more to be suspected by the Princes than the supplies of French Forces? Let them behold in Pignarol and in Casal what was the issue of the Tute­lage or of the assistances given by that Crown. Let there be a compo­sure of all things; let its own be restored by all, to the House of Savoy [Page 466] and of Mantua; let Italy be put into its pristine state, and the distur­bers of the publick quiet excluded, and let the World afterwards be Judge, which of the two Kings, with a mind more upright, is inclined to Justice and to Peace.

He pressed besides, that the Count della Manta might be admitted to Audience, sent by the Princes to Venice, under pretence to in­form the Republick of their Reasons and Rights; but aiming per­adventure more secretly to procure them some private assistance, to form that party, which they had in their thoughts, independent from the Crowns. But the Senate refused to hear him, answering as to the rest in the same expressions equally used to the Ambassa­dours of France and Spain, exhorting to a general Peace, and above all to the tranquillity of Italy. They alledged their just suspicions of the Arms of the Turks, which, if at present they involved the Re­publick in apprehensions and troubles, tended to greater advanta­ges against all Christians. If such reasons had any force to render the two Kings satisfied with the Republicks Neutrality, they availed nothing for conciliating a Peace, it appearing every day more clear­ly, that for the same causes, for which there was a breaking into War, it was likely to continue a long time. The Venetians therefore being to expect little succours in their necessity, whilst they saw the dan­ger slighted, applied themselves to some kind of composure with the Turks, which might at least be able to retard that mischief, for which there appeared as yet no remedy in a readiness.

Amurath, as hath been said, being come to Diarbechir, intended to continue his way to Constantinople; for the plague raging more and more, had almost consumed all the Army, and the remaining Souldiers were mutined against the Grand Visier, murmuring at the King himself, as if, wont to palliate his avarice with his cruelty, he had abandoned his Souldiers to the plague and to sufferings, expresly to defraud them of those recompences and gifts, which were wont to be bestowed by the Ottoman Kings on those that well deserved, and the victorious Armies. The Grand Visier having had much ado to quiet them, sollicited from his own danger, counselled Amurath to remain in those Provinces, prognosticating otherwise, that the Souldiers in his absence would lose all discipline and respect, and the Conquests would with as much shame be exposed, as they had been gotten with glory. But the self same considerations expresly hastened the Kings departure, both to withdraw himself from the grumblings of the Souldiers, and not to be a Spectator, without force, of that, which the Persians might attempt. To take away every shadow and every chief, which might but in name give countenance to sedition, since the Turks are not accustomed to seek Kings out of the Ottoman Family, he dispatches, as he was upon the way, order to Constantinople to take away the life of his Uncle Mustapha.

This unhappy man having twice scarce tasted the Empire, was kept in a most strict prison, always hating life, and every moment fearing death. The order, as usual, was immediately executed, though there remained none of the Blood Royal but one Brother of [Page 467] Amurath, believed a Fool. The King, pursuing his Journey, made a solemn Vow to his false Prophet, not to lay down his Sword till he should have subjected the Christians to his Empire and Law. But God hath set limits to the fury of man as well as bounds to the Sea. Amurath, through the strength of his body sottishly fierce, gave himself up as a prey to every excess, particularly that of Wine. His Genius was his Law-maker, though to the contempt of the Alco­ran, which expresly forbid it; and his example prevailing over the Authority of the Law, drunkenness became familiar with the Turks. The complexion of the King, though of the strongest, not able to bear incessant disorder, was at last shaken, and on the way subject­ed to a dangerous sickness. He found himself weakned in such sort, that moderating the pride of his mind, he inclines to thoughts of Peace. At Smith, not far from Constantinople, his pleasure was to hold a Council about it, and there it was fully considered, The Ar­my in Asia destroyed, the War of Persia not as yet ended, the difficulty to put to Sea a powerful Fleet, thirty Gallies to bridle the Cossacks be­ing to be imployed in the Black Sea: That the Venetians had advanta­giously made use of the time, provided for the Islands and Towns, increa­sed their Fleet, and had ordered and in a readiness all sorts of Provi­sions.

It was then secretly resolved to stoop to an accord; but such is always the custom of that Government to shew it self averse to it, to maintain its faste, and meliorate the conditions. Their great pre­parations therefore made a great noise, and the Venetians did oppose as great, having chosen Proveditor General of the Sea, with Autho­rity of Captain General, Luigi Giorgio, Procurator of St. Marco, to the end, that he should arm and go forth, according as he should be clearly informed of the Turks hostile intentions. The Tartars, cal­led Crim, depending upon the Ottoman Port, made at this time, to revenge themselves of the Cossacks, and to arm the Turkish Gallies with Slaves, an Incursion into Russia, bringing away a great Booty and number of men, which they sold (as is their custom) to the Turks at a low rate.

But Amurath being come to Constantinople, made not his entry with any designed Triumph; because, weakned with the late acci­dent, he could not sit vigorously on Horse-back; some principal Prisoners only were brought in, and a great quantity of Gold, which stupendiously exceeded the sum expended for the War of Persia: So much are the Ottomans wont to make profit by their Armies, which to other Princes serve to consume their Treasure. He presently let the Bailo know, that he held him no more a publick Minister, but the Hostage for Ships hostilly taken within his Port. Displacing Mus­sa the Caimecan, he nevertheless orders Mustapha, substituted into the same Charge, that he should not shut his ears to a Treaty. Con­tarini was admitted to Audience, and the Bassa quietly hearing the reasons of the fact and the fixed resolution of the Senate, not to de­liver up in exchange their own Gallies, condescended at last to an adjustment, which consisted, In the Bailoes promising some money as [Page 468] in reparation of the hurt done at Vallona, in restoring that Vessel which was in being, as properly belonging to the Turks; as to other things, that all sorts of pretensions should be silenced; that the Corsaires should be commanded not to molest the Venetians and the Governours of For­tresses, not to receive them in the Ports, till first caution given, not to make any disturbance. That the Commanders for the Republick might punish the said Corsaires in conformity to the ancient Capitulations; that Commerce should be renewed, and the Bailo be restored to his liber­ty and house: As was done, the Caimecan sending him back with a Vest of Gold, which is an Honour used by the Turks.

The advice of this agreement coming unexpectedly to Venice, raised in mens minds (as it happens in great things and unlooked for) diversity of thoughts, whilst some were not wanting, who con­founding the reflections of the Government with the discourses of the Vulgar, judged that it would have been good counsel to have secured themselves with Arms rather than with Money, out of a doubt, that the Turks making a shew of Peace, would by this false security protract their revenge, and under a feigned tranquillity, till a better conjuncture, cover their hatreds and disgusts. But the Senate, from the experience of former times and the conjuncture of present things, undeceived as to the hopes of Christian assistances, soberly weighing the dangers, the charges, and the consequences of the War, which might be carried on rather with good courage than with equal Forces and good successes, having formerly commanded the Bailo to endeavour an accord, approved the conclusion, partici­pating to the Princes to have resolved to procure honest conditions of Peace, since the state of Christendom understood the trouble of such a War unseasonable. The resolution was approved of all, and by the Pope, judging that the Peace had been prudently managed by the Venetians, and with commendations equal to the Generosity with which they had encountred the danger.

It happened at the instant the accord was ready to be executed, that the Turks on the Confines of Dalmatia, for private disputes which are frequent amongst those Neighbours, entred armed into the Territories of the Republick, so that Marino Molino, who had been assumed into the Charge of Proveditor General of the Horse, to repulse them and repair himself, attacques them in four places; and in those Factions, Mustapha the principal Disturber of quiet being killed, the Hurliburly with his life ended. At Constantinople all pro­ceeding against the Republick and all preparations for a Fleet ceased, but not the suspicion, that there was not some design against Chri­stendom elsewhere; for that Amurath, recovered somewhat in his health and strength, sought for Peace with the Persian. That King, after Amurath was gone, had retaken Revan, and having made Peace with the Tartar Osbech, had the luck to beat the Mogor and to keep the possession of Candahar. Nevertheless, because War with the Turks uses not to be advantagious to the Persians, he desired Peace, and to negotiate it, had sent Ambassadours to the Port, where the Grand Visier was also arrived. The difficulty about Revan consist­ed, [Page 469] that Amurath desired it should be restored, and the Persians re­taining it, understood, that the Capitulations made in the time of Soliman should only be confirmed. Amurath determines to remand the Ambassadours into Persia together with a Minister of his own, that might sound intentions and observe affairs, for the future better direction of his Counsels and Arms, since that in Europe he saw rising up several accidents, very seasonable for his end to imploy them against the Christians.

The Prince of Moldavia had obtained of the Port, by the wonted means of money, to give up that Province to his Son, and himself to be substituted to the Wallachian; but he publishing, that the Or­der came not from the King, but from the corrupted Ministers, puts himself in defence, and marching against that other, defeats him and drives him away. Amurath, that knew not what was doing in Wal­lachia, or at least to cover the dishonour of the success, feigned, not to know it, vents his wrath against the Caimecan, as if bribed by the Moldavian he had concealed the business from him, and caused him to be strangled in the seven Towers, confiscating all the Estate he had. He could not for all that digest the affront, and disposed things, framing pretexts to disturb the Wallachian again, in assurance to break out into a War against the Christians, either in Hungary or in Poland, because it was believed, that the Transilvanian and Po­lacks would not suffer that Prince to be destroyed, and it might well be, that the Emperour, though greatly imployed elsewhere, might be ingaged in it.

But Heaven diverted this blow; for Amurath was surprised with a more dangerous sickness, in the fears whereof being exhorted by the Musti and his Mother, he vowed to abstain for the future from Wine, and, for the earnest of his Oath, brake the most precious Ves­sels wherein he drank. Being scarce recovered, and unmindful of the danger he had run, and of his promise, he falls again to such exor­bitant disorders, that relapsing he dyed the 7. of February of the year following in the night, in the two and thirtieth of his Age, and the fifteenth of his Empire.

Of several Sons which he had had, none remaining alive, the Empire fell to his Brother Ibrain, who was seven and twenty years old; but either for fear of death, which he expected every mo­ment, or through the solitude of the Prison where he was kept, amu­sed in childish exercises, was of a stupid and dull Understanding. He was not easily induced to believe, that the Empire was fallen to his lot; but fearing rather to be haled away to be strangled, he would not go out of his Chamber, till the body of his Brother was brought to him, at the sight whereof he cryed out, (uttering words not so simple) that a great King was dead, but withal a most cruel Tyrant. Passing thereupon in a moment from a Prison to an Empire, new to himself, much more to business, he leaves the dire­ction of them to his Mother and Mustapha the Grand Visier.

The Republick, according to custom, appoints Pietro Foscarini as Ambassadour Extraordinary to congratulate with him, and Gi­rolamo [Page 470] Trevisano to succeed to the Bailo. Upon this mutation of Government at Constantinople, it in truth looked as if Christendom might have a breathing, but it was afterwards seen, how blind the judgments of men are, and that where force prevails, it is rendred more formidable, if reason step not in to correct it. But that shall be reserved for the following years.

In Turin the spreading of the Troops had given means to the French, to whom the Dutchess had wholly committed the defence of the Citadel, to put a better Garrison and Provisions into it; whereupon the Peace being rendred more difficult, because the pro­position of the Princes fell to the ground, that together with the City the Citadel should be kept by Subjects trusted by both the parties: The Nuntio at last prevailed in the consent to a Truce, from the fourth of August to the twenty fourth of October, which was punctually executed in Italy, though in France and in Spain it was with unanimous opinions, but for differing causes, censured. To the French nevertheless it was of great advantage; because the Duke of Longueville, with the Troops destined for Italy, was able in Bur­gundy and Alsace to make considerable Conquests; so that Leganes was so much the more blamed in Spain, by how much that, besides the putting a stop to fortune in the most happy course of prosperity and keeping the Forces employed in Italy, he gave time to the Ene­my to strengthen themselves, and draw advantages from elsewhere. The Marquess delle Fuente was then sent from Madrid to Milan, to the end, that reproaching Leganes with his errour he might more ef­fectually enjoin him to apply himself to Casal, without the conquest whereof Olivares wrote plainly, that, notwithstanding so many suc­cesses, he accounted nothing of moment done. But in Italy things proceeded not with the facility which from far off the Condé Duke imagined; for by the attempting that place, many Princes might grow jealous, and to use force, Prince Thomas was to be perswaded to it, who, if doubting lest the Citadel of Turin should fall into the Spaniards hands, had precipitated the conclusion of the Truce, and forced the Governour of Milan to consent to it, it was not proba­ble that he should co-operate sincerely in the taking of Casal, which seemed the high-way to the slavery of Italy and the oppression of Piedmont: nevertheless Melo was by Leganes sent to Turin to per­swade him to it. The Spaniard intricated in these Negotiations, the Emperour experiencing most sensible mischiefs complained high­ly both of the Truce in Italy, and of the ingaging the Army in that Country, whilst he lost Alsace, and Banier, increased to little less than thirty thousand fighting men, was wandring towards Bohemia to gain quarters there.

The Spaniards counselled the Emperour to go himself into the Field, and command the Army, being in great disorder through the discords and emulations of the Chiefs; and in requital of the succours, which they received from him in Flanders, besides the payment of six thousand Hungarians, they furnished him with a great sum of mo­ney. But Ferdinand, abhorring the charge and the danger which [Page 471] the assuming of the command of the Army carried with it, allots it to the Archduke Leopold Guilielmo his Brother; but to make an ef­fort capable to drive the Swedes out of Germany, he had recourse to the Pope, demanding of him a powerful assistance. Ʋrban ex­cuses himself, because the differences of the Venetians with the Turks being not yet appeased, he professed, that for that cause, abandoned by every body else, he was ingaged to imploy his mind and all his Forces. The hopes then of Ferdinand depending upon Spain alone, and the recovery of Alsace highly concerning him, he sends Hannibal Gonzagha Ambassadour Extraordinary to Madrid, by whom a Trea­ty was concluded to raise at common Charge an Army for that pur­pose to be commanded by Melo. This Levy went not forward to designs of War, the hopes of a Treaty intervening; for Duke Ber­nard of Weimar dying at Neoburg in the thirty sixth year of his Age, snatcht away by a short sickness, in the greatest progress of Glory, the Austrians believed with money and advantages to gain Erlach and other principal Commanders, that had the Command of Brisach and the places of consequence.

But Richelieu, with his wonted Ascendant of Wit and Fortune, concludes a more speedy and happy Treaty with them; for capti­vating with a vast sum of money the mind of those, to whom the Duke in his Testament had committed the care of the Army, he agreed with them, That they should accept the Duke of Longueville for their General, and be obliged to make War for the advantages and inte­rests of France, who was to pay the Army and Garrison of Brisach, which, under the Government of Erlach, should be composed of Germans and French.

It happened, that Charles Lodowick Palatine, who was then at London, no sooner heard the News of Weimars death, but posting incognito through France, endeavours to get to that Army, in hope not only by conformity of Religion, Manners, and Tongue, but by money and promises from the King of England to induce it to ac­cept him for their Chief, by which means he afterwards proposed to himself, either by Force or Treaty, for the exchange of Alsace to recover the Palatinate. Richelieu, who by many Spies had his eyes every where, being advertised of such an intention, caused him at Molins in the Borbonnois to be arrested, and did not release him, though the King of England, not without complaints, pressed it, till the Treaty with the Weimarians was finished. Thus in a moment fell into the power of France a Town, a Province, an Army, not with­out great reflections of the Swedes, and greater of the Germans, who would have wished that Crown an Assistant and Neighbour, but not so much advanced into the Empire. Neither were other prosperi­ties in the Provinces of Flanders wanting to the same; for though in the beginning of the Campagnia Piccolomini had beaten Monsieur de Fichieres, who besieged Thionville, and with many Arts brought him with many others into that Town Prisoner; yet on the other side, Monsieur de la Meillerey passing through the County of St. Paul, incamps with ten thousand Foot and eight thousand Horse before [Page 472] Hesdin, a place of great accounts, and having sprung two Mines and given three assaults, took it, being rendred on conditions.

The King, who to countenance the action abode with the Car­dinal at Abbeville, entring into Hesdin by the breach, and adding reward to Merit, created him Mareshal of France. The Infanta ha­ving taken Post at Bourbourg had attempted in vain to succour it; for Orange seconding the design, somtimes threatning to attacque Guelder, and then attempting to dis-imbark at the Sas of Gant, he had been ob­liged to divide his Forces. The chief counsel of Richelieu consisted in incommodating the Spaniards upon their own Frontiers, demon­strating to King Lodowick, That the Enemy being invaded at home, would discover his weakness, and that Monarchy want strength to supply in so many parts foreign accidents; that many Provinces would quickly appear mutinous, all groaning under the Government of insolent Mini­sters, with few Fortresses, and they without trusty Garrisons, with Soul­diers for the most part mercenary, and Strangers, especially when they should be aware, that they were under a Government burdensom, in Peace and in War unhappy. An imagination which came to pass perhaps be­yond the belief of the Author himself, through such casualties and sad emergencies, that the World had occasion to believe, that though for the most part humane counsels depend upon events, For­tune did adjust events to the counsels of Richelieu. He laid the foundations of it in this year, by sending the Prince of Conde to­wards the Pirenei, who took Salces, the first place that lies nearest to the Mediterranean Sea, on the Confines of Spain, though after some months it was recovered by Philip Spinola. He had concei­ved greater hopes of the Naval Army, which, commanded by the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, in number about sixty Vessels, plyed to and again upon the Coast in the Ocean; but the effects proved not suitable, for it effected nothing but the landing at Laredo, taking and burning certain Ships, and plundering some weak maritime places.

On the other side, Spain received a notable blow; for after Bour­deaux was retired into the Ports of France, 67 Ships, amongst which, some were of a vast burden, spread their Sails towards Flanders, ha­ving upon them many Souldiers, a great quantity of money and other provisions, to carry a powerful relief into the Low Countries. The way to pass into those Provinces by Land being on all sides stopt, and to provide them money, the exchange devouring a great part, it had been resolved in Madrid to make an effort by Sea, in concert with the King of England, who jealous of the Greatness and of the De­signs of France, desiring to see them succoured and provided, per­mitted retreat and security for the Spanish Ships into his Ports. But this Fleet no sooner appeared in the Chanel, but Martin Tromp, Ad­miral of Holland, with thirteen small, but nimble and well appointed Ships, comes up with it, provoking it with incredible boldness to fight. Sixteen others a while after joyned themselves to him, and by the nearness of the Ports of Zeland and Holland receiving daily Renfort, was quickly increased to such a face of a strong Fleet, that [Page 473] Anthonio Oquendo, General of the Spanish, though superiour in num­ber and in the bulk of Ships, thought good to retreat into the Downs in England, hoping that the Hollanders, obliged to keep the Sea, would by ill weather and winds be constrained to go further off. Tromp not only kept his course, but battered the Spaniards with his Cannon, being supplied with powder, which he wanted, by the French from Calais. A Mist at last was so favourable to Oquendo, that thirteen great Vessels, with a good number of Souldiers and with all the money, passed without being discovered to Dunkirk. Tromp, who now found himself strong one hundred and six Ships, troubled above measure at such a passage, was so much the more careful, that the remaining prey should not escape him. The King of England, who, for the honour of his Port, was greatly troubled about the issue of this accident, orders forty Ships to come into the Downs, that placing themselves in the midst, they might hinder fighting, and without breaking with the Hollanders, who exclaimed with threatning protests, might countenance the Retreat of the Spa­niards. Tromp for all that, not quitting his station, Oquendo, for­ced to fight or be consumed to nothing, attempts under the obscu­rity of a very foggy Mist an escape towards Spain. But he escaped not at this time neither the vigilance of Tromp, who first pressing with Fire-Ships into the midst of the Enemy, and afterwards with Men of War, burnt some of the Spaniards and took others, besides those, which running on shore were plundered and burnt also.

Oquendo with a few recovers Dunkirk, the remainder got the Coast of Spain torn and ill handled by the Enemy and the Sea, there having perished above six thousand men, Mariners and Souldiers, with the greater part of the Ships. Tromp, bringing sixteen with a vast Booty in Triumph into Rotterdam, was received there with great joy, this Victory being reckoned amongst the most famous of those which have happened at Sea. The last close of this Campag­nia ought to be concluded in Italy, where it had its beginning.

King Lodowick arriving at last at Grenoble, according to the con­cert, the Dutchess of Savoy comes thither also, to deposite again with lively tears her own interests and those of the Duke in the arms of her Brother and of Richelieu, beseeching them to protect this inno­cent Cause with the same power and generosity, by which they made the French Crown formidable. It was given her to under­stand, that the depositing of Monmeilian was required, and insinua­ted, that her Son should be sent to Paris, that he might be brought up with the Daulphin in safety and with honour. She answered with no other reasons but a flood of tears; whereupon the King moved in his affection and compassion towards her, it was pressed further, and she was left, the Court returning to Paris in great hopes of speedy and powerful succours. The Army of Italy, (the Cardinal della Va­lette being dead) remained in that interim recommended to Henry of Lorrain, Count of Harcourt, who was equally valiant and pru­dent.

The Venetians, for the diversion of greater evils, sollicited the [Page 474] Pope to use such earnest in procuring Peace,An. Dom. 1640 that it might appear to be the duty of the Princes of Italy, for their own safety and the common defence, to employ their entreaties and offices, and, need requiring, their Arms also. Ʋrban contented himself to send Antonio Feragalli, Secretary for decifering, that at Milan and in Piedmont he might endeavour a prolongation, at least, of the Truce.

The Spaniards and the Princes complained, that, under the sha­dow of the said Truce, the Dutchess had delivered Towns to the French; and they quarrelled, that the entry of some Souldiers into Casal, which afterwards were brought in by force, had been hinder­ed by Leganes. Some expedients therefore being discoursed of, but to no purpose, to prolong it; the suspension of Arms expires, and the Cannon from the Town and Citadel of Turin declared it, that began again to play with great fury. Harcourt kept the Field with an indifferent strength of four thousand Foot and two thousand Horse, and it hapned, that almost at the same time, that he by se­veral ways came to Chieri, Leganes arrives unexpectedly there with eleven thousand fighting men, invironing him at large with many quarters. Harcourt thereupon within a while wants Victuals, though the Marquess Villa, making his passage through the midst of the Spa­nish Posts, put in a Convoy; but that being not sufficient for the necessity, the French were forced to resolve upon a retreat. They then were no sooner gone out of Chieri, but they quickly felt the Spaniards at their heels, and being come to the Bridge called La­kotta found Prince Thomas in their front. Harcourt then, with ex­cess of courage, giving no time to Leganes to come up with the Bo­dy, attacques the Savoyards with so great fury, that he forces them to yield him the Pass. Whereupon, night coming on, he thought best not to continue his march, but employed it to fortifie the Bridge behind him, to give a stop to the Spaniards, as it happily succeeded; so that the day following proceeding on his way, though the Spaniards attempted it with several skirmishes, they could not hinder it or break him. This incounter cost indeed the life of some of his Souldiers, and he was forced to leave some Carts of baggage behind him; nevertheless it was reckoned amongst the most signal actions which rendred his name famous in Italy, having reaped great glory from that which uses to be reckoned amongst the most hazar­dous employments in the War.

ANNO MDCXL.

From the discords of Piedmont were added new difficulties to the general Peace, the French requiring Pass-ports for the Ministers of the Duke of Savoy; pretending that the Dutchess Mother should therein be mentioned in the quality of Tutress and Regent, which being contrary to the late Decree of the Emperour, was absolute­ly denyed by the Austrians. There appearing therefore no hopes of Peace, discourse was had of a general suspension of Arms; but, the inclinations of the Crowns being discovered anew to be contrary [Page 475] to it, and the Emperour opposing it, not to have the Swedes re­main in the bowels of the Empire, and of his own Countries, the project vanished. Nor did the Mediators much trouble themselves to prolong that of Italy, they being not pleased that Piedmont should be left in the power of the Crowns. Nevertheless the greatest dif­ficulty seemed to be on the Spaniards side, as well by reason of the pretension to comprehend the County of Burgundy in the Truce, as for the hope which Leganes gave to take Casal, by which they reckon­ed to remain so predominant in Italy, as with their Conquest there to balance their losses in other places. This was added besides, that they knew not well where to employ their Army, the Passes being either stopped, or requiring long marches to send them else­where. On the other side, the French by the advantage of situati­on in the center of the Austrian Provinces might send their Militia, whither occasion most called for them.

Amidst these Negotiations, the French insinuate more secret pra­ctices with the Princes of Savoy, endeavouring above all to sepa­rate them from the Spaniards, and divide them amongst themselves; in order whereunto, they offered Prince Thomaso to dismember, un­der the title of Government, one part of Piedmont, that so he might enjoy it as in absolute Soveraignty. He not trusting to such flatte­ries, yet lent his ear to them, to keep the Governour of Milan in jealousie, and draw more easily from him satisfaction and money. The Cardinal Mauritio, more considered by reason of the Towns of Nizza and Villa Franca, which he had in his power, was also less difficult to be treated with, and the Dutchess knowing that he in­clined to marry, caused to be proposed to him Maria Lodovica her eldest Daughter, as the only means to adjust the pretensions and differences about the succession, if the Duke should come to fail. Though for the present nothing was concluded, yet the Cardinal inclined somewhat to it, to the great jealousie of the Spaniards, and of the Prince his Brother, who for his own ends, and the interests of his Posterity, made use of the name of Mauritio. It now clear­ly appeared, that the designs and preparations of the Spaniards tended against Casal, nay, Leganes proudly boasted of the enterprise, and having Treaties with the Princess of Mantua, and intelligence within the place, he thought to go to a most certain Victory. The Princes of Italy grew sensible of it; for, if with that of Casal so ma­ny other Conquests made in Piedmont should be confirmed, there was formed even to the Alps a Wall so strong, that there could re­main no hopes to force it. Jealousies also were suggested from discourses cast abroad by the Spanish Ministers, and by the Count della Rocca Ambassador at Venice, in particular, that reckoning hence forward Casal as a most secure Conquest, it was not conceal­ed, that their Arms should be carried on further, glancing at Man­tua, and every other place, where there appeared any shadow of the name or affection of France. France holding Casal under the custo­dy of their Garrisons, nay valuing it as the depository of their ho­nour for having heretofore preserved it with the terrour only of [Page 476] its name, and succoured it with so many difficulties, the King could not at present suffer it to be taken. But finding himself ingaged with his Forces in other designs, and the season yet frozen rendring the passage of the Alps difficult; it seemed as if he neglected the dan­ger, making also as if he abandoned it, to induce the Princes of Italy to take upon them the defence of it. The Venetians in truth took great thought for it, and finding themselves in a condition, af­ter the adjustment with the Turks, to back their offices as was fit, exhorted Ʋrban to arm himself, and to imploy all his endeavours for Peace.

The Pope, though he apprehended the dangers no less than the Republick, stood upon great reserves. He alledged the doubt of giving Jealousie to the Spaniards, and bringing upon himself inva­sions and troubles; nor prevailed it any thing, that the Republick assured, they would second him in his resolutions and uphold him in dangers; for he stuck not to publish, that he would not conde­scend to arm or use effectual offices, till the Republick should have first entred into a League with him. It was sufficiently understood, that the Pope, seeing his house suspected by the Austrians, and little trusted by other Princes, aimed by this Union to conciliate reputa­tion and respect to himself, and give support to his Kindred. But for the proximate dangers of Casal, this seemed to the Venetians a remedy too slow, and they rather thought it more capable to raise Jealousies in the Spaniards, upon which they might afterwards and more readily pass to a Rupture, which only with a fair appearance of resolution and constancy might be diverted. These Negotiati­ons being not unknown to the Spaniards, served to provoke them to hasten the undertaking, in hopes that being in a short time master of their design, and overcoming in the Italian Princes one fear by ano­ther, they would no more dare apply themselves to prejudicial at­tempts or confederacies giving Jealousie to their Crown.

Leganes therefore sending two thousand men to attacque the Ca­stle of Rossignano, that it might not disturb the conveyance of Vi­ctuals to the Camp, caused Wednesday, the Week before Easter, which happened to be the first day of April, Casal to be invested by the Cavalry, and the Friday following, arrived there with the whole Army. There were not within it above one thousand two hun­dred Foot and three hundred Horse, all French, under the Com­mand of Monsieur de la Tour, and although some of the Monferrins joyned themselves to the Inhabitants, they served rather for jealou­sie than defence; because, according to agreement of the Spaniards with the Princess, they were rather to receive from them motives to render, than incouragements to hold out. La Tour then being hardly able with so scanty a Garrison to keep the Citadel and the inclosure of the City, abstains from Sallies, giving leave to Leganes to form his Lines without opposition, and dispose of his Camp with­out other disturbance than that of the season, which with unusual rains, hindred for certain days the Works. Three attacques were designed with three batteries. The greatest force of the Siege was [Page 477] used betwixt the Citadel and the Castle, or rather the greatest ap­pearance; for, besides the hope, that the people over-mastering the Garrison would quickly surrender, Leganes held correspondences to be brought into the Castle, and so the City being possessed, he designed to block the Citadel by laying Forts about it, and then marching with the whole Army into Piedmont oppose the French, if they should present themselves for its succours. Upon this confi­dence he neglected the outward Line of Circumvallation, being not able to perswade himself, that the French, either during a time so short, or with a number proportionable, could be ready to march. He notified by Letter to the Republick the motion of his Army, publishing the aims and intentions of his King to tend only to Peace, which if it could not be obtained so long as it was in the power of the French with Pignarol and Casal to disturb it, the driving them away seemed to be a motive of expediency and zeal, not a preten­sion to domination, or a desire to usurp that which is anothers.

At the same time he sends to Mantua the Count Mandelli, to assure the Princess, that amidst these warlike proceedings he would as much as was possible have respect to the Dukes interest; and she, to correspond, sends the Count Gabioneda to reside in the Camp, in design, as was published, to preserve Monferrat from the ruine and oppressions of the Souldiery, but with more secret intentions, to authorize with the presence of her Minister the undertaking, divert the Peasants from taking Arms, and exhort those of Casal to render, rather than suffer extremities. Nevertheless, to cover such inten­tions, she sought for counsel of the Venetians, intreating them to send a Minister of theirs to reside with her, and insinuating, that, whilst the loss of Casal, through the weakness of the French, seemed immi­nent, a proposition might be made to have it deposited in the Popes hands, to the end, that, at a charge common with the Republick, it might be preserved for the legitimate Prince. But neither could the French in honour publish the want of power to defend it, nor did the speed, with which Leganes prosecuted the enterprise, give time to negotiate it. The Senate caused Andrea Rosso, who as Secretary was with Luigi Giorgio, General in Terra firma, to pass to Mantua. But judging afterwards more effectual remedies necessary, it consents to the Treaty of the League with Ʋrban, deeming it ho­nourable for Italy, a strengthening to the common Liberty, a safety to the Contractors, and at least also of good example to the Princes of Italy; and sends Ambassadour Extraordinary to Rome (for Nani had obtained his discharge) Angelo Contarini Cavalier Procurator with powers to treat and conclude it. But at the first entrance weighty difficulties and many delays were met with; so that Casal could hardly have been preserved, if from the Bravery and Gene­rosity of the Count of Harcourt more speedy remedies had not been applied. The Siege drew out into a greater length than had been imagined by the Governour of Milan, the Intelligences in the Ca­stle vnaishing, and among the Inhabitants the natural aversion to the name Spaniard prevailing more than their inclination to the Prin­cess.

[Page 478] Rossignano withal defended it self bravely. Nevertheless Lega­nes, Ferragalli proposing to him a suspension of Arms for a month, rejects it, not without upbraiding the Pope, that he aimed to give the French time to come to its succours. Harcourt in the mean time hastily assembling the most of the Savoyards and French Troops that he could, advances towards Casal with seven thousand Foot, three thousand five hundred Horse, and ten pieces of Cannon, in hopes that the Quarters of the Spaniards being unfortified, and at a great distance from one another, either they would be obliged to abandon some of their Posts, or keeping them all, would leave them weak. Leganes understanding the French were marching, intermit­ting the approaches, applies himself to finish the Circumvallation; but at their arrival all being imperfect, he was beyond measure in disorder. Harcourt shewing his Army the place, as a fatal and three­fold Trophy of the French Arms, makes choice to assault that part, where the Gattola hath its course. There were certain command­ing Hillocks, which Leganes would not comprehend within his Line, by reason of the largeness of the compass, and that he believed them for the dirt and mire not climable by an Enemy, much less for Cannon. He had only raised there certain Redoubts, which Harcourt caused to be invested by some Troops, that they might be no hindrance of his advancing with the body; and then surmounting all difficulty of the way or situation, plants a Battery on the highest part, with which playing upon the Spanish Souldiers that were in the Trenches, he forced them to retire. Putting then himself at the head of certain select Troops, he in a trice forced his passage into the Camp on that side which is called Saint George, while at the same time the Marquesses, Villa and Pianezza, with the Savoyards, and Mes­sieurs de Plessis Praslin and la Mothe Houdancourt with the French made their attacques in several other places.

The Spaniards, making a loose fight and divided, made but a short resistance. Their Horse first taking the flight, attempted after­wards in vain to make a stand. The Germans laboured to stop the Enemy a while, and Leganes ran from place to place to give courage to the Fugitives, and redress the confusion. But the French in a well closed order gave them neither time nor breath to recover themselves. So that only Gatta, Sotello, Batteville, and Leganes him­self, joyning themselves together with some Troops that remained, night coming upon them, and not being pursued, concluded it best to retire towards Brem.

Casal being in this manner not only succoured, but set at liberty, and the Enemies Army scattered, there remained to Harcourt so clear a Victory, that, (which seldom happens) both the Conquerours and conquered agree in the celebrating of it. The slain on the Spaniards side were not above three thousand; but the flight being greater than the slaughter, the disbanding of the Army was most considera­ble. Besides many Prisoners, the Cannon, the Money, the Spoils, and the very Writings remained to the French, who amongst them found the Original of the Treaty, formerly concluded by Saiavedra [Page 479] with the Dutchess of Mantua. This success freed Italy a while from present apprehensions. Nevertheless the Treaty of the League be­twixt the Pope and the Venetians continued for some time, nay some Articles were agreed on; That for common defence an Army should be raised to take the field when there should be occasion, of twelve thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, with a proportionable number of Cannon. Of the Foot seven thousand should be allotted to the Republick with two thirds of the Cavalry and Cannon. The obligation of reciprocal assistance should then have place, when to one of the Confederates War should be either denounced, or his Country invaded. In which case seasonable diversions should also be made by Sea.

Concerning the Charge of General of the Army, with design to advantage the Family, and to let it fall upon the Prefect, the Barbe­rins pressed much, and the Republick at last consented, that the Army coming to joyn, the Pope with their good liking should name him. These things being agreed, the Senate desired that the Treaty should be published, leaving some other points of lesser importance to be afterwards discussed; for, as the Venetians understood, that in case of defence all the temporal Dominion which the Church pos­sessed was to be comprehended, so the Popes Ministers pretended to comprise the Fiefs which held of the same. This seemed to the Se­nate a point of a deeper root, because it might happen, that the Bar­berins would involve the Republick in their designs upon the King­dom of Naples, where it was suspected that the French were parti­cipant of the Intelligences they held there; but time a while after manifested, that they rather aimed to ingage the Republick to joyn in, or at least not disturb, the resentments, which from this present they designed against the Duke of Parma. Whereupon the Senate, having endeavoured with many reasons to disswade the Pope from it, but in vain, recalled their powers, not to leave any longer de­pending a business of that import, which was very irksom to the Spaniards; and the motive of the extraordinary Ambassage coming withal to cease, Contarini was recalled to Venice. And now the jea­lousies, conceived from the designs of the Spanish Army, were con­verted into amazement at the courage of the French; for that Har­court, with ten thousand men only, had undertaken the Siege of Tu­rin with a vast Circumvallation, after he had possessed the Bridge upon the Po, the Convent of the Capucins, and the Post of Valen­tino. The City was guarded by above three thousand Souldiers with Prince Thomaso, besides a good number of Inhabitants well trained to Arms. The Undertaking therefore was held impossible to be effected, and so it would have been, if the constancy and valour of Harcourt had not with equal glory undertook and finished; it not­withstanding that he was several times rather in the condition of one besieged than of a besieger, and that he was believed over­come at the same time that he appeared triumphant.

The Siege lasting several months, in that while was quieted in France a dangerous Insurrection in Normandy, which, though com­posed of the common sort of people, yet received incouragement [Page 480] both from the cause, which was the impositions, and from the Par­liament, which gave a reputation no less than authority to it. The people exclaimed, that Richelieu, making advantage of the publick evils, was Author of the War and Inventor of the Imposts, with the wonted destiny of Favourites, who being considered burden­som in War and offensive in Peace, are in either fortune either of prosperity or adversity with detestation abhorred: But he sending Monsieur de Gassion with Souldiers, and the Chancellor with autho­rity, dissipated the revolt, many being punished, all defeated, and the Parliament interdicted for a time. The intestine Peace of the Kingdom facilitated the progress of Arms elsewhere; for Arras was besieged by the Mareschals Chaune, Chastillon, and la Mailleray, with a very puissant Army. The Town was found in a manner unprovi­ded, the French by feigned marches having not only misled the Enemy to other places, but induced the Governour, who was the Count of Isemberg, to go out of it to provide for places elsewhere.

Arras is the Metropolis of Artois, a populous and great City, well fortified, and so situate, that two Cities seem invironed by one in­closure. The French plant their Camp there, and intrench them­selves with a strong circumvallation, foreseeing that the weaker the defence within was, the greater effort would be made by the Spaniards for its relief. Accordingly Philippo di Silva with part of the Army draws near to it, and a while after the Cardinal Infante joins with him, notwithstanding that Orange, threatning many pla­ces, kept a body of the Spanish Army in a perpetual distraction. The Infante succeeded in hindring Victuals from the French Camp, so that King Lewis, who with the Cardinal was at Amiens, was forced to break through with great store of Provisions, under a Convoy of ten or twelve thousand men hastily assembled, part the Militia of the Country, and of the Kings Guards, part of the Nobless, who from the Neighbouring Provinces, to please the King and the Minister, flocked thither in great numbers. It was concerted by the French, that at the same time that the Convoy approached Chaune and la Mailleray should be out of the Camp to secure its passage.

On the other side, among the Spanish Commanders there was dif­ference in opinion, some judging to go and meet the Convoy to be the best way to hinder it; others, that they should assault the Trenches, when they were weakned; and this counsel, as most specious, pre­vailed. Whereupon, when the two Mareshals were gone at a good distance, the Camp was assaulted, the Spaniards entring into it in several parts, and possessing some Posts. But la Mailleray, having with great expedition brought the Convoy into safety, returns so seasonably, that, the Fight yet lasting, he constrained the Spaniards to retire, and abandon all they had gotten. The surrender of the place followed a while after, the French Colours entring into it the tenth of August, to the exceeding glory of their Arms, and as much consternation to the Country round about. King Lewis thinking to have reaped an abundant Harvest from this Compagnia, returns to Paris, where, with increase of felicity, he was enriched [Page 481] in the Month of December with another Son, who was named Philip, with title of Duke of Anjou.

Good fortune carrying always its sting with it, so many prospe­rities to France begat in some envy, in others jealousie, in the En­glish particularly through neighbourhood and emulation. About this time the King of Denmark looked with no less suspicions upon the progress of the Swedes; whereupon the Austrians believing the occasion proper to strengthen their party, the Emperour sent the Count Curtius into Denmark to propound Leagues and Concerts; and the Spaniards dispatched the Marquesses of Vellada and Malvez­zi to London, to insinuate marriages of King Charles his eldest Daugh­ter with the Prince of Spain, and reciprocally of the Infanta with the Prince of Wales. But the Senate of that Kingdom opposed the King of Denmark's inclination, and that of the English was divert­ed by a general revolt of the Scotch, to whom the King had attempted to propose a certain form of Ceremonies and Prayers, which were rejected by all sorts of persons in an open tumult. It was believed that Richelieu secretly fomented those stirs, either because he truly intended it, to break those so jealous Negotiations with Spain, or because it was thought, that he, being in this Age (so to call it) the Intelligence of the world, had an influence in all great businesses, either by assistance or counsel.

Sure it is, that it seemed as if Fortune applied her self to nothing else but to promote his advantages, and very often anticipate his very designs, and on the other side to confound and disturb those of the Conde Duke; as if from the antipathy of these two great Mi­nisters proceeded the discord of Europe, and the disparity of acci­dents was also occasioned. Not long after the rendring of Arras happens that of Turin, where the Siege remained a long time by various accidents, and by the event was ennobled above any other whatsoever. Harcourt had no sooner intrenched himself in the view of Turin, but he was forced to repulse many sallies, and one in particular, which made a deep impression into his Quarters. Af­ter that Leganes shews himself behind him with twelve thousand Foot and five thousand Horse, threatning to assault his Posts and the Bridge; but having taken a view of the situation, and infested the Camp with some Cannon-shot, he turns to Moncalieri, to pass the Po upon a Wooden Bridge which was there. But the French having broken it, he commands Carlo della Gatta to repair it, though he might with much ease have attempted a little higher to wade it. The French disputed it, till at last Monsieur de Turain, that com­manded, being hurt, and the skirmish slackning, certain little Islands a little lower were fortified by Gatta, under the covert whereof he lays over the Bridge. The Governour now passes over to the Pur­purata, and sends Gatta to Cologno, to cut off the ways, and hinder the French Army of succours and victuals from the Mountains. Har­court also to incommodate Turin, took away the use of the Mills, by diverting the Dora; but the besieged restored it to its old course, and he at last beats them to pieces with his Cannon. But in the [Page 482] Town they nevertheless supplied themselves with instruments manual; on the other side in the Camp, the Souldiery was almost reduced to the extremity of hunger, there being a want, besides that of Forrage for the Horse, of bread and all sort of other nourishment, except some little Pulse, which was scantily given out to the Souldiers; and yet the Nation, though most impatient of suffering, suffered every thing, the General keeping it by his dexterity in Discipline, and incou­raging it with good words and liberal promises. Nor could Har­court be possibly put to a harder pinch; for the dishonour of a re­treat between the Jaws of the Enemy was considered as the least loss; and to persist amidst so many sufferings, could not merit other commendation than that of an absolute resolution to perish. But having to feed the Army, the Citadel of Turin and the Town of Chivas being disfurnisht of Victuals, nothing remained for him but to abandon by a secret flight every thing in prey to the Spaniards, or by a forced accord to deliver them the Keys of Piedmont.

But safety came from the Enemy themselves; for the Prince and Governour disagreeing not only in Opinions, but also in Maxims and Interests, the one would overcome with longer, but more cautious, counsels, and the other pressed, that all things should be hastened, and to his instances joyning threatnings and protests, that if in four days the place were not relieved, and the Enemy driven away, he would capitulate the Surrender, and withal make his own accord. Leganes believing too much, because he feared too much, resolves upon a general assault, in concert with the Prince, in so many pla­ces, that the French, now but few, and they tired out, should not be able to resist in all, and the design without doubt would have suc­ceeded, if the execution had been as well performed, as the counsel was most excellently ordered. But of the Spanish Chiefs that were to command the attacques, some arrived at the Posts assigned to them too late, others made their assault faintly, and some not at all.

Leganes, coming to Harcourts Quarter at the time that the Prince having made his attempt was retired, thought fit to forbear, only Carlo della Gatta, at the side of the Purpurata, broke into a French Quarter; but his Foot stopping there to pillage the Huts, fell into such a confusion, that from plunder they easily betook themselves to flight; for the French gotten again into order, recovered an In­trenchment and a Fort, pressing upon Gatta, who with two thousand Horse, interrupted on his way by many Trees cut down, advanced slowly. Prince Thomaso making a Sally, dis-ingaged him, and brought him into Turin, where he served but for a burden and ruine, consuming for man and horse all that which preserved the place. On the other side, the Spanish Camp weakned in Horse, and Gatta ha­ving abandoned Cologno, from which side Convoys to the Camp were more easily hindred than from any other, Turenne brought in one so plentiful, that it notably refreshed the Army. The state of things then changing, disagreement also increased betwixt the Prince and the Governour, they reproaching one another either with slackness or over-much rashness.

[Page 483] Leganes repassing the Po, returns to his first Posts of the Hills, lea­ving the passage of the Mountains open to the French, and he would have gone much further off, if the Prince had not threatned him to surrender, if he did not provide him with powder and meal. Lega­nes made several attempts to put some in, but always in vain, be­cause Harcourt, having straightned the first circumference of his Lines, kept them with great care. Worthy of notice was the Invention of Francesco Zignoni, of Bergamo, who, having added force to the Mortar-pieces that are used in the casting of Bombes, flung some Bullets not only with Letters, but with Powder and Meal, flying through the Air, into the Town, or near to the Wall, the French wondring at it, and confessing, by not being able to hinder it, that the Element of the Air is most free from the command and violence of man. Nevertheless the artifice was rather esteemed than the suc­cours proportionable; for besides the great charge the quantity did not supply the need. They resolved therefore in Turin, that Gatta should again force a passage to return to Leganes. The Prince for a diversion made a real attacque at one side. Carlo forces the Lines on the other; but encountring much water, being that of the Dora, which, deturned by the French, flowed into the Meadows, while he was in trouble to find a Ford, being charged by the Ene­my, was forced to return to Turin. It was then perceived, that Force elsewhere was necessary, and the Prince invited and per­swaded the Governour to a new attempt, offering himself to assault and possess certain Forts betwixt the Capucins and Valentino, and the Governour then to make an assault on his side also. Thomaso failed not either in courage or success, for he attacqued and took those Posts; but he either dead or run away, who with certain Fire­works was to have given the sign of it to the Spaniards, the Gover­nour ignorant of the success stands still, and the Prince after having stayed a good while, leaving his Conquests, retired. In the mean while Harcourt increased daily in Forces; for on the Fame of so no­ble a Siege many Volunteers flocked from the neighbouring Pro­vinces, and six thousand Souldiers at twice with much provision were brought by the Marquess of Villeroy, Governour of Lions, and by Monsieur Castellan. Incessant then were the Skirmishes, Sallies, and Attacques; but at last Victuals, Forrage, and Money wanting, the conditions being agreed, Turin on the 24. of September was de­livered to the French, and the Duke and Regent re-established there.

The Prince going forth, concluded for himself a Truce for certain days, within which his adjustment was to be treated, and he retired to Inurea, refusing (to advantage himself by playing a middle Game betwixt the Flatteries and Jealousies of both the Crowns,) what­soever advantages was offered him by the Governour of Milan, and hearkening to the propositions of accord, which by Julio Ma­zarine, sent expresly for that affair by Richelieu into Italy, was deli­vered to him in the Name of King Lodowick. The Spaniards then opposing other offers to the progress of Mazarine, he ratifies a cer­tain [Page 484] Writing agreed by his Wife in Spain, in which he submitted himself and his house to the protection of that Crown. To this he feigns to Mazarine to have been induced from the desire of rescu­ing his Wife and Sons detained at Madrid. And with the said Ma­zarine, the better to deceive him, concludes a while after a Treaty, in which he obliges himself; To come the beginning of the next year to Paris; to require of the Spaniards, besides his Wife and Sons, the re­stitution of places to his Nephew, and not obtaining it to procure it joynt­ly with France by Arms.

The King on the other side promised, To take the Garrisons out of those places, which he held in deposito, when Spain should also render the places it had gained. Concerning the Succession, if it should happen the Duke should dye, he promised to protect the Right of the Princes, understanding those, who should be adhering to his Party. As for the rest, to Thomaso was left in Government that which he had in his pre­sent power for so long, till an agreement were made with his Nephew and Sister-in-law, assigning great Pensions to himself, his Wife, and his Sons, for one of which, hopes were given him of a Marriage with the Daughter of the Duke of Longueville, endowed with great Riches.

Under the faith of this Treaty, which for the present required secrecy, the Truce was prolonged for all February of the next year. But amidst the Negotiations of Italy, the hopes of the general Peace went in such sort backwards, that the Pope, weary of the Charge and the dishonour of keeping a Legate idle in Collen, recalls him, leaving for Nuntio Extraordinary Signor Macchiavelli, Patriarch of Constantinople, to whom Rossetti a while after was substituted. These discomposures of the Treaty rose chiefly from the revolts of Catalogna and of Portugal, which filling one side with great hopes and designs, and the other with perturbation of mind and perplexity, admitted not the appearance of any expedients to reconcile their minds and interests. It hath formerly been hinted, how Olivares with an abso­lute power governed in Spain the King no less than his Dominions, with a Spirit highly elated, Maxims severe, and Counsels violent. He had proposed to himself to exalt the Power and Glory of the King equal to the Title, which he had caused him to assume of Great; but Fortune with unhappy events seconded so ill his purpose, that the Splendour of the Crown seemed in a great measure dark­ned. Whereupon among Strangers there was a relaxation of that awe, which rising from power was wont to keep them in respect; and in the mind of the Subjects, accustomed under the vail of reputa­tion and prosperity to venerate as infallible the Arcana of the Go­vernment, entred contempt and hatred towards the King and his Favourite.

The design of Olivares was manifest, not only to enlarge the Mo­narchy beyond its first Confines, but in the Kingdoms themselves to establish the absolute Authority of a Monarch, who in some of the Provinces, circumscribed by Laws, Concessions and Covenants, seem­ed precarious, and that he enjoyed rather the name than the force of Dominion. That which urged him to this, was chiefly the want [Page 485] of money and men, to supply so many foreign Wars; for being to depend upon the consent of the people, provisions came not to be furnished equal to the necessity, nor ready for the urgency. Where­fore he thought to abolish or at least to restrain so great a liberty, which some attributed to themselves, and principally the Catalans, who provided with no small priviledges, and free from many burdens, kept their Liberty with no less zeal, than their Religion. The King being some years since with the Court at Barcellona, they several times opposed Olivares his demands; whereat he being irritated, nourished ever after in his mind thoughts to chastise and humble them. The Kings, to say truth, were wont to bear respect to that Nation, arro­gant by Nature, and for the situation important; because the Pro­vince, if from the Sea-Coast, by reason it hath no Harbours, it be impenetrable, on the Land side it seems inaccessible by reason of the Mountains; and they piercing deeply inwards, and being di­vided into many branches, form themselves into as many Fortifica­tions, within which are comprehended strong places, populous Cities, Towns, and a great number of Villages; so that the whole Province may be resembled to one mighty Bastion defended with several cut­tings of retreats. The Neighbourhood then to France, the Passes of the Pirenean, the largeness of the Circuit, the population and mar­tial inclination of the Inhabitants, made it considered, and little less than feared.

Nevertheless the Condé Duke busied his thoughts for an opportu­nity to bridle it; but when he thought that Fortune had opened the way to it, he was not aware, that it carried along with it a down-fal to the greatness and safety of all Spain. We have formerly ob­served, how Richelieu, tempting the Confines on that side, hoped to promote accidents, and particularly to irritate the mind of the people amidst the inconveniencies of War, and the mischiefs of Arms; and so it punctually fell out. For Salses being lost, the Spani­ards, to recover it, were forced to plant their place of Arms in Ca­talogna, and when they had taken it, left the Army to quarter there; so that, if during the Siege the Province was grievously afflicted by the passages of the Souldiery, that people felt afterwards their li­cense so much more intolerable, as they had not been accustomed to it. Nothing was heard of but extortions and oppressions, Churches profaned, Women ravished, goods taken by violence; to which excesses the Chiefs making no reparation, an opinion was raised, that Olivares, to impose under the title of necessary defence the yoak upon that Province, willingly suffered it. Sure it is, that the Count of Saint Coloma, the Vice-Roy, instigated by frequent Letters from him, to draw men and money from that Province, un­der the countenance of the Army, without sticking at their privi­ledges and expecting the consent of the States, seized in Barcelona upon certain money, which belonged to the disposal of the City, and because one of the Jurates (the most considerable Magistrate) opposed so great a License, and insisted, that the extravagances al­so of the Souldiery might be punished, he imprisoned him.

[Page 486]This was enough to put a people into commotion, which suffer­ed obedience, but was not yet acquainted with slavery. Arms were taken, the Prisons opened, a torrent of people in the Streets, with so great and universal a tumult, that the Vice-Roy, frighted, thought his safety only placed in running away. He therefore gets into the Arsenal, where being as little secure; (for the people putting fire to the Pallace sought him over all,) he caused a Galley to come near the shoar; but while he was going to the Sea side to imbarque, being overtaken by the Mutineers, was killed. The people now, partly terrified by their own excess, partly inveigled and confound­ed amidst the apprehensions of slavery and the appearances of li­berty, judged, that there was no place left for repentance, nor for the Kings clemency. Shaking off the yoak then, they ran out into extremities, and the confusion being not able to subsist of it self, an independent Government was formed, with a Council of an hun­dred, joined to the other ancient Magistrates of the City. Upon such an example almost all the Country fell into a commotion, and the Towns and Villages universally taking Arms, killed and forced to fly all those that were native Spaniards.

The mind of the Condé Duke at so unexpected an accident being greatly disordered, he neither durst make it known to the King, nor could it be concealed. He endeavours to make him believe, that it was nothing but a popular tumult, which would vanish of it self, or being quickly appeased by force, would contribute to ren­der the authority of the Government more respected; for by Arms the Rebellion would not only be quieted, but the pride of the Cata­lans brought down, and those priviledges abolished, which ren­dred them contumacious. But reflecting in his mind with more se­cret cares upon the importance of the Province, the quality of the situation, and those greater mischiefs, whilst the French would be brought in there, he weighed within himself, which, either artifice or force, might more profitably be employed. Nor was he free from doubt, lest other Kingdoms, especially Arragon, might follow the ex­ample. He first trys, by the perswasions of the old Dutchess of Cardona, who with the people of Barcelona had much veneration and authority, and by the means of the Minister of the Pope who resided there, to pacifie their minds and quiet the tumult; and that not succeeding to advantage, he resolves to use force with such power and expe­dition, that the people should neither be able to resist, nor the French arrive time enough for their relief. He then goes about to assemble the Army; commanding the Fee-Farmers, and inviting the Nobility, and among them, many of the most suspected, particu­larly the Portuguese, that they might serve for Hostages, as well as Souldiers. But the Provisions could not be so soon ready, but that the Catalans had time to provide themselves with much resolution, and to send Deputies into France to demand assistance. It is not to be said, with what satisfaction Richelieu, who had formerly with his wonted arts nourished their first dispositions, entertained them. He heaps honours upon them, and loads them with promises; but at [Page 487] the same time willing to make use of the occasion, which chance of­fered him, he not only contrived to nourish War in the bowels of Spain, but to reduce Catalogna to a necessity of rendring themselves to the subjection of the French. He sends Monsieur de St. Paul with some few Officers, and by Sea some Souldiers and Cannon, to the end that that people might take heart to blood themselves with the Castiglians; and dispatches Monsieur de Plessis Besanzon, an eloquent Minister and a witty man, to discover the disposition of affairs and minds.

But Olivares having gotten the Army together, which amounted to thirty thousand Combatants, the command thereof was committed to the Marquess de los Velez, by birth a Catalan, and destined to be Vice-Roy of the Province, towards which it was so far from his having any disposition of affection, that he rather had causes of ha­tred and detestation, the people in Barcelona having razed his house and confiscated his goods. In the month of December be be­gins his march from Tortosa, a City participant in the Rebellion; but which, either by the inclination of the Inhabitants, or for fear of the Army, was the first that restored it self to obedience. He ad­vances to Balaguer; many Towns, not able for defence, rendring themselves every where. And there though the straits of the Pas­ses might have been defended by a few, yet the Guards of the Ca­talans durst not expect him; whereupon the Marquess, breathing terrour and severity, proceeds as far as Combriel, the Mutineers place of Arms. The place, though weak, despising the conditions, which to disband the people in it the Marquess offered, had the boldness to hold out five days, after which, being willing to ren­der it self, it was not received but at discretion, the Town be­ing laid waste, the Magistrates hanged, and the Souldiers cut to pieces.

From this blood was hatched despair over all: In Barcelona par­ticularly the Citizens animated one another, to undergo all extre­mity, rather than fall into the hand or under the Government of so arrogant a Conquerour, or a Vice-Roy, become so cruel. Entring into consideration of their liberty and safety, order was taken for the defence, fortifying Mongiovino, and, uniting their minds for the common danger, they went on in the Government and in their reso­lutions with vigour and concord. They nevertheless feared they should not be able to withstand so powerful a shock, without a strong support. That apprehension was fomented by the French Ministers, who represented to them imminent ruine on one side, and succours at hand on the other. But demonstrating that it was not reasona­ble, that the Crown, to procure anothers advantage, should aban­don its own, they insinuated amidst fears and discourses, how much it belonged to them to oblige so great a King to support, both for honour and interest, that Principality. The design took; for the fear of the danger and the hopes of succours induced the Catalans to deliver themselves up to the protection and dominion of France, with many conditions, which preserved their priviledges, those [Page 488] especially of the consent of the people in the laying on of Imposts, the Collation of Church-benefices, and temporal Charges on those of the Nation, except the Supreme of Viceroy, who might be a Stranger. To this all gave their assent. The major part out of a desire of novelty; the simple out of a conceit to change their condi­tion for the better; the more wise for being aware, that after the first steps of Rebellion, whatsoever liberty or servitude was to be, it could not be enjoyed but with the same ruine and calamity.

This happened about the last days of the year, very near the time that Portugal also, casting off the yoke, revived with a new King the ancient name of a Kingdom. The emulation, which is betwixt the Castiglians and the Portuguais, is natural, being imprinted by birth, nourished by the milk, and transmitted as an Inheritance from their Ancestors, but was now rather become an abhorrency and impati­ence, after these were forced to bend their necks under the Domi­nion of the Castiglians. The Portuguais had several times applied their attentions and hope to various accidents, which might give a change to their present Fortune; but the potency and felicity of the Castiglians had till now either kept off foreign designs, or prevent­ed those at home.

The desire nevertheless greatly increased, and the consideration of the Dukes of Braganza served to provoke it, who descending from Edward, Brother to King Henry, were by many as much preferred in their Right, as they had been forced to submit to the Force of King Philip. The present Duke John, observing that the Castiglians had a waking eye upon him, shewed himself so much the more averse from all application and business; and a Tumult in a cer­tain City having happened some years past, upon the hearing of his name called upon, he had contained himself within such a modesty, that he was believed equally averse from ambition and deceit. Oli­vares considering the Rights of the House and the Favour of the People, besides his Riches and Lordships, which exceeded the con­dition of a Vassal, to secure himself of him, invites him to the Court with rewards and imployments, and with a dissembled confidence conferred upon him Charges and Titles, which, it was believed, tended not to adorn him with Dignity, but to expose him to dan­gers, to the end, that exercising particularly his imployment of Co­nestable, he should be obliged to go upon the Fleet, or enter into some of the Fortresses, where they should by secret orders to arrest him Prisoner. Giovanni with several excuses avoiding his going to Madrid, governed himself with such reserves in general, that, though he could not avoid the suspicions of others, he at least di­verted his own hazards. Olivares makes use of the Revolt of Catalogna and of the report that the King would go forth in person to quell it, to invite the Portuguese Nobility, and amongst them with greater earnest Braganza, to assist with his person, and with Forces in so signal an occasion. But the same conjuncture served the Portuguais to awaken in them their thoughts of old; so that many in their pri­vate conversations, accustomed frequently to lament, that a famous [Page 489] Kingdom extended to the four Quarters of the World,An. Dom. 1641 should be re­duced into a Province, and become an Appendix to the Dominion of their natural Enemies, considered sometimes the Nobility oppres­sed, and the people trampled on, and through the jealousies of the Conde Duke the Country weakned, the Great Men persecuted, the Priviledges infringed, and that Image which remained in Portugal of Liberty and seemly Honour defaced. Then passing from the com­plaints of the times to the reproach of themselves, as if in the Portu­guais were wanting that Courage and Spirit, which so highly enno­bled the people of Catalogna. They discoursed of the easiness to accomplish any great attempt, being governed by a Woman and by a hated Minister, with few Garrisons and less Provisions, at a time, that all Spain was in disorder, the Forces distracted, the King not able to resist in so many places, and France ready to assist.

Margaret, Infanta of Savoy, bore the Title of Vice-Queen: The Government therefore resided in certain Castiglians, and in particu­lar the Secretary Vasconcellos, who assisted her, and who, being a Confident of Olivares, and raised by his favour, drew all to his Maxims to bring down the Great Ones, and exercise an absolute Command. By the Conjunctures it truly appeared, that as to an Insurrection the danger was greater in discovering their thoughts, than in putting them in execution; whereupon certain of the No­bles meeting in the Garden d' Autan d' Almeda in Lisbon, there was one who considerately shewed; That the weariness and weight of the present yoke was now more grievous than the fear of future dangers. That the Government of the Castiglians, distrustful and severe, did not think it self otherwise secure, but in the hardest servitude of its Vas­sals; that at last that time appeared, implored by their Fathers with sighs, and wished for by themselves with so much longing. Why should any more time be lost? Are then the Portuguais less vigilant to under­take for liberty, than the Castiglians were solicitous to introduce Ty­ranny? Do we possibly stay, till the Catalans being subdued, the Sword and the Hang-man should be the punishment and revenger of present thoughts and suspicions? Ʋnless every one in himself be afraid of pro­scription and punishment, let us altogether have the courage to attempt something of consequence. Of whom are we afraid? The Garrisons are empty; the Castles unprovided; the Government weakned and femi­nine; and the Castiglians but few? They should in this day be sensible of (that which Nature denies not to the fiercest of Beasts) their own strength, and the Nobility generously united be confident, to have all the people their followers. It should be calculated, how many Portu­guais one Castiglian commands, and by consequence coming to Arms, how few there will remain to fight with. They should but take the reso­lution; for to be free, resolution was only wanting.

All being inflamed with this discourse, gave mutually the hand and promise of secrecy, and never to abandon one another. They were in some perplexity about resolving, what form they were to make choice of for the new Government. Some, by the example of the Catalans, were pleased with the Orders of the Republicks; [Page 490] for that the supreme Jurisdiction of the Laws,An. Dom. 1640 established by com­mon consent, was rendred more legitimate, more lasting, and also more gentle than an arbitrary Command; and they denied not, but where servitude was to take place, it was more tolerable under a powerful King than under an equal and a new Prince. But by the major part the confusion was considered, which the innovation of Government carried with it, upon a Country accustomed to the Ar­bitrement of one alone. They therefore inclined to Braganza, in whom, to justifie the cause and attract the people, concurred the most principal requisites, both for right to the Kingdom, and for distin­ction of Fortune. They then sent separately to him Pietro Men­doza and Giovanni Pinto Ribero, to represent to him the unanimous Suffrage, and offer him the Scepter, and because these perceived, that amidst the Dukes various thoughts, the appearances of many dangers would represent themselves to him, they endeavoured to clear all doubts, and il Pinto particularly, mingling threatnings and protests with reasons and perswasions, declares to him, that whether he would or no, he should be proclaimed King, without that from his reluctancy, himself or others should reap ought but greater ha­zards of more certain ruine. The Duke at an object so great and sudden as was the Crown stumbled in his thoughts; but his Wife, Sister of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, being of a high Spirit, made him take heart, reproaching him with meanness to prefer the mo­mentariness of Life before the Dignity of an Empire. Nor did the French, accessary to what was working, fail by secret Messengers to strengthen and animate him, with large promises of assistance and favour, making him believe, that the Crown was to stand so much the more firm upon his head, as they let him see the others tottering upon that of King Philip. He then was perswaded to give his con­sent, and the time and manner was concerted for the declaring of it.

Although in this business secrecy was the pledge of the success, nevertheless notice of it being spread amongst many, something of it breathed out to the Vice-Queen, who failed not to advertise the Conde Duke several times of the discourses and designs of the Con­spirators. But he, accustomed to give credit to himself rather than to others, believed it too late. Upon the first then of December, ma­ny of the Nobles being gone to the Palace, at the striking nine a clock in the morning, which was the sign agreed upon, at the dis­charge of a Pistol discovered their Arms, and charged the Guards of the Vice-Queen, who unarmed and scattered, expecting nothing less, easily gave way. The Palace being possessed, the Nobles cry­ed, Liberty; crying up withal the name of John the Fourth for King; and others in the Market-places, some in the streets, some from the Windows, among which was Michael Almeida, venerable for his white hairs, animating the people, and stirring them up to Arms, the concourse was so great in a few minutes, that, as if the same Spirit moved the people, there was none that dissented, or were wavering. One Company of Castiglians, that entred upon the [Page 491] Guard in the Palace,An. Dom. 1641 was by the fury of the common people forced to fly. Anthonio Tello, with others that followed him, forcing the Lodgings of Vasconcellos, who, hearing the noise, had shut himself into a certain Cupboard, finds him, and having killed him flung him out of the Window, that he might be a spectacle in the Court-yard, to the hatred of the Commonalty, and a testimony withal, how little blood the change of a Kingdom had cost. The Infanta, kept in the power of the Conspirators, was used with much respect, and therefore obliged to command the Governour of the Castle to for­bear to shoot with the Cannon, otherwise all the Castiglians in the City should be cut in pieces. He not only obeys the order to ab­stain from doing harm, but immediately for fear or necessity makes haste to render it, alledging to be so unprovided, that he could not have been able to resist an assault of the people. It was a wonder to see a City, as Lisbone, great, populous, and in commotion, to setle in so short a space in its own power, but with so much order and silence, that no man commanding, all sorts of persons readily payed obedience to the name of the new King.

Giovanni, understanding what had hapned at Lisbon, causing him­self to be proclaimed King in his own Dominions, enters into that City the sixth day of the same Month with unspeakable pomp, and having received the Oath of the people, he reciprocally took that of the observance of priviledges. The fame hereof being dispersed through the Kingdom, every place hasted to follow the example, with so much unity of minds, that there appeared not to be a mu­tation of Government, but only that the King had changed his name to the extraordinary joy of the people. The Castiglians scattered in some Garrisons, and those of St. Gian; a Fortress of an invinci­ble situation, surprised with a fatal stupidity, quit it without di­spute. The Infanta was accompanied to the Borders, and some of the Castiglian Ministers were kept Prisoners, for the security of those Portuguais which were stayed at Madrid. In eight days the whole Kingdom was reduced to a quiet obedience: Whilst in the East-In­dies, in Brasil, on the Coast of Africk, and in the Islands which are reckoned amongst the Conquests of the Portuguais, when by Curri­ers dispatched in diligence the advice was brought, it was no soon­er heard, but abjuring with an universal consent the obedience to Castile, the name of John the Fourth was acknowledged and pro­claimed.

ANNO MDCXLI.

If upon the first invasions on the Borders of the Pirenei it had ap­peared, that Spain, empty of Victuals, money, and people, had scarce been able to make resistance at home, greater evils were now presa­ged, when so many Enemies discovered themselves in its very bow­els. Olivares, perceiving that instead of promoting the Monarchy and the pre-eminence of power, it self was forced to contend for its own safety, not being able to resist in two places, stood in doubt, which [Page 492] way he should turn his chief cares and Forces. At last he judged it best to apply himself against Catalogna, hoping that the enterprise would not last long, and withal fearing, lest with giving time the strength of the Country, the fierceness of the people, and the suc­cours of the French, should make it much more difficult. On the other side the Borders being open, assistances remote, the people less inured to War, and the whole Kingdom being to be conquered in Lisbon alone, he fancied to himself, that leaving the Portuguais in security and unmolested, they would have no care to strengthen themselves; and that the Nobles, proud by Nature, would not long suffer the command of one, envied by many, and equal to all. Nor would that thought perhaps have fallen out otherwise, if his coun­sels had not always been fatally opposed by a certain disaster, which in some crossed the opportunity, in others took away the force, and equally condemned all to most unhappy events. Then pursuing in Catalogna the War again in the Spring, Los Veles comes to the Siege of Tarragona, which, after the Metropolis of the Country, is ac­counted for largeness and nobleness the chief place; but being in­vironed but with an old Wall, though Monsieur d' Espenan with some French got into it, was quickly rendred, the relief availing nought but to capitulate under the name of the French safety also to the In­habitants of life and goods. By this loss the affairs and minds of the Catalans seemed much dejected, and, as it happens in improsperous events, betwixt them and the French passed words of reproach, they finding fault with the slenderness of the succours, and these prover­biating the baseness of the resistance. But Los Velez coming in sight of Barcelona, against all his belief found the defence so resolute and well ordered, and the Mongiovino, so well fortified, that not being able to take any one Fort, he retired, either for the rigour of the season, or for the want of Victuals and Provisions. It is not credible, how much the Catalans from this were animated, de­spising the Kings displeasure and arms, and seeing themselves sup­ported with a more forcible pulse of French arrived in great num­bers under the command of Monsieur de la Mothe Houdancourt. He presently besieges Tarragona; but the Spaniards were resolved to succour it at any rate, and the Duke de Ferandina with forty Gallies executes it, not without dispute with the Naval Army of France, who having none but great Ships, and so not able to do much more than fulminate with the Cannon at random, effected nothing but that many of the Gallies taking fright did not adventure; so that eleven only made their passage through the Ships and Guns into the Port. The Town for all this could not hold out long, whereupon the Spa­nish Fleet, augmented to seventy sail, renews again the attempt with success, and because that of the French, through great negligence, suffered it self to be surprised at Anchor, a great number of Barques and lesser Vessels entred into Terragona.

The French for this cause were obliged to remove, raising the Siege, and to raise the courage of the Catalans with something of prosperous, advanced into Aragon, and took Tamarit, and succouring [Page 493] Almenas constrained the Castiglians, who had posted their Camp there, to raise it. To open the Passes of the Pirenei for succours, the Prince of Condé entring into Rossillion took there, Canet, Argiliers, and Elma. From these uncertainties in Catalogna the Portuguais made their advantage quietly, bringing their new Government into train, and strengthening themselves with foreign friendships. With France they renewed the former Treaties, with a liberty to the Portuguais to supply themselves in that Kingdom, with Ammunition, Arms, and Men, and to ratifie them the Mareshal de Brezé goes to Lisbon in great pomp, and with a numerous squadron of Ships, where he was received with a sutable welcome and applause. The chief point agreed upon consisted, In arming forty Ships, to ply too and again in the Ocean, to interrupt the Navigation of the Indies, and lying in wait at Sea, to make prey of the Spanish Fleets and Treasures. The Hollanders were to join twenty others: With whom a Truce also was stipulated by Portugal for ten years, with many Articles, which concerned Navigation and Trade, especially in Brasil and the Indies, it being agreed, That each should remain possessed of what he held in those parts, and endeavours be used to drive out the Spaniards every where: But that the Treaty, beyond the Equator, by reason of the distance, should not take place till after a year.

The United Provinces making use of this time with great artifice and much advantage, dispatched with diligence orders to Count Maurice of Nassau, who commanded in Brasil, that he should with all expedition make profit of the opportunity, as he did, by possessing on the Coast of Africa, San Paolo Loanda, with certain Islands, and places of great importance, to the great damage and bitter re­sentment of the Portuguais, who nevertheless were forced to dissem­ble it. But they now wanted not an intestine and perillous storm. The Archbishop of Braga had in appearance adhered to the revolt; but conserved in his heart a most partial affection for Castile, retain­ing a confidence with Olivares, from whom he secretly received in­citations and incouragements. He communicates his thoughts to Lewis, Marquess de Villareal, and found him no less inclined; where­upon animating one another, the Marquess draws into them by force as it were of perswasions and by authority, the Duke de Camina, and the Marquess d' Armamar, the first his Son, and the other his Nephew. They agreed to kill upon the third of July, the King, the Queen, and their Sons, to set the City on fire in several places, and, if it could be compassed, the Ships also in the Port, to the end that the people being in confusion, and distracted in several parts, and amazed, should not mind succouring the Kings Palace, nor to suppress the Conspirators. Hereupon the Archbishop, a man of a majestical authority, with a Crucifix in his hand, was to cry up and perswade obedience to Castigle. Nor were Troops to be want­ing, in a readiness on the Confines, to be brought into those places, where confusion opened the Gates, or the conjuncture required. Treachery and Secrecy being for the most part incompatible, every thing was revealed to King John, and he, seemingly hiding it, calls a [Page 494] Council, whereat the Conspirators were present, and being come into the innermost Rooms of the Palace, causes them to be arrested. The Archbishop was detained in Prison, the others with publick punishment expiated the offence.

The King with equal Art endeavoured to revenge himself of the Castiglians, tempting his Brother-in-law, the Duke of Medina Sido­nia, to revolt with Andaluzia, where he had good Credit and a great Estate. Nor should his endeavours have wanted success; for upon the invitations of the Portuguais and the insinuations of Riche­lieu, the Duke had lent his ear, and promised safe shelter to the Fleet of the Mareshal de Brezé, under the countenance whereof he was to declare himself; but that the news coming of the relief of Terrago­na and of the Siege raised, apprehending his own danger, he refuses to receive the French Fleet into his Ports, and knowing, that Oli­vares had got knowledge of the Intelligence, to clear himself of it, he challenges the King of Portugal to fight with him, reproaching him with the title of Traitor and Infamous. He then not having appeared, as was well to be supposed, in the field, he sets upon his head a great sum of money. But King Philip being therewith not contented, the Duke was summoned to Court, and he, not finding in Andaluzia an alienation to the Castiglians, nor for himself the favour he had hoped, obeys with so much readiness, that he caused the first suspicions to vanish, or at least to be dissembled.

Whilst Portugal established it self, and the Armies were contend­ing in Catalogna, Richelieu easily made himself believe, that the Af­fairs of Italy and Flanders would remain in prey to him; and in this push of Fortune every thing might have succeeded for him, if the course of his felicity had not been hindred in France it self by very considerable accidents, though quickly and happily suppressed. It hath been said elsewhere, that hatred against the Cardinal was with his prosperity increased, corrupt and discontented humours being now amassed to such a degree, that the vigour of the Government, Reputation and Force it self were found not sufficient to digest and purge them. It was doubted, that the Duke of Vendosm im­ployed some to kill him. Whether it were true or false, the Car­dinal being in reputation to know every thing, and pardon nothing, the Duke passes into England, where the Queen-Mother as yet re­sided, and thither repaired other dissatisfied and suspected persons. The Parliaments of the Kingdom were also exasperated, and parti­cularly that of Paris; for that having shewed a will to oppose cer­tain Edicts, it had been severely reproved by the King, with a com­mand, that for the future it should not meddle in any thing that belonged to the Government.

The people then in general, as they are wont to be the first to cry up Favourites, so being also the readiest to execrate them, it cannot be said, how much they abhorred the Name and Authority of this Minister. The Wars obliged to vast expences, and the Kings Revenues being ill managed, it was found, that the grievance arose from the publick want; for money being wanting in the Trea­sury, [Page 495] there was a necessity to take it by force from the rich, and ex­tort it with vexations from the poor. All seemed full of lamentations, but each one passed frequently under the accusation of a Spy, tears going not unpunished, and the very sighs admitting of reproach Grief becoming at last too fierce could not be suppressed any longer with fear, and if talking and discourses were forbidden and punished, Writings and Pamphlets abounded, that filled all places with detra­ctions and invectives. There was raised at last a great storm, and the body of it appeared assembled at Sedan, declared by the Duke of Bouillon, who was Soveraign of it, the publick refuge of the Male­contents. He was not satisfied with the Court, and to his disgusts were quickly added those also of others. The chief were the Count of Soissons and the Duke of Guise, who framing to themselves a ge­neral Commotion of the Kingdom, oppressed by the Cardinal with all sorts of calamities, represented, His Ministry as the sad Center of the common miseries. He, Author of the War betwixt the Crowns, un­der a feigned lustre of prosperity, kept the mind of the King bewitched; in the mean while extorted Treasures, consumed the spirits and the blood of the Kingdom, and to preserve himself in this ambitious station, kept himself environed with Armies. They described in him Cruelty and Ava­rice with equal horrour to have joyned hands to defend him from the threatnings which he incessantly feared. That nothing remained in France unviolated. That he had revenged himself of some of his Ene­mies with punishment; others, of the clearest innocency, were more se­cretly made away. That many had been forced to seek their safety by retiring into other Countries, and that the Cardinal had either usurped to himself, or distributed amongst his Kindred all their Charges, Goods, and Spoils.

For these publick causes then, and to purge the Kingdom of a Monster so hateful, who had either offended every body, or did threaten all with ruine, they gave it to be believed they had taken Arms, protesting perfect obedience to the King. But other private motives, and perhaps more powerful, were not wanting. Soissons by reason of his generous and active Spirit was feared by the Cardi­nal, and therefore, to bind him in the strict bonds of confidence, he had tempted him to take one of his Nieces to Wife. But the Count publickly scorning the match, by reason of the inequality of birth, the Cardinal from his ambition falls into a hatred, and from hatred to meditate upon revenge, crossing all his pretensions with the King.

Guise gave the Court that suspicion which was inseparable from the House of Lorain, from whom he had taken away, with their Estates and Governments, all authority in France. He enjoyed the Archbishoprick of Reims, with other benefices of the Church; and the Cardinal, desirous to have the spoil of them, to impoverish him, assigns him a short day, to enter into holy Orders, knowing, that being in love with Anna de Nevers, Daughter of Carlo the deceased Duke of Mantua, he aspired rather to Marriage than the Priest­hood: So that, not yielding obedience, he was deprived of the [Page 496] benefices, and reduced to a very narrow condition, without per­mitting him to resign any one of them to his Brothers. To strengthen themselves with foreign Forces, the said Princes concluded a Treaty with Micael de Salamanca, who, in the name of the Spaniards, pro­mised them a very great assistance of money and men, and that Lamboy with a good body of an Army should come immediately to join with them.

Carlo Duke of Lorain concurred in the same sense, though in the beginning of the year being gone to Paris, he had agreed to re­nounce the Austrian party, and adhere sincerely to France, by which a part of his Country was restored; Clermont, with Stenay, Dun, and Ja­mets remaining in propriety to the Crown, and Nancy, till a gene­ral Peace, in deposito. He, that had aimed at nothing but to reco­ver some places out of the hands of the French, having obtained his purpose, retires from the Court, and presently begins to make Le­vies; yet making it believed, that he would join with the Mareshal de Chastillon for the service of King Lewis.

Thus the revolt of the malecontents was rendred considerable by stranger Forces, and perhaps by an internal disposition; it seeming to be without doubt, that, if the United Princes should have hap­ned in the first heat of some advantage to enter into the Kingdom, and should have advanced into the Provinces, there would have followed a general commotion of the Gentry, Parliaments, and Peo­ple. Neither was it without some appearance, but that to the King himself the excess of pride and predominancy of the Favourite growing troublesom, some opportunity would have been accepta­ble to be rid of him and disgrace him. The Cardinal, sometimes op­posing Counsel and sometimes Force, took care for provisions and for defence. He closes with the Prince of Condé, giving to his Son the Duke of Anguien one of his Nieces to Wife; for it highly concerned that Family to keep Soissons under, who had assumed the title of first Prince of the blood Royal; and sends La Meilleray with an Army to divert the Spaniards from lending succours to the Mu­tineers, and the Mareshal de Chastillon with another against the Prin­ces united. The first, passing the new ditch, the known and anci­ent border betwixt France and Artois, mastering certain Forts which defended it, layed Siege to Aire, a place most important, secured not only by Nature with much moorish grounds round about it, but strengthened by Art with all sorts of Fortifications within and without. Chastiglion, being come near to Sedan, met, on the sixth of July, Lamboy together with the Princes malecontents. The Kings Army was ranged in excellent order upon a certain rising ground, with great advantage, having the flanks covered with two little Woods. On the other side, that of the Princes, pressed for want of room by reason of the situation, was rather confused than well and orderly placed; but, not being able to avoid the shock, certain of Chastillons Troops charged with so much resolution, that some of the divisions opening, and others retiring behind the Artillery, For­tune shewed the Royalists the way to a signal Victory. Soissons [Page 497] hasting to remedy this disorder of his, armed at all pieces, with the visier open, and with few that accompanied him, while he was mingled in the Fight being shot by a Souldier of the Company of Orleans with a Pistol in the Eye, fell backwards from his Horse on the ground, losing at the instant his speech and his life.

Whilst this ought to have confirmed to the Kings Army the ad­vantage, it happens by a contrary accident, that the Cavalry took basely the flight, without being pursued by any, either because ma­ny abhorred the spilling of so much of their fellow-subjects blood, or that some were glad to celebrate the Funerals of those begin­nings, under which they hoped to make War for private revenge upon the Cardinal. The issue was, that the Conquerours, stopped by themselves in the course of their prosperity, nay rather turning their backs to fortune, became conquered; for the Imperial Troops and those of the Princes over-running the Infantry, part were cut to pieces, and the rest with all the Cannon and Baggage brought Pri­soners into Sedan. Almost all the Officers ran the same fate, either of death or being taken, Chastilion, with a few others, saving him­self with difficulty.

Nevertheless, with a notable example of the indulgence of For­tune towards the Cardinal Richelieu, Soissons being dead, who was the soul or rather the fury of the male-contents, the fruits of the Battel redounded not to the benefit of the victorious, but to those that were defeated; for although Lamboi took in Doncheri, a little and a weak place, yet such and so long was the resistance, that it gave time to Chastillon to re-assemble in Rhetel the relicts of his men together, with new recruits, and for the King to arrive with an Ar­my so vigorous, that he not only recovered Doncheri at the first ap­pearance of it, but threatning Sedan with a Siege, perswaded Bou­illon to submit and make his Peace. The place is, for its situation, for works, and defences, truly numbred amongst the strongest; ne­vertheless the Duke, considering the head of that undertaking to be dead, the others weak and in a fright, Spain turmoiled in so many parts, and Lamboy constrained to repair to the relief of Flanders, endeavoured to find his safety in the Kings favour, whereupon he stipulates an accord, obtaining neutrality for the Town, pardon for himself and all the party, except the Duke of Guise, and the Baron de Bech. Some of the male-contents returned to their Houses, others would not at all trust themselves there, but dispersed into se­veral Provinces, or went into those of Flanders, leaving to the Car­dinal the merit or the fortune to have, though thus a loser, subdu­ed the Rebellion, without intermitting in so many other parts the assisting his Friends and offending his Enemies.

The Siege of Air was in this interim carried on with great ear­nest, in such sort, that, besides infinite other factions, one and the same Half-moon was gained and lost several times. But remaining at last in the power of the French gave them means to press the Town more powerfully, gain the Ditch, and after mines and as­saults, to fix a lodgment upon a Bastion. And now the place capi­tulated, [Page 498] the afflicting the County of Boulloin, and the Country there­abouts with great incursions, having not at all availed the Spaniards for the removing Meilleray from the Siege.

Ghenep was also rendred to Orange upon the same day that Aire was taken; but the French retained that Conquest but a very short space: For the Cardinal Infante joined with Lamboy straitned it so closely, that Meilleray, wanting victuals, was hardly able to with­draw himself, leaving the place unrepaired and provided. Where­upon the Spaniards entring into the Trenches and Posts abandoned by the French; at the instance of the neighbouring Provinces, who, fearing the oppressions of the Enemy offered men and money, Aire was again besieged. La Meilleray having not been able to thrust in succours from Terrouane, attacques la Bassen, and the gaining of it proved an easie Conquest. Lens was likewise rendred to the Mare­shal de Brezé, and Baupaume defended it self but nine days. Flan­ders besides was harrassed, and Armentiers threatned, Fontenay, who had the body of an Army, being not able to hinder it, be­cause Orange on the other side gave jealousie to the Sas of Ghent, and made shew as if he would pass the Water-courses thereabout. But the Spaniards esteemed the recovery of Aire to be preferred before all they had lost, and at last took it about the end of the year.

But yet those Provinces enjoyed not an entire contentment, for the Cardinal Infante dies to the extream grief of the Souldiery and of the People. He at his entry into those Countries had gained a great applause; because, laying aside that loftiness and gravity which seems contracted by the Princes in the Court of Spain, he had to the excellent prerogatives of piety and virtue added courtesie and affability, to the Flemmings most especially acceptable. Nor failed they at Madrid to conceive jealousie at it, the Governments far distant being always suspected, especially when administred by Princes of the blood Royal, and supported by Arms; knowing withall, that the French had oftentimes, by offering him to Wife the Daughter of the Duke of Orleans, tempted him to make himself Ma­ster of those Countries, assuring him of all their own Forces, and those of Holland. The French in this conjuncture conceived cer­tain hopes of a revolt in the Provinces, and the King comes with the Cardinal to the Frontiers; but they remained quiet, and suffer­ing rather than contented with their new Governour, that was Fran­cisco de Melo.

In Germany a Diet was this year held at Ratisbone, called by the Emperour, to the end to break another more jealous assembly, which the Princes of the Empire had a mind to have at Franckefort; but the Emperour found himself there in great danger: For Banier with a speedy march being come from Erfordt near to Ratisbone, the Da­nube being frozen, began to cause his men to pass over it, environ­ing that City, with great hopes to take the Emperour Prisoner, or at least besiege him, and dissipate the Diet. The defence being di­sposed in much haste and disorder, the River by special favour from [Page 499] Heaven was in a short space so thawed, that Banier being obliged to halt on the other side, those which had passed were beaten and made Prisoners. Banier moves thence, and going to Cham had the good luck to take it. Piccolomini having beset Schlang, Felt Marshal, and given time to the Arch-Duke to come up with the Body, to receive the honour of the action, obliges him to render himself, together with four thousand Horse, all Prisoners. The Swedes, in this manner weakned, were forced to retreat, pressed by the Arch-Duke; and, to say truth, Banier made his most excellent conduct appear, in that being inferiour in Forces, and retreating with the Enemy always in sight, and in passing the River Egra, he received not the least disadvantage; but being come to Halverstadt, surprised with a great sickness he there dies. The Swedes were eve­ry where pressed and pursued by the Imperialists, when the Count of Guebrian, who had succeeded Longueville in the command of the Weimarians, moving that Army, brought them a seasonable relief. The strong place of Wolfenbutel in the Dukedom of Luneburg was now straitly besieged by the Protestants, and Piccolomini, being come near to attempt the relief of it, was repulsed with a very con­siderable blow. Nevertheless strong resistance being still made, the aggressors were forced to retire. On the other side, Dorsten in Westphalia fell into the hands of Hatzfeldt.

All these successes served rather to protract the War, than to end it; though it appeared, that the Negotiations for the Peace were something more than formerly facilitated; for that the Emperour at last consented, to the satisfaction of the confederate Crowns, the safe conducts for the Princes of the Empire, and, at the interposition of the King of Denmark, was in Hamburg, by Lutzau, d' Ava, and Salvins, Ministers of the Emperour, France, and the Swedes, a Treaty con­cluded, which was called, of the Preliminaries, by which the Assem­bly, which formerly was to have been held in Colen, being tran­sported to Munster and Osnaburg, Cities which were left Neutral and without Garrison, it was agreed that in the former should be trans­acted all that which belonged to the Austrians, France, and Holland, and in the latter the interest of Swede and its Confederates with the Emperour and his Adherents. But when things were thought in a readiness to give a beginning to the managements of the Peace, o­ther difficulties arose; and the Emperour thought to clear them by publishing in Ratisbone an Amnesty, or general Oblivion, or Pardon of things past, but he rather increased them; for by excluding the cause of the Palatine, by remitting it to a particular Treaty, many decla­red themselves not satisfied.

Amidst these universal agitations, the Republick of Venice restored to quiet, felt only some little disturbance for private contests be­twixt Borderers in Dalmatia, occasioned by the exceeding ill will of Ali Bei and Durat his Son, who bore the sway in the Ʋrana. Al­though the beginning brought some trouble, the Turk entring with armed men into the Territory of Zara to the ruine of the Campa­nia, yet it was quickly quieted, the Port sending upon the com­plaints [Page 500] of Girotamo Trivisano, Bailo, a Chiaux into those parts to re­establish the Peace. It happened, that he coming near the Fron­tiers, those of Verpoglie, Subjects to the Venetians, to repair some da­mages they had suffered, committed in the Turkish Country far great­er mischief. The Ministers thereupon offended, would have re­venged it upon the Territory of Sebenico with Arms; but Giovanni Baptista Grimani, General of the Province, with his dexterity, whilst Luigi Malipiero, that commanded the Cavalry, was ready to succour the places most threatned, perswaded them to a composure, confirm­ing the friendship by the restoring of Commerce, and the Turks de­molishing a certain new Fortification raised at Verveco. The Port heard willingly the news of quiet; for having setled a Peace with the Persian upon the former conditions, the Turkish Arms were im­ployed in the gaining of Asach, a most strong place, upon the Palus Moeotis, kept by those Cossacks, who under the protection of Musco­via committed in the Black Sea most cruel mischiefs, even within the sight of the Seraglio.

The Venetians therefore freed also from that care, stood immove­able betwixt the instances, which, with offers of great advantages, both the Crowns pressed them with, each to draw them to their own party. The French represented that plant fading, which not long since overshadowed Italy and Europe, and invited them to reap together with the other Italian Princes the rich spoils; the King willingly yielding to them the hopes and the fruits of so noble Con­quests. On the other side was shewed by the Spanish Ministers the dangers of the Milanese, and offered to consideration, whether, that serving as a Barricado and Intrenchment to hinder the Inundations of the French into the bowels of Italy, it ought not to be supported and defended by united Forces. The Republick, on whom the de­sire of quiet was more incumbent than that which might spur on the opportunity of Conquests, answered to the one and to the other with equal expressions of respect and confidence. To say truth, af­fairs in the Milanese passed with great confusion; for that in the be­ginning of the year, Prince Thomaso having recanted his Treaty with France, the King of Spain at his instance had removed Leganes, and substituted in the Government the Count de Sirvela, the Govern­ment and the Power becoming thereby much weakned, both because of his weaker capacity, and that the Power of the Monarchy, di­stracted into so many parts, was not able to assist Italy with a vigour equal to the necessity.

On this account Turenne, though with but indifferent Forces, ea­sily regains Moncalvo, and out of complacency to Mazarine, who counted himself greatly injured by Prince Thomaso for the delusion of the Treaties, Inurea was besieged at the time that the Prince him­self was at Milan to make some agreements with the Governour, and to demand assistance. The defence nevertheless was bravely main­tained by Silvio di Savoy, natural Brother to the Prince, and by Var­cellino Maria Visconti, Maestro di Campo, of Milan, who in the night by stealth got themselves into it. Hartourt howsoever he approved not [Page 501] the undertaking, seeing Turenne ingaged, came to the Camp, and en­deavoured by a general assault to have put an end to it; but that being withstood and repulsed with loss to the Aggressors, he saw a while after, through the negligence of his Sentinels, the Baron di Prel with four hundred Souldiers to enter into it. For all this he retires not; but Prince Thomaso, who losing the place, remained without a place of retreat at the discretion of the Spaniards, sollicited the Gover­nour of Milan, that he would attacque the French Trenches. Sir­vela on the other side refusing to hazard all at one sole blow, assent­ed rather for a diversion to attacque Chivas, where a surprise by Scalade not succeeding, the Siege was laid. To relieve it the French retired from Inurea, and the Spaniards having gained their design stayed no longer before Chivas. Harcourt proposing to himself more important designs, to force the Prince Cardinal, to open to himself the communication with the Sea, and to enlarge his Quarters, possesses without much ado Ceva, Mondovi, and other places thereabout; lay­ing Siege at last to Cuneo, a place, which for the fortifications and the situation upon the folds of a Mountain, carried the boast never to have been taken by force. But after many Factions and hard En­counters the Lieutenant Colonel Cataneo, that commanded in it, up­on the 12. of September renders it, succesless having proved the utmost endeavours of Prince Thomaso and of Servela to send in succours or attempt diversions. The loss of Cuneo troubled the Princes of Savoy, and no less the Spaniards; but these were touched at the suc­cess of Monaco more than with ought else.

That Town stands upon an eminence, which thrusts forth a pro­montory into the Sea, and covers a Shore rather than a Port, where the River of Genona terminates upon the Confines of the County of Nizza. It gives name to a little Principality, formerly for a long time possessed by the Family of Grimaldi. Till one thousand six hundred and five the Spaniards, allured by the convenience of the situation, brought into it a strong Garrison, by the consent, for his private advantages, of the Prince di Val di Taro, Uncle and Tu­tor of Honorato, Prince of Monaco, then a Minor. There resided a Governour for the Crown, who exercised very often, besides his Command, over-much licence; besides that, the pay for the Garri­son being delayed to be sent from Milan by reason of the present occupations, the Prince was forced, to exempt himself from the inso­lence of the Souldiers, to disburse it out of his own money. His house also was the common Inn for all those that passed out of Italy into Spain, so that he found himself exhausted and oppressed on all sides, drawing very little from certain Lands in the Kingdom of Naples, and nothing at all from the Pensions assigned him in recompence of the Garrison received. Willing therefore to shake off the yoke, he sets on foot in great secrecy practices with the French, without ha­ving been able for several years to compass his intention, the French sometimes being not in readiness, and at others the Garrison strong, and the Governour vigilant. At last Monsignor Grimaldi passing that way, sent by the Pope to the Nuntiature of France, it was taken for [Page 502] granted, that the Prince, as to a Kinsman, opened his thoughts to him, and that he managed the business with Richelieu.

The Cardinal of Savoy having conceived no slight jealousie of it, gives notice of it to Sirvela; but he not making any matter of it, only warns the Governour to be upon his Guard, and he answers with great boasting, offering, when he should be commanded, to bring the Prince Prisoner to Milan. A while after, to supply the necessity of the Cardinal of Savoy, part of the Garrison of Monaco was sent to his relief; and more to weaken the rest, the Prince took occasion of the refusal of Roccabruna, a place of his, to disburse cer­tain money, which was just to serve for the payment of the Soul­diers, and perswaded the Governour to send sixty more to quarter there for a chastisement. Invited by this occasion, he causes to be brought to him by night certain of his Subjects, who for several of­fences he kept imprisoned; and while the Governour and other Of­ficers slept more soundly from the Jolity and the Wine of a Supper, in which the Prince had nobly entertained them, communicates to them the desire and intention to rid himself of the Spaniards, now but few in number, and at present sleeping in great security, pro­vided they would be assisting to deliver him from that oppression under which for so many years he had innocently groaned. All, for the liberty which he promised them, consenting to the common safety, shaking off their Fetters, armed themselves, and the Prince with those of the Court, putting himself at the head of one Troop, and his Son at that of the other, they set forward to assault in seve­ral parts the Garrison, who expecting nothing else, were disarmed without defence, and after the death of some, the rest made Priso­ners. The Prince advertises presently to the Count d'Ales, Gover­nour of Provenza, who having in a readiness a relief of Provisions and Souldiers, sent it without delay by Sea. The Prince then sends back to Sirvela the Souldiers that were Prisoners and the Order of the Fleece, because he had secretly consented to receive from King Lodowick that of the Holy Ghost, to keep in Monaco a Garrison of French, and in recompence of that which he should lose in Naples and elsewhere, to enjoy in Fief the Dutchy of Valence in Dauphiné with advantages and pensions for himself and his Son.

THE HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICK OF VENICE. THE TWELFTH BOOK.

AS an Appendix to so many others which tore Christen­dom in pieces, served the War newly started up in Italy, if not great for the occasions, for the effects and for the exploits, famous at least for the contention of minds, curious for the variety of interests, and impor­tant for the quality of the managements. The original was ascribed to certain disgusts of the Barbarins, Nephews of Ʋrban, against Ed­ward Prince of Parma; and they came to be fomented from grudg­ings already conceived by several Potentates against the Pope and his House; for the Pontificate being governed in these last times by his Nephews with an absolute command (Ʋrban being under the burden of his years weakned in his vigour and authority,) it seemed, that with various injuries to the Princes, they abused their power and fortune with an excess of license. He that had most of the Popes affection and favour, was the Cardinal Francisco, deep in his de­signs, often irresolute, always a friend to his own Counsels, easie to suspect, and tenacious in what he affected. On the other side, the Duke Edward was of high and active spirits, sensible of every displeasure, prone to resentments, otherwise dignified with the Arts Military and Civil Sciences to such a degree, that nothing wanted to rank him amongst the most commendable and greatest Princes, but that Fortune had either given him an Empire and power equal to his mind, or Prudence equalled his mind to his fortune and power.

[Page 504]In the forementioned War, undertaken by the Duke against Spain, with boldness more than needed, some seeds of discontent had al­ready been scattered betwixt him and the Barbarins; either because it seemed to the Duke, that the Pope had with coldness interposed to divert the dangers or rather imminent ruine of his Countries; or that he had discovered from the propositions, which the Nephews had caused to be brought to him in that conjuncture, to sell and alie­nate certain of his Lands for their advantage, that the aim of that Family tended more to their private conveniency than to the inte­rest of State. Edward afterwards going to Rome in the year one thousand six hundred thirty nine, disgusts brake forth more open­ly; for not being treated with those Ceremonies, which he affirmed were first promised him, nor the Prince Francisco Maria his Brother promoted to the Cardinalat, in the pursuit whereof, with great hopes to effect it, the Duke notwithstanding affirmed to have been engaged by the Barbarins, he only obtained of Ʋrban power to lessen the Revenue of the Monti, with a half per Cent; upon the advance whereof, grounding a new increase of the Capital, all he got was to go thence with a not contemptible sum of money. That is called at Rome mony de Monti, which in Venice is called di Zecca, deposited by private persons, on the condition of an annual Rent, which by the Farnese had been assigned upon the Revenues of Castro, a Duke­dom they held in Fief of the Church, and which, by the vicinity to Rome, serving them for convenience and honours, gave notwith­standing no jealousie to the Popes, it having no places of strength in it. The Barbarins secretly tempted, as in recompense of the fa­vour obtained, the mind of Edward, to cede to them certain places of that State, contiguous to their Lands; but the motion being re­jected, favours were changed into unkindness: Whereupon, though the Pope did not recall the grant, it was yet crossed by the Ne­phews, and with sundry delays and difficulties prolonged and di­minished.

The Duke, hereat irritated, hastens his departure from Rome, and vented his discontents, publishing them to the Courts by not visiting the Barbarins nor the Pope, by inveighing against the Car­dinal Francisco and his Government so highly, that Ʋrban was moved at it even to fears; but they were quickly converted into wrath, and sharp resentments. For the Duke, enjoying by concessi­on of the Popes, the draught of Corn out of his Country, Ʋrban on a sudden forbids it, and in that consisting the best Revenues of Ca­stro, the exportation failing, the Siri, Merchants, to whom the Duke had farmed it for ninety 7000 Crowns per an. renounce the agree­ment; whereupon, that sum being not able to be raised, which suf­ficed to pay the Montists, they had recourse to the Courts of Ju­stice, and obtained, that the Duke should be juridically cited. He imputes all to the Barbarins, as if they designed to despoil him of that Country, and seeing the person of the Judge not separate from that of his Enemies, he believed he should be overborn; and there­fore not regarding the way of Judicature, he resolves to fortifie [Page 505] himself against force not only with right but Arms also, sending Delfino Angelieri, a Gentleman of Monferrat, Governour, with a Garrison to Castro, and causing half-moons and Redouts to be cast up about the place. This being judged by the Barberins a crime, as if he would resist his Soveraign, a Monitory was published by the Au­ditor of the Chamber, in which limiting to the Duke thirty days, to demolish the Fortifications of Castro and disband the Garrison; it otherwise declared him to have incurred Rebellion and Excom­munication: The Thunder whereof was now foreseen to be near at hand; for the Barberins raising Souldiers in all haste, six thou­sand Foot and five hundred Horse, with some Cannon joined at Viterbo, under the Prefect, as Generalissimo, and the Marquess Lui­gi Mathei Master de Camp General, with other Chiefs, and great provisions. This sudden arming awakened attention in the Prin­ces, and various discourses amongst the people; for in the Pope, who, while he was yet not so old, had with so much care cultivated Peace, they were obliged to believe great thoughts and strange de­signs, if in the extremity of his years he should resolve to disturb it, and so much the more in a Conjuncture, that Christendom mangled and languishing required from his fatherly care quiet and restaura­tion, and Italy, exposed as a prey to Strangers, gasped after remedy and safety from the concord of its Princes. All was imputed to the Nephews, and their intentions were accused, as either bent to se­cure themselves of the Duke, by depriving him of his Estate near them; or extended, as was rather believed, to more vast objects.

The Viceroy of Naples shewed himself above all jealous at it, be­cause he knew, that to the contrivances of the French upon that Kingdom the Barberins had lent their ear, and perhaps their help in concert with some of the Barons, Ferdinand also, the Grand Duke, was no less displeased to see the Pope armed upon his Confines, and in design of making new Conquests, having, besides his own and com­mon considerations not to suffer him to increase in power, found the will of the Barberins, originary of his Country, so averse from giving him satisfaction, as, in whatsoever business he had with them, to ob­tain nothing but prejudices or disgusts. Nor did differing thoughts reside in the minds of others; every one shewing himself at a stand at this novelty, and some covering with the appearing jealousie of War the hope of advantages, if any disturbance should be promo­ted. The Viceroy, above all afflicting himself, because this new sus­picion on the Confines kept him from sending into Spain and Milan the succours demanded and necessary, became more earnest in his Mediation, requiring from the Pope, that the proceeding against Edward might be only in an equal and judicial way.

The Grand Duke also interposes his offices to the same effect; and believing, that Parma also stood in need to have the heat of his Spi­rits moderated, dispatches the Marquess Guicciardini to perswade the Duke to mitigate his passion, and give way to a Treaty; and to in­duce him to it, in a manner by force had denied the passage of Souldiers, which Edward was sending to Castro, and prohibited some [Page 506] Provisions, which for the better providing of the place, were to be drawn out of Tuscany. The Pope, with opposite and concise replies, without other expressions, but a resolution to maintain inviolated the Decorum of humbling his Vassal, and make himself be obeyed, gave no place for a Treaty.

At this time the Republick had no other Minister at Rome but Girolamo Bon, a Secretary; the Ambassador Extraordinary, the cau­ses ceasing which induced to send him, having been recalled, and for an ordinary no care was taken to send one, until the Elogium should come to be restored. The Nuntio was seldom admitted into the Colledge to Audience, and he comprehending of what importance the Declaration of the Senate in the present affairs would be, not being able to suppose it favourable to the Barberins, endeavoured to keep their minds either diverted or in a slumber; sometimes with artifice, considering the evils imminent upon Italy from fo­reign Armies; and at others scoffing with derision at the affair of Castro, as a thing of a slight importance. At last when provisions in­creased, and Forces assembled, and that towards the Bolognese, he assured that all was in order to Peace, and to suppress a certain ca­pricious attempt of the Duke of Parma, though the Pope should possibly be obliged to send some few Souldiers to Melara on this side the Po, and on the Borders of the Republick. But the Count Ferdinando Scotti, who, though under pay of the Republick, served in this occasion the Duke of Parma, whose Vassal by birth he was, with opposite offices represented in the present affairs the causes of the hatreds and the intentions of the Barberins much differing. He alledged the Right of the Duke, aggravated the violence which was done him, and together with the ill example, the prejudices which would redound from it to all the Princes. He demanded of the Senate counsel, the better to govern himself in the business, and assistance to resist the force. He communicates the intention of the Duke, if Castro were assaulted, to go himself to its relief, whilst that place being maintained, the Barberins being humbled would with­out doubt incline to Peace; but if he should yield, they by the fe­licity of it being rendred more lofty, the heat of the War might be transported into Lombardy, and draw, to take part, the Arms of the Crowns, greedy above measure to interest the Italians in their differences. He expressed the intentions of the Duke as much in­clined to a just accord, as resolved, notwithstanding any hazard or ingagement, to maintain his affairs and his right.

The Senate, in so weighty an emergency, could not but stand per­plexed concerning the manner how to govern it self, being equally displeased at the causes of new stirs in Italy, and the effects of the at­tempts of the Barberins. Whereupon opinions differing, the Senate being assembled, Giovanni Pisari, Cavalier and Procurator, endeavors to perswade, that the Duke might be received into the protection of the Republick; haranguing to this purpose: From the prudent and ge­nerous Customs of our Ancestors, to succour the weak, and assist the op­pressed, practised so many times by our selves with glory and advantage, [Page 507] the Duke of Parma hath taken a rational confidence to have recourse to the Patronage of our Republick. The cause may seem remote to some, and perhaps the interest not great; but the Barbarins passing from pri­vate Contests to a War, from Acts judiciary to Arms, the example is cer­tainly of consequence to all, and the danger of it near at hand. This Senate hath voluntarily espoused the glory of being the Guardian of the Liberty of Italy, and the Protector of Princes oppressed. But in what cause can it imploy it self more justly than in that, in which if on the one side pas­sion contends with interest, on the other right appears destitute of power? That a Pope almost fourscore years of age, arms, is a great consideration. But that his Nephews manage the Treasuries, and the Armies resolve upon Invasions, and trample upon Princes, is very much done. Certainly the blow tends not only where it aims; but if all be threatned, 'tis reason that all should interest themselves in resisting. Ambition hath its Cen­ter, but limits not the Circumference. It covets and swallows all, and dilates it self there where it seems to seek a boundary. Castro is con­cerned at present. But why so great preparations for a weak place, ill provided, without other reputation, but that which the same of the pre­sent affairs gives it? That place taken, they will go forward; Parma and Piacenza shall not go free, and Duke Edward vanquished, what seems not easie to the fast and avarice of the Barberins? Who then will be so bold to call a great Ʋndertaking a small Business? A flame which will be increased by it self with the fuel of so many designs and inte­rests? The Spaniards, always cautious, fear for the Kingdom of Naples. The Grand Duke, a most prudent Prince, apprehends for Tuscany. O­thers observe with terrour the example; for if he that offends will also revenge himself, who is not offended by the Barberins? The Princes have several times born without resentment their contempts; if they permit at present also a profitable violence, to what height will their attempts grow? Who knows but that the Nephews of Urban, knowing they have offended many, design not to fortifie themselves before-hand against all; or that in the decaying age of the Ʋncle, perceiving their Dominion to be stag­gering, design not to maintain with Arms, if not in their own persons, an hereditary Command, at least a continual Pontificat in those depending on them in their Maxims and in their Interests. I invite not the Senate to resentments, nor call to remembrance the injuries, the disgusts, and the spightfulness, I would say, past, if the memory of their attempts a­gainst our Dignity and the Piety of our worthy Ancestors were not yet, even by the defacing of the Marble, conspicuous at present. I rather ex­hort with a generous setting at naught of our own concerns to contribute, to the good of Christendom, that much which may be pretended. But that we should permit the oppression of the Duke of Parma, and suffer a fire, which will not only burn Italy, but transport its flames into all the Catholick Provinces, will stir up the Protestants, and inflame the Barba­rians, is not my advice; and if the Barberins, in a short and casual command, neglect the consequences of so great evils, they ought not to be omitted by the Princes, to whom with the perpetuity of Dominion is recommended by God the safety of the people, and the care of the world. This cannot be better effected, than by opposing the beginnings, main­taining [Page 508] Castro, and assisting the Duke of Parma, that he may be able to succour and defend it; if otherwise it be lost, and that with this blow of Sword and Fire there be added a new plague to the so many languish­ings of Italy, and Arms come to be imployed, the War will be so long, and accidents will happen so unforeseen, that the most averse will be constrained to take part in it. If by shewing a force only we may gain Peace, why shall we let Hostility run on with so much slaughter and such spreading calamities, that our Posterity perhaps will have cause for ma­ny Ages to deplore the memory and Authors of them. I firmly believe, that it is sufficient to declare our selves, and give them to understand at Rome, that these Novelties, Violences, and Invasions are not to be en­dured. The Barberins will hearken to Conditions, when they see their Arms not likely to have success; and with the Equilibrium of the Prin­ces, and to the honour of whom shall have been the Author of it, a Peace will be concluded, confirming thereby the greatest benefit, which our Republick can possibly do to Italy, to Christendom, and to the Church it self.

Although some inclined to this course, nevertheless it seemed to the major part not yet seasonable to resolve. Whereupon Vincenzo Gussoni, Cavalier, spake; War being the ultimate Decree of the power and of the right and reason of Princes, it is fit to enter into it with a slow pace, and if the Barberins do therein precipitate themselves, it be­longs to us to oppose discretion to impatience, and with prudence to bri­dle passions. I confess, that to the Popes Nephews moderation would be of equal commendation and duty; but withal the Duke of Parma hath no need of Spurs; a fiery Prince, who provoked by himself runs to re­sentments. The wisdom therefore of the Senate, for the asswaging of Spirits and humours, ought to the one, to use effectual remonstrances, and to the other, moderation of counsels. It is no time at present to add an increase of evils to this afflicted Country. It languishes but too much by the War, which, though it rage in the extreme parts, yet attracts the blood, the money, the minds, and apprehensions of all. But if in that part which remains untouched by the fire, we shall cut the veins and the sinews, what will follow of it else but an extreme languishment, and in conclusion an unhappy falling under the designs of Strangers and the de­sires of the Barbarians? Italy cannot make War with the alone Forces of the Italians. Both the Crowns will greedily come in, and confounding ours with their own interests, we shall relegate the hopes of Peace to those Assemblies, where not to end them, the Treaties cannot yet find a begin­ning. The invitations, the promises of two most powerful Kings, the Conjuncture of the Times, the hopes of great advantages, have not hi­therto been able to remove us out of our Neutrality; therefore modera­ting counsels with justice and prudence, we have let the World know, that there is no cause here, that without cause can perswade us to a War. And shall we now by another way, and that by compulsion, enter into the Labyrinth of the common discords, and shall we therein be guided by ca­sualties, accidents, and the will of others? Who knows not, but when the Barberins shall believe themselves not able to compass their designs, they will shelter themselves under the countenance of a greater Power, and [Page 509] being to strives invited by both the Crowns, it will be at their choice to declare for that which shall prove most advantagious, or appear most successful? So the weaker joyning it self to the one, the other in opposi­tion will necessarily intrude it self, or be called in. Shall we then see the Mediators of the common Peace of Christendom fall foul among themselves, with need of Interposers, or rather of assistance? Shall the Pope appear environed with armed men? And will the Senate of Venice be willing to contradict themselves in that boast, to have always imploy­ed their Sword against the Enemies of the Church? My opinion is, that following the most peaceable Counsels, such emergencies cannot spring up, as may dispute peace with violence; but I rather foresee the case very easie: For if the Nephews of the Pope shall be willing to alter and disturb the affairs of Italy, and with the Arms of the Princes vent their private revenges, I know well, that it will be of necessity to oppose them, and not to suffer the injustice and the example. But if the end, which is tran­quillity, may be obtained by peaceable means; if the Spaniards, if the Grand Duke, if all else, according to their interest or vicinity, use only the way of mediation, why shall the Senate be the first to carry a brand to the fire, and not rather with reasons, intreaties, and offices, do their endeavour to settle a Peace, or at least in all events to justifie a War.

It was resolved with full Votes for this Opinion, and by the Nun­tio's, being called into the Colledge, and in Rome by the mouth of the Secretary, the Pope was effectually intreated to yield to the in­stances and common satisfaction of the Princes, who with unanimous desires interposed themselves for the Peace, by giving time and ex­pedients for a Treaty. To the Duke, forbearing in their answers any mention of assistance, they gave counsel of moderation, insinua­ting the respect with some sort of humiliation, which might be of avail to pacifie the Pope, and bring him honourably off the ingage­ment. But whilst Courriers flew to and fro with offices of Peace, the Barberins, (not to let themselves be overcome by the common consent of the Princes) hasted their march all they could, with a firm opinion, that having possessed, as it was not difficult, Castro, ei­ther the fervour of the Mediators minds would be slackned, or the Treaty be protracted with such intricacies, that the Dukes heat be­ing abated, and the endeavours of the Mediators, by many acci­dents that might happen, growing faint, the Glory of the Counsels, and the Merit of the Enterprise would fall out to their advan­tage.

A great part of this resolution and of others which were taken upon it, was imputed to the Nuntio Vitelli, who, perswaded by false suppositions, and the discourses of the Vulgar, that the Venetians; besides the making of a shew, and doing good offices, were [...] to interest themselves in the Affairs of Parma, possessed the Court of Rome with a conceit, that they might safely take Castro, and [...] yet further. Another Bull then was affixed, in which the time pre­scribed to Edward was prolonged for fifteen days: A [...]ut at the very same time the Marquess Matthei, on the [...] day of [...]er, [Page 510] drew the Army out of its Quarters, and entring into the Territory of Castro, presents himself before the Rocca Montalto, which is to­wards the Sea, and found it abandoned by fifty Souldiers, who had the Guard of it. Forty others at the Bridge of the Abby couragi­ously stood the fight of them, about a Cannon shot off, but they also at last retired into Castro.

There is a rocky Mountain, which for several miles environs the Ecclesiastical State on that side, interrupted by certain ways, cut out by hand with great labour. Where it descends towards the Sea, it terminates in a Plain, and forms as it were a Cliff of a soft moul­dring Stone, upon which Castro stands. There is but one way which serves to ascend to it, which the Duke had caused to be fortified with some little Forts. The Ecclesiastical Army appearing, they quickly yielded; whereupon Matthei planting Cannon against the Town, and flinging certain Bomboes into it, perswades the Inhabi­tants through fear to sollicite the Governour to deliver it, without expecting the succours, which by permission of the Grand Duke, the Count Palmia was bringing through Tuscany. Upon conditions of Life, Liberty, and enjoyment of Goods to the Souldiers and In­habitants, the Garrison, two hundred and fifty in number, marched out the seventh day of the Siege. Angelieri, though he endeavour­ed to clear himself, accusing the baseness of the people and the the Pea­sants, who being retired into the Town, preferring safety before fidelity and honour, had perswaded him by force to render, the Duke caused him to be arrested, grievously vexed at the news of the Surrender, which came to him, at the instant, that he in person was intended to go towards those parts.

The Barberins triumphed as much at so speedy a Conquest, and that sort of people abounding in Rome, which have no other reve­nue but flattery, exalted with many discourses and applauses the order, the conduct, the whole enterprise, and calling to remem­brance, that by that way the Duke of Bourbon had formerly led his Army to the Siege and Sack of Rome, the Pontificate of Ʋrban and the direction of his Nephews was celebrated with great Encomiums; for that, by the re-union of Ʋrbino, that Flank being secured, the taking of Castro did invincibly cover the other side of the Ecclesia­stical State. The Barberins also enjoyed equally publick glory and private advantages, having secured their Estate and Towns from the fury and invasions of the Duke, and foreseeing, that if ever he should recover that State, his neighbourhood would be so much the more troublesom to them, as the injuries were more provoking, they resolved never to render that they had taken, but to resist with Art and with Arms whosoever should interpose offices, or imploy force, taking it for granted, that neither the Duke would have the vigour to act of himself, not would others in the present Conjunctures, by giving him assistance, make themselves Enemies to the Pope. Ed­ward, to keep himself from those prejudices, which in the way of Judicature, the Acts that had past might bring upon him, had cau­sed to be presented to the Auditor della Camera, a protest, in which [Page 511] he declared the Barberins for his Enemies, but gave them to under­stand, that he had no other Judge left him but force, nor did hope for favour but from his friends. He renews therefore considerations and instances with the Venetians, and to set a gloss upon them, of­fers all just humiliation to the Pope, that so he might know how to encounter his good Graces. Shewing also his doubt of being attac­qued in his Dominions of Parma and Piacenza, he besought of the Senate a thousand Foot and a hundred thousand Crowns to garrison and provide the Towns. The Republick persisting as yet in the way of Treaty, had a mind to renew their offices at Rome, to the end that those judiciary Acts, being intermitted and suspended, which put one side into ingagements, and the other into dissatisfa­ctions, the Dukes humiliations might be admitted, and a way made for Treaty, for which they were not averse to dispatch an Extra­ordinary Ambassadour to the Pope.

Hereupon was variety of opinions amongst the Barberins; for some approved to ingage the Republick in the mediation, so to keep it off from declaring and giving assistance to the Duke; others aiming to keep off a Treaty with delusions, considered, that the Re­publick was that Prince that was least capable to be deceived, most prone to resentments, and the most powerful amongst those of Italy; so that it would be better to exclude them out of the Mediation; because overlooking the occasion of ingaging and interesting them­selves in the offices of assistance to the Duke, they believed it would rather continue watching upon the general occurrences of Europe, and on the successes of Piedmont and Monserrat, than apply it self to a particular interest of small importance to Italy, and of no im­port to it self. The Pope therefore seemed to hear with trouble the offices brought to him by order of the Senate; and rather ma­king light of them, not without scorn, refuses to stop the course of Law, and admit Mediators betwixt Soveraign and Vassal, of whom he intended to require humiliations, persisting to have him come in person to render him the respect was due to him. Nor had the Barberins greater apprehensions of the other Princes, observing, that the Ministers of Spain, though fluctuant amidst most weighty jealousies, proceeded nevertheless with great moderation, and the Ambassador of France, notwithstanding the protection, which his King shewed to have Prince Edward in, proceeded with coolness and reserve, both the Crowns agreeing in the maxims and the inte­rests, rather to gain than make themselves Enemies with the Pope, and his House.

Moreover the Grand Duke and the other Italian Princes, the Pope being armed, seemed rather in suspicion to receive distur­bance, than capable to give it, and so much the more, by how much the Barberins amused them in Treaty with greater gentleness, dis­coursing in particular of several expedients with the Marquess Mon­tecucoli, sent to Rome by the Duke of Modena; and those, consisted in depositing Castro in hand of the Cardinal d' Este, Brother of the Duke of the same name, for so long till that the purchase of Pontre­moli [Page 512] being concluded by the Barberins, which, for want of money, the Spaniards were treating to sell, this might be consigned to Ed­ward, and that remain to the Church; or that the Camera, under­taking the obligation to pay the Montisis, should recompense the Farnesi, with other Fiefs in lieu of Castro. It was also proposed, that, to secure present suspicions, an Ecclesiastical Garrison should remain in that place for some years, and then, jealousies being re­moved, every thing to return freely to their first owners. Yet the Cardinal Barbarin not long after declares himself, that any expedi­ent would hardly be admitted, which required the restitution of Castro and Montalto; but as to the more open Country seems to think, that to render that, the Pope would not be found much against it. There was great difficulty in all, the parties agreeing in one point only, to make use of equal art to gain the advantage of time, and protract with delusions the Treaty; the Barberins on the one side proposing conditions to consume the Duke, and weary the Mediators, and the Duke on the other giving them the hearing, though resolved to grant nothing, the better to arm himself, make himself Friends, and well impress his rights and interests in all the Courts.

But the Duke of M [...]dena quickly comprehending to what end the Treaty tended, recalls his Minister from Rome, and the great Duke shewed himself weary, having not been able to obtain of Ʋrban any limitation of time, and retardment of the sentence, nor of the Duke, that, in token of obedience, he would send his eldest Son to Rome, he resolutely refusing to put the Successor of his Country into the hands of his Enemies. The Venetians kept them­selves silent; but the Barberins interpreting it, as in effect it was, rather an argument of discontent than a token of satisfaction in the answers received, repenting the harshness of them, commanded the Nuntio, that he should piece up the Treaty again. He with the wonted forms shewed, By the gaining of Castro, the War ended, the Popes honour satisfied, the Law of Justice fulfilled, provided the Duke would remain quiet. The Army afterwards by the assistance of the Pre­fect, being remarkably increased at Ferrara and Bologna, and Forts on this side the Po raised at Figarolo, and Melara with strong Guards, the Nuntio represented it, as a necessary caution and bridle to the Dukes transports, who turbulent and fierce armed as if he would headily con­tend with the Pope about power, and dispute right with his Sove­raign.

This served not at all to mitigate jealousies and disgusts; for the fortifying on the Banks of the Po was not only against ancient Cove­nants with those of Ferrara, but might prove of extream prejudice to the Polesine, a Country betwixt the Adica and the Po, subject to the overflowings of many waters, and indowed with as much po­pulation and wealth, as it was destitute of Towns, and exposed without other defence, but that which the nature of the situation with the Dikes of the Water-courses and Rivers gives it. With all this, the Senate, not at all amused with the Nuntios expressions, [Page 513] strengthened the neighbouring Garrisons,An. Dom. 1642 and sent to that border four thousand Foot, with some Companies of Horse. At Rome in this interim Monitories and Bulls thundred one after the other, ci­ting the Duke to the Court with a safe conduct, in which was pre­scribed him a train of fifty persons only. But the Duke published a long Manifest in print; which, though a while after answered by the Ecclesiastick party, was nevertheless relished by the world with great applause, because with much moderation and modesty it de­duced the Treaties, Priviledges, and Rights, which supported his cause. He declares withal his intention to send an Ambassador to Ʋrban, to carry him his obedience, and those motives which he had not been able to alledge in the Process; but the Pope excluded his admission. The publication nevertheless of the sentence was de­ferred for some days, not so much for certain terms, which they call contumacious, as, because Raggi the Auditor della Camera, to whom the publication of Bulls belonged, being of the number of those promoted to the Cardinalat, that charge was for some days vacant. In the foresaid promotion, Ʋrban at last was willing, knowing that it was not his interest to continue for this cause in greater disgusts, to flatter the Princes with exalting to the Cardinal dignity, the Prince of Esté, Mazarine, and Peretti, named by the Emperour and both the Crowns. For the Republick was promoted Mark Anto­nio Bragadino, Bishop of Vicenza, whose Grandfather, barbarously starved in Cyprus by Mustasa after his valorous defence of Famagosta, rendred the Nephew so much the more worthy of that Purple, which is so fitly dyed in the Blood of the Martyrs for the Christi­an Faith.

ANNO MDCXLII.

The jealousies and thoughts what would become of the affair of Castro, were extended also to Strangers, who, seeing the Princes of Italy arm so eagerly, either not thinking the cause deserved it, or believing, that it being easily composed they would turn themselves to greater designs, endeavoured to strifes to assure themselves of their intentions, and draw them to their party. The Spaniards in particular propounded, that, laying aside for the present the dispute of Castro, or agreeing it with some easie expedient, the Princes of Italy should unite in a League with their Crown, and concert the defence and common quiet, by upholding the present state of things. To say truth, in Italy mens minds stood in suspence, concerning the motion of the French Armies; for that in the beginning of the year, in the cold season, the King, with the Cardinal, being come from Paris to Lions, and the Mareshal della Meilleray being advanced be­fore them with a very flourishing Army, left it doubtful, whether so great a preparation tended towards Catalogna or Italy. And though within a while after the Forces were seen engaged before the Fortress of Perpignan, nevertheless the Cardinals mind was dis­covered to be inclined, the place quickly taken, as he hoped, to [Page 514] send the Army into Italy, before the Campania should be at an end. And this he thought to do upon so much the better ground, by how much that in Piedmont the Princes of Savoy were agreed with their Sister-in-Law, and by consequence declared of the French party by a Treaty; in which to Mauritio, besides the promising him to Wife the Princess Lodovica Maria his Neece, was left in Government Niz­za with its appurtenances, as also to Prince Thomaso Inurea and the Biellesa, with title of the Dukes Lieutenant, for so long as the Duke remained in his minority. To the Dutchess remained the quality and authority of Regent, without other obligation, but to admit her Brothers-in-Law into the Council, when they should be at Court, and to communicate to them the most weighty matters con­cerning the State. With this agreement the Princes being com­posed, but the Country dismembred, little else was left the Duke but the name, and that great gate of Italy was thought to be set wide open to the French, which was wont to be kept shut by the Savoyards with force, or to be opened with great caution. The French besides had promised the Princes great advantages, and in particular kept Thomaso in secret hopes and agreements, to assign him an ample part of the Milanese in Soveraignty, when it should be con­quered with united Forces.

To say truth, the Governour of Milan failed not to employ all his endeavours, to keep those Princes adhering to Spain, but found, that it was in their name demanded, that, there appearing in the King of France a disposition to withdraw the Garrisons from those places, which in the past revolutions the Dutchess had trusted to him, the Spaniards would also restore those others, except Vercelli and Trino, which they might keep in their possession till a general Peace, and so long as the French should enjoy Pignerol and Casal. The answer was such as before the instance made had been supposed; for the Governour alledging that he kept those places, the better to facili­tate a Peace, in the Treaty whereof it would be fit to speak of them, refused to withdraw the Garrisons. Yet, though vexed at Thomaso that he would not accept of his propositions, and comply with his will, he recalls some hundred of Souldiers out of Inurea by a pre­cipitate Council; but to the great joy of the Prince, who shaking off the yoak, caused the Gates to be shut before their face, when Sirvela repenting his oversight countermanded them, with earnest instances that they might be readmitted.

On the other side, the Garrison, which with the Camp Master Tut­tavilla was in Nizza, not willing to leave it by fair means, was con­strained by the threatnings of Mauritio, who, having assembled three thousand men of the Country, put himself in a posture to force them. Thus the Scene being changed in Piedmont, Fortune smiling on the French, sollicited them to undertake most assured Conquests in Italy, and for that cause the Spaniards proposition to close in a union came to be hearkened to by the Princes of it, and more than formerly considered; but in the turbulent conjuncture of the pre­sent contests, all being not able to unite themselves in one party, [Page 515] that might be of force to withstand Strangers, thought it a less evil not to adhere to any of the Crowns. Therefore were also re­jected the Propositions of the French, who instigated particularly the Pope, by remonstrating to him the glory, and the opportunity to make advantage of so many Troops, raised for a more noble de­sign than the gaining of Castro, tempting him together with the puissant Forces of their Crown to drive the Spaniards out of Italy, which in the present state, that that power could no longer be said distracted but lacerated into so many pieces, and in a manner ruined, they represented easie to be done. To flatter him the more, they left to his arbitrement the disposal of the Conquests, and offered the Crown of Naples to his Nephews, promising to be assisting with six thousand Foot and a Naval Army by Sea to assist the enterprise, esteemed so much the easier, as that, besides the an­cient intelligences with many of the Barons, the people weary of the intolerable impositions, desired a change of Government.

Ʋrban, knowing the propositions more specious than easie, re­fused them. In this uncertain state of things Monsieur de Lionne was sent by France into Italy, to add warmth to the offices in the cause of Parma, but much more to observe and lay hold of the conjun­ctures seasonable, to perswade the Princes of Italy into the party of that Crown, till Cardinal Mazarine, designed for that service, should arrive. As for Parma, the Affairs were quickly brought to a desperate issue; for, there being not obtained, from the pressing endeavours of many Princes, and those which the Venetians, re­buted a new with severe answers, were willing to reiterate, any delay of the sentence, after these accidents, which for a few days, as hath been said, the order of the cause carried with it, Edward was declared to have incurred the greater Excommunication, de­prived of his Dominions and Fiefs, of the dignity he held of the holy See, and condemned in all charges done and to be done. In execution whereof his Palaces and the Goods in Rome were ex­posed to sale, and the Camera took possession of Castro, Ʋrban as yet deferring the Declaration to comprehend it in the rigorous Bulls of Pius Quintus, which forbid any alienation of that which was re­united to the holy Chair. The Princes were greatly moved, as if all their instances had been despised by the Barberins. Edward stirs himself up so much the more against them; shewing therefore not the least fear, calling together the Nobility and the Chief of the people, with power and eloquence deduces the causes of the War, the hatred of the Barberins, and his own right, exhorting them to fidelity and constancy. Being heard with applause, there were not any that promised not obedience. He thereupon causes the Religi­ous persons, that were Strangers, and the Bishop of Piacenza to de­part his Dominion, that by observance of the censures or other means they might not stir up the people. Lionne passes to Parma and to Rome, with several propositions; but in the Barberins was clearly discovered an aversion to render, and a repugnancy in the Duke to hearken to any expedient whatsoever; because to the [Page 516] exchange, in which those that interposed, insisted more than in ought else, and especially the Duke of Modena, who had again dispatched Montecucculi to Rome, the obstacle was, the impossibility to find ano­ther Soveraignty, which for the quality, the extent, and situation could be equalled to Castro.

A Marriage betwixt the Barberins and the Farnesi, which might pacifie the present disgusts, and secure from future revenges, was projected, but in vain; so that the Treaty being suspended anew, the Barberins only gave out, that they would assent to a Truce, provided both parties disarmed: For as much as they despised the Dukes Forces, they nevertheless apprehended his activity and da­ring; but he considering, that the expence taken away, and the jealousie extinguished, the Negotiation would be greatly cooled at Rome, refuses to consent to it. A breach therefore was speedily drawing on, accidents frequently happening, and every day bring­ing forth disgusts and suspicions.

And now mens minds were perplexed, by reason of a certain re­port, which afterwards was judged invented by the Duke of Mo­dena, or at least countenanced and increased by him, that in order to a supposed Marriage of a Daughter of the Prefect with the Duke of Mirandula, an Ecclesiastical Garrison was to be brought in­to that place. The report for some days was so currently believed, that from Milan the Governour sent the Count della Riviera; from Mantua the Princess dispatched her Physician; and the Republick caused to go thither Giovanni Baptista Battarino, Secretary of Luigi Giorgio, General di Terra firma. But it was found, that the minds of the Princesses, Mother and Aunt, who governed the Duke yet under age, were wholly averse from such thoughts: so that these Ministers had nothing to do but to return, after having reconciled a certain domestick disagreement of the same Princesses, which breaking forth again a while after, was again quieted by Anthonio Antelmi, Resident for the Venetians at Mantua, whom they sent thi­ther express. But the Princesses from others jealousies suspecting, that, as the Duke of Modena had given being to that rumour, so he might aim to intrude himself into that place by an Imperial Decree, which he gave out to have with power, to put a Garrison into it, brought into it, if need required, to the satisfaction of the Borderers, some of the Militia of their Territory.

This stir was scarce at an end, but greater emergencies were heard of; for that Montecucculi, in the despair of concluding any thing, being once more retired from Rome, a certain Religious per­son arrives at Modena to amuse the Duke with various projects of Peace, not unlike those formerly discoursed of in Rome; but whilst he hearkned to them, they were disapproved by Barberino, and on a sudden there appears at Modena, in the name of the Prefect, the Auditor of the Camp, to demand passage for the Army against Par­ma and Piacenza. The Prince was much disturbed at it, and the other Princes his Neighbours no less, to whom he gave notice of it, in regard it seemed, that the Barberins scorning the interpositions [Page 517] of so many, aimed at greater things, it being certain, that the ten­tative drew along with it the oppression of the Duke of Modena with quarters and passage, dangers to him of Parma, and by conse­quence the overwhelming and confusion of Italy. The Barberins nevertheless had other designs; for believing it apparent, by this rumour to surprise the Princes not yet fitted for War, they hoped in consequence, that none daring to oppose them, the Duke would remain so frighted, that, to the end to preserve the rest, he would acquiesce in what he had lost, and consent to the Truce and disar­ming. He had endeavoured to raise some Souldiers; but all he could make was much less than what he had need of. The Mode­nese was also totally unprovided, the Duke having not above a thou­sand Foot in pay.

The Venetians and the Grand Duke abhorred to come to Arms but as the last remedy; nevertheless upon this advice troubled be­yond all belief, communicating counsels with all expedition, they resolved to pass joynt offices with the Pope, and of the same tenour, to suspend the March. In the same instances concurred also the Ministers of France and Spain. Ʋrban taking this common appre­hension to be but the fruit promised him by his Nephews of the ge­nerosity and expedition of Counsels, persisted so much the more in denying any delay, not to give time to the Duke, and to others, to take courage and to arm. The Duke of Modena then grew more and more bound up not to grant the pass, and defending himself with general answers from the demands of the Auditor, comes the Count Ambrogio Carpegna to bring him threatnings, giving him to know, that in the Quarters of Castel Franco, upon his Confines, the Army of between eighteen and twenty thousand men was in a rea­diness to take it by force, the Cannon mounted on the Carriages, Train in order, and all that which was needful for the March. The Duke moved at such a declaration, consents to it for a month, on the condition, That there should be six days before the Army should move, that so having considered with himself, he might appoint fit Quar­ters; that in other four, it should be out of his Confines, and should march at a distance from his Towns and the chief City.

In the participation hereof to the Princes, he concealed not, that though his consent had been extorted from necessity, he was as ready, if he might have assistance, to shew his resentment of such a violence, either by contesting the pass, or receiving an Army in their Reer, when they should be entred into the Territories of Par­ma. He in great haste arms three or four thousand of his Subjects to keep the Towns, and that whilst Edward puts himself into the field with a thousand Dragoons, a thousand two hundred Horse, and five thousand Foot. Having provided Puiglio, he was purposed to incamp upon the River Lenza to dispute the entrance with the Pon­tificians; but his strength being disproportionable, he presently found them also diminished by Run-aways for want of pay. The Governour of Milan having failed him of succours, which, either to draw from him advantages, or to cover his weakness, offered [Page 518] him some men, but upon condition, that he would declare himself of the Spanish party and admit a Minister of that Crown to reside in his Court; he presses the Venetians and the Grand Duke for a speedy supply of money and men. They doubted, lest in the Dukes Country the Barberins might have some secret intelligence, and some Mine might spring in their consciences; so that the people, though they shewed themselves well inclined and obedient, yet at the appear­ing of the Pontifician Colours, Arms, and Censures, would remain affrighted, or at least, that Edward being forced, through inequality of Forces, to shut himself up in his strong places, the Country would remain in prey. Wherefore not desiring that the Duke should pe­rish, nor that the Barberins should be accustomed to the happy issue of their Counsels, they immediately sent to Parma seventy thousand Crowns; that is, the Republick forty, and the Grand Duke the rest, and it was a seasonable assistance that served to incourage the Militia, and give credit to the cause among the Subjects, who thence conceived hopes of greater succours.

Offices at Rome for a suspension being at this very time not inter­mitted, there were read to the Ministers of Venice and Florence by Monsignor Bichi, Auditor di Rota, in the name of Barberin, certain ambiguous answers, in which it seemed to be expressed, that the Pope would suspend offences, when he should be assured to receive none; but withal added, that if he possessed the Dukes Countries, he would restore them, when and to whom it should be thought be­seeming the honour of the holy See. To the Ambassador of France it was plainly said, that, to take away Jealousies, a suspension of Arms should be imbraced, when by the Dukes friends promise should be given, that he should bear respect to the Ecclesiastical State, yet the Sentence for that Cause not to be intermitted, nor more words made of the restoring Castro, which, by reason of the debt to the Montists, and the charge of the War, the Camera reputed their own. Such answers satisfied not the Princes, and they were much more displea­sed with the instances, which the Prefect to the Duke of Modena by Carpegna reiterated, that six days after, which happened to be the 10. of August, in conformity to the promise, the pass should be open for the Army. Believing then more resolute courses necessary, and that above all the march was to be hindred, for the diverting those accidents, which were apprehended from the successes of the War, the Republick resolved to send three thousand Foot and three hun­dred Horse, under the Command of Alphonso Anthonini, Commissary of the Cavalry; that joyning with two thousand, which, under the Conduct of the Marquess Guicciardini, were sent by the Grand Duke, they might defend the Modenese, that Duke being perswaded to promise opposition, and dispute the pass with such assistance, and the assurance, which Giovanni Baptista Ballarino, Secretary of the Republick, brought him, of greater supplies, if need should require. All this had been reciprocally concerted, under promise and faith given, there having not been time for more express Treaties; but it being judged necessary to conclude one, by reason of future casu­alties, [Page 519] there arrived at Venice the Prince Luigi and the Secretary Giovanni Dominico Pandolfini, the one for the Grand Duke, and the other for the Duke of Modena, and the Senate deputed to treat with them Baptista Nani, and Vincenzo Gussoni, Cavalier, to the end they should discuss the means of common defence, and the ways to pre­serve Peace. But as on the Princes side, and that also of the Barbe­rins, it was believed, that with shewing resolution, and by advan­cing some steps, it would be obtained; so each one going on in the way of ingaging, stumbled at last into a War. The Barberins were now greatly perplexed at the rumours of the Marches, and Treaties, and their Army, which, composed of new men, thought to go into the Country of Parma, as to an easie and secure Triumph, was inti­midated in such sort, that the Souldiers in great Troops running a­way, was in a short time greatly diminished.

The Prefect publishes, that he would delay his March, and sends Carpegna to Modena to demand, that in case of Edwards opposition he might have leave to halt in the Modenese. He foresaw before­hand the answer, which was just what he looked for, that the Duke of Modena could no longer dispose of his Country and of himself without participation and the consent of the Republick and the Grand Duke; nor did he desire it other, to the end that he might have occasion to defer his March, and giving in that interim infor­mations to Rome of the state of Affairs, receive Orders and also Sup­plies. Ʋrban, contrary to his belief, seeing by the stirring of the neighbour Princes the opposition great, calling to him the Ambas­sadour of France; of his own accord (for he had not at present been desired) consents to a suspension of Arms for fifteen days. Just at this time happens a hurly-burly in Rome, which, though it was fo­reign to the present interests, served greatly to increase the confu­sion in the Barberins minds. And it was, that the Bishop of Lamego, sent Ambassadour from Portugal to render obedience to the Pope, although not admitted in that Quality, remaining nevertheless (as a Prelate) in Rome, met with the Marquess de los Velez, Ambassadour of Spain, in a certain Street, and their Retinues quarrelling, there arose a Skirmish that made such a noise, that the French coming in to the aid of the Bishop, in so great numbers, the Spaniards were obliged to retire, some of them being killed, the Marquess hardly saving himself by flight.

The Spaniards imputing this disorder, though accidental, to the Barberins, because they had admitted the Bishop, and neglecting those cautions which might hinder such rash confusions, shewed themselves so highly offended, that the Ambassadour went his way to Naples, and the Cardinals of the Nation, except la Queva that was sick, retired to Frascati. The Emperours Ambassadour also, to shew an equal sense in the common interests of the Family, goes to Albano. In Rome, a City naturally talkative, many discourses were made of more dangerous consequences, minds being inflamed be­twixt the Factions of France and Spain; so that the Barberins being in trouble, were forced to strengthen the Militia, and place Guards [Page 520] with such orders, as might keep the Peace. Upon this occasion di­stracted in mind betwixt apprehension and negotiation, they so much the more willingly promoted the suspension of Arms; upon notice whereof the Troops of the Republick, already on their way, made a halt in the Mantuana, and the Florentines in the Luni­giana.

The Duke of Parma thereupon bewailed himself that he was sink­ing under the burden of the Souldiery and of jealousies, and the other Princes also perceived the dangers rather suspended than ceas­ed; judging they would rather in future be so much the greater, by how much the Barberins discovered themselves not only incensed a­gainst the Duke of Parma, but irritated against all those that had declared themselves contrary to their designs.

The Deputies therefore of the Republick, and those of the Grand Duke, and of Modena, had secret and frequent meetings, to com­municate Councils, and concert resolutions, in case that, after the fifteen days of suspension, the Barberins should continue their march. Some were of opinion, and particularly the Modonese, making use of the present confusion, to prevent and move the Army into the Ecclesiastical State, to disburden themselves of their own Souldie­ry, and by bringing the Barberins to a Peace by force, secure them­selves of the doubt, that, having recovered courage and strength, they should not attempt greater and more notable revenge. They had in their aim also to get for their Duke out of the present trou­bles some considerable profit; so that under the countenance of the League, getting into possession of something, he might happen to do himself right in part of that which he pretended was detained from him by the Pontificians. But the Venetians with more dis-interessed Councils, content to have saved the Duke of Parma from invasion, and diverted damage from the Modonese, aspired not by the League to ought else, but to advertise the Barberins of the difficul­ty they would have to meet with in their designs, and by conse­quence incline them more easily to a Peace.

To this opinion the Grand Duke at last adhered, though Pandolfini at first was bent upon attempts more resolute. A League was then concluded betwixt the Republick, the Grand Duke, and the Duke of Modena, drawing the motive from the present making War up­on the Duke of Parma, which being capable to bring greater di­sturbances into Italy, the Princes desirous to keep them off by pro­curing their own preservation and the common Peace, united for their own defence, for mutual succours, in case any of them were attacqued; and for that over and above, which for the defence of other Italian Princes should happen to be needful, it was agreed, To make up an Army of twelve thousand Foot and eighteen hun­dred Horse, whereof the half should belong to the Venetians; of the rest two thirds to the Grand Duke, and to Modena the remainder; the same proportion to be held in provisions, in money, and, when there should be occasion, in the increasing of Forces. The com­mand of the Army was committed to him of the Princes Confede­rates, [Page 521] in whose Country it ought to be made use of, and remain; but in neutral places the nomination of a General was reserved to the Republick, with the consent of the others. The invaded re­mained free from common Contributions to the Army, while he was to be vigilant with his Forces upon his own defence, to which the others were to resort, either with succours or diversion, as should be concerted at the time of need. The Contractors could not treat or conclude Peace or Truce but by common consent, nor oblige themselves to other Treaty, that should derogate from the pre­sent.

These were the Articles that were published; but there was ad­ded and kept secret, to assist the Duke of Parma, as there should be need, and to admit him into the League, when he should seek it, upon those terms and conditions which should then be conclu­ded. The expedition of the transaction having prevented the fame of it, the conclusion of such a League was no sooner divulged, but it was variously understood by the Princes. The Barberins shewed themselves very suspicious and touched with it, and the Pope him­self secretly complained, that his own Ministers had deluded him with false suppositions, and ingaged his Nephews too far. On the other side, Edward conceived so much the more stoutness; for, by the protection of the League, his Countries of Parma and Piacenza being covered, he hoped, in the astonishment of the Enemy, to open himself a way, either for the recovery of Castro, or the seiz­ing upon some other place that would serve to exchange for it. Hav­ing then obtained of the Duke of Modena the Pass, he sets forward against the State Ecclesiastick with about three thousand men on Horseback, men chosen for their courage; but without Foot, or Cannon, and without any provision whatsoever, that might be use­ful in a Siege of importance. But he had good Commanders, over whom, by reason of his dignity, the Mareshal d' Etré commanded, who, to satisfie the Barberins, being by the King of France removed from his Ambassage of Rome, remained with the Duke, giving cre­dit to his Arms, and to the march, as if France by such an appear­ing had concurred in it. But in truth, besides the disbursement of a small sum of money in discount of his Pensions, France contributed nothing in favour of the Duke but offices: Lionne only offered him two thousand Foot, on condition they should serve in Garri­sons; but the Duke refused it, being jealous lest the French should seek anew a way to get into his places. This march greatly dis­pleased the Venetians, and the Grand Duke; because Edward pro­voked the War, which they with offices and appearances hoped to avoid, their fear was, lest he, entring deep into the Ecclesiastick State, over-powered by the Enemy Forces should perish there, or that retiring with disreputation in disorder and beaten, should draw after him the Popes Army into the heart of his Country.

Therefore by the Senate was dispatched to meet him Giovanni Battista Ballarini, who a little before had been to communicate to him the conclusion of the League, to represent the opinion of the [Page 522] Confederates, and those considerations, which by safe Councils, in­stead of vain hopes, might in a short time bring quiet to all, and to himself most assured fruits of glory. The Duke, who in communi­cating to the Princes his march, had alledged in excuse his inabili­ty to keep his Troops any longer in his Country, finding himself now upon his way, with great fast and confidence intermingles in his answer, with lively expressions, reasons with his excuses, and continues his march. The Venetians, and the Grand Duke were obliged to cause to enter into the Modenese the Troops hitherto re­maining on the borders, to cover that State from the dangers, which the loss, certainly believed of the Duke of Parma might bring up­on it. But Edward entring into the Bolognese brought so great ter­rour to the people and to the Popes Army, that they in the unlook­ed for accident not considering the strength, and these fearing more than was their duty the danger, all was in a moment seen in con­fusion and disorder. The Prefect retires flying into Ferrara. The Souldiers quit their quarters, Matthei prevailing nothing with en­treaties, authority, or command, to stop them, no not so much as a small body, that might oppose it self to the Duke, or at least fol­low him. Thus without Blood and without a Battel the Army be­ing dissipated, Edward had an open way to a Voyage, which was one of the most worthy to be remembred; because in an Enemies Country more could not have been done by an Army never so powerful.

There is no doubt, but he might have been able by possessing some places to have setled Contributions and Quarters in the Ene­mies Country, and then have negotiated the restitution of Castro by exchange. But through his generous mind, aspiring to recover it with the fame of his Arms, and carry the terrour of his name with a loud report within the very walls of Rome, he entertained his Souldiers with such vast hopes of prey and plunder, that besides a certain becoming familiarity, for which the Souldiers loved him without fear, and obeyed him without dispute, every one followed him with a secure belief of extraordinary advantage. From Saint Cesareo he comes in one night with his Quarters near to the City of Bologna, writing Letters to the Cardinal Durazzo Legate, and to the Inhabitants, exhorting them to persist in a constant obedience to the holy See, himself also professing an immutable duty to the same, and that he had not put on Arms, but in his own defence, against the oppressions of the Barberins. Notwithstanding that populous City had no cause to fear an Army never so powerful, fear never­theless was so great in the minds of the Citizens, that not only none went forth to disturb the Dukes sleep, but not to irritate him, though they omitted the offer of their service, they yet answered with Letters of much respect. The day following proceeding in his way, and putting to flight with the view only some Companies of Souldiers, which were carelesly marching towards Bologna, the Governour of Smola sent the Keys to meet him, the Cardinal Franci­otti, Legate of Romagna, having not been able to hinder it, the [Page 523] City being unfurnished of a Garrison, and of all sorts of provisions. The Duke refusing them, contented himself to guard the Gates, whilst his Troops passed through the Town, which was performed with such order and so much quiet, that it seemed a passage of peo­ple that were friends. Faenza made a shew to shut the Gates, but being threatned by the Duke, the Governour descended from the Wall to meet and pacifie him, and hardly obtained that he would content himself with passing. At Furli, which, as of a greater cir­cuit and better inhabited, endeavoured to resist, he made as though he would fasten a Petard and burn the Country round about; where­upon the Bishop and the Guardian of the Capuchins, coming forth with tears, endeavoured to pacifie him; and he received them at discretion, saving out of grace their lives, women their honour, and the Churches. Nevertheless no greater hurt was done, but to lodge there one whole day to refresh his Souldiers, from the wea­riness and rains, whence alone arose some difficulty in his march. Victuals, for fear of pillaging and insolences, every where abound­ed, nor was there any place, which did not voluntarily offer to open their Gates. The Duke to shorten way, and to avoid the Ecclesiastick State, where by Nature and Art it is strongest, bend­ing to Meldola, enters towards the Territory del Sole in Tuscany, to get by a shorter cut into the Perugino, and from thence to advance to Castro. At the same time that he arrived on the borders, he sends to demand the Pass of the Grand Duke, who grants it, seeing him engaged so far; but withall sends the Marquess Lorenzo Guic­ciardini, to counsel him to stop there, or by the way of Pontremoli return to Piacenza; it seeming, that, without exposing his own af­fairs and those of his friends to greater hazards, that he had suffi­ciently by his courage satisfied the world and his own glory, by mortifying the Enemy with making him appear so contemptible. The Duke not yet arrived half way to his designs, intended to enter in­to the Territory of Perugio, where, at Castiglion del Lagó, the Go­vernour making no resistance, taking out four Cannons, he comes to the Town of Pieve, and condemns to contributions and to the fire a certain place, which shot upon some of his Foragers.

Upon such successes fear, not to be expressed, increased in Rome; a City, which being composed of the basest sort of Inhabitants, unac­customed to dangers, or of Strangers, who are pleased with Reports, Novelties, and Accidents, seemed distracted by various affections, some fearing plunder, others desiring disorder, and all reproaching the Government. In this hurly-burly Guards were distributed, the command of them repartited amongst the Prelates, hand was put to Fortifications, and other Preparations made. In Orvieto and Vi­terbo the Guards were strengthened, and Souldiers levied every where, taking in Rome the Coach-Horses to mount Souldiers. The Prefect was recalled to Court, great murmurings rising up against him for having shewed as much baseness in danger, as he exercised avarice in the Government. The Cardinal Antonio supplying the necessity with a greater vivacity goes out of Rome with Bali Valenzé, [Page 524] a French man, but a valiant and expert Souldier, and in several pla­ces gave orders for defence. The Cardinal Francesco having re­course to the Arts of Negotiation, thought with hopes of Peace to delude the Duke, and amuse the League. He causes the Abbot of Bagni to move the Grand Dukes Ambassadour at Rome, and the Car­dinal Bragadino to insinuate to the Venetians, that they would inter­pose with the Duke of Parma; and at the same time proposes to the Marquess de Fontenay the depositing the State of Castro till the busi­ness might be composed. But all to gain time, with equivocal and dark discourses amuses the Confederates, the Grand Duke troubling himself at Florence, into whose hand the deposition ought to be trusted.

At Rome, Bichi Auditor di Rota, pressed the Resident of Modena, that the deposition accomplished, the League would then declare for Ʋrban. Vitelli at Venice in a discourse more prolix and ambi­guous, to discredit the Mediation of the French shewed their inten­tion to be suspicious, as if, aspiring to have Castro in deposito, they were not afterwards, by reason of the conveniency of the situation, so easily to let it go, and insinuated, that the Pope would much ra­ther trust it to the Republick. But he had no sooner named that offer, but turning his discourse another way, assured, that the ex­pedients for a Composure were easie and many, if there were any at Rome that would manage them with sincerity, or had powers ne­cessary to conclude them. All this tended to induce the Senate to send an Ambassadour to Rome; for the Barberins, repenting more and more to have rejected the insinuations, had now commanded him to sollicite it. The Senate comprehending, their will, at present forced by fear, would not last longer than the fear it self, shewed to desire, before they resolved, more precise and less obscure proposi­tions.

On the other side the Grand Duke judging, that in this wambling of their minds fear had prevailed over animosity, closes with the business, declaring, that it might be deposited in the League, or at least in one of the Confederates, or in the Genouse, neutral and dis­interessed persons. At the same time his Army of eight thousand Foot and a thousand Horse with twenty two pieces of Cannon, came near to the Borders, putting the Barberins into great doubt, lest he would make use of the time, either to do himself right in certain pretensions he had, or shew his resentment of former di­stastes. But he had no aim but to procure Peace; and by the means of the Prince Matthias his Brother, rather to perswade the Duke of Parma to retire out of Tuscany, by offering him Quarters, to the end, that remaining ingaged in the Ecclesiastick State he might not receive some blow, which putting courage again into the Barberins, might render the Treaty more difficult. Edward would not take this counsel; but quartering betwixt Monte Pulciano and Chiusi, kept the Country in fear and contribution, publishing, that the Prince Francesco Maria, his Brother, was coming through Tuscany to strengthen him with four thousand Foot and five hundred Horse. [Page 525] The Duke of Modena sollicited the Venetians to give him leave, with their Troops, which he had in his Country, to enter into the Ferra­nese, which being all in confusion, and without a Garrison, an op­portunity was offered for considerable progress, in recompence of that much, he pretended to be due to him from the Pope. But the Senate denied their assent to his request, and rather earnestly disswaded him from adding imbroilments to the business, and fire to the flame, which it was so studiously endeavoured to adjust and ex­tinguish.

The Cardinal Barberin was not wanting to himself in any cunning, and aiming not only to negotiate with the Princes of the League, but withal to give them jealousie, proposed to the Vice-King of Na­ples to unite the Pope with the Crown of Spain. The Spanish Mi­nisters, taking it for a dissembled proposition, believed, that he was rather resolved to close with France, and endeavoured also to im­print the suspicion in the Princes Confederates, that the French, ha­ving together with Prince Thomaso easily possessed Crescentino and Nizza de la Paglia, would at present besiege Tortona, in design to come nearer to Piacenza, and what with jealousie and force oblige the Duke to yield Castro. These Treaties having cast in some de­lays in the proceedings of Duke Edward, who no less than the Grand Duke was in great hopes to end them with advantage and honour, Cardinal Anthonio had diligently got together twelve thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, people raised in haste, and little inured to War; but commanded by good Officers, who were of opinion, it was best not to hazard them so soon to a Battel, much less not to think so meanly of them, as to retire with them under the Walls of Rome, but advancing slowly with them, under the countenance of Towns of Orvieto and Viterbo to straighten Edward in his Victuals and Quarters. Barberino seconded the counsel; whereupon the Cardinal Spada, dispatched to the Confines with Title of Plenipo­tentiary, shewed all possible readiness for an agreement. Concern­ing the Deposition, there seemed not any further controversie; but the thing treated of was concerning the manner: For the Duke of Parma had plainly told Lionne, that he would not consent to the depositing but with security, that it should be restored to him with­in a prefixed time; and Cardinal Spada affirmed, that for a certain appearance of honour he could not condition that; but that, either with a tacite consent, or declaring it in the ear of the Depositary, he would let pass the effect. Lionne about this was obliged to many Voyages to one and the other, and in this while Barbarino conti­nues to amuse the Grand Duke with several questions; whether with the deposition the League would be content; whether that done, it would declare it self in favour of the Pope; whether the deposition was to be in the French, or in the League, and in that case, where were the Ministers to agree the conditions of it?

The Grand Duke perceived, all tended to delays; nevertheless answered, that the end of the Princes united being to restore Edward to his States and to the Popes favour, they with the effect thereof [Page 526] would certainly be contented: They were also ready to receive the Depositum, and the other Ministers being not arrived, offered himself, remembring, that all good consisted in expedition. In the mean while the Duke of Parma being gone to Aqua-pendente, a Ci­ty situate high, and defended with a good Garrison, obtained it of the Governour, that let himself be overcome with fear, upon con­ditions. The Cardinal Anthonio then putting great Garrisons into the Towns, advances with seven thousand Foot and two thousand Horse from Viterbo to Montefiascone to straighten the Duke, and dis­pute his entry into the State of Castro. He made also two motions towards Aqua-pendente; but the Duke making a shew to get on Horse back and to advance towards him, though with Forces so un­equal, the Cardinal retired, chusing rather to overcome with pru­dence, than run the hazard of Fortune. But the Duke dislodging from that Quarter for want of Forrage, and setling at Ponte Centino, the Ecclesiastick Army also takes up their Quarters at San Lorenzo delle Grotte. The rains, (it being the month of October) greatly in­commodated those of Parma, and therefore the Barberins pretended so much the more to tire them with delays, shewing, to gain more time, to incline to the deposition into hands of the League, but that there were no Ministers with whom the Conditions might be nego­tiated. To take away the pretext, the Grand Duke comes himself to San Quirico upon the Confines. The Duke of Modena sends thi­ther Fulvio Testi, and the Venetians more out of complacency to the others than for any thought that the Treaty would succeed, dis­patched thither Angelo Cornaro, Cavalier, who was Proveditor of the Militia in the Modenese.

Before he came, the Duke of Parma, the Prince Matthias, and Te­sti, with Monsieur de Lionne, had expressed themselves in writing, that their ultimate intention was, That all that which within and with­out Rome belonged to the House of Farnese, should be delivered in de­posito to the Duke of Modena, to render it some time in December next to whom it of right belonged; that the League, over and above the Af­fairs of Castro, and the dependencies on it, should declare to pretend nothing else; that with the answer the assent was expected within the term of two days only; that all delay or alteration was to be interpret­ed a refusal.

But the Pope shewing his dislike of such a form, and the Grand Duke himself not approving it, as too severe, the Treaty was conti­nued for some days. The Cardinal Spada cooperating with the in­tentions of the Barberins, to keep the Negotiation on foot as long as might be, sends by the Father Virgilio, of the Congregation of the Oratory, his Brother, to offer the Duke of Parma, that the Pope, Out of his own Clemency, the intercession of so many Princes, and for the sparing of the people, should absolve him from the Excommunication, and Castro being delivered in deposito to the Duke of Modena for six months, should within that time by common consent be restored to the first Owner, and the Revenue be deposited to pay the Montists, the new Fortifications be demolished, and the Arms and Ammunition brought in­to [Page 527] the place be withdrawn, on condition that the Duke should retire into Lombardy, without touching upon the State Ecclesiastick, and should disarm; the Confederates were only to declare themselves herewith con­tent, and remove their Troops from the Ecclesiastick Confines.

The Duke, as to the absolution, refers himself to that which France should demand, and to the Judgment of the same left the de­cision, whether all the Fortifications or only the Out-works of Ca­stro should be demolished. He only insisted on the security, that Castro should be restored by the Depositary. And that seemed to be out of doubt; because the Cardinal Spada had several times re­peated to Lionne, that he would tacitely give his consent to it. Be­twixt the Dukes therefore of Parma and Modena passed an agree­ment and writing to perform it before the present year should be at an end. The accord then being held for secure, Lionne publishes it for concluded, and Edward gives notice of it to the Confederates. But while he looked that Lionne should bring it to him signed, he gave him to understand, that the Cardinal Spada avoided subscribing it, alledging for a pretext, that it was not fit for him to do it, as un­der a force and with Arms in hand: That he proposed therefore a suspension of Arms for five days, and because the Duke was reduced to such a want of Victuals and Forrage, that he could subsist no lon­ger, offers him Quarters betwixt the Rivers Paglia and Chiani. But recalling soon after the offer, two miles of desolate Country were offered him, from whence every thing necessary for the food of man, the Hay being first burnt, had been carried away. It is not easie to imagine, how Edward stormed, and how highly, being fiery by na­ture, he was moved with such proceedings; but of his Troops some had perished for want, others after great Booties had disbanded. And for the rest, there was not wherewithal to feed them, nor did the season permit to advance further, or to keep the field. He re­solves then to retire into his own Country, and demanded passage of the Grand Duke, who blaming this hasty departure out of the Ecclesiastical State, as a fault equal to the unseasonable haste of his entring into it, offers him in his own for some days Victuals and Quarters, as being doubtful, lest the Barberins, delivered from their apprehensions, should turn the Treaty topsie-turvy. Edward vex­ed, that the Grand Duke, with superfluous hopes of Peace, had first withheld him from advancing in the sudden fear to the Gates of Rome, and afterwards had denied to second him with his Arms to advance to Castro, despising the offers, and leaving the Mareshal d' Estré, who at leisure brought back the remainder of his men, passes Post into Lombardy.

For all this, the Cardinal Spada, though he had gained his intent, did not presently break the Treaty; but making his Brother the instrument, proposes to the Grand Duke the same conditions for­merly sent to the Duke of Parma, with very little alteration, save that he desired, for observance of what was agreed, the League should oblige it self. His aim was to beget some disgusts betwixt the Mediators; for Lionne had already declared, that it was disho­nourable [Page 528] for France, that other caution, besides that of their au­thority, should be demanded. The expedient for this appeared easie, because in the capitulation, leaving the appearance and the honour to the French, he proposed that with a Writing apart the League should warrant the Treaty. Greater difficulties arose from the variety of propositions; for, the Barberins succeeding not in per­swading the Vice-Roy of Naples to hearken to a Treaty for a League, less to afford the assistance which they asked, as was due by the Fief of that Kingdom, nor yet to permit any of its Subjects to go to their service, they perswaded him at last to propound a suspension of Arms, for which he dispatches Courriers to Venice and to the Grand Duke, pressing that they would perswade Edward to ac­cept it.

At this time that the Nuntio in Naples laboured with the Vice-Roy that he would interest himself in the Treaty, and that to the Grand Duke were insinuated in the name of Barberino propositions of a League of the Italian Princes, in it comprehending the Spani­ards; the Cardinal Spada entertained Lionne in a discourse of the op­portunity to employ so many Armies ready and at hand in con­quering the Kingdom of Naples, of which so considerable a part might be given to Edward, that Castro would be no great matter to leave if he would to the Prefect. Betwixt the Grand Duke and Parma jealousies were also sown with great art; endeavouring to make the former believe, that Edward, for the obtaining of his own, offered to invade together with the Pope Tuscany; and to the latter, that the other offered to abandon him, so Castro it self might be gi­ven up to him. Artifice always halting in some part, such projects were at the same time published and laught at; and the Confede­rates would not so much as propose to Edward the suspension of Arms, judging it better to insist upon the accord, so far advanced, that neither party could go back without a publick blemish.

But because the Cardinal Spada was more and more wavering in his proposals, the Ambassadors of France and Tuscany thought fit clearly to inform themselves of the Popes true intentions, by speak­ing to him expresly about it. He at the mentioning of the deposi­tion, shewing it to be near to him, at first troubled and afterwards perplexed, at last not averse from consigning it to the League, con­fessed, that the Cardinal Spada had powers to treat, but not to con­clude. In conclusion, Spada, having put to paper the Articles of a Treaty, together with the Marquess Riccardi the Grand Dukes Mi­nister, and Testi, and sent them to Rome; Barbarino in addition pro­poses three points, not only contrary to the things hitherto nego­tiated, but also not possibly to be admitted by the Confederates. It had always been taken for granted, that France should demand of the Pope absolution and pardon for the Duke of Parma, to the end to avoid many intricacies, and those prejudices, which Edward feared for his interests in future. But the Cardinal now proposes, that he himself should demand it, that the Montists besides should be paid; which the Duke refused not, when their right should be [Page 529] restored to its first state. Lastly, that the Princes of the League should declare themselves satisfied, not only for the Affairs of Ca­stro, but renounce all other pretensions and interests which they had with the Church. This condition seemed to the Confederates un­sufferable, businesses and rights of great concernment being there un­der comprehended, which being already of very ancient standing, if hitherto they had not been promoted by Arms, ought less in fu­ture to disturb the Peace, and so much the rather, that being not mentioned or comprehended in the League, they had no reference to the present subject, in which, Castro being restored, they decla­red themselves intirely satisfied.

By this it clearly appeared, that danger ceasing, put an end to the fraud; whereupon the Princes themselves, incensed at this proceed­ing and vexed at the delusion, the Assembly was dissolved, after which the Confederates concealed not their sharp reproaches against Lionne, who had not sufficiently made sure of the Powers, and he the same against Spada, who by shewing him a false Copy of them, had deceived him. Many doubted, whether the said Cardinal was in truth the deceiver or the deceived, and upon it several Manifests and Writings ran to and fro. But the Confederates looking at the issue of the business more than at the formality, and ascribing every thing to the Barberins, considered how to resent it. The Grand Duke therefore and the Duke of Modena looked with some reflection in this Conjuncture upon the proceedings of the French, since that, by the gaining of Tortona, though under the name of Prince Thomaso, to whom it was said it was to be granted in Soveraignty, it was vi­sible, that their Arms were silently entred into Italy, and were Neighbours to the Confines of many Princes; so that those of the Austrian party justly apprehended, and that not without some re­sentment, to be over powred by that Crown. Nevertheless, the pro­vocations of the Duke of Parma, and the recent scorns of the Barbe­rins prevailing, (besides that with the death of the Cardinal Riche­lieu, happened about the end of the year, many of his designs were thought extinguished) they shewed themselves as resolute not to suf­fer their injuries, as the Barberins were constant in provoking them to it. The Dukes then of Modena and Parma having spoken toge­ther communicated to the Venetians their thought to take up some Quarters in the Ecclesiastick State, to ease their own Country du­ring Winter, desiring, that at least by connivence they would give way to them to make use of the Souldiers of the Republick which were in the Modonese. The Senate and the Grand Duke not ap­proving, that the one should be exposed to greater dangers, and the other be separated from common counsels, exhorted them to suspend moving in so cold a Winter-season, in which delay took not away any vigor from their power, but rather added strength to their counsels. The Dukes were satisfied with it, chiefly because at the instant of their setting forward Modena had discovered, that by the imprisonment and death of some, an intelligence was vanished, which he had in Ferrara; whither having sent certain of his Subjects, under [Page 530] other names to inrool themselves in a Company, they, having the Guard at a Port, were to deliver it to the Duke. Besides, he of Parma, whose aim was to possess Cento, a place, which from the Ter­ritories of Ferrara and Bologna might draw important Contributions, was diverted by Cardinal Anthonio, come into those parts with su­preme Authority of Legate, and by his providing and fortifying that place.

Whilst these things were in agitation, the Venetians had sent into the Sacca di Goro, to maintain the Jurisdiction of the Sea, certain armed Parks, which finding there some Vessels laden with Corn and Oyl, had, as is usual, sent them to Venice, from which Ferrara and the Army finding some inconvenience of Victuals, certain Re­doubts were raised by the Pontificians betwixt Magnavacca and Vo­lane, with eight pieces of Cannon on them to protect Ships under their countenance; but being found of no advantage, they within a while demolished them. And now through the dispositions of minds and preparation of Forces, all really tended to War; whereupon the Prince Luigi, and Pandolfini, being returned to Venice, Meetings were again renewed with the Deputies Nani and Gussoni. The Bar­berins endeavoured to render them suspect to France and Spain, sug­gesting, that the Princes of Italy were not so much united for the affairs of Castro as to form a third Party, that might ballance their Arms, and ingage it self as occasion should be offered, as if their in­tention were to give Law to both the Crowns, and continually in­sinuated to the Spaniards projects of a League, upon which, and to have a pretext to introduce a Minister, the Regent Casanate was sent by the Viceroy of Naples to Rome. But he no sooner arrives there, but the Cardinal Barberino being now out of fear, he found him far from his own propositions, and rather involved in a like Treaty with France, though his more veritable intentions were to amuse both the Crowns without concluding with either. The Spa­niards, to flatter him, gave him hopes, that by Ʋrbans closing in a League with them, the Authority of the Catholick King would in­duce Modena and the Grand Duke to facilitate the adjustment of Castro; and the Count della Rocca, gone already from Venice, was going to Florence, to Modena, and to Parma, to exhort those Princes to Peace, with offer of his Mediation, and with propositions to Ed­ward, that if he would adhere to the Spanish party, he would pro­cure him the restitution of Castro, by recompensing the Prefect with other Lordships in the Kingdom of Naples. All this fell quickly to nothing; for the projects of the Barberins to the Spaniards varied from the first intention, and those of the Spaniards to the Princes had no foundation.

In the mean time foreign affairs were carried on with important accidents, things in Germany being reduced to great extremity, by several blows of consequence given to the Imperial Armies; one near the Rhine, where by Count Guebrian, General of the Weimarians, Lamboy was totally defeated; another in Silesia, Franc Albert, a Duke of Saxe Lawemburg, being beaten and taken Priso­ner, [Page 531] to whom, though a Lutheran, the Emperour had given the bo­dy of an Army, in hopes that many Souldiers of that belief would willingly serve under his Command, and those would flock to him of the contrary party, in which he had been a Commander for ma­ny years. In consequence of which disaster, Olmitz, the Metropo­lis of Moravia, and other places were given up to the Swedes. Yet it would not have been difficult to have repaired all, if the Arch­duke, who with the greatest body of the Army besieged Leipzich, a City fatal to great Battels, had not by Torstenson, who came to attempt its relief, been utterly defeated; whereupon, the Patrimonial Provinces remaining without defence, and the way free for the Ene­my even to Vienna, so great was the consternation of mens minds in that City, that nothing else preserved it, but the spreading of the Swedes in prosecution of their advantage.

The Emperour therefore commanding his Ambassadour to return to Rome, desired succours of the Pope; and Rabbata at Venice de­manded of the Senate with unwonted and great earnest three thou­sand Foot to defend the Passes of the Danube and the City of Vien­na; that the Army of the Swedes being by that means stopped, it might not come nearer, with the wonted insolency of Conquerors, to Italy, and the Confines of the Republick. Ʋrban denies assi­stance, under the pretext of the jealousies wherein he was, and the Venetians answered in a sense little differing, shewing how Italy was disturbed and overturned by the Barberins. Monsieur de Lionne be­ing also come to Venice, declared the Fortune and the Power of the Austrians every where laid low; exalted the intention of King Lewis, who, not ambitious but of glory to himself and liberty to others, had conquered Tortona by Arms, and in Generosity given it up to Prince Thomaso He invited to an Union with France and to the Conquest of the Milanese, of which he offered to the Republick such a portion as it self would chuse. But the Senate persisted fix­ed, not to interest it self betwixt the Crowns otherwise than in what concerned the Mediation of Peace.

Besides the proceedings in Italy, which are before mentioned, the accidents are worthy relating concerning the Crown of France, whose Arms being every where victorious without the Kingdom, it was nevertheless intestinely disturbed with furious commotions. Richelieu, heaping up for himself and those that depended on him vast riches, rendred the universal poverty of the Kingdom so much the more intolerable to the people; and by vainly boasting his Autho­rity, and preferring his own Glory before that of the King, made himself burdensom and maligned. Lewis was naturally suspici­ous, but timid; whence, Princes having no Guards that can preserve them from disquiet, he was perpetually tortured in his mind, some­times with jealousie at the excessive power of the Minister, and at others, with the grief at the necessity to suffer him. The Cardinal, to spy out his intentions, kept him environed with his Confidents, which reported to him his words and the tendencies of them. The King inclined to amuse himself very often privately at home, as it [Page 532] were to vent his affections with some of his Familiars; whereupon the Cardinal easily insinuated into his favour Monsieur de Saint Mars, of the House of d'Effiat, and promoted him, in the flower of his years, to the Charge of Grand Escuyer, which in that Court they call Monsieur le Grand, with so great a suite of propitious Fortune that in a short time the Kings affection rose to such a height, as to obscure the chief Minister, and render the confident young man as­piring to high things.

The enterprise on Perpignan being resolved, the Cardinal per­swades the King to go thither, carrying along with him the Queen and his Brother, and leaving the little Children kept in the Bois de Vincennes, the Governour whereof was Monsieur de Chavigni. Toge­ther with the people all the Court murmured, that the Cardinal, ar­guing from the Kings weak health his death to be near, by carrying him together with the Queen and Orleans to the Army that depend­ed upon him, and was commanded by la Meilleray his Nephew, and by leaving the Sons deposited in the power of his Confident, aimed in all events to dispose of the Regency, nay of the Royal Family and the Kingdom. But the Queen, opposing her tears to the Cardinals counsels, obtained to remain at St. Germans with her little Sons. The King recommending the Government of Paris to the Prince of Conde, and the defence of the Frontiers of Flanders with an indiffe­rent Army to the Counts of Harcourt and de Guische, departs; the Mareshal la Meilleray, always chosen by the Cardinal for the im­ployments of greatest moment, being advanced before. Perpignan, but a little distant from the Sea and from the Pirenees, is the chief City of Rossiglion, considerable for the exact Fortifications both of Town and Citadel, and at present provided with a numerous Garrison. To take it therefore by force, being thought no easie matter, it was re­solved to block it, and by hindring it of Victuals, to overcome it with Famine. The Spaniards with four thousand Musquetiers con­ducted from Colivre a great Convoy into it; whereupon it was found necessary to shut that door of the Sea, by possessing that place, de­fended by the Marquess di Mortara with three thousand men. The preparations and the motion of the King of France had given great apprehensions throughout all Spain.

But amidst so many disturbances, the Conde Duke publishes in the Court a certain Henrico for his natural Son, till now not only con­cealed, but in such sort cast off, that, taking a desperate Voyage in­to the Indies, he had passed several years there in sordid and base courses. But now Olivares, to vent a certain Genius of Ambition and Power, introduces him with great expence and equipage into the Kings Service; the Constable of Castile being perswaded to give him his Daughter to Wife, to the scandal of the other Gran­dees, who in Spain are not wont to prefer the Idol of Favour be­fore the Nobleness of Blood. Afterwards desiring to cover his own extravagancy, by having the King emulate his example, seduces him to declare Don John of Austria for his Son, then but thirteen years of age, born of a mean Woman, and obscurely brought up, and con­fer [Page 533] upon him the Title of Generalissimo against Portugal, with the assistance of a certain Council. All this was attended with the scorn and murmuring of many, that in the greatest pressures of the Mo­narchy, distraction was seen in mens minds, and the Treasures con­sumed in actions and expences, both unprofitable and unworthy, to the abandoning of the Kingdoms, and contempt of the lawful Heir, which was yet kept under the care, and might well be said capti­vity, of Olivares's own Wife. The clamours and wishes of all sollici­ted the King to go out of Madrid, and draw near to the Frontiers, whilst he of France was heard to be arrived at Narbon, to the end, that if the one came in person for conquest, the other would at least shew himself a far off for defence.

Olivares doubtful, lest the King going forth should either get light how affairs stood, or that others should inform him of the in­felicity of his governing, sometimes with artifice hiding the dan­gers, and then exaggerating the inconveniencies, and above all the expence, which the Kings moving necessarily required, endeavoured to stop him. The King nevertheless, his will at this time over-ma­stering that of the Favourites, resolves to go to Saragozza, but with such a slow pace, that, going out of Madrid not with a military Equipage, but rather for divertisement with delightful Entertain­ments and Players, sometimes staying to delight himself with them, sometimes going out of the way, and always making very little Jour­nies, arrives late, and yet the motion of the Army was much later. Colivre not being able to expect so much delays, the Conde Duke or­ders, that at any rate it should be relieved, and the Fleet being not yet ready, that it should be attempted by a select body of Horse by Land. The execution proved more difficult than the command; for there was a necessity to cross over Catalogna, with the Rivers and Mountains between, without Victuals, with the Enemy, in the Flank and Reer of them. However the Conde Duke, far from the danger, and accustomed in things of difficulty to arrogate to him­self whatever had a prosperous issue, and where it fell out other­wise to lay the blame of it on Fortune or the Instruments, pressed that it should be hazarded, though with never so great appearance of loss. So that making choice of three thousand men on Horse­back, the most part reformed Officers, under the Marquess de Po­uar, the passage was attempted; but Monsieur de la Mothe Odancourt following them, and the Peasants withholding Victuals, and inter­rupting the ways, the Spaniards quickly found themselves without bread and without Forrage, in the Mountains so beset, that there being no means of coming to fight nor to escape, they in a body render themselves with Colours, Arms and Horses, Prisoners. Thus the best of the Spanish Forces being blasted without blood, those of Colivre yet continued the defence, till la Meilleray piercing into the Wall with a Mine blew up the Aqueduct; whereupon for want of water they capitulated, together with the Castle of St. Elmo, lying close by and upon a height. And now the Siege was laid before Perpignan, honoured with the presence of King Lewis, [Page 534] whilst the Cardinal at Narbonne was indisposed with pain in an arm, which almost withered by blood-letting and by scars, had for a long time tormented him. The French thought the enterprise would suc­ceed well, and not last long, supposing that there would be found a want of Victuals in the place. But the Marquess Flores d' Avila, the Governour, gave them out with such exactness, and concealed them, expresly to strengthen that opinion, that for that cause the place would quickly be taken; that so the French being deceived in their hopes, might spare blood and force, and by prolonging the Siege, time might be given for its relief.

Holding out therefore some months, affairs in Flanders proceeded happily for the Spaniards; for that Melo, not able for the distance to send succours into Spain, endeavoured to give them aid by diver­sion, finding his Army twenty five thousand strong, and with all things else well provided. So that he easily recovered Lens, and la Bassee was rendred to him. Dividing his Army, he afterwards threat­ned to invade France in two several parts; and to oppose them, the French Army being separated into two bodies, he on a sudden re­joyns his own, and falls upon the Count de Guische in his Quarters, which near Chastelet he negligently kept. The Count saved himself by flight, leaving the Camp with that which was in it in prey to the Enemy. From that side which is much exposed, Melo might have gone even to Paris; and some counselled him to it, to promote in the Kings far absence confusions and tumults in that vast City. Others were of opinion, that he should carry the Army to the Rhine, and repair those disadvantages, which after the defeat of Lamboy the Catholicks sustained by the Weimarians. Melo having express commands from the Conde Duke not to ingage the Army in ought that might divert the Forces from those vast designs he framed to himself, destroys the benefit of the Victory.

Olivares built upon the intelligence held with Monsieur le Grand, who changing into hatred the benefit of his raising, studied revenge against the Cardinal, because he had hindred him of the honour of being admitted into the secret Council, of the Title of Duke and Peer, and of the Marriage with the Princess Maria of Nevers. He had observed in his confidences with the King, that Richelieu was become troublesom to him, and by consequence was rather tolera­ted than loved, nay he affirms, that Lewis had secretly given him leave to make use of the means that might ruine the Cardinal. But wanting experience, and transported with ambition, he fails in chu­sing of the way. Finding himself to want a party; (for the private favour of the King was not sufficient to defend him against the publick Authority which the Cardinal had the management of;) he seeks to make other friends, and before he went with the King from Paris, he contracts friendship, Monsieur de Thou being the instrument, with the Duke of Bouillon, and both strengthned themselves afterwards with Orleans, to have the applause and name of a Prince of the Blood.

Orleans, besides the impatience of a private life, was irritated against the Cardinal, both for old businesses and for a new suspicion, [Page 535] that upon the Kings death he had thoughts to assume the Regency to himself. It was therefore resolved to be rid of him by all means, and Bouillon offering Sedan for a place of Retreat, it came to be con­sidered, that men, money and credit, to support themselves and with­al to undertake, was wanting. To obtain the means for it, they send into Spain Monsieur de Frontailles, who in the greatest secrecy concluded a Treaty, in which under the pretext of promoting the general Peace and the Service of King Lewis himself, who was de­clared to be oppressed by the Cardinal, it was agreed; That when Orleans should be come to Sedan, the Catholick King should deliver to him twelve thousand Foot and five thousand Horse, with four hundred thousand Crowns to make new Levies and necessary provisions of Ammu­nition and Cannon. Over this Army was to command the Duke him­self, assisted with two Mareshals of the Field, which should be Bouillon and St. Mars; that of Flanders was by a good concert to second their undertaking. To the Duke, with the assistance of a Spanish Minister, should be permitted to grant Peace or Neutrality with those Provinces of the Kingdom that would demand it; excluding nevertheless the general Peace betwixt the Crowns, which was not to be made but by common con­sent, and with restitution to the Spaniards of all that was taken. Lastly, that Orleans should be obliged to declare against the Swedes, and against all those which were Enemies to the Austrians.

The Contractors by this Treaty aimed much further than at the ruine alone of the Cardinal; for the Spaniards aspired at the discord and division of the Kingdom, Orleans gaped after the Soveraignty, or at least to have a share in the Regency. And the others, either thought to revenge themselves of the Favourite, or to procure themselves advantages. But because the malecontents did believe, that the person alone of the Cardinal was to oppose their designs, they resolved to kill him, and that St. Mars should execute it, not only as having the greatest courage, but because he passed through the Guards with less observations and greater confidence. And he in the Journey might have performed it at Briara near Lyons, for that he found him there not well guarded; but abstained from it, either desiring, that in so great a change of things Orleans should be in Court, or at least judging with designs perhaps more vast, that the Cardinal being so soon taken away, further attempts would re­main languishing and discredited, which had their principal support from the hatred conceived against him.

The Cardinal having gotten notice of their designs, the King be­ing arrived at Perpignan, staid, as hath been said, at Narbonne, belie­ving he might remain a far off with greater safety, and besides, the vivacity of mind and the artifice of wit in cases of the greatest ex­tremity not abandoning him, he caused his deplorable condition of life to be published by his Attendants and the Chirurgions them­selves; to the end, that from such hope the Conspirators might ab­stain from blemishing themselves with the blood of him, of whom nature was within a while to be the more just Murtherer. The King falls grievously sick in the Camp of a Dysentery, and in the [Page 536] contingency of his life arose in the Court and also in the Army great divisions; some adhering to Meilleray, who supported the party of the Cardinal, others to Monsieur le Grand, who declared himself for Orleans. Lewis's health in a short space recovered, quiets that stir; yet giving means to le Grand to the end to entertain the King in his aversion against the Minister, to draw arguments from what had happened of Richelieu's excess of power and thoughts of the Regen­cy. The Cardinal perceiving that he had no more support in the Kings favour, and seeing rather, under the shadow of his connivence, the party of the malecontents increasing, had thoughts of retiring from Narbonne, where he thought himself not safe; but before he would do it, supplicates the King, that he would come to see him, either to unloose him from the malecontents, or to awaken in him with Eloquence and Art his former thoughts of him. Lewis refusing to do it, be then knew he was totally lost, and therefore as fast as he could, though in a bad season, causes his Guards to carry him by hand in a certain Couch of Wood, where he reposed upon a Bed, towards the Baths of Terrascona, to go forwards afterwards into Dauphiné and Provenze, whither the Governours of those Provinces, which were depending upon him, invited him. In this Conjuncture came the News, that Guische had been defeated on the Frontiers of Flanders, and that Paris was in great apprehension. Many judged, that the Count being in a strict intelligence with the Cardinal, had by an affected negligence been the cause of this sinister accident, to the end, that in the confusion of things the King might know, how necessary would be to him the Minister, in whom the intelligence of the Kingdom rested. In effect, no other Expedient offered it self to Lewis but to send a Courrier after the Cardinal, requiring him, that to so sudden an emergency he would apply seasonable reme­dies; for the better ordering whereof he desired in some place to speak with him. But as the same Fortune, in opposition to the King­dom, contributed to the prosperity of the Cardinal, so did he heap much greater advantage from the accident; for continuing his Jour­ney, very uncertain what measures to take, the Treaty of Orleans, made with the Spaniards, came to his hands. He presently sends it to the King, to the end that he might know that whatsoever wound­ed the authority and favour of the Minister, did withal strike through his own felicity and the Grandeur of the Kingdom.

Lewis was as much moved as the relapse of his Brother, the ingra­titude of le Grand, and the perfidy of others deserved; wherefore changing his affections into anger, he goes to Narbonne, and there, to the end the Arrest might be done out of the Camp and with less noise, he caused St. Mars and de Thou to be put Prisoners, ordering secretly in Italy, whither Bouillon was gone to command the Army, that the same should be done with him. He then goes to Tarrasco­na, where the Cardinal staid, and there speaking together, they vented even with tears their affections and past disgusts. The King communicates all that to the Cardinal, which they had suggested against him, and this confirmed the King in the opinion, that in his [Page 537] fidelity and power consisted the greatest defence against foreign Forces and domestick Treacheries. Thus the Mine being sprung into the Air, Orleans asked the Kings pardon, who grants it him, on condition to see him no more, and that with an assignment of two hundred thousand Francs he would retire to Nissi, a Town upon the Confines of Savoy. Melo, the hope vanishing of raising so great a storm in France, draws near to Sedan to perswade at least the Mo­ther and Wife of Bouillon, who was now a Prisoner in Italy at Casal, to admit into the place a Spanish Garrison. But he obtained it not, because those Princesses considered the preservation of it, the best caution they had of the Dukes life. Making then an Incursion into the Territory of Bologne with the taking of certain Forts, present­ly retaken by Harcourt, the Spaniards ended the Campagnia on the side of Flanders.

The minds of the King and his Minister being reconciled, and by that concord the Forces also of the Army strengthened before Per­pignan, by the concourse of much Gentry from the neighbouring Provinces, the French prepared themselves to resist the more reso­lute attempts, which the Spaniards gave out they would hazard. The Naval Army of Spain, under the Command of the Prince John Carlo di Medici, General of the Sea, was to second by Water the Relief which the Marquess di Torrecuso was to attempt by Land. But retarding his march too too long, Perpignan, the Victuals after seve­ral months siege being spent and the Garrison wasted, was at last rendred to the Mareshals Schomberg and la Meilleray, whilst the King, weakly in his health, was at some distance from the Camp. The loss of this place was of importance to the Spaniards, and most afflict­ing to the Conde Duke, who, to hinder it, had without effect im­ployed Treasures, Treaties, and Arts infinite. The doubt more particularly tormented him, lest while the happiness of successes maintained Richelieu amidst so many contrarieties, his ill Fortune should at last weary the Kings affection towards him. And the re­port was, that he came into the Kings Cabinet lamenting and afflict­ed, and falling upon his knees, with tears demanded leave to expose himself to some certain danger, to kill himself, or at least to retire into the most obscure corner of the World, to deliver himself from that unhappy Destiny which pursued him, and that the King asking with apprehension the cause, and understanding it to be the loss of Perpignan, did embrace and comfort him, ascribing all to the dispo­sition of the Divine Will. After Perpignan, Salses was also taken, and at last out of time the Army appears commanded by the Mar­quess of Leganes, which consisted of twenty thousand Foot and six thousand Horse; but coming to a Battel with the French, that were inferiour in number, the Spaniards at first prevailed, but at last, su­perfluously busying themselves in drawing off three Cannon, gained in the first shock, la Mothe Haudancourt rallying his men, charges the Vanguard and disorders it. Night thereupon coming on, both Armies retired, each ascribing to it self the Victory. The Spaniards having possessed Aitona, a weak place, and more weakly defended, [Page 538] were quickly wasted through scarcity of Victuals, which were to be brought from far and with excessive charge.

Richelieu triumphed over his intestine no less than foreign Ene­mies; for Perpignan rendred, St. Mars and Thou had their heads cut off at Lyons; and Bouillon, threatned with the same punishment, ransoms himself with the delivery of Sedan to the King, to which Cardinal Mazarine, betwixt the terrours of death and the hopes of great recompence, perswaded him. In these distractions was highly advantagious to Richelieu the common desire of the Confederates of France to maintain him; for having some of them his Pensioners, and in a manner all depending on him, they imployed their offices with the King; and Orange in particular, little less than with protests, gave him to understand, that in the belief of the Cardinals ruine, he, contrary to his former inclinations, had counselled the Provin­ces to hearken to a Truce with Spain, fearing, lest Maxims being changed with the change of Government, there might be a change also with new Favourites in the faith of the Crown towards its Confederates.

At this time the Queen Mary, Wife, Mother-in-law, and Mother of the greatest Kings of Europe, wandring without shelter or refuge, as a spectacle of humane misery, dyes at Collen in a poor and hired house, driven by the Parliament from London, rejected by the Hol­landers, and forsaken by the Spaniards. This accident also was by the Cardinal, as a despiser of Fame, numbred amongst his felicities, risen, to say truth, in the eye of the World to the highest point, but in himself contaminated by unquietness of mind and infirmities of body. He had discovered many of the Kings Guards participants in the contrivances of St. Mars, and in particular Monsieur de Tre­ville, Captain of the Musquetiers. For the last proof of his Autho­rity and of the Kings patience, he desires that he would discharge him, and moreover that he would come out of St. Germans to speak with him, and give way, that his Guards might mingle with the Kings for his greater security. The King was truly troubled at it, as loving Treville, and comprehending how insolent the demand was, yet after certain days reluctancy, the Cardinal otherwise protesting he would retire, he complies with him, out of a belief, that the War, promoted by his ambition, and the affairs imbroiled by his Arts, could not be supported and dis-intangled but by his abilities.

But when the Cardinal thought himself in a manner delivered from the changeableness of Fortune, Nature would exercise her rights; for wasted with many diseases, death took him away upon the 4. of December in the fifty eighth year of his age. Armand, Car­dinal and Duke of Richelieu, of noble but ordinary Parents, and, as it happens, that the beginnings of our lives, buried in the deepest darkness, give no discerning, whither the Laws of Destiny will be extended, he applies himself in his Youth to Studies, and afterwards to the life of a Church-man. Aspiring always to the greatest things, he made it visible, that from every corner of Fortune the highest degrees are to be attained to, provided a man have the confi­dence [Page 539] to promote and believe himself worthy of them. Insinuating himself into the Court, he intrudes himself into the Factions, and succeeds, either in sowing discords, or composing them so excellent, that Art never failed him, and was seldom abandoned by Fortune. If he introduced himself into favour, if he enjoyed it, it was always against the inclination of the Prince that raised him. He sets the King at enmity with his Mother, with his Brother, and, it may be said, with his own self, constraining him to give up his Authority to him, though he denied him his affection. He ballanced favour against envy, supported by the King, but always hated by the Prin­ces, execrated by the people, and sought to be intrapped by Stran­gers. He never grew remiss in prosperity, nor despaired in the cros­ness of affairs, in which either chance furnished him with accidents, or his wit suggested counsels. Having disarmed the Huguenots in France, laid low the Great Ones, weakned the people and the Par­liaments, he established the vigour of the Kingly Government. On the other side, usurping all power to himself, fearing the security of Peace, and thinking himself more secure amidst the revolutions of Arms, he was the Author of Wars and of long and grievous calami­ties, with so much shedding of blood and tears within and without the Kingdom, that it is no wonder, that many have published him for a man fallacious in his word, cruel in his hatred, and inflexible in revenge. But certainly, leaving to God the more exact judg­ment of his intentions and deeds, those gifts cannot be denied him, which the World is accustomed to attribute to great Personages, his Enemies agreeing in a confession with his Friends, that he pos­sessed such and so many, that whithersoever he had directed affairs, he had reaped success and power. This may be said, that having united France, succoured Italy, confounded the Empire, divided England, and weakned Spain, he was the Instrument, chosen by Di­vine Providence, for the ruine of Europe. The King, honouring his death with tears, and his memory with praises, fluctuated amidst ma­ny thoughts in the choice of another Minister, doubting, lest after one so great and so accredited every one else would be despised by his Subjects, and not esteemed by the Princes his Friends. Yet he now tasted the liberty of Government without the shadow of a trou­blesom Favourite. But being rather accustomed to leave executi­on to others, than to set forth his own counsels, he proved timid and irresolute. Richelieu, disposing also as he was dying of the Kings Will, had left Mazarine Heir to the Post he possessed, beseeching the King to establish him in it, and to maintain him for the impor­tant Service of the Crown; whilst instructed by him in the Affairs, Interests, and Designs, he had in all found him of so excellent an in­genuity, that he seemed born for that alone, in which he had, accor­ding to occurrences, been variously imployed.

The King, perswaded by his Wife, inclined not to leave the di­rection of things to a Confident of the deceased, by reason of the hatred which he saw universally of his name. Many others there­fore aspired to the favour, and thereto imployed the Arts of Court, [Page 540] which is as much as to say,An. Dom. 1643 Frauds and Intrigues, which the King abhorring, or fearing, that with the change and novelty of Ministers the Train of Affairs and the felicity of his Arms would be interrupted, confirms those of the Council, and confers on Ma­zarine the primacy and the favour. His Ancestors being of Sicily, he was born at Rome, with noble but slender beginnings of Fortune: but scorning his first foundation, from the Militia, in which he com­manded a Company of Foot in the Valteline, passing to the Treaty of Piedmont, from that to Prelacy, and the Nuntiature of France, and from thence to the strict confidence of that Crown, by the no­mination thereof to the Cardinalat he seemed arrived whither not so much as his own hopes had pointed him out the way. Seeing Riche­lieu falling at Perpignan, he thought of withdrawing from the thun­der stroak, and got himself to be sent into Italy, under pretext to adjust the differences of Parma with the Pope; but the Duke re­jecting him, as distrusted by him, or for old distasts, by reason of the dependency which Mazarine had upon the Cardinal Antonio, this hinderance served as a rebound to his Fortune; for by Riche­lieu's surmounting the snares laid for him, continuing at the Court, he was also in a capacity to succeed him in his station. He though a stranger, and without support, nay rather with the hatred, which from the very ashes of Richelieu rose up against those which had been his Confidents, knew how to exercise a precarious authority. There­fore governed himself in such sort, that leaving to Lewis the plea­sure of the Government, and easing him of the burden, he seemed rather a Minister, than director of the Royal intentions. Then to­wards others he endeavoured, that that which is so envious, should in him be rendred acceptable from his modesty. So with obsequi­ousness to the Prince, with liberality to the Courtiers, to all pleas­ing and Courteous, he introduced himself with a general applause into the place, and withall exposes himself to the expectation of the world, where so great a force of Fortune was to end.

ANNO MDCXLIII.

His first care was to assure the Confederates of the Crown, that there should be no change of a constant continuance in their friend­ship; and with the Princes of Italy he affects to beget a greater confidence, as one that born under the same Climate, and versed in the Affairs of that Country, had a better inclination towards it; and therefore shews himself sollicitous to procure a Peace betwixt the Pope and the Prince of Parma. But at the instant that he intend­ed to set upon the Mediation with earnest, it hapned, that the Am­bassador Fontenay with Lionne were retired from the Court of Rome. The cause seemed not great; for, Ʋrban having deposed from the Generalat of the Dominicans the Father Ridolfi, upon a Schism rais­ed in the Convocation of that Religion held in Genua, the Spani­ards thereupon, saving Rodolfi his rights, had chosen Rocca Mora, and the French, with the Italians, Mazarini, Brother to the Cardi­nal, [Page 541] the Pope having made void that Convocation that they might proceed to a new Election, the Ambassador of France pretended, that that was against the promise made him to promote Mazarini, and leaves the Court. The pretext seeming too slight, though he aimed chiefly to gain the good graces of the new Favourite, he added other disgusts, and amongst them, that the Portuguese Am­bassadour was not admitted, and the Mediation of the King had been slighted in the fraudulencies of the Treaties with the Duke of Par­ma. But the Court at Paris ill resented, that he had ingaged him­self so far, the Cardinal abhorring, that, under the cover of the Kings favour, his private interests should so soon appear to the world: He therefore orders the matter so, that the Ambassadour with some appearance of satisfaction should return to Rome; and the Venetians were in the Kings name desired to interpose, notwith­standing their so slender confidence with the Pope in the present Affairs. They nevertheless employed their offices, but the business was quickly silenced; for the charge of Master of the holy Palace being conferred on the Father Mazarini, and he flattered with grea­ter hopes, easily let fall his pretensions to the Generalat. The Am­bassador now come to Court again, employs himself with greater warmth than formerly in the agreement of Parma. But all with­out effect, because the Cardinal Barberino put more confidence in Tricks than Treaties, and therefore, sending the Abbot de Bagni to Florence, proposed to the Grand Duke, That to Edward should be given the absolution of the censures, with the forms contained in the Ce­remonial; that to his eldest Son the investiture of his Dominions should be granted, with the restitution of all that was possessed, except Castro, Montalto, and so much Country round about, as a Cannon-shot could reach.

These propositions, handed by the Grand Duke to the Venetians, were by common advice rejected, they seeming not admittable by the Duke of Parma, and little honourable to the League, who de­clared themselves Protectors of that Interest. For this cause the Treaties were confirmed more closely in Venice, whither were come the Cavalier Giovanni Battista Gondi, the Grand Dukes chief Secre­tary, in the place of Pandolfini, who was sick; and the Duke of Mo­dena, to recommend to the Senate, besides the publick, his own private interests also. He had a great desire, that his pretensions with the Pope might be comprehended in the League; but they, importing many and weighty difficulties, could not but too much di­sturb Italy, besides that every one of the Confederates would there­upon have reason to produce their own, that were of no less mo­ment. It was therefore resolved, that they should not abandon their first ends, of protecting the Duke of Parma, procuring Peace, and also shewing resentment of the contempt in the late Trea­ties.

But in the interim of these Negotiations, Duke Edward, put forward by the fury and fervour of his Genius, sends under the Marquesses Sciabuf, and Edward Scott, about three thousand Foot, [Page 542] cross the Appennines through the Lunigiana to be imbarked, where the Magra falls into the Mediterranean, upon certain Tartanes, hastily got together, in hope, that landing upon the shore, and easily taking the weak Rock of Montalto, they might speed also in possessing themselves of Castro in the sudden astonishment of the surprise. To second the design, and divert the Enemies Forces, he with fifteen hundred Horse intended, as formerly, to enter into the Bolognese. The cold of the Winter, and the difficulty to pass over the Snow, retards so long the march of the Foot, that advice of it came to Rome, so that they had time to prepare for the defence, and strength­en the place. But the Dukes Souldiers came not there at all; for being scarce imbarked, and the Tartanes put from the shore, so fierce a storm encounters them, that being driven to Genoua and Por­to Fino, they were forced to cast Anchor and save themselves there. Victuals wanting, that were but scantily provided, and money, part of the men perished, and the rest disbanding were received into pay by the Spanish Ambassadour, who seasonably sent them to strengthen the Governour of Milan, who besieged Tortona. Upon this accident the Barberins published, that it was evident, that For­tune from Heaven had fought upon the Sea in favour of their cause. Seeming afterwards to doubt, that the Duke, rather irritated than wearied by ill success, designed to possess that part of the Ferrarese, which beyond the Po confines with the Republick, the Cardinal An­thonio talked of laying a great Fort at Lago Scuro, to pass a Bridge o­ver the River, and draw a Chain cross it, which was there ready up­on the Banks, with all preparations to fortifie himself on this side the Po, and send men thither. If the Venetians had in the beginning been troubled, when by the Barberins certain Guards had been sent thither, and a certain Fort traced, that, to avoid at that time jea­lousies, proceedings were discontinued; they were at present so much the more moved, as they saw the design to shut up the River to others, and facilitate passage for their own Army, which passing to this side of the River might ravage as far as to the Adice, possess or at least lay waste the Polesene, and drown it at their pleasure. They therefore gave it to be understood, that they were not to suf­fer the novelty and violation of so ancient agreements, and ordered Giovanni Pesari, Cavalier and Procurator, succeeded into the Gene­ralat di Terra firma to Luigi Giorgio deceased, that with powerful Forces he should go into the Polesene to save harmless their con­cerns, and to hinder the building of the Bridge, or destroy it if he found it built. He marching immediately thither with six thousand five hundred Foot and a great number of Horse, was the cause, that the Cardinal Anthonio suspended putting it in effect.

Minds being in this manner irritated, they netled one another on all occasions. In Sacca di Goro, a Flemish Vessel loaded with Corn for Ferrara was by the Souldiers of armed Barks, who feigning to be Fishermen came in there, surprised and carried to Venice, where the Nuntio, demanding the release of it, had for an answer, that the Senate was minded to exercise their Jurisdiction of the Sea. The [Page 543] Lading confiscate, the Vessel at the intreaties of the Hollanders was restored to the owners. Another Vessel also was taken away by a Galley from under the Tower of Magnavacca. But notwithstand­ing that all tended to a rupture, the Confederates disapproved the frequent attempts of the Duke of Parma; because, not able to go forth to any purpose, by reason of the fewness of his Forces, his unhappy success equally diminished the vigour and reputation of his Arms. He nevertheless, always restless and impatient, demanded passage through Tuscany to go with fifteen hundred Horse and a few Foot to the recovery of Castro. The Great Duke denies it so long, till having setled some concerts at Venice, it might be resolved upon a better ground. But to repel any licence that might be taken, he sends men to keep the Passes, while on the other side the Prince Matthias with seven thousand men guarded the Borders, which the Ecclesiasticks kept in Arms, by reason of the so frequent reports of Duke Edwards motion. He knowing, that the Confederates incli­ned to declare themselves more openly in his favour, whilst at Rome Savelli, Casanate, and Fontenay, in the Name of the Crowns, were a­ctive in interposing offices, had more clearly understood, that the restitution of Castro would not be effected by Treaty, sends to Ve­nice the Count Ferdinando Scotto not to participate in the Meetings, but to observe the Negotiations and Resolutions. But being desi­red to enter into the League, as he refused it not, not to disgust the Princes Contractors, so desiring to ingage them and keep himself free, casts in several difficulties, particularly concerning the Command of the Army, which, though in their Countries, he pretended to by turns with the Grand Duke and the Duke of Modena.

This gave no stop to the Negotiation of the Deputies, who agreed in all the points, except that, which the Florentines proposed, to form two Armies, the one in Tuscany, and the other in the Modonese, to be imployed in several parts, and the Venetians dissented from sepa­rating the Forces at so great a distance, doubting, lest the Barberins should make a diversion in the Polesene, but proposed to possess with their own Forces, at the first motion of the Army, the Banks of the Po, to secure the passage over the River, cover their own Country, and, facilitating the conjunction of the Armies, open a way of Com­merce betwixt the Confederates. On the other side the Grand Duke knowing the convenience and the profit of it, doubted to remain himself in that interim exposed to dangers; and therefore in­sisted, that above all the body of an Army might be formed in Tuscany with his own Forces, with those of the Republick, which were in the Modonese, and with other three thousand Foot and a thousand Horse, to be divided betwixt the Duke of Modena and the Repub­lick it self. But by this means the Modonese was left unprovided, into which if the Pontificians should enter, they not only quelled that Duke in a few days, but separating the others Countries, the designs and concerts remained wholly in disorder. This point was debated for several weeks, to the great advantage of the Barberins, to arm themselves powerfully, and send Souldiers to Ferrara and [Page 544] Bologna. But the Duke of Parma with a mind greater than his For­ces reviving the War, when it seemed most suppressed, cuts short the tediousness of consultations, letting the Confederates know, that, necessity being now in him converted into reason, not being able to maintain his Troops any longer, he was forced to lead them into the Enemies Country.

The communication went along with the effect, for he was alrea­dy on his march alongst the Po, demanding of the Duke of Mantua passage through his Country, at the instant that he was ready to take it. He had with him six weak Regiments of Foot of several Nations, and as many of Horse, with one of Dragoons and eight pieces of Artillery; but to the end they might not hinder his march, leaving them with the Foot, which might follow with less haste, he enters into the Ferrarese, and comes to Bondeno, which lies upon the right hand Chanel of that Branch of the Po, which is called di Vo­lane, where the Panaro with other Water-courses enters into it, and had been fortified by the Pontificians, to shut the passage betwixt the Modenese and the River. Francisco Murriconi, a Neopolitan, who with five hundred Foot and four hundred Horse had the keeping of it, though perswaded by Valanzé with the hopes of speedy suc­cours to resist, no sooner heard a Volley of the Dukes men, come in the duskiness of the evening near the Fort, but he runs away, followed by the Garrison, into Ferrara, where afterwards he lost his head. The Parmesians then possessing it without blood, not to give time for relief they attacque la Stellata, which, though better defended, for the straitness of the place, was nevertheless in a very short time taken. Cardinal Antonio, to hinder the Dukes further progress, and observe what the League might be able to undertake, immediately incamps at Hosteria Nuova, a convenient place betwixt Ferrara and Bologna. The Confederates, understanding the Duke was marched, knew it was fit without making more difficulty to come to a conclusion, while it was better to do it, the Armies be­ing in motion, before that either the people should shake off that sudden fright, or the Cardinal Antonio, assembling his Forces, should defeat or make the Duke of Parma retire. A new Treaty was therefore on the twenty sixth of May subscribed by those Ministers and Deputies, which had also negotiated the other in Venice, in which, adhering fully to that of the year past, it was agreed; To increase the Forces to eighteen thousand Foot, and two thousand six hundred Horse, or to such a greater number as the occasions should re­quire. Two bodies of Armies were consented to be formed; the one in Tuscany, consisting of the Troops, to which the Grand Duke was ob­liged, with a thousand Horse and two thousand Foot more, if they were Strangers, or three thousand of another Nation, which the Confederates were to send to them. The other was to be assembled in the Modenese; and in both, the Colours of the League was to be carried spread. In each, for the directing of the undertakings, a consultation was resolved on by vote of the Confederates, of whom the plurality was to take place. What should be taken was to be held in the name of all, till the Duke of Par­ma [Page 545] should be restored to what was his. Place therefore was left for him in the Treaty, to come in with his Forces proportionably to the Armies of Tuscany and the Modenese. In this 'twas granted him, if he were present, to command by turns with that Duke, and he was obliged to contribute three thousand Foot and four hundred and fifty Horse, when any of the Confederates should be invaded.

As for the motion of the Army, it was agreed, That the Venetians should seize upon the banks of the Po and when there was occasion of taking the field, the Troops in the Modonese with those of Parma also, if they could join, should at the same time second the enterprise. The Venetians then sending the Army to the other side of the River, the two bodies should be formed, and the number agreed on sent into Tuscany, with­out that the consult of the Modenese should have power to hinder it. The Ministers were to be recalled from Rome; from Venice and Florence the Nuncios to be discharged, the Revenues of the Barberins to be seque­stred, and concerning the true intention of the League inclining only to Peace, and the repairing the Duke of Parma, participation was to be given to the Princes, to clear the jealousies, which it was known were sug­gested particularly to the two Crowns by the Barberins.

These were the good dispositions of the League; but the good order to execute them was by various accidents interrupted: For, though great union and constancy appeared in the Princes, yet their Countries and Forces being divided, much time was oftentimes lost in communicating counsels, and concerting resolutions. It hapned, that at this instant the Po being extraordinarily risen, the Venetians feared, lest Cardinal Antonio should cut the Banks, to lay the Pole­sene under water, and hinder the movings of the Armies, by inter­posing a vast intrenchment of Water: They therefore command the General, that he should speedily repare thither, though in the Mo­denese they were not yet ready to march.

That district of Country which belongs to Ferrara consists in two streaks, more long than large. The greater, of which the chief Town is Trecenta, runs from the Confines of the Mantuan to Pole­sella, where for a little way the Country of the Venetians, facing to the River, cuts off the other, which besides Crispino hath few other Towns, and passes from Polesella to the borders of Adria, wholly belonging to the Venetians. Into the first, there being some Forti­fication and Garrison, Pesari sends three bodies of men; the one to Melara, commanded by Carruccio Colonel of the Nations Croatte and Albanese; another to Figarolo, that was more numerous, by la Va­letta; the third to Lago Scuro, by the Count Giovanni Battista Porto. The Posts were every where possessed with ease, and into the low­er part, abandoned by the Pontificians, it sufficed to send some to take possession of it. Pesari makes his head quarter at Trecenta, and orders that the Fortifications of Lago Scuro and Melara should be bettered, and in particular a good Fort planted at Figarolo.

To the gaining of all this, the Prince of Parma had also aspired, because, being over against Stellata, he had intended to inlarge Contributions and Quarters for his men. Some of his Troops in [Page 546] Barques were just arrived near the shoar, but found they were pre­vented by those of the Venetians, not without some displeasure to the Duke, who afterwards informed of the reason, was easily paci­fied. In pursuance of the foresaid seizure, there came also out of the Modenese, taking post at the Red Church, the Troops of the Re­publick, with some few of the Dukes; for, the Florentines conforma­ble to the Agreement which the Treaty consented, were by the Grand Duke recalled into Tuscany.

The Venetians now sent to the other side of the Po other six thou­sand Foot and a thousand Horse, to fulfil their obligation, though Pesari, that considered the new Conquests on the Banks remained more weak and exposed to accidents, unwillingly condescended, but constrained to it by re-iterated orders, sent them at twice, first the half under la Valetta. and the rest afterwards with Camillo Gon­zaga, one of the Princes of Buzzolo, entred lately into the Repub­licks pay with the charge of General of the Artillery.

Cardinal Antonio had removed his Camp to Cento, and the place lying at the head of the Modenese, so fortified himself there, that he equally defended the Territories of Ferrara and Bologna. The Con­federates to make some advance desired to dislodge him, and la Valetta with seven Companies of Horse and four hundred Muske­teers was sent to view the Post; but, by the Guides fault, arriving late, and being discovered, he nevertheless attacques a Guard ad­vanced. Matthei, to support them, comes forth with a body of Horse, and the skirmish grew so hot, that, the Pontificians being more in number, la Valetta retires, under the favour of two hun­dred other men, and the Musquetiers placed in good order longst the Hedges and Ditches. The Cardinals quarter discovered by this faction to be stronger and better fortified than was supposed, the consults and minds of the Confederates were very wavering; that which opposed the sending the concerted Troops into Tuscany and making further attempts, being the disturbance which rose from the Duke of Parma; because, the Princes having taken for granted, that he would not recede from that Union which had been concluded for his protection and assistance, had in the division made state of his Forces, in that number that himself had offered, that is to say, one thousand four hundred Horse, six hundred Dragoons, and six­teen hundred Foot. They therefore sollicited him to underwrite the League, or at least to contribute to the undertaking his person and his Army. He with sundry excuses, either to fortifie the Posts possessed, or to recruit his Troops, and by demanding, that the League would absolutely oblige it self to the recovery of Castro, kept off; for, deeming to have obtained his intent by the taking of those Posts, which, by reason of the necessity of the passage of the Po, the Confederates were bound to maintain, he had no further care, and having so much in his power as was sufficient to make Ca­stro be restored to him, he judged it best to keep himself free.

The Troops then in the Modenese from the very beginning began to languish betwixt delays and disgusts. The Venetians employed [Page 547] one part of their Forces at Sea, infesting the Coast with six Gallies and with armed Barks even to Ancona, and interrupting Commerce. They took also after some shot of Cannon the Tower of Premiero, which, a while after recovered by the Pontificians, was demolished, and they landed at Cesenatico, where were in Garrison two hundred forty Foot with forty Horse, and the place being taken by force, was laid in ashes by a fire which was kindled in the fight.

There was also taken near Premiero and demolished a little Fort, the Ecclesiasticks having made another more inward, and upon the Confines of Loreo, Niccolo Delfino, Proveditor, surprised in the night by Scalade that which, called delle Bocchette, the Ecclesisticks had in former times built there. The Towers of del Abbate and di Goro were rendred by threatning the Garrison with the Gallows, if they should dare to expect the Cannon. Arriano, a great Town, and ea­sie to have been defended, because there was no access but by two Dikes only, being in a fright, driving out the Garrison of their own accord, yielded to Delfino himself. He now roves to and fro on the other side of the Po, and spoiling the Country, routs two Companies of Horse which were quartered at Cologna. They then assaulted Codegoro, where were assembled six hundred Foot and two hundred Horse, either to attempt the recovery of Arriano, or for some other design; and there the Albanian Souldiers, inraged at the sight of the blood of some of their Officers that were hurt, entred with so great fury, that cutting to pieces without distinction almost all the Inhabitants and Souldiers, and setting fire to it, they savage-like burnt the place.

Cardinal Anthonio observing the pause and demur of the Confe­derates in invading the Ferrarese, and thinking by carrying the War into the Country of Modena, to give their Army greater imploy­ment for the defence of it, sends from the side of Castel Franco, Ma­thei with a thousand Foot and as many Horse, who took in Spilim­berto, Vignivola, and St. Cesareo, open places of that Frontier; threat­ning to go further in towards Sassuolo and into Montagna. The Duke with the Proveditor Corraro and with all the Army follow him, Cardinal Anthonio coasting upon it not far off.

The Confederates desired to draw him to a Battel; for though their number were not greater, surely the Discipline of their Troops was more veteran and experienced. They resolved to invest under his eye Crevalcuore, a good Town of the Ferrarese, but not strong at all, and sent thither to attempt it la Valette with a thousand Foot and four hundred Horse, who dividing the Foot into three Troops, thought to take it at one assault. But finding the Ditch large and full of water, he causes to be brought two small pieces of Cannon to make a breach, which gave time to Cardinal Anthonio to bring suc­cours into it and attacque la Valette, who with a few Foot, and a­bandoned by the Cuirassiers, was constrained to retire in disorder, and leaving one of his Cannon sticking in the miry ways. He had carefully sollicited the whole Army, which was not far off, to move; but the Duke and the others of the Consult, by reason of [Page 548] this disorder changing counsel, and considering of what importance it would be, if any misfortune happening, the Modenese should re­main in prey to the Enemy, stirred not. The Pontificians had lit­tle loss save one French Captain of Cuirassiers killed. The Confe­derates loss about two hundred men, and amongst those one Captain of Foot, and another was taken Prisoner. After this the Confede­rates pursuing their resolution to march, obliged Matthei to go out of the Modenese, and abandon all the Posts, except that of Spilim­berto. They then alted for some days at Buon Porto, and Cardinal Anthonio quarters at St. Giovanni.

In this interim the Grand Duke coming to St. Casciano had put the Army into the field, under the Command of the Prince Matthias and the direction of Alexander del Borro, a valiant and experienced Soul­dier. Barberino sends against them betwixt Petigliano and Sorano a body of betwixt five and six thousand men, commanded by the Duke Frederico Savelli, who, as a Roman Baron and Subject of the Church, being obliged to obey the Pope, was by the Emperour, at the instance of the Confederates, discharged from the Embassy, which in his Name he exercised in the Court of Rome. But not­withstanding that opposition, the Florentines advanced into the Ec­clesiastical Territory, and having taken the strong Pass of Buterone, attacqued the City della Pieve, where the Garrison, though of fifteen hundred men, scarce staying for the Cannon, went out with their Swords only. From thence Borri with eight hundred Horse and two thousand Foot made an Inroad as far as Orvieto, obliging Savel­li to retire more into the Country. Monteleone then was rendred, and the Army was scarce come to Castigliano del Lago, but Fabio del­la Corgna, who possessed it in Fief, overcome, as was said, by the Great Duke with secret Treaties, gave it up without defence. He was therefore by sentence and censure declared by the Pope a Rebel. The gaining of that drew along with it Passignano upon the same Lake. The Gallies also of the Grand Duke scoured the Coast of Romagna; but he now pressed the Republick, that it would send him, for a greater Renfort to his Army, the men promised by the Treaty.

The Venetians shewed to have not only fulfilled what they were obliged to, by sending beyond the Po all the men of their reperti­tion, according to the disposition of the League; but also to have superabounded by keeping for the common benefit the Banks of that River with their own Souldiers, and by distracting the Ene­my with another body of men upon the Confines of Loreo, and by obliging them with Barks and Gallies to the custody of a long tract of Country; besides that they were forced to furnish to the Army of the Modonese Victuals, Carriages, and Cannon with their draught, and to garrison Finale, a Town belonging to the Modonese, which situate amidst the Waters of the Tanaro served exceedingly for com­munication with the Posts, kept by the Parmigians, and with the Country possessed on this side the Po. But in truth all disorder a­rose from the two Dukes, the one proving to be no help, and the [Page 549] other serving for a burden; for that Edward stood within his strength, idly looking how things went, and he of Modena, not be­ing able to defend his Borders, because he had not in the field above a thousand Foot and five hundred Horse, kept the whole Army of the Confederates busied in defending his Country; though the Re­publick, to dis-ingage it, offered the pay of two thousand Foot, if he could levy them of his own Subjects or Strangers.

The Grand Duke thereupon was contented, that for the present four hundred Horse should be sent to him for so long, till the three thousand Foot, which after many contradictings and difficulties the Republick had in France obtained to be levied in Provenze, should be dis-imbarked at Ligorn to remain in Tuscany, whither the Senate sends Bertuccio Valiero with Title of Proveditor to assist the Grand Duke at the Consults and other occurrences.

Amidst these motions, or rather unquietness of Armies, treating was not given over by the French Ministers; for that the Ambassa­dour d'Amo presented a sheet of Paper in Venice, which the Mar­quess de Fontané had received in Rome from Barbarino, in which was contained; To restore the State of Castro to Duke Edward, the Forti­fications being demolished, and the Rights reserved to the Montists, when the League, withdrawing their Arms, should render what they had taken, and the Duke should ask absolution and pardon, the Pope offer­ing an ample Brief, secretly to be dispatched to free him from preju­dices which he feared to incur, when by giving his consent to the acts past and to the excommunication, he should legitimate the crimes of Fe­lony, which were laid to his charge.

But no sooner was this exhibited to the French Ministers, but Bar­barino sollicites the Spanish Cardinals to propose to the Grand Duke a suspension of Arms and the depositing Castro into his hand, with a Brief apart, which should give him power to render it to the Duke of Parma, when he should perform those humiliations which should be agreed on. The Confederates, besides displeasure conceived at the late manner of proceeding in the Treaty, found many doubtful signi­fications and sly evasions to be contained in the present Propositi­ons, and, above all become jealous that Mediators and Propositions were so often changed, refused the suspension of Arms, declaring notwithstanding to the Ambassadours of both the Crowns their will to be most inclined to Peace, when it might be obtained upon con­ditions that might render it lasting, honourable, and safe. The Count della Rocca, Ambassadour Extraordinary from Spain, being at this time arrived at Venice, and Giovanni d'Frasso at Florence, and they insisting upon things already rejected, obtained answers not differing. The Spanish Cardinals thereupon at Rome hearkened to new Propositions of Union betwixt the Pope and King Philip, which the Cardinal Barberino ceased not to suggest, to give jealousie to the Confederates; but the Republick in the name of all the League made so lively complaints of it at Madrid, with a protest, that the League on the other side would accept the invitations which France had so long made them to close with that Crown, that the King im­mediately [Page 550] orders, that all such practices should be broken off. Nay the Vice-King of Naples, upon the Popes demand of nine hundred Horse due for the investiture of that Kingdom, in case the Ecclesia­stick State should be invaded, denys them; this not being the cause of the holy See, but of his Family and Kindred. And to say truth, the Crowns, by reason of the employments wherein they were in­gaged, and much more for the condition of their domestick affairs, had little reason to interest themselves but by mediation and offi­ces; for in Spain, with the disgrace of the Minister, and in France, with the death of the King, Government was changed.

King Philip returned from Saragossa to Madrid, had in his heart somewhat cooled his affection towards the Condé Duke; whe­ther it was, that by reason of continual disgraces, the unhappy di­rector of his Affairs was become troublesom to him, or that he had perceived, things had been hitherto represented to him by the Fa­vourite in a prospective differing from the truth. And now many from necessity saw themselves bound, laying flattery and fear aside, to speak plain, but none durst be the first, till the Queen, supported by the Emperour with Letters under his own hand to the King, and with the discourse of the Marquess di Grana his Ambassador, resolved to break through the vail and discover the secrets. All then took the Cue, and the very meanest persons, either by notes in writing, or by word of mouth sollicited the King to put away the Minister, and assume the Government to himself. He marvelling within himself, to have ignored till now the causes of this disgrace, overcome with the light of so many advertisements, which all at a time unvailed him, was wavering at first with himself, apprehend­ing the burden of the Government, and doubting lest the wonted frauds of Court were practised against the Favourite; but at last not able to resist the consent of all, orders him one day on a sudden to retire himself to Loeches. Olivares undaunted readily obeys, go­ing disguised out of the Court, for fear of the people, who, if they are wont to follow Favourites whilst they shine in the station of favour and greatness, endeavour much more to tread them under foot, when they are precipitated by Fortune.

This resolution was applauded by all with excess of joy. The Grandees, formerly sent away and oppressed, returned to serve the King, and render the Court more majestical; and the People offer­ed to strifes men and money, animated by the report, that the King would take upon him the care of the Government hitherto neglect­ed. But either fainting at the burden, or new to business, and with more new Ministers, in the tediousness of business, and the difficul­ties of various accidents, he had fallen back insensibly into the for­mer affection towards Olivares, if all the Court had not with an una­nimous murmuring opposed it, nay if Olivares himself had not rather precipitated his hopes; for willing, by the publishing of certain Writings, to clear himself, he offended many in such sort, that the King thought it best to send him yet further off, and confine him to Toro. There, not accustomed to quiet, and afflicting himself, as [Page 551] great wits are wont to do, he dyes within a while of grief. It can­not be denyed, but that he had great parts, of vivacity of wit, and application to business, but they were either corrupted by a rash violence, which oftentimes in counsel carried him to extremities, or were frustrated by fortune, which always crost his designs. He never suffered himself to be corrupted by Strangers, but it was imputed to him, that with flattery or not opposing he sometimes betrayed the Kings service. He possessed with great jealousie the Kings favour and the power, which, to arrogate it to himself alone, he took from the Council and every body else. He employed few, and those of his dependants; but he proved so unfortunate a Judge of abilities, that of all those he employed, some wanting diligence, many capa­cities, and all approbation, he was very often for the faults and er­rours of others condemned by the world. He always vainly shew­ed his power; but he laid up no great riches, nor fortified his pri­vate power against the publick authority with Places, Armies, and Governments. For this cause, if his Government was not applaud­ed, his fall made no great noise, nor was his death considered. The King in truth, though he published the contrary, could not or would not govern by himself alone. Whereupon Luigi d' Haro, Ne­phew, but withall an Enemy to Olivares, insinuates himself by lit­tle and little, and, with great modesty shewing his obedience to the King, in a short time takes upon him the administration of the Go­vernment.

But in France, conformable to the nature of the people, the changes passed with a greater noise; for that Lewis, amidst the cares of his mind, and the unquietness of his body, was fallen sick even to extream languishing. By reason of the tender age of his Son, he was exercised in difficult thoughts, about the direction of affairs, and no less were troubled the principal Ministers, the reliques of Richelieu's Faction fearing, lest the Queen, coming to the authority of the Regency, should for former disgusts revenge her self against them. Mazarine therefore, Bottiglier, Superintendent of the Finances, and his Son Chavigni, Secretary of State, being reduced to serious consults about their Fortune, endeavoured to possess the King with the danger to which he exposed the Crown and the Heir, if the Government should fall to the Queen, not only new in Affairs, but offended by past usage, and of a strange Nation, nay an Enemy towards whom she had not at all lost inclination and affection. Nor did the counsel succeed ill; for Lewis by way of Testament orders the disposition of the Government in the minority of the Son; Leav­ing to the Wife the name of the Regency, but the power and effect to the Ministers. To his Brother he commits the Lieutenancy of the Crown; To Condé the chief place in the Council, but subordinate to Orleans. He established Mazarine in the Post of chief Minister; and for Counsellors added Sequier the great Chancellor, who was also of Richelieu's party, Bottillier, and Chavigni, with a caution that they should not be exclu­ded but for crime or by death. By this Council with plurality of Votes were to be decided the most weighty matters, charges military and ci­vil [Page 552] dispensed, and when occasion was, the Ministers of the Council it self to be supplied. In the disposition of Benefices Ecclesiastick, he obliges the Queen to follow the judgment of the Cardinal Mazarine. He ordain­ed also, that Chasteauneuf the Garde Seau, and the Dutchess of Che­vereuse should not be permitted to return into the Kingdom; and as to other Exiles and Prisoners, he lest them to the disposition of the Council. He wills, that this his Will should be signed and sworn to by the Queen and the Princes, and by the Parliament verified. The Queen having no party could not oppose it, though the Duke of Beaufort declared himself in her favour, and at St. Germans, where the King lay sick, Conventicles and Factions were formed.

Every one perceived, that the favour not only continued to the dependents of Richelieu, but that the supreme Authority of the Go­vernment was by the King left to them, and Mazarine had the great­est share; for, besides the dependency of the Clergy, which with the distribution of benefices was made partial, either joyning with the three Ministers, he had the majority of Votes, or standing as a neu­tral betwixt the Queen and the others he made himself Arbiter to whatsoever side he inclined. Amidst these commotions of affections and discourses, the King with remarkable piety renders his Spirit to God upon the 10. of May, in the forty third year of his age, and ha­ving just upon that day compleated the thirtieth year of his Reign. Having by Arms enlarged the Power, the Renown, and Majesty of his Kingdom, reformed it with good Laws, and dignified it with ex­emplary Manners, he would certainly have been numbred among the Princes of greatest fame, if to his praises the Glory of Richelieu had not been interposed, to whom the World ascribed the counsels and success. He lived and dyed without knowing to defend him­self from the Arts of Favourites; he was adorned with many Ver­tues, with Piety, Religion, and Justice; but suffered the exceeding great defects of his Ministers. Though Heresie were disarmed in France, yet abroad it was countenanced and promoted. Himself spa­ring in his Diet, in his Cloathing, and, except it were in Hunting, abstaining from all sorts of pleasures, abandoned the wealth of his people in prey to the profusion of Favourites. With the Title of Just he covered many severe examples, filled often the Bastille with Innocents, and managed the Sword of the Hangman to the private revenge of his Confidents. The Brother was a Fugitive, and the Mother forced to fly. If then the Greatness of the Name of Riche­lieu obscured in famous acts the Glory of Lewis, it also resoued him from many blames, saving only that, that jealous and avaritious of his Authority towards his Kindred, he was superfluously prodigal of it to his Ministers.

Lewis the Fourteenth, who had not yet compleated the fifth year of his age, takes the name of King, and thereupon great Revolts were foretold, whilst to the intern confusions, which the Regency of a Spanish Woman, the novelty of Government, the affections of Ministers, and the pretensions and disgusts of the malecontents point­ed out, stranger Forces were quickly added, and the Army of Melo, [Page 553] which consisting of seventeen thousand Foot and seven or eight thousand Horse shewed it self on the Frontiers to offer invitation and incouragement to them that should attempt novelties. He ha­ving during the Kings sickness waited some days without attempting any thing, resolves at last to invade France to promote disturbance more powerfully, with an assured hope to find no resistance, and the King once dead, the Government would be turned topsie-turvy. The Army then with the increase of new Forces entring into Ti­rasche, and laying waste many places with Fire and Sword, besieges Rocroy, a little place on the Frontiers of Champania, which alone he thought might hinder his march as far as Rheims, and from thence perhaps to Paris.

Heaven, to say truth, shewed it self very partial in this conjun­cture to France; for if Melo, retarding his march, had maintained the credit of his Army, or if the thought of taking the place suc­ceeding, he might have been able to advance towards Paris, to coun­tenance those that were for him, and put the rest in confusion, with­out doubt out of the Sepulchre of Lewis would have been raised the Fortune of the Spanish Crown.

The Duke of Enguien, Son of Conde, who scarce out of his Child­hood, commanded the Army in those parts, assisted with the Mare­shal del' Hospital and Monsieur Gassion, upon notice of the Siege, speedily assembles as many Troops as he could, which amounted not to more than fourteen thousand Foot and six thousand Horse, and came near to the place, situate in a Plain, and environed with low Grounds and Woods. Melo, out of a perswasion to take it with ease, having only five unfinished Bastions with some Out-works and a scanty Garrison, had thought a Circumvallation needless; which gave Gassion the means to thrust into it, through the midst of the Enemies Batalions, some men, with which the Garrison being strengthned makes a Sally, and recovering a Half-moon, gave time for the gross, with which the Duke arrived upon it with so much resolution, that shewed he would not refuse a Battel. Melo, supe­riour in Forces, rejoyced already in the Victory, and was so far from avoiding the ingagement, that he rather assured himself, that Fortune offered him that occasion to ruine the obstacle of that Ar­my to his great designs. He removes from the Siege of Rocroy to range himself in order in the Plain and offer Battel; but he lost an exceeding advantage: For Enguien not being able to dis-in­gage the Army so soon, from certain narrow passages betwixt the Wood and the Moorish grounds, was by the night surprised with his Troops divided, and Melo did not care to attacque him, pre­tending to stay for a Renfort under the Command of General Bech, who was coming with four thousand men, and to overcome, as he boasted, at one blow, not only a part, but all the Enemies. The French during the night quickly re-united themselves, and the Chiefs receiving the advice of the Kings death, with express order not to hazard in that conjuncture a Battel, kept it secret, not to take away courage from their own, nor increase confidence in the Enemy, [Page 554] since they found themselves so far advanced, that they could not re­tire either with safety or honour.

The Army then was put into order, and Gassion with the right wing made choice of a place of such advantage that he could con­veniently attacque the Spaniards in flank. Melo with a redoubled errour not caring to stay any longer for Bech, for whom he had the evening before neglected the advantage to defeat one part of the Enemy, readily accepts the engagement, and in the beginning had the success to rout and pursue all the left-wing, with the gaining of eight Cannons, taking Monsieur de la Ferté Seneterre Prisoner, and the wounding of Monsieur del Hospitall. This notwithstanding An­guien with an undaunted courage played still the part of a Comman­der, and suggesting to himself, if not from experience, at least from his birth, the memorials and provocations of glory, restores the broken Troops to courage and order, and leads again those that were most entire to the Fight. Gassion, with the natural fury of the French, shocks the left-wing of the Spaniards in such a manner, that the Cavalry could not withstand him. The Duke of Albequerque was General of it, arrived to that degree by the favour of Melo, and he just, unmindful of the publick danger and his own honour, was the first that betook himself to flight; whereupon the rest easi­ly followed him. Gassion then charges in the rear of the right wing, which being victorious, pursuing advantage, had scarce been put to a little stop by Monsieur de Scirot, who seasonably with a body of reserve was moving to encounter it. But feeling on a sudden blows from behind them, turned aside, and at last gave way totally. The Foot, which consisted of the best of the Italian and Spanish Troops, made resistance with the proof of great courage, as long as they were able. The Marquess de Fontaine, their General, having by the Gout the use of his Feet taken from him, died upon a Chair at the head of the Battailons, with a great number of Souldiers, whose bo­dies were seen lying in ranks, so unmoveably had they kept their station. Many flinging away their Arms, endeavoured to escape by flight, and amongst those Melo, after having given greater proof of courage than experience, flinging away his Truncheon of command saved himself not softly. Five other Squadrons closing themselves together withstood a long time the charge of Gassion, resolving not to part with their lives but at the price of a great deal of blood. But they abandoned and environed by the French, who at last in­tended to bring Cannon to overcome them, were forced to yield. The Prisoners were six thousand, which with the Cannon, Baggage, and a great number of Colours, remained in the power of the French, who found of theirs not above two thousand wanting. An­guien warmed with the battel and fierce for the Victory, casts him­self into the Enemy Country, not only recompensing with burning the mischief done in the Tirasche, as hoping in that consternation of minds for some great revolt. But the Flemmings, observing France also by the death of the King tottering, kept themselves quiet. He applies therefore to more profitable Conquests, besieg­ing [Page 555] Thionville, which, through the importance of the situation in Lutzemburg having been formerly attempted, after a bloody Siege was now rendred, and a while after, Sirch ran the same Fortune.

The Queen in this interim, after the Husbands death, comes with her two Sons from St. Germans to Paris amidst long files of the peo­ple in Arms, and entring with the new King into the Parliament, Orleans, and Condé assisting, expresses rather with tears than words, shewing the Sons as pledges of her affection, and the Kingdoms felicity, that nothing remained to her but Widowhood and tears. She referred to the Kings disposition of the manner of the Regency, to which, Orleans and Condé declared to have given their consent only, not to defile with reluctancy and disgusts the quiet of the Kings last breath. To many of the Parliament it self, it seem­ed incapable of admission, no less than new. Being therefore abo­lished with unanimous Votes, the Regency remained decreed to the Mother of the King alone, with an absolute power: Yet it is true, that to have the two above-mentioned Princes consent to it, it was before concerted, that the Queen should confirm them in the charges conferred by the King, and that the same Ministers should be con­tinued in the Council. As the first act of her authority, to the end to avoid any intestine over-turnings, the Queen recals the exiled, and sets the Bastille open; and to gain applause, she bestows charges and gifts upon those she knew she could not wish better, publishing that her desire was during her Regency to make appear all the virtue, but none of the defects of the past Government. To the Princes Confederates and Friends she stedfastly affirms, that she would per­severe in the alliances and affections of her Husband deceased. As to Ministers of the Counsel, it quickly appeared, that she desired to bring into it persons more in her own confidence. They were but few, and had out-lived the persecutions of Richelieu, neglected, rather than preserved, by reason of the opinion of their mean abilities: Wherefore (the others beginning to fear a fall) the Chancellor, to uphold himself, employs as much money as he could, and as much art as he knew, for the gaining of those who being most conver­sant with the Queen, should remonstrate on all occasions to her his ability in employments, and the facility, with which he suffered him­self without reserve to be bowed to the supreme will of the Go­vernment; a quality not to be despised in a new Regency.

Bottillier having the Keys of the Treasury, as his Son managed the Pen of the secrets of State, having with such eminent charges and immense riches provoked the hatred of the people and the envy of the Court, judged, it would be available for the preserva­tion of the rest, to renounce the superintendency, which was by the Queen divided betwixt the President Bailleul, her Chancellor, and Monsieur d' Avo, both in the reputation of sincere and dis-interes­sed virtue. Nevertheless a while after, Chavigni also, under the title of sale, was forced to yield up the Secretaryship of State to the Count de Brienne, a person of exemplary integrity, and of the Queens oldest Servants. To the charge of chief Minister, as diffi­cult [Page 556] to be disposed of, as to be undertaken, because confidence and capacity were in an equal degree requisite; she destines the Bishop of Bovés, kept from Court by Richelieu as long as he lived: But he, being at first in the opinion of probity and sufficiency, was no sooner arrived at Court, but that in the darkness of so many affairs and interests, he found a new and obscure element, and passing from a private to a publick life, he seemed like a River, which in its own Chanel running clear and quiet, when it enters into the Sea becomes troubled and fluctuant. He erred at first against his own fortune, by not removing Mazarine from Court, believing to keep him at his pleasure to be informed and instructed by him. But he quickly came to know that the excellency of wit keeps predomi­nancy in all things and places. The Cardinal, in this eclipse of for­tune, abandoned by all those, who a little before worshipped him, is not amased, but, faining to accommodate himself to the time, with civil and submiss carriage moves compassion and affections, leaving the Bishop to lose himself in the weight of the affairs, or grow vain in the ambition of the place. The truth was, all those that nego­tiated with him were displeased at his want of experience; but above all, the Ministers of the League of Italy were offended with him; for, having with the favour assumed the ambition to adorn himself with the Purple, the King having obtained his nomination to the Cardinalat, he shewed himself most partial to the Court of Rome. Mazarine, seeing him tottering, began to absent himself from Council, alledging that being excluded from his former Post, he could no more appear there; whereupon the Government was quickly sensible of the weakness and alteration of the Ministers, and the Queen, more new in business than all, knew not what to counsel or resolve.

There is no doubt, but there appeared in the Queen a kind of inclination towards the Cardinal, at which the Bishop taking jea­lousie stirred up others also, who in his Government hoped to have a great share, to form a party to discard him. Perceiving at last that he was not able to do it alone, it was published, that the Duke of Beaufort would take upon him to kill the Cardinal, and Papers with sharp invectives were scattered in the Apartments and pri­vate Cabinets of the Court. The Queen, moved at it, caused Beaufort to be arrested Prisoner, and commands the Bishop to retire to his Residence. The Dukes of Vandosm and Mercure, Father and Brother of Beaufort, went out of Paris, and Madam de Chevreuse left it also. Thus the Court changing face in a moment, gave Ma­zarine opportunity to establish himself. In the want of other capa­ble persons, by the means of those that took party with him, he caused it to be divulged, That the quality of a Stranger ought not to prejudice him, but was rather to be judged commodious for the common good, being neither obliged to the factions of the Princes, nor exposed to the hatred of the great ones. That the Natives had kindred, riches, and parties, in which they were confident, either to find excuses for their oversights, or pardon for their faults. That himself, destitute of all pro­tection, [Page 557] could not hope for support but in his innocency. That he wil­lingly exposed himself to the hatred of the turbulent, being always ready to deliver the lovers of Peace out of troubles.

All applauded these conceptions, some to bespeak his favour and to advance him, others to expose him to the publick hatred, and to ruine him. And many, being not able to bear the superiority of Equals, inclined rather to a Stranger. Thus the Cardinal saw him­self in a moment got up to that height of authority, to which Riche­lieu in the progress of many years scarce arrived with so many diffi­culties, he as a Stranger governing that Kingdom, which having placed the glory of it in Arms, he had very often rejected the com­mands of the King, and not valued the fovour of his nearest affecti­ons. There was no difficulty in the Queens satisfaction, she being new in Affairs and desirous of Peace.

Orleans weary of his banishments and of former troubles, of a Genius otherwise tractable, and now satisfied with the posture wherein he was, and desirous to be imployed in the Armies, was pleased with the submissions and flatteries of Mazarine, who suppli­ed him with his satisfactions and money, and designed him the next year for the Command of the Army of Flanders.

Conde also setling after the doubtfulness of the Regency, and in­tent upon heaping up wealth, and therefore a friend to Favourites from whom he received advantage, was at present content with his condition, the Cardinal, serving him to obtain of the Queen all that which his interests suggested him to pretend to. Anguien, his Son, who having haply tasted the first glory of War, breathed no­thing but a Martial Genius, professed himself bound to the new Mi­nister, who destining him for the command of an Army, furnished him also with those means for his subsistance, which his Fathers Pa­trimony contributed scantily to him.

For the rest, the Great men finding themselves without places and without Governments, the people exhausted both in their Wealth and Blood, no body could oppose all rather applauded the Cardi­nal, who in this beginning made it his glory not to appropriate to himself Riches, Governments, or Honours, but labour and toil on­ly; with inflexible rigour to keep his Kindred far distant; to re­fuse the Queens favours and benefits, and above all, trusting in his fidelity and the services which he proposed to render to the Crown, to detest any Defence and Guards, content with his own House and the modesty of a frugal Family.

Such were the beginnings of his Government, in which increasing always in favour, he was notwithstanding acceptable to all. But Strangers could not believe this Ministry durable, or the Peace of the Kingdom lasting, yet it quickly appeared, that it was confirmed, nay rather increased in Dominion and Glory; Power and Autho­rity being so enlarged, that the change of the Minister, the death of the King, the government of a Child, and the direction of a Stran­ger had no power at all to shake it.

The Queen in these beginnings shewed a desire to Peace, and the [Page 558] Cardinal, to keep the people with those hopes contented, caused Pass-ports for the Ministers of Spain to be dispatched, and consents that a beginning should be given to the Meetings, for which the Pope deputed Fabio Chighi, Bishop of Nardo, Nuntio at Collen, and the Republick dispatched Luigi Contarini. But in Italy, amidst the the considerations of foreign occurrences, the successes of the Ar­mies Pontificial and Confederate were attentively observed. The Duke of Modena with the Vote of the Commendator Ʋgolino Gri­foni, who in that Army assisted for the Grand Duke, had resolved to incamp in sight of Castel Franco, though Corraro believed it more proper, that it should have gone to Finale to incommodate the Fer­rarese, and keep it self nearer to the Quarters of Parma, to the Po, and to the Territory of the Republick.

Cardinal Anthonio foreseeing the march, sends a great Party into the Mountains of the Modonese; so that the Duke was forced to follow it with his own men and two thousand Venetian Foot, the rest remaining at Buon Porto. He desired afterwards, that that also might move, but Corraro denied it, because the Duke had not made sufficient provision of Victuals, nor had wherewithal to carry it af­ter the Army cross the Mountain. The intention of Mathei being discovered, to keep the Confederates in motion and the imployment of their own defence, he on a sudden goes out of the Modonese with the loss but of one Company of Horse, which was defeated by the Duke. Valanzé moved then with all the Army towards Finale and Bondeno, threatning to attacque some of those Forts; and because the Duke of Parma, who had not done ought but force the Quar­ters of four hundred Horse at St. Pietro, was reduced to a very weak number of Foot, and not to above a thousand Horse, the Ve­netians resolved to lend him some Troops to keep the Out-works of Bondeno. Corraro, who coasted upon the Enemies march, was af­terwards in the Quarter of Campo Santo assaulted by Valanzé with three thousand Foot and five hundred Horse; but he withstood and repulsed him. His Judgment was, that the Duke remaining to guard his own Confines, should send him the two thousand Foot of the Republick, which he had with him, that he might invade the Fer­rarese, with which he should not only have diverted the Enemy from molesting the Dukes Country; but the Posts of Communication and the Banks of the River should have been kept defended: a counsel, which event afterwards shewed, how advantagious it would have been. But the desire prevailing in the Duke to enter into the Bo­lognese to draw the Cardinal Anthonio after him, the March was re­solved on, having first strengthned Finale with five hundred Foot more, which the Venetians sent beyond the Po, that in the absence of the Army, the Pontificians should not attempt to exploit any thing to break the Communication and shut out the Army.

Corraro then and the Duke having a mind to joyn, Cardinal An­thonio, that understood all their designs, caused, to the end to hinder them, Nonantola to be attacqued by four thousand men. The place lyes beyond the Banaro without any defence of Fortifications, and [Page 559] was then kept by the Venetians with two Companies under the Co­lonel St. Martin, who resolved whatever happened to defend the attacque and the Battery of two great Guns, to give time to the Duke, who was then at Modena, to come with his own and two thousand Foot of the Venetians to its succours. He coming to the Bridge of the Navicello, found it possessed by four Companies of Horse; but driving them away, comes through to Nonantola, and obliges the Enemy to a Retreat. This being quickly done, he forth­with returns, when in his way the Cardinal appeared to oppose him, and although the March had wearied the Souldiers, the Duke ne­vertheless resolves to fight him. He scarce began to move, but the Pontificians betook themselves to flight, in which being pursued with the death of some, and amongst those of Francesco Gonzagha, Ser­jeant Major General of the Army, the Cardinal, whose Horse was killed under him, hardly escaped from being of the number of the Prisoners, which amounted to two hundred.

The Confederates resolved, demolishing Nonantola, not to ingage a Garrison in so weak a place, to march to Spilimberto, whence they entred into the Territory of Bologna, plundering to the very Gates of the Town, to the damage and terrour of the Country. Piumazzo, abandoned by the Inhabitants, at the appearance of two hundred Foot and five hundred Horse was possessed. The Baron de Deghen­selt, who commanded the Horse of the Republick, had Bazano deli­vered to him, and judging it not easie to be kept left it. But the Pontificians having brought three hundred men into it, moved the Confederates to repossess it, as was easily done, the Garrison ren­dring on conditions, which were not observed, because, contrary to the tenour of them, some certain powder was found amongst the Baggage, whereupon being stript by the way, they were all made Prisoners.

In Tuscany, Savelli in this interim had recovered Passignano, cut­ting the Garrison of two hundred men in pieces, keeping the Com­mander Prisoner, and afterwards attempted the City of la Pieve with a Petard, but without success. The Confederates had taken Pacia­no, and the Grand Dukes Army consisting of eight thousand Foot, fourteen hundred Horse, and thirty pieces of Artillery, being in­camped in the Plain of Castiglione del Lago; gave so much terrour to Perugia, that the Prefect who was there thought himself not secure, and was doubtful of some commotion of the Inhabitants; where­upon Savelli, drawing the Army under the Walls of it, durst not in­large his quarters. The progress would certainly have been very con­siderable also in the Bolognese, as the Confederates designs were not small, if Cardinal Antonio had not with a new sprightly party over­thrown their counsels. He, seeing that on that side the strength of the Army consisted in the Forces of the Republick, and to oblige it to call back their Troops for its own defence, caused thirteen Boats by night to be put into the Po, and hastily imbarquing four hundred men upon them, sends them a little below Lagoscuro to take Post upon the Banks on this side of the River. Captain Tritonio, [Page 560] who with a Company of Horse was going the round, opposed them, but, being overpowered by the number, was forced to let them land. The Pontificians marched immediately to the same Post of Lagoscuro, ill fortified, and worse provided with men, and although Count Giovanni Battista Porto, and the Cavalier Mark Antonio Strozza valorously defended it for six hours, yet Valanzé being in this interim passed to this side with three thousand Foot, fifteen hundred Horse, and some Cannon, they were at last overcome and made Prisoners.

At the first reports of the Enemies passage, the General Pesari sends Mark Antonio Brancaccio with five hundred Foot to relieve the Post attacqued; but being come to Chiaviche, and there un­derstanding it was taken, stopt, till the General himself, who was also marching, should arrive. Pesari had not with him above eigh­teen hundred Foot, and betwixt three and four hundred Horse, the many Garrisons and frequent expeditions to the other side of the Po having lessened his Forces. Having understood, that with the li­berty and safety of the Pass the Enemy was every day more and more strengthened, he resolved to halt there, to expect reinforce­ment, recalling from Finale the last five hundred Foot he had sent thither, two Companies of Horse from Mantua, and dispatching or­ders and advice to all places, to defend the Country and increase the Forces. He conferred there with the Duke of Parma, desiring him to join with him; but Edward; having but a very few men, ad­vised that he should expect the Army out of the Modenese.

All this passing with great retardment, the interim served the Pon­tificians to plant a good Fort there, just over against the other, which on the other side of the Po was also called by the name of Lagoscuro. In the Polesene, and in Rovigo, by reason of this passage, the fright was truly great; but the Pontificians, not willing to be shut up amidst those Ditches, contented themselves with the advantage they had gotten, advancing only with some incursions as far as Pau­lino and Fiesso. The Senate, troubled at this accident, sends four hundred Souldiers in Garrison to Rovigo, and Michele Priuli, Prove­ditor of the Terra firma, came seasonably thither to re-animate the minds of the Inhabitants. He over and above commands, that four thousand of the Trained Band should be assembled, that they might trouble the Enemy from the Confines of Loreo; and that Lorenzo Marcello, Proveditor of the Fleet, should come with a good Squa­dron into those waters. The most ready succours depended upon recalling Corraro, to whom the General had dispatched orders to re­turn, leaving the Duke two thousand Souldiers. Although the matter of self-defence admitted not of consultations, nevertheless in the consult of that Army it was resolved, abandoning the Bolognese to return to the Po, the Duke seeming contented to retain four hun­dred only of the Venetian Souldiers. The Confederates, having their march at several Passes interrupted by the Cardinal Antonio, arrive at Bondeno, and there among the Venetians themselves were diversities of opinions. For Corraro approved the going to the other [Page 561] side of the Po, there to make diversion, and at the same time at­tacque both the Forts of Lagoscuro. But Pesari sustaining that the Forces were not so strong that they might with safety be divided, and fearing lest the Fort of Figarolo should be assaulted, orders that the Army should pass over, which was executed with some slow­ness, by reason of the diversity of opinions; concerning which, not without some contention of minds, each of the Chiefs were wil­ling to give the Senate information, which referred it self to the Consult and to the plurality of the Votes of those to whom it was committed that were upon the place. Pesari advances with the whole Army in sight of Lago-Scuro, and in the viewing of it, met with a thousand Horse divided into seven Squadrons that were easily repulsed; nor was there other encounter, the Pontificians within their Fortifications not being to be forced, nor was it their interest to sally forth, not to expose to a doubtful event that great advantage of the Post, which was so serviceable for their preservation.

The Venetians whom it equally concerned not to give battel, not to leave, in case of a sinister accident, in prey to the Enemy a Country of so great importance, and lying in such sort open, that it could not be preserved but with an Army, went to Fiesso to fix a Quarter there, and with the Fort of Figarolo of one side, and the Polesella on the other, they thought to straigthen the Enemy, and keep their own Country covered. Nevertheless, not to abandon the Duke of Modona, two thousand men were sent back to him, that he might infest the Ferrarese and defend his own Country. The Se­nate little satisfied with these resolutions, and less with the successes, made choice for Proveditor in the Camp of Priuli and Corraro, which formerly were, the one in Terra firma; and the other in the Mode­nese; and into the Generalat substitutes Marco Justiniani Procura­tor, calling home Pesari to clear himself of several negligences which were imputed to him; of which things, being better understood, he was afterwards absolved, and a few years after assumed to the Prin­cipality of the Republick. Justiniani, being arrived at the Army, had a Meeting with the Dukes of Modena and Parma, to which last some re-inforcement of men being come to him out of his own Country; and it was resolved, that the General sending some other Souldiery beyond the Po, at the same time should be attacqued the two Forts of Lago Scuro.

The Conference was scarce separated, but the Duke, contrary to what was resolved, demands so many men and so many provisions as left the General without Forces to act what on his side was agreed. He of Modena laid afterwards the fault on Edward, as having a mind not to do any thing at all. Then, although Justiniani offered fif­teen hundred Foot more, the Dukes with several excuses delaying to resolve, perhaps that knowing the enterprise to be in truth diffi­cult, they had no mind to hazard their Honour and then Troops; yet he comes before the Fort, dividing his Quarters, his own with Gonzagha above, the other of Priuli and Valette, a little below. On the other side of the River was Cardinal Anthonio with the whole [Page 562] Army of thirteen thousand men, and notwithstanding the Batteries of the Venetians from the Dikes, had, at least by night, convenient passage to relieve it, nay oftentimes assaulted the Quarters them­selves, though his attempts were always repulsed. The most signal Faction was, that a Souldier Corso having by flight out of the Camp of the Venetians carried the Word to the Enemies, they, three thou­sand strong, commanded by Count Frederico Mirogli, came, and by night assaulted the Generals Quarter. The Alarm being given, Gon­zagha hastes to it, and the Aggressors were beaten back with loss. Many were drowned in the Po; eighty were taken Prisoners, and amongst them Mirogli with some few wounded. But this was not done without some hurt to the Venetians; for on that side were kil­led Carrucci, a gallant Colonel of Croats and Albanese; Colonsa, their Serjeant Major, besides two Captains, and Cupis an Ingeneer.

Notwithstanding this advantage, the General perceived, that by the facility of the passage and of the succours, the Enemy received, the enterprise could not be carried through; thereupon drawing all his men into one Quarter, he retires to Poazzo in good order. Pri­uli being sick, a while after dyes, and to him was surrogated Seba­stian Veniero, who upon the Confines of Loreo supplied the place of Delfino, who was also indisposed. Before he came into the Polesene, he had several times hindred the Pontificians to pass to this side the River; and now sending some Troops to the other side, attacques in Cologna a Quarter of three hundred men, and firing the Town with the death of ninety, brought away fifty Prisoners besides. Nine Gallies also and two Galliasses with the Proveditor of the Fleet ro­ved at Sea, incommodating the Commerce of the Subjects of the Church; but nothing of note hapned, but that in passing by shoot­ing upon Sinigaglia, a Cannon shot took away the life of Thomaso Contarini, Captain of one of the Galliasses, a person young in years, but in affairs of the Sea of the highest expectation. But the season not serving longer for it, little could be done by the Confederates at Sea; they only ordered re-inforcement for the year to come, and because the Pope in the Mediterranean calling the Gallies of Malta to joyn with his, had obliged those of Tuscany to retire, the Vene­tians offered the Grand Duke, their Gallies not being accustomed to that Navigation, to arm at a common charge some great Vessels, and in the approaching Campania to trouble the Enemy on that side also.

In this interim the Revenues of the Maltesians in the Dominions of the Princes United were sequestred, notwithstanding those Ca­valiers would have excused themselves, as not having been able to deny to serve the Pope their Soveraign. The successes in Tuscany fully compensated those less happy on the other side; for although the Grand Duke, a little indisposed, was retired to Florence, and that Monterchio was possessed by the Pontificians, nevertheless the heat of the Armies not cooling, the Enemy was beaten off from St. Casciano; and Passignano was recovered by the Confederates. La Magione, a rich Abby belonging to Cardinal Anthonio, was plun­dered, [Page 563] and a certain Wall of great concernment broken down, which holding up the waters in the Chiani to the prejudice of Tusca­ny, diverted them from the Tevere, where formerly having their course, they were the cause of Inundations and great mischiefs to Rome. Monte Cotognola was also forced, the Garrison of some hundreds of Souldiers remaining Prisoners. The four hundred Horse, viz. three hundred of the Venetians under Girolamo Tadini, and a hundred of the Duke of Modena, after some delay, by reason of what had hap­pened at the Po, arrived at last in Tuscany, and some Souldiers of the French Levies began to dis-imbark at Ligorn; wherewith the Army taking vigour gave no small apprehension to Perugia. To di­vert it, Vincenza della Marra, Knight of Malta, Neopolitan, and Mareshal General of the Field, Savelli by reason of indisposition being reti­red, designing an Incursion into Tuscani, and the surprise of the City of Pieve, was upon his march thither with three thousand Foot, eight hundred Horse, and four pieces of Cannon. But meeting with the Prince Matthias, who crossed him in his way, alted upon the Hill della Madonna di Mongiovino, playing with his Cannon upon the Princes Vantguard; but they being obliged to double their steps, seized up­on another Eminence, from whence he so galled the Pontificians, that they, abandoning the first Post, endeavoured to get up upon a higher point of the same Hill. Being then closely pursued, and Cor­nelio Malvasia, Lieutenant General of the Cavalry, running away with two hundred Horse, the rest remained at the discretion of the Confederates. Marra retiring with a few into a certain Castle with­out defence, seeing himself beset, renders himself Prisoner with four Colonels, seventy Officers of several qualifications and about a thousand Souldiers, leaving all their Colours and the Cannon with all other Provisions in the hands of the Conquerours. Monterchio was hereupon recovered; Castel Leone with Piegaio taken; Monta­lere and the Mills of Perugia battered.

But a new Army was quickly set on Foot consisting of seven thou­sand Foot and seventeen Companies of Horse, under the Command of the Commendator Nari and of Tobia Pallavicino, to execute the de­sign of the Barberins to assault the Grand Duke in several parts, whilst the Venetians and the Duke of Modena, reduced to their own defence, they had their Forces less ingaged, and the Grand Duke having not lent his ear to particular Treaties, several times propo­sed to him, to the end to separate him from the League; they had hopes either to give him a blow with their Army, or for fear to in­duce him to an accord, and afterwards with all their force to fall up­on the Venetians. The attacques in Tuscany were to be made in three places; at Petigliano with the new Army from the Perugino; at Pistoia by the way of the Mountains with that of the Bolognese; and lastly Monsieur de Codré Monpensier, General of Romagna, towards the City del Sole, and that part of the Dominion, which beyond the Appen­nine belongs to the Grand Duke, which, as exposed and weak, was also ill guarded. They contrived at the same time to send into the Country of Parma the Count de St. Secondo, who pretended to pos­sess [Page 564] himself of certain places belonging to the House of Farnese, back­ed by the Colonel Garnier, who without observation levied men upon the Lands of Buzzolo and in the Mantuan. Three hundred Horse also, wading the Panaro, were by the Plains of the Modenese to be sent by the Cardinal Anthonio to those parts, with great ap­pearance that they might do great mischief, and raise confusion in the Country. The Duke of Modena, having got notice of the de­sign, desired no better but that the said Horse should be suffered to pass the River, that then from convenient places they might be sur­prised and cut to pieces. In opposition to this, he of Parma, who with very weak Forces kept himself at Bondeno, thought it better to imploy effectual offices at Milan and at Mantua, to the end, as it hap­pened, a stop might be put to the Levies of St. Secondo and Garnier. But Valanzé marching against Tuscany with four thousand Foot and a thousand Horse by the way of Poretta, came upon Pistoia so sud­denly, that the Great Duke had not time to thrust succours into it. Nevertheless the Town, though weak, by the courage of the Inha­bitants and some few Souldiers repulsed the Scalade, which Valanzé attempted, who frustrated of his chief design, contented himself to do some spoil in the Country round about, and with the gain of four Cannon, which he found by the way. If the possessing of Pi­stoia had succeeded, the Pontificians intention was to advance to­wards Florence, and, with the terrour of Fire and Sword moving mens minds and crying liberty, to have attempted to incense the peo­ple. There was in truth great fear within the City, that had not for a long time been accustomed to feel an Enemy so near; but the news of the success quickly quieted their hearts, and the Grand Duke, to shew confidence, put Arms into the peoples hands, which the Medici, during their Government, had not till now hazarded to do. The Prince Matthias hasted with four thousand men to the greater need; but leaving the Senese exposed, the Barberins attac­qued it also from that side.

The Grand Duke demanded succours of the Confederates, and the Venetians, though with much apprehension they remained fixed in the preservation of the Polesene, sent to the other side of the Po two thousand five hundred Foot more and three hundred Horse with Veniero and Valette, to joyn with the others of their men to di­vert the Enemy. Duke Edward shewed a desire to go to the assi­stance of the Grand Duke, and without believing to obtain it, de­manded four thousand Foot and a thousand Horse of the Venetians, who not much satisfied with his lying idle, thought it better to im­ploy their own Officers, exhorting him to trouble the Enemy in that interim in the Ferrarese. But he not stirring, the Duke of Mo­dena joyns to five thousand men of the Venetians a thousand two hun­dred Foot of his own and eight hundred Horse, sending them by the way of the Mountains into the Reer of Valanzé. The Marquess Colombino, Modenese, pillaged Rocca Cornetta; the Count Raimondo Montecuculi forced Vergato, defended by two hundred Foot and six hundred Peasants. Valette having defeated a Company of Horse, [Page 565] plundered to the Gates of Castel Franco, and as far as Bologna. Ba­zano was retaken with the death of one hundred and fifty Foot and sixty Dragoons that kept it, but the Count of Montecuculi was there hurt. Montevia, Serravalle, and other walled Castles, where the people had put their Goods for safety, were in like manner ta­ken. The Commander Panzetta with part of the Garrison of Mo­dena surprised Crevalcuore, a great place, cutting to pieces the Gar­rison of about three hundred; but the Souldiers, for plunder having neglected the Guards, Codre Monpensier enters into it, taking Panzet­ta himself Prisoner, and killing fifty men with a Captain of Horse, whilst the rest saved themselves by flight.

By the motion of the Confederates with such success, Codre was diverted from the thought of attempting the City del Sole, and Va­lanzé perceiving the design to cut off his way, with the loss of some men in the Mountain retired into the Bolognese. The Great Duke now had the liberty to imploy all his Forces on the other side, where Cardinal Barberino, come into Aqua-pendente, had sent Tobia Pallevicino towards Burgo St. Sepulcro with five thousand men. The Governour of the place sallying forth with two Companies of Horse, cut to pieces a Party of three hundred with their Commander, whereupon the gross withdrew; but not long after Cesare delli Oddi, Commissary General of the Horse, besieges Pitigliano, Cardinal Ra­paccioli assisting in the Army. The attacque was for sixteen days withstood by the Colonel Grisoni, who with eight hundred men commanded within it. At last the Prince Matthias marching that way, Strozzi, Serjeant Major General de Battaille, preventing them, puts himself into the field with two thousand Foot and six hundred Horse assembled in haste, and from Sorano advancing to Casone, at­tacques a great Party of the Pontificians which were plundering in that Quarter. He had the good fortune to beat and dissipate it with so great a fright to the rest, that a Pannick fear entring into the Camp, the Siege was raised with great confusion and a direct run­ning away. Strozzi pursuing this terrified Army dispersed a good part of it. Cardinal Rapaccioli was not slow in saving himself. Bar­berino, who was upon his way from Rome to go animate the Army with his presence, failed but little of being taken Prisoner. Eight pieces of Ordnance, four Petards, with many Colours, and all the Military provisions remained in prey to the Conquerours. The Commander of the Castel Ottieri in Tuscany seized upon Montorio, and the Pontificians, who had newly gained Monterchio, abandoned it, totally dis-incumbring the Dominions of the Grand Duke. The season proper for the action of Armies ending with this success, of equal honour and advantage, the Troops were distributed into Quarters, and those of the Confederates being about la Fratta, To­bia Pallavicine, going inconsiderately out of the place, was taken Pri­soner.

On the other side the Count dal Maestro Serjeant Major General de Battallie, fell into the hands of the Pontificians, who in that Quar­ter recovered Val di Nestore during the Winter. In Polesine the Au­tumnal [Page 566] Rains falling in extraordinary abundance, had very seasona­bly hindred action there, the Country being low and dirty. The Enemy remained only incommodated by the Venetians by way of the Sea, and by Delfino were defeated at la Garda one hundred and fifty Foot and as many Horse, and by Anthonio Grimani alla Zocca four Companies of Dragoons, burning the Country round about. Veniero lodged with the Venetian Troops in the Modenese at Spilem­berto, and the Pontificians with three Cannons came in great num­bers to attacque him. Valetta, not trusting himself in the quarter but weakly fortified, goes forth with the Cavalry to meet them, and, being seconded by five hundred Foot, obliged them to retire. After that by the direction of a Company of Croats, come from the service of the Barberins to that of the Republick, he attacqued by night the quarter of Castel Franco, where defeating two Companies, some Horses were brought away. The roughness of the Winter hindred at last every where even the smallest occasions, giving way, that with more quiet of mind applications might be made for a Treaty, which amidst the management of Arms had not been intermitted: For Alexandro, Cardinal Bichi, sent by the Crown of France to me­diate, being arrived in Italy, perswades the Pope and the Princes Confederate to nominate Plenipotentiaries, to meet and treat of Peace; and thereto were appointed by Ʋrban the Cardinal Donghi; by the Venetians, Giovanni Nani Cavalier and Procurator; by the Grand Duke, il Gondi, and by the Duke of Modena, il Testi.

A difficulty presently rose about the place; for Donghi demanding, that, to shew some respect to the Pope, the meeting might be held in his Dominion, the Confederates dissented from it, to the end not to let it appear, that other interest was there to be managed be­sides the private of the Barberine Family, with whom (saving the obedience to the holy See) they professed to have the contest. It was then proposed to call it in a neutral place, and particularly in the Mantuano; and when the Emperour named the Prince de Bozzolo, and the Spaniards the Cardinal Albornos, to meet there; Bichi, who desired that the merit might be ascribed only to France and to him­self, let fall the proposition: But going into the Modenese, proposes in writing to the Dukes of Parma and Modena, and to the Provedi­tor Corraro: That the absolution and the pardon for Edward should be asked by others; that his Country should be restored, the rights of the Montists remaining as before. He, over and above, offers his endea­vours with the mediation of the Crown, the better to discover the truth of their intentions, whether the Confederates pretended ought else. To the Grand Duke, besides these propositions, he glances at a suspension of Arms. He then proposes to go to Rome, to shew re­spect to the Pope, and assure himself of the intentions of the Ne­phews, not having found at Bologna in Donghi that extent of pow­ers which was judged necessary. In effect Ʋrban discovered to be not only inclined but desirous of Peace; for, burdened with his age, and weary of the cares War carries with it, though his Kinsman [Page 567] concealed from him the things that were most grievous, and dis­guised the informations of matter of fact, yet the clamours of the people for so many devastations came to his ears, and he began to be sensible of losing his own, out of a desire to retain that which was anothers. He therefore consents to a Treaty, with the resti­tution of Castro, and prays the Cardinal to hasten the conclusion of it, that he might enjoy peace in that little residue of life which he had yet to live. In Barberino Bichi found wonted obstinacy; for it being at that time, when with the passage of the Po he thought to have put the Ferrarese out of danger, and that he intended an in­vasion into Tuscany, he sought all evasions; so that, to frustrate the propositions of Bichi, he causes to be insinuated to the Emperour the depositing of Castro in his hand, and the Austrians were great­ly pleased with it, that so their name and the Imperial authority might be interposed in the Treaty, and to exclude the French from the Negotiation and the deposition it self.

But the Princes of the League, always more jealous from the al­teration of propositions, kept their intentions secret, resolving not as yet to express, whether with the alone preservation of the inte­rests of Parma they would remain contented. The designs of Bar­berino against Tuscany vanishing at last with dishonour and loss, the Cardinal Antonio comes also to Rome, to require many things that were wanting, which could not be supplied but with great charge. He also gives account of the state of the Army, and of the necessity of reinforcement; he declares the burden which the State bore for quarters; the groans of the subjects for the desolation of the Coun­try, and the difficulty either to recover what was lost, or in making Conquests upon the Confederates. The congregation therefore of State, expresly set on foot for the discussions of such Affairs, siding with the Pope, concluded that Castro was to be restored to the Duke Edward. Cardinal Barberino could now no longer withstand the common inclination, though he saw, that, with the restitution of Castro, a dishonourable Peace was to be the consequence of an un­happy War. Nevertheless, the Pope retracting the offer of the de­position made to the Imperialists, as if it had rather been a casual discourse than an express proposition, a Writing was delivered to Bichi with a promise of the said restitution. If with this alone the Confederates would be satisfied, was as yet very doubtful; for those of Modena in the Assemblies at Venice pressed, that, if not their rights upon Ferrara, at least those of Comaccio might be protected by the League in favour of the Duke. The Venetians judged it best not to insist upon ought else but the interests of Parma; but not to express themselves in it, till the intentions of Barberin in that point should be more fully declared, to the end that secured from further troubles, the Treaty might have no new disturbance. But the Grand Duke, who felt the burden of the War to be heavy, de­clares to Cardinal Bichi, who in his way from Rome to Venice pas­sed by Florence; that saving his own rights and ancient interests, the Confederates would be satisfied with the redintegration of the Duke [Page 568] of Parma. Upon the arrival of the Cardinal at Venice, thither came the Dukes of Modena and Parma, and Gondi and Testi were already there, debating with Nani and Gussoni, whom the Senate had again deputed for that purpose, not only the propositions of Peace, but proceeded by anticipation upon the concert of Arms, in case the Treaty should come to nothing; so that to remedy those inconve­niences, which the division of Forces had been the cause of in the last Campagnia, it was designed to make up together a body of thir­ty thousand Foot, and six thousand Horse, and joining into one bo­dy sixteen thousand of the one, and four thousand of the other, eve­ry one with the rest keeping his own Frontiers, it was resolved to make an attempt upon Romagna, a Country abounding with Victu­als, that had not many strong places, and whereinto the Army be­ing once entred might receive Provisions and Recruits by Sea.

For this purpose the Venetians having resolved to increase their Fleet with sixteen Gallies, offered to employ it to second the un­dertakings by Land, and proffered money to the Duke of Modena, to provide himself with Souldiers to execute the concerts on his side also. The greatest and most effectual difficulty herein consisted in the raising of men; for, although the Republick had given out orders for many Leavies, not only in their own dominion in Italy and in that beyond the Sea, but in Germany and in France, enter­taining amongst others in their service Giles d' Has, a Commander of much repute, on condition to levy three thousand Germans; yet the diligence of the Pontificians, to hinder the effecting of it, pre­vailed in many places; so that some of the Cantons of the Swizzers, stirred up by the Nuntio, openly hindred the passages, and the Gri­sons denied them to make their market of them.

The Ambassador of France secretly also crossed them, doubtful, lest the remainder of the Weimarians, running to the new Levy, should totally disband. On the other side, expresly to ruine that Army, the Arch-Dutchess Claudia of Insbruch, at the entreaty of Luigi Contarini Cavalier, in his way to the meeting at Munster, open­ed the ways of Tirol, and Girolamo Cavazza, Secretary, at last agrees for those of the Grisons, with the recognition of a certain sum of money; the Bishop of Coire co-operating therein, though severe­ly threatned by the Barberins. The Pope, burdening his Subjects with many Imposts, the Genouese furnishing ready money upon them, and by taking a great sum out of the Castle of S. Angelo, of that, which had been laid up by his Predecessors for War against the In­fidels and other the most urgent occasions, was sufficiently provided of money: So that Souldiers flocked to him, invited by the great­ness of pay, and a good many also came out of the Province of Avig­non, and out of France, the Cardinal Mazarine secretly consenting to it, who, seeing Ʋrban in a declination, and France without a par­ty in the Court of Rome, desired to support himself by that of the Barberins, and arm them with a Nation depending on himself, to be able in some measure to promote in the Election of the next Pope his own interests, and that of the Crown.

ANNO MDCXLIV.An. Dom. 1644

Such Contests, which without profit equally endammaged the Princes, and ruined the People, made way at last to the good of the Peace; which if it seemed more necessary than honourable to the Barberins, was of no less profit and glory to the Confederates. Bichi, arriving at the very end of the year past at Venice, immedi­ately proposes, that the absolution and pardon should be demanded by France for Duke Edward, and that Castro should be restored to him; restoring only to the Church what was possessed by the Con­federates, and the rights of the Montists remaining as before; and because he observed the greatest difficulty to lye in the distrust, which the Confederates had of the intentions of the Barberins in executing that which should be agreed, he offers the word of France, with a declaration and promise, that their Arms should be employed against him that should fail in the execution of the Agreement.

Though the Grand Duke had declared himself to be contented with Castro; nevertheless, in the meetings at Venice, Gondi insisted, that the Pontificians might by the Treaty be prohibited to repair the ruined Wall, which holding up the waters in the Chiani over­flowed the Country of Siena. But by the Venetians was given him to understand, that promoting the interests of one of the Confede­rates, there would be a necessity to open a gate in the Treaty for the others also, to the rendring it more tedious and difficult. The Grand Duke thereupon desisted, and the Venetians razing those Forts possessed by them near Loreo, provided in some measure on that side against the disturbance which resulted from thence on the bor­ders.

The Austrian Ministers bore with great impatience to be excluded from this Treaty, and the Emperours Ambassador shews in Venice a Plenipotence to assist at the meetings; but the Confederates easily excused it: For, the conditions of Peace being by the Barberins put into the hand of the French Mediator, they could not but lend their ear to him, that brought more ample and the securest propositions. The Treaty therefore went on, although some millitary accidents interposed; for the Venetians had contrived the surprise of the Fort of Lagoscuro on the other side of the Po; but by uncessant rains for three whole days the ways being overflowed, the design was hin­dred, and Cardinal Antonio having got the Wind of it, streng­theus the Garrison, and for fear of intelligence changes the Com­mander. Marino Badoaro also from Figarolo attempts that of that other Fort on this side; but some few Souldiers, coming like labou­rers to possess it, being discovered, the others that followed were constrained to retire. Giacomo Riva had success in beating up the quarters of the Pontificians at Zecca, and the armed Barques of the Venetians, after some contest, carried away from Premiero some Ves­sels laden with Corn.

To make themselves amends for these insults, the Pontificians [Page 570] assaulted a quarter of the Venetians at Schienta; but being repulsed and pursued by Giovanni Paulo Gradenigo, Paymaster in the field, and by la Valetta, the encounter grew hot near to Lagoscuro on the other side of the River, and ended in the flight and loss of the ag­gressors; so that the Cardinal Antonio, who sallying out of Ferrara attempted to countenance the faction, was hardly able to save him­self with the swiftness of his Horse, leaving more than a hundred of his men dead upon the place, and about an hundred and fifty Prisoners, amongst which were the Vice Legate of Ferrara, Carassa, An­tonio Doria Governour of that Fort, and other Officers and French Captains The death, if it had hapned, of Ʋrban, fallen now ex­treamly sick, might have caused a great alteration in the Treaty; whereupon Cardinal Bichi hastens the conclusion, and fearing not to compass it time enough, proposes a suspension of Arms, lest per­chance there might happen a vacant See. The Confederates, al­though such an accident, which could not pass without great revo­lutions in the Dominions of the Church, and in the Court of Rome, would open to them a way to many advantages, were not against it, by reason of that respect which they professed towards the holy See, and because, with the death of the Pope, the authority also of the Nephews expiring, those motives would fall to the ground, which had been the cause of taking Arms.

Nay the Grand Duke upon the first notice of Ʋrbans sickness, which was thought deadly, dispatches Letters to the Cardinal Mon­talto, in the which justifying his intentions to the future Conclave, offers himself to interpose with the other Princes for the consenting to a Truce.

The Senate also wrote to Cardinal Bragadino, requiring him by provision, if there should be a vacancy in the See, to assure the Conclave of their upright intentions for Peace; but it was in truth believed, that the Grand Duke had been transported too far, by se­parating his endeavours, and offering that, of which the League had not as yet been desired by the Court of Rome. Wherefore he ex­cusing the speed of his dispatch with the doubt, that the Popes life would not have lasted so many days, as were requisite to under­stand the judgments of others, recalls his orders to Montalto, and leaves the instances of Cardinal Bichi to be consulted of in the wont­ed Assemblies in Venice.

Edward remonstrates the fit conjuncture to revenge themselves of the Barberins, to attempt Conquests, and by the means of them to secure Peace. The Duke of Modena shews also the opportunity which was opened for advantages, but fell back notwithstanding, as at last Edward also did, to more wholsom counsels; so that it was concluded, That the Truce should be accepted during the vacancy of the See, and some certain days after the election of a new Pope; pro­vided nevertheless it should be desired in the name of the Conclave, and that in that interim a Letter should be written to the Cardinals in the name of all the League, to justifie the necessity of their past resolutions, to inform them of their intentions tending to Peace, and to offer all their For­ces for the security and liberty of the said Conclave.

[Page 571]But as they were ready to send their answer to Bichi, the notice of the Popes recovering induces them, omitting further Treaty of a Truce, to hasten the conclusion of a Peace. The Articles proposed by the Cardinal had in several Assemblies been ventilated, where rejecting some, and correcting others, they were at last concluded by the common consent of the Confederates; and the Cardinal ha­ving a mind to carry them with all speed to Rome, was received in all places of the Ecclesiastick State with the acclamations and pray­ers of the people longing for Peace. Nor in approving of the pro­ject was there any difficulty made by the Pope or his Nephews, by whom were only altered some few words, but of no importance. Passing then with the same diligence through Florence, he returns to Venice with the Treaty signed by Donghi, and with his Powers, in which the Confederates having desired some amendment in the ex­pressions, no difficulty was made. The Duke of Parma refused to admit the Treaty in other form than that agreed at Venice; but he was by the League given to know, that there being an agree­ment in substance, and the few words changed at Rome not altering it at all, the end being accomplished for which the Princes had uni­ted, when the Powers of Donghi should be received in the form de­sired, their intention was to proceed to the conclusion, though with­out his consent. With this protest, and a Voyage, Cardinal Bichi made to Parma to render him that respect, which was the thing he aimed at, he also was perswaded to approve it. So that it was subscribed in Venice for France by the Cardinal Bichi; for the Republick by Gio­vanni Nani Cavalier and Procurator; by the Cavalier Giovanni Bat­tista Gondi for the Grand Duke; and for Modena by the Marquess Hippolito Estense Tassoni, in whom the Plenipotence appeared to be.

The Capitulations were divided; the one agreed by France with the Pope, in that which concerned the Duke of Parma, who, for the observance of what was promised, had given a Writing to the said King; the other concluded immediately betwixt the Pope and the Confederates. In the first, some wonted expressions being premised concerning the Popes zeal to Peace, The King besought him for absolu­tion and pardon for Edward. That so the Excommunication being taken off from his Dominion, he might be restored into the favour of Urban, desired by the Duke himself with the humility which was expedient. Then sixty days after the Ratifications Edward was to retire out of the Stella­ta and Bondeno, the Fortifications being demolished; and Castro was to be rendred by the Pope with every thing confiscated and possessed, the Fortifications also to be razed, and the Ammunition and Arms, any where introduced, to be reciprocally withdrawn. To the Montists remained their Rights as before the War. Prisoners were restored, and those par­doned which had served on either side, the Duke obliging himself to dis­arm, Garrisons necessary for his Country being excepted.

All this, as hath been said, passed betwixt the Pope and the King, who by consent of the Pope himself promised to imploy his Arms against him that on his side should fail in performing the things promised. The other Capitulation, correlative to the above-said, and [Page 572] subscribed the same day, declared, The Confederates to have taken Arms for no other cause but for the redintegration of Duke Edward, firm as to other things in their most constant obedience towards the Pope and the Holy See; it was agreed after the subscribing to suspend Hostility, and the Ʋnited Princes promised, the Ratifications being dis­patched, to retire their Forces within their own Confines, leaving only necessary Garrisons in the places possessed, and them also after sixty days to quit, the Fortifications being demolished, the Ammunition and Arms belonging to them being withdrawn. It was reciprocally agreed to demo­lish within each others Country the Fortifications towards the others Con­fines, which had been raised by the occasion of this War, giving each to other the List of those he pretended should be razed, and having the li­berty to send Ministers to see it executed. Betwixt the State Ecclesia­stick and Tuscany not any novelty of moment having happened, all was left in the condition things were at present, the Controversie of the Chia­ni being referred to the ancient Capitulations betwixt the Pope and the Grand Duke. To the persons and places which had served or had ren­dred themselves to the other Party pardon was granted, the Duke of Cor­nia being expresly named; and Prisoners were set at liberty; the Reli­gious persons, who had withdrawn themselves, having permission to re­turn, and the Sequestration of the Rents of the Knights of Malta being taken off. All Rights were clearly reserved to the parties as before the War; all pretension to satisfaction for damages received was excluded, and disarming was promised, except that of the Venetians; who, accu­stomed before this War to keep a body of men, promised to dispose of them into such places as should give the Ecclesiastick State no jealousie. For the execution of all this, Hostages were given to the King of France, and the King to the satisfaction of the Pope and of the Confederates declared, that his Arms should be in favour of him that executed the accord, and against those that observed it not.

The Powers of Donghi being come, adjusted to the satisfaction of the Confederates, the Peace upon the first day of May was published with a publick Mass in the Church of St. Mark at Venice. The Hosta­ges, delivered at Casal, were for the Pope the Count Frederick Mirogli, for the Venetians, Ridolfo Sbrogliavacca, both Serjeant Majors de Bat­taille, the Commendator Grifoni for the Grand Duke, and for Mo­dena the Marquess Tassoni.

The Duke of Parma coming to Venice renders thanks for pro­tection to the Senate, from which he declared to acknowledge the restauration of his Country. The entire execution of the Trea­ty was by common consent prolonged for thirty days, because the work of demolitions required a greater time and labour than had been supposed, and the Venetians lent Pioneers for that of Bondeno and that of the Stellata, Duke Edward taking little care for them, as places far distant from his Countries. And yet there hapned a dif­ficulty; for it being pretended by the Venetians, that some Works about Comacchio should be slighted, the Pontificians refused to do it, as of a place not so near the Frontiers, not without suspicion that they from thence sought to put a stop to the Peace.

[Page 573]But the Republick, to take away all pretext, consents, that they should proceed in the rest, leaving this point undecided, being ready to refer it to the interpretation of the King of France as Mediator of the Peace. Thus Castro was rendred, and the accord on all sides executed, to the great commendation of the Cardinal Bichi, who in the Mediation confirmed the opinion of his no less dexterity than wisdom. The Senate caused most ample thanks to be rendred to the Crown of France for its interposition by their Ambassadour in Ordinary, Battista Nani, Author of the present History, Son and Ne­phew of Giovanni and Battista, both Brothers, by reason of many Imployments frequently mentioned.

The Grand Duke sent thither a Gentleman of his express; and the World from this particular adjustment of Italy conceived good Presages of the general one of the Crowns; to the end that Wars after so many years continuance ceasing, the felicity of Peace might at last reign every where with a blessing.

FINIS.

Errata, perverting the sense.

PAg. 5. l. 12. r. if at all times, l. 13. r. gotten great commendations, p. 8. l. 42. r. who still. p. 9. l. 18. r. that for the suc­cession. p. 10. l. 10. r. with great plainness. l. 41. r. and that the Princes. p. 11. l. 10. r. of. l. 11. encompass them. p. 12. l. 20. r. saw Italy in ashes. l. 28. in resenting injuries. l. 33. Town shut for. p. 13. l. 13. robbing by night. l. 18. by the major part. p. 18. l. 12. of Land and Sea. p. 19. l. 33. sacking the Territory. p. 20. l. 29. with twelve Ships. p. 21. l. 10. blood swilled. l. 14. and tears. l. 23. here the Carkasses. p. 23. l. 7. with Treaties. p. 25. l. 3. and to their friendly. p. 27. l. 6. assist­ing. p. 28. l. ult. covers himself. p. 29. l. 22. the security of. p. 38. l. 44. than they are. p. 36. l. 24. one of their Barks. l. 25. dele this. l. 26. Albania, they still. p. 41. l. 40. but that is an imperfect. p. 42. l. 13. scourges and tortures. l. 34. it. The Indies. p. 43. l. 21. enjoys his quarters. p. 44. l. 23. perform it. For the. l. 29. was sent a Regiment. p. 45. l. 7. had with liberty. l. 14. pension of 4000 p. 17. l. 34. pleasantly rises. p. 48. l. 7. the Town of Castilione. l. 28. beyond him. p. 49. l. 12. with five Batteries. p. 55. l. 11. little more open. p. 56. l. 28. so many Posts. p. 57. l. 24. yet near by. l. 32. to have Ice and. p. 63. l. 12. to regain their. l. 37. now the Republick p. 64. l. 36. del. Don. p. 65. l. 35. in induced. l. 46. the Governour. p. 67. l. 42. your States, your Treasures. l. 46. your interests. p. 69. l. 34. Remora to the. l. 39. shall be overcome with. p. 70 l. 21. directed them. p. 73. l. 29. The Assailants joined. p. 77. l. 23. with ten Companies. p. 81. l. 6. which would make. l. 7. to him. l. 30. restrain incursions. p. 82. l. 24. this Post. l. 34. governed the Lionese. p. 84. l. 1. Court of France. l. 45. the more streigthning Vercelli. p. 85. l. 6. the Duke justly excused. p. 87. l. 6. desires and intentions. p. 89. l. 20. 21. This errour sprung from the enemy themselves, because. p. 91. l. 2. and not relieved by such. l. 34. Coast even to Trieste. p. 92. l. 4. towards Fiume. p. 93. l. 4. 5. but afterwards in the attempt to enter it Bosco. l. 23. in these Facti­ons. p. 95. l. 2. thirteen Frigats. l. 17. Slaves and Presents. p. 96. l. 9. they knew laid way for them. p. 102. l. 22. contented by this one occasion. l. 40. when there should. p. 103. l. 33. Battery upon the Bastion of Saint. p. 107. l. 17. all three Captains. l. 31. a Bridge at Mainizza. p. 109. l. 45. which wholly employ. ibid. exempting those. l. 46. of some slight. p. 111. l. 13. being only called. p. 115. l. 26. presages of. p. 116. l. 39. the Emperour and Ferdinand. p. 117. l. 40. him, de­posed. p. 128. l. 23. sworn to? God forbid. l. 33. representation. p. 129. l. 8. than force. l. 21. waves. p. 130. l. 15. the Bishop. l. 25. of convenience. p. 133. l. 40. the weal of. p. 135. l. 19. conquer the City. p. 138. l. 44. through the Milanese. p. 140. l. 15. Donato, then Ambassador. Opinion. p. 142. l. 23. 24. to the money of all without a League. p. 143. l. 8. 9. the praise of liberality in imparting of their own, Princes. p. 144. l. 33. dangers, insomuch that. p. 147. l. 23. the elect. p. 148. l. 7. being in disorder, the Duke. p. 153. l. 33. they would adhere. p. 155. l. 40. He then turns. p. 156. l. 18. amaze­ment; of the. p. 158. l. 21. and the Princes to their interest. p. 162. l. 38. beginning by it, and ibid. their friendship to it ready. p. 163. l. 1. it might be delivered. l. 10. in the time of the minority. p. 164. l. 46. Fer a sollicites. p. 168. l. 3. closely conjoined with. l. 16. and continence. l. 23. who making. l. 24. by the sound of interest. p. 172. l. 8. adding considerations and disaffections. p. 175. l. 1. to be of so. p. 180. l. 40. their parts. p. 201. l. 30. calls to him. l. 33. in the Wars. p. 253. l. 29. to break up. p. 256. l. 16. offered him, for. p. 257. l. 5. was evermore overcome. p. 259. l. 8. least whilst. p. 260. l. 46. Widow of Frederick. p. 261. l. 13. would have been. p. 266. l. 21. of the Publick. p. 272. l. 15. no less perplexed. p. 278. l. 4. we anticipate destruction. l. 34. honour panting. p. 287. l. 5. thirty four. l. 16. together with her. p. 289. l. 29. like dying men. p. 290. l. 13. venerated by the French. l. 43. to expect the issue. p. 291. l. 16. a Prince born. p. 292. l. 15. readiness, it had. p. 293. l. 1. to cause a restit. to be made. l. 9. Fridland was. p. 296. l. 15. like Hea­ven, in which all the. l. 34. which is the. p. 298. l. 9. gone again to Mantua. p. 300. l. 10. for six years. p. 303. l. 24. at least, that. p. 304. l. 7. consider and make use of them. l. 25. the more jealousie. ib. He shewed moreover. l. 45. impa­tient. p. 305. l. 21. but for a reserve. p. 330. l. 33. which is a Nursery. p. 339. l. 1 yield; ye glory, p. 344. l. 41. with Gallas, p. 406 l. 9. metamorphose, p. 411. l. 43. and Naumburg.

THE TABLE.

A.
  • ADam of Trautmestorf, General for the Archduke in Friuli 57. passes the Li­zonso, and is attacqued by the Veneti­ans in his Quarter 73. retires 75. makes an Inroad into Istria 78. fortifies Ru­bia 92. is killed. ibid.
  • Augustino Nani, Ambassadour to the Emperour. 20. 139
  • Alba taken by the Savoyards. 11. 99
  • Albert of Wallestain faithful to Ferdinand 134. defeats Mansfelt 254. made Duke of Fridt­land, takes Mechelburg 259. invades the Kingdom of Denmark 259. with great suc­cess 293. invested into the Dukedom of Me­chelburg, straightens Strassond 293. dis­swades the Emperour from disarming 347. lays down the Generalat 348. takes it up a­gain 367. stops the King of Swede near Nu­remberg 374. his designs 375. beaten at Lutzen 376. suspected by his actings 379. ne­glects the most important dangers of the Em­pire 388. required again to lay down the Ge­neralat, be endeavours to gain the Souldiery 389. in Counsel at Vienna resolved to ruine him 390. ibid. abandoned, retires to Egra ibid. is killed 391. the Authors judgment of him. 391
  • Albert the Archduke dyes. 169
  • Alexander Cardinal Bichi sent by the Crown of France for the Peace of Italy 576. which is treated and concluded at Venice. 571.
  • Alexander Lodovisio, Popes Nuntio for the Peace of Piedmont 66. created Pope. 164. Look Gregory.
  • Alphonso de la Queva, Ambassadour of Spain, assures the Republick of his Kings intention for Peace 14. provokes the Senate by his in­stances concerning the interests of the Arch­duke 64. hated in Venice by the people 97. proposes a suspension of Arms 112. his arti­fice 221. parts without taking leave. 123.
  • Ali Grand Visier, troublesom to the Republick 150. dyes. 150
  • Almori Nani Bailo in Constantinople pacifies the complaints of the Turks for the loss of the Merchant Gallies. 98
  • Ambrosio Spinola with the Spanish Army re­lieves the Emperour, and disbands the Prin­ces of the Ʋnion 152. 177. enters into the Palatinat 178. takes Juliers 179. besieges Berghen Opzoom 192. retires 193. besieges Breda 217. takes it 222. is appointed for the Government of Milan 311. his designs a­gainst Casal 315. besieges it 325. ill used by the Spaniards, dyes. 341
  • Amurath the Fourth succeeds into the Turkish Empire 195. how qualified 445. resolves the siege of Babylon 446. summons the Barbary Pirates to help defend the Sea 446. his cru­elty 450. provoked against the Republick for taking the Barbery Gallies out of the Port of Vallona 451. besieges Babylon 453. takes it 454. answers disdainfully to the Repub­licks Letters 455. his several designs against Christendom ibid. his providing against the Republick ibid. demands insolent conditions of Peace from the Persians 456. retires from Babylon by reason of the plague ibid. returns towards Constantinople 466. falls sick 469. inclines to Peace with the Republick 467. and with the Persians 468. designing War towards Walachiza 469. dyes. ibid.
  • Andrea Freletich, Head of the Uscocchi, di­sturbs the execution of the Peace, protected by Ossuna 116. infests the Gulph 146. is killed. 180
  • Andrea Paruta fortifies in Lombardy the Con­fines of the Republick. 148
  • Andrea Rosso, Resident at Mantua. 477.
  • Angelo Contarini, Ambassadour to the King of England 255. to the Pope 320. 477. to the Emperour. 432
  • Angelo Corraro, Ambassadour in France 440 Proveditor in the Modonese was sent into Tuscany 526. his opinions and actions in the Army of Tuscany 558. Proveditor in Cam­pagnia. 561
  • Anna the Empress dyes. 130
  • Anna Maria, Queen of France, passes into that Kingdom to her Marriage 58. is Partaker of the designs against Richelieu 249. obtains of the King to remain at Paris with her Sons [Page] 532. her Regency limited by her Husband 551. she gets it at large from the Parliament 555. is about introducing new Ministers. ib.
  • Antonio Antelmi, Resident with the Switzers, swears to the League 131. sent to Mirandola to adjust those Princesses. 416
  • Antonio Barbaro, General in Istria, falls sick 78. returns to that Command 89. Provedi­tor General for the Sea 150. General of the Terra firma. 217
  • Antonio Barberino, Cardinal Legate for the Peace of Italy 300. returns to Rome success­less 325. accepts the protection of France 382 commands the Army against the Prince of Par­ma 523, 525. provokes the Venetians with jealousie 542. opposes the Duke of Parma and Confederates 544. invades the Modonese 547, 558, 559. by the surprise of Lago Scu­ro, defeats the designs of the Confederates 560 counsels Peace. ibid.
  • Antonio Baron de Rabbata, Ambassadour from the Emperour to Venice. 425
  • Antonio Capello, called Terzo, Captain of the Galliasses, defends the French Ships in the Part of Alesandrette 296. Proveditor of the Fleet pursues the Pirates of Barbery 447. be­sieges them in the Port of Vallona ibid. car­ries away their Gallies 448. chosen a Coun­sellor. 449
  • Antonio Donato punished for Peculat. 140
  • Antonio Foscarini put to death, and afterwards found innocent. 180
  • Antonio Giorgio betrayed and killed by the Uscocchi. 52
  • Antonio Lando, General in Friuli, besieges Gra­disca 88, 89. thinks of going up to Carso 89 does it 91. is attacqued in his Quarter 107 being sick, retires from the Camp. 107
  • Antonio Pisani brings the Gallies of Candia safe to the Fleet 146. made Proveditor of the Sea, chases some Pirates, chastises others 215 convoys the Queen of Hungary from Ancona to Trieste 338. Captain of the Galliasses. 452
  • Antonio Priuli, General at Land 16. Genera­lissimo 72. deputed for the execution of the Peace with King Ferdinand 115. dyes. 202
  • Antonio Trivisano killed in a Tumult of the Souldiers. 73
  • Armando de Richelieu named by the King for a Cardinals Cap 151. enters into favour and the chief Ministry 205. his Jars with the Duke of Buckingham 221. blamed for the Peace of Monzon 253. his excuses 253 his parts and arts 249, 250. discovers the designs against France 262. makes division amongst the Huguenots 263. undertakes the Siege of Rochel 264. loses the favour of Queen-Mo­ther and the Kings Brother 280. strengthens the Princes of Italy in the interests of Mantua 281. exalted by the taking Rochel, perswades the King to go into Italy 291. having conclu­ded the Treaty of Susa, returns into France to overcome the Huguenots 304. hated by the Queen-Mother and the Kings Brother 310. is appointed to relieve Mantua 315. suffers him­self not to be deluded by the Savoyards 319 forces them to declare themselves 323. his dis­gusts with the Dukes increase 323. attempts to take him Prisoner 324. gets Pignarol, ibid. vexed with the faction at Court 326, 345. endeavours to repair the discredit by the peace at Ratisbone 345. is pleased with the possession of Pignerol 356. created Duke and Peer of France, and Patrician of Venice 262. the death of the Mareshal of Maivilliac imputed to him 370. revenges himself of the Spaniards 373. pinhes the Lorrainers 381. speaks with Oxenstern 412. troubled at the invasion of the Austrians, orders the defence of the King­dom 422. endeavours to make advantage of the misfortunes of the House of Savoy 463 counsels the King to make War in Spain 472 hated universally in the Kingdom 494. whence arises a great storm of the discontented Prin­ces; he defends himself and weathers it 497 becomes troublesom to the King himself 534 perswades the King to the enterprise of Per­pignan, and aspires to the Regency 531. St. Mars with Orleans and the Spaniards con­spire against him 534. discovers the Kings kindness towards him cooled 536. defeats the conspiracy 536. dyes, his Elogium 538, 539 The Army of France by Sea prey of money be­longing to the Genouese 232. infests the Coast of Spain 472. the English Fleet attempts in vain to take Cadiz, and the Fleet there 255
  • Army Naval of Spain attempts in vain Susa 146. avoids an encounter with Turks, ibid. give jealousie to the Venetians 170, 312. pre­tends to convoy the espoused Queen of Hunga­ry through the Adriatick 338. prepares for an enterprise on France 395. surprises the Islands of Eres 411. is beaten by the Hollan­ders 472
  • Army Naval of the Turks scoures the Sea, and pillages the Coast of Puglia. 96, 146, 150
  • Army Naval of the Venetians opposes the invasi­ons of the Spaniards in the Adriatick 95. de­fends it self in the Port of Lessina, ibid. re­inforced with a new supply of armed Ships 96. go forth but slowly out of the Port of Cur­zola against the Spaniards 97. with which he fights 113. ranges the Sea, and takes ma­ny Vessels 118, 145. is re-inforced with the [Page] Gallies of Candia 245. thence chases the Pi­rates 446. takes their Gallies out of the Port of Vallona. 448
  • Armies Naval of France and Spain meet to the loss of Spain. 440
  • Arras besieged by the French, not being relieved renders. 480
  • Asti described 47. attacqued by the Spaniards, and defended by the Duke of Savoy 48. is rendred to the Princes of Savoy. 462
  • Avo, Ambassadour of France, stirs up the Repub­lick to assist the Duke of Mantua. 285
  • Austria superiour rebels 134. is punished by Ba­varia 153. rises in commotion again, and is subdued. 256
  • Axel Oxenstern governs the Swedes affairs in the Empire 378. hath a Conference with Richelieu 412. sends Count Gualdo to Ve­nice. ibid.
B.
  • BAbylon besieged by the Turks 453. taken by assault. 454
  • Baltasar Maradas with Spanish Souldiers comes to assist the Archduke in Friuli 72. attempts to surprise the Venetian Quarters 89. reas­sures the people of Istria, ibid. assumes the chief Command of the Army 92. succours Gra­disca, and attempts the Quarters of the Ve­netians. 107, 108
  • Barbery Pirates called by the Turks to help keep the Sea 446. enter into the Adriatick, ibid. retire to Vallona, ibid. their Gallies taken by the Venetians 448. the Turks incensed. 449
  • Battel of Prague 154. at over Ersheim where Dourlach beaten 186. at Hochst Alverstat defeated 187. at Burgsteinfort defeated a­gain 203. at Leipzich the Imperialists de­feated 359. at Lutzen, the King of Swedes death 376. at Nordlingen, the Swedes bea­ten, and consequences of advantage for the Empire 393. at Sedan, with the death of Soissons and defeat of the Kings Army 496 at Leipzich, the Imperial Army beaten 531 at Rocroy, the French victorious. 553
  • Battista Nani maintains the Authority of the Council of Ten 295. Commissioner for the Borders of Loreo 366. deputed to treat with the French Ministers 386, 414. deputed to treat the League with the Princes of Italy. 519
  • Battista Nani, Ambassadour, gives the King of France thanks for his Mediation of Peace. 573
  • Bellievre, Ambassadour of France to the Princes of Italy 401. exhorts the Republick to unite with his King. 402
  • Benedette da Leggi Proveditor in Istria outlaw­ed by the Count Petazzo. 54, 55
  • Benefices Ecclesiastical prohibited to the Sons of the Dukes. 180
  • Bergen Opzoom besieged, described, and relie­ved. 192, 193
  • Bernard, Duke of Wiemar, after the King of Swedes death assumes the Command of the Army 375, 378. takes Ratisbon 385. bea­ten at Nortlinghen 393. closes with the French 413. defeats the Imperialists in Al­sace, and takes many places there 433. and Brisach 442. dyes. 471
  • Bethelem Gabor makes War in Hungary 137. makes a Truce, ibid. breaks it 157. makes peace again 177. seeks assistance from the Ve­netians, but obtains it not. 203
  • Bohemians rebel 125. what were the occasions 127. the effects, ibid. form a Government 129. offer the Crown to several Princes 136 confer it on the Palatine, ibid. have recourse to the Turks, ibid. other Princes interest themselves 138. are beaten at Prague. 156
  • Boisleduke besieged by Orange 307. is taken. 308
  • Bormio important for the situation, recovered by the Grisons and left. 160
  • Breda besieged and taken by Spinola 222. reco­vered by Orange. 430
  • Brem, a Fort built by Savoy 409. taken by Le­ganes. 437
  • Borgia Cardinal protests against the Pope. 369
C.
  • CArdinal Pasman demands assistance of the Pope. 369
  • Charles, Duke of Lorrain, leans to the Austrians, and receives Orleans in his Country 361. humbles himself to the King of France 362. reunites with the Austrians 380. is attac­qued by the French 381. gives over his Coun­try to his Brother, ib. is forced to put Nancy into the Kings hands, ibid. makes new Trea­ties with the King, and breaks them. 496
  • Carlo, Duke of Nevers, goes into Casal 13. his designs against the Turks without effect 30 protected by the King of France 272. succeeds into the Dutchy of Mantua 271. sends Am­bassadours to the Emperour without effect 274. defends himself against the Emperors Commissary, and hath recourse to the Veneti­ans 284. raises Troops in France with his own money 286. sends his Son to the Empe­rour, and to pacifie him, attempts other means 288. complains of the Treaty of Susa, but presses the execution of it 302. tempted to a [Page] Composure by the Austrians 312. consents to a cessation of Arms without effect 318. envi­roned with domestick Treacheries 326. in­couraged by the French and Venetians 334 retires into Porto, renders himself, and goes to Melara, and there supplied by the Repub­lick 336. is restored to his Country 353. the Pope denies him a Dispensation to marry with his Daughter-in-law 370. enters into a League with France 402. dyos. 435
  • Carlo, Duke of Rhetel, comes to Mantua, mar­ries the Princess, secures the Succession 271 goes to Vienna, brings back severe answers 288. dyes. 354
  • Charles the Second, Duke of Mantua. 354
  • Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, his designs to enlarge his State, the occasion offered by the death of his Son-in-law the Duke of Mantua 6. holds a Council about the enterprise on Monferrat, and resolves it 10. surprises se­veral places 11. with a general disturbance, and the dislike of the Venetians 12. justifies himself to the Spaniards, ibid. confides in the Governour of Milan 15. displeased with the Venetians, ibid. sends his eldest Son into Spain 16. attacques Nizza della Paglia 23 but is hindred by the Spaniards 24. they press him to restore, and he endeavours to a­void it 26. but yields to it with reserves 27 is constrained to disarm 29. complains of the conditions imposed upon him by Spain, his courage 31. avoids seeing the French Ambas­sadour, ibid. arms against Spain 33. sends an Ambassadour to Venice 34, 39. opposes the Spaniards with their opinion of it 38. not satisfied with the offers of France for the peace 40. exhorts the Venetians to joyn in a League with him 41. seeks assistance elsewhere in vain 42, 46. signs a Treaty of Peace without effect 43. clears himself of the Imperial Ban 45. justifies his intentions, and accuses those of Spain 46. denies to consent to the conditions that Crown would impose upon him, ibid. de­fends Bistagno and Asti 47. with great cou­rage 48. demands the Republick caution for the peace 49. signs it 50. offers himself to the Republick 57. disarms with caution ib. seeks to know Toledo's intentions, discovers Treachery and Arms 65. demands assistance from the Princes and Venetians, of whom he obtains it 70. consents to a suspension of Arms 78. discovers the designs of Nemours 79. breaks out into a War with Spain invading the Milanese 80. gives battel 81. constant in his Ʋnion with the Venetians 83. streng­thens himself 84. makes progress into Mon­ferrat 99. his magnanimity when betrayed 100. attempts to relieve Vercelli 103. vex­ed at the loss of it, falls into the Milanese 104 offers himself to the Venetians 112. with whom he unites 119. renders what had been taken to the Spaniards 120. adheres to France 124. assists the Bohemians 131. refuses that Crown 136. his ends on the emergencies of the Valteline 162. does not make the Le­vies promised the Republick 172. under­takes the surprising Geneva 172. stirs up France against the Spaniards 210. and a­gainst Genoua 211. is angry not to be second­ed by the Venetians 214. tempted by the Spa­niards 215. marches towards the Genouese 228. displeased with Desdiguieres 231, 232 forced to retire 233. succours Verrua 235 is succoured by the French 236. angry at Riche­lieu for the peace of Monzon, flatters the English and malecontents of the Kingdom 250. suspends Hostility against Genouse 252 applies himself to the affairs of Mantua, and joyns with the Spaniards 269. despises the offers of France 270, 273. complains of the Marriage of his Niece with Rhetel 273. pos­sesses part of Monferrat 282. is stirred up a­gainst Genoua, ibid. denies passage to the French 286. endeavours to sow jealousie be­twixt France and the Republick 292. refuses conditions offered by that Crown 299. is suc­coured by the Governour of Milan, ibid. in­deavours to stop that Kings march 300. and make peace with him on any conditions 301 avoids executing the Treaty of Susa 303. leans to the Emperour 311. endeavours again to stop the French 319. disgusts increase betwixt him and Richelieu 323. flies from Rivoli 324. discharges the Ambassadour of Venice ibid. flings himself into the arms of the Au­strians 325. and is succoured by them 325 angry with Spinola 339. dyes, and judgment upon his life. 340
  • Carlo Emanuel the Second, Duke of Savoy, dyes, judgment of his death. 434
  • Charles Lodowick Palatine goes towards Al­face, arrested Prisoner and set at liberty. 471
  • Charles, Prince of Wales, goes into Spain to de­mand the Infanta in Marriage 195. not granted by the Spaniards, marries a Sister of the King of France 207. succeeds into the Crown of England to his Father, endeavours the restitution of the Palatine, and to relieve Breda 220. is disgusted with France 221, 255. is displeased with the Austrians 240 sends a Fleet against Spain, ibid. his inga­ging with other Princes against France 251 endeavours the relief of Rochel in vain 289 jealous of the designs of France upon Flan­ders [Page] 399, 100. distracted by the commotion in Scotland. 481
  • Carlo, Prince of Spain, dyes. 378
  • Carlo Quirini banished. 253
  • Casal besieged by the Spaniards 282. its situa­tion, ibid. well defended 287. the Siege rai­sed 302. garrisoned by the French, ibid. be­girt anew by the Spaniards afar off 315 straightned by Spinola 325. defended by Tho­iras 339. succoured by the French, together with an advantagious Treaty 344. dealing about garrisoning of it, ibid. French enter into it 369. are re-inforced by la Valette 463. besieged by Leganes to the commotion of all Italy 475. succoured, and the Siege rai­sed by Harcourt. 477
  • Castro fortified by the Prince of Parma, becomes the subject of a War 505. situation of the places, easily taken by the Marquess Lewis Mathei 510. resolution at Rome to restore it. 569
  • Catalogna, its situation, priviledges 485. re­volt 486. submits to France 487. attacqued by the Spaniards. 492
  • Christian, Administrator of Halberstat, takes Arms 177. assists the Palatine 187. defeat­ed by the Imperialists at Hochst and Burg­steifort 202. dyes. 254
  • Christian, King of Denmark, undertakes the re­stitution of the Palatinat 226. takes Arms against the Empire 253. is beaten at Luther 254. succoured by other Princes, sends Am­bassadours for assistance 258. pursued by the Imperialists 259. refusing hard conditions of Peace, is invaded in his own Kingdom 260. concludes a Peace with the Empire 305. grows jealous of the Swedes. 481
  • Christina, Dutchess of Savoy Regent 434 tem­pted by the Spaniards 437. constrained to joyn her self to France, ibid. the people ill satisfied with her Regency 461. casts her self on France, who impose hard conditions 462. the City of Turin surprised, ibid. speaks with the King at Grenoble 473. agrees with the Princes. 514
  • Christina succeeds her Father in the Crown of Swede. 378
  • Christofero Suriano, Resident in Helvetia 45 hires Ships in Holland 117. treats the League. 140
  • Christofero Veniero taken with his Gally, and killed by the Uscocchi. 121
  • St. Mars brought into the Kings favour by Riche­lieu 532. conspires against the Cardinal 534. is beheaded. 538
  • Concino Concini, Mareshal d' Ancre, powerful in France, killed by the Kings order. 101
  • Confines of Dalmatia disturbed by the Turks. 468.
  • Conspiracy discovered in Venice and Corema 121. in Genouse 283. in Mantua 312 in Casal. 438
  • Council of Ten, its Authority. 294
  • Corby taken by the Spaniards 422. recovered by the French. 424
  • Correctors of the Authority of the Council of the Common-wealth. 295
  • Correspondence intermitted betwixt the Austri­an Ambassadours and those of the Republick 218. restored. 425
D.
  • DAmvilliers taken by the French. 430 Diets in Germany for the affairs of Bo­hemia 138. at Mulhausen to moderate the power of the Emperour but without effect 261. at Ratisbonne for the election of a King of the Romans 341. another there where the Em­perour was near being taken by the Swedes. 498
  • Desdeguieres Mareshal of France, Confident of the Duke of Savoy comes into Italy 70. offers Troups to the Republick 71. succours the Duke of Savoy 83. returns into Italy 98. cal­led thither again 99. succours the Duke by the Kings order 103. returns into Piedmont for the affairs of the Valteline 162. offers the Venetians an Army 162. commands the French Army against Genua 229. retires with little credit 233.
  • Disgusts betwixt the families Carnaro and Ze­na in Venice. 296
  • Dourlach assists the Palatine 186. is beaten by Tilli ib. undertakes against Alsace and is suppressed 257. defeated by Wallestain. 260
  • Duke of Buckingham jarrs with Richeleu 221. is not admitted to come into France 251. lands at the Isle of Ré 263. retires 264. is killed. 281
  • Duke of Feria makes use of the troubles of Rhetia 133. 134 hearkens to the offers of the Valte­line, and makes advantage by it 159. over­throws the Treaty of Madrid 169. succours the Genowese slowly 232. complains of the Treaty of Chierasco 353. contrives new de­signs against Mantua 354. troubled to see Pignerol in the hands of the French 355. passes with an Army into Germany and dyes there. 585
  • Duke of Lerma favourite of Philip the third, no friend to the Duke of Savoy 10. 32. inclines to treat the Peace betwixt the Republick and the Arch-Duke 87. is made Cardinal and [Page] loses the favour. 167
  • Duke of Memorancy adheres to Orleans 370 taken Prisoner and beheaded. 371
  • Duke of Nemours conspires against the Duke of Savoy 79. the French denying him passage, his men mutiny, he retires, and accords. ib.
  • Duke of Rohan head of the Hugenots raises Languedock 264. makes Peace with the King 305. passes to the service of the Republick 312. sent to the General 333. leaves that service and commands for France in the Val­telline 357. takes it 400. invades the Mi­lanese and then retires 419. driven away by the Grisons. 428
E.
  • EBrain succeeds to the Ottoman Empire. 469
  • Eleonora Empress passes through the Ter­ritory of the Republick. 276
  • Ernest Count Mansfelt ingages in the troubles of Bohemia and possesses Pilsau 131. beaten by Buquoy 135. entertains the Austrians with feigned Treaties 154. enters into Alsace 173 marches into the Palatinate 185. succours Haghenau 187. his march towards the Low Countries 189. fights at Fleuri 191. joins Orange, succours Bergen Opzoom 192. re­ceives mony to invade the French County 199. he notwithstanding chooses rather to make War in Germany 202. is there beaten 303. assisted by England and France to recover the Palatinate 207. beaten at Dessau repairs himself 254. enters into Silesia 256. passes into Hungary, where invironed with Imperi­al Troops he saves himself and dyes. 257
  • Elogium changed by Pope Alexander the 3d. to the great resentmen of the Repulick. 415
F.
  • FAvourites in France their power. 247
  • Frederick Cornaro made Cardinal 252. is made Patriarch of Venice 319. obtains the abolition of the Elogium of Alexander the the 3d. 459
  • Frederick Palatine retards the Election of a King of the Romans 126. could not that of an Emperour 134. accepts the Crown of Bo­hemia 136. assisted by none but his own For­ces 139. dissatisfies the Bohemians 139. is pro­scribed by the Emperour 152. flies from Bruma 153. his Forces defeated in several Incounters 154. retires from Prague 156. disorders in his Government 157. retires into Holland 177. goes into Mansfelts Army 186. leaves it again 188. refuses the conditions offered him for a composure 289. 197. dyes. 378
  • Frederick Henry Prince of Orange takes the command of the Army of the United Provin­ces 222. takes Boisleduke 308. resentments betwixt him and Richelieu 399. retakes Schinks Schans 423. Breda 430. attacques Gheldre without success. 441
  • Frederick Nani beats Ossunaes Ships 148
  • Ferdinand Cardinal and Duke of Mantua, re­fuses that Mary his Niece should be carried out of the house from him 8. takes counsel of the Venetians ib. asks assistance of them and ob­tains it 13. sends to the Governour of Milan 13. to whom he denies to send his Niece 16. sends an Ambassadour to Venice 24. assisted by the Grand Duke 24. who proposes a Mar­riage and a League 25. facilitates an agree­ment with Savoy 28. continues to deny the Princess 29. makes a shew to facilitate an ac­cord 32. executes the Peace of Asti 49, 50. resents new Invasions into Monferrat 229. dyes. 268
  • Ferdinand, Cardinal Infante, passes out of Spain into Italy 382, 384. arbitrates the differences betwixt Genoua and Savoy 384. passes into Germany, ibid. joyns the King of Hungary, wins the battel of Nortlingen, and passes into Flanders 393. dyes. 498
  • Ferdinand, Duke of Thuscany, interposes with the Emperour in the affairs of Mantua 285 proposes to the Duke a change of States 287 is jealous of the Popes arming 505. endeavours peace, ibid. assists the Duke of Parma with money 510. and the Duke of Modena with Troops 518. counsels Parma to moderation 523. shews his strength to the Barbarins, but endeavours peace 524. sends Troops into the Ecclesiastical State with success 548. solli­cites the assistance of the Confederates, ibid. makes conquests in the Territory of Peruggia 559. with various factions 562. attacqued in several Quarters, defends himself every where, and retires with advantage. 563
  • Ferdinand II. Emperour, but first Archduke of Austria, displeased with the Republick for the surprise of Novi 53. refuses a suspension of Arms 54. complains of the invasion of his States 60. assisted by the Spaniards, ibid. re­lucting against peace, ibid. attempts in vain to esloignate the Venetian Ambassadour from the Emperours Court 104. aspires to the Em­pire, and closes with the Spaniards, ibid. is made King of Bohemia 105. and King of Hungary 126. abhorred by the Hereticks 193. straightned in Vienna, and succoured by the Great Duke 135. elected Emperour 136. assisted by many Princes 138. the prosperity of [Page] his Arms 176. arrives to great power 227, 257. confirms peace with the Turk 227, 258 confers Church-lands on his second Son 260. in the affair of Mantua depends on the will of Spain 274. makes a shew to compose them a­micably 284. sends thither the Count of Nas­sau, ibid. endeavours the restoring of Ecclesia­stical Goods 293. carries an Army towards Italy 298. publishes an Edict for Church-Goods 305. assists the Polacks 306. and the Spaniards, Flanders 307. sends Troops into Italy 308. calls them back, assembles the E­lectors at Ratisbone 346. disarms Walle­stain 390. desires peace in Italy 350. busied against the Swedes, dissembles the effect 157. afflicted by their Arms 360. demands assistance of the Pope and the Princes of Italy 368. dyes 432
  • Ferdinand III. proclaimed King of Hungary 227. commands the Armies 392. recovers Ra­tisbone, ibid. besieges Nortlingen, joyns the Infanta, beats the Swedes, gains the place, re­turns to Court 373. elected King of the Ro­mans 424. succeeds to his Father 432. coun­selled to command the Army, leaves it to his Brother 470. meeting with many disasters, de­mands help of the Pope and Venetians. 531
  • Ferrante, Prince of Guastalla, pretends to the succession of Mantua. 268
  • Fillip II. King of Spain, his Maxims. 4
  • Fillip III. King of Spain, unaccustomed to Go­vernment 4. orders the Duke of Savoy to ren­der what he had taken in the Monferrat 26. prescribes conditions of peace for Italy 29. not liked by the Princes interessed 29, 31. but the King persists 32. and better explains his inten­tions 46. favours the Archduke against the Venetians 60. yields his Rights to the States in Germany 105. dying, orders the restitution of the Valteline, his qualities. 168
  • Fillip IV. King of Spain, succeeds his Father 168. leaves the direction to the Conde Duke ibid. assists France in the siege of Rochel 266 satisfied with the neutrality of the Venetians 407. publishes Don John of Austria his ille­gitimate Son 532. goes out of Madrid to op­pose the French 533. disgraces the Conde Duke 550. takes Lewis de Haro into favour. 551
  • Fillipsburg delivered to the French 394. reco­vered by the Imperialists. 398
  • Francesco Barberino Cardinal sent Legate into France 224. without effecting any thing for the peace 238. sent into Spain 239. his Ge­nius 503. refuses the restitution of Castro 512. makes several and doubtful projects 518. with artificial Treaties repels the invasion of the Prince of Parma, and deludes the Confe­derates 524, 525, 527, 529, 541. is after­wards little inclined to peace 567. at last yields to it. 569
  • Francesco di Melo defeats the French 534, in­fests the Frontiers of the Kingdom 537. invades it 537. is defeated. 553
  • Francesco, Duke of Modena, closes with the Spa­niards, and gets advantage by it 401. attac­qued by the French and the Prince of Parma 417. is succoured by the Spaniard, ibid. in­terposes to quiet the differences betwixt the Pope and the Duke of Parma by several expe­dients 511, 516. the Pontificians desiring passage, defends himself 517. is succoured by the Republick and the Grand Duke 519. lays a correspondence in Ferrara, but is disco­vered 529. invaded by the Pontificians in his Country. 547
  • Francesco Erizzo after many imployments creat­ed Duke. 363
  • French Princes malecontents disturb the Kingdom 33. sends to Turin and to Venice 34. com­pose with the Regent, ibid. arise anew and ad­just again 59. takes arms for the imprison­ment of the Prince of Conde 66. and in favour of Queen-Mother 124, 151. their Genius a­gainst Favourites 253. another civil War rai­sed by the malecontents, who are beaten and quieted. 495
  • Franchental taken by the Spaniards. 188
  • Friuli, that part described where the War was 55. the first invasion of the Venetians Army 56. inroads, encounters, and attempts. 61
G.
  • GAllies laden with Merchandise robbed by Ossunaes Ships 97. the Republick pretend restitution 187. France interposes 109. and promises 109. the Treaty not executed by Os­suna 113. but makes difficulty, ibid. is at last done by Cardinal Zappata. 180
  • Gaspar de Gusman, Duke d'Olivares, assumes in Spain the direction of affairs 168. feigns confidence with Richelieu 266. draws unhap­pily the Arms of France to the Confines of Spain 431. advanced by the King for the re­lief of Fontarbia 441. his designs and vio­lent maxims 445. dubious whether he should endeavour to recover first Portugal or Cata­logna 491. produces an illigitimate Son 532. endeavours to divert the King from going out of Madrid 533. afflicted for the loss of Per­pignan 537. is commanded from Court 550. dyes. 551
  • Gaston, Brother to the King of France, by reason [Page] of his Marriage foments the troubles of the Kingdom 250. marries the Daughter of Mon­pensier, ibid. inclined to a second Marriage with the Daughter of the Duke of Nevers 280. distasted with Richelieu, retires from Court into Lorrain 310. marries that Dukes Sister 362. enters the Kingdom with an Ar­my 371. division among his Followers, ibid. defeated at Castelnodari, ibid. humbles him­self to the King 372. slips away again into Lorrain, ibid. closes with the Spaniard, and after reconciles with his Brother 398. angry with the Cardinal, adjusts with him 424. conspires anew against him, and concludes a Treaty with the Spaniards 534. asks pardon of the King 537. by whom he is left Lieute­nant of the Crown. 551
  • Genouese strengthen the Spaniards with their Militia 44. hated by the Duke of Savoy 211. their Country divided betwixt France and that Duke 214. attacqued, find themselves in confusion 229. resolve to defend themselves 230. lose many places, and beaten in several encounters, ibid. perplexed in their counsels 232. recover what lost 234. suspension of Arms with Savoy 252. troubled at a conspi­racy discovered, and at threatnings of the Spaniards and of Savoy 282. withdraw themselves from the predominancy of Spain. 386
  • Girolomo Cavazza assists at the Treaty of Chie­rasco. 350
  • Girolomo Marcello taken by the Uscocchi, and released. 19
  • Girolomo Soranzo, Ambassadour to the Empe­rour, concludes a peace with the Uscocchi 19 treats at Rome restitution of Goods taken by Ossuna 118. adjusts the manner of putting a Garrison into Casal. 344
  • Girolomo Trivisano designed Ambassadour in­to Holland to swear the League 145. per­swades the approving the Treaty of Monzon 245. Bailo at Constantinople. 470
  • Giesuits not admitted by the Republick at the instance of the Pope and King of France. 165
  • Giacomo, King of England, offers assistance to the Republick against the Turks 30. being a Lover of peace, promotes it for Savoy 46, 66 his failings and ends for the interests of Bo­hemia 136. promises assistance to the Repub­lick 167. treats a Marriage for his Son with the Infanta, ibid. assists his Son-in-law weak­ly 178, 188. provoked against the Spaniards, calls a Parliament, and dissolves it without effect 207. dyes. 220
  • Giaques Piere enters with an ill intent into the Service of the Republick 122. lays treache­rous designs, is put to death. ibid.
  • Giorgio Coranaro banished. 292
  • Giorgio Giorgio, Ambassadour in France 266 and to the King of Poland. 378
  • Giorgio Justiniano, Ambassadour, insists for the execution of the Treaty about the Uscocchi 52 admitted to Audience by Ferdinand after the Peace 115. Bailo at Constantinople. 150
  • Giovanni Baptista Grimani, General in Dal­matia.
  • Giovanni Baptista Padavino treats for the Re­publick with the Switzers and Grisons. 71
  • Giovanni Bembo, Duke of Venice. 59
  • Giovanni Casimir, Prince of Poland, Prisoner to the French not set at liberty at the instance of the Venetians, but only by a Treaty made with that Crown. 443
  • Giovanni, Count of Nassau, carries three thou­sand Hollanders to the service of the Repub­lick 90. his differences with Medici 91. takes the Enemies Forts upon the Carlo. 93. dyes. 107
  • Giovanni, Count of Nassau, Commissary for the Emperour at Mantua 284. presses the Duke earnestly. 284, 298
  • Giovanni, Count of Tilli, defeats the Marquess of Baden 186. and Halverstadt 287, 203. the Protestants 226. the King of Denmark 255. proceeds against that King 260. takes Magdenburg and destroys it 358. is beaten at Lipswich 359. dyes. ibid.
  • Giovanni Cornaro Duke 228. admonished by Renieri Zeno 296. dyes. 319
  • Giorgio de Medici commands the Army of the Republick in Friuli 76. attempts to divert the Enemy 88, 89. his differences with Nas­sau, his maxims and retardings of progress. 91, 92
  • Giorgio, Elector of Saxony, assists the Emperour against the Palatine 153. joyns with the Swedes 358. possesses Bohemia 359. recon­ciles with the Emperour. 411
  • Giacomo Pancirolo, the Popes Nuntio for the peace betwixt the Emperour and Duke of Mantua. 318
  • Giacomo Piscina, Ambassadour of Savoy, in Venice, his offices done there. 34
  • Giacomo Zane, General of Dalmatia, repulses those of Trieste 61. takes Scrisa 77. Captain General. 96
  • Giorgio Justiniano, Ambassadour in Spain. 395
  • Giorgio Grimani, Ambassadour to the Emperor, 425
  • Giorgio Mendozza, Governour of Milan, con­founded by the variety of the Duke of Savoy's projects 13. insinuates to him the rendition of what he had taken in Monferrat 14. the [Page] Dukes Confident 15. arms himself 16. marches against the said Duke 24. treats with rigour both the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua 27. demands the Princess Mary of Mantua 28. presses Savoy to disarm, and makes War upon him 37. raises the Fort San­doval 39. passes the Tanaro; and then retires 43. demands assistance of the Princes of Italy 44. finds difficulty in the siege of Asti 47. ac­cused in Spain, but absolved by the King. 59
  • Giorgio Nani disswades the League of the Re­publick with Holland 141. and the attac­quing the Germans in their Posts about Man­tua 329. Ambassadour to the Pope 457. ex­horts him to endeavour peace betwixt the Chri­stian Princes, and procure assistance against the Turk 457. Plenipotentiary for the Treaty of peace with the Pope 568. signs it. 592
  • Giorgio Paulo Gradenigo commands the Gal­lies of the Republick 296. Proveditor at Cat­taro. 452
  • Giorgio Pesari Ambassadour in Savoy 161. France 185. at Rome 364. endeavours to perswade the Senate to protect the Duke of Mantua 506. General in Terra firma, posses­ses the Banks of the Po 542, 545. defends the Polefene 560. appointed for the Treaty of Peace. 425
  • Giovanni IV. proclaimed King of Portugal 490. treats with the French and the Hollanders 493. discovers treachery, and punishes it, ib. sollicites the Duke of Medina Sidonia to rebel. 494
  • Giulio Mazarine negotiates with the Duke of Mantua 313. concludes a Truce in Pied­mont 340. perswades the Duke of Savoy to leave Pignenol to France 351. preserves Ca­sal with the adjustment concluded betwixt the Armies of France and Spain 344. most confi­dent with France, is chosen its Plenipotentiary for Treaties of Peace 459. made Cardinal 513. Heir of the Kings favour to Richelieu 539. after whose death laid low, he raises a­gain and exercises the chief Ministry about the Queen Regent. 557
  • Giosep, a Capucin, insinuates to the Duke of Mantua an exchange of that Country with France 303. sent by Richelieu to the Treaty at Ratisbone. 341
  • Goito possessed by the Germans 317. the Vene­tians practise to regain it. 332
  • Gonsales di Cordua, Governour of Milan, sends Souldiers to the Confines of Mantua and of the Venetians 270. complains of the Duke of Rhetel 273. perswades the Council of Spain to the enterprise of Casal 275. his Forces in­creased by the Militia of the Genouese, ibid. moves towards Casal, and sends Paulo Rho to Venice 276, 280. the Duke of Savoy ex­claims and threatens the Genouese 283. fears the relief of Casal by the French 286. perplexed at the descent of the French into Italy 292. weakned before Casal, ibid. re­tires. 301
  • Goritia described. 56
  • Gradisca, its situation 56. besieged by the Vene­tians 62. assaulted without effect 63. straigh­tens it more closely 88. several times relieved 107. suspension of Arms in order to the Peace concluded. 112
  • Gregory XV. Pope sollicited by the Spaniards for the interest of the Valteline 164. receives the Ambassadours of Venice, and seeks by them the restitution of the Jesuits in the Territories of the Republick 165. accepts the deposition of the Valteline 200. dyes. 201
  • Grisons sought to for a League, and passage for the Republick deny all 71. at discord among themselves 114. some rising in a tumult from new Tribunals 132. seek a League with the Republick 157. march against the Valteline with ill success 172. oppressed by the Arms of Leopold 173. deluded and divided by Trea­ties with Feria 182. take Arms again tumul­tuarily, ibid. cozened by the Proposition of a Truce 183. surprised by the Archduke, are assisted by the Confederates 216. surprised by the Imperial Army 309. France demands the restitution of those Passes 311. drive the French out of the Valteline, and agree with the Spa­niards. 428
  • Gustavus, King of Swede, succours Strassond 229, sends an Ambassadour to several Princes concerning the affairs of the Empire 306. en­ters Germany with an Army 348. makes progress 358. beats the Imperialists at Leip­zich 359. sends an Ambassadour to Venice 360. his progress in the Empire and against Bavaria 367, 373. incamps near Nuremberg 374. killed in the battel of Lutzen 377. his Character. ibid.
H.
  • HEnry Count of Harcourt recovers the Isles of Eres 430. retires from Chieri 474. raises the siege of Casal 478. besieges Turin 479. takes it 483. his other conquests in Piedmont. 501
  • Henry, Count de la Tour, head of the Bohemian Rebellion 128. besieges Vienna 135. retires ibid. ingaged in the Service of the Republick 215. passes into that of Denmark 258. de­feated by Wallestain. 379
  • [Page] Henry, Count of Berg, commands the Spanish Army in Flanders 307. revolts and attempts to form another party. 372
I.
  • ISle of Rhé attacqued by the English 263. re­lieved by the French. 264
  • Isles of Eres taken by the Spaniards 411. reco­vered by the French. 430
  • Istria hostillity in that Province betwixt the Ve­netians and Archiducalians 53. a description of the Province. 55
  • Italy, the heart of Europe, left in peace by the Spaniards 2. attempt to greaten themselves 4. imbrace the opportunity 5. the inclinati­ons and interests of its Princes ib. is disturb­ed by the death of the Duke of Mantua. ib.
L.
  • LEague of the Princes of Italy thought unsea­sonable 25. that of the Republick with the Grisons, opposed by the French 35. with the Switzers, contested by the Spaniards 36. concluded with two Cantons 45. sworn to 131. with the Grisons, hindred by the Mi­nisters of France and Spain 45. with the Princes of the North offered, but not accept­ed. 57
  • League Catholick in Germany declares for the Emperour. 138
  • League betwixt the Republick and Duke of Sa­voy 119. betwixt the Republick and Hol­land. 141
  • League betwixt France, the Republick, and Savoy, projected in Lyons 185. the Spani­ards vexed at it ib. concluded 197. the di­vers ends of the Confederates 209. betwixt France and Holland 206. 397. betwixt France and Savoy against the Genouese 214. betwixt Spain and Savoy to divide Monfer­rat 275. betwixt France, the Republick, and Mantua 300. betwixt France and the Republick, to recover the passes of the Gri­sons, but not executed 310. betwixt France and Swede. 357. 380. 412. 424
  • League betwixt France, Savoy, Mantua, and Parma 402. betwixt France and the Dut­chess of Savoy. 435
  • League proposed betwixt the Pope and the Re­publick, treated and broken off 479. betwixt the Republick, the great Duke, and the Duke of Modena for defence 520. is treated also for offence 543. concluded. 544
  • Leganes Governour of Milan takes Brem and Vercelli 437, 438. besieges Casal and is beat­en. 478.
  • Leucata besieged by the Spaniards and relieved with their defeat. 431
  • Leopoldo Archduke dyes. 378
  • Leopold Guglielmo Archduke provided with Church goods 260. commands the Imperial Armies. 471
  • Lodowick XIII. King of France jealous of the authority of the Mareshal d' Ancre. 101. cau­ses him to be killed ib. gives himself in prey to Luines ib. applies to the affairs of Italy 102. but quickly grows cold 103. presses the Spa­niards to restore Vercelli 120. interposes in the affairs of Bohemia 151, 152. restores Religion in Bern 122. applies to the affairs of the Valteline 163, 184, 206. makes War to the Huguenots, and then Peace 176. cares not to succour Breda 220. disgusted with the King of England 221, 255. procures his Con­federates to approve the Treaty of Monzon 253. disorders in his Kingdom for the Mar­riage of his Brother 248. goes into Britany 250. for the succession of Nevers to the State of Mantua, trys the way of Negotiation 268, 272. having taken Rochel enters into it 289. opinions in Council concerning the relief of Mantua differ 290. resolves to go into Italy 291. comes to the foot of the Alps 298. forces the passage 301. returns into Languedoc a­gainst the Huguenots 304. and afterwards to Paris 309. quiets domestick divisions 310. sends the Cardinal into Italy 315. reconciles with his Brother, enters into Savoy, and comes back to Lions 306. sends Ambassadours to the Diet at Ratisbone 341. promises money to the King of Swede, ibid. falls sick at Li­ons 343. pursues his Brother 361, 362. his Arms in Germany 366. and in Lorrain 370. assists the Swedes 380. gets Philipsburg 394. invaded by the Austrians in his own Kingdom 422. speaks with his Sister at Gre­noble 473. is sensible of the too great power of the Cardinal 496. forces the Princes male­contents to an accord 497. goes to the Siege of Perpignan 532. disgusted with Richelieu 536. who dying, disposes of the Government in the power of the Favourites 439. dyes, his Character. 552
  • Lodowick XIV. his Birth. 444
  • Lorenzo Marcello, Captain of the Galliasses, hurt at Vallona 447. elected Censor. 449
  • Lorenzo Veniero General in Dalmatia 55. takes Novi 53. animates the people of Istria, and attempts Moschenizza, ibid. Captain of the Ships defies those of Ossuna 95. Captain Ge­neral. 98
  • Lovain assieged by the French, who there consume their Army. 398
  • [Page] Lewis Contarini Ambassador in England 266. concludes Peace betwixt Crown and France 296. Ambassadour in France, ibid. at Rome 366. Bailo at Constantinople justifies what happened at Vallona 450. arrested Prisoner 451. adjusts those differences 467. Ambassa­dour at the Meeting for Peace 558. obtains Levies for the Republick in Tirol. 568
  • Luines stirs up Lewis XIII. against the Mare­shal d'Ancre 101. succeeds him in the favour 102. his designs against the Huguenots 175. made Constable, dyes. 176
M.
  • MAgdenburg taken and ruined by the Im­perialists. 358
  • Mantua described 314. garrisoned and fortifi­ed by the Republick 315. besieged by the Ger­mans, ibid. relieved by the Republick 317, 318. the Germans draw further off 318. is re-inforced by the Venetians 321, 334. is be­trayed 335. and sacked 336. restored to the Duke, garrisoned by the Republick 354. re­inforce it. 440
  • Marco Anthonio Businello, Resident for the Republick in Mantua, Prisoner to the Ger­mans, and released. 337
  • Marco Anthonio Corraro, Ambassadour to the King of England. 255
  • Marco Anthonio Manzano counsels the Siege of Goritia. 56
  • Marco Anthonio Memo Doge dyes. 59
  • Marco Anthonio Padavino, Resident in Naples. 338
  • Marco Giustiniano coasts upon the Army of the Germans, and encamps at Sonato 334. at­tempts Caneto and the relief of Mantua 334. General in Terra Firma.
  • Marco Loredano General in Istria. 55
  • Margaret Dutchess of Lorain pretends to the succession of Mantua. 274
  • Margaret Infanta of Savoy, wife of Francisco D. of Mantua 5. being a widow pretends to be with child 6. retires to her Father 9. returns to Mantua to her daughter 355. the French drive her thence 596. Vice Queen of Portugal is driven away by the rebellion of the people. 491
  • Maria, Princess of Mantua, desired by the Duke of Savoy and Spaniards to be in their power 7. Ferdinand her Ʋncle refuses to deliver her, but the Spaniards insist upon it 7, 8. Mat­thias the Emperour and the Queen Regent of France dissent from it 8, 9. thoughts of mar­rying her to the Duke of Rhetel 272. and married to him 271. assumes the Regency 435. disgusted with France 489. in concert with the Spaniards, procures the taking of Casal. 417
  • Mary, Queen of Hungary, comes into Italy 338. the Republick deny her passage by Sea, and at last conduct her with their own Fleet. 338
  • Mary, Queen Regent of France, against War in Italy imploys endeavours in favour of the Duke of Mantua 25. sends Ambassadours in­to Italy 66. imprisons Conde, ibid. against Nevers 280. offended at Richelieu 280, 309. attempts putting him out of the Government 326. under custody at Compiegne, escapes to Brussels 362. dyes at Cologne.
  • Marcheville, Ambassadour of France, in the Em­pire stirs up the Princes against the Emperour. 262
  • Martin Tromp, Admiral of the Hollanders Fleet, defeats that of Spain. 472
  • Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, dyes. 130
  • Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, refuses the Impe­rial Crown 126. possesses the upper Austria 153. and Prague, having defeated the Pala­tine 156. the Elector at conferred upon him 197. treats with France and England 197, 198. jealous of the Emperours power, not se­parate from him 261. exclaims against Wal­lestain 346. proposed General of the Armies 348. closes with the French. 361
  • Maestricht besieged and taken by the Hollanders 373
  • Marriages reciprocal betwixt France and Spain much contested by the Princes malecontents 33. executed 58. that of the Prince of England with the Sister of the King of France causes disgusts betwixt those Crowns. 221
  • Mattheo Cardinal, Priuli refuses the Bishoprick of Bergamo. 80
  • Matthias Galasso beats a body of Venetian Soul­diers 327. re-inforces Goito 331. drives la Va­lette out of his Quarters in the Mantuan, and pursues the Venetians 332. takes Valezzo 333. invades France 423. retires with little advantage. ibid.
  • Matthias, the Emperour, sends the Prince of Ca­stiglion into Italy 15. does not assist the Arch­duke against the Republick 60. nominates Commissioners for the Peace 63. cedes the Crown of Bohemia to Ferdinand 105. en­deavours to pacifie the Bohemians 129. jea­lous of Ferdinand, ibid. moved at the impri­sonment of Cardinal Gliselius 130. dies. 134
  • Maurice Cardinal, Prince of Savoy, opposes the Spaniards in Piedmont 82. upon the death of his Brother the Duke comes to the Borders of Piedmont 435. returns thither with great applause 460. takes Nizza and Villa Franca 463. inclines to marry. 475
  • [Page] Maurice, Prince of Orange, relieves Bergen Op­zoom 193. succeeds not in the relief of Breda 219. nor in the surprise of the Castle of Ant­werp 220. dyes. 222
  • Melchior, Cardinal Glisclius, Favourite of the Emperour Matthias 8. arrested Prisoner 130. sent to Rome, and there absolved. 131
  • Meldole shakes off the yoke of the Prince of Ca­stiglione 149. the neighbouring Princes stir­ring in it, the business is adjusted. ibid.
  • Michael Priuli takes Ostia 331. Proveditor in Terra firma 436. incourages those of Rovi­go 560. Proveditor in the field 561. dyes. 562
  • Meilleray takes Hesdin, and made Mareshal of France 471. takes the Town of Air 496. cho­sen for the Siege of Perpignan 532. takes Collivre. 533
  • Monaco garrisoned by the Spaniards, puts it self under the protection of the French. 501
  • Monferrat pretended by the Duke of Savoy 5. described 10. an exchange proposed by the Spaniards 33. oppressed on all sides 80. seve­ral places possessed by the Savoyards 84, 98. others garrisoned by the Spaniards 84. inva­ded the French and Savoyards 229. and by Leganes, Governour of Milan. 433
  • Mont Albano besieged by the King of France without success 176. taken by Richelieu 305. the Mountain of Pleurs falls. 131
  • Montvesuvius casts fire 360. Moravians rebel 134. vexed by the Cassocks. 153
  • Mustapha succeeds to Achmet in the Turkish Empire 98. deposed 117. put to death. 466
N.
  • NIchola Francesco, Duke of Lorrain, mar­ries and flies out of Nancy. 394
  • Niccolo Contarini perswades the Senate to assist the Duke of Savoy 69. Commissioner for exe­cuting of the Peace 115. Duke 321. dyes. 363
  • Niccolo Delfino takes many places from the Pon­tificians. 547
  • Niccolo, Marquess of Bagni, commands the Popes Troop in the Valteline. 217
  • Niccolo Donato Doge. 116
  • Nizza della Paglia besieged by the Savoyards 23. taken by the Spaniards. 287, 433
  • Novi surprised by the Venetians, complaints of the Archduke, their justification. 53
  • Nuntio presents to the Republick a Letter from the Pope for the Victory of their Fleet over the Pirates of Barbery 456. exhorts to send Am­bassadours to Rome 457. endeavours to take away jealousies at their raising Arms against the Duke of Parma 506. promised himself too much of the Venetians 509. endeavours to amuse them with flatteries 512. and invi­tations to send an Ambassadour to the Pope 462. sent away from Venice. 554
O.
  • O Edward, Duke of Parma, tempted by the Spaniards 383. joyns with France 401. invades the Milanese 407. attacqued by the Spaniards 418. inclines to peace, and con­cludes it 426. his parts and distaste against the Barberins 503. fortifies Castro 505. hath recourse to the Republick 506. publishes a Manifest 513. excommunicated, proceeds to secure his affairs 515. puts himself into the field, demands assistance 517. marches against the State Ecclesiastick with a memorable Voyage 521. deluded after many Treaties, returns into his own Country 527. makes new attempts by Sea 542. had a mind also to do it through Tuscany 543. inclines not to en­ter into the League, ibid. marches and posses­ses Bondeno and the Stellata 544. confounds the designs of the Confederates by not second­ing them 546, 549. succours not the Repub­lick 560. nor the Great Duke 564. after some difficulty consents to the peace. 570
  • Olland levies in the Republicks pay 90. to the great disturbance of the Spaniards, who com­plain of it to the Pope, but are quieted by the Ambassadour of the Republick 139. confede­rate with the Venetians 145. assist the Pa­latine 153. do not succour Rochel 265. re­fuse a Truce offered by the Spaniards 308. beaten at the Scheld and at Ghelre. 441
  • Oneglia besieged and taken by the Spaniards. 41
  • Oratio Baglioni perswades to pursue advantages upon the Carso against the Austrians 92. en­deavours to hinder succours to Gradisca, is killed. 108
  • Oration in the Senate to stir up moving Arms for the outrage of the Uscocchi 21. others of a contrary opinion 22. of the Duke of Savoy with invectives against Spain 31. and to ex­hort the Republick to joyn with them 41. of Carlo Scaglia his Ambassadour with the Re­publick to demand assistance 67. of Niccolo Contarini to perswade the Senate to assist the Duke of Savoy 69. of Simeon Contarini to the Pope 90. of Henry, Count de la Tour, to the Bohemians 128. of John Nani to dis­swade the Republick from a League with the Hollanders 141. of Sebastian Veniero per­swading it 143. of Girolamo Priuli to the King of France 162. of Count Mansfelt to his [Page] Souldiers 292. of Giovanni Basadonna a­gainst the undertaking of Genoua 212. of Girolamo Trevisano to approve the Treaty of Monzon 245. of Simeon Contarini to defer the resolution in favour of the Duke of Man­tua 276. of Dominico Molino to the con­trary 278. of Battista Nani upon the autho­rity of the Council of Ten 295. of Pietro Fos­carini to drive the Germans out of the Posts a­bout Mantua 327. of John Nani in the con­trary opinion 329. another of his to the Pope 457. of Julio Mazarine to perswade the Duke of Savoy to yield Pignarol to France 351. of Bellievre, Ambassadour of France, to per­swade the Senate to a League with his King 402. of the Spanish Ambassadour de la Roc­ca to disswade it 425. of Monsieur de Hussé who demands assistance for the Duke of Savoy 465. of the Spanish Ambassadour la Rocca against it 465. of Giovanni Pesari, that the Republick would take the Duke of Parma in­to their protection 506. of Vincenzo Gusso­ni on the contrary. 508
  • Ornano, Governour of the Kings Brother, pro­motes disturbances in France 248. his impri­sonment and death. 249
  • Osmond succeeds in the Turkish Empire 117. deposed and killed. 194
  • Ostia taken by the Venetians. 331
  • Ottaviano Bono, Ambassadour to the King of France 60. recalled by the Republick. 110
P.
  • PEace of Asti, and its conditions. 50
  • Peace betwixt the Republick and the Arch­duke treated at the Emperours Court 65. transferred into Spain 87. and thither also the Treaty of that betwixt Spain and Savoy 87. an Imperial Ambassadour arrives there 105. further Negotiation suspended 106. is transferred into France, ibid. is concluded at Paris, as extended in Madrid 109. the con­ditions of it, ibid. approved by the Republick, though not content with their Ministers 111. the execution for Piedmont concerted, ibid. interrupted by Toledo, ibid. the ratificati­ons exchanged, and Commissioners appointed 115. and executed betwixt Ferdinand and the Republick. ibid.
  • Peace for the Valteline treated at Paris without effect 238. is concluded at Monzon 243. its conditions, ibid. various judgments 244. the aim of the Contractors, ibid. the opinions the Confederates had of France, ibid. the Repub­lick approves it. 246
  • Peace betwixt France and England. 297
  • Peace of Susa not executed. 301
  • Peace betwixt the Emperour and King of Den­mark. 305
  • Peace of Ratisbone for the affairs of Italy 342. complaints of many Princes, ibid. executed in Piedmont 344. disapproved by France 345. is moderated by a new Treaty at Chierasco 351. the Governour of Milan complaining 353. is executed. ibid.
  • Peace betwixt England and Spain. 345
  • Peace of Prague betwixt the Emperour and the Protestants. 411
  • Peace general meets with great difficulties, yet the Pope sends a Legate, and the Republick Ambassadours to negotiate it 425, 431. some Pass-ports are granted 432, 460. a Treaty betwixt France and Swede concerning the management of the peace 444. greater difficul­ties still arise 474, 484, 499. a beginning given to the Meeting. 558
  • Peace betwixt Spain and the Prince of Parma.
  • Peace betwixt the Princes of Savoy and their Sister-in-law and France. 414
  • Peace of the Pope with the Princes of the League and with the Duke of Parma managed by the French Ministers 549. disturbed by the pro­positions of the Barberins to the Spaniards, ibid. Cardinal Bichi imployed and Plenipo­tentiary are named 566. the opinions of the Confederates 569. Propositions of Cardinal Bichi at Venice 570. interruptions feared by the Popes sickness, ibid. recovers 571. is con­cluded, the Articles comprehended in two Ca­pitulations, ibid. are published and executed. 572
  • Palatinate possessed by Bavarians and Spaniards 174. succoured by Mansfelt. 178
  • Paulo V. Pope endeavours the peace of Italy 13. the peace betwixt the Republick and the Arch­duke 53. betwixt Spain and Savoy 66. solli­cited by the Spanish Ministers against the Re­publick 72. fears lest the peace break for the cause of the Valteline 163. dyes. 164
  • Perpignan, its situation blocked by the French 532. besieged by the King in person 533. is rendred. 538
  • Plague in Italy 319. destroys the Armies 326. Mantua unpeopled 329. lays waste the State of the Republick and the City of Venice 337. ceases 350. is manufactured in Milan. 350
  • Piacenza straightned by the Spaniards. 426
  • Pietro Contarini, Ambassadour in England, hires Ships for the Republick. 117
  • Pietro Barbarigo, after many imployments, made Captain General. 222
  • Pietro di Toledo inveighs against the peace of Asti 83. comes Governour to Milan, and re­inforces [Page] the Army 59. demands of the Re­publick to withdraw their Army from Gra­disca, and gives jealousie to their Borders 64. endeavours to break the Treaty of Asti 65. with various Propositions to Carlo, against whom nevertheless he hatches treachery, ibid. draws near with his Army to Piedmont, cor­rupts the Duke of Nemours 79. endeavours to separate Carlo from the friendship of the Venetians 83. not caring what Monferrat suffered, besieges Vercelli 99. takes it 103. invades the Confines of the Republick 111. afterwards publishes the peace 112. makes difficulty to execute it in Piedmont 120. hatches a conspiracy in Crema 122. renders Vercelli. 123
  • Pietro Foscarini counsels to force the Germans from their Posts near to Mantua 327. Am­bassadour at Constantinople. 469
  • Pietro Girone, Duke of Ossuna, and Viceroy of Naples, renders the Republick jealous by Sea 72. arrests their Ships 93. incourages the Uscocchi, ibid. his various designs 94. sends Ships into the Adriatick, ibid. publishes a design against the Turks, and demands the Gallies of the Princes of Italy 95. but intends rather to stir up the Turks against the Re­publick 95, 96. sends Gallies into the Adria­tick 97. takes Merchant-ships belonging to the Republick, ibid. invade the Adriatick anew 113. does not restore the Booty, ibid. his disturbing thoughts 116. arms more and more, and treats with the Turk 117. to make the Republick jealous 118. withdraws his Ships, ibid. hinders the restitution of Goods taken, ibid. advises of new attempts against the Republick 119. partaker of the conspiracy in Venice 123. continues to trouble the Republick by sending out Ships to rob 146. desirous to maintain himself in his Go­vernment 226. the King jealous of him, ap­points a Successor 147. goes into Spain, and dyes in prison 148. his Ships taken by the Venetians. ibid.
  • Pietro Gritti, Ambassadour in Spain, insinuates the peace 86. concludes it. 109
  • Pietro Hein, Admiral of Holland, takes the Spanish Fleet.
  • Petillano, besieged by the Pontificians, raises the siege, and are beaten. 564
  • Polesene important to the Venetians. 565
  • Pompeo Justiniano taken into the Venetian pay 44. commands the Army in Friuli 55. aban­dons Lucinis 56. offers to besiege Gradisca 61. dyes. 76
  • Portugal rebels. 488
  • Prague taken by the Catholicks. 156
  • Prefectureship of Rome given by the Pope to his Nephew, to the distaste of the Princes 364. whose Ambassadors abstain from the Churches ibid. encounter of the Venetian Ambassadour with the Prefect 364. the matter composed. 366
  • Princes moved by several affections and interests especially those of Italy. 267
  • Princes of the Ʋnion in Germany approve the Republick resentments against the Archduke 60. they disunite for fear of the Spaniards. 177
  • Princes of Italy, invited by the Republick to a League, are hindred from several considerati­ons 98. give jealousie to France 102. exhort­ed again by the Republick to a League 119, 139. tempted by the Crowns of France and Spain 299, 382. withdrawn from the depen­dency on Spain 381. confer together about making a League 386. admit neither the in­vitations of France or Spain. 513
  • Princes of Savoy unite with the Spaniards 460. made by the Empire Tutor to the Duke their Nephew 461. make a great progress in Pied­mont 461. desire to raise Forces of their own 462. tempted by the French to separate themselves from the Spaniards 475. agree with their Sister-in-law and with the King of France 513. demand of the Spaniards the places of Piedmont. 514
Q.
  • QUarnaro, the Gulph described. 17
R.
  • RAgusians foment the designs of Ossuna a­gainst the Republick 94. render a Hol­land Ship into his power 95. damaged by the Venetian Fleet 113. their Ships taken by the Venetians, restored by favour. 320
  • Rambolt, Count of Collalto, commands the Impe­rial Army in Italy. 312
  • Rambogliet, Ambassadour of France, presses the Duke of Savoy to a peace 40. concludes it at Asti. 50
  • Reniero Zeno, Ambassadour at Turin 39. well received by the Duke 41. concludes an Ʋnion betwixt the Republick and Duke 119. Am­bassadour to the Pope 202. hurt by Giorgio Cornaro 294. Ambassadour to the Emperour. 432
  • Rochel bridled by the Fort Lewis 180. declares in favour of the English 264. its strength and description of the place, ibid. besieged and the Sea shut out by a Dike 265. succours in [Page] vain attempted by the English 281. is ren­dred 289. demolished. ibid.
S.
  • SAbioneda jealous to its Borderers 230. de­sired and pretended by many, is at last yielded to the Spaniards by the Duke of Par­ma. 421
  • Salses taken by the French, and recovered by the Spaniards 472. retaken by the French. 537
  • St. Jean d'Angeli taken by the King of France. 176
  • St. Ja preserved from a conspiracy. 99
  • Scavona in vain attempted by the Savoyards. 234
  • Shichsconce surprised by the Spaniards, besieged by the Hollanders 399. recovered by the Hol­landers. 423
  • Schatteau en Cambresi taken by the French. 430
  • Scrisa taken by the Venetians. 77
  • Sigismond, King of Poland, assists the Emperour 137. refuses peace with Swede 260. dyes. 374
  • Simeon Contarini Ambassadour to the Pope, Princes of Italy, King of France, Emperour, King of Spain, of the Turks, and a second time into France harangues to suspend the re­solution of the Senate in favour of the Duke of Mantua. 276
  • Sollevation in Bohemia 127. Austria and Mo­ravia 134. Hungary 137. of the Valteline 159. of Zaintonge 424. Normandy 479. Catalogna 486. Portugal. 488
  • Spaniards make a shew to desire quiet in Italy 14. the judgment of those Councils concerning the Treaty of Asti 58. and the War betwixt the Republick and the Archduke 60, 63. en­deavour to divert the King of France from the affairs of Italy 102. their ends in promoting Ferdinand to the Empire 104. disgusted with the Venetians 139, 145. hope for advantages from the intestine divisions of France 361. jea­lous of the Popes arming. 505
  • Stralsundt besieged by Fridland, relieved by the King of Swede. 293
  • Swedes after their Kings death continue the War and make progress 378, 392. especially against Bavaria 380. several successes of their Ar­mies. 412, 432, 442, 499
  • Switzers move to assist the Grisons 159. at va­riance among themselves, refuse to enter into the League for the Valteline. 198
T.
  • TArragona besieged by the French, and suc­coured by Sea by the Spaniards. 492
  • Thoiras defends the Isle of Rhé 263. goes into Casal 302. made Mareshal of France 344. Ambassadour to the Republick 354. is killed at Fontanetto. 419
  • Title of Eminence to the Cardinals decreed by the Pope, not well taken by the Republick 365. satisfies the Republick. ibid.
  • Thomaso, Prince of Savoy, pillages Candia 44. defends Savoy 82. goes to Venice 150. goes to serve the Spaniards in Flanders 387. re­turns into Italy 460. surprises Chivas 461. draws near to Turin, and refuses conditions of agreement 462. surprises it, is besieged there 464. renders himself and treats with France. 483
  • Treaty at Vienna betwixt the Republick and the Archduke about the Uscocchi not executed 20, 23. in Milan to agree the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua, without effect 34, 35. betwixt the Austrians and Spain 105. at Madrid for the Valteline 169. the Archduke Leopold and Duke of Feria making difficulty, ibid. be­twixt the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua with­out effect 208. at the Hague against the Au­strians not concluded. 240
  • Treaty of the Duke of Lorrain with the King of France 362, 496. of France and Poland for the liberty of John Casimir 443. of the Re­publick with the Turks for what passed at Vallona 467. of the French with the Wie­marians 471. of France with Prince Tho­mas 484. of the Spaniards with the male­content Princes of France 497. of Prelimina­ries concluded in Hamburg for the general peace 499. of peace betwixt the Pope and the Duke of Parma artificially handled by the Cardinal Spada 525, 527. of the Duke of Orleans and other malecontents with the Spaniards. 553
  • Truce in Piedmont not concluded 78, 80. con­cluded and broken in the Palatinate 177. ex­pired in Holland, War kindles again in the Ʋnited Provinces 179. concluded in Pied­mont, but universally blamed, yet executed 340. proposed betwixt the Crowns, but reje­cted 431, 458, 459, 474. concluded and ex­ecuted in Piedmont 470. the prolongation excluded. 474
  • Trier the Elector declares himself under the pro­tection of France 360. who take his Town 367. recovered by surprise by the Spaniards, the Elector Prisoner. 397
  • [Page] Trino taken by the Duke of Savoy 11. and by the Spaniards. 463
  • Turks lose Gallies taken by Octavio d'Arrago­na 30. grow jealous of the motions of Ossuna 95. offer assistance to the Republick 96, 227. are pacified for the loss received by taking the Merchant Gallies 97. confirm peace with the Emperour, but reject a Truce with Spain 227. promise Levies to the Republick, ibid. confirm peace again with the Emperour 258. imbittered for the success of Vallona 450. bu­sied in the Siege of Asach. 500
  • Turin defended by the French, the people incli­ning to favour the Princes of Savoy 462. sur­prised by Prince Thomas 464. besieged by Harcourt 479. is rendred. 483
V.
  • VAlenza besieged by the French and their Confederates, defended and succoured by the Spaniards. 407
  • Valetta driven from his Posts in the Mantuan, is taken prisoner by the Germans 332 escapes 334. attacques the Quarter of the Pontifici­ans in the Ferrarese 546. and Crevalcuore 547
  • Valezzo, a place where was lodged the Army of the Republick 313. abandoned in disorder 332. possessed by the Germans 333. left by them. 352
  • Valteline described 157. important for the situ­ation 158. the Inhabitants offer themselves to Feria 158. revolt 159. the Grisons at­tempt to recover it 160. but are defeated, ib. the Spaniards cloak their interest with Reli­gion 163, 164. Feria fortifies himself there, and divides the Grisons 166. for their resti­tution a Treaty is concluded at Madrid 169. but the Spaniards interpose difficulty, ibid. the Treaty transported to Rome 181. and at Madrid a depositing is spoken of, ibid. Feria concludes apart with the Grison 182. the Spaniards offer the deposition to the Pope 199. who accepts it 220. with dislike of the Confe­derates 220, 204. yet consented to by the Am­bassadour Sillery 205. the French change af­terwards the form of the Negotiation 206. demand of the Pope the redelivery of the Forts 209. take arms, ibid. which are moved 333. with advantage to the Confederates 334. to the resentment of the Pope and the Austrians 218. the Arms of the Confederates advance into the two Counties 222. are stopped at Ri­va 224. those situations described, ibid. and several factions 225. the Confederates endea­vour an accord betwixt the Valteline and the three Leagues 240. conditions of the peace of Monzon 243. are executed in the Valteline 252. new designs of the French upon the Val­teline 357. enter there again with their arms 400. with various success 409. are at last driven out of it. 428
  • Venetian Ships defend the French in the Port of Alexandretta. 296
  • Venice, its original, undertakings, and increase from the first to the tenth page.
  • Venetians exhort the Duke of Savoy to peace 12. assist him of Mantua 13. recall their Ambas­sadour in Turin 15. arm 16. molested by the Uscocchi 18. besiege Segna 23. increase their strength 27. endeavour peace 35. give audience to Piscina, Ambassadour of Savoy, ibid. resent the injuries of the Uscocchi 36, 37. send Renieri Zeno to Milan and Turin about peace 39. strengthen themselves more and more 44. Warrant for the Treaty of Asti 49. moderate their assistance to the Duke of Mantua, ibid. their reason of resentment a­gainst the Uscocchi 53. suspend Hostility 54. invade the Territory of the Archduke 55. ju­stifie themselves for it 59. draw off from the siege of Gradisca 64. reject the Popes proposi­tions, ibid. after many consults resolve to assist the Duke of Savoy 70. endeavour to adjust him with Mantua 85. molested by Ossuna, arm at Sea 93. refuse the assistance of the Turks 96. complain of the actings of Ossuna 98. invite the Princes of Italy to an Ʋnion, ibid. inlarge their assistances to Savoy, ibid. revoke their powers for peace from Madrid 104. invaded by Toledo 111. arm more and more by Sea 117. deny passage by Sea for the assistance of Ferdinand 119. a new League with Savoy, ibid. dissemble the conspiracy, though discove­red 121. deny assistance to the Bohemians 131. interest not themselves in their Treaties at Constantinople 151. by many Princes sought to for assistance, ibid. deny the Transilvanian 157. troubled at the revolt of the Valteline, sollicitous for a remedy 159. in particular of the French 162. of the Pope 165 of the King of England 167. agree with the Duke of Sa­voy for new Levies 172. assist the Hollanders 179. hire Mansfelt into their service 182. dissent from the enterprise on Genoua 212, 228. endeavour to divert the King of France 214. strengthen themselves 215. flattered by the Austrians separate not from the French 226. refuse the offers of the Turks assistance 227. counsel the invasion of the Milanese, ib. but refuse to do it alone 228, 234. increase their Troops in the Valteline 237. endeavour peace betwixt England and France 252, 266. [Page] approve the Treaty of Monzon 253. deny succours to Dourlach and the King of Den­mark 258. their thought concerning the suc­cession of Mantua 271. lured by the Impe­rial Ministers 274. carry into Spain offices for peace 280. consult about the interests of Mantua 276. resolve together with France to assist Nevers 280. incourage him 284. consent to joyn with France 285, 292, 298, give money to the Duke of Mantua 286. 302. send an Ambassadour into France 300. resolve to invade the Milanese 301. are withheld by the Treaty of Susa 302. tempt­ed by the Austrians 309. resolve to maintain Mantua 309, 312. with great forces 312. sollicite the King of France 315. distasted with the Pope 319. deliberate about driving the Germans out of their Quarters 331. threatned by the Germans in several places 333, 337. not frighted at the disaster of Va­lezza 333, 337. jealous of the Sea-coast 337. denying passage to the Spanish Fleet, they with their own Gallies conduct the Queen of Hungary to Trieste 338. participate of the concerts of France with the King of Swede 341. send Ambassadours to Ratisbone 442. refuse to sign the Treaty of Peace without the French 346. sollicited by them put a Garri­on into Mantua 354. will not interest them­selves in the designs of the French upon the Valteline 357. deny assistance to the King of Swede 360. displeased with the Pope for se­veral causes 364, 365, 385, 414. refuse to assist the Emperour 369. at also to have any hand in the concerts about Sabioneda 370. and to correspond with the Duke of Savoy, af­ter having taken the Title of King of Cyprus 384. and to unite with the King of France 386. resolute in neutrality betwixt the two Crowns 400. 402. endeavour Peace 413. de­ny passage to the French and Germans 419. after the death of the Duke of Mantua im­ploy offices for that House 435. reform their Militia, and discharge the Treasury of debts 436. interpose betwixt France and the Prin­cess of Mantua 489. stand and pause after the Victory at Vallona against the Barbary Pirates 419. they arm and demand assistance of the Christian Princes 452. send an Ambas­sadour to the Pope 457. remain still neutral in the affairs of Piedmont betwixt the two Crowns 400. incline to compose with the Turk 466. and approve the Treaty 467. sol­licite the Pope to mediate for the Peace of Italy 473. resolve to interpose with offices be­twixt the Pope and Duke of Parma 509, 511. excluded out of the Treaty 511. grow jealous 512. also for a report of the designs of the Barberins upon Mirandola 516. relieve Parma with money 518. and Modena with Troops, ibid. and refuse to concur to invade the Ecclesiastick State 520 incommodate with their Gallies the Commerce of Ferrara 530. excuse not to assist the Emperour 531. and to conferate with France, ibid. whose correspon­dence with Rome they endeavour to restore 541. jealous of the Borders of the Polesene, send Troops thither 542. command the posses­sing of the Banks 545. send their Army to the other side of the River, ibid. imploy also their strength by Sea 547. do more than perform the conditions of the League, protest to Spain in case of Ʋnion with the Pope 549. give Troops to the Duke of Parma 558. succour the Great Duke 564. make new agreements for the War, and raise Troops with great difficul­ty. 568
  • Vercelli blocked by the Spaniards and relieved by the Duke of Savoy 82. besieged by Toledo 99. the Duke attempts in vain to bring in powder 100. assaulted, ibid. the Duke endeavours to relieve it 103. is rendred, ibid. restored to the Duke 123. besieged again by the Spani­ards 437. the French succeed not in bringing in relief 438. renders. 439
  • Verrua besieged by the Duke of Feria 235. relie­ved by the Savoyards. ibid.
  • Vescovo, Bishop of Bertimoro, endeavours the Peace of Italy. 16
  • Vescovo de Boves, chief Minister of the Queen Regent of France, succeeds not in the direction of affairs. 556
  • Vescovo of Mantua, Ambassadour to the Empe­rour 274. proposes Articles of Peace 288. Bi­shop of Lamego, Ambassadour of Portugal at Rome, meets and fights with him of Spain 519. Wesel surprised by the Hollanders. 308
  • Vests with large sleeves regulated in Venice. 415
  • Uguenots disunited 178, 181. their agreement with the King 185. are subdued. 305
  • Viadana taken by the Imperialists. 313
  • Vincenzo, Duke of Mantua, would marry his Niece 268. dyes. 269
  • Vincenzo Gussoni, Ambassadour for the Repub­lick, with the Duke of Savoy recalled 15. to the King of France 60. visits in his Voyage the Princes of the Rhine, ibid. recalled out of France 111. harangues in the Senate in the occurrences betwixt the Pope and Duke of Par­ma 508. deputed to treat the League. 519
  • Vienna besieged by the Count de la Tour. 134
  • Vienville favoured by the King of France for a little while. 205
  • Vipulsuna taken by the Venetians. 75
  • [Page] Vittorio Prince of Piedmont goes into Spain 16. received ill there returns into Italy 32. takes Masserano & Creveceur 84. marries with the sister of the King of France 124. attempts Sca­vona in vain 234. opposes the passage of the French 286. beaten by the Duke of Memo­ranci 339. succeeds his Father in the Duke­dom 340. yields Pignerol to the French 355. 352. assumes the Title of King of Cyprus 384. unites with France 401. invades the Milanese 407. plants the Fort of Brem 409. dies. 434
  • Uladislaus elected King of Poland. 378
  • Vote Electoral given to Bavaria. 195. 197
  • Urban 88. created Pope 201. ingag'd in the affairs of the Valteline 202. labours the Pass might be left to the Spaniards 204. who attempts to gain him 206. resents the possession of the Valley taken by the Confederates 218. sends a Mini­ster into France and Arms 223. appoints his Nephew Legate 224. the Confederates moved 239. his aims ibid. sends Souldiers 242. counsels the Republick to call the French into Italy for the affairs of Mantua 272. arms and builds the Fort Urban 273. resolves to be Neutral, and sends the Cardinal Anthonio Legate 300. a commendatory Brief to the Re­publick for the peace of Italy 353. Ʋnites the Fief of Urbino to the Church 363. confers the Pretorship of Rome upon his Nephew 364. excuses assisting the Emperour 368. inclined to France 382. jealous of the Spaniards, ib. interposes for Peace betwixt them and the Duke of Parma 383. and betwixt the Crowns 413. grants voluntarily to the Republick Tythes upon the Clergie 459. cancels the Elo­gium placed by him in the Royal Hall, ibid. disgusts betwixt him and the three Crowns 458. endeavours to reconcile the Princes of Savoy with their Sister-in-law 465. excuses assisting the Emperour 471. sends a Minister into Piedmont to procure Peace 474. pro­poses a League to the Republick 476. grow­ing old, leaves the power to his Nephews 503. arms and makes the Princes jealous 508. reso­lute in ruining the Prince of Parma 506. pro­ceeds against him with Excommunication and Arms 500. deny the Mediation of the Repub­lick 511. the persons desired by the Crowns promoted to the Cardinalat 513. moved by the French to make War against Spain resists 515. agrees to a suspension of Arms in the af­fairs of Parma 519. the fear of the Duke of Parma's Arms ceasing, grows cold in the Treaties of Peace 529. denies assistance to the Emperour 531. inclines to Peace 566. falls sick 570. recovers, and the Peace concluded. 571
  • Urbino united to the Church. 363
  • Uscocchi, situation of the places where they dwell, their Original, do mischief to the Ve­netians and Turks 17. an accord betwixt the Republick and the Archduke 20. not ex­ecuted, ibid. after other successes they sur­prise a Gally, ibid. the Republick complains 21. besieges Segna 23. yet continue their inva­sions 36. why tolerated by the Austrians 51. success at Scrisa 52. disgusts with insults au­gment 54. fomented by Ossuna, rove near to Venice 96. dispersed after the Peace. 116
Z.
  • ZAccaria Sagredo General in Terra firma 327. concerts a design against the Ger­mans in the Mantuan 331. abandons Valez­za 332. the Treasury disburdened of debts. 436
  • Zemino possessed by the Venetians 88. restored. 116
  • Zuccarello taken by the Savoyards 41. serves for a pretext to make War upon the Genouese. 212.
FINIS.

A Catalogue of Books Printed for John Starkey Book-seller, at the Miter in Fleet-street near Temple-Bar.

DIVINITY.
  • 1. THirty six Sermons, Preached by the Right Reverend Father in God, Robert Sanderson, late Lord Bishop of Lincoln; the fifth Edition corrected, in Folio, price bound 18 s.
  • 2. Eighty Sermons, Preached at the Parish-Church of St. Mary Magdalene Milk-street, London, by the late eminent and learned Divine Anthony Farindon B. D. the second Edition corrected and inlarged, in Folio, price bound 24 s.
  • 3. The Jesuits Morals, collected by a Doctor of the Colledge of Sorbon in Paris, who hath faithfully extracted them out of the Jesuits own Books, which are Printed by the permission and approbation of the Superiors of their Society. Written in French, and exactly translated into English, in Folio, price bound 10 s.
  • 4. A Practical and Polemical Commentary or Exposition upon the third and fourth Chap­ters of the later Epistle of St. Paul to Timothy. By Thomas Hall B. D. in Folio, price bound 10 s.
  • 5. Tetrachordon: Expositions upon the four chief places in Scripture, which treat of Marriage, or nullities in Marriage. Wherein the Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce is confirmed by ex­planation of Scripture by Testimony of Ancient Fathers, of Civil Laws in the Primitive Church, of famousest Reformed Divines. And lastly, by an intended Act of the Parliament, and Church of England, in the last year of Edward the Sixth. The Author J. Milton, in quarto, price 1 s. 6 d.
  • 6. Tho. Hall Apologia pro Ministerio Evangelico, Lat. in octavo, price bound 2 s.
  • 7. A Confutation of the Millenarian Opinion, plainly demonstrating that Christ will not reign visibly and personally upon Earth with the Saints for a 1000 years, either before the day of Judgment, in the day of Judgment, or after it. By Tho. Hall, B. D. price bound 1 s.
PHYSICK.
  • 8. Basilica Chymica & Praxis Chimiatricae, or Royal and Practical Chymistry; augmented and enlarged, by John Hartman. To which is added his Treatise of Signatures of internal things, or a true and lively Anatomy of the greater and lesser World. As also the Practice of Chymistry of John Hartman, M. D. Augmented and enlarged by his Son, with considerable Additions; all faithfully Englished, by a Lover of Chymistry, price bound 10 s.
  • 9. The Art of Chymistry, as it is now practised. Written in French by P. Thybault, Chymist to the French King, and Englished by W. A. Doctor in Physick, and Fellow of the Royal Society, in octavo, price bound 4 s.
  • 10. Medicina Instaurata, or a brief Account of the true Grounds and Principles of the Art of Physick, with the Insufficiency of the vulgar way of preparing Medicines, and the Excellency of such as are made by Chymical Operation. By Edward Bolnest, Med. Lond. in octavo, price bound 1 s.
  • 11. Aurora Chymica, or a rational way of preparing Animals, Vegetables, and Minerals for a Physical Ʋse; by which preparations they are made most efficacious, safe, and pleasant Medi­cines, for the preservation of the life of man. By Edward Bolnest, Med. Reg. O [...]d. in octavo, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
LAW.
  • 12. An Abridgment of divers Cases and Resolutions of the Common Law, Alphabetically digested under several Titles. By Henry Rolls, Serjeant at Law, published by the Lord Chief Baron Hales, and approved by all the Judges, in folio, price bound 40 s.
  • 13. The Reports of Sir George Croke Knight, in three Volumes, in English: Allowed of by all the Judges. The second Edition, carefully corrected by the Original, in folio, price bound 45s.
  • The first part of the Institutes of the Laws of England; or a Commentary upon Littleton, Writ­ten by the Lord Chief Justice Coke, the eighth Edition in Folio, price bound 18 s.
  • 15. The second part of the Institutes of the Laws of England; containing the Exposition of Magna Charta, and many ancient and other Statutes: Written by the Lord Chief Justice Coke. The third Edition, with an Alphabetical Table added, in Folio, price bound 14 s.
  • [Page]16. The third part of the Institutes of the Laws of England, concerning High Treason, and other Pleas of the Crown, and Criminal Causes. The fourth Edition, Written by the Lord Chief Justice Coke, in folio, price bound 6 s.
  • 17. The fourth part of the Institutes of the Laws of England, concerning the Jurosdiction of Courts: Written by the Lord Chief Justice Coke. The fourth Edition, with an Alphabetical Table not heretofore printed, in Folio, price bound 9 s.
  • 18. Brief Animadversions on, Amendments of, and Additional Explanatory Records to the fourth Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England, concerning the Jurisdictions of Courts. By Will. Prynne Esq in folio, price bound 12 s.
  • 19. Action upon the Case for Slander, or a Methodical Collection of thousands of Cases in the Law, of what words are Actionable, and what not: By William Sheppard Esq in folio, price bound 6 s.
  • 20. Thesaurus Brevium, or a Collection of approved Forms of all sorts of Original and Judi­cial Writs in the Kings-Bench, With their special directions: By J.C. in folio, price bound 6 s.
  • 21. Brevia Judicialia, or an Exact Collection of approved Forms of all sorts of Judicial Writs in the Common-Bench, together with their Returns: By Rich. Brownlow, in folio, price bound 12 s.
  • 22. The History of Gavel-kind, with the Etymology thereof, containing a Vindication of the Laws of England; together with a short History of William the Conqueror. By Silas Taylor, in quarto, price bound 3 s.
  • 23. The Compleat Solicitor, performing his Duty, and teaching his Client to run through and manage his own Business, as well in his Majesties Superior Courts at Westminster, as in the May­ors Court, Court of Hustings, and other Inferiour Courts in the City of London and elsewhere. The fourth Edition, in octavo, price bound 3 s. 6 d.
  • 24. An Exact Abridgment in English, of the Cases reported by Sir Francis Moor, Knight; with the Resolution of the Points of the Law therein by the Judges. By W. Hughes, in octavo, price bound 2 s. 6 d.
  • 25. An Exact Abridgment of all the Statutes in Force and Use, made in the 16, 17, and 18. of King Charles the First, and the 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16. of King Charles the Second. By William Hughes Esq in octavo, price bound 2 s. 6 d.
  • 26. The Touchstone of Wills, Testaments, and Administrations, being a Compendium of Cases and Resolutions touching the same; carefully collected out of the Ecclesiastical, Civil, and Ca­non Laws, as also out of the Customs, Common Laws, and Statutes of this Kingdom. By G. Me­riton, in twelves, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
  • 27. A Guide for Constables, Church-wardens, Overseers of the Poor, Surveyors of High-ways, Treasurers of the County Stock, Masters of the House of Correction, Bayliffs of Mannors, Toll-takers in Fairs, &c. shewing the extent and power of the several Offices; the third Edi [...]on en­larged, collected by George Meriton, in twelves, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
HISTORY.
  • 28. The Voyages and Travels of the Duke of Holsteins Ambassadors into Muscovy, Tartary, and Persia, begun in the year 1633. and finished in 1639. containing a Compleat History of those Countries; whereunto are added, the Travels of Mandelslo, from Persia into the East-In­dies, begun in 1638. and finished in 1640. The whole illustrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures. Written Originally by Adam Olearius, Secretary to the Embassie; Englished by J. Davis: The second Edition, in folio, price bound 18 s.
  • 29. The present State of the Ottoman Empire in three Books; containing the Maxims of the Turkish Politie, their Religion and Military Discipline: illustrated with divers Figures. Writ­ten by Paul Ricaut Esq late Secretary to the English Ambassador there, now Consul of Smyrna. The third Edition, in Folio, price bound 10 s.
  • 30. The History of Barbadoes, St. Christophers, Mevis, St. Vincents, Antego, Martinico, Mon­serrat, and the rest of the Caribby Islands, in all twenty eight; in two Books, containing the Natural and Moral History of those Islands: Illustrated with divers pieces of Sculpture, re­presenting the most considerable Rarities therein described; in folio, price bound 10 s.
  • 31. The History of the Affairs of Europe in this present Age, but more particularly of the Republick of Venice. Written in Italian by Battista Naní Cavalier and Procurator of St. Mark. Englished by Sir Robert Honywood Knight, in Folio, price bound 14 s.
  • 32. Il Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa, or the History of the Cardinals of the Roman Church, from the time of their first Creation, to the Election of the late Pope Clement IX. with a full [Page] account of his Conclave, in three Parts. Written in Italian by the Author of the Nipotismo di Roma, and faithfully Englished; in folio, price bound 8 s.
  • 33. The World Surveyed, or the famous Voyages and Travels of Vincent le Blanc, of Mar­seilles, into the East and West-Indies, Persia, Pegu, Fez, Morocco, Guinney, and through all Africa, and the principal Provinces of Europe; in folio, price bound 10 s.
  • 34. The History of the Life and Death of William Land, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury containing the Ecclesiastical History of the three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, from his first rising, viz. 1621. to his death 1644. by P. Heylin, D.D. in folio, price bound 10 s.
  • 35. A brief Account of Mr. Valentine Greatrakes, the famous Stroker, and divers of the strange Cures by him lately performed. Written by himself to the Honourable Robert Boyle; in quarto, price stitched 1 s.
  • 36. A Relation of Three Embassies, from his Majesty Charles the Second, to the Great Duke of Muscovy, the King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark, performed by the Right Honou­ble the Earl of Carlisle, in the year 1663. and 1664. Written by an Attendant on the Embas­sies; in octavo, price bound 4 s.
  • 37. Il Nipotismo di Roma, or the History of the Popes Nephews from the time of Sixtus the Fourth 1471. to the death of the late Pope Alexander the Seventh 1667. Written in Italian, and Englished by W.A. Fellow of the Royal Society, the second Edition, in octavo, price bound 3 s.
  • 38. A Relation of the Siege of Candia, from the first Expedition of the French Forces, to its Surrender, the 27. of September 1669. Written in French by a Gentleman who was a Volun­tier in that Service, and faithfully Englished; in octavo, price bound 1 s.
  • 39. The History of Algiers, and its Slavery, with an account of that City, and many remark­able Particularities of Africk. Written by Sieur d' Aranda, sometime a Slave there, Englished by J. Davies, in octavo, price bound 3 s.
  • 40. An Historical and Geographical Description of the great Country and River of the Ama­zones in America, with an exact Map thereof. Translated out of French; in octavo, price bound 1s. 6d.
  • 41. The Works of the Famous Mr. Fr. Rabelais, treating of the Lives of Gargantua, and his Son Pantagruel; to which is newly added, the Life of the Author. Translated out of French into English, by Sir Tho. Ʋrchard Knight; in octavo, price bound 5 s.
  • 42. The Novels of the famous Don Francisco de Quevedo Villegas, Knight of the Order of St. James; whereunto is added, the Marriage of Belphegor, an Italian Novel: Translated from Machiavel: faithfully Englished; in octavo, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
  • 43. The History of the late Revolution of the Empire of the Great Mogul; together with the most considerable passages for five years following, in that Empire, with a new Map of it; to which is added, an account of the extent of Indostan, the Circulation of the Gold and Silver of the world to discharge it self there, as also the Riches, Forces, and Justice of the same, and the principal cause of the Decay of the States of Asia: by Monsieur F. Bernier, Physician of the Faculty of Montpelier. Englished out of French, by H. O. Secretary to the Royal Society, in two Parts, in octavo, price bound 7 s.
  • 44. The Amours of certain Great men and Famous Philosophers, written in French, and En­glished by J. D. in octavo, price bound 2 s. 6 d.
  • 45. Deceptio Visus, or Seeing and Believing are two things, a pleasant Spanish History, faith­fully Translated, in octavo, price bound 2 s.
  • 46. The History of France, under the Ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, viz. from the death of King Lewis XIII. to the Year 1664. wherein all the Affairs of State to that time are exactly related. By Benjamin Priolo, and faithfully Englished by Christopher Wase, Gent. in octavo, price bound 4 s.
  • 47. The History of the Twelve Caesars, Emperors of Rome. Written in Latine, by C. Sueto­nius Tranquillus, newly Translated into English, and Illustrated with all the Caesars Heads in Copper Plates, in octavo, price bound 5 s.
  • 48. The Annals of Love, containing select Histories of the Amours of divers Princes Courts, pleasantly related. By a person of Honour, in eight Parts, in octavo, price bound 3 s. 6 d.
  • 49. The present State of the Ʋnited Provinces of the Low Countries, as to the Government, Laws, Forces, Riches, Manners, Customs, Revenue, and Territory of the Dutch. Collected out of divers Authors, by W. A. Fellow of the Royal Society, the second Edition, in twelves, price bound 2 s. 6 d.
  • 50. The Present State of France, containing the Orders, Dignities, and Charges of that King­dom: Newly corrected and put into a better method than formerly. Written in French, and faithfully Englished, in twelves, price bound 2 s. 6 d.
  • 51. The Present State of the Princes and Republicks of Italy: The second Edition enlarg­ed, [Page] with the manner of Election of Popes, and a Character of Spain. Written Originally in English, by J. Gailhard, Gent. in twelves, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
  • 52. The Policy and Government of the Venetians, both in Civil and Military Affairs. Writ­ten in French by the Sieur de la Hay, and faithfully Englished, in twelves, price bound 1 s.
  • 53. The Voyage of Italy, or a compleat Journey through Italy, in two Parts, with the Cha­racter of the People, and the Description of the chief Towns, Churches, Palaces, Villas, Gardens, Pictures, Statues, Antiquities; as also of the Interest, Government, Riches, Force, &c. of all the Princes, with Instructions concerning Travel. By Richard Lassels, Gent. who travelled through Italy five times, as Tutor to several of the English Nobility, Opus Posthumum, corrected and set forth by his old Friend and Fellow-Traveller, S.W. never before extant, in twelves, price bound 4 s.
  • 54. A Relation of the Coasts of Africk called Guinnee, with a Description of the Countries, Manners, and Customs of the Inhabitants, of the Productions of the Earth, and the Mer­chandise and Commodities it affords, with some Historical Observations on the Coasts, being collected in a Voyage made by the Sieur Villault Escuyer Sieur de Bellefond, in the Years 1666, and 1667. faithfully Englished. The second Edition, in twelves, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
  • 55. A Relation of the French Kings late Expedition into the Spanish Netherlands, in the Years 1667, and 1668. with an Introduction discoursing his Title thereunto, and an Account of the Peace between the two Crowns, made May 2. 1667. Englished by G.H. in twelves, price bound 1 s.
POETRY and PLAYS.
  • 56. The Works of Sir William Davenant Knight, consisting of those which were formerly Printed, and those which he designed for the Press. Now published out of the Authors Origi­nal Copies, in Folio, price bound 24 s.
  • 57. Andronicus Comnenius, a Tragedy. By John Wilson, in quarto, price stitch'd 1 s.
  • 58. Heraclius Emperor of the East, a Tragedy. By Lodowick Carlel Esq in quarto, price stitch'd 1 s.
  • 59. The Shepherds Paradise, a Pastoral. By Walter Mountague Esq in octavo, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
  • 60. Aminta, the Famous Italian Pastoral. Translated into English, in octavo, price bound 1 s. 6 d.
  • 61. Paradise Regain'd, a Poem in four Books, to which is added Samson Agonistes. The Au­thor, John Milton, in octavo, price bound 2 s. 6 d.
MISCELLANIES.
  • 62. A General Collection of Discourses of the Virtuosi of France, upon Questions of all sorts of Philosophy, and other Natural Knowledge, made in the Assembly of the Beaux E­sprits at Paris, by the most ingenious Persons of that Nation. Englished by G. Havers, in two Volumes, in folio, price bound 30 s.
  • 63. A Treatise of the Sybils, giving an account of the Names and Numbers of them, of their Qualities, the Form and Matter of their Verses, and of their Books. Written in French by David Blondell, Englished by J. Davies, in Folio, price bound 7 s.
  • 64. The Merchants Map of Commerce, wherein the universal manner and matter of Trade is compendiously handled, the Standard and Current Coins of sundry Princes observed, the Na­tural and Artificial Commodities of all Countries, for Transportation declared, the Weights and Measures of all places of Traffick collected, and all reduced to the Practice of the City of London. By Lewis Roberts, Merchant: The second Edition enlarged, price bound 16 s.
  • 65. A French and English Dictionary composed by Mr. Randle Cotgrave with another in En­glish & French, with large additions to the whole, by James Howel Esq in folio, price bound 22 s.
  • 66. A Justification of the present War against the Ʋnited Netherlands, in two Parts, Illu­strated with several Sculptures, by Henry Stubbe, in quarto, price bound 4 s.
  • 67. Reliquiae Wottoni [...]nae, or a Collection of Lives, Letters, Poems, with Characters of sun­dry personages, and other incomparable pieces of Language and Art, also additional Letters to several persons not before Printed: By Sir Henry Wotton, Knight, the third Edition, with large Additions, in octavo, price bound 5 s.
  • 68. The Golden Calf, in which is handled the most rare and incomparable wonder of Nature, in transmuting Metals, viz. how the entire substance of Lead was in one moment transmuted in­to Gold Obrizon, with an exceeding small Particle of the true Philosophers stone, at the Hague in the year 1666. Written in Latine, by John Frederick Helvetius, Doctor of Medicine at the Hague, and faithfully Englished, in twelves, price bound 1 s.
  • 69. Accidence commenc'd Grammar, and supplied with sufficient Rules; or a new and easie me­thod for the learning of the Latine Tongue. The Author John Milton, in twelves, price bound 8 d.
  • 70. Tho. Halls Translation of the Second Book of Ovids Metamorphosis Grammatically, in octavo, price bound 1 s.
  • 71. The Rules of Civility, or certain ways of Deportment observed in France amongst all per­sons of Quality upon several occasions, faithfully Englished, in twelves, price bound 1 s.
FINIS.

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