THE Present Interest OF ENGLAND.
IT is now almost a Century of years, since this Nation, the Glory of all Islands, the Mistress of the Ocean, fitted by Nature, and the very complexion of its Martial, Sea-faring and numerous Inhabitants, if not for the Empire, yet to give Laws to the Peace and Traffick of the Universe, England, hath languished under the wasting Hectick of its own intestine Disorders, the miserable Scars of our Civil Wounds, and unnatural as well as unreasonable Dissentions, are but [Page 2]still too visible marks of our past folly and present weakness. To what degrees of Glory and Reputation in the World, the English Name and Nation might have been advanced, had those Conquering Arms, that Valiant Blood, and those Prodigious Treasures, which were so prodigally expended in the late Rebellion, been employed for the Honour and Advantage of the Kingdom, it is almost impossible to make any near conjecture; but most assuredly Alexander and Caesar rendered themselves Masters of the Greatest Empires of the Earth, at a far less Expence of Blood and Treasure. A Consideration, capable of transporting Generous Spirits into an excess of Indignation, and the most just abhorrence of those men and Principles, whose Turbulent and Ambitious Actions have robbed the English Nation at once of so much Glory abroad, Peace, Men and Money at home, as might have made the British Diadem shine among the most Illustrious of the Ʋniverse. But what Patience is able to support the assaults of those afflicting Considerations, that whereas we might have rendered our selves the most potent, formidable, happy and flourishing People of the World, we have by our own madness and Civil Rage, not only lessened our own Strength and Glory, but have at the same time and by the same ways advanced the Power, and dangerous Reputation of our Neighbours; who seem to owe whatever they possess that is Great or Formidable, more to our brutish and wretched Folly, to give it no worse Character, then to their own Prudence, Conduct, or Extraordinary Policy; France and Holland, who can now upon occasion cover the Narrow Seas with Hostile Sails, must have been still contented, as formerly, to beg Permission for a few Fishing Boats to spread their toiling Canvass upon the English Main, had the tenth part of the Money which was consumed in Rebellion been employed [Page 3]to maintain the Royal Prerogative of our Princes, and the just Dominion which they have in Right of their Imperial Crown, over the four Seas.
It was a sharp Observation which Mounsieur the Duc Rohan made concerning England, in his Book entituled Interest des Estates; Angleterre est un Grand Animal qui ne mourira jamais s'il nese tue luy mesme. England is a great Animal which can never dye, unless she Kill her self. By-standers it seems will ever see more then Gamesters, otherwise one would think it impossible that this French Duke should see at so remote a distance, what some of our Dukes, Lords and Commons too, will not see, at the nearest view, that if ever England perish it must be by her own hands; but the truth is, they do see it too plainly, & have therefore entertained those hopes to satisfie their own ambition by the common ruin; and how deeply this Nation therefore stands indebted to those People who have taken such Immortal pains to Ruin it by intestine Wars, and to weaken it by continual Disorders and Commotions within it self, I think to our shame as well as irreparable dammage, is obvious to all the neighbouring World.
We seem now to be upon the very turn of our Affairs, and there appears a promising Crisis, and favourable Prospect of Recovery, and tho' it is at all times, yet more especially in such a conjuncture, certainly it is a Duty which every Englishman ows to God, his Prince and Country, to endeavour to promote the Peace and Happiness, the Tranquility and Glory of his Native Soil; and he is unworthy to reap the advantages and priviledges, which the Subjects of this Kingdom Enjoy beyond any other in the World, under the most admirable Constitution of the English Laws and Monarchy, who shall refuse or neglect at such a time to lend his utmost assistance to support, maintain and defend [Page 4]it, and to contribute what he can towards the Recovery of this Nation from its disorders and distractions, to its pristine State of Strength and Glory.
Now the certain method for the Recovery of that true condition of health in the Body Politique, seems to depend upon our right understanding of what it is that hath hurt us, and what will help us. The last of these necessarily depends upon the knowledge of the first: For if we once knew from what Causes all our former mischiefs have taken their Original, the removing those Causes, will certainly cease the dangerous Effects, and afford us an Easie as well as an undoubted Cure.
Now there are two things upon which the rebellious Antimonarchical Faction of the Nation to whom we are owing for all our Miseries, have ever laid the whole stress & weight of their wicked Designs, and from the good or ill success of those two great Engines, they have always stated the measures of their hopes. The first hath been to distress the Crown; the second to distract and disaffect the People. By the one they divest the King of those necessary supports which should enable him to keep up the Strength, Honor and Dignity of the Government: And by the other they disrobe him of the hearts, and affections of the People; and these being the two Pillars of the Throne, the shaking and undermining of these, must needs make it totter, and be in danger of sinking, both in its Interest abroad, and its Power and Reputation at home.
I do not now write a bare supposition, but plain matter of Fact both these particulars; and such matter of Fact, as hath in a thousand dismal Instances produced in this Nation from these Causes the most deplorable Effects; Even the total Ruin of the whole Frame of the Government; the subversion of the Monarchy; the overthrow of the Established [Page 5] Religion; the intire loss of our Magna Charta, English Laws and Liberties; the solemn Murther of a most Righteous, just, wise, and Excellent King; the slaughter of many thousands of Loyal Subjects of all degrees; the banishment or imprisonment of others; the Sacrilegious Robbing and irreligious defacing of Churches, those Monuments of Piety & Antiquity; the Confiscations, plundering, Arbitrary Taxing, and Spoiling of the Free-born People of their Legal Property in their Goods and Estates, to such degrees as surpasseth the skill of the ablest Accomptants to make a true Estimate of; and were it possible to state the accompt, and take a perfect audit of all the Expences in the late wicked Rebellion, the incredible Summs then profusely wasted, would not only Exceed belief, but every thing, except the Crimes of thoses men, who were the black contrivers of the occasion of those Expences, and that irreparable Damage of the Nation; and if, as 'tis usually observed, the English Nation be such lovers of their Money and their Liberty, one would think, they might here find sufficient reason to detest and abhor these Factious men and Principles, who have once robbed them of both these, and have offered so fair to do it a second time; & be so wise for the future as never to suffer themselves to be imposed upon, by such notorious Impostors and Pretences; and that they may be enabled to do so, it is to be observed,
That in order to the accomplishment of the first of these Designs, the Distressing of the Crown, the continual Address and Labour of the Faction hath been employed in these two things; first to shorten the Prerogative, and clip the wings of it in all its several Branches; Secondly, Either to deny those legal Aids of Money, by Subsidies and other wayes absolutely necessary to support the Charges of the Government; or to give them so sparingly, as not to answer the unavoidable Expences of the Crown; and this too, out of pretended good Husbandry and Frugality for the Nation, and with perpetual [Page 6]quarrelling at the publique Ministers, and Eternal Complaints of the mis-mannagement of the Treasure: when as in truth, the real design of this popular Parsimony, was to keep the Prince's Exchequer at low water mark; and to have opportunity to barter with him for some part of his Prerogative, and for every penny granted, still to have some Jewel or other out of the Crown.
My narrow limits will not allow me to descend to particulars, but whoever doubts the truth of this, let them consult our Histories, and they will presently receive satisfaction, that since the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, in whose latter years the Faction began to appear numerous & troublesome, the Prerogative has constantly diminished in proportion as the power and confidence of the turbulent Faction hath been augmented, insomuch that that Queen in the 35th year of her Reign, Anno 1592. sent Mr. Peter Wentworth an Sir Henry Bromely to the Tower, where Wentworth dyed, only for delivering a Petition to the Lord Keeper, desiring the Lords to become Suppliants with them of the Lower House, unto Her Majesty for Entailing the Succession of the Crown, for which purpose there was a Bill ready drawn, and Priviledge of Parliament did not then so much as once openly murmur against Prerogative; whereas, when King Charles the First, upon an Impeachment of High Treason, came in person, and demanded Five Members of the Commons House; the whole Nation was put into as great a flame, and combustion, with the Intrenching of Prerogative upon. Priviledge, as if the King had come with Fauxes dark Lanthorn, to give Fire to a Mine which should have blown up that and all future Parliaments.
But though the Enemies of the Monarchy endeavoured to lessen the Power of the Crown in this particular of Prerogative, yet this was nothing so dangerous as the withdrawing necessary Supplies of money: For Treasure is the very Vital [Page 7]Spirit of the Government, and according to the proportion which it enjoyes of that active metal, the Pulse of the Government will certainly beat either full and strong, or weak and languishing. Sine vectigalibus nullum Imperium diu subsistere potest, saith the Politick Historian. And this the Blessed Son of God himself hath confirmed both by his Doctrine and Practice; for tho' his Kingdom was not of this World, yet he so well understood that the Government of the Kingdoms of this World were to be supported by Tributes, and was so sensible of the necessity of Government, for the common benefit of Mankind, and that this Common benefit ought to be supported at a Common charge, that for our Example, he would not Exempt himself from paying Tribute, but wrought a Miracle to furnish his Quota of the Tax imposed upon his Nation, that so he might contribute his proportion to the maintaining of the Government, and this tho' our Antimonarchical Demogogues know so well, yet notwithstanding his positive Precept to render to Caesar the things that are Caesars, he must work a greater Miracle to persuade them to comply with their Duty, and his Command; and if there were no better Christians or Subjects then the men of the Faction, notwithstanding this indispensible Law and Precept, the more obedient Fishes must bring their Miraclous Tribute and Subsidies to the Exchequer, or else the Crown must starve and Fall, or which is worse fall into their usurping hands.
My Lord Shaftsbury's infamous Speech to this purpose, is still fresh in all mens memories, and indeed I think it was so good a peice of Service, in discovering the great Secret and the Design of the Faction, that it ought never to be forgotten; If you part with your Money, &c. the Nation is betrayed. From whence it is Evident, what stress his Lordship, who was then the Oraculous Mouth of the Faction, laid upon this matter of Supplies, and granting money to the King. For [Page 8]he and the next of his fellow Inspirators, as is since discovered, and was then by all knowing and honest men justly suspected, were then busily complotting, with Security to themselves how to overthrow this most admirable and ancient Monarchy; and this they took to be the most certain Expedient to effect it. It is probable that at that time he and his Associates were not advanced to those infatuated degrees and methods of desperation and madness, to which the blasting of their Hopes and Designs by the Breath of Heaven and its Miraculous Providences, did afterwards transport them; the Debate was, how to Escape the odious Character of Rebels, and yet decently to destroy the Government, by taking off the Wheels from the Chariot of State; and for this purpose nothing appears it seems so conducive as No Money.
Nor was his Lordship singular in his Judgment, the whole Body of the Faction in their smart Adresses to the Patriots of their Party, collected into a Vox Populi, or Vox Patriae, sung the very same note, and were all set to the same Tune of Without ever a penny of Money; and at the same instant that they were so profuse of their promises to their popular Tribunes, to assist and stand by them with their Lives and Fortunes, yet the sting in the Tayl of the little Cockatrices vvas still, Not to part with any Money, or at least not vvithout good Security, the Mortgaging of the Crown Jewels to the Faction, the King if he would have any money, tho' they knew Tangier ready to be lost, and made the Nation believe the French Philistims were upon them, yet must pawn the Militia, Forts, Magazines, Navy, for their Security, all which must be put into the hands of the principal men of the Faction, who were to be the Royal Pawn-Brokers, or else No Money: Nay this would not satisfie them neither, the King must also, by a Bill of Exclusion [Page 9]sacrifice, not only, his only Brother, but the very succession in a lineal and hereditary descent, and by consequence the Monarchy it self, otherwise, Not one peny of mony.
Nay so eagerly was the Faction set upon this, No Mony Expedient, and at this mark were all their hopes of success in their wicked Designs so fixed; that they became resolute not only, not to grant the King any supplies of mony except upon these terms, but lest he should be able to subsist for the present without it, and by advancing Mony upon the Reputation and Credit of his Established Revenue, preserve Tangier then in imminent danger of being lost, and and support the Government, the inraged Faction, that they might do their utmost to reduce the Crown to the last extremities raised those tempestuous Votes of Jan. 7. 1680.
Resolved, &c. That whosoever shall hereafter lend or cause to be lent by way of advance, any Mony upon the Branches of the Kings Revenue arising by Customs, Excise, Hearth-mony, shall be adjudged to hinder the sitting of Parliaments, and shall be responsible for the same in Parliament.
Resolved, &c. That whosoever shall accept, or buy any Tally of Anticipation upon any part of the Kings Revenue, or whosoever shall pay such Tally, hereafter to be struck, shall be adjudged to hinder the sitting of Parliaments, and shall be responsible therefore in Parliament.
It was then become a terrible thing to be Voted a hinderer of the sitting of Parliaments, and to be responsible in Parliament; for the next Vote was to brand them for Favourers of Popery, and Enemies to the King and Kingdom, with which Characters they stigmatized the Lords Halifax, Clarendon, and Feversham, and the now Earl of Rochester; for adhering to the King, and opposing the Faction, and doubtless could a Vote have made it Capital and high Treason for any person to lend mony by way of Anticipation, they would have proceeded to that too.
And the practice hath held an exact conformity to the Principle upon which it is grounded; for not one single Farthing hath been granted to the Crown, since this Faction of Shaftsbury-Commonwealths-men have had any manner of power to hinder it. By all which it doth most evidently appear, that the subverting of the Government which was intended, was to have been effected, by bringing the Crown into the utmost necessity and distress, that the King might not have a penny to help himself withall, and consequently be forced into those compliances, destructive to the very Essence of the Monarchy.
But now, in regard it must appear, even to the most indifferent apprehensions, most undutiful, unnatural and unreasonable for the Representatives of the People, to treat the Father of their Country, their natural liege Lord and Soveraign at this unkind rate; therefore the second Engine of distracting the People, and alienating their Hearts and Affections from the King, is next to come in play, and to be advanced as the Reason of the former. It would appear barbarous, and lay the Design too open and bare faced, to deny supplies necessary for the support of the Government, and to be able to give no Reason for it; and because it is impossible there should be any true Reason assigned, therefore that defect is to be supplied by such Artificial Reasons, as may recompence what they want of truth, by their being plausible, fair and popular. For this is most certain, that there are some things which the Populace will always believe to be true, though they are never so false. And there are some things which the Popular Ringleaders of Faction, know to be most false, yet because they are apt to be credited by the Jealous Multitude, they industriously endeavour to impose them upon them as the greatest Truths. As for Example, the People are always easily persuaded that they labour under real Grievances, though they be never so imaginary; and then again they are apt as readily to believe, [Page 11]that these pretended Popular Patriots, will, as they constantly pretend, really redress those Imaginary Grievances. The Faction constantly accuse the Government of Miscarriages in the management of publick affairs, and though nothing be more false, yet the People will believe the accusation. A more pregnant Instance of which cannot be given then in the Case of Ship-mony. This was represented as the most intolerable Grievance and illegal Imposition upon the People, though all the Judges, except two, gave their Opinions for the legality of it. But so was the matter managed and improved by the popular Men of the Faction, that the whole Nation seemed to groan under the burthen as a most insupportable Grievance; the great Sticklers Pym, Hambden, Strode, &c. ingratiate themselves by opposing it, and inflame the People against the King and Government for imposing it. The King upon their Remonstrating and Importunities takes it quite away by Act of Parliament. But what was the event? Did these Patriots ease the People ever a whit the more? No such matter; their Design was to lessen the Crown not to Ease, the People. For did they not invite the Rebellious Scots to invade the Nation, which cost the People above a Million of Mony? And after they had accomplished their own design in cutting of such a limb of Prerogative, and by other ways so weakned the King, as that they durst, venture to grapple with him in Rebellion in the open field, they thought no longer of Redressing the Grievances, or easing the People of illegal Impositions, but on the contrary, laid such intolerable Impositions and Arbitrary Taxes upon the People, as had not the least colour of legality to countenance and support them; insomuch that for 300000 l. per annum, which was the utmost that ever the Ship-mony was computed to amount to, they levied by Taxes, Excise, Publick Faith, Contributions, Sequestrations, Free quarter and plunder, a large sum, above so many Millions in the [Page 12]year, and yet then the stupid People could not be persuaded to believe, but that their Arbitrary Tyrants and Illegal Oppressors were their great Friends, and their lawful King, and his Ministers their greatest Enemies; and though the Faction exercised actually that Arbitrary Power, which they only accused the King with designing, yet the besotted People would still believe them innocent and suspect the King to be guilty.
There are two things, of which all mankind are naturally most infinitely tender, the Liberty of their Persons, and the Property of their Estates; and a third which all men pretend to be wonderfully Zealous for, and that is their Religion; though of late we have seen, that they who have the least share of it and by their Actions the least value for it, have made the most noise and clamour about the danger of losing it; and in probability they did so too in former times; but these are three things, which the Faction have constantly endeavoured to possess the People with a belief, that they were in the utmost danger of losing, and that this danger proceeded from the ill Designs which the Government had against them; and further, that if the worthy Patriots of the Faction had not opposed the Court, Popery and Arbitrary Power had long since robbed the Nation of whatever is most valuable in this world. And it is incredible, not only, what Art and Industry hath been used to infuse this intoxicating Poison into the heads of the People, thereby to inspire them with Fears, Jealousies and hatred of the Government, and to countenance the denial of Supplies, which the People were made believe by the men of Shaftsbury, if granted, was but to contribute towards betraying their own Interest and Liberty, and to enable the King and Government to impose upon them and their Posterity the Shackles and Manacles of future slavery; but is also most wonderful, what success the strong impressions of these Forgeries, Falshoods and Calumnies have had amongst [Page 13]the People. All the Tongues and the most virulent Pens of the Faction, have for this forty years and upwards been continually employed in creating and infusing these Fears and Jealousies into the heads of the People; and in improving them, to raise in the People a distrust, dislike and hatred against the King and Government. This was the very method by which the late wicked Rebels debauched the minds of the People, and withdrew them from their Affection, Loyalty, Duty and Allegiance to the King, and having once prevailed with them to cancel those obligations, they bewitched them still with new, or repeated Fears and Jealousies, into a most execrable Rebellion, which was carried on by all the steps of Cruelty, Injustice and Tyranny, and consummated in the utter overthrow of the Established Government, the destruction of the Church, the subversion of the Crown, and the most infamous and barbarous cutting off the Sacred Head that wore it.
And how far the modern Conspirators proceeded, and advanced by the very same steps, towards the accomplishment of the late damnable Conspiracy there are as many Witnesses, as Subjects in the Nation who have taken any notice of the actions of the Faction, which will therefore supersede the trouble of recounting: Let it suffice to say in short, that there hath nothing been left unsaid, unwritten, unprinted, or undone from the Right Honourable and Right Worshipful, to the meanest Whifflers of the Faction, From the Lord Shaftsbury with his Speech of a Noble Peer, to pitiful Care, Curtis, Smith and Harris with their Pacquets, Appeals, Intelligences and Vox Populis, from the very Parliament House, down to the Coffee-house, from the City to the Country, from the spawning and licentious Press, the Conventicle Pulpit, down even to the scolding blew Apron Rethorick, which might be any ways thought conducive towards incensing the People of all Ranks and Degrees [Page 14]in the Nation against the King and the Government, and to push them headlong into a second Rebellion: And when all these ways failed, the Ring-leaders of the Faction, driven on by the Fury of their ill Destiny, betook themselves to the desperate Refuge of raising Insurrections, and that most Execrable design of Assassination of the King, the Duke, and all those who had in any measure rendred themselves conspicuous for their Loyalty in opposing the Attempts of the Faction, and adhering to the Crown and Government in their distress.
By this time it is easie to see, what it is that hath hurt us, and it will then be no difficult matter to tell what it is that will help us; For if these unreasonable. Fears and Jealousies for our Liberty, Property and Religion, and the denying of necessary supplies of Mony to the Crown, have been the Occasions of all those Disturbances and Dangers which have for these late years distracted this Nation; then by undeniable consequence, the taking off those Weights will immediately surcease those violent motions, which have so disordered our affairs, and restore Tranquility, Peace and Happiness to the Nation.
All the difficulty rests in persuading the People to make use of these Expedients, for though they may be convinced of the necessity and usefulness of the Medicine, yet it is not without difficulty that they are to be induced to take Physick. Especially this opening of the Mony Vein, makes them shrink, as much as if they were to part with as many drops of blood, as they are to drop pence. I cannot tell what effect the Experiment will have, but I will endeavour to try if I can make it appear to be the true Interest of the Nation, first to damm the sluice of these Fears and Jealousies, and secondly to set open the Mony Gate, and let in a Fresh Spring into the Exchequer.
For the first of these, the exploding and for ever banishing those destructive Jealousies, and disturbing Fears of the [Page 15]danger of Innovation in Religion, and setting up of Arbitrary Government in the State, I will not spin out a long and tedious discourse upon any of the Common Topiques, made use of upon this subject, but I will tell the Reader a story, which if well applied will give a Supersedeas to any other Arguments.
When at the beginning of the late Rebellion, there were some overtures of an accommodation to the King at Oxon; the City of London sent a Petition by some of their Aldermen, who being admitted into the Presence; Alderman Garret undertook to be then Speaker, and told the King, that his Majesty had many times promised to secure their Religion, Laws and Liberties, and Sir, said he, could we but be secure and assured that you would do so, we would soon make an end of the business. At this pretty confidence of the Aldermans, the whole Court had much to do to forbear laughing outright; but the King according to the accustomed goodness of his Nature, with a gracious smile only, made him this mild reply, Mr. Alderman, I know not how to make you confide in me, but you shall do well to believe those that lie least.
Now to apply this passage, I will beg the Readers Patience to enquire into these particulars, and to examine who have spoke the greatest truth, the Kings in their repeated promises, to secure our Religion, Properties and Laws; or the Faction who have made such extraordinary promises to the Nation in all these particulars; and have endeavoured by assuming to themselves all the glory of securing our Religion, Laws and Liberties, most invidiously to cast an Odium upon the Crown, as intending to divert the People of them.
I do therefore in the first place peremptorily challenge the whole Faction to give one single Instance, during the whole Reigns of King James, King Charles the Martyr, or his Illustrious Son our present Sovereign King Charles the [Page 16]Second, wherein any mans Property to particulars or that of the English Nation in general, hath been contrary to the known Laws of the Land invaded; or to shew wherein the Monarchical Constitution hath governed Arbitrarily: What life hath been taken away except in the just defensive War against the Rebels, but according to the known Laws of the Land? Who hath been outlawed or banished, disseized of his Freehold, imprisoned, or any other ways damnified by the Kings or their Ministers, but per legale Judicium Parium, by the Common Law of England, and by the Verdict of their Peers? What mony hath been raised but by legal and Parliamentary ways? What Force of armed. Men hath been made use of to overawe the Nation, how much necessity soever there hath appeared of more then ordinary Force, both against Foreign dangers, and intestine Rebels? Certainly if there could have been found any Instances of this nature, we should have had them soundly repeated in the Ears of the Nation, and every man of the Faction would have been a Trumpeter to proclaim them;. for it is a maxim with them never to conceal any Action that may redound to the disparagement of the Government, and rather to create falshoods, where they fall short of truth.
And for want of particular Instances wherewith to charge the Government, and fortifie their Calumnies, the Faction have always been so well aware, that in all their Clamorous and most virulent Pamphlets, which have been stuffed out with so many bitter Invectives against the Government upon this Topique of Slavery and Arbitrary Power breaking in upon the Nation, they have either charged the Government with Design and Intention only, or else with Generals only; cunningly foreseeing, that if they had descended to give particular Instances, they must have betrayed the weakness as well as falseness of their accusation, and have exposed [Page 17]themselves and Cause to the View of the whole World as guilty of Forgery and Imposture: and the two most remarkable Pamphlets of this kind, intituled the first and second Part of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government; the one written by Marvel, sometime one of Oliver Cromwell's Latin Secretaries; and die other, by that notorious Traitor Ferguson, the Independent Tubster, the most daring and malicious of any thing of that Nature; yet have strictly observed this Rule, and have therefore indeavoured to impose upon the Credulous, or those that were willing to be deceived, by charging the Government with Generals, and wresting the most innocent Actions and Words of the King and his Ministers, to make them depose some extorted Sence, tending towards introducing of Arbitrary Government in these Nations; but from the one End to the other, more cautiously then honestly, avoiding the giving any particular Instances wherein the King, or his Ministers, have actually exceeded the Limits of the Laws: Which is a Demonstration as clear as the Meridian Sun, that they durst not adventure at what they knew there was no possibility of proving, and consequently, that the Government is clear and innocent of what they accuse it.
But now on the other hand, notwithstanding all the horrible Outcries against the Government, and all the smooth Pretensions which the Commonwealth Faction have made of securing the Nation against Arbitrary Power and Slavery; there is not any one Branch of Liberty and Property which they have not violated; and wherein there may not be a thousand dismal Instances given of their Exercising the most illegal, tyrannical, and exquisitely Arbitrary Power over the Lives, Liberties, and Estates, not only of some particular Persons, their Enemies or Opposers, but of the whole English, Scottish, and Irish Nations: Volumes will not contain the Murders, Rapines, Oppressions, Sequestrations, Decimations, Imprisonments, and what ever can be thought of, that was Cruel, illegal, Unjust, or Arbitrary, which were exercised promiscuously over their Friends and Enemies, [Page 18]by those Persons to whom the Gracious Act of Oblivion was granted at his Majesty's happy Restauration. And who were these Arbitrary Tyrants, but those who complained of the danger of that Bugbear from the Monarchy, who fought with the King to secure the English Liberties, as they pretended; and who so often promised the People to ease them of their Grievances, and defend their Liberties and Properties? but the Liberty ended in the most absolute Slavery: Nay, I do positively averr, that the Slavery of the English Nation under this usurping Republican Faction, was in some measure greater then that which is exercised by the Turkish Sultan; for where he Conquers, he leaves the Vanquished at intire Liberty to keep their Religion: Whereas when these English Turks had gotten the Victory over the King and the Royal Party; though they tolerated all Sects, Heresies, and Schismaticks, yet so far as they could, they made it Unlawful and Criminal for the Loyal Subjects, to Exercise, even that Protestant Religion, which by Laws unrepealed, and the most solemn Oaths, from which they could not be, by any Power whatever, dispensed with, they were bound to perform: So that they had no Choice left, but Perjury or Punishment. For during all the time of the late Usurpation, the whole Body of the Clergy, many of those who were the forwardest, even from the Pulpit to promote Rebellion, such as Barges, Marshal, Nye, Case, &c. were under the Obligation of their own voluntary Oaths of Supremacy and Canonical Obedience to their Ordinaries the Bishops, and the King as supreme Head and Governour of the Church, and to his Majesties Ecclesiastical Laws; and the whole Body of the Laiety of the Nation were obliged by the Act of 1. Eliz. for Uniformity and all those other Statutes made during hers, and the Reign of King James for maintaining Episcopal Protestancy, both against Papists and Schismaticks, which then, and to this present Day, stand unrepealed: Insomuch, that by obliging the whole Nation to take the Solemn League and Covenant, and thereby to Swear and Vow the utter Extirpation of Episcopacy, [Page 19]the Liturgy, and all the Ceremonies of Divine worship, which were established by Law, and secured by most Sacred Oaths, they necessarily and unavoidably forced the People into a manifest and damnable Perjury on the one hand or the other: For if they took the Covenant, as they compelled all Men, so far as they were able, to do, all those who indeavoured the Extirpation of Episcopacy and the Common Prayer, were guilty of the Breach of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and if they did not indeavour it, they were by their Covenant perjured and forsworn. So that here was Arbitrary Tyranny with a Vengeance, not only over the Lives, Liberties, and Estates; but over the Souls and Consciences of the People of these three Nations in general; such an Arbitrary Power as the Devil himself could not have exceeded, unless in that downright Traiterous and Damnable Engagement, which they afterwards imposed, point blank contrary to the Oath of Allegiance, their Protestation, and the Covenant too, for maintaining the Priviledges of Parliament, by which they obliged the Takers, To be true to the Government, as it was then Established without a King and House of Lords.
And now for their great pretence of securing the Nation against Popery; what Advantage could that be to the People, after they had done their uttermost Indeavours to Damn them Eternally, by an Universal Perjury? For my part I can see very little difference in the Case, whether a Man goes to the Devil for Perjury or Popery, and I believe such of them as have tried, will find it comes all to a Reckoning. But after all the Noise, I do not find upon the matter that the Nation was ever a whit the more secured from Popery, but on the contrary, that Popish Principles every where gained ground upon the Nation, and that Priests and Jesuits in the Dress of the several Sects were as busie as ever, and that by the very force of the Argument of our Divisions, and by the kind usage of those who were driven into Exile by [Page 20]these Protestants they made more Proselytes in twenty Years, then they had done in a Hundred before. It was a very notable Observation of Dr. Laud, the suffering Archbishop of Canterbury, in his Speech upon the Scaffold in the Year 1644. I pray God, (said that admirable Prelate, who as he there tells us, lost his Head upon the Popular Clamour of Venient Romani,) this Clamor of Venient Romani, of which I have given no Cause, hasten not to bring them in; for the Pope never had such a Harvest in England since the Reformation, as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are among us.
And after all, what did it signifie to keep out one Great Pope, and let in a thousand little ones? just as much as if Belzebub had been cast out, and the whole Legion of lesser Devils left behind in him that was possessed. For the plain Truth is, they kept out the Pope, but kept in Popery, the rankest and most mischievous Doctrines and Practices of the worst of Men of that Religion. What Mariana, Allen, Suarez, and other traiterous Jesuits had writ concerning the Deposing and Murdering of Princes, they Aced; and from these Authors, they borrowed Arguments to justifie their Rebellion and the blackest of Crimes. And whereas the Papacy was by so many Laws driven out of England for Errors in Doctrine, for Sedition, Rebellion, and Treason against the Monarchy and Government in Principles and Practices, there was not one Error or Heresie in all the Romish Religion which was Treasonable by the Laws, but what was put in practice by these Pope-Haters. And for the other Errors of a lower Form, what was wanting of Transubstantiation, Purgatory, Masses, Prayers to the Saints, &c. was abundantly supplied by ten thousand other Errors and Heresies, which were held, maintained, and propagated by the several Sects which were tolerated by them, under the notion of Liberty for Tender Consciences; and such Errors as were destructive, not only of the Reformed, but of all manner of Christian Religion. Such as denying the Articles of the [Page 21]Creed; the Divinity of Christ; the Validity and Infallibility of the Scriptures; the Obligation of the Moral Law; the Immortality of the Soul; the Resurrection of the Body; the Lawfulness of an Oath; the Necessity of a Priesthood, or Sacraments; the Doctrine of the Trinity, and innumerable others which were held and maintained by the several Schismaticks of the Nation, and preached to the deluded People for saving Truths, whereas they were indeed most damnable Heresies. Thus did they secure the Nation from Popery, and kept out the Whore of Babylon, by letting in the Devil of Babel, and letting open a hundred Gates to Hell under pretence of stopping up one.
Let the best Manager of the Faction now shew us, where the Government hath since the first of Queen Eliz. made one single step towards a return to Rome, or to any other of those damnable Errors and Heresies, which are every whit as dangerous to the Peace and Quiet of the Nation, and to the well-being and happiness of both the Souls, Bodies, and Societies of Mankind.
So that, now to come to my Story again; since it doth plainly appear in Fact, that the King and the Government have never deceived us in their Promises, to secure us against Popery and Arbitrary Power; and that on the other side, the Faction, notwithstanding all their fair Pretences and repeated Covenants, Engagements, Vows, Protestations, and Promises, have broken with us in every one of these particulars, a thousand, and a thousand times over; we must be not only most stupidly besotted, but infatuated and bewitched, if either we believe such notorious Deceivers any longer, or if for the future we do not repose an absolute and intire Confidence, in the Goodness, and Wisdom, Justice, and Honour of the King and Government, when they give us such repeated Assurances, and such undeniable Demonstration, that they will protect us in the Enjoyment of our Laws, Liberties, Properties, and Religion.
And if we could once get clear of ibis Rub, which the Faction have always thrown as a stumbling Block in the Peoples Way, we should with less difficulty get over the second. For if the Nation, as the wise Alderman said, were but assured and secure, and that they may be as much as of any thing in this World, that under the Protection of the Government they should enjoy their Laws, Liberty and Religion, they would then certainly, for their own Sakes, be not only willing, but forward to supply the Crown with Mony, not only in a bare proportion to the necessity of the Charges which constantly attend the Government, but also to provide such certain Supports, as might secure the Crown against any incident and unforeseen Accidents, and maintain the Honor and Dignity of it, so as to make it sit easie upon the Royal Head.
All this is certainly the Duty as well as Interest of the People, his Majesties loving Subjects of all degrees of this Nation; for it is the highest Reason and Justice in the World, that a common and universal Good and Benefit, should be promoted and advanced at a common Charge: and if it be every Mans Duty and Interest, as undoubtedly it is, both by the Laws of God and Nature, to support that Government under the Protection whereof he enjoys all: It is as certainly every Mans Duty to contribute such a Proportion of his Estate, as may enable the Government to give him Protection. And we should learn this Wisdom from the Enemies of the Government, that if the most certain and expeditious way to ruine and destroy it, be to withdraw the necessary supplies; then on the contrary, the most certain way to preserve it, is for the Nation generously, and in a due proportion to the Charges of the Government to supply the Crown and recruit the Exchequer. And since it is most evident that they were the mortal Enemies of the Kingdom, the Conspirators in this late Hellish Plot, who [Page 23]by their Councels and Indeavours hindred the granting of Supplies, it is to be hoped, that hereafter, no Persons will oppose it, who have hot a mind to be esteemed so too, and to be suspected to be influenced by those Persons and Designs.
I know it will presently be objected, that the Nation is poor, and the Countries unable to raise Mony.
To this, I shall, it may be, give a very uncommon Answer, when I reply, that one, and possibly one of the greatest Reasons and Occasions of the Scarcity of Mony in the Country, is the not granting supplies of Mony to the Crown. And how much soever a Paradox this may at first view appear to be; it may be, upon second thoughts, it may be found to be true; however, I will fairly leave it to the severe Consideration of the most Judicious, and the strictest Examination of the most Scrupulous. If it be true, let it be allowed and cherished, if it be false, let it be first refuted, and then rejected.
I first then take it for granted, that the present scarcity of Mony in the Country, does not arise from the real decrease of Coin in specie: and on the contrary, that there never was greater plenty of Coin, it appears most evidently from the notable fall of Interest; for the Law allows the taking of Six per Cent. but four and a half, or five, is as much as is generally given, and it is incredible, upon good and sound Security, what Sums may be had at four per Cent. and what Catching there is by the Scriveners, and Mony-Brokers at such Customers, especially now since the Bankers have declined in their Reputation. Now nothing in the world can be a greater Demonstration of the Plenty of money, then this falling of Interest; and it is plain by many other Projects, as the Ensuring, Building, and the Lumbring Designs, that there is a vast Bank of Mony lies unemployed; and yet the Nation never had a greater Trade, to employ Mony, never more shipping, [Page 24]never more Merchants, as will easily appear by comparing the Custom-House Entries, both for Importation, and Exportation, with what they have been in former Years. And if any Person disbelieves the Truth of so well known matters of Fact, they must disprove it, not only by saying Mony is scarce, but they must shew in Fact, by assigning how, where, and when, the Mony of the Nation is sunk and drawn off in specie, so as in that Sense to make the Objection true, that the Nation is poor, i. e. that there is not actually so much Coin in England now this present Year 1683, as there was in 1653, when Mony, the Republicans say, was so plentiful, and every thing bore a Price. For though all the Coin in England were actually drawn into the City of London, and other trading, especially Maritine Towns, so that a Man could not find a Cross in the poor Countryman's Pocket to keep the Devil out, yet must not the Nation be therefore said to be the poorer, so long as the same Treasure is actually in it, tho drawn into fewer Hands, which I take to be our present Case; Nay, I am of Opinion, that the Act for free Mintage of Mony, which is so beneficial and tempting to the Merchant, has brought more Mony into England, then the East India Trade hath carried out, and yet I believe there goes more Water by that Mill, then the Miller knows of.
In the second Place therefore, I take it for granted, that the want of due Circulation of the Mony that is in the Nation, is the true Reason of the present scarcity of Mony. There is more Mony in the Nation, then the Trade of the Nation can Employ, that is most apparent: the Surplusage lies still in private Banks unimployed, but ready upon Occasion to be issued out upon Purchases, Mortgages, or any other way which shall offer a considerable Advantage to the Owners. The lying still of this Mony, together [Page 25]with the constant drawing up of Money out of the Country to these little banks for the same purposes, still drains the Country and keeps it bare. For in effect, there is little more Money circulates in the Inland Counties of England, than London and the other good Towns afford them for Provisions for the Mouth. The rest of the Inland Trade, is upon the matter but barter and exchange of Commodity for Commodity, each Country mutually supplying themselves in what they want from the other, so that here is still part of the Running Cash of the Country marching up into these little Petty-bag Offices, but vestigia pauca retrorsum, no circulation from thence again.
Thirdly therefore, I take it also for granted, that whatsoever will be found to give Money a greater circulation, will make it more plentifull in the Nation; and the more Money does circulate, the more it will: for the Countries are not wanting in Commodities, but there is a want of Money to advance the Rates of them; and therefore the more plentifull Money is, the better prices every thing gives; for all Markets rise or fall in proportion to the number of Buyers, and Chapmen are few or many in proportion to the plenty of Money which they have, and by consequence therefore, till more Money does circulate, the Countryman will find little of it, and but indifferent Markets for his Commodities; and till Markets are better, Rents are not like to rise; nor these little Bankers bring out their Hoards, till Lands rise, and that they see hopes of advantage by becoming Purchasers.
In the last place, the other three being granted, viz, That there is as great a stock of Money in the Nation, as ever; That the want of circulation makes it scarce; and, That whatever will make more Money circulate, will make it more plentifull. I say, these being granted to be true in fact, as I cannot see any possibility of disproving any one of them, the onely way to make more Money circulate, and by consequence [Page 26]sequence, to make it more plentifull, is by a liberal supply or the Occasions and Expences of the Crown and Government.
This it may be at first view, especially among the Republicans, who cannot indure to hear of parting with Money to the King, may look like a pretty Court-project and Paradox: but as I am no Courtier, nor have the remotest dependency upon it, so I doubt not but both by Reason and Experience, so to support my Assertion, as to make it evident, that I am a true Countryman, not according to the Factious distinction of a Countryman, as opposite to a Courtier, but such a Countryman, as would by supporting the Honour, Safety and Dignity of the Crown and Court, also advance and improve the Interest of the Country. For let the Commonwealthsmen say what they will, the Court and the Country are not two separate Interests; and it will never be found that a Poor Exchequer made a Rich Country.
And therefore first in point of Reason. In fact this is most evident, that the more Money the King hath, the more Money circulates through the whole Nation; and that except as before, what London and the good Towns of England expend in Provision for the Mouth, the greatest part of the Money that runs through the Kingdom, is what arises from the Branches of the King's Revenue; for the King's Money is really current Coin in all senses, it does not rust in the Exchequer, it does not lie there for Purchases, Mortgages, or other Bargains and Trade, but does continually issue out again to defray die constant Charges and Expences of the Government, and is distributed into a multitude of Hands who have their dependence upon the Crown, and these again issue it out to supply their own Necessities to the trading part of the Kingdom, for the Native Commodities of the Nation; so that it runs in a continual circle. Now the Revenue manifestly falling short of the Expences of the Government, insomuch, that his Majesty has not [Page 27]onely been forced to retrench his Houshold Expences, which occasioned a great consumption of our Native Production, and by consequence the circulation of so much Money into the Country, but hath notwithstanding been involved in a very great Debt; the supplying the Crown with such Aids, as may enable the King to set up his Royal Tables, and Discharge his Debts, and not be forced to involve himself in new ones, as it would be highly honourable for the King and Nation, so it would be no more in effect, but the Kingdoms giving their Money with one hand to receive it again with the other, and the putting off so much more Money to circulation throughout the Nation: And this again would likewise be abundantly recompensed, both in our Foreign Traffick, and Domestick Trade, as I will indeavour to make appear in its due place.
But secondly, the truth of this is most evident as from Reason so from Experience, which in my opinion is an Argument of the greatest force and strength: for many times Reason may be so brought to oppose Reason, and the combat of Arguments may appear so equal, as to leave the: Judgment in suspence to which Party it should incline to yield the Laurel of Truth and Victory; but though one cannot possibly see into every minute Circumstance and the little concatenations of Causes and Effects, especially where the number of them renders it intricate, so as to be able to penetrate into the abstruce and intangled reasons of things, which like a ruffled skain of Silk may be difficult to be wound up to a bottom; yet if constant Experience shews, that thus it hath always been in such and such Cases, then it is a very sound Argument; that thus it will be again; and that certainly there is a true reason why it should be so, though possibly it be too intricate to be drawn into a Demonstration: though for my own particular, this point of the circulation of Money before discoursed of, seems so forcible, [Page 28]as to be undeniably the true foundation of the following Experience in matter of fact.
We will not travel out of our Kenn in this particular, though we might run as high as Queen Elizabeth's golden Reign, which we have been told was as plentifull in Money as it was in Glory; the true reason whereof was that She was never denied any Money by her Subjects for the support of the Government; though sometimes she rejected the Money Bills when the Golden Hook went a fishing for Royal Prerogative. But to come nearer home, it is in the Mouths of the Countryman and Citizen, and hath been mainly improved and insisted upon by the Faction, to beget in them a good opinion of their Commonwealth Cause, and to put them out of conceit with Kingly Government, That Money was never more plentifull in this Nation, than during the times of the late Ʋsurpation. The Fact is plain, though the Reason is not so to the many; but this will unriddle the Matter. For it is evident that the Trade of the Nation was nothing so considerable then as now; and the losses at Sea were extraordinary, it being computed that the Nation lost during the War with Spain above 300 Sail of Ships besides their Goods. But the true reason was this, those Ʋsurpers raised what Taxes they pleased upon the Nation, and constantly above double the King's present Revenue yearly, and many times treble; and there being a necessity for the defence of their Ʋsurpations to keep up great Fleets at Sea, and Forces at Land, the payment of these, and the charges they were at to keep themselves in, and the King out of possession of these Kingdoms, obliged them to issue out that Money which came in upon the Assessments, Excise, Customs, Crown and Church-lands, Sequestrations, and other Funds, for the defraying of their Charges; by which means, there was double and treble the quantity of the King's Revenue, which constantly circulated through the whole Nation, by reason whereof Money was made plentifull, and all Commodities [Page 29]bearing a considerable rate, Lands let at good prices, and those heavy and illegal Taxes were the less felt. And sure it is a very hard Case, that the Nation receiving a benefit by it too, they should be unwilling to assist their Lawfull King, since they could so tamely submit to do it to those Ʋsurpers.
And to come a little nearer, let it be inspected, and it will be found true, since his Majesty's happy Return, that Money was never more plentifull, nor Lands let better, than when by reason of the free supplies which the Loyal Long-parliament gave him, the circulation of the Crown-revenue ran briskly through the Nation. And on the other hand, that Money hath never been so scarce within the memory of Man, as for these last six or seven years that the Conspiratours of the Faction getting into the House of Commons, stopped the Money-springs, according to the advice and project of the E. of Shaftsbury, the English Achitophel, whose devilish Counsel this was; and though not in it self treasonable, yet was by him, and his Traiterous Adherents, designed as one principal Way and Means, to enable them to accomplish their Execrable Conspiracy, so miraculously discovered, by disabling the King and his Friends, and depriving the Government of the Power to oppose them in case they had proceeded to actual Hostilities and Insurrections.
And now, according to my promise, I must answer the obvious Objection which the Gentlemen and People of better rank in the Nation will certainly make to this that hath been said; they know their Rents are fallen, their Lands every day thrown into their hands, and that they are forced, for want of Tenants, to turn Farmers themselves, and to stock and employ their own Estates. All this is most certainly true, and I know it experimentally my self. Now will they say, This would be very hard upon us, to pay the same Rates and Taxes as formerly, when our Estates are lessened a third part of their yearly value.
To this I answer. First, that admitting what before hath been said to be true, and till it is disproved by stronger reason than that upon which it stands, it ought to be so esteemed, I know no way to raise and increase their Rents in probability like this; for upon the circulation of more Money, it must certainly be more plentifull, and all those little Hoarders and Bankers will be obliged to let some part of theirs circulate, who now keep it up, and Money becoming more plentifull, all Country Commodities will advance in their price; the rising of Country Commodities will enable and encourage Tenants to hire Lands, and will advance their Rents: So that upon the matter, the Money granted to the Crown, is but the best way of putting out some part of a Man's Estate, for die improvement of the rest; and like sowing Sain-foin, or Clover, which from three or four Shillings per Acre, will raise the Land to double or treble the value: And if there were nothing else in it, the Experiment is not so chargeable, but that it is worth the Nations trying; and I dare presume to say, there is scarcely that Gentleman of Estate in England, but would upon as slender Inducements, venture as great a proportion as his part of any Royal Aid yet granted has amounted to, for the improment of his Estate; And at the worst, should it not succeed, yet the Nation has but done their duty to the King and themselves in supplying the Occasions of the Government, by parting with some part of their Estates in order to the securing the Remainder from Foreign Force, or Domestick Ʋsurpers, so that at most it is but so much Money to insure the Kingdom from the devouring Flames of a Civil or Foreign War. But if it should succeed, as I cannot see how it can doe otherwise, it must make the King the greatest Prince, and the Nation the richest People in the World.
For, besides the advantage and security we reap by inabling the Government to protect us in all our just and legal Rights at home, against the Machinations of Factious Traytours [Page 31]and Commonwealthsmen, this will give extraordinary encouragement and countenance to our Foreign Commerce, which is of mighty influence to the Inland Trade, by disburthening the Nation of the surplusage of its Native Commodities; for how desirous soever any of our Covetous or Ambitious Neighbours may be to spoil our Markets, or rob us of our Trade, they will difficultly be persuaded to break with us, or come to blows for it, when they shall see the Crown of England in capacity, by strong and powerfull Fleets, to give Laws to the Ocean, and to redress the wrongs and injuries done or offered to our Merchants, though in the remotest corners of the Earth. Nay, it is more than possible, that the Strength, Riches and Reputation of England, may thereby come to be so advanced, as to render it the great Emporium and Exchange of the World.
But secondly, I answer, that for my own particular, I am for easing the Land as much as is possible, and think those Impositions the best, which grow and arise upon such things as are least felt, such as the duty upon Liquours, where the burthen is born by so many and in such small proportions, that it is scarcely felt by single persons. And possibly it would not hurt the Nation, by some Imposition, to restrain the excessive luxuriance of buildings near the Cities of London and Westminster, which certainly make the Nation weak and Riketty, and depopulate the Country; and by withdrawing so many hands from Husbandry and Manufactures, in the several Counties of England, make Tenants scarce and Rents fall.
But thirdly, I am clearly for setting the Saddle upon the right Horse; and since the Dissenters have occasioned more than common necessity for the supporting the Crown, and securing the Government against their Attempts, to oblige them to bear the greatest part of that Charge. We have had many boasts from them of late years, how considerable they are for number and wealth: now since they have by their [Page 32]repeated indeavours made it visible, that they would misimploy their Strength and Riches, to the subversion of the present Government, there is all the reason in the world, and their own reason too, when they had the power, that they should bear the Charges, which they have created; and that the honest and Loyal Party should not be obliged to suffer in their Estates, to secure the King and Government against their disturbances and wicked attempts.
But besides, it is not onely reasonable, and the practice of all Governments, but marvellous just too. They cannot complain of Adonibezeck's Law, especially since the return will be but to pare their Nails, in requital of their cutting off the Thumbs, nay the Hands and Heads of the Royal Party. They have had their day, and took all, it is but just the Royalists should have theirs too, and take some. The Riches they value themselves so much upon, what are they, but the spoils of the late Rebellion, when they grew rich and great by oppressing, sequestring, taxing and plundring the King, the Church, and the Loyal Party? For when they had the poor Royalists under their power, they made them defray the greatest part of the Charges of the Nation out of their Estates; and surely they can have no reason to complain, if they receive some part of the measure, which they then called the highest Justice, and did so liberally dispense to others. And truly it is but a Pig of their own Sow, the Child of their own Politicks; for if they can believe it so high a point of Reason of State, to keep the King from Money, that so he might not be able to traverse their Designs, or hinder their Attempts; the same and far greater Reason of State lies against them, not to permit them to be Masters of so much Money, as to be able therewith to hurt the King, or disturb the Government. And truly it will be a great kindness to them to disable them from doing mischief; like the taking of a Sword out of a Madman's hand for fear he should kill himself, or some other with it. [Page 33]and seeing they cannot make a better use of it, 'tis the best way of employing their Talent for them, to the publick good and safety of the Nation, and thereby prevent their running to the Gallows and the Devil too, and losing all.
I know Mr. Trimmer will presently be upon my bones, with the danger of exasperating a Party so considerable as the Dissenting Brotherhood would have us upon occasion believe they are, though I fancy if every Conventicler in England were to be taxed three shillings to my one, they would all like the Scotch man cry, I'se eat Peark, and the Porridg too of Common Prayer, and dwindle into a very pitiful Muster-Roll; but by Mr. Trimmer's favour, and for all his fear of running them upon Extremities, they are mightily out of love with Hemp and wry Faces; and I believe they are now already as mad as Malice and Despair can make them, but as curst as they are, they know their Horns are as short. And if they be so dangerous when they are angry, it is the more necessary, to abate their strength; for my life for yours, Mr. Trimmer, if they want money, they will not want wit in their anger; and most certainly, they who are so apt to be angry, and whose anger is capable of transporting them to such Extremities, as to flie in the face of the Government, ought like Mastiffs and Bull Doggs, to be well muzzled, that they may not bite, though they bark never so fiercely. And if this be their Temper, that they have not duty enough for God and the King, to secure them against Rebellion, it is most sure, that they will be no longer quiet or honest, than they are kept so by wanting opportunity and strength to shew their anger, and flie to Extremities. Fear only restrains them, Love and tenderness never did, never will. And so long as they have Power they will be dangerous; let us take that from them, and then let Mr. Trimmer and his Exasperado's do their worst.
But let the wayes of raising be never so just and necessary, [Page 34]easie and advantageous for the support, safety and Dignity of the Government, how we shall come by this Mony will be the next inquiry? Truly I know no other way but by a Loyal and brave House of Commons. And for my own particular, I cannot see the least Cloud to darken the Prospect, but that whenever the King shall please to call a Parliament, the next Elections will generally fall upon such Worthy and Loyal Gentlemen, as will effectually do the business of the King and the Nation. And the Faction have by their late actions, and the discovery of their Execrable Conspiracy, laid themselves and their wicked Intentions so open, and exposed to the detestation of the whole World, that I cannot conceive in any future Parliament, there should be found in any Gentleman so much wanting to his own Reputation, as to appear a Patron or Advocate for such a sort of People as stand convicted of ill Designs against the Government, as the Mony-opposers and Dissenters do. And though possibly some few of the same Persons with their Old Principles, may get again into the Commons House, yet I am apt to think, they will be very cautious of their Words, since it may be the turn of the Loyal Party too to call to the Barr, and purge the House of Associators, Exclusioners, the Men of Shaftsbury, the Grey Coats and Monmouth Caps. It may happen, that the Votes and Voters of Eighty, may be as low in Reputation in the Opinion of the House, and all honest and Loyal Men out of it, as those of 40 and 41; and that some persons who used to be liberal Speakers heretofore, may sit there as if they were in the School of Pythagoras, with their Fingers, either in, or, upon their Mouths, a better way to deserve the Title of the Wisdom of the Nation, which they have so much affected, than by making such Speeches as will not be heard with Patience, nor go off with Impunity.
And since before the Elections of the late Parliaments, the Faction used lustily to bestir themselves to give aim, it is but one good turn for another, if we pay them in their own [Page 35]Coin. For their List of Ʋnanimous Votes, which they impudently Printed, purposely to expose so many Worthy and Loyal Gentlemen to the contempt and hatred of the People; and to hinder them from being Elected into future Parliaments, it were easie to repay them with a List of Nemine Contradicente's, That the King should neither have Mony nor Credit to take up any upon the Reputation of his Revenue; It were easie to give a Catalogue of such as were Zealous, by the Bill of Exclusion, to turn the Monarchy from an Hereditary and Lineal Descent, into an El ctive Parliamentary Title, and for backing this with an Association, to enable the Dissenters to take up Arms under the pretence of securing his Majesties Person, to destroy both Him and the Government; according to the Printed Vote of Dec. 15. 1680. When it was Resolved, &c. That a Bill be brought in for an Association of all his Majesties By which was alwayes in the Cant of the Faction, understood Dissenters. Protestant Subjects, for the safety of his Majesties Person, the Defence of the Protestant Religion, the Preservation of his Majesties Protestant Subjects, against all That word is well expounded in the Trial of the Conspirators. Invasions and Oppositions Not excepting the King. whatsoever, and for preventing the Duke of York, or any Papist from succeeding to the Crown. It were easie to mark every individual person who was then busie in promoting the Common-Wealth Design, some of which as Trenchard, Booth, Hambden and the late L. Russel, are now sufficiently detected, and some of them rewarded according to their Traiterous Practices. But their Names as well as Actions, are publick enough in the Printed Votes, and the Nation knows them to a man, and therefore, I need not waste Paper to repeat them.
But in regard I think it is the Duty of every good Subject who loves the King, and wishes well to England, to contribute all that lies in his Power, that such Gentlemen may be chosen, and sent to represent them in the next [Page 36] Parliament, as may comport themselves within the bounds of Duty and affectionate Loyalty to the King, such as will pursue the true interest of the Kingdom, by securing the Government and Peace of both Church and State, I cannot think it amiss to offer some Qualifications, requisite to recommend such Persons to the Considerations of the Freeholders and Freemen of England, as may speak them fit for that great Trust and Honour.
And therefore first negatively, No such Persons as have been either open or secret favourers of the Dissenters, and courted by them. Such of all men are most unfit; for it is most certain that no good can be expected from them, who are imbarqued in an interest diametrically opposite to the Church and Crown, as all the Dissenters in England notoriously are; and it is as certain, that the Dissenters never bestow their Regards but upon such as favour them, nor ever indeavour to set up any person to be a Member of the Commons House, but in expectancy, and upon assurance from them, that they will be serviceable to their Cause and Interest.
Secondly, No such Persons, nor their Descendants as have been actually ingaged in the late Rebellion, who were themselves, or whose Ancestors were possessed of any part of the Crown or Church Lands. For Principles and aversion do descend to Posterity; and for those who were actors in the War, and sharers of the Booty, they are not to be trusted, unless they have given eminent testimonies of their Repentance; otherwise assuredly they retain the same Antimonarchical Principles, which overthrew the Government before; they cannot forget the sweetness of that Arbitrary Power which they then exercised, when a Colonel or a Captain domineer'd over a whole Country; they look upon themselves as injured in the loss of those fair Estates, of which in the times of Ʋsurpation they were the foolish purchasers and unjust possessors, and upon all these accounts will not only do no good, but all the hurt they can, in hopes if the Government [Page 37]were but again overturned, they might come into their Estates and Power again.
Thirdly, No such as have been busie sticklers, against granting Money, no Exclusioners, Associators, spreaders of jealousies of the Designs of the Government to introduce Popery, slavery, and such abominable Calumnies against the King and his Ministers; for all such if they have not been actually ingaged, though it may be so secretly as to escape discovery, in the late Conspiracy, yet gave countenance and encouragement to the Conspirators, and though the secret was not plainly communicated to them, yet were such as the Conspirators assured themselves, would certainly joyn them upon success.
Fourthly, No such as have been Zealous promoters of branding, or Tophamizing the best and most Loyal of his Maj sties Subjects, as betrayers of the Nation, Enemies to the King and Kingdom, favourers of Popery; no such as have been promoters of real Arbitrary imprisoning and punishing such of his Majesties good Subjects, as in their several stations only did their Duty and discharged their Consciences in discountenancing tumultuary Petitioning, and in opposing the violent courses and proceedings of the Faction. For such Men are very unlikely to secure our Liberty and Property, who have been such notorious invaders of them, and can never be true Friends to the Crown and Government, who have branded the most Loyal Subjects, with the infamous character of, Enemies to the King and Kingdom.
Fifthly, None of those who have been for their being disaffected, put out of the Commission of the Peace, or Offices in the Militia, or discarded from places of Profit, Trust and Honour in the Government, for they will think revenge better than Muscadine and Eggs, and will study that more than to serve the Publick.
And for an even half dozen, none of that wretched Generation of Trimmers, those Janus-faced Protestants, those State Otters, neither Fish nor Flesh nor good red Herring [Page 38]Statesmen, for it is a clear Case, He that is not with us, is against us, and these pretended moderate Men, are immoderately false and rotten at Core, outside Friends, inward and secret foes, and by far more dangerous than open Enemies: like Joab they kiss and stabb; these, if they can do no more, will keep the head of the Faction above Water: and in short they are too like the Devil to be trusted, for like a true Trimmer, where he can do no hurt as a Devil, he will do it as an Angel, but they are easily known, the one, as they say, by his cloven foot, and the other by his cloven tongue.
Put in the last place affirmatively, Such Gentlemen are fit for the Publick Honour to serve their King and Country as its Representative in Parliament, who have either heretofore in the late Rebellion, or in these later times of disorder, manifested their steady Loyalty to the King, and hearty affection to the Government established in Church and State, whose Reputations are not blemished by any suspicion of confederacy, intimacy, kindness, or Correspondency either with such of the late Conspirators as are convicted or fled from the Justice of the Laws; but who have given proofs of their fidelity to the Crown by opposing the Faction. For these are the Men of Honour and integrity, who equally detest Popery and Phanaticism, Pickering's screwed Gun, and Rumbolds unscrewed Blunderbusses; who will really indeavour to secure the Protestant Religion and the Monarchy against their Enemies on both hands. These and only such are the Men that are the true Patriots and Englishmen, that will trust the King, and therefore are fit to be trusted by the Country, who will not only according to the Mode of the Faction, make a loud clamour and Bawling of the danger of the Protestant Religion and the Kings person, but apply such effectual remedies, as may contribute to the real safety of both, who will not only scorn to be Pensioners to France, but will inable the King upon occasion to oppose the too near greatness of that Ambitious Monarchy; [Page 39]and not like the Men of the Conspiracy cry out against French Pensioners and French Councils, and yet themselves do the business of the French, by tying the King of England's hands, and tying up the Purse of England, whose weight is only able to ballance France; not amuse and incense the People with dismal stories of the danger of France, and at the same time by keeping up the divisions of England augment those dangers, and find the Government work enough to consult and take care of its own security at home, so as neither to have Money nor leisure enough to look after, or be able to prevent any dangers abroad: in a word the Nation must have a new house of Commons, if a new Parliament, and a new Parliament if they expect any good, and Peace of settlement either in Church and State at home, or security and Honour abroad, and therefore by clear consequence either not the Old Members with the Old Principles, or the Old Principles with New Men.
It is very probable however, that the Dissenting Faction will not abandon all their hopes, but being still in many places animated by the Principal Men of their Party, and led by their ill Destiny to pull down vengeance upon their own heads, it is possible they will struggle hard in some Elections to over vote the Loyalists, and obtrude the same, or Men of the same leaven upon the Nation. Now though I know nothing that obliges me to give them good advice, but pure Compassion, yet I would desire them to look before they leap; and if they have not forfeited all their share of Common discretion, to see where their Interest lies. Every man that hath but a grain of sence, will consult his own advantage, and before he adventures upon any thing the consequences whereof may be very great, consider seriously of the matter, and make a computation of what gain or loss it may be to him; and truely if they do not now in this conjuncture, they will no longer be the sober Party, but act like rash, inconsiderable Bedlams, and men drunk with Rage and desperation.
I would therefore as a true Friend, that would have them see the worst of their Case, advise them first to look up and see what time of the day it is with them; for upon the matter they will find that the Sun of their Hopes is just upon setting in a black Cloud of Eternal Night. They will find, that they have nothing in the World left to expect, unless some Miracles, to which they may trust their Expiring Cause. They will find that the House of David is grown, and will grow overy day stronger, and their House of Saul, forsaken of God, every moment weaker. They will find, that the Nation is thoroughly awakened with the danger of Blood and Confusion, in which the Leaders of their Faction had designed to involve it. And what can they now possibly hope for by opposing the Government, and the Loyal Party of the Nation, by endeavouring to send disaffected Representatives to the Parliament? there is scarcely a bare possibility, considering how many will every where for very shame fall off from them, as well as others out of fear or honesty, that they should gain a Majority in the Commons House: and if they fail in that, the disturbance which they have made, and the endeavours to oppose the Loyal Party, will oblige them to inforce the Execution of the Penal Laws against them, and to provide greater severities for the future. For if they shall now dare to struggle with the Government, and make disturbances, when they are under all the disadvantages imaginable, it will shew that they are a People of such desperate as well as dangerous Principles, that there cannot be too great Caution used, nor too great care taken, by the utmost severity of Laws, and the due Execution of them, to take away their strength, suppress them, and hinder the growth and progress of such Principles, and numbers of Men, as in time may be fatal to the Government.
And were it possible, which truly they must be of very sanguine tempers that can hope it, that the Faction should get such another House of Commons according to their wishes, yet what would they be the better for it, since there is no hopes of a Perpetual Session? And because they shall have an easie way how to compute what they may get for the future, I would desire them to take Pen, Ink and Paper, and set down what they have got already by the former disturbances of this nature which they have given the Nation. I am of opinion, when they have stated the matter, they may put all the gains in their Eyes, and whereas we commonly say, see ne'er the worse, I fancy it will make them see much the better; see their folly and madness, and if they have any remainders of prudence or discretion, teach them to leave trading upon that New-found-land-bank of a Commonwealth, where they will catch nothing but, had I Fish, and Poor John. There was a time when they had some hopes, they can have none now; for most certainly the Nation will never be at rest, till it hath by repeated trials and changes purged off this old Commonwealth Scurvy, and got a sound new Representative Body; and till it comes to that period, the Dissenters, who are the onely hinderers and opposers of it, must expect to be treated by the Laws and Government, as the enemies of the peace and happiness, the quiet and settlement of the Kingdom.
The Government may be very tender and unwilling to proceed to extremities of severity; but when it shall appear that compassion to the Dissenters and the Enemies of the Government, is cruelty to it self and to all the Loyalists its true Friends, the Dissenters have little reason to promise themselves impunity, or that the Government will run the hazzard of disobliging Friends, and turning them into Enemies, in hopes of making their Old Enemies, New Friends. And the Dissenters cannot take any course more effectual, to convince the whole Nation of the necessity of such severe procedures [Page 42]against them, than by making such opposition to the peace and settlement of it, by sending or indeavouring to send ill men to the Representative Body: And they may assure themselves, that particular notice will be taken in every place of all such Dissenters to a man as make it their business to set up, or vote for ill Men, and they will be sure to be remembred upon occasion.
Whereas would they be contented with the liberty and indulgence which the Laws allow them, which truly are very great, would they leave stickling, creating disturbances, and exasperating the Nation against them, they may reasonably hope to enjoy the favours already allowed them, which otherwise they will also in the conclusion be sure to lose. But if they would hear reason, I would advise them to an intire submission to the Laws and Government in Church and State: this will be the best way of uniting Protestant Dissenters, for them to unite with the Church of England, where they will infallibly learn two short Lessons, which will save their Purses, their Persons and their Souls, Truly to fear God, and honour the King. This is their indispensible duty: This is their true interest: This would make them easie, the Government safe, and the Nation happy. And if they shall obstinately persist to oppose all these, they will declare themselves open Enemies to God and the King, the Church and the Kingdom, and must expect as a reward of their Actions, not onely the hatred of the Nation, but the severity of such punishments in this World, as are justly allotted to the common Enemies of Mankind and humane Society, but also that dreadfull Damnation hereafter, which the great Apostle, as an Oracle of God hath intailed upon all such as resist the Higher Powers; whose command to the contrary is absolute, is peremptory, is universal, Let every Soul be subject to the Higher Powers, and that for Conscience sake; for the Powers that be are ordained of God, so that they who resist the Higher Powers, resist God himself, and [Page 43]what the issue of such a Combat will prove, I need not tell them, but heartily wish they may by repentance escape the dreadfull end of those men, who for speaking evil of Dignities and despising Dominions, must certainly perish in the gainsaying of Corah, that Primitive Dissenter.
I have but a few words more to add, and those are to the Loyal Party, that they would not be less assiduous to support the Government, than the Conspiratours and Faction have been to subvert it: and since the happy turn of their Affairs doth in so great a measure depend upon the good constitution of their Representatives, that therefore they will not be wanting to themselves, either in diligence or caution, to elect and send such Men to die Commons House as may answer the just Ends of all good Parliaments; which have ever been called to consult for the common good of the Kingdom, and to tender to the Royal Assent such Bills to be passed into Laws, as might promote the Interest of the Kingdom, secure the Government, and support the Crown, by granting such aids of Money as may inable the King to protect his Subjects, make good his Alliances, assist his Friends and subdue his Enemies.
I have in all my observation, ever taken notice, that the Dissenters have outdone the Loyalists in their diligence; they would go through fire and water to a publick Election, and at a Common Hall in London, or a County Court in the Country for Elections, the whole Party to a man be present. What will doe their business, will certainly doe ours; and I am confident, generally speaking, it is impossible they should overvote the Royal Party, if they could but be persuaded with the same zeal to stand up for the true Interest of the Nation, as the other do for that of the Faction. But above all the Freeholders of England, the Clergy have the most reason, both by themselves, and the united Interest of the Church Party, to promote good Elections; for they are not onely the particular Mark and Butt of the Factions hatred, but in the late indeavours and Bills for regulating Elections, the design was laid, to take away the Votes of all the lesser Freeholders of England, especially to devest the Clergy of their ancient Free Liberties in that particular: and if that Project had succeeded, they would have seen such Persons made Electours, and such Elected, as would quickly have eased them of their Benefices as well as Voices; since they might almost with the same justice take away the one as the other. I know not by what artifices in many places several of the Clergy have been persuaded to go along with the Faction, but I am assured, that either they did not understand their own Interest, or if they did, they had little regard either to that, or the Duty which they owe to God, the King, the Church, or to their Successors, all which are obligations which do more [Page 44]strongly bind them to be true and Loyal, than any other rank of men whatsoever.
The impending Rupture between the two Crowns of Spain and France, will necessarily draw in England, both upon the account of stipulation by Articles of Treaty, and by the true Interest of the Nation, which is to keep the Balance even, and to prevent France from growing too great a Neighbour by the accession of the Netherlands, especially by Conquest, to that Crown. And the King of England will stand in need of the assistence of his Loyal Subjects, to make him the more able to accommodate that matter, either as a Party, or a Mediatour, or both; so as that England may be thereby secured from the danger of France. This therefore, will be a Critical juncture, wherein the King will try who are really his Friends, and who will stand by him and the Interest of England, in sending such Gentlemen for their Representatives to the Commons House, as may assist him effectually, both with their Counsels, and, with Supplies sufficient to go through with that Important Affair, to die present honour, and future security of the English Nation. For England may be assured, that what France gains in Flanders, England loseth; and that the Maritim Provinces of the Ʋnion will not be long able to avoid submitting to the Yoke, if once Flanders be lost. And what would become of our Trade and Navigation, if that Crown, already very potent at Sea, were by so much Shipping, and so many able Seamen, inabled to contrast with us the Sovereignty of the Ocean, which they now difficultly acknowledge, it is easie to foresee. And most assuredly it is better and more easie to prevent so great a mischief, than to disintangle our selves after having fallen into it. And in short, let England be assured, that if she tamely suffer Flanders to be lost, she can expect no other favour from France, than what Ʋlysses was to have had from Polyphemus, to be the last of her Neighbours that is to be devoured.
To conclude, be it Peace, or, be it War, whether we expect to enjoy quiet at home, or honour abroad, security from Domestick or Foreign Dangers, encrease of Trade, or plenty of Money, and whatever can make this Nation happy and the Monarchy great, all will in a very large measure be found to depend upon what hath been said in these few Sheets; which are therefore earnestly recommended to the consideration of all true Englishmen, of what Names of Persuasions soever, in hopes, that they will all unanimously indeavour to promote the Glory of God, the Honour and Safety of the King, and the Interest of England, which is and ought to be not onely of these Papers, but of all Mens Actions and Indeavours, the Aim, the Scope,