LETTER I.
Mahmut the Arabian at Paris, to Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Grand Caire in Egypt.

WHether it be an Effect of thy Me­lancholy Letter, or of my own ugly Constitution, I know not; but I am lately grown very Desperate, and re­solv'd upon Death. I am tir'd with whatso­ever [Page 2]I have yet enjoy'd in this World; and I expect no greater satisfaction, should I live a Thousand Years. Every Pleasure ap­pears but the same in different Forms; and they all agree, in leaving us afflicted with the same or greater Pain than they found us in: Which is a sufficient Argument to a Man of Spirit, that he ought to die, in pursuit of his own Ease.

We walk here on Earth in an Enchanted Circle of Shadows and Mockeries: Our whole Life is full of Vanity and Mistake. E­very Man's Fortune is but a Repetition of Ixion's: We court Clouds instead of Divini­ties; and our most charming Fruitions consist in Emptiness.

Indeed, all this Visible World is but a Mighty Pageant, a Pompous Emblem, a Gaudy Type of that Invisible Region which is the Mother of Spirits. Oh! that it were law­ful for a Mortal, to release his Soul from its long irksom Exile here Below, and send it Home to its Native Country, the Kingdom of Divine Ideas! Then wou'd I soon launch forth into the unknown Abyss. But we must be resign'd, and not think much to bear our several Destinies; and patiently wait for the appointed Hour of Transmigration: For it is in vain to think of hastning or delaying our Fate. Besides, for ought we know, the next Station may be worse than this: Every thing is full of Mysterious Darkness. And there­fore, prithee Mehemet, let thou and I lay a­side all fruitless Care and Sadness; be as [Page 3]merry as will consist with the Wisdom of a Man; and when thou findest this black Di­stemper approaching thee, run away from it, and shelter thy self in good Company. Arm thy self with Wine and Musick against the sullen Daemon of Melancholy. But I coun­sel thee, to avoid Women, for they'l but en­crease thy Malady.

'Tis one of that Sex has given me this fit of Grief, a Woman that I have loved too much: But she's Ingrateful, False and Cruel; she takes a singular delight in cheating me with false shews of Love and Friendship; and then in undeceiving me again. The same Tongue which at some times will drop soft kind obliging Words, at another Season shall utter nothing but Contempts, Defiances and Scorns.

Thou wilt wonder that a Man of my Age should be concern'd with any Passion for Wo­men. I tell thee, My Friend, it is impossible for me to banish from my Heart, and Affection which has possessed it for above these Thirty Years. The Love of that Sex is riveted in our Nature, and our Blood must first grow Cold and be congeal'd by Death, before this Flame can be extinguish'd: Nay, many times it is more fervent, though of a short dura­tion in our Latest Hours than in our Prime. As when the Oyl which feeds a Lamp is al­most spent, the startled Flame begins to rouze it self, and burn afresh, as if 'twou'd fain sub­sist a little longer, tho on the very Dregs of its accustomed Fuel; it crackles and flashes [Page 4]with greater Noise and Lustre than before; but presently expires. So does this Amorous Fire, when we are nearest to our Dissolution, begin to trouble us most, and makes our Soul to blaze with Fevers of Desire and Grief, knowing its Period is near.

Mehemet, Let thou and I keep our Af­fections for the Beautiful and Constant Daugh­ters of Paradise, who will never cast an Eye on any Man beside their own. Doubtless, this is part of Supream Felicity.

Paris, 14th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1673.

LETTER II.
To the Selictar Aga, or Sword-Bearer to the Sultan.

THis has been a Terrible Campagne to the Germans and their Confederates: For when they first took the Field in the Spring, their Forces amounted to Sixty Thousand Men, but now at the breaking up, and going to their Winter Quarters, they could not number above Twenty Thousand. So that they have lost Two Parts in Three of their Army. Whilst the French prosper and are victorious; taking their Towns and Castles, subduing whole Provinces to the Obedience [Page 5]of this Invincible Monarch, and extending his Conquests far and wide through the Franche-Comptè, Lorrain, Alsace, Brabant, Flanders, Catalonia, and even to the Isles of the Sea.

I have formerly given an Account to the Ministers of the Port, of all the most Re­markable Actions perform'd in these several Quarters; there remains only a late famous Victory gain'd by the Mareschal de Turenne, near Strasbourg, of which I cannot give thee the Particulars, neither is it very Material. But, in brief I shall acquaint thee, that through the Connivance of the Elector of Mayence, and the Citizens of Strasbourg, the Confede­rate Forces, amounting to Forty Thousand Men, got passage over the Rhine, and had like to have surpriz'd the French, who were not above Twenty Five Thousand strong. But the Vigilance and good Conduct of Monsieur Turenne, prevented their Design, and turn'd the Fortune of War to his own side. This Wise General considering the unequal Numbers of his Enemies, did not think it fit to engage his whole Army at once with theirs, lest he should be oppressed with their Multitude, being almost double in number to his. But he fought them by Detachments, setting upon them in their March: And this succeeded very fortunately, for he was in possession of the most advantagious Posts and Passes of the Country. He lined the Hedges with some of his Men, who gall'd the Ene­mies as they marched along the Roads. He planted others on the Declive of Hills, under [Page 6]the Covert of Thickets which grew on each side of deep Ways, through which the Ene­my must pass; these annoy'd them sorely from their shady Heights, whilst some at­tack'd them in the Front. Thus by gradual Skirmishes, he cut off many Thousands, and straw'd the Roads with Dead Bodies: 'Till the Confederates perceiving how they were embarass'd on all Hands, took the Advantage of a certain Wood, where they retrench'd themselves, and stood in their own defence a long time. But the French at length forc'd them from this shelter, and then began a formal Battel, which prov'd bloody to the Imperialists: For they had above Three Thou­sand of their Men killed upon the Spot, be­sides those that were wounded and taken Prisoners. They lost also Ten Pieces of their Cannon, and the Ground was cover'd with Cuirasses, Halberds, Pikes, Muskets, Swords, and all sorts of Arms, which the Confederates left behind in their precipitate Retreat by Night. For so general a Consternation had seiz'd the Minds of the Souldiery, that all the Rhetorick of the Officers was not sufficient to stop their Flight. In this Battel the Ma­reschal de Turenne had his Horse kill'd under him by a Musket Shot, but he receiv'd no Hurt himself.

He is a Fortunate and Wise General, know­ing how to serve himself of all Opportuni­ties and Advantages of Time, Place, and o­ther Circumstances which offer themselves to a Man's Consideration in time of War. [Page 7]He never attacques an Enemy, without be­ing sure of getting the Victory, or at least of retiring securely and honourably from the Combat. The French use to say, That if the Prince of Conde had an Alloy of Turenne's Earth in his Temper, and Turenne had the Prince of Conde's Fire, there would not be Two such other Generals in the whole World.

Serene Aga, Nature has dispens'd her Gifts in thrifty Parcels: Every Man has his Genial Excellency; and 'tis rare to find one whose Faults do not counterpoise his Perfections. May Heaven turn the right Scale for thee and me.

Paris, 2d. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER III.
To Mirmadolin, Santone of the Vale of Sidon.

NOW I will indulge sacred Thoughts, and follow the Motions of Wisdom; I will obey the Inspirations of my better Genius, and discourse of things not sit for Vulgar Ears. I will not cast my Holy things to Dogs, nor expose that which is precious to the Feet of Swine. Let the Smith labour at his Anvil, and Hammer the Mettal into what Form he [Page 8]pleases; his Eye is wasted with the perpetual Vapour of the Fire; and as to Intellectual things, he is stark Blind. So is the Carpenter who works in Timber, and hews away the Knobs and Roughnesses with his Axe; he saws it into Planks, and afterwards smooths it with his Plane; he marks out his Work with Line and Plummet, and measures it with Rule and Compass; he fits one Piece to ano­ther, and when all is polish'd and prepar'd to his Mind, he joyns them together in a Frame, and rejoyces in the success of his In­dustry and Skill.

These and all other Mechanicks bend their Mind to their Work; that is the scope of their Ambition; and when they have done, they eat and drink the fruit of their Labours. They study not the Sayings of Famous Men, nor penetrate into the Misteries of Dark Pa­rables; they have no Inclination to seek out the wisdom of the Ancients, or to meditate on the Instructions of Sages. Therefore with such as these I will not converse, or talk of the way of Perfection: Nor yet with Wrestlers, Fencers or Soldiers: I have as little hopes to prevail on Mariners, Lawyers and Courtiers, or on any that are entangled in Worldly Affairs. But I address my self to a Good and know­ing Man, who understands himself, and what his Business is in this World; who compre­hends the force of the Chains which intangle his Soul in this Mortal Life, and is instructed in the Method of disingaging himself. To such an one I speak, and not to others, who [Page 9]lye snoring in their Lethargy, and will not be wak'd.

Certainly 'tis as impossible, that one and the same Rule of Life, should fit the various Tempers and Conditions of Men, as that one and the same course should be taken, effe­ctually to dispose a Man to Sleep, and vio­lently to keep him Awake. For he that would sleep out his whole Life, if any be so sottish, it behoves him to procure a constant supply of things which create Sleep. Where­as he that designs to be Vigilant and Active, must furnish himself with such things as chase away Sleep, and incline to Watchfulness. The former therefore ought to give himself up to Gluttony, Drunkenness and Surfeiting: He should have a dark House, a soft and large Bed: And should use all manner of Appli­cations that cause Drowsiness; as Soporife­rous Perfumes, Potions, &c. Whereas the latter ought to be always Sober, to Drink moderately, and Eat a slender Diet; to have a light House, a serene Air a sense of Pain, a streight and hard Bed, little sitted for Mans Repose.

But whether we Mortals are in a Place where we ought perpetually to be upon our Watch; or whether our whole Life ought to be but one Night of Sleep, is known only to such as thee, who hast discover'd the Prestigious Magick of the Body, and how the Soul is enchanted in this World; who hast found out the Native Activity of the Mind, and how it comes to be [...]tupified by the [Page 10]hidden Opiates that lie lurking in the Flesh.

Holy Santone, whilst we are in this World of Shadows, we are perfect Exiles, banish'd from our Native Country, which is the World of Real Substances: The more we are drench'd in Matter, the farther do we straggle from Home, wandring in foreign Desarts of Enchanted Ground, where we converse with none but empty Spectres, Fairies, Daemons, Elfs, and cheating Apparitions. For all that's in this Outward World, is but a false Delu­sion, the Mimickry of Nature; a heap of Sha­dows revers'd and tinctur'd with a faint Pro­jection from the World of Light.

Knowing therefore these things, let us make haste to return to our Native Seats again; let us divest our selves of the strange Habits we have taken up by Imitation in this our Pilgrimage, and Purge our Minds of all the Ill Qualities we have Imbib'd on Earth: Let us cast off corrupt Affections, Appetites and Inclinations, with every vain and false Opinion. When we are free'd from all these Weights, our Souls will easily mount aloft, their Wings never flagging, 'till they perch upon the Trees of Paradise. What is more Generous than the Mind of Man, when once awaken'd from the Slumbers of this Mortal Life? How it despises these Terrene Enjoy­ments, and only pants and thirsts for the Su­pream Delights Above! As Iron turns it self, and makes its Amorous Approaches to the Magnet; so is the Soul attracted by the O­riginal Essence which is its Source and Center.

There are Two Species of Chains which tye the Soul down to this Earth, and cause her to grow dull and torpid, as if she were inebriated with deadly Poison, forgetting her very Native Faculty of Contemplation. These are Pleasure and Pain, of which our Sense is the Author, with the Prepossessions, Phan­tasies, Opinions, Memories and Appetites which accompany our Sense. These hurry and precipitate the Soul down from her proper Mansion, and alienate her from the Love of the only true Substantial Being: Therefore we ought to abstain from Sensible Things as much as in us lies; and shun all Objects that stir up Irregular Appetites, and produce Ab­surdities in our Reason.

How many strange Affections flow from our Taste, binding fast the Soul with a double Cord; whilst the high Relish and Gust of Savoury Meats, ensnare her in the Palate as in a Net. and the load of indigested Crudi­ties weighs and sinks her down into the Belly, where she's kept as in a Dungeon, till Sacred Abstinence releases her again?

The Sense of Touch does often draw the Unwary Soul forth from her Fastnesses with­in, trepanning her with soft Allurements and sly Promises of Pleasure to take the Air o'th' Body. Thus having got her into the open Field, an Ambuscade of Lusts, Concupi­scences, Perturbations, Fears, Cares, Love, Joy, Grief, and other Passions rush upon her on a sudden, and take her Captive. How necessary therefore is it to be always on our [Page 12]Guard, and not to lull our selves in dange­rous Security? Nor ought we to be rash and fool-hardy, in venturing on a Combat; where 'tis better to decline it, lest instead of victo­ry, we betray the weakness of our Arms, and Want of Proper Conduct.

O Perfect Man! Thou seest these things in clearer Light than I; 'tis not to inform thee, that I write, but to confirm my self, whilst I collect my scatter'd Thoughts and put 'em into Order. If thou shalt vouchsafe to send me thy Conceptions on this Subject, I will revere the blessed Dispatch, as tho it were an Oracle.

In the mean while, may Heaven regard thy Innocent Life, and still protect thee from the Casualties that threaten all of Mortal Race. May thy Prayers be heard, and thy Good Works rewarded. Finally, may thy End be like that of Enoch, who never saw Death, but was translated alive to Paradise.

Paris, 9th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER IV.
To Ali, Bassa.

IT is evident, That the French Arms are destin'd not to rust: One Provocation or o­ther always keeps them in Action. The Neighbouring Princes and States take their Turns to affront and injure this Monarch, and sometimes they set upon him all together. Surely, they Envy and Fear the rising Fortune of France, and therefore strive by Stratagems and Force to check its Growth.

There having been several Acts of Hosti­lity done by the Governour of the Spanish Netherlands, without any Hopes of a fair Redress, this King found himself oblig'd to declare open War against Spain.

This was done very lately, and at the same time the Duke de Navailles was sent with an Army into Flanders; where he soon took the Town and Castle of Aubespine; the Towns of Pesme and Mornais; the Castle of Oigny, with the Towns of Gray and Vezont.

This last is a Place of considerable Impor­tance, being called the Gate of Lorrain, and the Postern of the Franche Comté. Whereby this Monarch is become actual Master of the Baillage of Amont, which comprehends a­bove Five Hundred Villages.

The Spaniards seeing him thus Successful, and that they could not by open Resistance [Page 14]stop the course of his Victories, took another Method, and sought to undermine him by Plots, and Confederacies with some of his Sub­jects.

They had agreed with the Chevalier de Rohan, to settle on him a Pension of Eight Thousand Livres a Year, and to present him out of Hand, with Five Thousand Pistoles, if he would put them in Possession of Quil­lebeuf, a strong Place in the Province of Nor­mandy.

The Chevalier de Rohan had made himself and them believe, that it was in his Power with much Ease to perform this: But he was mistaken. Some of his Friends say, he never thought of accomplishing his Bargain, his Credit being too small in that Place; and that he only aim'd to repair his Fortune, by cheating the Spaniards of their Five Thou­sand Pistoles. However, the Plot was dis­cover'd to the French King, who has his Spies in all Corners of the Kingdom. The un­fortunate Chevalier was seiz'd, and brought to the Bastille, and being convicted of Trea­son, was condemn'd to lose his Head, which was accordingly Executed.

The Marquis of Villars, and the Sieur de Pereau, suffer'd the same Punishment, as Ac­complices in the Treason. Another French Lord of the Party, was Kill'd in defending himself against those who were order'd to ar­rest him. These had undertaken to deliver other Places of Strength into the Hands of the Hollanders who first begun the War.

Had their Conspiracy taken Effect, it would have been no difficult matter to corrupt other Grandees with the Spanish Gold, and so a Third Part of France might have been sold for a Price not allowable in the Mereats of Kings. For it seems the Hollanders and Spaniards, were upon the Point of making their Descents in Normandy and Bretagne, being invited thereto by the large Promises of the Persons before-named, and their Con­federates, who made them believe, that a great Part of the Nobility and Gentry of those Provinces wou'd come over to them, as soon as they saw them Landed; and there was no need to fear any opposition from the Vulgar, who are bound to follow the Fortune of their Lords. Besides they are always de­sirous of Novelty and Change.

There is nothing so Abject, Poor and Contemptible, as the Peasantry of France, who labour only for others, whilst they can hardly get Bread for themselves out of all their Toil. In a word, they are absolute Slaves to them whose Tenants they are, and whose Lands they farm. They are not more oppressed by the Publick Taxes and Gabels, than they are by the Private Impositions of their Country Lords, beside the unreasonable Demands of the Priests. These Sufferings dispose them to wish for any Revolution in the Government, from which they might hope to receive gentler Usage.

'Twas this partly which encourag'd the Hollanders and Spaniards to think of invading [Page 16] France: Otherwise, they had only been upon the Defensive. This King has to do with a great many Potent Enemies. The Emperor holds him play on the Rhine; the Duke of Lorrain gives him Diversion in his New Conquests on that side. The King of Spain puts him to a great Expence of Men and Mo­ny in Flanders. The Hollanders infest him by Sea, and would do by Land, if they knew which way. Yet this Monarch copes with 'em all; baffles their Plots and Intrigues, foils their Arms, daily gains Ground; and by a continued Series of Conquests, makes it apparent, that his is the only flourishing Fortune in the West.

The King of Sweden had made certain Proposals of Peace between the Emperor, the King of France, the King of Spain, the States of Holland, and some of the Electoral Princes. In order to which, he offer'd himself to become a Mediator between them. He sent his Embassadors accordingly, to a Place agreed upon by all Parties, as the most con­venient for Conferences of this Nature. So did all the other Princes and States concern'd in the Wat. But it seems there was a gross Affront put upon Guillaume de Furstemberg, Plenipotentiary to the Elector of Cologne, by the Marquis de Grana, Embassador to the Emperor.

This was deeply resented at the French Court, as being a Notorious Breach of the Law of Nations; and the King published a Manifesto, wherein he charg'd the Emperor [Page 17]with giving Order for this Insult; declaring also, that unless due Satisfaction were made, he would withdraw his Embassadors from the Place of Conference, and seek Justice with Sword in Hand.

He complain'd to the King of Swedeland of this Violence, and enter'd into a close and strict League with him. Gustavus presently recalls his Embassadors from the publick Meeting, commanding them to protest a­gainst the Action of the Marquis de Grana, as a Violation of the Civil Laws. The French King has done the same, and all Things seem to portend a general Distraction in Europe.

Those of the Roman Church fight against one another, as well as they combine against the Protestants, whom they esteem as the Common Enemy, and have little beter Re­gard for them, than we Moselmans have for the Persian Kysilbaschi, whom we execrate as abominable Hereticks. One sort of Pro­testants also cabal against another; the Lu­therans hate and persecute the Calvanists; which the Latter return with equal Animo­sity. These Infidels are caught in the Devil's Snare, where they bite and devour one ano­ther. They are in egregious Darkness, toss'd about in the Tempest of Errors. They are surrounded with Enchantments: Their Guides are Sorcerers and Magicians: Hell has a Hand in all their Devices.

O ye True Believers, lift up your Heads! For the Hour is approaching, wherein the [Page 18]Ancient Prophecies must be fulfilled; That the Dragon of the East, shall wage War with the Eagle of the West, and shall devour him Whole with all his Feathers. Woe be to thee O Land of Japhet, in the Year 1700 of the Christians Style.

Mighty Bassa, thou who hast not num­ber'd half my Years, mayst live to see these Things come to pass. As for me, I am hast­ning to the Spirits of my Fathers, to a Re­gion of Silence, and Eternal Retirement, to a Place where all the Vanities of this Earth shall be forgotten.

In the Mean Time, live thou to be a Wit­ness of the Grand Revolution which will asto­nish all the World.

Paris, 7th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER V.
To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

PRaise be to God, from whom alone pro­ceed Health, Long Life, and Immortal Happiness: In the whole Family of Fevers, I never was much subject to any, except it were that of Love. This indeed is become Habitual to me; 'tis grown a perfect Hectick; [Page 19]surely 'tis more than Second Nature. I feel something in the very Roots of my Essence, prompting me to Eternal Softnesses, wild melting Fits of fresh Platonick tender Pas­sions. Nothing can provoke my Hatred, but an Obdurate Surly-temper'd Fellow, who being the Offspring of some Bloody Butcher, Poulterer, or Greasy Cook, his ve­ry Face portends a present Massacre; and all his Words breath nothing else but a conti­nued Train of Cruel Wrongs, and Violences against the Innocent. Pity to him, sounds like the News of Famine, to a Starving Man. But if you'd make him smile, and put him in good Humour, tell him how he may get an Estate, by oppressing the Fatherless and Widows; or encrease his Wealth, by ruining whole Families. Tell him how he may over­reach some Silly Credulous Young Heir, or outwit his Neighbour in a Bargain. He che­rishes a Spider in his Brain, and his Heart is full of Webs. To such a Temper as this, I cannot be reconciled; there is an Innate Antipathy, an Immortal Contrariety in our Souls. My Spirit is daunted, and retreats within me at the sight of such an one: A Languor and Faintness seizes my Limbs. I am like one that has touch'd a Torpedo.

Surely, there is no Species of Four-footed Beasts, of Birds, of Fish, of Insects, Reptiles or any other living Things, whose Nature is not found in Man. How exactly agree­able to the Fox are some Mens Tempers? Whilst others are perfect Bears in Human [Page 20]Shape. Here you shall meet a Crocodile, who seeks with feigned Tears to entrap you to your Ruin: There a sly Serpent creeps and winds himself into your Affections; and when he is well-warm'd with Favours, on a sud­den he will bite and sting you to Death. Ty­gers, Lions, Leopards, Panthers, Wolves, and all the Monstrous Generations of Africk, may be seen Masquerading in the Forms of Men. And 'tis not hard for an observing Mind to see their Natural Complexion, through the borrow'd Vizard. The Physiog­nomy of Vice and Vertue, are easily distin­guish'd. There are some secret Characters in every Face, which speak the Nature of the Person. So does Platonick Love, with Eagle Eyes soon trace the Signatures of what is Amiable in the Soul. We read the hidden Qualities of Men at the first Glance; and hence are lasting Friendships often contract­ed. I love my Friends without Reserve; and because those are very few among our Mortal Race, I contract Familiarities with the Harmless Animals: I study like a Lo­ver to oblige and win their Hearts, by all the tender Offices I can perform. I bear with Patience their wild froward Tricks, till constant Perseverance vanquishes their stubborn Humours: Then when we once begin to understand each other aright, they make me a Thousand sweet Returns of Gratitude according to their Kind. When I am Melancholy, they'll soon divert me with [Page 21]one pretty Trick or other, as if they were sensible of my Pain.

But because my Love is large and strong, still seeking to dilate it self, though still re­coyling from the degenerate Race of Men; I go into the Fields and Woods, and make my silent Court unto the Trees and Flowers, and sometimes I converse in Raillery with Eccho's. I languish on the Banks of Chry­stal Streams, and pine away for an old Mossy Rock. The Oak enflames me with a Sacred Passion, when I behold her Vene­rable Bulk and Shade. I could almost turn Druid for her sake, and take my Residence up for ever in her hollow Trunk; where the Kind Genii of the Air wou'd visit me, and tell me Things to come, instructing me in all the Mysteries of Nature; for I'm in Love ev'n with those Invisible Beings; and often tell my Passion to 'em in the Woods, or on some Mountain, where the Courteous Winds transport my Words, and waft their secret Answers back again. Then is my Soul snatch'd up in Sacred Ecstasies, because th'Immortals condescend to talk with me. I often fall into a Trance, and wake not till the Sun is got half way into t'other Hemis­phere. Then I resolve to pass away the Night in this sweet Solitude.

Had I the Tongues, or Pens of Cicero and Demosthenes, I could not to the Life express the Pleasures that I feel at such a Time, when free and undisturb'd I can for several Hours behold the Motions of the Moon and [Page 22] Stars. Oh God! What Thoughts, what Con­templations rise within my Breast? My Ravish'd Soul is ready to break Prison for Joy, when 'tis inspir'd with certain Demon­strations of the World's Etérnity. Methinks at such a Time, I hear the Noise and Bustle of the Worlds Above: Methinks I see the Active, Busie Tenants of the Moon and Stars, trudging about their daily Business, even like us Mortals here Below. Then 'tis I nauseate the narrow Principles of Ignorant, Supersti­tious Men; I hate to think of e'er returning to the City again, there to prophane my Reason with the vain Discourse of Self-con­ceited Fools and Idiots. I am cloy'd with Life, and wish to die amidst these charming Speculations. Thus do I pass the Time a­way, till fair Aurora ushers in the Rosy-fin­ger'd Morn. Then I begin to reflect on my Duty as a Moselman, and Slave to the Grand Signior. I haste to wash my self in the next Stream, and chearfully prostrate my self up­on the Ground, adoring the Eternal Source of all Things. After which, abundantly satisfied with these Nocturnal Pleasures, I return to the City and to my Business; considering, That I were not wholly born for Contem­plation.

Learned Hali, I wish thee consummate Hap­piness in this Life, and fortunate Transmi­grations after Death; praying also, that I may merit one Day to enjoy thy Company in Paradise, where we may discourse these [Page 23]Things more at large, and in a clearer Light than what this Earth affords. Adieu.

Paris, 2d. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER VI.
To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

TO what Purpose am I kept longer in Paris? Why do the Ministers of the Port, put the Grand Signior to a needless Ex­pence, in maintaining here an Old Superan­nuated Slave, not worth his daily Bread? And yet, God knows, I eat not much, nei­ther can I taste any Pleasure in that little I eat. My Refections are like the Entertain­ments of Magical Tables, where the Eye is deluded with a fair shew of various De­licacies, but the Stomach is not satisfied with any real Food, nor the Body strengthened by any substantial Nourishment. Only the lan­guishing Imagination feeds on Phantastick Dishes, mere Shadows, and Enchanted Re­semblances of Solid Meat; while the Man is ready to faint for Hunger. So I seem to my self to Eat and Drink, but 'tis with so little gust at present, and I receive so little benefit from it afterwards, that all appears no more than a Visionary Feast, or a Colla­tion in a Dream.

I have now pass'd the Grand Climacter of Human Life, being enter'd into the Sixty Fourth Year of my Age. My Senses droop, and all the Faculties of my Soul and Body decay apace. My Bones are weary of sup­porting their accustomed Burden. My Si­new; and Muscles refuse to perform the Offi­ces of Motion, at least their Vigor is much slacken'd and impair'd. In a Word, the In­firmities of my Body have rank'd me under a new Predicament; I am become a Three­footed Animal, being forced to walk with a Staff, to prevent the necessity of Metamor­phosing my Hands to Feet, and crawling on all Four.

Judge now, Illustrious Arab, after what I have said, whether I am fitting to do the Grand Signior service in this Station. As for the Intrigues of the Court, I am quite tyr'd of them. Besides here are now no more Richlieu's and Mazarini's in Being, with whom I might insinuate on the score of Skill in translating Greek, Sclavonick, Arabick, and other Eastern Languages. Osmin the Dwarf is also Dead, from whom I us'd to learn ma­ny Secrets. Fate has also snatch'd away se­veral Courtiers with whom I had intimate Converse. Add to this, that Eliachim grows Old and Crazy, who was once as my Right Hand: So prompt and dextrous in any Bu­siness of Difficulty; Faithful also as my own Heart, which never was tainted with the least Symptom of Disloyalty. So that all things consider'd, I cannot see what the [Page 25]Sublime Ministers can propose in retaining me at Paris.

I do not desire as formerly, to travel into India, or any other Region of the East: I do not so much as Covet to see my own Na­tive Country, for which I have had such passionate Longings. No, every Place will be Arabia to me, where I may rest from Businesses of State, and shut up my latter Days in Quietness. It is Time for me to bid Adieu to the Active Life, and betake my self wholly to Contemplation. I would fain abandon not only the actual Vanities of this fading World, but the very remembrance and thoughts of them. My Mind is nau­seated with the Idea's of past Folly, which Men falsly call Pleasure: And I find no gust in any thing but the Meditation of Death, and the unknown State of departed Souls. All other Things are uncertain Toys, and empty Trifles. But that great change, which no Mortal hath ever yet escap'd, is stable, permanent, and fix'd by Destiny. Fate has set the Period, which winds up the Epocha of every Mans Life in this visible State, and begins a new Hejira, whereof we have no Computation; in regard we have no Cor­respondence with that unknown World: Neither are there any certain Histories ex­tant, which can rightly inform us. The Flight of the Soul from the Body begins the Mysterious Date; but where or when it will end, is not known to us that stay behind. This therefore alone is worthy of an Old [Page 26]Man's Thoughts, how to prepare himself for Death, since he cannot protract the Term of his Life, beyond the Moment allotted by Heaven. Neither can he be assur'd what will become of him afterwards.

Think not, Serene Bassa, that I am going to lay a Train for the Reputation of a Saint, or wou'd set up all on a sudden for an ex­traordinary Pious Man. No, there's nothing of that in't. I hate the rigid Hypocrisie of forc'd Penance; and the Religious Lunacy of those, who never think they do enough to atone for their Sins, unless they outdo Hu­manity it self in their cruel Mortifications. These are Monsters in all good Divinity, and their Example is not to be followed.

What I aim at in this Discourse is, That as according to the Order of Nature, and Will of Destiny, we are born Men, so we should take care to Live and Die. And if we have suffer'd the former part of our Life to elapse without due Reflection on so impor­tant a Truth; 'tis but Reason, that when we approach near the Grave; when all our Senses, Faculties and Members do the part of King Philip's Page, putting us daily and hourly in Mind of our Mortality: 'Tis but Reason, I say, that then we should begin to recollect our selves, and to think wherea­bouts we are; that we may not be surprized by the Inevitable Decree of Fate, when it comes to be put in Execution; nor die less than our selves.

Besides there is another advantage in be­ing thus prepar'd for the last things; since it equally arms us against all intermediate Ca­lamities, supposing we shou'd live longer than we reckon. He that can boldly stare Death in the Face, will not easily turn his Back upon any Misfortune of this Inconstant Life. But receiving all things with an even Tem­per, renders himself happy in the midst of Troubles, Losses, Disgraces, Pains, Sicknesses, and other Casualties which assault all that live on Earth.

Magnificent Bassa, all that I have said, is but a Prologue to my main purpose, which is to desire thy Mediation with the First Vi­zier, that I may be recall'd from an Employ­ment wherein I cannot be so serviceable as I have been; and which at the same Time, by imposing on me a Thousand Cares, takes from me the possibility of preparing as I ought to do, for that Transmigration, which in a little Time I must pass through.

In a Word, Right Noble Kerker, I desire the Priviledge to end my Days in Constan­tinople, among the Moselmans, under the Ve­nerable Shade of Mosks and Minarets, con­secrated to the Service and Honour of the Eternal Ʋnity. Let me not have worse U­sage than the ancient Roman Souldiers had, who when they had served in the Wars such a certain number of Years, were discharg'd with an Honourable Pension.

This is all the Favour I request, who have serv'd the Grand Signior faithfully and with [Page 28]Success these Eight and Thirty Years, in a Country of Infidels. But if my Superiors shall determine otherwise, I am resign'd to their Pleasure, and to the Will of Destiny.

Paris, 22d. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER VII.
To Ali Rustan Begh, Serasquier in Dalmatia.

THou shalt hear how a famous Christian General, the Mareschal de Turenne, de­ported himself, when he was lately challeng'd to a single Combat, by the Prince Palatine of the Rhine.

It seems, this later has been a great Suf­ferer by the present War between France and the Confederate Princes; for his Country lying near the Rhine was expos'd to both Parties, and the French first enter'd it.

There were some English Troops in the French Army, who had conceiv'd an Impla­cable Revenge against the Subjects of the Palatine, in regard many of their Comrades had been barbarously handled by them. Wherefore they made great Devastation [Page 29]where-ever they came; burnt Five and Twenty great Villages to the Ground, and Five small Cities. In a word, they quite ruin'd in Fifteen Days Time, the whole Coun­try, which is esteem'd the most pleasant and agreeable Part of Europe.

This put the Elector all in Choler, and he wrote a sharp Letter to the Mareschal Tu­renne, threatning him in a furious Manner, and bidding him chuse the Place, where he might fight with him in single Duel. But the Sage Mareschal retaining his usual Mode­ration, and not at all mov'd at the Palatines, Letter, answer'd it in these or the like Terms; That the Proceedings of the English Regiments were without his Order or Approbation; That he was infinitely troubled at the Violences which had been committed; and that the chief An­thors had been punish'd: Nevertheless, he could not but Declare, That the cruel Treatment which the English had met with, had so exasperated their Companions, that it was no wonder to see them execute their Revenge even on the very Inanimate Things. And that in the first heat and transport of their Fury, they had not lei­sure to examine who were guilty and who not. He added likewise, That if the Post which the King his Master had appointed him, would per­mit him to accept of his Challenge, he would not refuse it, counting it an Honour to measure his Arms with those of so Illustrious a Prince: But that as things were, he desir'd to be ex­cus'd.

In former Days such an Answer as this, would have been taken for an Argument of Cowardise, in a Man professing Arms. There was nothing more common among these In­fidels, than to decide their private Controver­sies, Grudges and Quarrels by the Sword; and their Laws allow'd it. If any Man had accus'd another wronfully, or had done him any other injury, he did not run presently to the Cadi's or Lawyers for Redress, but had Recourse to his Arms: And whosoever got the Victory, his Cause was pronounc'd just. But since the Commerce which has been e­stablish'd between the Moselmans and the Nazarens, these later have learned to forsake so impious a Practice, being asham'd that the Followers of Mahomet, whom they call Infi­dels, shou'd outstrip them in the Peaceable­ness of their Temper, a Vertue so earnestly recommended to the Practice of all Chri­stians by Jesus the Son of Mary. Besides, they have found the inconvenience of these private Combats, and they are generally forbidden now in most Countries of Europe. This is owing to the Examples of the Moselmans, whose Anger against each other scarce ever proceeds to contumelious Words, much less to Blows, or any Attempt upon Life. For when a Dispute arises between Two True Believers, and they become never so little passionate thereupon, 'tis but for a Third Person, one of the Faithful, to interpose himself, and reproach them with violating the Laws of the Prophet, and the Honour of [Page 31]their Profession, and they immediately are made Friends again. Such Magick there is in the Force of these Words; Fie, Fie! What? Moselmans, and Quarrel? The usual Repri­mand of the By-Standers. Which is an evi­dent Argument, That our Holy Religion has a greater Influence on the Hearts and Con­sciences of those that profess it, than has that of the Nazarens. For whilst these pretend to believe and honour the Messias as their Law­giver, they disobey him in their daily Pra­ctice, and so give the Lye to their Faith, dis­covering that it has no Efficacy on their Mo­rals. Doubltless, the Messias was Holy, Chast, Peaceable, Humble and Harmless. But it is rare to find any of these Virtues among his Followers. He bid them return Good for E­vil, Blessings for Curses, and to suffer all Inju­ries patiently, after his Example; but they invert the Order of his Precepts, and read them backward, as they say Witches do the Paster-noster.

When Judas came to Seize him in the Gar­den of Gethsemani, with a Train of Officers and Ruffians, one of Jesus's Retinue drew his Whinnier, and cur off an Ear from the Servant of the High Priest. But the Son of Mary was so far from commending his Zeal in this, that he bid him put up his Sword, tel­ling him withal, That whosoever draws the Sword, shall perish by the Sword. At the same Time, he restor'd the Fellows Ear again by a Miracle.

Magnanimous Serasquier, what I have said, entrenches not on the Right of Lawful War in Defence of ones Country, or of the Volume brought down from Heaven. The Sacred Combat was ever allowed of by God and Man.

Thou art now engag'd in this Cause a­gainst Infidels: Fight generously, and Van­quish. But enter not into private Duels with any Man, though he be a Prince, with­out the Grand Signior's Consent. For the Safety of his Royal Person depends upon the Preservation of his Faithful, Valiant, and Wise Generals.

Paris, 25th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER VIII.
To the same.

I Will now give thee a brief Account of the Famous Battel of Senef, which makes a great noise in Europe, and is reckon'd one of the most terrible that has been fought in these Parts for many Ages. For it will not be amiss to let thee know the Particular Cir­cumstances of this Combat, the good Con­duct of the French Generals, as also their Oversights and Errors: That thou mayst make a right use of such Examples, in the Difficulties which may environ thee through the Chance of War.

On the Ninth of this Instant Moon, the Confederate Forces amounting to Sixty Thou­sand Men, march'd with their Left Wing to a Place call'd Arken, and their Right to the Forest of Busseray, where they encamp'd, having before them a Village call'd Senef, situated in Brabant. They tarried there on the Tenth Day, and next Morning parted from thence, Marching in Three Lines, counting the Baggage for One. Whilst the Prince de Vaudemont commanded a Body of Six Thousand Spanish Horse, to cover their March, and to skirmish with the French, if there shou'd be occasion, 'till the whole Army were in Order.

As soon as the Prince of Conde was adver­tis'd of these Motions, he was resolv'd to take Advantage of their necessity, and to attack them, before they could possibly get together into a Body capable of sustaining the Shock of the French Army, which was closely embattel'd. To this End he caus'd one Part of the Army with Four Pieces of Cannon, to pass the River of Pilton, where unsuspected, they might observe the Enemies Motions. Another part he posted in a deep Valley, where the Confederates could not perceive them: And that nothing might be wanting to his full Information of their Ad­vances, he caus'd the Mareschal of the Camp, with a considerable Detachment, to gain a certain Hill, from whence lying under the Covert of thick Woods, he might attend e­very Step of the Enemy, without being dis­covered himself.

When the Prince had made all those Pre­parations, he sent the Marquiss de Rannes, and the Chevalier de Tilladet, with the Dragoons under their Command, to assault the Con­federates not far from Senef. This was per­form'd with so much Vigor, that they drove them into the Village, with no little Slaugh­ter of the Spaniards: But not satisfied with this, they attacqu'd them in the Village it self; and after a long and bloody Conflict, the French beat 'em thence also, pursuing them into the Plain; till at last both the whole Armies were engag'd pell-mell. Then was the Fight Cruel and Fierce, the Officers [Page 35]of both sides behaving themselves with sur­passing Bravery, and the Souldiers not shrink­ing from their Valiant Leaders. But Fortune favour'd the French, who before they quitted the Plain, became Masters of all the Hol­landers Baggage, Ammunition, Powder and Mony which they brought with them to pay the Army. Then the Prince of Conde chac'd them into the Village of Dufay, where the Confederates retrench'd themselves under the Covert of a Castle, and a strong Church. But that Active General would not suffer them to rest long there; he set upon them on all Hands so furiously, that they were forced to abandon the Place, and enter the Plain the Second Time. The Battel had now lasted Five Hours, and great was the Slaughter on both Sides. The French took almost Four Thousand Prisoners, and kill'd as many upon the Spot, besides those that they left wounded. Which so weaken'd and discourag'd the Confederates, That the next Day they retir'd, and left the French Ma­sters of the Field.

Now I will tell thee, That had the Prince of Conde been contented with his First Vi­ctory at Senef, he had sav'd abundance of French Blood. For, in that Fight, the Con­federates lost above Two Thousand Men, and the French scarce a Hundred. But the Fieryness of his Temper, carried him beyond his Judgment, to pursue them into difficult Places. So that in the winding up of the Matter, though the Victory was his, it cost [Page 36]him above Fifteen Hundred Lives of his Souldiers, which might have been as well spar'd, and his Honour remain'd the same.

Valiant Serasquier, I send thee this Nar­rative, as a Chart by which to steer thy Course in the like Emergencies; advising thee to temper thy Courage with sage Con­duct and Prudence, and not to sacrifice thy Men to a Rash Caprice of Martial Phrensy.

Paris, 12th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER IX.
To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Al-Cairo in Egypt.

HOw changeable is the state of Mortals; how inconstant our Thoughts, Passions, Words and Actions! We are never fix'd long on any thing. If we are invited to cast An­chor a while in some calm and serene Season, whilst we furl the Sails of Human Care and Anxiety; if we are permitted to careen and recruit our Weather-beaten Spirits, enjoying some short interval of Rest and Ease; the Indulgence soon expires, and we are forc'd to weigh and hoist with double Diligence, lest we incur a Wreck. The Tempests rais'd by our Evil Stars, blow hard upon us; we run adrift, and are toss'd up and down on the Billows of Human Misery, without any approv'd Pilot, Chart or Compass to di­rect us in the uncertain Road of Life. We float at Random, in a Sea of perpetual Ha­zards and Difficulties.

O Mehemet! I will not now, as once for­merly I did, wish my self in one of the E­gyptian Pyramids, or court the Society of Ghosts and Daemons: I will not take San­ctuary in those Superannuated Prisons of Royal Souls; nor seek Diversion among the Dead. Not the black Masquerades of Cheop's [Page 38]Sepulcher, danc'd each Night by Antique Shadows, or wildest Measures of Hobgob­lins in the Galleries of that horrid Pile, cou'd now relieve my Melancholy, or ease my Phrentick Pain: Because the Entertainment is too narrow, close and stale for such a Soul as mine. I wou'd fain ramble through an Infinite Space, planted each Stage with Se­minaries of new Idea's, uncouth Forms, and strange Chimeras. I wou'd see the Essence of all Beings that I have already seen, revers'd, turn'd upside down, or inside out, or any way transform'd, so as I might not know 'em again. I wou'd have all the Elements change their Qualities; the Fire to lose its Innate Heat, and Water to expunge its Moisture; the Earth take Fire, and blow it self up in­to the Ninth Sphere, whilst the Air shall con­dense and crush it self into a Solid Globe, producing a new Race of Minerals, Vege­tables, and Living Creatures, which our Old Purblind World ne'er saw before. I wou'd have flying Trees, and Birds whose out­spread Claws take Rooting in the Air, and grow like Baucis and Philemon; their Wings to Branches turn'd, their Feathers into Leaves. Besides a Thousand Kinds of Mon­sters more than ever Ovid spoke of in his Me­tamorphosis.

After all this, I would go up and view the Orbs above, restore the Rotten Corruptible Heavens, pull all the Bulls and Bears, the Scorpions, Lions, Centaurs, and other anti­quated Beasts out of the Sky; make the New [Page 39]Star of Cassiopaeia pay a Swinging Fine, for her damn'd late unmannerly Appearance in the Senate of the Stars.

Then wou'd I set up an Inquisition for the Comets, to know from whence they are, and what their Business is, among the Orbs above. I wou'd examine all the Constella­tions, and know the meaning of their Names, and ill-shap'd Figures. And then I'd trace the Milky Way, mounting directly to the Holiest Heavens of all.

There perhaps I shou'd begin to be Modest and Sober, considering that it is the Presence-Chamber of the Omnipotent. I wou'd not broach Sedition, nor talk Factiously before the King of all Things. But behaving my self like a Courtier during the Publick Audience, I wou'd afterwards retire, and scamper through the Endless Fields, beyond the Coe­lum Empyraeum; where I wou'd either find out new Worlds, or Room for them. No­thing shou'd confine my Search, less than In­finity. Is not our Sense, Fansy and Reason without Bounds? Are not these Parts of the Universe? And has God made any Part greater than the Whole? This is a Contra­diction in Nature. He has given us Facul­ties, which, if rightly us'd, cannot err. Our Conceptions are squar'd to his Eternal Mo­del of the World, if we do not debauch our own Thoughts, or suffer 'em to be cor­rupted by others. He is the Primitive and Original Reason, the Everlasting Common [Page 40] Sensorium of Nature, in whom, and by whom we all see that we have Eyes; hear that we have Ears; smell that we have Noses; taste that we have a Tongue; and feel that we are all over full of Sensible Spi­rits.

Oh God! thy Praises are without Begin­ning or End: Thou art an Eternal Circle of Wonders and Miracles. Thou surpassest all our Sublimest Thoughts; no Words can decypher the Skirts of thy Garment. On thee Infinite Worlds have rested from Eter­nal Ages. Thou art no Niggard of thy Gifts. Why shou'd Infinite Goodness and Bounty be traduc'd by Infidels? They say the World is but so many Thousand Years Old, perhaps Five or Six. It is a damn'd Blasphemy, thus slily to Calumniate the Om­nipotent, and to say by Craft he was not so early Gracious as he might have been. What should ail the Eternal, that he was not in a Condition to produce the World before? Or was he in a sullen Humour, that he should suffer a lapse of Indetermi­nate Ages, before he wou'd display his At­tributes?

Oh, No! Suffer not this Doctrin to take Root in thy Soul, My Dear Mehmet, but Remember, there is no Envy in the Dei­ty. Doubtless he was as Good, Powerful, Just, and Wise, from all Eternity, as at Moses's Hour of the Creation, or as he is now, and ever will be World without End; [Page 41]Amen: As the Nazareens have in their Prayers.

My Mehmet, let us shake off the Preju­dices of Education, with all the Prepos­sessions and False Dogma's of our Early Years, and adhere to firm Reason, and the Inspirations that are from beyond the Vi­sible Frame.

Take this as my last Adieu, for I am just Equipping for the Unknown Eternal Voyage.

Paris, 5th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER X.
To the Kaimacham.

THe Affairs of France seem to be in a ve­ry flourishing Condition. This Invinci­ble Monarch not only conquers Cities and Provinces by Force, but some yield to him voluntarily, courting his Protection.

Here are arriv'd Deputies from the Senate of Messina in Sicily, to desire the King to free that City and People from the Yoke of Spanish Tyranny, and to number them a­mong his Subjects. They are receiv'd with­out much Ceremony on the part of this Court; which affects to appear Stately and Reserv'd at such a Juncture. However, there is no point of Humanity or Hospi­table Usage neglected toward these Stran­gers. In a word, they are entertain'd as Friends of a lower Degree; and they esteem this a sufficient Happiness,

It seems the Spanish Government was ve­ry Severe and Cruel; laying insupportable Taxes on the Inhabitants, and fleecing them of their Silver and Gold by a Thousand Tricks and Inventions of State. It was a Crime to grow Rich, and no less to be so Poor as to deny the Payment of the Gabels. The one put a Man in danger of the In­quisition; the other expos'd him to the Gal­leys, [Page 43]or some worse Slavery in the Mines of Peru. On whomsoever the Viceroy or his Officers cast an ill Eye, that Person was sure to be ruin'd, if he did not make his Escape, or present his Enemy with the Value per­haps of half his Wealth; and he must take it as a Favour too, that they wou'd com­pound at such easie Rates. For, these greedy Harpies are seldom contented with less than all a Man has.

Infinite other Oppressions the People suf­fer'd under, which at last so wearied their Patience, that they began to Cabal and form Conspiracies against the Viceroy: And it was not only the Vulgar that thus sought after Li­berty, but the chief of the Citizens, and some of the Senators.

These all unanimously agreed to treat underhand with the French King, to repre­sent to him their Grievances, with the pre­sent state of the whole Island: For they had heard the Fame and Character of his Person and Government: And they were well sa­tisfied they could not submit to a better or more generous Master than him. The King undertakes to rescue them from the Spa­nish Bondage, provided they wou'd assist him with what Succours they could spare, and instruct his Officers in those Things which would facilitate the Reduction of the Isle.

He sent Forces accordingly at the Begin­ning of the Year, under the Command of the Chevalier de Valbelle, who acquitted himself [Page 44]very successfully, having perform'd many Considerable Exploits, and taken several Towns, Castles, and other strong Places from the Spaniards.

The Senate of Messina being encouraged by these prosperous Beginnings, thought it high Time actually to surrender themselves up to the French King: And 'tis on this Er­rand the Deputies are come.

The King being inform'd that the Cheva­lier de Valbelle wanted greater Forces to Con­quer the Places which remain in the Spa­niards Hands, immediately gave Orders for a certain Number of Vessels to be Fitted and Mann'd under the Command of the Duke of Vivonne. He gave a Commission also to the Marquis de Velavoir, with a considerable Ar­my of Men; ordering him to make all speed for Sicily, and to joyn the Chevalier de Val­belle, or to act separately as occasion of­fer'd.

They say, the Duke of Vivonne will set Sail with his Fleet about the Beginning of the First Moon: He is esteem'd a good Souldier, though some of the Grandees and Peers of the Realm envy him, in regard he was rais'd to the High Dignities he possesses, through the Mediation of his Sister, Madam de Mon­tespan, one of the King's Concubines: For, he was before only Count of Vivonne; but now he is Duke, Peer and Mareschal of France, as also Admiral of the Mediterranean Gallies.

The Prince of Conde, once in Company with some of the Grandees, and making a [Page 45]Comparison between the Mareschals Feuillade and Vivonne, he said, that Feuillade got his Honour by the Sword, and Vivonne by the Scabbard, reflecting thereby on his Sister.

It was not the First Time that Prince us'd the Liberty of his Tongue in affronting Peo­ple; he was always daring and bold in such Cases. When he was Young, and tra­velling through Picardy, he was to pass by a certain Convent or Religious House on the Road, where the Superiour with all his Der­viches came out to meet him, and to pay him the Ceremonies and Acknowledgments due to his Quality. The Superiour was ma­king a long Elaborate Harangue, in Compli­ment to the Prince, when he all in Frolick call'd aloud to know what a Clock it was. The poor Derviches striving who should most readily satisfie him, cry'd out all together, It is Mid-day, My Lord; when he made them this wild Answer, Then get you all gone, and make an end of your Speech to the Devil by Midnight; for I'll hear no more of your Long-winded Flattery.

Thou wilt say, This was an odd sort of Expression in a Prince: But it must be im­puted to the Fieryness of his Constitution, which in his Youth spurr'd him on to a Thousand Extravagancies. He corrected these in Time, and instead of such vain Pranks and Flashes of his Sparkling Nature, he grew inflam'd with Noble Ardours for his King and Country. He was commonly call'd the French Lion and Mars, being esteemed [Page 46]the Boldest Man in the Kingdom. Mareschal Turenne, who was no Stranger to his Ge­nius, us'd to say, That since the Brave Hora­tius Curtius, there never was a Man born of Woman so full of Fire and Spirit as the Prince of Conde.

Yet, which is more to be admir'd, that Two such Qualities should meet in the same Genius, he is a great Statesman, as well as a Valiant Souldier. He has a prodigious Aim at the Good or Ill Success of Enterprizes. And his Counsels are generally Fortunate.

As these Accomplishments have render'd him beloved by the Generality of the French Nation; so his Inconstancy and siding with different Factions, have made him suspected both by the Court and the Parliaments. All Sides are shy of him, and reserv'd in their Addresses. Tho he has done Services enough one would think, to efface the Memory of his former Failings; yet the Civilities he re­ceives from the King, are only the faint Sprinklings of Court-Holy-Water. So hard a Thing it is for an Eminent Person to recover the Esteem which he has once lost by making false Steps.

This Monarch is observ'd to be very Con­stant to those he Loves, never putting to Death any of his Favourites, tho he has often caus'd them to be Arrested. He is very Af­fable, and of no difficult Access: Civil and Courteous to the Poorest People, returning the Salutes of his Subjects with much Con­descension. He is Amorous also, and indulges [Page 47]that soft Passion in the midst of all his glo­rious Enterprizes. He had once Three Mi­stresses together, one whereof was of Vulgar Parentage, the other was a Noble-Woman, and the Third a Nun. Which occasion'd this Jest to be put on him; That he went about to unite the Three Estates, and fasten them to the Interest of the Crown.

Among the other Diversions of this great Prince, he takes a particular Pleasure in Mag­nificent Buildings. And his new Palace at Versailles is esteem'd one of the Wonders of the World, for Beauty and Art. As soon as it was finish'd, a certain Poet presented the King with this Distich,

Sage Minister, these Infidels flatter them­selves with a wrong Idea of their own Gran­deur; not considering the Invincible Osmans are by Destiny exalted above all other Na­tions; and that no City is comparable to Constantinople for Beauty and Riches; nor any Palace so Magnificent as the Seraglio, which is the Seat of the Great Sultan, Lord of Asia, Africa, and Europe; Arbitrator of the whole Earth.

Paris, 17th. of the 12th Moon, of the Year 1674.

LETTER XI.
To the Vizir Bassa, at Constan­tinople.

I am Acquainted with a French Merchant in this City, who often trades to Con­stantinople, Smyrna, Aleppo, and other Cities of the Levant. He knows nothing of me or my Business at Paris, farther than other People, who take me for a Native of Mol­davia, and one whom the Desire of Know­ledge has brought hither, where the Sciences have taken up their Residence. Besides, they may imagin, that the Hopes of Preferment in the Church, were one Inducement to my Travelling thus far from the Place of my Nativity. Since I have all along profess'd my self a Student and Candidate of the Priesthood; and it is generally known how familiar I have been with Cardinal Richlieu, and his Successor Mazarini. Whatever their Thoughts be, thou may'st assure thy self, that in the Main, I have taken Care to con­ceal my True Circumstances, and the Af­fairs of the Grand Signior entrusted to my Charge. But to come to the Business.

The Merchant of whom I speak, is call'd Monsieur de Vaubrun; a Man of Generous Extraction, and by his Industry he has ac­quir'd a considerable Wealth. This Person [Page 49]not long since, came from Constantinople, and has made it his Business, ever since his Return, to extol the singular Morality and Justice of the Mussulmans. In all Comapnies where­ever he comes, 'tis usual with him to say, The Turks are perfect Saints in Comparison with us. And to confirm his Assertion, he relates many pretty Passages of Things hap­pening whilst he resided at the Imperial Ci­ty; all in Honour of the True Believers. Which has drawn upon him no small Hatred, Envy and Persecution from the Priests, and their more bigotted Followers. However, he shrinks not from his Word, but stoutly Main­tains the Truth of his Assertions. And some Men of Sense who have heard the Stories he tells, and the Elegant Account he gives of our Religion and Morals, cannot forbear cry­ing out, They are almost proselyted to the Ma­hometan Faith.

Among the rest, he recounts an Extraor­dinary Occurrence, which happen'd to him­self at his parting from Constantinople; which I thought it worth while to acquaint thee with, in regard it is much taken notice of in Raris by all that hear it; and conduces not a little to raise in the French, an higher E­steem of the Mussulmans and our Holy-Faith, than they were wont to have.

It seems Monsieur de Vaubrun had enter [...]d into a strict Parnership with Mustapha Zari, a Native of Turcomania, dwelling at Con­stantinople, and trading in Silks Their mu­tual Traffick and Correspondence held for [Page 50]the space of Four Years; at the end of which, the French-Man being call'd Home to his Native Country, by Letters from some of his Friends, to take Possession of an E­state newly fallen to him by the Death of an Uncle, he gave his Partner notice of it, telling him his Resolution was fix'd to depart very speedily from the Port, and take his Voyage for France; at the same Time de­siring, that the Accounts between them might be settled. Which was done accord­ingly; and in casting them up, it was agreed upon by both, that this Monsieur Vaubrun re­main'd indebted Nine Hundred Zequins to Mustapha Zari. There was no Contention in the Case: Monsieur very readily gave him Five Bags Seal'd, and desir'd him to tell the Money. No, replied Mustapha, We have dealt together thus long, and I have found you an ho­nest Man; God forbid that I should mistrust my Friend at our last parting.

This was done the Day before Monsieur de Vaubrun was to take his Leave of Constanti­nople; for he had Hired Horses to Travel by Land to Smyrna, his Business so requiring. Therefore both Parties being well satisfied, they bid Adieu to each other, wishing mutual Happiness. The next Day Monsieur de Vau­brun took Horse for Smyrna, having dispatch­ed all his Affairs at the Imperial Port.

It so happen'd, That as soon as he was gone, Mustapha had occasion to pay a Thou­sand Five Hundred Zequins to a Merchant of Holland. Wherefore having newly received [Page 51]those Five Bags from his Partner, he with them, made up the Sum due to the Dutch­man, saying withal, That he had not told the Money in those Five Bags, in regard he took them on the Credit of a very worthy and honest Man, who had been his Partner. But the Jealous Christian would not shew so much Generosity; for he presently broke up the Seals in the presence of Mustapha; and having told over the Money, said 'twas all right, and was very fairly putting it up a­gain. But Mustapha, who had a quick Eye, and being well vers'd in telling of Money, perceiv'd there was a great Overplus above Nine Hundred Zequins. Wherefore he bid the Dutchman hold his Hand, till he had told the Bags over himself; for he suspected there was some mistake. The Nazarene durst not deny a True Believer this Priviledge, under the Grand Signior's Protection, whatever he wou'd have done in his own Country. So that when Mustapha had run the Money o­ver, he found Eleven Hundred and Fifty Ze­quins in Bags by themselves, and gave the rest to the Hollander. In a word, having dispatch'd that Payment, he sent an Express away immediately with the Two Hundred and Fifty Zequins to Monsieur de Vaubrun, who he knew was to tarry some Days at a Town on the Road, about Twenty Leagues from Constantinople, commanding the Courier to deliver him this Message in writing. My Friend, God forbid that I shou'd detain any Thing beyond my Right, or deal with thee as a [Page 52]certain Frank would have done by me: For, thou know'st that I took the Money on thy Cre­dit without telling it, but being to pay it away this Day to a Dutch Merchant, he not having the same Faith, wou'd tell it; and finding these Two Hundred and Fifty Zequins over and a­bove the Sum supposed to be in the Bags, yet would have smuggl'd them in his Dutch Con­science, had not I discern'd his Fraud, and pre­vented him. I send them to thee as thy Right, supposing 'twas some oversight. God prohibites all Injustice.

This Relation I had from Monsieur de Vau­brun's own Mouth: And I tell thee, it makes a great noise in Paris. I leave it to thy Ma­ture Resolves, whether that honest Mussulman deserves not some particular and publick Ho­nour to be done him, who by such a rare Action of Justice, has rais'd a Noble Cha­racter of the Mussulmans among the Infidels.

Most Illustrious and Serene Bassa, I pray the Almighty and All good God, to have thee in his Holy Protection, and augment thy Vertues and Felicities.

Paris, 11th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1675.

LETTER XII.
To Ibrahim Eli Zeid, Hadgi, Ef­fendi, Preacher to the Serag­lio.

HEre has happen'd something of Late, which the Priests magnify as an Appa­rent Miracle; whilst, for ought I know, 'tis only a pure Effect of Nature.

Thou art not to learn, that the Nazarens have their Saints in great Veneration: That they invoke then in their Necessities, set up their Images and Pictures in Temples to be ador'd: That they preserve their Bones, Ashes, Hair, Garments, or any Thing that deserves the Name of a Sacred Relique? That they enshrine these in Coffins, Urns, Chests, and other Vessels of Gold and Silver, adorn'd with Precious Stones: That they place them in their Moscks, as in Sanctua­ries; sometimes under their Altars, at o­ther Times upon them: Some in particular Oratories or Chapels, others in the Choire▪ That they carry them in Procession in Times of Publick Calamity, and on certain Festi­vals; thinking by this means to pacify the Wrath of Heaven, and draw down the Di­vine Benediction. Thou art not ignorant also, That they believe the Saints are Guar­dians of certain Kingdoms, Provinces, Ci­ties, [Page 54]Families, and even of Private Per­sons.

Hence St. Denis is esteem'd the Patron of France; St. James of Spain; St. George of England; and so of other Nations. Each City also has its peculiar Guardian Saint. Hence St. Anthony is accounted the Patron of Padua; St. Mark of Venice; and, to come to the Purpose, St. Geneviéve is ador'd by the Citizens of Paris, as the Patroness of this Place.

There is a Beautiful Temple built in Ho­nour of her, on the Highest Ground in the City, which also is call'd by her Name, the Mountain of St. Geneviéve. On the Decline of this, there is a Fountain of Delicate Wa­ter, which is called, the Fountain of St. Gene­viéve.

They attribute many Miracles to this Fe­male-Saint, some of which she perform'd in her Life-time, others after her Death, if we may believe what the Priests affirm, and what is Recorded in the History of her Life, in the Annals of Paris, and the Archives of the Convent belonging to her Temple. For there is a certain number of Dorviches, of the chief Nobility in Paris, who consecrate them­selves for ever to a Religious Life, in Ho­nour of this Virgin.

They meet Twice a Day in the Choire of the Church, all array'd in long Robes of white Linnen, where they chant aloud the Praises of St. Geneviéve. As oft they assemble, at different Hours in a private Chappel in their Cloy stere, to [Page 55]perform the like Devotions. Those who are chosen into this Order, are all Persons of Sweet and Lovely Countenances, graceful De­meanour, and learned Education. One shall not see so much Regularity, Order, and de­vout Modesty, in any Church in Paris, as ap­pears in this, at the Time of Celebrating their Divine Mysteries. Yet, for ought I know, all this may be but Hypocrisie and pious Artifice, to attract the greater Reve­rence from the People, who are present at their Ceremonies. I my self was astonished once, when being there, I saw a Beautiful Youth approach the Altar with a Golden Censer, hanging at a Chain which he held in one Hand; whilst with the other he wast­ed the Rich Perfume toward the Statues, which stood on high behind the Altar. He had the very Signature of Vertue in his Face. Besides, a certain Lustre that seem'd to spring all on a sudden into his Eyes and Cheeks, discovering some inward Rapture of his Soul. Methought he look'd like one of the Pages of Eden, as they are described in the Holy Alcoran.

I protest it was impossible for me to fix my Eyes upon him, and not to feel the Pas­sions of Platonick Love. He deported him­self with a Grace which cannot be ex­pressed.

Afterwards I contracted an intimate Fa­miliarity with him on the account of Ara­bick, which he learns of me. He is a Per­son of excellent natural Abilities▪ and well [Page 56]vers'd in Languages, and all manner of Di­vine and Human Learning.

Pardon this Digression, Venerable Hadgi, in regard I cou'd not forbear mentioning a Person of whom I have a great deal more to say, than can well be comprised in one Letter. Hereafter I will communicate a far­ther Account of him, whilst I now return to the Church of St. Geneviéve. In the upper part of the Choire, Four Fillars of Jasper, with Four Golden Images of Angels on the Tops, support the Shrine of this Saint, where­in lyes enclosed all that remains of her Bo­dy. Several Wax Tapers burn before it Day and Night. The Devouter sort of Peo­ple kneel and kiss the Pillars which sustain the admirable Reliques. They bring their Linnen and other Vestments to the Priest, who is appointed for this Office. He fastens them in the Cleft of a long Pole, and then raises that End up to the Shrine, which is very near as high as the Roof of the Church. He touches the Shrine with the Linnen, &c. and having done so, he takes it down again; when pronouncing a Benediction on it, in the Name of the Saint, he restores it to the Party whose it is.

They believe that Linnen or any Thing else belonging to the Body, being so touch'd and bless'd, has Power to chase away Mala­dies, to preserve them from Dangers, to ease Women in Childbirth, and to make them prosper in all Things. So profound is the Attach which they have for this famous [Page 57] Saint. But whether there be any▪ Thing more in it than Superstition and Bigotry, God only knows. However the Inhabitants of Paris, esteem this Shrine, as the Trojans did their Palladium, and the Romans their Ancile, which fell from Heaven, as Numa Pompilius made them believe.

When the City is threaten'd with any Publick Calamity, this Shrine is taken down with Abundance of Pomp and Solemnity, and carry'd in Procession through the Streets; thinking thereby to divert the Vengeance of Heaven, and appease the Anger of the Omni­potent.

Such was the Case here lately: There having fallen such an Overplus of continual Rains, as threaten'd to destroy all the Corn and Herbage, with the Fruits of the Earth; besides the Damage had been already done to Innumerable Persons in their Houses and Goods by the vast Innundations.

This occasion'd a Decree to come out for the taking down the Body of St. Geneviéve? and carrying it in Solemn Procession to the Temple of Nostre Dame: Which was ac­cordingly perform'd on the 17th. of this Moon. In the Procession were seen all the Religious Orders in this City, both of Men and Women; the Parliament of Paris, the Chamber of Accompts; the Court of Aides; the Court of Moneys, with the whole Body of the Citizens.

But no sooner was the Shrine of St. Gene­viéve brought into the open Air, when the [Page 58]Rain ceas'd, the Clouds dispers'd, and the Sky became Serene and Clear: And so it has continued over since.

The Priests will have this to be an Effect of Sr. Genevieve's Intercession with God for the Province and City committed to her Pa­tronage. And the People are willing enough to believe it. If this Shrine be as efficacious in causing Rain, when there is a Drought, as the Inhabitants of Paris affirm, it may nor unfitly be compared to the Lapis Manalis of the Ancient Romans. This was a certain great Stone, which in Time of Excessive Dryness, the Romans us'd to draw into the City with vast Ropes, by the Gate Capena, whilst the Priests of the God Mars, danc'd before it, and all the Vestals left the Sacred Fire, to follow the Procession. They drew the Stone to the Temple of the Goddess Flo­ra, where they strew'd upon it a Handful of wither'd Flowers and Herbs. Then im­mediately it began to Rain, and they let the Stone lye there, as a Memorial before the Temple of the Goddess, till they had e­nough of that sort of Weather, to secure the Growth and Maturity of the Vegetables; and then they drew it back again in the same manner as before, only each Vestal now car­ried some of the Sacred Fire in an Earthen Vessel, whereas before they carried none.

Whether there be any real Efficacy in those Religious Ceremonies, or no, is not in my Power to determine: But 'tis certain, that every Nation consides much in the Myste­ries [Page 59]taught them by their Priests. The Force of Education prevails on most Men even to old Age; in regard they think it an Impiety to examine or question the Traditions of their Fathers, especially when Heaven it self confirms their Implicite Faith, by seeming to regard and answer their Religious Addresses, in so peculiar a Manner as these foremen­tion'd Instances describe.

Sage Effendi, Tell me whether it be He­resie to affirm, That God has sent Prophets in­to all Nations, each furnish'd with Instru­ctions and Doctrines agreeable to the Genius of the People whom they were to teach? And that he is not displeas'd at the various Rites and Ceremonies by which every di­stinct Region and Climate adore his Divine Ʋnity?

Satisfy me in this, and then thou shalt be more than Apollo in my Esteem; for, I am full of Doubts.

Paris, 10th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1675.

LETTER I.
To Dgnet Oglou.

SOmetimes I could wish my self without a Spleen, it overwhelms me in such deep Melancholies: Yet when I con­sider the same Vital is a necessary Instru­ment of Mirth and Laughter, I reverse that Wish again. Not that I am fond of a Le­vity [Page 62]which makes us resemble Apes, rather than Men; tho the Philosophers say the con­trary. But I correct my Partial Thoughts, which would lay the fault on my Body, when my Mind [...] is chiefly to Blame For, he that is Master o [...] his Reason, r [...]ed [...]ot fall into either Extreme, to be always a grinning like Democritus, or howling with Heraclitus. Resignation and Tranquility are the Golden Mean. And he that steps over this Line, on one side or other, falls into the same Vanity which he bemoans or ri­dicules in the rest of Mortals.

I have studied to know this World, and the Nature of all Things, but am never the Wiser, after so many Years of search. I have perus'd many Books, and convers'd with more Men, yet none of them all can inform me of a certainty, what I am my self. How then should I be able to comprenend the Es­sences of Other Things? Henceforth, I'll lay aside this Inquisitive Folly, and be careless, till Death shall either quite extinguish so trou­blesome a Passion, or fully satisfy it with new Discoveries.

In that separate Stare, I hope to see in o­pen Light, the Naked Forms of Things, without the Interposition of a Veil or Gless, to thicken and dusk the Prospect. Whereas, in this Life, we are fain to peep into the World through the close Windows of our Senses; which are so o'rlaid and darken'd with the Dust our Passions raise, besides the Natural Dullness of their Composition, That [Page 63]we are fain to run from Pannel to Pannel, and use the Opticks of Philosophy to help our Sight. Yet, after all, we still are pur­blind, and so are like to be during this Mor­tal Life. But when once this Prison of ours shall be demolish'd by a Tempest of Misfor­tune, or by some sudden Disaster; or it shall moulder away through Sickness, Age, and Native Weakness, thus crumbling to its pri­mitive Dust; then shall the Soul expand it self, and fly at large in the open Firmament of Wisdom, Light, and Science.

My Dgnet, Let thou and I be content to bear the Inconveniences of these Earthly Cages for a while; and in a little Time we shall be consign'd over to Eternal Liberty. I design'd to have said more; but I [...]ell thee I'm too Melancholy. Therefore Adieu for the Present.

Paris, 19th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1675.

LETTER II.
To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

IT is above Ten Years ago since I gave thee an Account of the Renowned Mareschal de Turenne: Wherein I did not pretend his compleat History, or present thee with his full Character; but only to inform thee of some remarkable Passages in his Life, and to draw an imperfect Idea of his Vertues. Which though they were very great, yet were not sufficient to skreen him from the Chance of War, and the Stroke of a Violent Death.

On the Six and Twentieth of the Moon of July, this great General, having given all necessary Orders for a Battel, with the Im­perialists in Alsatia, was surveying a certain rais'd Ground near Strasbourg, on which he design'd to plant a Battery; when a Cannon Shot from the Town, guided by Fate more than by the Gunners Aim or Skill, came gra­zing along on the Earth, and in its Carcer gave this Heroe a Mortal Blow on the Breast, of which he instantly died, without speaking a Word.

There was an Officer of the Artillery in his Company, who spied the Course of the [Page 65]Bullet at a Distance, and happily started out of the Way. He reports, that Monsieur Turenne saw the same, but whether out of the Greatness of his Spirit, which would not suffer him to appear timerous of Death, or whether his extream Thoughtfulness on the approaching Battel, kept him from provi­ding for his own Safety; 'tis certain he stood Immoveable, and sustain'd the Fatal Stroke which cost him his Life.

The Court of France laments his Death, with extraordinary Demonstrations of Sor­row: And so does all the Kingdom. Indeed they have Reason: France having never sent into the Field a Man more accomplished with all the Vertues and Heroick Qualities requisite in a great General.

They relate Two or Three remarkable Passages of his Life, which either happen'd since I wrote my former Letter to thee about him; or at least they came not to my know­ledge at that Time.

One was a little after his Brother the Duke of Bouillon's Death, when he was seen to weep very affectionately, tho he endea­vour'd to hide his Passion from the Obser­vation of others. Which was taken notice of as an Argument of his Compassionate Temper; and that all the Blood which had been spilt in his sight, and under his Con­duct, had not diminish'd his Natural Ten­derness and Humanity.

He was sincerely Modest, without giving the World any occasion to judge, that he [Page 66]only affected to appear so. For when any of his Friends or Creatures would run in­to Hyperboles, in extolling his Actions, he would not by a feigned Humility, and denying all they said, lay a Train for greater Flatteries; but he so discreetly mo­derated his Answers, that at the same Time he appeared sensible of his True Merit, with­out the least Symptom of Arrogance or Vain-Glory.

So when some Lords came to condole the Loss of his Brother, that they might com­fort him, they turn'd the Discourse to a Panegyrick on himself, highly extolling the whole Series of his Heroick Performances. But looking on them with a stedfast Gra­vity, and fetching a deep Sigh, he reply'd▪ It is the Opinion of the World, that I am some­thing vers'd in the Affairs of War: It would he an Ingrateful Presumption to oppose the Pub­lick Sentiment. But, I can assure you, there is nothing more certain, than that much of my Knowledge in this kind, is owing to my Deceas'd Brother, who by Rules taught me many advan­tagious Improvements of Martial Discipline. And I learned not a little from his own Exem­plary Conduct.

Another Remark they make, is on the Li­berality of this General, and his Contempt of Riches: For he really impoverish'd himself to reward and gratify his Friends. It being a Word very common in his Mouth, That he would love on the King's Pay, and his Friends should live on his Estate. Yet he was but [Page 67]a Younger Brother. Which made his Wife often say, That were it not for the King's Mony, her Husband entertain'd such a Reti­nue of Noble Beggars about him, That she fear­ed both he and she must in a little Time, take up the same Trade, and turn Mendicants themselves.

It is credibly reported of this great Man, that he set his Heart so little on Mony, as not to know one Piece of Coin from another, nor their different Value in Exchange.

Once he was heard to say these words, to some of the Nobles who were discoursing on Wealth, I wonder, said he, what pleasure Me [...] can take in hoarding up great Heaps of Mony: For my Part if at the End of the Year, I should find in my Coffers, a great Treasure of Gold left, it would Nauseate me as much, as if just when I had made a full Dinner, I should be forc'd to sit still, and glut my self by eating of the same Dishes over again.

And that which is most to be admir'd is, That even in his Old Age, to which Avarice is so Natural, his Purse was always open, and he gave away his Mony as Liberally, as in his Youth. So that when he was Dead, they could find no more than Five Hundred Crowns in his Keeping. Besides, he died much in Debt, which he Contracted on the Armies Account, that they should not want their pay in due Season. But, 'tis said the King either has discharg'd these Debts or will do it in a little Time,

He was a Man of no great Presence either for Tallness or graceful Features; being of an ordinary Size, and heavy Countenance. With a Mein and Air more like a Citizen or Mechanick, than a Souldier. Which justifies the old Proverb, That the Face is not always the True Index of the Heart. For all the World knows, that, he was a Man of Great Resolution and Bravery.

They attribute many of his Victories to his Regular and Sage Conduct; others to his Fortune; whilst they cannot deny, That some were owing entirely to the Force of his In­vincible Courage.

It were easie to relate many Instances of this kind. But, I will not tire thy Patience. My Letter is already stretch'd beyond its de­sign'd Limits; yet it comes far short of reach­ing the Character of this Prince. However it would be Invidious not to inform thee of all I know concerning him, worth Observa­tion.

In the Time of the Civil Wars, after he had abandon'd the Party of the Malecontents, and was made General of one of the King's Armies, he gave an admirable proof of his undaunted Valour. For, when he had but Three Thousand Five Hundred Men with him, and those in a manner hemm'd in by Fourteen Thousand of the Rebels; so that there was but one Pass left, whereby he might escape, and he was strongly press'd to make use of that advantage: No, says he, I will not any longer live to see my Soveraign shut out of [Page 69]his own Cities; Orleans barr'd her Gates against him, even whilst the King's Forces were entire, before they had receiv'd any Loss or Defeat, and can we expect they will any where be more favour­able to him, when they shall behold us flying from our Victorious Enemies? No: This Fatal Day shall either put a Check to their Success, or give a Period to my Life. And the Event answer'd his Expectation. For he enter'd into Battel with the Prince of Conde, and routed all his Forces. Ever since which, he has done the French King so many eminent Services, as Amply made Amends for his Two Years Re­volt.

He is now gone to the other World, not as to a Campagne, but to Celebrate an Eternal Triumph among the Famous Heroes of the Earth. The King has in Honour of his Me­rits, caus'd his Body to be buried in the Tem­ple of St. Denis, where all the Blood Royal of France is reposited. Shewing in this, how little difference he makes between him that sits on the Throne, and him that well sup­ports it.

Illustrious Hamet, I pray Heaven inspire the Sultan to reward thee and all his Faithful Ministers, and Valiant Generals, with parti­cular Honours, proportionate to every Mans distinct Merits, and Services. Adieu.

Paris, 4th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1675.

LETTER III.
To the Kaimacham.

THere happen many remarkable Events in a year, which I cannot presently trans­mit an Account of, for want of Timely In­telligence. My Letters are often finish'd and seal'd, and sometimes sent away before I hear of the Taking of such a City, or Strong Hold; of this Victory on the French side, or that Success on the Part of their Enemies, the Germans, Spaniards, and Hollanders. And I do not think it worth while to trouble the Ministers of the Port with an After-Dispatch, only to inform them of some Siege, Battel, or other petty Occurrence, as oft as they come to my knowledge. Chusing rather to reca­pitulate in one Letter, at the end of the year, all such Passages as were omitted before, That so my Intelligence however dis-joynted and parcel'd out into Fragments, may yet at last be set together again, and made entire.

Thus the taking of Bellegand in Roussillon from the Spaniards, by the Mareschal de Schom­berg, was not a matter of that Importance as to deserve a particular Letter on Purpose to keep Time with the Action. Yet it is conve­nient to insert it in this Summary of Trans­actions omitted in my former Letters; That so the Ottoman Register may not be imperfect and defective. This Fortress was taken about [Page 71] Midsummer, after an Entrenchment of Seven Days.

But Fortune though she seems to have de­clar'd in Favour of the French Arms, yet to shew her Inconstancy, sometimes turns her Smiles to Frowns, and seems for a While to leave them in the Lurch.

On the 11th. of the 8th. Moon, there hap­pen'd an Accident at Treves, which occasion'd the Loss of that Town to the Confederate Enemies of France, and a little clouded the Glory of the Mareschal de Crequi's Arms, who had hitherto Fought Successfully, and gain'd the Reputation of a very Wise and Prudent General.

It seems the Governour of Treves, whom they call the Sieur Vignory had Orders to come out of the Town that very Day, and joyn the Mareschal de Crequi with Five Thousand Men of the Garrison, to put in Execution some Design they had upon the Confederate Forces, which lay not far off. The Governour in Complyance with the Order, was Marching his Men over a Bridge, when his Horse sud­denly starting at the Discharge of a Pistol fell with his Rider into the Ditch, where they both perish'd. Now this unfortunate Gentleman not having discover'd his Secret Order to any Person Living; his Lieutenant being ignorant of the Design, and troubl'd at this unhappy Accident, caus'd the Five Thousand Men to March back again into the Town. In the mean time the Mareschal de Crejui in vain expected the coming of these Recruits, [Page 72]and finding himself too weak, to resist the more numerous Troops of his Enemies, was forc'd to give Way, whilst they advanc'd to besiege the Town, the main Thing which he aim'd to prevent. In this Streight he had nothing else to do but to throw him­self with his Forces into the Town, that so his Presence might supply the Dead Go­vernours Place, till the King's Pleasure were known. He defended the Place with much Resolution and Bravery: But by the Treach­ery of a certain Captain belonging to the Garrison, it was at length taken, after A­bundance of Bloodshed. This Traitors Name was Bosejourdan; he held a private Correspondence with the Enemy, inform'd them of the Disadvantages the Town lay under; corrupted several of the Garrison, and did all Things that might facilitate the Reduction of the Place. For which he was deservedly hang'd, having been deliver'd in­to the Hands of the French, by those; who, though they made use of the Treason, yet could not but abhor the Traytor.

The Imperialists took Courage upon this Success, and began to think, That since the Death of Mareschal Turenne, Fortune had a­bandon'd the Interest of France, and enter'd into the Confederacy with them. Hereupon Count Montecueuli on the 20th of the 8th Moon invested Haguenau, a strong Place in the Hands of the French. But the Appreach of the Prince of Conde soon made him raise the Siege. Since which there has been lit­tle [Page 73]of Action on either Side, save the taking of Thuin, a Town situated on the Sambre, and which commands all the Country be­tween that River and the Mouse. It was sur­render'd to the French about the Beginning of the 11th. Moon, on Condition that the Priviledges of the Inhabitants should be pre­serv'd, and that they should not be forc'd to maintain the King's Garrison.

There have been lately some Seditions in the Provinces of Bretagne and Guienne, said to be secretly abetted by the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Rennes. For which the King has signifyed his Displeasure by removing those Assemblies to other Places, after ha­ving inflicted severe and exemplary Punish­ments on the Ring-leaders of the Tumults.

And now this Monarch seems to be weary of the Fatigues of War, having publish'd a Manifesto, wherein he complains of the Inju­ry done to Prince William of Furstemberg, Ple­nipotentiary from the Bishop of Cologne; Declares that he had reason to shew his Resent­ments of an Affront given to his Allie, con­trary to the Law of Nature; that neverthe­less he had labour'd for the general Peace of Christendom: And was now in the same In­clination. On which Account he sent the Sieur Colbert Master of the Requests, and the Count d' Avaux to Nimeguen there to assist at the Conferences of Peace.

Some say this Propension to Peace is the Effect of a Vow the King made, when he was lately afflicted with a violent Fever. [Page 74]Be it how it will, the Captains and Soldi­ers on all Sides are agreed to cease from Acts of Hostility, during this cold Season: finding it much more comfortable to wal­low in Beds of Down, than to lief abroad in the Snow; and to lay close Siege to a good Fire, than to campagne it in Trench­es full of Water and Ice.

Illustrious Minister, I pray God make thee happy all the Four Seasons of the Year; but especially to give thee his Winters Blessing, a Warm House, an agreeable Bed­fellow; Plenty of the Gifts of Ceres and Bacchus, a Merry Heart, and a Good Sto­mach.

Paris, 7th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1675.

LETTER IV.
To Abdel Melec Muli Omar, Presi­dent of the Coll. of Sciences at Fez.

THY Pacquet came just now to my Hands, in an Hour of Felicities, under a No­ble and Propitious Asterism. The Constella­tions Above smile on Mahmut at this Season. A Thousand soft and Serene Pleasures di­still upon my Soul; a Pearl of Heavenly Dew sits on every blooming Thought. My Heart is like a Garden in the Mornings of an Autumn-Solstice, fresh and fragrant, though drooping for Age.

I have spent the Spring and Summer of my Life, in Error, Ignorance and Vanity. 'Tis Time that I should provide for the Winter of my Age, a Stock of Solid Wis­dom and Vertue. And Heaven to shew its Love and Care of Mortals, inspir'd hee with the Generous Thoughts of assisting me once more by thy sage Instructions. Thy Dispatch contains such a Scheme of Philosoph: and Reason, as never can be refuted. Thou act the Apollo of the Age.

Glory be to God, Majestick, Living and Strong, Eternal Father and Sourse of Lights, Fountain of Intellectual Perfections, Original Treasury of Reason; with whom remain from Everlasting Ages, the Idea's of all Things past, [Page 76]present and to come; the Patterns of Things visible and invisible, the Exemplars of every Thing that has had, shall, or can have Ex­istence in the Universe. Blessed be the Wood and Breath of God, the Spirit of Life and Ʋnderstanding, which in the determin­ed Periods of Time, enters into Holy Souls, making them the Favourites of the Most High, and Prophets.

That Spirit descends sometimes and on some Persons, like a gentle Shower in Har­vest; but on thee it pours down like the Rivers from Paradise, in Vast and Mighty Cataracts. Wisdom overflows thy Soul, as the Nile: The Streams thereof are strong and rapid as the Currents of Tygris and Euphrates; Rich, and inebriating as the Waters of Jordan; thy Mind is cover'd with a Deluge of Science.

O! Immarcessible Wisdom! Blessed is the Man that has thee for his Portion in this Life. The Gold has no Value or Beauty when compar'd with thee: The Diamond and Sa­phir sad and look dull; and the choicest Pearls of the Orient lose their Lustre in thy Presence. Doubtless, Wisdom shines for ever, and is incorruptible. It is a pure resplendent Essence flowing from the Eter­nal Glory; a sincere Emanation from the Divine Nature; The Spotless Mirrour of God, wherein he beholds his own Immortal Excollencies. It is Ten Thousand Times more serene than the Light it self, brigh­er than the Sun, purer than the Sky, and [Page 77]more sparkling than all the Host of the Stars. The Glittering Crowd of Angels are edlips'd in her Presence, and all the Radiant Orders of the Blessed Above, serve but as Foils to set forth her Superlative and all-penetrating Coruscations.

God brought her forth from the Womb of his Unfathomable Depths, she sprang from the Treasures which cannot be exhausted. In the Morning of the World, she ronz'd the benumm'd Chaos with her efficacious Beams. Her Energy gave Life and Form to the con­fus'd and dark Abyss. She shines from one Extremity of the Universe to another, illu­minating Infinite Spaces. She is a refulgent Circle of Light, whose Center is every where, but whose Circumference is not to be found.

Ask those who pitch their Pavilions above all Worlds, the outlying Camps of the Om­nipotent, who guard the Frontiers of the Blis­ful Regions, and walk the Rounds of our Remotest Heaven, the Coelum Empyraeum; to fire its Beacons on the Discovery of any foreign Invasion threatn'd by some New Ʋp­start Republick of Beings, hatch'd in the cold and frozen Climates of the Endless Expanse: Ask those, I say, whether they e'er cou'd trace the Eternal Wisdom in her Flights? Or find the Solitary Haunts of Everlasting Reason? They may pursue the glorious Chace, o'er the Untrack'd Wastes of the Unlimit­ted, Unform'd First Matter, as well as through the Fenced Fields and Parks, the [Page 78]enclos'd Land-mark'd Grounds of this known World: But all in vain. There is no catch­ing what is Infinite. The Wings of all created Fancies are too short and weak. The Che­rubims themselves and Seraphims are far too flow, to seize so swift a Prey. Wisdom is wild as Chance, conceal'd as Nature, yet fix'd as Destiny.

She dwells beyond the Highest Heavens; her Throne is inaccessible; yet she fills all Things with her Presence. She sought for a Place of Repose on Earth among the Sons of Men. She travers'd the Nations by Land, and visited the Isles of the Sea. She de­scended into the Abysses below, and made her Scrutiny in the Horrid Caverns of the Clobe. At length she found Rest in Abraham; and pitch'd her Habitation in Ismael: Be­cause it was so determin'd of old, from Sem­piternal Ages, and recorded in the Archives of Fate. She was establish'd in Mecca, the Birth-place of the Prophet, and her Power is rooted in Medina Telnabi, the place of his Burial. The Holy Cities are ennobl'd by her Presence, and she shines in the midst of an Honourable Race, an Offspring born to Glory, a Renowned People, a Sanctify'd Pre­geny; a Generation of Worthies; a Family of Hero's, a Lineage whereon rest the Favours and Smiles of the Omnipotent.

Oh Arabia! Well may'st thou be call'd the Happy, since in thee is the Seat of the Eter­nal Sapience. Go Mourn, ye Mountains of Ju­daea! and all ye desolated Valleys of Palestine: [Page 79] For the Dew and the Rain have forsaken you. Your Soil languishes for want of Moysture, and your Glebe is dried up. Your Trees wither and fade; neither does the Ground bring forth any Grass or Flowers. The Pastures are become like a Wilderness, overrun with Bryars and Thorns, and your Arable Fields, are as the Lybian Wastes, barren and unprofitable. The Land that was once call'd Holy, is now become Execrable, a Habitation of Satyrs and Da­mons: Because Wisdom has translated her Residence from Sion, and the Angels have Decamp'd from the Climate of Jerusalem.

Rejoyce, O Regions bordering on the East of the Red Sea! For with you is a Great Light, even the Law brought down from Heaven, and the Glory of the Most High overshadows you.

Wisdom is exalted in Arabia; she lifts up her Head above the Top of Mount of Ʋ ­riel: She flourishes like the Palm-Tree, and spreads her Boughs as the Terebinth: Many Nations rest under the Shadow of her wide­spread Branches: Her Ways are Uniform and Beautiful, like an Alley of Cypresses; and all her Paths are sweet as a Garden of Cinnamon, Myrrh, and Roses. Her Fruit feeds the East and the South; her Saluti­ferous Leaves are scattered from India, to the Land of the Moors, where thou dwel­lest. Her fragrant Odour is diffus'd from Pole to Pole.

She is the Mother of Science and Virtue; in her Custody are the Springs of Life and [Page 80] Health, of Honour and Riches: She has in her Treasures lock'd up Innumerable Kinds of Felicities, which she plentifully pours forth on them that obey her Inspirations. She appears chearfully to them that wait upon her; and no Man ever departed from her Presence, but he fell into Sadness. For, a certain enlivening Influence flows from her Countenance; a Man is ravish'd with her Conversation. Her Breath is sweeter than Ambrosia, or the Vapour of Eastern Incense. Her Thoughts are fragrant, as the Aroma­tick Exhalations of Nardus, Onyx, and Stacte. All Words are too short to express her Praises, neither is there any Style or Language that can describe her Incomparable Worth. Therefore with Reverence I desist from say­ing any more at this Time, on so sublime a Subject; lest whilst I am prolonging the Pa­negyrick of Wisdom, I proclaim my own Fol­ly, to a Sage who is familiar with her, and best knows her Character.

In the mean Time, Vouchsafe to accept of these Lines, as a Testimony of the pro­found Veneration I have for thee who art known through all Africk, and other Parts of the World, to be One of the First Rank a­mong Wisdom's Favourites.

Adieu, Great Lamp of Mauritania, and believe, That Mahmut is no Flatterer.

Paris, 19th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1676.

LETTER V.
To the Captain Bassa.

IF I write often to the Bassa's of the Land, I do not forget the Duty I owe to him of the Sea. Only that Element has not been the Stage of so many Remarkable Actions as the other: There are no Forts, Castles, or strong Cities, built upon the Waves: No settled Camps, or formal Sieges, unless it be upon the Frozen Seas, within or near the Artick Circle. And there they only imi­tate the Trade of War to exercise their Youth.

However, on the other Parts of the O­cean, there are flying Campagnes, Battels en Passant; and this Year has afforded some Marine Engagements between the French, Hollanders, and Spaniards, not altogether un­worthy of thy Knowledge.

On the 8th. of the 1 st. Moon, there hap­pened a Naval Fight between the Sieur de Quesne, Lieutenant General of the French Fleets, and de Ruiter Vice-Admiral of the Dutch. Wherein the later suffer'd conside­rable Damage. But far greater was their Loss on the 22d. of the 4th. Moon follow­ing; when the famous de Ruiter was kill'd, and several of the Dutch Ships Sunk, Burnt, and taken, Yet, that which makes the greatest [Page 82]Noise, was a Battel fought on the 2d. of this present Moon, between the Mareschal de Vivonne, Commander of the French Fleet, on the Coast of Sicily, and the United Na­val Forces of Spain and Holland.

I have a Particular Account of this Com­bat; and because I know thou delightest in Relations of this Nature, I will acquaint thee in short, how they first encounter'd each other, and what Methods the French us'd to gain a glorious Victory over Two Fleets, much more numerous in Ships than their own.

It was not far from the Old dangerous Streight between Charybdis and Scylla, where the Duke de Vivonne descry'd the Hostile Na­vies making toward the Place where he lay with his Fleet at Anchor. The Alarm was quickly giv'n, and all Hands to the Cable: As soon as they had weigh'd, they made all the Sail they could toward the Enemy. The Spaniards and Hollanders had Tewenty Seven Ships of War, Nineteen Gallies, and Four Fire Ships. The French had but Nineteen Ships of War, Seven Gallies, and Five Fire Ships. These got the Wind of their Ene­mies, and attacqu'd them so fiercely, that they drove several of their Capital Vessels on those dangerous Rocks and Sands, where they were lost; and they burnt Thirteen more of their Best Ships, among which were the Admiral of Spain, and the Vice-Admiral of Holland.

I cease to say more of this remarkable Fight, save that it is esteem'd only Second to the Famous Battel of Lepanto.

Prince of the Sea, I wish thee equal Success, when ever thou fightest against the Enemies of God and his Prophet.

Paris, 14th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1676.

LETTER VI.
To the Sage of Sages, the Myste­rious Eremite, the Great Mo­hammed, of Mount Uriel, in A­rabia.

THere is no Man in this Mortal Life, who has not chang'd his Opinions one Time or other. And whether it be an Argument of Wisdom or Folly, Knowledge or Igno­rance, to be thus Mutable in our Thoughts; we find few tenacious in their Old Age, of the Notions they entertain'd in their Youth.

We have some Natural and Proleptick I­dens born with us; others impos'd upon us by our Parents, Nurses and Tutors. Our Infant Fancies are tender, flexible, and re­ceptive of any Impressions; like Gold that [Page 84]yeilds to every Stamp and Coin, of a new Sovereign. So in the Mint of Human Con­versation, our Thoughts are molded and form'd, by each prevailing Genius that keeps us Company. Nay, a New Book that we have an Inclination for, shall quite oblite­rate all that before was current Reason with us, and transform our Faculties into another Figure. So true it is, That Man­kind delights in Novelty.

Whether it be an Effect of this General Weakness in Human Nature, or of my own particular Inconstancy; or in fine, of more correct and mature Consideration, I will not determine. But this I am sure of, That I cannot think now of several things, as I have done formerly, without offering great Violence to my present Reason. I am as apt now to suspect my self of Dotage at these Years, as other Men are inclin'd to flatter themselves into a Conceit of their own Wisdom, and to boast of it to others at the same Age. However, it appears evi­dent to me, That every Man's Experience perfects his Speculations: And he who trafficks in the Mart of Philosophy on the Stock of his own Discoveries, is in a fairer Way to im­prove himself, than a Man that trades alto­gether on the Credit of other Mens Concepti­ons.

The latter is but Wisdom's Factor, or he may be call'd, a Brother in the Sciences, or a Banquier of other Mens Imaginations; He frequents the Common Exchange or Burse [Page 85]of Learning; reads the Books of the Anci­ents; converses with the Wits, and most ac­complish'd Spirits of the present Age. Yet after all, he has but a Retail Profit. Nor shall he ever have better, so long as he dares not venture something of his own

Whereas the former is a Rich Substanti­al Merchant, dealing on his own Bottom. He ventures on the wide Ocean of the Worlds peevish censorious Humour; runs the Hazard of Shipwreck, and Corsairs. The Winds and Storms of human Malice do not fright him; nor all the Rocks of Supersti­tion establish'd by the Laws of Nations. No Sands or Shelves, or any undermining pri­vate Interest, can baulk his Courage; whilst he has the Gales of Truth, and Tide of Primitive Reason on his side. For then he knows the Common Fortune will be his Pi­lot, and steer him safe through all.

From what I have said, thou wilt expect some new refin'd Thesis to drop from my Pen, some very solid Dogma to be broach'd, after such a tedious Praelude. But I tell thee plainly, I hardly know what I'm to write next, save only that I have some general Notions different from what I had before, concerning the Eternity of the World.

It was formerly my Opinion, and I pass'd it upon all my Friends; That not only the Matter of the World is everlasting, but its present Form also. But now I believe the contrary, on more rational Grounds. It is not so perfect as I esteem'd it, Every Year [Page 86]of my Life convinces me of its Decaying State. It manifestly droops and crumbles away. Therefore by proportion of Argu­ment, we ought to conclude, It is corruptible in its first Principles, and consequently had a Beginning, and shall have an End.

I do not believe it shall be annihilated, or reduc'd to nothing; Nature abhors that Thought: But it shall be chang'd, metamor­phos'd, and transform'd. Ʋna dies dabit exitio, One Day shall consign it to Ruin, as Lucretius says; and the same shall give it a brighter Form than ever it had; when the Earth shall become pure Crystal, and the Stars shall out­shine the Sun; and the Sun himself shall be dissolv'd into his Eternal Principles of Light. The Philosophers who have spoke of the Last Day, agree that the World shall be calcin'd by Fire; especially those of the East and South: for they positively assert, That when the moi­sture of the Ʋniverse shall be exhausted and spent [The Elements will pour forth Flames] says Hermes Trismegistus, [...]. Scribitur in Fa­tis, &c. [a Treasury of Fire] says So­phocles. And Ovid asserts, That the Seas shall be dried up, and all the Firmament shall appear like a Furnace. Heaven and Earth shall be mingled Pell-mell together. The Greeks say, The World shall boil up and scum off its Impurities, [...] with a Noise like that of a Tempest, or a Woirlwind. The Italians ex­press it otherwise, by the Sound a Clock makes just before it strikes the Hour; for it moves in [Page 87]an even and regular Course, and has a stea­dy Pulse till then; but when the last Minute is expir'd, the Wheels rush all together with a louder Noise: So shall the Orbs above, and these inferiour Elements, when their Course is done, break all their Harmony, and with confused Cracks and Ratlings disgorge their Essences into the Lap of their eternal Chaos, there to be renew'd and chang'd again into far nobler Forms, although the original Sub­stance still remains the same; for I believe the first Matter to be unchangeable and eter­nal, without Beginning or End. But there have pass'd many Millions of Ages, in the Production of such an infinite Variety of Forms. Perhaps the Grounds of Astrology are true, and that there were of old certain Peri­ods of Time affix'd, first for the Product of the Heavenly Signs and Constellations, then for the Planets, and afterwards for the Nativity of all the other Beings below the Moon. But Moyses, the Law-giver and chief Philosopher of the Jews, is of a contrary Judgment; for he says, The Vegetables had Existence before the Stars. And so one does not know what to think among 'em all. For ought I know, a­ny Man's Reason might be received with as much Applause as that of Moyses, who should assert, That there are certain Horses formed of the purest Light, galloping up and down the in­finite Expanse for an indeterminate Series of Ages, the Dust of whose Feet first raised the Ele­ments out of Nothing, and then their Hoofs stri­king against the original Flints of Nature, be­gat [Page 88]the Sparks which shall set the World a-fire at last. And God knows whether the late Conflagration at the Imperial City was not owing to a Scratch of one of those Horses Nails, though they are pleased to lay it on the Giaurs and Kysilbaschi.

By my Soul, I believe all Things proceed from eternal Chance. All that we admire so much in the World, is a mere Higgle-de-Pig­gledy of Things which may be or may not be, only they are; and so we must not quarrel with any Thing that has Existence. We be­hold the Sun, Moon, and Stars, over our Heads; they give us their successive Light by Night and Day. We trample upon the Earth under our Feet, and sail on the open Sea, to which we can give no great Trust. At the same time we know not the Natures of these different Beings: The Sun may be but an eternal Carbuncle for ought we know, and the Moon but a crested Saphir; the rest of the Planets but the Refractions of these bright Essences, and all the Fixed Stars but so many Splinters of the eternal Torch which lights the World. And after all the rest, this Earth whereon we tread, may be but a Wart or Mole, a little silly Excrescence, or superflu­ous Tumour of the Elements, if not a Gangrene in Nature.

Oh Mohammed! I have said too much to a Man of thy abstruse Speculations, but thou wilt pardon one that speaks with Faith and Sincerity.

Let me put in one Word more with thee, Oh Chief of the Solitaries, Trince of the Syl­vans, Glory of Arabia, Thou Hidden one of the East, Thou Phoenix of all Generations! No Body was born for himself, No Body is Wise at all Times. And this is a particular Season wherein the Grand Signior's Service requires me to be, as it were, a little foolishly merry. Therefore, begging thy Pardonn and Pray­ers, I bid thee Adieu.

Paris, 13th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1676.

LETTER VII.
To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Ma­ster of the Customs, and Super­intendent of the Arsenal at Con­stantinople.

IT will do thee no hurt to carry the follow­ing News to Hamet Reis Effendi. I en­trench on the Post's Time, and my own Health, it being very late in the Night, on purpose that the Ministers of the Port may have the earliest Account of the Taking of Philipsbourg from the French by the Confede­rate Princes and States.

This is a Town of great Importance, and very strong. The Spaniards became Masters of it in the Year 1633, through the Treache­ry of the Governour. Next Year following the Suedes put it again in the French King's Hands: but that Monarch not being able to repair its Fortifications, by reason of the Win­ter, it was surpris'd by the Imperialists on the 23d of the first Moon 1635; in whose Hands, it remained till the Year 1644; when in the 9th Moon it was taken by the Duke Enguyen, now Prince of Conde, after he had routed the Duke of Bavaria at Friburgh. The French have had it in Possession ever since th [...]t time, till about four Days ago it was [Page 91]Surrendred, upon Conditions, to the Imperi­alists, who had block'd it up above a Year, and formally Besieg'd it four Moons.

It is a Loss which this Court resents with no small Grief, Philipsbourg being a Town of more Value than twenty others in those Parts. The French have taken Conde, Bou­chain, and Aire, but they do not think these an equivalent Reprizal; neither can this Campaign last long enough to give them an Opportunity of seeking farther Satisfaction.

Brother, I must conclude abruptly, because the Post tarries. God have thee in his Keep­ing, and preserve thee from the Snares and malicious Ambuscades of Devils, who are let loose from their Infernal Dens to range above ground, from this Hour, to the Crowing of the Cocks.

Paris, 12th of the 9th Moon of the Year 1676.

LETTER VIII.
To Sephat Abercromil, Vanni, Ef­fendi, Preacher to the Sultan.

ABout five Years ago I sent thee a Dispatch, containing an Account of the kind Re­ception thy Doctrins found in Europe, and of the swift Progress they made in Converting the honester sort of Nazarenes. I also ac­quainted thee with the Opposition that was made against the Writings of Francis Male­vella, by the Jesuits and Dominicans. Now I shall inform thee farther of the prodigious Advances this Sacred Institution of Life his made in Italy, France, and Spain, with Ger­many, and other Regions in the West.

There is an eminent Man in Rome, whom they call Father Petrucci, a Person of great Learning, and conspicuous Knowledge. His Piety indeed has been by him industriously concealed, as much as lay in's Power: But yet his most recluse good Works took Air, and all Men of Integrity conceive a Venera­tion for him. He having read the Works of Malevella, grew enamour'd of so sublime a System of spiritual Rules; and wrote to all his Friends by way of Recommendation of the Author and his Subject. Those Letters afterwards were put in Print, and 'tis not to be exprest, what powerful Influence they had [Page 93]on all impartial Readers. He published also many learned Treatises, in the Defence and Praise of a Contemplative Life. And the Reputation of this refin'd Theology daily en­creas'd, and spread abroad in every Corner of the Christian World.

Among the rest of learned Proselytes, a cer­tain Spanish Priest, and Doctor of the Chri­stian Law, whom they call Michael de Molino, appear'd upon the Stage; and the last Year publish'd a comprehensive Treatise of Mystical Religion. The Book was approv'd and Licens'd by the Archbishop of Rheggio, by the General of the Franciscans, an Officer of the Inquisition, and by Martin de Esparsa, an eminent Jesuit belonging to the same Court, and Professor of Theology at Rome. The Press had no sooner deliver'd this mysterious Trea­tise to the World, but every body catch'd it up. So that the first Edition being soon dis­persed in Rome, Ferrara, Naples, and other Cities of Italy, it was necessary to start a new Impression of so acceptable a Thing, that the remaining Provinces, States, and Principali­ties, might not want their share of so divine a Copy; That Spain might be reformed by one of her own Natives; and Generous France forgetting her Aversions, might not disdain the sage Instructions of a hated Spaniard. In a word, Molino's Book is had in second Ve­neration with the Gospel. His Friendship is coveted by the greatest Men in Rome; especi­ally the Secular Clergy are ambitious to con­firm the Honours, Dignities, and Benefices [Page 94]they already possess i'th' Church, by gaining the Favour of his Acquaintance. They con­sult him as an Oracle in knotty Problems of Divinity; and many Cardinals court his Cor­respondence, not valuing their Rank in the Red List of Ecclesiastical Princes, unless they are also enrolled in the happy Number of Molino's Friends; such are Carpegna, Azolini, Cassanta, Odescalchi, and the French Cardinal D'Estrees.

This last is famous for his Learning and Accomplishments, being Educated in the Sor­bonne, and a Familiar of Monsieur De Lumay a great Reformer of Errors in the Doctrin and Discipline of the Roman Church. Being thus predispos'd to favor any one who wou'd expose himself to stem the Torrent of Cor­ruptions, the Tide of vain and superstitious Practices, advancing daily higher and higher, and threatning to overflow the Banks of solid Piety, sincere Devotion, and all Moral Vir­tue, the Generous Cardinal appeared the pub­lick Patron of Molino, and in private they had many Conferences. The Spaniard laid aside his Native Jealousie of Foreigners, and the Frenchman mortified his Pique against that Nation. They both convers'd with openness of Heart, and unreserved Freedom.

The Cardinal also, after this, brought him acquainted with several Eminent Men in France, between whom and Molino was held a strict Intelligence. The new Pope, who was before called Cardinal Odescalchi, has gi­ven him an Apartment in his own Palace, and [Page 95]done him many other Honours. In a word, he is grown so considerable, that the greatest part of Nazarenes look upon him as a Prophet sint from God.

I take Complacency to see Mahometanism thus masquerade it in the Heart of Christen­dom; and the most refined Draught of our Religion copied in the Lives and Practices of the most Excellent among the Nazarenes. 'Tis a fair Sign, methinks, that by degrees they will enquire a little farther, and with more Humility, into our Sacred Law; that they will not stumble at Circumcision. Wash­ing, and other Purifications and Ceremonies appointed by the Prophet; since they are all performed in Honour of the eternal Ʋnity, and not to Images or Pictures. However at least, such pious and contemplative Men as these, will, by a necessary Consequence, raise up a secret Faction for us, and qualifie the bitter Zeal and Spight which Christians ge­nerally bear against the True Believers. For the Followers of Malevella, Petrucci, and Mo­lino, are already branded, and distinguish'd from the rest of the Nazarenes, by the odious Names of Hereticks, which is next door to the more opprobrious Title of Infidels, the best and kindest Epithet they can afford the faithful Mussulmans.

To sum up all in brief, they reckon a hun­dred thousand of this new Sect in Italy, as many more in France and Spain, and not much fewer in Germany; besides Poland, Hun­gary, and other Regions. So that if an Ar­my [Page 96]of Mussulmans should appear on the Itali­an Shore with Vanni Effendi at the Head of them, and Declarations should be spread a­bout, containing that you aim at nothing but to propagate the Truth, and to protect the injur'd Molinists or Quietists, (for so they Nick-name this contemplative Sect) they would all rise, and fly to the Mahometa [...] Standard, as formerly the Malecontents of Italy did to the Asylum of Romulus. God's Will be done.

Paris, 2d of the 12th Moon, of the Year 1676.

LETTER IX.
To Mirmadolin, Santone of the Vale of Sidon.

BLessed are they who honour the Virtues of Holy Men, and strive to imitate their Examples. The Infidels count them mad, whom the great Lord of all things has inspired with his Love, which is the Spirit or Breath of the Omnipotent, giving Life to all Things. Their Souls are snatch'd away in sacred Ex­tasies; they are carried to the bright shining Worlds, born up on the Wings of a Wind from Paradise. They behold marvellous Things, and the Wonders of the Sky: Waft­ed from Star to Star, they are ravish'd with the Sight of so many radiant Splendors, and expire in Transports of Divine Pleasure, when they consider the beautiful Oeconomy of the Universe.

O Ariel! Chief of the Choirs above; who set-test the Tunes of the Spheres, and art Master of the eternal Musick; who taughtest Sultan Da­vid to play on the Harp, and learned'st him the Songs of Paradise: Send down some Azur'd Messenger, some purpl'd Post from Eden, to in­spire my Soul with divine Harmonies, whilst I celebrate the Praises of Alla, the First and the Last, whose Glory is expanded through the infinite Abyss, and enlightens endless Spaces. The whole [Page 98] Ʋniverse is full of his Majesty, but the Place of his Retirement is above the Heaven of Heavens. There he keeps his Court, guarded by seven­ty times seven Millions of Angels; who al­ways stand on their Watch, to prevent the Invasions of Orosinades, the Prince of Dark­ness, the Root and Source of all Evil.

God came from Heaven in the Days of Mo­ses, with an Army not to be number'd: Mi­chael was his Standard-Bearer, whose Cha­riot was a Carbuncle of Paradise. They march'd through the Milky Way, and made their Descent on the Rock of the Desart Sina. The Artillery of the Celestial Host was Thun­der and Lightning: They were encompassed with thick Clouds of Smoak. The World was affrighted at the dreadful. Noise, and Orosmades durst not appear, to abide the Bat­rel, but fled into the Caverns of the Earth with all his Legions, where they are barr'd up to the Day of Judgment. They often strive to break loose, which occasions horrid Earth­quakes: But the Chain which binds them is fasten'd to the Throne of God. He keeps the Keys of those Infernal Prisons, and bars up all the Avenues of Hell. There Darkness, Horror, and Pain, have taken up their Resi­dence for ever. One Abyss supplies another with eternal Floods of Confusion and Misery. But above the Surface of the Earth, he has establish'd Light, Liberty, Joy and Peace to them that revolt not from his Love and Obe­dience.

God came from Arval, and the Holy One was seen to fly from the Thickets of Schair in the East. He bent his Course toward the Red Sea, and pitch'd his Tents in the Meridi­an of Mecca. On that Day the Kebla was turned toward the South; and the Faces of the Faithful, in time of Prayer, regarded the House of Abrahim, the square Temple, and the Place appointed by Dostiny for the Tomb of the Prophet. Then Medina Telnabi became bright and illustrious: The Glory of Jerusa­lem faded and was ecclips'd at the Dawning Splendor of this New Sanctuary, a City en­nobled by the Presence of Deputies from Hea­ven, even Gabriel and Israphiel, who came down to visit the determined Place of the Prophet's Rest.

They brought with them, Rules and Mo­dels of Divine Architecture, that the Dormi­tory of the Messenger of God might be maje­stick and glorious. They disclosed their Er­rand to Zaphid and Al Kepher, two cunning Artificers in the City, and shew'd them the Celestial Pattern of the Sepulchre. These kept secret the Matter, till the Time was ac­complish'd which the Angels ejoin'd them. Then they declared themselves, and under­took the Building of a Fabrick, which has render'd Medina famous throughout the World.

Oh, Medina Telnabi! how sweet is thy Name among the Mussulmans? The Roads of Asia and Africk are covered with the Cara­vans of such as bring Presents unto thee; the [Page 100]Devout Pilgrims who travel from far to kiss the Pavement of the Temple, where the Bones of our divine Lawgiver is reposited.

I saw the Elephants and Dromedaries of the East, with Joy bow down and crouch to the Earth, whilst Sacred Burdens were laid on their Backs; the Camels also of the South; of Egypt, and the Land of Moors. They per­formed the Sacred Pilgrimage with Humility and Resignation: They Fasted 4, 5, 10, or 14 Days, each as they were able, in Token of their Devotion and Thankfulness; in that they were permitted the Honour of visiting the Holy Region, and the Sepulchre of him who taught the Dumb Beasts the Discipline of Wisdom, and the Way to Paradise.

Ever since that Time, the Animal Genera­tions have instructed each other in the Pre­cepts of the Prophet who could neither Write nor Read. In their Mute-Language they perform, Morning and Evening, the appoint­ed Oraisons, and Preach to their Young Ones by Inarticulate Sounds, the Doctrins of Faith, clear and intelligible.

Oh Mahumed! Every Letter of thy myste­rious Name is full of Benediction and Praise. Each Syllable is compounded of Secrets not to be reveal'd till the Consummation of all Things. Thou art a Treasury of Wonders which cannot be exhausted or valued.

I heard the Eastern Wind record thy Praises on a Flute, whilst gentle Zephyrs blew soft Vocal Harmonies, wherein were often cele­brated the glorious Names of Mahomet and [Page 101] Hali. To these, Great Boreas join'd in Con­sort with his Deep-lung'd-Organ; sweeten'd in Counter-Tenor by the Southern Wind. They Whistled, Sung, and Play'd in Parts, till all the Younger Sons of Aeolus came in to fill the Choir. Then was the Musick loud and shrill: It awaken'd all the Woods and Forests on the Earth. The Trees and all the Vegetable Race, struck up in Union with the Winds; the Birds put in their chearful Notes; the Streams and Rivers murmur'd grateful Airs: the Sea rais'd up her Billows to the Clouds, whilst Jovial Tritons founded high Levets of the Marine, answer'd in Verse by rumbling Timbrels of the Sky. There was an universal Joy and Rant: Nature her self was in a Frolick, and kept Holiday.

Why did the most High decamp from Ar­val, and the Eternal remove his Residence from Schair in the East? Why did he cause his Armies to lie down in the South, and his Pavilions to cover the Regions of Mecca? Doubtless, he did all this in Honour of the Law which he sent from Heaven, and of the Birth-Place of his Favourite, that all Nati­ons might know and confess, That there is but one God, and Mahomet his Apostle. The Beasts of the Earth acknowledge this; the Fowls also of the Air, and the Fish of the Sea. The Elements and Inanimate Beings are sensible of a Joy which they cannot express, and the Universe is all dissolv'd in Rapture, whilst it lies stretch'd out at large, unfolded [Page 102]into endless Skirts, and rests for ever on the All-propping Ʋnity.

Mirmadolin, I am part of the Universe, and therefore cannot but be touch'd with a Sense of the Bliss which at certain Seasons transports the Whole. Thou who art always in a Divine Extasie, wilt not wonder at the short Enthusiasins of thy Slave Mahmut, who covets nothing more ambitiously, than to imi­tate thy blameless Life.

Farewel, in God; for we cannot be out of him, so long as we are in our selves.

Paris, 17th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1677.

LETTER X.
To the Kaimacham.

THE French are resolv'd to make bold Essorts this Campaign, to repair the Loss of Philipsburg, which was taken from them last Year. The King is impatient of any Check given to the Progress of his Arms, and spares neither Men nor Mony to keep up the Reputation and Fame of a Conqueror. And if this Character (grown familiar to him, as it were by Prescription, after a long and almost uninterrupted Series of Victories) hap­pen'd at any Time to be lessens by som [...] unsuccessful Attempt upon the Enemy, he cannot be at Rest till he has recover'd it again by such renown'd Exploits, as may be answerable to the Greatness of his Soul, and the Formidable Puissance of his Sword, known to all Europe.

He has many and great Armies in Pay; and whether it be an Effect of his Fortune, or his Judgment, 'tis observ'd, that he is al­ways bless'd with the Ablest Generals in Chri­stendom.

The First Thing he enterpriz'd was the Siege of Valenciennes, a City seated on the Frontiers of the Spanish Netherlands; a very important Place, and considerable for us Commerce; inhabited also by a Stout, War­like People; and of very difficult Access, by [Page 104]reason of a certain River, with whose Wa­ters they can at Pleasure drown all the Coun­try round about. It was invested by the Duke of Luxemburg on the 28th of the 2d Moon, and formally besieg'd on the 4th of the 3d. On the 17th there was a General As­sault given, and the French enter'd the Town; which so terrified the Inhabitants, that they threw themselves upon the King's Mercy. He accepted their Submissions, and so put a Stop to the common Violence in such Cases.

Another Time this had been enough to have Crown'd a whole Campaign, and satis­fy'd the Ambition of the French Generals; but now, the Remembrance of last Year's Loss and Disgrace, spurs them on to New Re­venges: And to convince the World that this Monarch is not easily to be daunted, but that he is jealous of his Glory, he has, since the Taking of Valenciennes, besieg'd two Strong Cities, Cambray and St. Omers.

The Former of these, is esteem'd one of the strongest Places in all Flanders; it is si­tuated on the River Escaut, and was the An­cient Patrimony of the French Crown, ever since the Reign of Clodion II. King of France, who made himself Master of it in the Year 445 of the Christians Hegira. Afterwards it fell to the Share of Charles the Bald, in the Year 843; and in the Year 870, it became the Occasion of a War between the Kings of France, the Emperors, and the Counts of Flan­ders. In which Contest, one of the Baldwins got it, and left it to his Son. But Charles V. [Page 105]over-reach'd him; and, by Means of the Bi­shop's Correspondence, took Possession of the Place. He put a Strong Garrison in it, and built a Cittadel which render'd the Town almost Impregnable. In process of Time it fell into the Hands of the Duke of Alanson, Brother to Henry III. when he was made Count of Flanders, in the Year 1582. But in the Year 1595. the Spaniards took it, and have held it ever since, till the 6th of the 4th Moon of this present Year; when the Gates were set open, to let in the French Troops; and the 17th, the Cittadel was surrender'd upon Articles.

As for St. Omers, it is a Great City, and well fortified; having on One Side the River Aa, with its Marishes; and on the Other, being defended by a Castle, flank'd with good Bastions, and encompass'd with an ex­tream broad and deep Ditch. About the Be­ginning of this Moon it was invested by the French King's Forces, and within three or four Days it was formally Besieg'd, but not gain'd without a Bloody Combat, fought be­tween the French and the Prince of Orange, who came with a Considerable Army, de­signing to throw Succours into the Place. I will not trouble thee, by Reciting all the Par­ticulars of the Fight; only be assur'd, that the French got the Victory, put the Others to Flight, remain'd Masters of the Field, took Thirteen Pieces of Cannon, Seventeen Stan­dards, all the Enemy's Baggage, and almost Three Thousand Prisoners.

The Stage of this great Action was a Place call'd Mont-Cassel, not far from St. Omers: A Spot of Ground observ'd to have once before been Propitious to the French Arms, when Philip of Valois fought there with the Spaniards, and gave 'em an entire Defeat. He was rec. kon'd the Valiantest Prince of that Age.

The Inhabitants of St. Omers hearing of the Defeat that was given to the Prince of Orange, were in so great a Consternation, that in few Days they voluntarily surrender'd to the French King.

Illustrious Kaimacham, this Puissant Mc­narch takes such Wise Methods, as thou wilt say, cannot fail in the Ordinary Course of War, to bring him Success. He is an Excel­lent Pay-master; and never gives Occasion for his Soldiers to Repine or Murmur for want of their Daily Allowance, nor puts them upon impatient Expectations of their Arrears. On the Contrary, He is very Mu­nificent and Liberal to all Men of Merit: And the meanest Soldier, who signalizes him­self by any Notable Exploit, or Action of Bravery, is sure to be distinguish'd from the Rest by some Royal Reward in Mony, if he be not advanc'd to the Dignity of a Com­mander: And sometimes they are honour'd with both. This Conduct makes his Men fight like Lyons, each being Emulous of his Fellows, and all freely hazarding their Lives, to gain their Master's Esteem; counting that the most Glorious Post, which is most expos'd to Danger.

He is severe to those Provinces and Towns which refuse to submit to his Arms, and full of Clemency to such as willingly embrace his Government.

In a Word, His Donatives and Largesses to his own; his Condescensions, and the Im­munities he gives to others; together with the Exactness of his Justice to all, to facili­tate the Progress of his Arms; increase his Conquests, and render him the Greatest Prince in the Western Parts.

Sage Minister, I kiss the Hem of thy Vest, and with Humble Obeisances retire from thy Presence.

Paris, 29th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1677.

LETTER XI.
To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

THE Love of Women is Natural to our Sex; and there is no Man, who, at one Time or other, has not felt the Warmths of this Amorous Passion. But, it is strange to observe, after what a different Manner this Flame discovers it self in People of Various Nations, Ages, Qualities, Fortunes and Con­stitutions. Young Men are Lascivious and Ar­dent in their Love: Old Men Ridiculous, and Formal. The Poor Man studies to please his Mistress by Abject Submissions, and Humble Obsequiousness. The Rich strives to, win her by Munificent Gifts and Presents. The Vul­gar make their Court by Feasting the Coy Damsel, and Regaling her with Junkets and Wine. The Noble entertain her with Plays, Masquerades, Ballets, and other Pompous Di­vertisements.

The Ingenious Italian sets upon his Mistress with a kind of Polish'd Wantonness; not ma­king Romantick, Whining Addresses; but, with a Refin'd Impudence, his Eyes, his Hands, his Tongue, and all his Actions, soon make her sensible where his Pain lies. He celebrates her Praises in Verse, and hires Musick to Se­renade [Page 109]her. Finally, He never leaves till he Gains her, or Revenges himself on his Rival, by Sending him, out of the World: And on her, by Turning all his Compliments into Curses and Slanders. But if he gets her, he shuts her up for ever, and makes her Cham­ber her Prison.

The Headstrong Spaniard, burning with De­sire, and impatient of Delay, stung with Rest­less Concupiscence, behaves himself like a Mad-Man: He stamps, stares, and raves; walks furiously backward and forward, rolls his Eyes after a hideous Manner; he starts, stands still, lais his Hand upon his Sword, looks up to Heaven, invokes the Saints, talks to him­self, threatens the Dissolution of all Things, if he be balk'd of his Love. In this Humour he runs to his Mistress, falls at her Feet, makes Doleful and Passionate Complaints, throws himself upon her Mercy, adores her, and does all Things which are proper for a Desperate Lover. If by this Means he enjoy her, he soon grows weary of her, and either kills her, or prostitutes her secretly for Gold. But if he cannot obtain her, then he macerates and tor­ments himself, and is resolv'd to Die.

Different from both these is the Wanton French-man, who courts his Mistress after a Jolly Fashion, with Songs, Dances, Musick and Jests. He is all Life and Mirth when in her Company, and abounds with a Thousand Sorts of Comical Humours. If he gets her, after a little Time the Fickle Spark is cloy'd, and Falls in Love with Another. If he fail of [Page 110]his Purpose, he is not much Concern'd; for all his Love was but Counterfeit: Yet he makes a Shew of Discontent, he threatens, and sput­ters at her for a While; but this Tongue-Tem­pest is soon laid, and a new Face produces a Calm.

But the Flegmatick German is very hard to be kindl'd up to this Passion, and then needs a great deal of Art to blow him into a Flame. He is Cold and Wary, Thoughtful and Slow, Provident and Dull: Yet, when once touch'd with this Affection, he is very Liberal of his Gifts, which is the Master-piece of his Court­ship. If he obtains his Mistress, he soon re­turns to his Primitive Frigidity: And if he be frustrated, he is but where he was; far from Killing himself for a Peevish Female.

The French-man professes more Love than he has: The German endeavours to hide the Fervour of his Passion: The Spaniard per­suades himself, that he is Belov'd by his Mi­stress; Whilst the Italian takes the nearest Course to be Belov'd by her in Reality. The French-man loves a Pleasant, Witty Maid, tho' she be Deform'd: The Spaniard prefers Beau­ty to Wit and Good Humour: The Italian is for a Female of a Timorous Spirit: Whilst the German adores a Virago. The French-man, by his Wandring Loves, of a Wise Man be­comes a Fool; and exchanges his Health, for a Thousand Maladies: The German having profusely spent all in Amorous Liberalities, at length, from a Fool, tho late, becomes a Wife Man: The Spaniard undertakes. He­roick [Page 111]Enterprizes, to please his Mistress: Whilst the Italian despises Honour, and eve­ry Thing else, that he may enjoy her.

Certainly the Greatest Men in the World have been subject to this Soft Passion: And have sacrific'd their Reputation, Glory and Vertue, with their very Reason, to the Re­gards of Love. How ensnar'd was Mithri­dates, in Pontus, by a Beautiful Woman? How did Hannibal▪ suffer his Courage to be Ener­vated with the Luxuries of Capua? So Her­cules of Old, left the Glorious Toils of War, and suffer'd his Arms to Rust, for the sake of his Iole. So Ʋlysses was Captivated by Circe; Achilles, by Briseis; and Caesar, by Cleopatra. And thou know'st, that our Annals record strange Things of the Amours of our Glorious Monarchs.

There is no Nation free from the Senti­ments of Love: Yet every Age and Region vary in their Conduct toward Women. Here in the West, they are all for Intriguing and Gallantry. They accuse the Mussulmans for having more Wives than one, and for Keep­ing as many Concubines as they please; whilst they themselves have their Wives almost in Common, and Lie with every Wench that comes in their Way. Adultery passes with 'em for Good Breeding, and Fornication is esteem'd as Innocent an Action as Eating and Drinking: Whereas thou know'st, among the True Believers, these Crimes are punish'd with Death. Promiscuous Copulation was forbid by Moyses, Jesus, and Mahomet; and, in General, [Page 112]by all the Prophets. It is a sufficient Indul­gence, That every Man may Marry four Wives, and enjoy as many other Women as he either Takes Captives from the Enemy in Wars, or purchases with his Mony. But these Infidels had rather follow the Sentiments of the Old Heathen Law-givers, and the Exam­ples of Idolatrous Nations, than obey God and his Messengers. They applaud Solon, the Great Law-giver of the Athenians, calling him a Wise Man, as he was plonounc'd by the Del­phick Oracle; and a Generous Patriot, for pro­curing Harlots to accompany the Youths of the Ci­ty, and building a Temple to Venus out of the Mony they got by Prostituting themselves.

'Tis certain, Whores were much esteem'd in those Days, among the Graecians: For the Magistrates built them Publick Houses on purpose, and free for all Comers: They also made Laws, to protect them from Injuries. And so great was the Veneration that Besot­ted People had for them, that when Perses invaded Greece, the Harlots of Corinth under­took to intercede for their Country, in the Temple of Venus. Nay, whatsoever Extra­ordinary Favour they had to ask of that God­dess, it was done by the Mediation of the Whores. And there seems some Reason on their Side, since Venus her self was Translated to Heaven, and made a Goddess, for being the Greatest Whore and Bawd that ever liv'd. She first taught the Cyprian Women to pro­stiture their Bodies for Gain.

What a Work did Aspasia make, who fill'd all Greece with Whores? For the Love of her, and her Wenches, it was, that Pericles begun the Peloponesian War, that lasted so ma­ny Years, and is so much talk'd of in Ancient History. There were also Learned Whores; as, Sappho, the Mistress of Phaon, Sempronia, Leaena, and Leontium: Who wrote publickly in Vindication of their Lewd Practice, and in­veigh'd against Marriage. There were also Noble Whores; as, Rhodope, who built one of the Egyptian Pyramids with the Mony given her by the King. Thais the Corinthian, who was so surpassing Beautiful, that she scorn'd to Lie with any but Kings and Princes. But Messalina, the Wife of Claudius Caesar, exceed­ed them all in the Salaciousness of her Temper. I will not omit to mention Joan, Queen of Na­ples, who caus'd her First Husband to be hang'd because he could not satisfle her Lust. His Name was Andrew, Son to Elizabeth, Quen of Hungary. Her Second Husband, to repair the Fault of the First, so wasted his Strength in the Conjugal Embraces, that in a little Time he kill'd himself. Her Third Hus­band was James King of Majorca, whom she Beheaded for Lying with another Woman. Her Fourth and Last Spouse was Otho Duke of Brunswick: He liv'd to see her hang'd in the same Place where her First Husband had, by her Order, suffer'd the same Fate. This was the Revenge of Charles Prince of Dyra­chium, Cousin-German to Andrew before-men­tion'd. This Lascivious Queen would have [Page 114]the Company of Ten or Twelve Young Men, one after another, the same Night.

What shall I say of Semiram is, Empress of the Assyrians? Of Pasiphae, Wife to Minos King of Crete; or of an Hundred other Royal Whores? When it is observable, that the most Illustrious Heroes on Earth have sprung from Adulterous Beds. Witness Hercules, Alexan­der, Clodoveus King of the Franks, Theodoric the Goth, William the Norman, Raymir of Ar­ragon; and many more, too tedious to be recited. Nay, few Kings or Princes are born of Lawful Mothers.

Doubtless, the Infidel Nations live in great Corruption of Manners; they confound and blend together Divine and Profane Maxims; from whence result Monstrous and Abomina­ble Practices, and a General Uncleanness of Life in all Things. But the Chaste Followers of Mahomet have all Customs in Abomination, that desile the Soul, and rob it of its Native Purity. We obey the Traditions of Abrahim, Ismael, and the rest of the Holy Line; who never touch'd any Women, but their own Lawful Wives and Concubines; resting con­tented with this Indulgence of the Omnipotent. We put in Practice the Law brought down from Heaven, and the Precepts of the Prophet; which forbid all Adultery, Fornication and In­cest. We preserve in our Veins the Pure and Unpolluted Blood of our Fathers, and trans­mit the same to our Children, and the Poste­rity to come; That the Promises made to Abrahim, the Glorious Patriarch of the East, [Page 115]may not be disanull'd by the Sins of his Off-spring; but may be verified till the Day when the Moon shall be cancell'd in the Heavens, and all the Stars be blotted out.

Oh Sage Hamet▪ We are of a Sacred Li­neage, an Illustrious Pedigree. Our Proge­nitors were the Favourites of Heaven, and Lords of the Earth, by the Special Benedi­ction of God. The Light of the Eternal shines upon the Ottoman House, and is reflected from thence on all the Empire. I pray Heaven, that we may not forfeit these Privileges by our own Folly, and cause an ill Report to be whisper'd of us among the Angels, Saints and Prophets, and throughout the Precincts of Pa­radise.

I consign thee to the Custody of God and thy Guardian-Genius; wishing thee all man­ner of Enjoyments that may consist with Pu­rity and Innocence.

Paris, 7th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1677.

LETTER XII.
To the Captain Bassa.

BY Ships newly arriv'd from America, Ad­vice is brought to this Court of a signal Defeat given to a Squadron of Dutch Ships in those Parts, and of the Taking the Isle Taba­go by the French. This Exploit was perfor­med under the Conduct of the Count D'Estrees, an Admiral of rising Fame here in the West.

But, in my Opinion, the French magnifie this Emerprize beyond its true Value: for they lost as many Ships and Men as the Hol­landers; and all the Gain they can boast of is, a Place which will cost them more to De­fend than 'tis really worth.

I wonder this potent Monarch does not ra­ther set out a Fleet of Ships well Mann'd, and provided of all Necessaries, to make some Discoveries in that vast Tract of Land, cal­led by Geographers, the Southern Ʋnknown World. It runs along from East to West, be­tween the Tropick of Capricorn, and the An­tartick Circle; taking up the whole Southern Temperate Zone, or at least the greatest part of it. There have been many fabulous Re­lations of that distant Part of the Globe. Some of the Antients mention'd it, and modern Writers have utter'd various Conjectures [Page 117]about it. One will have it to be the Original Paradise of Adam and Eve. Another supposes it to be the Place whither the Ten Tribes of Israelites retir'd, that were carried away Cap­tives by Salmanassar, King of Assyria. Which has occasion'd so many Disputes and Contro­versies between different Historians.

Be it how it will, the delightful Situation of that Quarter, has given perhaps Encou­ragement for such kind of Thoughts: which I should think, were also Invitation suffici­ent to draw thither the Arms of some mag­nanimous Prince; besides the pure Novelty of the Design, and the Glory of making a Descent and Conquest, where no Mortals of our known World had ever set Foot before: Surely they are not afraid that it is enchant­ed Ground, or that they shall encounter an Army of Devils at their first Landing; that they shall be trepann'd into hidden Snares of Magick, or be surpris'd by some Infernal Am­bush. What fatal Timorousness, what pa­nick Suspicion is it that renders Potentates of the Earth thus ingloriously prudent, and wretchedly cautious, to spare their Men, their Ships, and Mony, when so noble an Under­taking seems to challenge their Courage, and awaken their utmost Resolution, to combat a few Difficulties, which being once vanquish­ed, Eternal Honour and Renown follow?

What Discouragements, Lets, and Obsta­cles, did not the brave Columbus meet with, when he sought the Assistance of several Prin­ces and States, to set him out to Sea, that he [Page 118]might discover the then unknown Western World? How coldly was his Project enter­tained at Genoua, his own Native Country? and at last, after long waiting, utterly reje­cted? No better Reception found he in the Court of England, though a Nation claiming the first Rank among Sea-faring People. What Fatigues did he not undergo in travel­ling up and down by Sea and Land from one Kingdom and Country to another? Neither rested he, till he had accomplish'd his Desire, and procur'd Vessels, Men, and Mony, from the King of Spain, to carry on his Enter­prise.

Yet he had no other Ground to believe there was any Unknown Continent beyond the Atlantick Sea, save his own Conjecture, started from the Observations he had made on the Course of the Sun, and the Inequality of the known part of the Earth, compar'd with the vast Body of Waters which must be suppos'd necessary to make up an entire Globe, if there were not some Unknown Land extant to supply their Room, and prevent a Vacuum in Nature. For he consider'd, that though this unequal ballancing of the Globe might pass Muster in the School of Natural Philosophy, yet it cou'd not answer the strict Scrutiny of the Mathematicks: But that there must be an even Counterpoise of Earth and Water, to keep this Ball fast in its Vortex, and regular in its Circulation. So that this Great Man, built all his well-pitch'd and hap­py Design upon a bare Geometrical Speculati­on: [Page 119]whereas there is evident Matter of Fact, the Testimony of many Authentick Eye-wit­nesses to prove, that there is such a Land as what I have been speaking of, and all that ever pass'd the Megellanick Streights must have seen it if they were not blind.

I counsel thee therefore, Mighty Bassa, to represent these Things effectually to the Grand Signior: It will be no Disgrace if he hearken not to thy Proposals. Shew him the Easiness of the Undertaking, if a small Fleet be fitted up and sent by Way of the Red Sea, to make Discoveries toward the South. Let them be well Mann'd and Victuall'd; provi­ded also with all sorts of Arms and Ammu­nition in order to a Descent; with Materials and Instruments to raise a Fortress, if there be Occasion. 'Tis a thousand to one, if the Inhabitants of those Unknown Regions have ever found out the Use of Guns; which will be a prodigious Advantage on our Side. The very Thunder of the Mussulman Artillery, will terrifie them into Obedience. They will ei­ther Surrender, as to Gods; or fly, as from Devils, leaving all the Maritime Coasts to the Invaders Possession. Where Colonies of True Believers may be soon planted and established, to the Glory of God and his Prophet, and the Eternal Exaltation of the Ottoman Empire.

Great Commander of the Marine, I desire thee to pardon the Liberty I take in this Discourse; and to esteem what I have said, only as the humble Suggestions of an honest Slave, who is zealous for his Master's Ho­nour, [Page 120]the Glory of the Osman House, and the general Good of Mankind.

Paris, 14th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1677.

LETTER XIII.
To Dgnet Oglou.

I Am convinc'd by long and manifold Expe­rience, That God and the World, and eve­ry Thing appear to Man in what Figure he pleases. We may make our own Opticks, though the Generality of Men take up with those which are prepar'd for them by their Fathers and Tutors. We use the Prejudices and Prepossessions of Education, as the Spa­niards wear their Spectacles, even at Dinner Time, for Fashions sake, Young and Old, that they may appear Grave and Regular. We adhere to the Opinions we received in our Infancy, with a partial Stiffness and Pride, that we may not seem to call in que­stion the Wisdom of our Ancestors, or ap­pear wavering or inconstant our Selves. So the Christian Gallants swallow down whole Dozens of venomous Oysters, without saying Grace; only because 'tis the mode: Though they will not venture on a Crust of wholsome [Page 121]Bread, without conjuring a Blessing on it, by making the Sign of the Cross, and squinting two or three magical Glances at Heaven, se­conded by Hocus-Pocus-Whispers, to compleat the Charm.

But let thou and I be more rational in our Principles and Practice. There is no God that will be banter'd with vain Mummery, or by Musick be melodiously wheadl'd out of his Eternal Reason; no Incense can be of Proof to Nose the Sense of the Omniscient, nor the most elegant Words delude him, who is perfect in Knowledge. He takes no Delight in the pompous Addresses of the Great, nor is he to be mov'd by the multitude of Solemn Cere­monies. All that he requires of Man is, a Heart conform to the Divine Will, and Actions void of Offence.

But the Lawgivers and Governours of Na­tions observing, That there was a certain Re­ligious Fear and Reverence of some Divine Power, as it were planted in the Natures of all Men; and considering that this might be improv'd, with good Management, to the Advantage and Interest of the Common­wealth; they invented set Forms of Disci­pline, and exteriour Offices of Worship, which they term'd Holy Rites and Mysteries. These they fortified with severe Laws and Sanctions, inflicting grievous Penalties on the Contemners of the Publick Service perform'd to the Gods. So Hermes Trismegistus first taught the Egyptians; Melissus the Foster-Father of Jupiter, instructed the Inhabitants [Page 122]of Crete; Faunus and Janus, the Latins; Nu­ma Pompilius, the Romans; Orpheus, the Gre­cians; or, as some say, Cadmus the Son of Agenor, first instructed that Nation in the Solemnities which were counted Divine, and which he himself learn'd in Phoenicia. He in­stituted the Consecration of Images and Sta­tues, the Burning of Incense, the Building of Temples and Altars, with the Hymns, Sa­crifices, and other magnificent Rites, by which they honour'd the Powers Above.

Now that all this Religious Pageantry was establish'd only for the Ends of Policy and State, is evident from hence, That the Chief Magistrates took the Liberty of making what Gods they pleas'd; and of encreasing or di­minishing their Number at Discretion. So that in Process of Time there were reckon'd no less than Thirty Thousand Gods in the Ro­man Catalogue, though at first their Calendar cou'd shew but Twenty Five Divinities. But when once they had found out a way to di­stinguish these Divinities into several Classes or Ranks, terming some Gods of the Greater Nations, others of the Lesser; having also their Tutelar Genii, their Demigods, their Ru­ral and Houshold Gods, &c. there was no limit­ing the crafty Devices of the Priests and Ru­lers in imposing; or the Superstition of the credulous People in believing and adoring an infinite Rabble of New, Young, and Un­heard-of Divinities.

They took also the same Freedom to change and alter the establish'd Rites and [Page 123]Ceremonies; sometimes abolishing the old and Primitive Institutions, and superinducing new ones in their stead; or at least adding to the Heap of insignificant Ceremonies, in every Age, some mysterious Novelty, which might please the People, and fasten them in a devouter Obedience and Veneration of their Pious Guides and Leaders.

Hence sprung the Dedication of Temples, Fanes, Chapels, Oratories, and certain Days in the Year to the Service of particular Gods; hence arose the Invention and Use of so ma­ny sorts of Vessels of Silver and Gold, and other Materials in their Sacrifices; of Lights, Flowers, and Perfumes; of Musick, Pictures, and other Decorations; besides the Rich and Majestick Vestments of the Priests, their grave and compos'd Carriage, Looks and Gestures: All design'd purely to catch the rude and unpolish'd Multitude in the Snares of Priest-craft; to strike their unwary Minds with an Awe and profound Attach for Reli­gion; that so being once made thus flexible, they might warp them to what Bent they pleas'd, and for ever lead 'em in a blind implicite Admiration of they knew not what.

'Tis certain, that Religion has this Effect on the Vulgar, to make them more Obedient to their Governours, Just to one another, and Zealous for the Publick Welfare: I mean the Religion allow'd by the State: For, where the Subjects dare to make Innovations and Schisms, to set up new Sects and Parties; the greater Zeal each Faction has for their [Page 124]own▪ Way of Worship, the more cruel and tragical Disorders are generally committed. So fatal a Thing is it to be Opinionative in Religion, to invade the Priests Prerogative, and to disturb the quiet Stream of Traditions running in the Channel of Publick Faith from one Generation to another.

My Dear Gnet, let Thou and I shun the devout Superstition of Bigots, and the wan­ton▪ Prophaneness of Libertines and Atheists, adoring One God with sincere Faith, and a Reason void of Error: Let us also keep our Lives free from all Injustice and Vice, which will be of more Comfort to us than if we had sacrific'd every Day a thousand Bulls.

Paris, 25th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1677.

LETTER XIV.
To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

THE Subject of most Mens Discourse at present in this City, is the Taking of Friburgh by the French. This is a City of Germany, whereof I made frequent mention in my Letters when I first came to Paris. It is situated on a certain Height near a small River, and is encompass'd with two Walls. Strengthned also by a Citadel, four Bastions, and other Fortifications. The Emperor has likewise a strong Garrison in it.

On the 10th of this Moon the Mareschal de Crequy Besieg'd it, and press'd it with such vigorous Assaults, and continual Batteries, That the Governour found himself oblig'd to Surrender it on the 17th, when the Mareschal took Possession of it in the Name of the French King.

The Imperialists cannot boast of equal Suc­cess when they Besiege Towns or Fortresses in the Hands of the French. For not long before this, the Prince of Orange, General of the Confederate Armies in Flanders, undertook the Siege of Charleroy, a Place of Strength in those Parts. But the Want of Provisions, to­gether with the stout Resistance of the Inha­bitants, and the Duke of Luxemburgh's Ap­proach with the French Army, forced him to decamp and retire.

The Duke of Luxemburgh is a valiant and sage General, in high Esteem with the French: But his Enemies say, he is a Magician, and deals with the Devil, because of the good Success which generally crowns all his Enter­prises; So impossible it is for a Man of extraor­dinary Virtues, and Heroick Endowments, to escape without Envy and scandalous Aspersions. 'Tis as natural for the Vulgar to inveigh a­gainst Generous Souls, as 'tis for Dogs to bark at the Moon. Yet that Planet appears impas­sible; and not being mov'd at the Snarles of invidious Animals, keeps on her Heavenly Course, in Majesty and Silence. So do Souls that are truly Noble, contemn the Censures of the Inferiour Part of Men, and never stop till they arrive at the Meridian and Zenith of Perfection.

Most Serene and Illustrious Arab, thou art a lively Example of this, and I dare say no more, lest I offend thy Modesty. May per­petual Benediction and Glory crown thy Years that are yet to come.

Paris, 29th of the 11th Moon, of the Year 1677.

LETTER I.
To the Wisest of the Wise, the most Venerable Mufti.

I Obey thy Commands without the least Demur: And now proceed to write of the Macedonian Empire. I remember a Dispatch of mine to thy Venerable Predecessor of Sacred Memory, wherein I touch'd upon [Page 128]some Passages of the Life of that Heroick and Magnanimous Prophet, Alexander the Great. But now I will inform thee more at large concerning his Birth, Education, and Re­nowned Performances.

Alexander, as the Greeks and Latins call him, with all the Nations of the West; or Scander, Ascander, and Zulkarnek, according to the Style of the Arabians, Persians, Indi­ans, Tartars, and other People of the East, was born in the CVIth Olympiad; 398 Years after the Building of Rome, and in the Year of the World 3628, on the 6th Day of the Moon Loo, or Hecatombaeon, according to the Style of the Grecians. The same Night was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus set on Fire. And on the same Day two Eagles came and pearch'd on the Top of his Fathers House, where they sat all the Day; which was ta­ken as an Omen of the Double Empire he was to have over Europe and Asia.

Philip King of Macedon and Husband to Olympias, was the Reputed Father of Alexan­der, as she was his Known Mother. But some Historians say, That a certain Magician call'd Nectanebus, by his Enchantments dis­guising himself in the Form of Jupiter Ammon, lay with Olympias, and begot Alexander. Others affirm, That Olympias her self confes­sed to Philip, That Alexander was not his Son, but that she had conceiv'd him of a pro­digious great Serpent. Whence it came to pass, That Philip himself, a little before his Death, openly declar'd, That Alexander was [Page 129]not his Son. And for the same Reason, he divorc'd Olympias, as an Adultress, by her own Confession.

These Reports were so common at that Time, That Alexander afterwards hearing the Story of his suppos'd Serpentine Genealogy, and that other of Nectanebus in the Masque­rade of a God: When he march'd through Egypt, took Advantage of the latter, to im­pose upon the Credulity and Superstition of his Soldiers. For being to pass by the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, he made a Halt to visit the Oracle. But he had privately sent before some of his Trusty Friends to acquaint the Priests with his Design, and to tell them what manner of Words and Address they should use to him as he enter'd the Temple, in the Hearing of his Followers.

Having thus prepar'd those Holy Cheats, he with much Ceremony and seeming Devotion made his Approaches to the Temple. As soon as he set his Foot within the Portico, the Se­niors of the Priests met him in their Pontifical Robes, with Censers in their Hands, and thus saluted him; All Hail, Son of Jupiter Ammon. Alexander being pleas'd at this, ask'd them farther, If all his Fathers Murderers were pu­nish'd; or, If any yet survived? To which it was answer'd, O Son of the Immortal Gods! Thy Father cannot be murder'd or dye. As for King Philip, his Blood is fully reveng'd on them that had a Hand in shedding it. Then he add­ed another Question concerning his future Success. To which the Oracle replied, The [Page 130]Victory shall be thine in all Battels; Thou shalt become Lord of all the East. The same Mouth also gave in Charge to the Retinue of Alex­ander, That they should adore him not as a King, but as a God. Returning from thence, he built Alexandria, calling it after his own Name.

I have not observ'd a due Method in rela­ting this Story so soon; whilst I was but re­presenting the New-born Hero in his Cradle. But I did it to convince thee, That the vari­ous Opinions concerning Alexander's Father, are not the Fictions of Wanton Writers, but such as Employ'd the Care and Diligence of Alexander himself to improve them to his own Interest, and his Mothers Honour: For it was accounted a Glorious Thing, to be Im­pregnate by a God.

To return therefore to the Infant-Prophet; He grew apace, and discover'd early Signs of a prodigious Wit and Courage. At the Age of fifteen Years, he was committed to the Care and Tutelage of Aristotle, under whom he studied the Sciences five Years; and then his Father Philip being murder'd, he suc­ceeded in the Throne. The same Year also, Darius Codomanus obtained the Empire of Persia. Against whom Alexander, with the Common Consent of almost all Greece, prepa­red to go with a well-disciplin'd Army, that he might carry on the War which his Father had begun. Only the Lacedaemonians, The­bans, and Athenians thwarted his Design; being corrupted by Demosthenes the Orator, [Page 131]who for that purpose had received vast Sums of Gold from Darius. But Alexander soon reduc'd these Factious States and Kingdoms to their Duty; utterly destroying the City of Thebes, with the Slaughter of 90000 of the Citizens, besides 30000 Captives. This was executed on the 15th of the Moon Boedromion, in the 2d Year of the CXIth Olympiad. He only spar'd the Host of Philip his Father, when he was left as a Pledge in that City, whose House was left untouch'd, as also that of Pindar's Posterity.

From thence passing the Hellespont, he march'd into Asia, in the Year of the World 3650; and in the 3d Year of his Reign. He had in his Army 30000 Foot and 4500 Horse. As soon as he set Foot on the Ground of Asia, he made the Royal Corban and Vows for Victo­ry. Then he darted a Javelin into the Earth, in Token of Defiance. After which, when he came to Troy, he perform'd certain Holy Rites and Mysteries at the Tombs of Defunct Heroes, who fell in the Trojan War. When these Ceremonies were accomplish'd, he march­ed directly against the Persians, who were in Number 600000 Fighting Men. I will not tire thee with all the Particularities that hap­pen'd in their March. Suffice it to say, That Alexander with his Handful of Mace­donians, after many Victories obtained of the Persians, at length quite Routed the Army of Darius, and took Possession of that Once Formidable Empire.

But there are some remarkable Passages in this Expedition, which deserve to be remem­bred: As, his wonderful Continence and Hu­manity toward the Mother, Wife and Daugh­ters of Darius; whom he entertain'd in his Camp after they fell into his Hands, rather as the Kindred of some Beloved Friend, than of a Profess'd Enemy. The Story also of his loosing the Gordian Knot, is not unworthy thy Knowledge.

It seems, in former Times one Gordius, as he Plough'd the Fields, was surrounded with a Flight of Birds of all Kinds. Being trou­bled at this, he left his Work, and hasted to the next City, there to enquire of the Augurs, what the Meaning of this should be. As he entred the Gate of the City, he met a Virgin of Incomparable Beauty, of whom he ask'd, Where he might find the most Skilful Sage, with whom he might consult about a Matter of some Importance. Then he told the Inquisitive Damsel, what had happen'd to him in the Field. As soon as she heard this, being well vers'd in these Mysterious and Prophetick Sci­ences, she told him, That he should be made a King. And to confirm him in the Belief of what she said, she promis'd to become his Wife, that so she might be Partner of his Fu­ture Happiness. In a Word, they were Married; and soon after, there arose a Strife among the Phrygians, which was like to prove of dangerous Consequence. Therefore the People Consulted the Oracle, What was to be done in this Case, to prevent the publick Desola­tion? [Page 133]It was answer'd, That the only Remedy for these Discords was, to chuse them a King. And when they ask'd, What Person they should chuse to this Dignity? It was answer'd again, That they should Elect that Man for their King, whom they first met with a Wagon, as they wont thence to the Temple of Jupiter. Gor­dius prov'd the Man, and they obey'd the Oracle, saluting him as their Sovereign. Gor­dius, as a Memorial of this Event, set up his Wain in the Temple of Jupiter, consecrating it to the Royal Majesty.

After him his Son Midas Reign'd, who fil­led Phrygia with Religious Observations. Whence arose the Common Oracle, That who­soever should loose the Knot of the Thongs in the Wagon of Gordius, should obtain the Empire of all Asia.

Alexander hearing this, and being spurr'd on by Ambition, Besieges Gordia; and having taken the City, makes haste to the Temple of Jupiter, where he understood the Wagon was laid up. As soon as he saw it, he try'd to find out the Ends of the Thongs, that so he might loose the Knot. But perceiving that it was impossible to come at them without using Violence, he interpreted the Oracle in the Sense of a Soldier, and cut the outermost Foldings of the Knot with his Sword. Upon which all the Ends of the Thongs appear'd, and so he easily perform'd the Fatal Task.

Yet this Heroick Prophet, as he had Great Virtues, so had he no Less Vices. He was very cruel to his Nearest Relations and [Page 134]Friends; Killing Caranus his Brother by a Step-Mother; Clitus his old dear Friend; Parmenio, Philotas, Aryntas, Attalus, Eurylo­chus, Pausanias, and many other Macedonian Princes, some of which were of his own Blood. Add to this, his barbarous Usage of Calisthenes the Philosopher, who was brought up with him under Aristotle. This poor Unfortunate Man refusing to flatter the King's Pride in calling him a God; so disgust­ed Alexander, that feigning himself very An­gry, he charg'd him with being Accessary to the Plots and Conspiracies that were formed against him. Then he caus'd all his Limbs to be mangl'd and chop'd, after an inhuman Fashion. He commanded also his Ears, Nose, and Lips, to be cut off; which not only gave the Poor Wretch infinite Torment, but also render'd him a most Deform'd and Misera­ble Spectacle to others. And to compleat his Revenge, he caus'd him in this Doleful Plight to be shut up in a Cage with a Dog, and so to be carried about, to the Terror of others.

Then Lysimachus, one of Alexander's Gene­rals, and a Disciple of Calisthenes, taking Pity on so Great a Sage, who suffer'd all this bar­barous Usage, not for any real Crime that he had committed, but only for using that Free­dom in his Words and Actions which be­comes a Philosopher, gave him Poyson, to rid him at once of so many horrid Calamities.

But Alexander took this so heinously, That he commanded Lysimachus to be thrown to a [Page 135]very fierce Lion. As soon as the Furious Beast saw him, he Roar'd and Paw'd the Ground for Joy, and ran upon him with an impetuous Force. But Lysimachus not losing his Courage, wrap'd his Hand in his Man­tle, and thrust it down the Lion's Throat; where laying fast hold of his Tongue, he pull'd it out by the Roots, and left the Lion for dead.

When this was told the King, he admiring the Invincible Virtue of the Man, not only forgav [...] him this Offence, but had him in Higher Esteem all his Life afterwards.

We must not omit that Memorable Action of Alexander, when stomaching the Surrender of Sidon to his Victorious Arms, in that it was deliver'd up by the People, against the Will of Strato their King; the Conqueror pronoun­cing Strato unworthy of the Crown, bid He­phestion place him in the Throne, whom the Sidonians should approve as Strato's Successor. Hephestion willing to prefer to that Dignity a Noble Young Sidonian, who was his Favou­rite, offer'd him the Crown. But the Gene­rous Youth refus'd the Honour; alledging, that it was against the Laws of his Country, for any Man to Reign who was not of the Royal Blood. Hephestion admiring the Great­ness of his Soul, said, ‘God encrease your Virtues and Graces, Illustrious Friend, who are the first that ever understood how much more Magnanimous it is to despise than to accept a Crown. Be it therefore in your Power to bestow the Kingdom on [Page 136]any Man of the Royal Blood whom you think fit for so great a Charge.’ Then he pitch'd upon one Abdolonymus, a poor Gardi­ner in the Suburbs of Sidon; who was of the Race of Sidonian Kings, but through ex­treme Poverty was grown obscure, and for­ced to take up that Employment to get his Bread. Hephestion approv'd the Choice: And this Noble Youth, with some of his Friends, immediately went with the Royal Robes and Ensigns of Majesty to look out Abdolonymus, whom they sound Weeding his Garden in a very dirty squalid Condition. Saluting him therefore King in the Name of Alexander the Great, they Wash'd and Anointed him with Precious Oyls of the East; and having put on the Robes of Soveraign Majesty, they Con­ducted him to the Conqueror: Who among other Discourses, ask'd him, How he was able so patiently to endure that extreme Poverty which had hitherto been his Lot? To which he replied, I wish I may endure the Burden of a Crown with the same Ease. These Hands ser­ved the Necessities of Life, and my Wants were answerable to my Possessions, even none at all. Alexander perceiving by this Answer, the Greatness of his Spirit, gave him all the Roy­al Furniture of Strato, with much of the Per­sian Booty, and added all the Countries round about Sidon to his Government.

Much about the same Time, Alexander going to Jerusalem, was met by Jaddus the High Priest in his Pontifical Habit. Who falling at the Conqueror's Feet, to implore [Page 137]Favour and Mercy for his City and People; Alexander rais'd him up, and embracing him in his Arms, Bid him fear nothing, for that God had appeared to him in Macedonia, in the same Figure and Form as the High-Priest made, exhorting him, to carry on the Persian War, and promising him certain Victory. After this, the High-Priest conducted him into the City and Temple, where he Sacrific'd and made Corban. He also gave the Jews many ample Privileges.

There is one Thing more in the Life of Alexander, which because it has something very singular in it, I will insert in this Dispatch.

After the Conquest of Persia, as Alexander was marching forward, that he might extend his Empire through all the East; Thalestris, Queen of the Amazons, hearing of his Fame, took a Journey of five and twenty Days, through many populous Nations, attended only by three hundred Women, and came to his Camp, courting the Honour of his Bed. For she had conceived an insatiable Desire of having a Child by Him, whom all the East proclaimed the Greatest Hero in the World. Alexander granted her Request; and when she had enjoy'd his Company thirteen Days, she departed well satisfied to her own Coun­try, promising, that if she brought forth a Male, she would send him to his Father, ac­cording to the manner of the Amazons; but if a Female, she wou'd keep it her self.

From hence Alexander march'd against Bessus, who had murder'd Darius, and caused himself to be proclaimed King of Persia by the Name of Artaxerxes. Having overcome him, and punish'd his Treasons, he proceed­ed, and subdu'd all the Regions running along the Foot of Mount Cancasus. In fine, he ex­tended his Conquests to the utmost Borders of India, even to the Oriental Sea; where he took Shipping and return'd to Babylon, partly by Sea and partly by Land. An Astrologer of great Reputation met him by the way, and dissuaded him by all the Arguments he could use, from entring the City; assuring him, that Place would be Fatal to his Person. But though Alexander made some Demur at first, and seem'd to credit the Words of the Sage; yet being over-rul'd by the Counsel of Anaxarchus the Philosopher, he enter'd Baby­lon, where he died; some say of Poyson; others affirm, that he surfeited himself with too much Wine. This was in the 33d Year of his Life, and the 12th of his Reign.

There was a deep and melancholy Silence throughout Babylon, whon once it was known, That the Conqueror of the World was dead. Every one was possess'd with various Thoughts and Cares, according to their dif­ferent Affections and Interests. The Mace­donians inwardly rejoyc'd, as if they were now rid of some great and formidable Ene­my; cursing his Severity and restless Temper, which had expos'd them to so many Toils and Perils of War. Besides, the Princes flat­ter'd [Page 139]themselves with a prospect of enjoying every one his Share in so vast an Empire. And the private Soldiers had their Eyes in­tently fix'd hn the Immense Treasures of Gold, which Alexander left behind him, and which they hop'd to share among them. For there were at that time Fifty Thousand Talents in Bank; and Three Hundred Thousand coming in yearly by way of Tribute and Custom.

On the other side, the Conquer'd Nations would not at first give Credit to the Report of those, who carry'd the News of Alexan­der's Fate. For they thought he must needs be Immortal, whom they had always found Invincible. But when Couriers upon Couriers had remov'd their Incredulity, bringing Fresh Expresses from Babylon; they Mourn'd for him, not with bare Outward Ceremonies, as for an Enemy that had subdu'd 'em; but with Real Sorrow, as for a Father that had pro­tected and cherish'd 'em.

More especially, the Grief of Darius's Mo­ther was remarkable; who, tho she had lost Eighty of her Brethren, with their Father, all cruelty Murder'd by Ochus, tho she had lost Darius, the only surviving of seven Sons; and was her self cast down from the Height of Majesty, to the Abject State of a Captive; yet she bore all with an Even Mind, till Alex­ander's Death; whose Indulgence alone whilst living, had supported her under so many grievous Calamities. But as soon as he had forsaken the Earth, she grew weary of tarry­ing any longer on it too. Not that she esteem­ed [Page 140]an Enemy above her Father, Brethren and her Son; but because she had experienc'd in him whom she dreaded as an Enemy, the Goodness and Piety, the Modesty and Re­gatd of all these Relations.

This Great Monarch being Dead, and not having appointed a Successor, there arose al­most as many Kings, as there were Governours of Provinces, and Leaders in the Army. Hence sprang Innumerable Confusions, Wars and Disorders in the Empire. There were Tu­mults and Insurrections in Greece, especially at Athens; where the Citizens under the Con­duct of Leosthenes their Captain, invited the Rest of the Grecians to assert their Liberty by taking Arms. Nor was there less stirs in Asia and Egypt. Every where Mens Minds were unsetled, and desirous of Novelty. Ptolomy had Egypt for his Share of the Cantoniz'd Empire. There he establish'd himself and his Posterity by the Name of Kings. Seleucus took possession of Babylon and Syria, with the same Title. Cassander Reign'd over Macedon and Greece. Antigonus govern'd Asia, and Lysimachus Thrace. But as Antigonus soon lost his Empire, being overcome and kill'd in a Battel by Ptolomy and his Confederates: So did the rest either in their own Persons, or in their Posterity, yield to the prevailing For­tune of their Enemies; Till at length all these shatter'd Remains of the Macedonian Empire, became Provinces of the Roman. Of which I will say something in my next.

In the mean while, I triumph to think that the Ottoman Empire now, is become more Formidable, Large and Victorious, than all that went before it. May God encrease the Felicities and Honours of True Belie­vers, till the Day of the Final Metamor­phosis.

Paris, 12th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1678.

LETTER II.
To Musu Abul Yahyan, Professor of Philosophy at Fez.

I Received thy Venerable Dispatch with great Satisfaction, and am glad to find thou art so far from being tir'd with what I have already said concerning Constantinople, that thou challengest me with a Promise I formerly made thee, of giving thee a farther Account of what I have observed there most remarkable.

In describing this Imperial City, I have imitated the Painters, who when they wou'd draw a Beauty to the Life, do not go Arith­metically to work, or observe any Order in their rough Draughts. But following the Conduct of a wild and strong Fancy, they dash their Pencil here and there, as that Vo­latile Faculty inspires 'em; regarding only the Symmetry of the Picture, without preferring one Part to another, or being curious in de­lineating every little Singularity. So I in pourtraying this Queen of Cities, this super­lative Beauty of the whole Earth, draw my Strokes at Random; not designing to pre­sent thee with an Anatomy-Lecture over her, or to unveil all her interior Secrets: But only to give thee a transient View of those Parts which appear most Eminent, and attract the [Page 143]Eyes of all Travellers. And this I do not perform all at once ('twere too great a Task) but even like them, by Fits and Starts, as I find my Opportunities.

I have hitherto presented thee with a Pro­spect of very magnificent and curious Ob­jects; as Temples, Mosques, Aqueducts, Columns, Obelisks, Bazars, &c. Now pre­pare thine Eyes for an Entertainment of ano­ther Nature. I will shew thee Things, though perhaps not so illustrious to outward Appear­ance, or strutting with Royal Grandure, yet sufficiently Great and Splendid to perpetuate the Memory of the Founders, and to con­vey their Fame to all Generations. Things also of publick Use and Service; Designs of Charity, Policy, and generous Wisdom; Un­dertakings of a Noble and Heroick Chara­cter, as thou wilt perceive by the following Account.

No Traveller can survey the Streets of Constantinople, and not have his Eyes arrested here and there by most capacious and ample Carvansera's where all distressed Foreigners, and such as are destitute of a more conveni­ent Lodging, may in any of these find a Shel­ter and Sanctuary from the Injuries of open Air, from Night-Robbers, and other Incon­veniencies. These Carvansera's are in num­ber Three Hundred and Three, built at the Expences of Ottoman Princes and Bassa's.

There are also in this City Ninety Hospi­tals, where the Poor are nourished, and the Sick attended with extraordinary Piety and Care.

Besides all these, there are Five Colleges, where the Sciences are publickly profess'd and taught, and where a certain Number of Young Men are educated and maintained at the Grand Signior's Cost, being constant Sti­pendaries to the Sultan. There are many such Colleges scatter'd up and down Caramania, Natolia, and throughout Greece and the Les­ser Asia. So that the Number of Students in these Countries is computed to be above Nine Thousand; not reckoning those in Arabia, Syria, and Egypt, where flourish innumerable Seminaries of Divine and Human Wisdom.

But to return to Constantinople, the next Thing worthy of Observation is the Serayan, or House of Equipages, where are made all sorts of Trappings for Horses, especially Sad­dles of immense Cost, and admirable Work­manship. This Place is also environ'd with high Walls, and shut in with strong Gates. There cannot be a more agreeable Sight to such as take Pleasure in Horses and Riding, than to see Four Thousand Men here daily at Work in their Shops, each striving to ex­cel the rest in the Curiosity of his Artifice. You shall see one busie in spangling a Sad­dle with great Oriental Pearls, and Unions intermix'd, for some Arabian Horse, belong­ing, perhaps, to the Vizir Azem. Another fit­ting a Curb or Bit of the purest Gold to a Bridle of most precious Russian Leather; some adorn their Trappings with choice Phrygian Work, others with Diamonds, Ru­bies, and the most costly Jewels of the East. [Page 145]In a Word, there is so illustrious a Variety of these Accoutrements, that the Eye is astonish'd at the sight of them: And I have heard many Travellers acknowledge, That the like is not to be seen in any City of the World beside Constantinople. I know not what may be in your Cities of Morocco and Fez, in regard the Moors are great Cavaliers.

There are, moreover, two other Places in the City, encompass'd with peculiar Walls. In these the Jainzaries are posted, who are the Guards du Corps to the Grand Signior. They are under the Command of Decurions, without whose Leave no Janizary dare set a Foot out of the Place.

Next is the Arsenal of the City, built on the Sea-shore, containing a Hundred and Eighty Arches, under which are very elegant Portico's or Piazza's, where People walk. There are above Forty Thousand Men daily at Work in this Arsenal; and Eighty great Gallies lie there always in Readiness for any sudden Expedition.

Besides, there is another in the Suburbs, wherein there always lie a Hundred and Fif­ty great Gallies on the Stocks; and Sixty, fitted up with all Necessaries, constantly lie in the Water.

The Granaries or Store-Houses for Corn present themselves next. They are built in a Corner of the City toward Pera, where the Walls are far stronger than in any other Part, and the Gates are of Iron. Here is al­ways laid up an immense Quantity of Wheat [Page 146]and Barly, as also of other Grain, as if it were to serve for many Years. Yet 'tis changed for new Corn every Three Years. They say, That in the Reign of Amurat III. there was an incredible Abundance of Millet found there, whose Vertue was much admired, in that it had lain there Eighty Years sound and free from any Corruption.

I have purposely omitted to speak of the two Royal Serails, since the least of them will require a large Letter by it self, to be descri­bed exactly. Only this I will say in short, That the least is a French League in Circuit, or Three Italian Miles; and the biggest, wherein the Grand Signior dwells is a League and two Thirds or Five Italian Miles. The former is called Eschy Saray, or the Old Palace; the latter is nam'd Bryuch Saray, or the Great Serail. If thou desirest a farther and more particular Description of these Royal Courts, I will send it thee in future Dispatches. For, it will be too large for one.

In the mean Time I must not forget the Mosch of Jub, where our Sultans receive the Sword when they first come to the Crown. This is a Building of great Antiquity, seated in the farthest Angle of the City near the Haven. Over against it are the Sultan's Sta­bles, having very fair Gardens adjoin'd to them. Not far from thence is the Topana, or Gun-Yard, where there lies a vast Number of Brass Pieces of Ordnance without Carriages. Of which some are turn'd directly against the Haven.

As you pass from this Place, it is impossi­ble to avoid the sight of a Pillar, which shoots up from the Top of a Rock at some distance from the City. This Column is all of White Marble, and was erected by Cn. Pompey as a Monument of his Victory over Mithridates the King of Pontus. On this side of the City there is nothing hardly to be seen for eight Miles together, but Houses built for Pleasure and Delight, with most beautiful Groves and Gardens.

Over against the City stands Pera, an Arm of the Sea coming between them. This Suburb or Borough is inhabited chiefly by Graecians and Western Franks.

Round about this Suburb are many pretty Country Houses, Farms, and Granges, most deliciously seated in the midst of high Tufts of Trees, with Green Fields, and Crystal Streams adjoining to them. Where the Em­bassadors of Foreign Princes make their Abode sometimes.

I will not carry thee from hence to Scutari, though a great and stately Village, within the Liberty also of the Imperial City. I will not detain thee with the Singularities of the Thracian Chersonesus, or drill thee along to Calipolis; though this were the first Town in Europe, which Amurat took in the Year 1363. My Design is altogether at Constantinople. Therefore having survey'd Pera, which is al­so call'd Galata, let us cross the Water, and return again to the Mother-City; that we may know what manner of Government [Page 148]there is in it, and how the Laws are exe­cuted.

The Chief Magistrate is called Stambol-Cadisi, or Judge of Constantinople. Before him are pleaded all Causes, both Criminal and Civil. He has four Deputies under him, who separately govern the four chief Precincts of the City. There is likewise an Officer, cal­led Sabassi, whose Business is to take Cogni­zance of every ones Crime that is seised in the Streets or Houses, and to refer it to the Supreme Vizir. He has also four Deputies under him, and all Men are bound to assist him in Case of Difficulty.

The Common Prison of Constantinople is divided into two Parts, the Upper and the Lower. The Upper is only for Civil Offen­ces, and has an airy Green Court in the mid­dle of it, with a Fountain continually spout­ing up Water; which something diminishes the Squalidness of the Place. The Lower is for Capital Crimes, and is a very sink of Horror and Loathsomnes.

Flower of Philosophers, I pray God who gave us our Senses, always grant 'em agreeable Objects, and defend us from all noisome Scents, especially from the Pestilential Fumes of Hell, which, they say, at certain Times transpire through the Chinks and Crannies of the Earth, infecting this upper World with deplorable Contagions. May the Odours of Paradise refresh us for ever, O Sensible Musu.

Paris, 19th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1678.

LETTER III.
To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

EVery Year the French gain Ground of their Enemies: They make prosperous Campaigns, and always come off Conque­rors.

In the Beginning of the 3d Moon the King caused Ghaunt to be Besieged by the Mares­chal d' Humiers. This City is the Capital of all Flanders, and is divided into several Quar­ters or Isles; so is the Country round about it, by certain Rivers and Channels, which render it of extreme difficult Access, and spoils all Communication. It is one of the greatest Cities in Europe, and is defended by a Counterscarp, a large Ditch, good Ram­parts, and many Bastions. The Inhabitants boast that it was Founded by Julius Caesar. They have been able to raise an Army of Fifty Thousand Men among themselves, whenever they have been inclin'd to Revolt from their Soveraign. Yet they could not hold out above Ten Days against the present Arms of France; but seeing the Vigor with which they were attack'd on all sides, and despairing of any Succors, they Surrender'd on Articles.

Next to this, the City of Ypres was Sur­render'd to them on the 25th of the same [Page 150] Moon, after a Siege of Eight Days. This is another considerable City in Flanders.

Nor have the French Arms been Unsuccess­ful in Catalonia under the Command of the Duke de Navailles. This General having Ta­ken Puicerda the Capital City of that Pro­vince, and a Place of great Strength, being seated on the Top of the Pyrenean Moun­tains, and defended by a Castle built on a Rock. The Prince of Conde won it in the Year 1654. But it was afterwards restor'd to the Spaniards again by the Treaty of the Pyrene's; who Fortified it a-new with all the Modern Forms. This City has under its Command above Eighty Villages, and draws Contributions from all the Province of Cer­daigne. It secures the Possession of Roussillon, covers the Frontiers of Languedoc, and is esteem'd second only to Barcelona, of all the Cities in these Parts.

From Germany and the Provinces bordering on the Rhine, Fame transports hither succes­sive Relations of Battels fought between the French and the Imperialists, wherein the for­mer always get the Victory. The Mareschal de Crequy engag'd with him first near Grotzin­ghen, where the Prince of Baden and Forty Officers of Note were Wounded on the Ene­mies side: The Count of Liqueville, a Com­mander under the Duke of Lorrain, with ma­ny others, were Taken Prisoners: The French Took from them a great Number of Standards, Kill'd Abundance of their Men, and in fine, remain'd Masters of the Field.

No less Advantage had they in the 7th Moon, on the Plains of Rheinsfeldt, near the River Rhine. Where they Killed above 800 Imperialists upon the Spot; and the Bridge of Rheinsfeldt was so cramm'd with Dead Bo­dies, that they serv'd as a Barrier to stop the French from pursuing their Victory to the Gates of the City.

The Mareschal de Crequy also defeated a Body of 6000 Horse and Dragoons, Com­manded by the Duke of Lorrain, near to Offembourg, which was followed by the Ta­king of Ortambourg Castle, and the Fort of Kell, which the Mareschal raz'd to the Ground. He Took also the Fort of Zolhau­slen; and encountring the Duke of Lorrain near a Place called Lauterbourg, he set upon him, and Kill'd 400 of his Men as they were passing a Bridge of the Rhine, and Took 300 Prisoners.

If they go on at this Rate Year after Year, it will be difficult to set the Limits of their continually growing Empire. Only we need not fear that they will ever be able to justle the Faithful Osmans out of the Patrimony ap­pointed them by Destiny.

Serene Minister, the Crescent out-shines the Cross, the Alcoran supersedes the Bible, and all Things yield to the Invincible Arms of True Believers.

Paris, 19th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1678.

LETTER IV.
To Dalimalched, the Widow of Pe­steli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs, and Superinten­dent of the Arsenal at Constan­tinople.

THou may'st be assured 'tis no Comple­ment, when I tell thee I condole thy Loss. He that is Dead was my Brother as well as thy Husband. And the Friendship which was between us united us more close­ly than did our Blood. We never thought any Thing too much to perform in the Ser­vice of each other, provided it did not en­trench upon our Honour, but we greedily snatch'd every Opportunity of demonstrating our mutual Affections.

He is gone to infinite Joys, to a Place of Refreshment, where he banquets on the Re­version of his Good Works in this Life: He re­vels at large, and without Contradiction, or murmuring of Women, in full Bowls of the Ambrosia of Paradise. No peevish Female in­terrupts his Joy, or turns his Smiles to Frowns by her unworthy Carriage. He lies stretch­ed out at Ease upon the Crimson Beds of Eden, with Pages waiting on him, whose Eyes are like the polish'd Pearl. Each bears a Golden [Page 153] Goblet crusted with Saphires in his Hand, full charg'd with Wine, which Mortal Kings would give their Kingdoms for. Those Heavenly Youths perform their Parts with ad­mirable Grace and dutiful Exactness. They wait the Minute of their Lords Desire. With humble Resignation the fair Cupids stand en­compassing his Bed, each being emulous of the rest, all striving with an agreeable Gene­rosity who shall serve their Master first, and with the greatest Promptness.

When Pesteli pleases to divert himself with Women, 'tis but to wish, and one more Fair than e'er Apelles drew, presents her self, chaste as Diana, yet as kind as Venus. No coy Demurs protract the Enjoyment of his Wish, nor is there the least Sign of Impudence to pall it. But in perfect Love they meet each other, and unite their Hearts: And so they pass their Time, in constant unrepented Bliss.

He traverses the pleasant Walks of Eden, and sits him down upon the Banks of her Immortal Rivers: Rivers that stream with Wine, and Milk, and Honey. Under the Shade of happy Trees he lies upon the Flowry Green, in the Caresses of some love­ly Daughter of Paradise. Whilst Aroma­tick Winds inspire him with Diviner Passions than Endymion felt in the Embraces of Diana. Oh happy State of separate Souls that part from Earth in Purity! Their Pleasures know no Bounds or End!

For, what I've said is only Emblemati­cal, describing in sensible short Figures, those Raptures and transcendent Joys, which cannot otherwise be express'd. Whatever elevated Fancy can conceive of Bliss, is all by infinite Odds surpass'd in the Enjoy­ments of the Happy Souls Above. There is no Number, Weight, or Measure, of their Eternal and Superlative Felicities. They pass from Joy to Joy, and sport in endless Circles of Beatitude. O Region ever to be desired! O Gardens of Incomparable Beauty! where the Liberal Monarch of the Ʋniverse regales the wearied Souls of Mortals with Banquets of Inestimable Price, and Ʋn­match'd Delicacy, after their toilsome Pil­grimage on Earth.

If Pesteli could hear, I would congra­tulate his Happiness, instead of Condo­ling thy Misfortune, in losing such a Hus­band. He has escap'd the Shipwracks of this Lower World; this Sea of Grief and Tragedies. He's got safe into the Har­bour of Eternal Rest, the Port of Peace, and Landed on the Strand of the Omnipo­tents Serail, where Guards of Angels wait­ed on him to the Throne of Allah, with Ten Thousand Thousand Flambeau's burning in the Walks of Eden.

But, tell me, Dalimalched, were not you something in the Fault, that the Ge­nerous Pesteli left us both so soon? Did you not fret and teize his High-born Soul with Words which might have well been [Page 155]spar'd to a Man of so quick Sense? Doubtless he needed not your fuming Lectures, and more silent Discipline of Powts. If he com­mitted Faults, (as, who does not?) he soon was Sensible without a Reprimand. There was no Occasion to keep him half a Moon in Paroxysms of Melancholy and Grief. This was too hard a Penance for his Spirit to bear. But, you Women have Ways by your Selves, unintelligible to our Sex. Your Windings and Turnings are intricate as those of Ser­pents. Daedalus himself, were he now alive, though once the Glory of Labyrinth-Makers, yet wou'd be puzzl'd to trace your Sex, in all your secret, wild, unknown Meanders. Ye are all the very changeable Things of the Earth. No body knows what to make of ye.

Dalimalched, I tell thee, A Woman never commands a Man, unless he be a Fool, but by her Obedience; that way she wins his Heart, and makes a thorough Conquest of his Affections. She wheadles him out of his Soveraignty by cunning Complaisance and proper Capitula­tions, or at least, by this Method, she saves her self. She will not thwart him in the Torrent of his Passion, but meekly yields to the mighty Stream, and will not suffer her Tongue to move but in the Eddy of his Wrath.

In a Word, A good Woman consults her Husband's Pleasure in all Things: And if thou hast done so, the World has nothing to say to thee. But if otherwise, I advise thee to remain a Widow, lest the next Man that [Page 156]marries thee, should revenge the Injuries my Brother receiv'd at thy Hands: For, this is one Way of Taming Shrews.

Paris, 27th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1678.

LETTER V.
To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

I Hope thou wilt pardon me, most Illustri­ous Minister, that I have thus long delay'd to give thee a farther Account of the States of Europe: But now I will proceed; and, according to thy Command, begin where I left off.

Having already discours'd of Germany, I will descend into the Netherlands: Which is as Natural, as for a Man that has Survey'd the Ʋpper Town of Buda, or any other City seated like that, to fall into the Lower. For so the Netherlands seem to be a Kind of Out­lying Borough, near the Suburb, to the German Empire.

They are call'd the Netherlands, by Reason of their Low Situation, near the Sea: Which makes the Country appear like a Marish, or [Page 157]Moor. They contain Seventeen Provinces; Ten whereof are under the Jurisdiction of the King of Spain: The other Seven make up a Distinct and Independent Republick, among themselves.

The Circumference of the Seventeen Provinces, is a Thousand Italian Miles: And within that Compass, there are Two Hundred Wall'd Towns and Cities; an Hundred and Fifty other Places, which enjoy the same Privileges and Power as the Former: And there are Six Thousand Villages.

In the Time of Julius Caesar, this Tract of Ground was call'd Belgick-Gaul by the Ro­mans. It was Inhabited by a Warlike Peo­ple, impatient of Servitude, and Stout As­sertors of their Native Liberty; as the same Caesar found by Experience, when he Warr'd among them. Nay, and since that Time, the Mussulmans themselves have felt their Va­lour. Witness the Famous Expedition of Godfrey of Bullen, to recover the Holy-Land, out of the Hands of the Saracens: And that other of Baldwin the Fleming. who made himself Master of Constantinople, and the Grae­cian Empire.

The Ancient Romans us'd to say, That the Gauls fought for their Liberty; the Germans for Booty; and the Dutch for Glory and Ho­nour. Hence it came to pass, that the Roman Emperors in those Days, had always a Select Guard about their Persons, chosen out of these Provinces, Also the Hollanders and Friz­landers [Page 158]were call'd the Friends and Associates of the Romans.

But, tho' these Provinces formerly had each a distinct Sovereign, with a Peculiar Govern­ment, and Laws; yet, afterwards, they were all reduc'd under the Dominion of the Dukes of Burgundy: From whom, they devolv'd to the Arch-Dukes of Austria; and last of all, to the Kings of Spain; who claim a Title to Ten of them at this Day: But the King of France has Possession of a Great Part. As for the other Seven, they are quite Emancipated, and Free. It being an establish'd Maxim with them, That the Longest Sword gives the Best Title to a Government. And, for ought I see, this Principle is practis'd throughout the World.

The Inhabitants of the Netherlands are ge­nerally Tall, and Strong-body'd People; Comely, Civil, Open-hearted, Courteous, Prompt and Laborious: More addicted to Wine, than to Women: Equally forgetful of Benefits, and Injuries: Great Musicians, Ex­pert Sea-men, Cunning Merchants, Accurate Painters, and very Ingenious in all Arts. They are not Jealous of their Women, as most other Nations are; but suffer them to Walk abroad openly, and Converse with Men in the Streets. Neither will any of these Fe­males refuse an Invitation to a Bottle of Wine. As soon as you come into any House, the Daughter of the Family meets you, with a Bottle of Wine, or other Strong Beverage, in her Hand, and drinks it off to you: And if [Page 159]you do not very readily answer, and pledge her, it passes for a Sign of Rudeness, and Ill Manners.

These People are very Rich, by Reason of their Merchandize and Traffick with other Nations; for they Export the Product of their Soil, and their own Manufactures; Vending or Exchanging them, at a Prodi­gious Advantage, in the Remotest Regions of the Earth.

They have very strong Forts and Castles up and down the Country; with Cities which are, in a Manner, Inexpugnable. As for the Religion of the Netherlanders; The Ten Provinces which are subject to the King of Spain, or France, are called Catholicks. The other Seven represent the Celebrated Tower of Babel, where the Languages were first Confounded, as Moses relates: For, such is the Hotch-potch and Gallimaufrey of Reli­gions tolerated in Amsterdam, Leyden, and other Cities of Holland; and, in General, throughout all the Seven Ʋnited States. Neither have they much more Regularity and Order in other Matters. Wonder not therefore if my Pen observes no Method in Treating of a Country, which is the very Emblem, Proverb, and Centre of Ataxy and Confusion. However, I will now begin to make more Particular Distinctions, than in the Former Part of my Letter.

Zeland has a bad Air, especially in the Summer time, when the Sun exhales Stink­ing and Infectious Vapours from the Lakes [Page 160]and Pools, of which there is a great Num­ber in that Province: Yet it has an Excel­lent Soil, abounding with Wheat, and other Corn; also with good Pasturage, for Sheep and Cattel. There is little more to be said of this Province.

Holland has this Observable in it, That frequently the Earth trembles there, under the Burden of Coaches, Wagons, Horses, &c. Which is an Argument, that the Ground is hollow underneath, and full of Caverns. To confirm this Opinion, they say, That a Cow once falling into a Gap or Chasm in the Earth, was found dead three Days afterwards in the Sea, being known to the Owner to be the same. Hence a Part of Holland, in the Language of the Country, is called Waterland: Which, at first Hearing, sounds like a Contradiction: But they mean by it, a Land situated in the Waters. For, so, indeed, the whole Province appears to be divided into small Islands, by Innumerable Canals, Lakes and Pools, that every where expose themselves to your Eye. This Province deserves most properly, of all the Rest, the Appellation of Netherland; it being sunk so very low, that, in many Pla­ces, the Sea rises higher than it: Which compels the Hollanders to fortifie their Shores with High and Strong Banks; which, with great Cost, they continually keep repair'd.

They have but little Corn, or Fruit, of their own Growth; being supply'd with those Things from Germany, Poland, and other Countries. But there is an Immense Quan­tity [Page 161]of Grass, to nourish Millions of Sheep, Oxen, and Horses. And, what I have said of these two Provinces, may be, in some De­gree, apply'd to all the Rest, Frizland only excepted; which is more Fertile of Corn, yields Abundance of Pulse and Salt, and is well cloath'd with Woods.

As to the Manners of these People: The Zelanders are of a Ready Wit, Provident, and Subtile: Of Stature, generally very tall; as will appear by a Woman of this Province, whom William Count of Holland sent to the Nuptials of Charles the Fair, King of France. She was of so vast an Heighth and Bulk, that the French look'd like Pigmies, or Dwarfs, in Comparison of her. And such was her Strength, that She could lift from the Ground a Beam, and carry it on her Shoulders, which Eight Labouring Men cou'd hardly stir.

'Tis observ'd of Geldres, That it was the First of these Provinces, which submitted to the Rising Fortune of the Roman Em­pire: And again, The First that shook off the Yoke, when that Empire was in its Wane.

In Ʋtrecht there are Abundance of No­bles; who are more Soft and Polite in their Conversation, than the Rest of the Hol­landers. The Women of Quality there go Veil'd.

The Publick Affairs of all these Provin­ces, are manag'd by those whom they call the States-General of the Ʋnited Provinces. [Page 162]These are a Convention, or Assembly, of the Chief Nobles, Principal Magistrates, and most Eminent Citizens in every Province.

Courteous Effendi, These are the Chief Things which I know of the United Pro­vinces, unless thou wouldst have me write their Compleat History: Which wou'd be too tedious for Letters. Accept of my Labours, which, tho' Mean, yet are Voluntary, Chear­ful, and done at a Jerk.

Paris, 4th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1678.

LETTER VI. To the same.

THou wilt say, I'm all upon the Extremes. In my last I dragg'd thee through the most Dirty, Nasty, Abject Valley of all the Earth. I mean Holland, with the rest of the Ʋnited Provinces. Now I'm going to lead thee out of those Fenny Bogs, and give thee a Breathing up the Salubrious Hills and Moun­tains of Helvetia or Swisserland. 'Tis true, this cannot be done without a considerable Leap over many Provinces of Germany, Part of Lorrain and Alsace. But, having spoken formerly of the Empire, and from thence in my next, by a kind of Natural Descent, fal­len into the Low Countries; the Consideration of their Form of Government, put me in mind of the other Republicks in Europe. Among which, that of Switzerland lying next to the Ʋnited States, I chose to make it the Subject of this Letter, designing to give thee an Ac­count of Venice, Genoua, Lucca, and the Rest in Order.

Know then, that Helvetia or Swisserland was once a Province of Germany, but now 'tis a Commonwealth subsisting by it self, and not subject to any Foreign Power. It is divided into Thirteen Cantons or Provinces. I will not trouble thee with the Names of each Di­strich, [Page 164]or with their several Characters. The whole Country in general looks like a great Bunch of Rocks and Mountains, separated by small but very pleasant Valleys. And though the Mountains seem rough, yet their Tops and Brows flourish no less with all sorts of Trees and Herbage, than the fairest Plains. The Inhabitants nourish abundance of Sheep on them, besides Goats, Hinds, Horses, with many other Kinds of Beasts. For there is great Plenty of Animals in this Country, both Wild and Tame. The Air is piercing and serene; the Soil though not of it self fertile, yet is made so by Industry of the Inhabitants. In some Parts they have Vineyards which produce a Grape of wonderful Delicacy: The Wine of which is much esteem'd in those Parts. The Lakes also and Rivers abound with Fish of all sorts. Neither is there any Scarcity of Fowls, or of any Thing else, which immediately serves the Necessities of Human Life. Only Things tending to Lu­xury, and other Kinds of Wantonness, are not to be found in this Happy Region. It is a second Scythia or Tartary. And indeed the Inhabitants of Swisserland are thought to come out of those more Northern Regions.

They have ever been Famous for their in­vincible Constancy and Valour in War. Ju­lius Caesar himself was afraid of them, and built a Wall to hinder them from going into France or Gaul; when he remember'd that L. Cassius a Roman Consul was Vanquish'd by them, and his whole Army routed. Some Au­thors [Page 165]affirm, that in the Times of Old, the Inhabitants of the North of Europe, were so prodigiously multiplied, that some of them were forced to seek new Seats. Wherefore rushing through Germany and passing the Rhine, they were met by the Gauls, whom they Overcame and Defeated. Upon which News the Neighbouring Nations being ter­rified, sent Embassadors to them, desiring Peace. The Conquerors replied, They came not to wage War, or disturb the Peace of Mankind: That they only sought a Place to live in quietly, where they might manure the Ground, without hurting any Body. Then Helvetia was granted to them, where their Posterity live to this Day.

As to the Manners of the Modern Swiss, they answer exactly the ancient Character; being wholly addicted to War; hardy to bear all Inconveniencies of Hunger, Thirst, Cold, and other Afflictions of Nature, Pro­vidence, Destiny, or Chance. A little Mo­ney serves their Turn to defray the Expences of eating; their Diet being very plain and ordinary, consisting chiefly of Milk and Cheese. If they are chargeable in any Thing, 'tis in Wine and other strong Liquors. For you shall find but mean and squalid Houses and contemptible Furniture; and they wear Gar­ments answerable to the Rest: But they are given to Drinking above Measure. They will consume whole Days and Nights succes­sively, without Intermission, in their drunken Debauches. Nor can any Friendship be con­tracted [Page 166]among them, but over their Cups. For, he who drinks most, and is most Fro­licksome and Debonaire, he is taken for a Man of Integrity. Whereas he that seems timorous of his Health, or makes any frivo­lous Excuses, is look'd upon as a sneaking Fellow, not worthy of such good Company. Nay, sometimes their Madness grows to that heighth, as to set a Dagger to his Threat, who refuses to pledge in his Turn.

And yet after all this Reproach, it must be confess'd, That these People are very Prudent and Circumspect, both in their Pri­vate and Publick Affairs. For, notwithstand­ing the Pleasure they take in liberal Com­potations, yet every Man, when the Frolick is over, is intent on his Business, using dou­ble Industry and Diligence, to make good the Expences of his last Vanity. They Work to Drink, and Drink that they may better Work again. So in the Publick, 'tis evident, that they are not defective in Policy, since they have been able for so many Centuries of Years, to maintain their Union, and Confe­derated Liberties, against so many Princes, who have endeavour'd to bring them under a Foreign Yoke: And not only so, but such is the Singularity of their Conduct, that the most mighty Monarchs in Europe are glad to enter into a League with them, and send Yearly vast Sums of Money.

Thou wilt not, after what I have said, expect to find in Swisserland the Riches of Arabia and Babylon; nor the rest of the Lu­xious [Page 167]and Magnificent Superfluities of the East. The Situation of the Country, and Nature of the Soil, denies these glittering Va­nities. It is sufficient that it brings forth e­nough to Nourish the Inhabitants.

They fear no Foreign Invasion, both on the Account of this National Poverty, and the Inaccessible Heights of the Alpes, with which they are on all sides environ'd as by a Wall. Add to this, the invincible Resolu­tion of the People, who abhor and fear Sub­jection more than Death it self. So that no Prince in Europe dares, or thinks it worth his while to carry a War into this Country; knowing, that if he shou'd conquer it, the Revenues, with all the Spoil of his new­gotten Possessions, would not counterbalance the Expences of one short Campaign. Be­sides their Union is so strict and close, that it is almost impossible to break or dissolve it. Then, they have some very strong Cities, Castles, Forts, and other Places of Defence, which wou'd give no small Diversion and Incumbrance to him who should undertake such an Expedition. In fine, such are their Circumstances, That all the Courts round about them, think it safer to court this un­tameable Nation, than to threaten or huff them.

I will relate to thee a Story by way of In­stance or Example. From whence thou may'st comprehend more clearly the Hu­mour of this People.

In former Times, as I have already said, Swisserland was a Province of the German Em­pire, or at least reputed so. And there were certain Prefects or Governours set over them by Caesar, on succeeding another. Some of these, for their Insolence, were driven out of the Nation; others were kill'd by Reason of their Tyrannous and cruel Practices. Among the rest, one of these Governours, being dis­gusted at a certain Swiss, commanded him to be York'd with Oxen that drew Burdens in a Cart. But when neither by fair nor foul Means they could force him to this vile Con­descension, he commanded his Eyes to be put out. Which was done accordingly. This was murmur'd at: But being the first Essay of his Cruel Disposition, they wink'd at it.

A while after, the same Governour com­manded a Woman, in her Husband's Absence, to prepare a hot Bath for him. Which when the chaste Matron refus'd to perform, till her Husband came home, he struck her dead with an Axe. This also, though heightning the Choler of the Swiss, was pass'd by, in Meditation of future Revenge.

At last he grew so foolishly proud and im­perious, that walking one Day in the Streets of the City, he stuck his Cane in the Ground, and plac'd his Turbant or Bonnet thereon; commanding all that pass'd by to give Ho­nour to it. Which when a certain honest Swiss refus'd to do, he commanded him to strike off an Apple from his Son's Head with a Short from his Cross-bow. The good Fa­ther [Page 169]for a long Time refused thus to hazard his Son's Life. But being overcome by the Tyrant's importunate Menaces, he rather ventur'd to trust to Providence the Life of his Son, than to Sacrifice both that and his own to the Implacable Malice of a Barbari­an. So he shot, and hit the Apple off with­out touching his Son's Head. The Governour seeing this, and taking notice that he brought two Arrows with him, asked him the Rea­son of it. To whom the Swiss answered, If I had shot amiss and hurt my Son with the first Arrow, I was resolved to have pierced thy Heart with the second. Upon this, all the People gave a Shout, and running together, seis'd upon the Governour, and tore him to Pieces. Neither would they ever afterwards endure or admit any Man into their Cities, from the Emperor, unless he came in the Quality of an Embassador.

Serene Minister, if these Memoirs are in the least acceptable to thee, 'tis but to com­mand, and thou shalt find I have a Stock not easie to be exhausted.

Adieu, adieu, for the present. May the Curtains of God's Pavilion be unfurl'd about us, to skreen us from the Injuries of Daemons who hunt by Night for Mortals: For, 'tis now their Hour.

Paris, 6th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1679.

LETTER VII.
To Dgnet Oglou, at Damascus.

I Could hardly believe my own Eyes, when I first read thy Letter, and understood that thou art turn'd Husbandman at last, and set­led in a Place the most delectable on Earth, the very Center and Rendezvouz of all Plea­sures, and whatsoever is agreeable to Mor­tals. Thou art a wary Man, resolved to be sure of one Paradise at least, though it be by Mortgaging thy Title to the other. Thou wilt not suffer God Almighty to go upon Tick with thee, nor trust all his Promises for Hea­ven in Reversion. Yet I cannot discommend thy Cautiousness. We know not what shall befall us after Death; and therefore Nature prompts us to secure to our Selves some share of Happiness in this Life, and to ante­date the Uncertainties of a Future Bliss, by carving out our own Heaven on this side the Grave. However, I wish thou may'st not surfeit on thy present Enjoyments, and so render thy Soul incapable of the Voyage to Eternal Beatitude. I tell thee, My Dgnet, thou art a bold Man to venture on a Place by Choice which the Messenger of God pur­posely shunn'd as the most dangerous on Earth. But I wou'd not discourage thee. That City was then in the Hands of Infidels, [Page 171]a Seat of Profanation and Idolatry; now 'tis sanctified by the Presence of True Believers, by the Preaching of the Law brought down from Heaven, and by the Moschs of perfect Holiness.

As for the Manner of Life thou hast made Choice of, I highly applaud it, as the most Primitive, Innocent, Delightful, and Happy above all others. Many great Princes and Kings have exchanged the Toilsome Glory and Royal Fatigues of Empire, for the sweet Tran­quility and Ease of a Country Farm, and wholsome Exercises of Agriculture. Thus Dioclesian a Roman Emperor quitted his Throne for the sake of a Private Life; and those Hands which had been accustomed to weild the Scepter, became at last voluntarily fami­liar with the Spade, the Plough, and the Har­row. So the Grand Cyrus, Monarch of the Persians, used to boast of the Gardens planted and sow'd with his own Hands. And 'tis cer­tain, that the Fabii, the Lentuli, the Cicero's the Piso's, with many of the Noblest Families in Ancient Rome, derived their Names from those Kind of Vegetables which they signifie, and which their Fathers took Delight in Planting.

How many Great Authors have writ in Praise of Husbandry? Attalus and Archelaus, Two Kings, extoll'd it: Xenophon and Mago, two Generals, patroniz'd it, and Oppian the Poet celebrates it in Verse. Besides Cato, Varro, Pliny, Columella, Virgil, and many o­thers. Some have plac'd Supreme Felicity [Page 172]in this kind of Life. Virgil pronounces Hus­bandmen Fortunate, and Horace calls them Blessed. Hence it was, that the Delphick Oracle declar'd a certain Man nam'd Aglaus to be the happiest of all Mortals, because he was busied in Nothing but manuring and culti­vating a little Farm, never molesting himself with vain Cares or Passions, nor encreasing the Miseries of Human Life by tampering with fo­reign and unnecessary Pleasures, which though full of Blandishments and sweet in the Front, yet carry a Sting in their Tail, embittering all our Joys.

Thou art situated in the most pleasant Sub­urb of Damascus; for I have survey'd that City, and all its Precincts, with no small Curiosity. The House is encompass'd with lovely Gardens and Meadows. It was for­merly the Seat of Abul Mecharib the famous Shepherd, who took Sanctuary there from the Persecution of Ismael Beglerbegh of Diar­behir.

Thou know'st the Story, and I need say no more, than to wish thee as good Fortune in possessing that rich Spot of Ground, as he had, who, as 'tis recorded in the Register of Damascus, died worth a Hundred Purses of Gold, most of it got by the Encrease of his Cattel in those Lucky Fields.

For my part, I cannot pretend to Skill in these Things; but it appears to me like a good Omen, that thy Predecessor was so pro­sperous in that Farm. I advise thee to take his Measures, and stock thy Ground with [Page 173]Sheep, Oxen, Camels, Horses, and other Animals of Profit. Think no Scorn, to fol­low an Employment ennobled by the Exam­ples of Romulus and Rhemus, the first Foun­ders of the Roman Empire; of Paris the Son of Priamus; of Anchises the Father of Aene­as; of Endymion the beloved of Diana, who were all Herdsmen or Shepherds. So was Polyphemus and Argus. So was Apollo, who tended the Flocks of Admetus King of Thessa­ly. What shall I say of Mercury the first In­venter of Hautboy, and Prince of Shepherds, and of Proteus another Divinity? Was not Abrahim, the Father of Mussulmans, a Herds­man, and Moyses the Prophet familiar with God, and David the Prince of Poets? In a Word, my Friend, the most illustrious Heroes among the ancient Greeks, Romans, and other Nations, were all Keepers of Sheep, Goats, Oxen, &c. as the Arabians are at this Day with the Tartars, and other Nations of the East.

Doubtless, the Rural Life, as it is the most Ancient, so it affords the sincerest Pleasures, and most unrepented Joys in Nature; pro­vided a Man enjoys it with Innocence and Justice. But, I would have thee avoid the common Temptations to which this Kind of Life is more expos'd than any other; that is, Hunting and Fowling. These are really de­testable Exercises, Tragical Sports, and all­together inhuman. It is a Labour unwor­thy of Men to watch from Day to Day, and and one Night after another, the Haunts of [Page 174]our Fellow-Animals, that we may destroy them. It is a cruel Pleasure that must be maintain'd at the Expence of so much Inno­cent Blood; and a barbarous Triumph, to insult over a poor mangled Hare, or Hind, after you have harass'd them up and down the Country for many Hours together, with an Army of Dogs and Men.

'Tis recorded, that the Thebans were the first Inventers of this unhappy Sport; a Na­tion infamous for Deceit, Thefts, Perjuries, Murders, and Incests: From whom it pass'd to the Phrygians, a People not less wicked, but more foolish and easie, light and credu­lous; and for that Reason they were despi­sed by the Athenians and Lacedemonians at first: However, those graver Nations in a little Time learn'd the Trade of Hunting of them: So infectious is the Company and very Neighbourhood of ill Men; so prevalent the Ex­amples of such as are bold to lead the Way in new Paths of Vice.

By the God whom I adore, My Dgnet, it appears to me so foolish a Pastime, an Exer­cise so unbecoming the Majesty of a Rational Spirit, to run Yawling with a Parcel of Hounds, perhaps a whole Day together, af­ter some Timorous Animal, that I wonder Men are not asham'd to practise it, especially Great Men and Princes; who shou'd excel others in the Justice and Clemency of their Nature; yet these are most guilty of Rapine, Injuries, and Spoil.

My Dear Friend, imitate not their pernici­ous Examples, but tread in the Steps of Just and Holy Men, whom the Birds and Beasts would obey at a Nod, because they cou'd not smell the least Odour of Evil in them. How many Prophets have been fed by Ravens, Hinds, Cats, and other Animals? Nay, the very Serpents and Dragons of the Desart, with the Amphibious Monsters of Egypt, have quit­ted their Native Venom to serve an Innocent Man; and when Omar the Cailiph was hard pursu'd by a Troop of Egyptian Idolaters, even to the Banks of the Nile, he command­ed a Crocodile, which he spy'd in the River, to come and Ferry him over on his Back; and the Pious Beast was Obedient to his Word. Doubtless this was a singular Grace in the Dumb Creature; and he was transla­ted to Paradise, if our Doctors say true.

Dgnet, I bid thee Adieu, and wish thee a plentiful Harvest; which is the most season­able Prayer I can make for thee at this time of the Year.

Paris, 14th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1679.

LETTER VIII.
To Achmet Cupriogli, the Most Exalted and Sage Vizir Azem.

THE Face of Affairs here in the West is now quite changed. A General Peace is established between the Nazarene Princes and States. France, which a while ago was at Mortal Jarrs with the Hollanders, Spain, and the German Empire, is lately reconcil'd to them; whilst new Friendships and Alliances have banish'd all Thoughts of former Enmi­ties and Feuds. This Year commences a Civil Jubilee in Europe.

There has been a Treaty of Peace in Agita­tion at Nimeguen, and Conferences held about it any Time these Four or Five Years; where­of I formerly gave a Hint in one of my Let­ters to the Port. The Conclusion of it is ow­ing to the Powerful Mediation of the King of Great Britain, who is made Guarantee of the Articles: And the Submissive Addresses of the Bishop of Strasburg to the King of France, contributed not a little to the Ʋniversal Agreement. For, this Great Monarch is slow in his Advances toward an Accommodation with those who have injur'd Him or his Allies. He affects to imitate the stately Reservedness of the Eastern Princes, thinking His Majesty [Page 177]would be violated, shou'd he condescend too soon, and on too easie Terms, to the Pro­posals of his Neighbours. He has learn'd this from the Maxims of the Sublime Port, the Refuge of Mankind, whose Arms are ever open to receive and embrace all that sue for the Grand Signior's Friendship and Protection, in a Way not entrenching on the Glory of the Ottoman House, a Family destin'd to Subdue the World.

This Temper of the French King is so well known and observed in these Paris, that he has got a new Character by it, both among Foreigners and those of his own Na­tion. For they spare not to call him The most Christian Turk, by way of Mockery; and this is the Satyrical Style even of his Subjects in their Seditious Cabals, when they are a little warm'd with Wine, and each Man as Great as a King himself, in his own Conceit.

By the swift Flashes of Lightning, which cause the Heart to pant, and dazle the Eyes of Mortals; by the astonishing Noise of Thun­der, which raises the Vapours of the Spleen, and fills us with Hypocondriack Dread, I swear, the King of France is a great Hero, and deserves the Honour which these Infidels have unfeignedly done him, in lik'ning him to the undoubted Arbiter of the Earth. He re­ally determines the Differences and Quarrels of a great Part of it. And though he be a Christian in Profession, and styl'd, The Eldest [Page 178]Son of the Church; yet he is no Enemy to the Followers of Mahomet, who vouchsafe him their Friendship. Thou know'st he is the most Primitive Allie of the Ottoman Empire, among the Western Princes of the Law of Jesus. He has establish'd a more remote Friendship, for the sake of Commerce, and spreading his Re­nown, with the Grand Mogul, and the King of Persia. His Fame strikes all the East with Admiration and Respect: For they have heard of his continual Victories and success­ful Exploits even to the utmost Borders of the Continent. Yet the same Fortune pro­cures him only the Spight and Envy of the Princes in the West.

However, they are glad to dissemble their Malice at this Juncture, and enter into an Agreement with him, almost upon his own Terms.

The Treaty between France and Holland was publish'd in this City on the 1st of the 10th Moon, the Year precedent. Now to assure the World that there is a perfect Amity and Peace, the Dutch have sent their Embassadors Extraordinary to ac­knowledge, That the King has preferred the Repose of Christendom to the Glory which his Victorious Arms acquir'd him; and that the Ʋnited States of the Low-Countries being the first who have felt the Effects of his Generosity, they thought themselves obliged to prevent others in the Earliness of their Application. Yesterday [Page 179]was also publish'd the Peace between France and the Emperor.

I take my Conge, most Magnanimous Vi­zir, and Friend of France, in the hum­blest Posture of Adoration; wishing thee Honour, Riches, and Pleasures, which shall have no End.

Paris, 27th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1679.

LETTER IX.
To Mehmet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Al-Caire in Egypt.

THere are certain Critical Periods in our Lives, whether ordain'd by Fate, or falling out in an Eternal Circulation of Chan­ces, I am not able to determine. But this I perceive, That at such Seasons, something very strange and unusual happens to us, a­bove, or beside, the Ordinary Course of Na­ture; or, at least, appearing so to me. I will not pretend to Unravel the Web of De­stiny; or describe the Incomprehensible Fine­ness of that Artifice, which has fram'd the Worlds. I will not undertake to discover the Secrets of God, the Mysteries of Nature, and those Things which are, under a Seal, shut up from Mortals, in Inscrutable Dark­ness. I will not, by a Vain Presumption, and Impious Arrogance, claim to my self the Right of Omniscience, and dive into other Men's Constitutions and Thoughts. Suffice it, that I comprehend my own.

Thou know'st, My Mehmet, that I have been a Man of many Circumstances, subject to Various Changes and Vicissitudes in this Mortal State. My Life has been Alternate­ly Checquer'd with Good and Evil. Virtue and Vice have had their Turns in the Series [Page 181]of my Actions: Prosperity and Adversity in the Course of my Years. And I would fain find out the Man that can, with Truth, boast the Contrary. Doubtless, we are all born to the Adventures which happen in the Pell­mell of Human Conversation. Fates-Errant encounter one another: Sometimes they are Agreeable, and Complaisant: At other Sea­sons they will Clash and Tilt, break Lances, draw Swords; and all the Weapons of Na­ture's Pride and Fury shall be us'd in mere Defence of Idiosyncrasies, Conceits, Antipa­thies, Self-Interest, Preservation; or any Thing, but what is Generous and Good.

O Horrid State of Men! A Life to be de­plor'd, beyond the Salvage Course of Lyons, Tygers, Wolves, and other Beasts of Prey; who always, in Extreamest Hunger, spare their Proper Species! Yet Man, in Perfect Wantonness, devours his Brother, and glo­ries in his Cruelty and Injustice.

As for me, I have not been guilty of any of these Black Crimes, which make a Riot in the Tranquility of the Soul, disturb its Peace, darken its Light, and cover it with a Cloud of Guilty, Desperate Thoughts. No: If I have been Enemy to any Body, it has been to my self. The very Beasts cannot challeng me with Oppression, or any Barba­rous Usage: Much less wou'd I torment One Individual of our Humane Race. But I have had my Frailties, as well as other Men; and there's all can be said of it. Thou art ac­quainted with my Temper; and no Body [Page 182]knows any worse. 'Tis true, I have had to do with Abundance of People in my Life-Time. I have Bull'd it, Lyon'd, Lamb'd, and sometimes Fox'd it in the World. I have always pursu'd the Chace of Nature. Come Life, come Death, I have made no Baulks in the Appointments of Fate; or ever put the Eternal Destiny to a Stand. I never halted, boggl'd, or fram'd a Stumble, at a Generous and Noble Action, a Bold and God-like Enterprize. But, from my Cradle, I disdain'd and cherish'd Infant-Abhorrences for an Inhuman, Barbarous, Perfidious, Cow­ardly Thought.

Indeed, I have been too great a Lover of Good Company; too easie, flexible, and free in drinking Wine, and other Inebriating Li­quors; whose Use is taught from Heaven, and is the Genuine Product of Eternal Reason. But the Excess is, sure, deriv'd from Hell, the Seat of Everlasting Evil, Vanity, and Error. And yet, to whom, or to what Cause, or Principles, shall I ascribe the many Extrava­gances of this Kind, that I have committed? I! that have suffer'd the Thaws of a Thou­sand Putrid Fevers; let all my Radical, Essen­tial, Necessary Juices and Humours, (tho' never so well and firmly Congeal'd, by the Force of an Excellent and Happy Constitu­tion of Body) melt and dissolve away, in Horrid Fluxes, Sweats, &c. rather than baulk my Friends, or the Grand Signior's Cause; Rather than Sneak away from Boon Compa­nions, in a Principle of Sordid Prudence! [Page 183]To speak all, I am no Starter from the Juice of the Grape, when 'tis handed to me by Men of Sense, and a Good Humour: Espe­cially, when it is to serve my Sovereign. And I know not how to perform that Service better, at some Times, than by giving Na­ture an Escapade, as the French call it, from the too Severe Restraints of Constant Sobrie­ty. I was not sent to Paris, that I should lead the Life of an Hadgi; But to dive into the Secrets of the Infidels: Which a Man can­not do better, than over a Glass of Generous Wine: For, that unlocks the Cabinets of the Heart, and reveals all Secrets.

I tell thee plainly, Mehmet; I drink Wine liberally, and frequently; finding no Devil in the Quality of it, but only in the Excess. And such a Devil appear'd to me last Week, in the Night Time. I had Carous'd it, like a German, for some whole Days together, in Order to the Carrying on an Intrigue of Moment: Yet I found my self no Ways dis­order'd; neither cou'd any Body else per­ceive, by one false Step in my Carriage, that I was more than Civilly and Chearful­ly Elevated.

It was the Hottest Season of all the Year; which prompted me, and Those that kept me Company, to Regale our selves after the most Refreshing Manner we could invent. Our Drink was an Artificial Mixture of the Wine, Water, the Juice of Limons, Odori­ferous and Cephalick Herbs, Fruits, and whatsoever else could render it Cooling and [Page 184]Delicious to the Palate; Medicinal to the Brain, Heart, and Stomach.

I will not detain thee in Impatience, with any more Particularities. Only, I thought it necessary to acquaint thee with the Me­thod of my Drinking; that thou may'st form the more Accurate Judgment on the Conse­quence, which I am going to relate.

It was in the Evening of the Day dedi­cated to Saturn by the Gentiles, (which is the same as Jews Sabbath:) Our Drinking end­ed the Day before, and I, in a very Melan­choly Humour, went to Bed. I slept till Mid-night profoundly; but then awaking, I was surpriz'd with the Apparition of an Old Man, much resembling my self. He seem'd to look very Studious, and full of Care; sit­ting in a Chair, and leaning on the Table, in just such an Habit as I wear, with such a Beard, and every Thing that can be call'd my True Portraicture. I lay Musing, and Gazing, for the Space of about Twenty Mi­nutes, on this Amazing Object. I muster'd up all that little Philosophy I am Master of, to consider the Nature of the Phantasm. I argu'd with my self, summon'd all my Rea­son, Sub-poena'd my Senses, sate up in the Bed, took my Polvita, reach'd my Head as far as I could, without Tumbling out of the Bed; and the more I rouz'd my self, the plainer did this Familiar Figure of my self appear, by the Light of a Lamp, which al­ways burns in my Chamber.

Yet, being Naturally Incredulous of the Common Stories of Ghosts, Apparitions, Hob­goblins, &c. I still suspected, that I was ei­ther, all this while, in a Dream; or, at least, if awake, that my Imagination was Vitiated, and Impos'd upon. Wherefore, to satisfie my self more throughly. I jump'd out of the Bed. No sooner had my Feet touch'd the Floor of the Chamber, but a Sacred Horror possess'd my Nerves: I trembl'd at the now more Apparent Vision. However, resuming Cou­rage, and resigning my self to God, I went forward, and approach'd so near the Un­couth Spectre, that it was within the Reach of my Hand, which I stretch'd forth, to touch it; thinking this Way to undeceive my self. But, O my Mehmet! No Tongue, nor Pen, can e'er express the Dreadful Metamor­phosis I saw. For, instead of the same Face which I saw before, my Eyes were now ac­costed with the Dreadful Countenance of a Lyon, gnashing his Teeth, and darting perfect Sparks of Fire from his Looks; besides the Horrid Twirling of his Head, and Manly Beard; with all the other Natural Motions of that Animal, in its Fierceness.

I know not what would have become of me, if a Good-natur'd Ape had not come in to my Relief; who peep'd and grinn'd upon me, over the Lyon's Shoulders. Nay, thought I, if you are so Merry in such Company, I will not disturb you, Good Mr. Ape! And so I fairly took my Leave, turn'd my Back, and went to Bed again.

It is my Nature, not to be afraid, or shrink from the Imagination of a Ghost, or Spectre, or what you please to call it. (For, I am satisfied, there is no more than Pure Imagi­nation in it.) But, I retir'd in Complaisance to my own Fancy, which, I perciev'd, was upon the Creative Frolick. Had I stood still, perhaps a Dragon had started next, or some more Dreadful Animal. Or, 'tis possi­ble, I had been terrify'd with an Herd of Lynxes, Leopards, Tygers, Bears, and what­soever else is Salvage and Morose in Na­ture. For, I tell thee, I was then in a Con­dition, to paint the Walls with any Figure, which should rise within my Over-heated Brains.

At such a Time, there are Emissions from the Eyes, forcible as the Pencils of a Lim­ner. A Man's Fermented Optick Nerves will draw the Portraicture of Saints, or De­vils, or any Thing that can be nam'd, except the Everlasting SOƲRCE of All Things.

HE, indeed, is altogether Ineffable; who cannot be express'd by Tongue, or Pen, or by any other Way, but Humble Negatives. There runs a Silent Fountain by the Door of his Tremendous and Inviolate Secess: Of which the Castrate Angel drinks, at a certain Set, Appointed Seasons; and then the Uni­verse is all Inebriated with the Reversion of his Cup. For, it is the Ceremony of the Court Above, that he should leave no Snuffs, or Supernaculums behind him; but scatter 'em abroad, to treat the Thirsty World below. [Page 187]Blessed is the Man, who has a Share in this Celestial Compotation.

Pardon me, for thus Digressing in Perfect Piety. For, we ought not to Name the High and Holy ONE, without Additional Reverences.

In short, I lay but the Space of Half an Hour, gazing on this Odd Kind of Appari­on, which had now resum'd my Physiognomy again. At last it vanish'd all on a Sudden, whil'st my Eyes were intently fix'd upon it. It is impossible to express exactly, the Man­ner how it disappear'd. But, according to the Best Idea, and Properest Form of Words I have, it seem'd to be dispers'd, just as a Smoak or Vapour is Resolv'd or Rarified in­to the Purer Air. Or, as the Moon's Pale Light, which shines within your Chamber, is unawares extinguish'd, in Appearance, by some Intervening Cloud. So did this Spectre fade, and melt away.

If thou wilt have my Judgment in this Case, I think there was Nothing in it, but the Pure Force and Energy of my Over-agitated Spi­rits; which darted the Impression of their own Idea's on the next Solid Body, that was within the Sphere of their Activity. The Air it self, at such a Time, is more than or­dinarily Flexible, and Ductile: It yields by Sympathy, and is conformable to the Tran­sient Image. It helps to patch up the De­fects, and Ragged Forms of our Frail Fan­cies. Millions of Atoms run to relieve the Weaken'd, Half-spent Efflux of their Attra­ctive [Page 188]and Magnetick Kindred-Particles. Pell-mell they rush together, yet fall into their Proper Ranks; without Disorder, or Confu­sion. Every one stops a Gap, prevents a Vacuum; and so the Abortive Figure is com­pleated. Nature is sometimes pleas'd, thus to divert her self with Strange Chimaera's. Even so this World of Ours was form'd, if we may believe Democritus, and Epicurus.

Thou and I, my Dear Mehmet, are but Two Different Lumps of Particles; Tack'd, and Stitch'd, and Glew'd together, by the Bird-lime of Chance.

I wish, when that Glew shall be dissolv'd, we may scamper at Large, in the Endless Element of Light.

Paris, 3d. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1679.

LETTER X.
To the Cadilesquer of Romeli.

MY Mind is at this Time in an Astral Disposition, as they call it, Tender and Receptive of any Impressions. I am like a young Libertine newly converted from his lewd Courses and Impiety; whose Heart, a devout Compunction and Remorse of Sin, has soften'd, open'd, and as it were dissolv'd like Wax: So that it becomes equally capa­ble of any new Stamp, whether of Vice or Virtue. Thus pliable and ductile am I at present, through a kind of Fatal Supineness or Inactivity of Spirit, which takes from me the Power of forming one substantial, lively Thought of my own, or exerting any strong and laborious Act of Reason; yet at the same Time lays me open to the Invasion of all Fo­reign Idea's, and exposes me to be taken Captive by every bold Argument, or sly Ambush of Human Sophistry. In a Word, I am of a sudden so weak and unmortified, that I dare not enter the Field of Religious Controversies, or so much as stand and behold the Battel between the different Sects that are perpetually disputing against one another in the World; lest a random Shot from one Party or other should reach my unguarded Soul, and give my Intellect a Mortal Wound.

Forbearing therefore to enlarge in giving thee a particular Account of all the Nice Dif­ferences that are of late Years sprung up a­mong these Western Infidels, in matters of Opinion and Church-Discipline; I will only inform thee in short, That those who first Revolted from the Bishop of Rome, still re­tain'd an Inviolable Attach and Dutiful Re­verence for their own National Bishops; sub­mitting to their Conduct, and owning them as Fathers and Guides of their Respective Churches.

But as there is no End of Divisions, when once the Unity of a People is broken, which is the only Cement that fastens all Societies; so this first Separation from the Roman Epis­copacy, soon begat another from all Episcopacy in general, through most of the Reform'd or Protestant Nations in Europe. Especially in Scotland, the Theatre of many Bickerings and Animosities on this Account, of bloody Combats and Civil Wars; and finally, now in this Year, the Stage of a Barbarous Mur­der committed on the Person of the Chief Mufti or Archbishop of that Nation.

He was a Man of an Accurate and Extra­ordinary Spirit, and in his very Youth gave early Marks of a refin'd Genius, in Sciences; to which he brought no small Reputation and Honour, through the Vastness of his Abilities, his profound Judgment, and dexte­rous Sagacity in all Things that he under­took.

This is the Character given him by those of his Nation resident here in Paris, of whom there are always great Numbers; and the Kings of France were formerly never without a select Guard of Scots about their Persons: Which Custom had been observed ever since the Reigns of Charles the Great, and of Achaius King of the Scots; between whom this was agreed upon in a Solemn League, and was observed through the Reigns of One and Forty Kings of France, and Six and For­ty of Scotland. The Scots also us'd to send 'em Auxiliary Forces in Time of War. Nay so great Affection and so-constant the Fideli­ty of that People to the French, that when at one Time a War has threaten'd France, they have drawn it into their own Country, have suffer'd the Loss of Ten Thousand Men in one Battel, and seen their King taken Cap­tive: At another Time, fighting for the French against the English, though inhabiting the same Island with themselves, they have had Fourteen Thousand of their Soldiers, with their King, kill'd upon the Spot.

And that Nothing might be wanting to confirm and establish the Friendship of Nati­ons; it was customary to make reciprocal Marriages one with another, that so the French and Scotch Blood might be mutually mix'd in both Countries.

Thus Lewis XI. when he was Dauphin of France married Margaret the Daughter of James I. King of Scotland. At which Time, the Grandees and Courtiers of France, in Imi­tation [Page 192]of the Dauphin's Example, (such is the [...]orce of French Complaisance) married above a Hundred and Forty Scotch Ladies of Illu­strious Birth and Quality; among whom were Two Sisters of the Scotch Queen; one becoming Wife to the Duke of Little Bre­tagne; the other to the Count of Flanders. The Scotch Nobility on the other Hand, mar­ried many French Ladies of great Extraction, transporting them to Scotland, where they setled and bore Children.

The Kings of France being mov'd with Gratitude for the frequent Aids and Good Offices they receiv'd from the Scots; as also regarding the Losses which the Scots had su­stained in their Quarrels, and the strict Affi­nities that were made between the Princes, Nobles, and other People of both Nations; resolved to testifie to the World, how accept­able this Obsequiousness of the Scots was to them, by Honouring them with Benefits and Privileges above all other Nations.

Therefore some of the Scotch Grandees were made: Great Constables of France; which is the greatest Office and Dignity in the King­dom, next to that of the Soveraignty it self. Others were made Marshals, Dukes, and Peers of France, Generals of the French Ar­mies, Vice-Roys of Tributary Provinces and Kingdoms. All the Scots in general were had in high Honour and Esteem at the French Court, and enjoy'd the same Rights and Im­munities as the very Natives themselves, by the special Grant of Henry II. But with [Page 193]this Condition, that they should persevere in their Fidelity and Friendship to the French: And that the French who dwelt in any Part of Scotland should enjoy the same Rights and Privileges as the Natives of the Country. The Parliament of Paris subscrib'd to this Grant; and it was confirm'd by Henry IV. about the year 1599.

Likewise Charles XI. confirmed to the Scotch Merchants all those Privileges and Im­munities which their Ancestors had enjoy'd. That they should be free from all Exactions, Imposts and Customs which are usually paid for Merchandises.

As to the Original Rise of the Scotch Guards about the French King's Person; I will tell thee as briefly as I can.

Louis who acquir'd the Title of Saint, for Warring in Person against the Mussulmans; when he march'd towards Palestine, appoint­ed Four and Twenty Scotch Soldiers to have the Guard of his Person Night and Day. Charles V. augmented their Number to Se­venty Six; yet still reserving this Honour for the First Four and Twenty, That they should have the Command of the Rest.

Thus the Custody of the King's Body re­main'd with the Scots for the space of Seven­ty Years, and upwards. But Charles VII. being willing to oblige the French, appointed a Guard of them to be about his Person, un­der one Standard; Lewis X. added another Standard; and Francis I. adjoyned a Third: Yet without entrenching on the Prerogatives [Page 194]of the Twenty Four Scots, which they still enjoy'd by Right of Antiquity and Prescripti­on; as also by the Sanction of St. Louis, for whom the French profess a great Veneration. These Twenty Four Scots kept the Keys of the Royal Palace after Sun-set. They alone guarded the King when he was in the Temple at Mass. They alone carried the King, when the Laws of the Land, and the Ceremonies of State requir'd him to be carried on Men's Shoulders. They guarded the Ships, when the King went by Water. And to them were the Keys of every Town deliverd, through which the King pass'd in his Travels by Land, with many other singular Ho­nours.

But after the Death of Henry II. when the Eurl of Montgomery, the last Commander of the Scotch Guards was remov'd from his Of­fice, and a French Officer plac'd over them in his stead; that Command always fell into the Hands of French-men, who by degrees substituting those of their own Nation in the Room of the Scots who died, it came to pass at length, that there remain'd but a very few Scots in the Guards, and those were bereft of all their ancient Privileges.

Pardon this tedious Digression, Great Pa­triarch of the Faithful, since it contains some curious Memoirs in it, and I naturally fell into it by speaking of the Scots who are very Nu­merous in Paris to this Day; and from whom I learn'd the foregoing Character of their Murder'd Archbishop, who was the Prime Pa­triarch [Page 195]of all the Land; his Ordinary Title being, Archbishop of St. Andrews.

This great and highest Ecclesiastical Digni­ty was given him by the present King of En­gland, at his Return from a Twelve Years Exile, as a Debt to his Great Abilities, and a Reward of his Merits and Services, in la­bouring might and main to effect the King's Restauration.

From the Moment that he acquir'd this Honour, such as were equally Enemies to the Government of King's and Bishops, persecu­ted him with Slanders and Invectives. The Streets swarm'd with Libels against him and Mens Tongues were as busie as their Pens in Railing at him, because he was re­solved to endeavour his utmost, that Episco­pacy might be restor'd in Scotland, as it was in England; though it had been subverted in both Nations, during the Ʋsurpation of Oli­ver the Tyrant. 'Twas, this drew upon him the Malice and Revenge of the Seditious; and they spar'd not in Publick to threaten his Death. Nay some Years before he was mur­der'd, one of these Furioso's shot at him in the open Streets of Edinburgh, but miss'd him. Then the Seditious publish'd Libels, wherein they gloried in the Attempt, and were only sorry that it took not Effect. They also Pro­phesied, that he should die a Violent Death; and it was easie for them to presage this, which they were resolv'd to execute them­selves.

Accordingly in the 3d. and 4th. Moons of this Year, they were ready to give the Fa­tal Blow, but his Watchfulness prevented them. However on the 3d. of the Moon of May, as he was Travelling with his Eldest Daughter in his Coach, with Two or Three Servants attending him, he was set upon at Mid-day by Nine of these Religious Ruffians; who having first wounded his beloved Daugh­ter, to enhaunce his dying Grief; then hack'd and hew'd him in a Butcherly and Barba­rous Manner, till at length they left him Dead on the Spot.

Venerable Cadilesquer, I pray God defend thee from Popular Envy, Malice, and Re­venge; from the Wounds given by the Pens of Libellers, and the Tongues of the Spight­ful. But above all, I pray Heaven Guard thee from being Massacred by Religious Assassines, and Bloody Zealots.

Paris, 17th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1679.

LETTER XI.
To Hebatolla Mir Argun. Superior of the Derviches at Cogni in Natolia.

DOubltess, there never was any Creature form'd of Flesh and Blood, comparable to the Messias: No Mortal like the Son of Mary, Jesus was replenish'd with all the Na­tural Excellencies and Perfections of the Universe.

I am not so profane or presumptuous, as to think or say any Thing in Contempt of Mahomot; though I take the Liberty to Ce­lebrate the high Praises of the WORD in­carnate, the First-Born and most Illustrious of all Beings, on this Side the Eternal Father. The Holy Ghost it self comes behind him.

When the Everlasting Intellect had, from Indeterminate Ages, lain dreaming on the soft and downy Bed of CHAOS, or the First Matter: In the Grand Cabin of uncircum­cised Darkness, and envelop'd with the shady Curtains of Old, Old NIGHT: When he had tumbl'd, toss'd and rowl'd from side to side: When he had stretch'd his Endless Limbs for Ease, to seek one Corner of the Infinite Expanse, where he might abate the Sempiternal Heat of Love. At last, he fix'd [Page 198]his Foot upon the cool Idea of this World of ours.

Then sprang the WORD, from the all­fertile WOMB. The Melancholy sad Abyss rejoyc'd; for, in the WORD was Light and Life; which darting through the Eternal Heap of Sluggish and unactive MATTER, with Divine Chymistry first drew, an Extract of the purest Parts, which form'd the Firma­ment. Next, rose the Sun, the Moon and Stars; and then the grosser Elements, with all their different Productions.

These are the Generations of the Universe; when God made the Heavens and the Earth, and the Angels started out of the Grand Ener­gy, like Volatile Spirits from Balneo Mariae.

All things Visible and Invisible proceed from the WORD, and the most excellent of created Beings owe their Original to HIM that was the only Instrument by which the Eternal Architect contriv'd and flam'd this vast Machine, so Incomprehensible and Glo­rious.

O Hebatolla! Who can enough admire this mighty Product of the Eternal MIND? And yet the greatest and most Excellent Theatre of Beings, is hid from Mortal Eyes. There­fore leaving those high and lofty Speculations, let us descend to the WORD Incarnate, or the BREATH of God walking and conver­sing on Earth with Men in the Humble Dis­guise of Flesh and Blood. The same was the Messias of the Christians, as the Alcoran in several Places assures us. And the Christian [Page 199]Gospel of the Eagle confirms it, where it says, In the Beginning was the WORD, and the WORD was with God, &c. and the WORD became Flesh, and pitch'd his Tent among us.

Doubtless he was conceived of the Virgin Mary, by that Smell of a Rose which the Angel Ga­briel brought to her from Paradise. For, he was not begot by the Will of Man, or through the Lust of Concupiscence; but by a sudden Infusion of the Divine Virtue. The Power of the Omnipotent overshadow'd, surpriz'd, and ravish'd the Holy Maid in a Transport of Joy; she took the Flower from the Hand of Gabriel, which she had no sooner smelt to, but she was ready to dissolve and faint away in an Extasie of Love. But the Angel Che­rish'd her with comfortable Words, and she became resign'd to the Will of the All-merci­ful and Gracious.

At the End of Nine Months Jesus was Born of her, not after the Manner of other Children. For, as the Book of Mysterious Secrets tells us, He came forth from between her Breasts, wrapt up in a Mantle of Aroma­tick Roses.

The Daughters of Paradise came down and waited on the Virgin Mother at the Hour of her unspeakable Child-birth. They took the Holy Infant in their Arms, and over the Vesture of his Nativity, they put on Gar­ments brought from Eden: Robes of their own Handywork. And then they fed him with the Wine and Milk of Paradise. After they had perform'd what was Necessary to [Page 200]the Infant-Messias, and his Immaculate Mother, the Heavenly Maids return'd to their Blissful Seats above, And sent down Ariel with a Choir of Angels to declare the Birth of Jesus to this World below, and to celebrate the high Praises of God. They were seen in the apper Regions of the Air, by certain Shep­herds who watch'd their Flocks by Night. Their Voices were also heard from afar, chanting aloud the Hymns of Eden, and the Select Anthems of Paradise. Great was the astonishment to those rude and ignorant Mor­tals; their Eyes were dazl'd at the Lustre of the Heavenly Troop, and their Ears were Ravish'd with the Superlative Sweetness of the Musick. Those that were upon the Roads of Judoea, the Caravans of Arabia, Syria and Egypt: The Travellers from Damascus, Tyre and Sidon, saw the Surprizing Vision, they were equally seiz'd with Wonder and Joy. They heard the Harmonious Tongues of Angels, warbling forth Immortal Melodies. Then their Hearts melted within them, and they prostrated themselves on the Earth, and prais'd the most High, the King of all Things.

The Fame of such extraordinary Events soon spread through the Adjacent Regions, and to the utmost Borders of the South. The Magi of Persia made a Pilgrimage to Bethle­hem, to Visit the Infant-Messias. They fell down at the Feet of the Holy Babe, presenting him with Gifts, Gold, Incense and Myrrh.

Thus Jesus grew up, increasing in Wisdom, Knowledge and Virtue.

I will not run over the History of his Life, having done that already in one of my for­mer Letters to thee. All that I aim at in this Dispatch, is to testifie the Profound Ve­neration I have for that Most Holy Prophet, who was no other than the BREATH and WORD of God Incarnate. It becomes all Good Mussulmans to speak of him with Ho­nour and Reverence; for he is seated on High, and in Paradise where are the Ap­proaches to God.

O Hebatolla! pray for Mahmiu, that the Entanglements of this Mortal Life may not hinder him from seeing with Jesus and Maho­met, in the Kingdoms of Everlasting Bliss.

Paris, 15th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1679.

LETTER XII.
To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

THou requirest an Account of the present State of England, with a Character of their King. In regard there are various Ru­mours among the Merchants at the Imperial City, of certain Commotions and Rebellious Essays of Malecontents in that Island.

The Name of the King who reigns there at present is Charles II. Eldest Son of Char. I. and Heir Apparent of the British Crowns. For, his Empire consists of Three Kingdoms, which he has in actual Possession; besides many vast Territories and Dominions in America; not to insist on his Titular Claim to the Realm of France.

He is a Prince of great Wit and Policy; nor of less Courage, where a just Occasion requires the Discovery of that Vertue. He underwent innumerable Hardships and Mis­fortunes, during his Twelve Years Exile from his Native Throne, forc'd to fly into Foreign Countries, by a prevailing Faction of Rebels, Tyrants, and Usurpers. Of Hu­mour, Debonaire and Amorous; much ad­dicted to Wine and Women; munificent in his Gifts and Rewards to Persons of Merit, and to those who have the Happiness to please him in his Recreations; especially to [Page 203]his Concubines, who are most of them. No­bly extracted. By these Females he has had several Sons, who are all Dukes and Peers of the Realm. He is in Peace with all the World Abroad, except the Moors in Sally. Yet this Prince cannot be call'd Happy, in that he is harass'd at Home by Domestick Seditions, Factions, Plots, and Conspiracies of his own Subjects.

Here is a Report, That the Roman Catho­licks of that Nation have lately attempted to take away the Life of this Monarch: Whilst others say, this Accusation is forg'd by their Enemies, to render them Odious: And that to this End, they have suborn'd False Wit­nesses to Swear against them. One does not know what to believe among so many con­trary Rumors. Neither does it much con­cern us that are Mussulmans, whether Party of these Infidels be Right or Wrong.

This Prince, as I have said before, has se­veral Nations under his Dominion, and 'tis thought, he scarce knows the just Extent of his Territories in America. There is a Region in that Continent, inhabited by a People whom they call Tuscorara's and Doegs. Their Lan­guage is the same as is spoken by the British or Welsh; A Nation that formerly possess'd all the Island of Great Britain, but were by Degrees driven out of it into a Mountainous Corner, of the Island, where their Pos [...]ity remain to this Day.

Those Tuscorara's and Doegs of America, are thought to descend from them, being the [Page 204] Posterity of such as follow'd the Fortune of one Madoc a British Prince; who, about Five or Six Hundred Years ago being discontented at Home, resolv'd to seek Adventures Abroad. Wherefore being provided with Ships, Men, and all other Necessaries, he made a Voyage toward the West, over the Atlantick Ocean, not knowing what would be the Event of his Undertaking. However, the Meon had scarce Twice compleated Her Voyage through the Zodiack, when an End was put to His on the Sea, by Landing in America; where he plant­ed a Colony of Britains, and then return'd to his Native Country. But soon after he put to Sea again, and sailed directly to the same Place. What became of him afterwards is not certainly known. But the Inhabitants of that Province have a Tradition, That he liv'd to a Great Age, and saw his People multiply'd to many Thousands, before he died, For in the Second Voyage he carried over British Wo­men with him for the Sake of Posterity. They shew his Tomb to this Day; with Beads, Crucifixes and other Reliques.

It is certain, That when the Spaniards first Conquer'd Mexico, they were surpriz'd to hear the Inhabitants discourse of a Strange People that formerly came thither in Cor­raughs, who taught them the Knowledge of God, and of Immortality; instructed them al­so in Virtue and Morality, and prescribed Holy Rites and Ceremonies of Religion. 'Tis re­markable also, what an Indian King said to a Spaniard; viz. ‘That in foregoing Ages, [Page 205]a strange People arriv'd there by Sea to whom his Ancestors gave Hospitable Enter­tainment; in regard they found them Men of Wit and Courage, endued also with ma­ny other Excellencies: But he could give no Account of their Original or Name.’ And Montezuma, Emperor of Mexico, told Fernando Cortez, the Spanish King's Ambassa­dor, and General in those Parts, ‘That his own Ancestors landed there as Strangers, being Conducted by a certain Great Man, who tarried there a while, and then de­parted, having left a considerable Number of his Followers behind him. After a Year, he return'd again with a greater Company; and that from Him the Emperors of Mexico derive their Pedigree, and his Subjects from the Rest.’ The British Language is so prevalent here, that the very Towns, Bridg­es, Beasts, Birds, Rivers, Hills, &c. are call­ed by British or Welsh Names. And a cer­tain Inhabitant of Virginia, (a Place Subject to the King of Great Britain) straggling not long ago into the Wilderness, by Chance, fell a­mongst a People, who, according to some Law or Custom of theirs, condemn'd him to Death: When he in the Hearing of them, made his Prayer to God in the British Tongue; upon which he was Releas'd.

Who can tell the Various Transmigrations of Mortals on Earth, or trace out the True Originals of any People? The whole Globe has suffer'd divers Changes; and every par­ticular-Nation has had its Metempsycosis. [Page 206]What grows Obsolete and Antiquated in One Country, becomes a New Discovery in Ano­ther. The Houses of the Living are built on the Bones of the Dead. Children lay the Foundation of their Grandeur, in the Ruin of their Fathers. And the Generations to come, will practise this Chimistry on Our Re­liques, that are now Living: They will ex­tract their Fortune out of our Ashes.

By the White Stone which Adam brought with him out of Paradise, and which fell by Inheritance to Abraham, Ismael, and his Off­spring for ever; That Stone which at this Day lies under the Mosch at Mecca, and grows Black by the Touch of Sinners; I swear, the Arabians are an Aboriginal People, a Nation Establish'd from all Antiquity: a stay'd Race; not canted up and down, hither and thither, by every Caprice of Fortune.

Wherefore be assured, Noble Arab, That besides my particular Obligations, I honour thee for the sake of thy Descent, thy Purify'd Blood, and Pacifick Temper. Wishing for no­thing more Ardently, than the Happiness of kissing the Border of thy Vest in this Life, or at least of seeing thee in the Paradise of Per­petual Rest, from whence there are no far­ther Transmigrations.

Paris, 2d. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1679.

LETTER XIII.
To the Most Magnanimous and In­vincible Vizir Azem.

IN the 4th Moon of this Year I sent thee an Account of the Treaties concluded and publish'd between France and the Hollanders, as also of a Peace establish'd with the German Empire. Now I shall acquaint thee, That a like Agreement is publish'd with Spain. The two haughty Monarchs seem perfectly recon­cil'd; and to convince the World that they are so really, the King of Spain has Married this King's Daughter.

The Marquis los Baibases made his Publick Entry into Paris on the 11th of the 6th Moon, in Quality of Embassador Extraordinary from the Catholick King; and his chief Business was, To testifie the sincere Joy and Satisfaction his Master took in the Hopes he had of seeing a last­ing Peace setled, not only between these two Crowns, but also throughout Europe; That so the Christian Princes, whose Arms had been hi­therto employed against one another, to the ge­neral Detriment of Christendom, might now be Ʋnited against the Common Enemy, by which he meant the Faithful Osmans. In order to this, he desired that the Daughter of France might be given to his Master in Marriage, as in Confirmation of the Peace between them.

This was soon granted him, and the New▪ was no sooner arriv'd at Madrid, but the Spanish King express'd a more than common Complacency, causing their TE DEƲM to be publickly sung to give God Thanks for so great a Happiness. The Streets of Madrid were illu­minated also with all manner of Fire-works; but the Ceremony of Betrothing was not performed till the 8th Moon. It was done at Fountainbleau, the Court being there at that Time, and the Marquis de los Balbases was the King of Spain's Proxy. After which Time, Madamoiselle, as they call'd her before, held her Rank at Court as the Queen of Spain. And in that Quality She receiv'd the Complements and Addresses of the Archbishop of Paris, at the Head of His Chapter; as also of the Parliament, the Chamber of Accounts the Court of Aids, the Court of Monies, the Ʋniversity; and so of the Great Council, and the French Academy. Now this Great Prin­cess is gone toward Spain to take Possession of Her New Royalty; which is no better than a splendid Servitude, or glorious Imprison­ment during her Life. For the Laws and Customs concerning Women are as severely observed in the Court of Spain, as in any Part of that Country; and the Queen her self is no more exempted from keeping them, than the meanest of Her Subjects. There are certain set Hours, out of which she can­not see so much as the King himself. For his Time is parcell'd out, and divided between the Service of the Publick, and of his own [Page 209] Personal Necessities; the Affairs of State, of Religion, and of Nature. So that the Queen must be altogether shut up from the Sight of Men, unless it be when any Embassador has Audience of her, or when She goes to Church, or to see the Publick Sport of Bull-baiting, with such like Spectacles; or lastly, when Her Confessor comes to visit Her. At other Times She is only a Companion of Women, a mere Reclufe, chamber'd up in her own Me­lancholy Apartment, without the Liberty of ranging the Palace. Whereas in France the Women converse with Men, and go abroad when they please, with an unrestrain'd Free­dom. They discourse of State-Matters, and of Religion; they undertake to Censure both Civil and Canon Laws, correct Philosophy, and reform the Morals of the Ancients: In a Word, the French Ladies take a particular Pride in appearing very Learned and Know­ing, as if they had been educated in the Academies. They also go a Hunting, Hawk­ing, Fishing, and Fowling, even as the Men. There is hardly any Game or Exercise, Stu­dy or Recreation, which is not common to both Sexes. Whereas the Spanish Females are kept in Ignorance, and have no more Li­berty than Captives. Only, as I said, the Queen is permitted to see the Bull-baitings, but it must be in Company with her Husband as well as other Ladies.

This celebrated Sport of Baiting or Cour­sing the Bull is so well known to thee, who hast been an Eye-witness of it at Tunis, and [Page 210]other Cities of Barbary, that I need say no more of it but to observe, That the Spaniards first learn'd it from the Moors, when those Africans dwelt among them, having Con­quered that Kingdom.

But to return to the Servile Life which the Queens of Spain lead; They are obliged to go to Bed at a certain precise Stroke of the Clock every Night, with this only Diffe­rence, That it is an Hour later in Summer than in Winter. Besides Her, there is no other Married Woman suffer'd to lie in the King's Palace; so that the Queen is attended only by Virgins or Widows. Neither can She her self ever Marry again after the King's Death. And so naturally Jealous are the Spaniards of their Wives, That if the Queen fall into any Disaster, by Chance or Conspiracy, as to be thrown down by her Gennet, even to the breaking of Her Limbs, and Hazard of Her Life, none of her Pages, or any other Man whatsoever, dares to lift her up, or any o­ther Way assist her, nay, not so much as by stopping the Horse, if he should drag her in the Stirrup. Judge now, Magnificent Vizir, whether it be not a desirable Thing for a French Princess to be made Queen of Spain? A Princess bred up in a Court abounding with all sorts of Gentilesses, Gallantines, and De­lightful Liberties; must needs think her self in a Monastery or some worse Place of Con­finement, after she has been but a Day or Two in the Court of Spain. But Reasons of State supersede all these Inconveniences. 'Tis [Page 211]the peculiar Unhappiness of the Princes here in the West, that they Marry for Interest more than for Love.

There is another Match going forward be­tween the Dauphine of France, and the Prin­cess Ann Marie Victoire, Sister to the Duke of Bavaria. These Infidels are Uniting their scatter'd Strengths and Interests. It looks as if they had some Secret Design against the True Believers.

Illustrious Prince of the Princes, who serve the Grand Signior, I pray that the Empire of the Faithful may be Exalted, and stand firm till the Angel of the Cave sound his Trumpet.

Paris, 10th of the 12th Moon of the Year 1679.

LETTER XIV.
To the Venerable Mufti.

THat I may give thee a clearer Idea of Rome's Original, it is necessary to step farther Backward in Antiquity; and cast our Eyes on the Ruins of Troy, set on Fire by the Greeks, and laid in Ashes, after a War of Ten Years, to Revenge the Rape of He­lena, Wife to Menelaus, whom Paris the Tro­jan Prince and Guest to Menelaus, carried away with him by Force.

From the deplorable Flames of Troy, An­tenor and Aeneas escap'd, and got to Sea: The Former being forced by Distress of Weather on that Part of Italy which is now under the Dominion of Venice, where he built Padua: The Latter came with a Fleet of Two and Twenty Ships to Latium, now called Cam­pagna di Roma, and St. Peter's Patrimony, be­ing the Estate of the Church.

At that Time Latinus the Son of Faunus, or as some say, of Hercules, Reign'd in Lati­um, before whom there had been but Four Kings in the Country. Those were Janus, Sa­turnus, Picus, and Faunus. Whilst Janus Reign'd, Saturn being expell'd by his Son Jupiter, fled to Italy; where being Hospita­bly receiv'd, he built a Castle, calling it after his own Name Saturnia. At length he ob­tained [Page 213]the Kingdom of Latium; which he left to his Son Picus, and he to Faunus.

In his Time Evander sailed out of Arcadia, and came to Italy, Sixty Years before the Destruction of Troy. He built a Town cal­led Pallantium, where afterwards Rome was built. Much about the same Time, the Pe­lagians went out of Thessaly into Epirus and Dodona first; and then passing over into Italy, join'd themselves with the Aboriginal Arcadi­ans; who were got thither before them. These united their Forces, and expell'd the Sicilians from the Country: Who passing o­ver to Trinacria, or the Island of Three capes, gave to it the Name of Sicilia, which it re­tains to this Day. When Evander had been Five Years in Italy, Hercules, with a Com­pany of Greeks, Landing on the same Shore, was kindly entertained by him.

At length the Kingdom of Latium fell to Latinus, in whose Reign Aeneas came thither; and having enter'd into a League with Lati­nus, marry'd his Daughter Lavinia: From whose Name he called a Town which he built in those parts, Lavinium. Then Turnus King of the Rutuli, being angry that Latinus had given his Daughter to a Stranger rather than to him, who was a Native, and to whom she was before berroth'd, invaded his Country. But the Rutuli were overcome in Battel, and both Turnus and Latinus lost their Lives: So that the Kingdom fell to Aeneas. But he en­joy'd it not long: For the Rutuli, at Three Years End came against him under the Con­duct [Page 214]of Mezentius, King of the Tyrrhenians, now call'd Toscans. And Aeneas being kill'd in the Battel, his Son Ascanius took possession of the Kingdom. He having made Peace with Mecentius, and quell'd the Rest of his Enemies; built a City which he call'd Long Alba, the 30th. Year from the Building of Lavinium. In this City of Long Alba, there Reign'd after Ascanius Fourteen Kings, even to the Time of Romulus, and the Foundations of Rome. The Fourteenth of these Kings was Amulius, who over-reach'd his Brother Numitor, to whom the Kingdom belong'd by Right of Primogeniture. And to be secure of all Things, he made Sylvia, the only Daugh­ter of Numitor, a Vestal; that he might have no Fear of Numitor's Posterity. Yet Sylvia was got with Child by Some-body, and brought forth Twins, who were called Romu­lus and Remus. These were expos'd to the wide World by the Command of King Amu­lius; and were privately Nourish'd by Fau­stulus, till they came of Years. Then being inform'd of their Birth and Extraction, with the true State of Things, they slew Amulius, and restor'd their Grandfather Numitor to his Kingdom. In the Second Year or whose Reign, Romulus built the City of Rome.

In the Eighteenth Year of his Age, Romu­lus was saluted King, when he had kill'd his Brother Remus for leaping in Contempt over the Ditch he had made round the City. Thus he Consecrated the Fortifications of the City with his own Blood, But all this while Re­mulus [Page 215]had Built but the Shadow of a City, since there were no Inhabitants to People and Defend it. However, he quickly pitch'd up­on a Method to supply this Defect. There was a Grove hard by, which he made a San­ctuary for all Persons in Distress, and who were willing to make their Fortunes upon Hazard. This was proclaim'd in the Neigh­bouring Regions: And an Innumerable Mul­titude of Criminals, Debtors and Malecon­tents flock'd thirher from all Parts; besides Shepherds and other Persons, who only through a Natural Inconstancy sought a Change of Life. So that there was a Gallimaufry of Trojans who came over with Aeneas; of Ar­cadians who follow'd Evander; and of seve­ral other Nations; besides the Natives of Toscany and Latium. Out of these, as out of so many Elements, Romulus extracted the Body of a Commonwealth. But he confider'd with­al, that this New Republick could not subsist beyond the Age and Lives of those Men who form'd it; They being without Hopes of Po­sterity, as having no Women among them To provide for this Inconvenience, they treated with the Bordering People about Marriages: Which being denied them, they had Recourse to Stratagems and Violence. They invited the Sabines and other Neigh­bours, to come and see some Plays which they promis'd to exhibit in Honour of Nep­time.

The Bait took; and Multitudes of both Sexes, especially the Younger Sort, throng'd [Page 216]thither to be Spectators of the Roman Novel­ties. When on a sudden a certain Signal be­ing given, the Romans leap'd from their Places, and rushing among the Strangers, every Man seiz'd the Female that best pleas'd him, or that first came to Hand, and made her his Wife.

This was the Cause of speedy Wars: End the Neighbouring People, who had been thus robb'd of their Women, took up Arms to revenge the Injury. But they were [...]outed, put to Flight, and one of their Towns laid? Waste. The Romans also took Rich Spo [...]s from them, which they Consecrated to their Gods.

In the mean Time, the City of Rome was deliver'd into the Hands of the Sabines, by Tarpeia a Virgin: Who, as some say, was corrupted with Gold by Tatius, the Captain of the Sabines: Whilst others affirm. That she did it innocently, and with a Design to save the City, instead of betraying it. For she ask'd as a Reward of her suppos'd Trea­son, the Shields of the Sabines; thinking that being thus in part disarm'd, they might easily be overcome by the Romans. But they sen­sible of her Stratagem, promis'd what she de­manded; and performed it accordingly; but in such a manner, as plainly discover'd their Revenge of an Injury, rather than their Gra­titude for a Kindness: For they threw their Sheilds so thick upon her, that they press'd her to Death.

Then entring the City Pell-mell, there com­menc'd a Furious Battle between the Romans and the Sabines. The Streets flowed with Blood, till the Wives of the Romans, for whose Sake this War began, came tearing their Hair; and running between the Two Armies, at length brought them to a Truce, and Agree­ment. Then a Solemn League was made be­tween Romulus and Tatius. And, what is more Wonderful; the Sabines, leaving their Native Seats, came, with all their Wealth, to live in Rome; communicating Part of their Riches to their Sons-in-Law, by Way of Dowry.

The Forces of the Romans being thus in­creas'd, by the Accession of the Sabines, Romu­lus applied himself to the Publick Administra­tion, with all Care and Policy. He appoint­ed the Youth to be always in Arms, on Horse­back; that they might be constantly upon their Guard, and ready equipp'd against the Surprizes of War: That the Chief Council of the Commonwealth should consist of the Se­niors; who were called Fathers for their Au­thority, and Senators for their Age.

Affairs being thus dispos'd, One Day, when there was a Full Senate, Romulus being pre­sent, was on a sudden taken from their Sight. Some think he was Murder'd by Conspiracy, and cut into Small Pieces by the Senators: Others say, he was Poyson'd. But the Gene­ral Report was, that he was Deified. Julius Proculus was the Author of this; who taking Notice that there arose a Violent Tempest at the same Instant that Romulus disappear'd, and [Page 218]that the Sun was just then Eclips'd, insinuated to the People, that Romulus was become a God. Nay, he took an Oath, That he saw him in a much more August Form, than whilst he was a Mortal: And that Romulus commanded them to Adore him for a God; affirming, that he was called Quirinus in Heaven; and assuring them, that Rome should conquer the Whole Earth.

Numa Pompilius succeeded Romulus, being invited to the Kingdom by the Romans, who had a Veneration for him on the Bare Fame of his Sanctity and Religion. He raught them Holy Rites and Ceremonies, with whatsoever pertain'd to the Worship of the Immortal Gods. He divided the Year into Twelve Months, and appointed the Holy-Days. He ordain'd the Pontifs, Augurs, Salii, with other Ranks of Priests. He gave them the Ancilia and Palla­dium, which came down from Heaven: And he instituted the Vestal Fire. In a Word, He persuaded them, that whatsoever he taught them, he receiv'd from the Goddess Aegeria. And this wrought so Efficaciously on the Minds of the Rude and Ignorant People, that they came, at Length, to Govern that Empire with Justice and Religion, which they got by Robbery and Oppression.

Prince of the Mufti's, I will reserve the Rest of the Roman History for another Dispatch.

Paris, 9th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1680.

LETTER XV.
To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria.

THY Last Letter appears Magisterial and Peremptory, like a Summons from the Inquisition. Thou requirest an Account of my Faith, and what Idea I have of Reli­gion; suspecting that I am inclin'd to He­resie. This proceeds from the Freedom I formerly took, in Discoursing against the Pope's Infallibility, the Newly Canoniz'd Saints, and the Doctrine of No Salvation out of the Roman Church. I see, thy Zeal makes thee Peevish, and Morose. Indeed, it is a Grace that soon turns sowr, if it be not kept in a Clean Heart, and a Temperate Air, free from the Vapours of Superstition. How­ever, I am willing to satisfie thy Demand, as well as I can; and transmit My Soul to thee in Effigie.

Tho' we cannot Pourtray Negatives, yet every Picture has its Back-side, whereon the Cunning Painter may draw the Reverse of his First Design; or, at least, the Spectator's Imagination may supply the Painter's Office, and form Idea's quite contrary to the Origi­nal Piece. That thou may'st therefore the better comprehend what I am, in Point of Religion and Faith, I will first represent what I am not.

Conceive then, that I am no Narrow-Soul'd Jew, who confines Salvation to the Lineage of Jacob; and lays an Hereditary Claim to Heaven, because, for the Wickedness of his Execrable Race, he is not allow'd to possess a Foot of Land on Earth: Who, to strength­en his Title, produces the Scheme of his Ge­nealogy; proving that he descended, in a Right Line, from one of those Parricides, who mur­der'd the Messias: And, for that Reason, a­vouches, that Paradise is entail'd to him; a­mong the rest of his Brethren, on the Score of his Fore-fathers Merit.

Neither am I a Christian-Hypocrite, who mocks himself, and All that see him, with his Empty Formalities: Who constantly calls upon Jesus every Morning, to sanctifie his Resolution of Sinning against God before Night. Who tires out the Patience of the Saints and Angels, with the Crambe of his Vain Repetitions. His Ave Maria's, Ora pro Nobis's, and the rest of his Religious Jargon. Who goes to Church, that he may get the Whip-hand of the Devil; and, meeting him on Holy Ground, may whisper Treason against God Almighty, over his Beads, or his Prayer-Book; as the Germans do against the Emperor, over their Bottles, sub Rosa, without any Ob­servators, or Tell-tales.

I am no Worshipper of Images, Pictures, Old, Rotten, Worm-eaten Bits of Wood, or other Pretended Relicks of Christ, and his Saints. I cannot be persuaded, that God is well pleas'd to see me make a Fool of my self, [Page 221]and Trot up and down in Pilgrimage, to Ho­nour Five or Six Sham-Heads of St. John the Baptist; for, in so many several Places do they pretend to shew that one Sacred Relick, which cannot be Multiplied. Neither can I believe the Miraculous Vegetation, and Constant Growth of the Cross; which they pretend to shew Whole and Entire at Caesarea, whilst it is exhibited also in Millions of Pieces, through­out Christendom. So that there is scarce a Christian Gentleman of any Quality, in Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, who does not boast his Share of this Wonderful Relick. If all which Pieces were put together, they would, probably, make a Thousand such Crosses, as that which is kept in Palestine, for the sup­posed True Cross whereon Jesus suffer'd Death; and yet, they are all said to be cut off from That. Indeed, Father William, I have no Great Stomach to swallow down these Great Wooden Fables: The very Chips are enough to choak me. But then comes the Milk of the Blessed Virgin to my Relief, with which I may rinse my Unbelieving Throat, almost in every Parish, or Monastick Church, I come at. For, I dare say, there's more of this to be found in such Places, than an Hungarian Cow would give in Seven Years together. But it Curdles in my Stomach, and makes me Sick. The very Idea of these Child-Ab­surdities, is as Operative as the Draught of an Antimonial-Cup.

It would be too tedious to turn up all the Negative Side of my Religion; and explain, [Page 222]in an Hundred more Particulars, what I am not: Let us now therefore reverse the Tablet, and see what I positively am.

And here I am at a Loss for a Compendi­ous Title, or Name, to give my self, saving that of a Christian: For, I know not to what more Particular Predicament I belong. As for the Distinguishing Characteristicks of Pa­pist, Protestant, Lutheran, Calvinist, Socinian, &c. I esteem 'em no otherwise, than the Brands of so many Religious Factions in the Church. And the Particular Title of Roman-Catholick, looks like a Soloecism in Common Sense. I would therefore be taken for a Christian, who neither makes Parties, nor sides with any. But, honouring Jesus as our Common Lord and Master, I endeavour to obey his Laws peaceably, and like a Loyal Subject.

I lay for a Foundation of all my Practice toward Men, this Golden Rule, which He gave us; Not to do that to Another, which I would not have done to my Self. Upon this Basis is built the whole Fabrick of Human Justice. I endeavour to regulate my own Passions, and to bear with those of Others: To be angry with my self, for the least Pec­cadillo; but to frame Excuses for the Errors and Offences which my Neighbour commits. Here rises the Superstructure of all Vertues, supported by Patience, Hope, and Faith; ce­mented by Charity, Meekness, and Temper­ance; and adorn'd all over with Good Works.

In a Word, Father William; The Sum and Substance of my Religion consists in these few Rules: To Fear God, Serve my King, Ho­nour and Obey my Parents, Love my Friends, and To do Justice to all Men: Without trou­bling my self about Empty Formalities, and Needless Ceremonies: Or being concern'd, in what Nation, Climate, or Society of Chri­stians I live; Since God regards not one Man more than another, for these Exterior Dif­ferences.

Reverend Monk, Adieu: And, from what I have said, conclude me a Catholick in the Properest Sense.

Paris, 26th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1680.

LETTER XVI.
To Murat Bassa.

THey are extremely Merry here in Paris, Nothing but Dancing, Singing, Roar­ing, Drinking, Ringing of Bells, making of Bonfires, and other Illuminations, Shooting of Guns, Flirting about Squibs, Crackers, Serpents, Rockets, and all manner of Gun­powder Compositions. If it should hold but Two Hours longer, I believe they wou'd be in Danger of running all Mad. This is the Hour of Mid-night, and yet they are in the Height of their Jollity, which is not customary in these Western Parts, tho no Wonder in the East. I wish there were an Army of Otto­mans near us; I'd give 'em the Signal, and shew them the Way, when and how to enter the Town, and take Possession of the Richest City in France: For they suspect Nothing, and the very Guards themselves are all drunk. 'Twere an easie Thing to Surprize 'em, and take 'em Napping. But there is a Time and a Chance for all Things under the Moon: And this is their lucky Season.

Would'st thou know the Occasion of all this Joy and Security? 'Tis double; Of one Side the News comes rowling from Spain of the New Queen found there; and on the other Hand, they are transported with the [Page 225]Marriage of Monseigneur, the Dauphine of France, with the Princess Ann Marie Victoire, Sister to the Duke of Bavaria.

I mention'd the Advances were made in Order to this Match, the latter End of the foregoing Year. The same was compleated in all its Ceremonies on this very Day.

The French King parted from Versailles a­bout the beginning of this Moon, with the Dauphin, his Son, to meet the Princess. Their first Interview was at a Place called Vitry. As soon as the Dauphiness (for so we must call her now) saw the King alight from his Horse, she leap'd out of her Coach, and threw her self upon her Knees. But he soon rais'd and embrac'd her with Royal Caresses, expressing the mighty Joy he felt at this first Sight of her, on whom rested the Hopes of France, for Heirs to the Crown. Then he presented the Dauphin to Her, who also was not wanting on his Part to discover the Sen­timents he had for a Princess of so great Birth, Merits, Wit and Vertue.

The Queen did not see her Daughter-in-law till they came to Chalons; and there she ca­ressed her with all Tenderness imaginable, in outward Appearance. But God knows what's in the Hearts of these Royal Souls, or how long their Friendship may last.

The Ceremony of the Espousals was per­formed at that Town, Yesterday, by the Car­dinal of Bouillon, Grand Almoner of France, in the Chapel of the Bishop's Palace: And to Day, as I have said, he finish'd the whole [Page 226]Business in the Temple of the Virgin Mary, the Chief Cathedral of this City; in the Pre­sence of the King and Queen, with divers Lords and Ladies of the Court. There were other Bishops to assist him, whose Titles I have forgot: But I think they were of Or [...]ans and Condom. This last makes a considerable Fi­gure in the Kingdom, and is created First Almoner to Madam the Dauphiness. He ap­pears very Zealous in Converting the Hugue­nots; and I have a great deal more to say of him, than I have Time to Write now.

Assure thy self, That I cherish a profound Respect for thee; and that as I never was, so I never will be defective or tardy in send­ing thee thy Proportion of Western Intelli­gence: For I must divide it among the Bassa's and other Ministers of the Port.

Rest contented with thy Share, and in the Name of God Farewel.

Paris, 8th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1680.

LETTER I.
To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

BY the Mosch of Sultan Jub, I swear, these petty Republicks of the Franks are not worth a Mussulman's Thought. However, to satisfie thy Curious and Inqui­sitive [Page 228] Genius, I will say something of each, as briefly and compendiously as I can.

In my Two last, I discours'd of the Ʋni­ted Netherlands, and the Swiss Cantons. Now I will ferry thee, over the Leman Lake, and Land thee in Geneva, the Mother. Nurse, and Center of the Calvinists. These are a sort of Protestants, dissenting from the Opini­ons of Luther and his Associates; who was the First Author of what they call the Refor­mation here in Europe.

The City of Geneva is very Ancient; and was not Young in the Time of Julius Caesar, as appears by his Commentaries; where he makes mention of its being seated on the Ri­ver Rhosne, just at the Entrance of the Leman Lake. It stands very pleasantly, and has a fertile Soil round about it; where Ceres strives to out-do Bacchus in her Liberalities. For though there be very good Vineyards in these Parts, yet not in so great Plenty, as to match the Abundance of Corn, Pulse, Hay, Oats, Melons, and all manner of Herbs and Fruits that the Climate usually bears.

The Air is pure and wholsome; the Win­ters not so cold as in Germany, nor the Sum­mers so hot as in some Parts of France.

The People are generally Corpulent, Mo­rose, Inhospitable to Strangers, especially to those of the Roman Church, whom they always suspect as Spies. They are very Frugal. Continent, and Sober. And above all Things, they affect a singular Gravity in their Carri­age and Garb.

As for Riches, they can boast but little; and were it not for their. Art in making Silks, and printing Books, of which infinite Quan­tities and Numbers are Exported to other Nations, this Commonwealth cou'd not support its own Charges.

Indeed their Military Strength is considera­ble for Bigness of the Place: the City being fenc'd by Nature, as well as Art, with im­pregnable Fortifications. They keep an ex­quisite Watch on the Walls; and at the Gates: Neither can any Foreigner have En­trance or Lodging there, without undergoing a severe Scrutiny. They have a Magazine in the City, furnish'd with all sorts of Arms, and with every Thing that is necessary to su­stain a long Siege. Add to this, the Friend­ship and Patronage of the French Kings, who have for many Years shelter'd this little Re­publick from the Invasions and Encroachments of the Dukes of Savoy, who claim a Title to it.

There were formerly Three Forts near the Town, in the Possession of the Savoyards, which much annoy'd the Inhabitants, and threaten'd the Ruin of the City it self with the Shot of great Brass Ordnance, which were plac'd there for that Purpose. But Henry IV. of France Took it from the Duke of Savoy, and Demolish'd it in the Year 1600. He also caus'd another to be pull'd down, which equally endamag'd the Opposite side of the City. And a Third the Inhabitants themselves laid Even with the Ground, being aided by the French.

If thou would'st know, by what Title the Dukes of Savoy pretend a Right to Geneva; I'll tell thee in few Words. In former Times, there was a Feud between the Counts of Ge­neva, and her Bishops, about the Govern­ment, each claiming it as his Due. At length a certain Bishop procur'd the Principality of Geneva, from Frederic I. Emperor of Germany. This occasion'd a Civil War between him and the Count of Geneva, which lasting many Years, and consuming the Money and For­ces of the Town; the Inhabitants, with the Consent of the Bishop, implor'd the Protecti­on of the Count of Savoy. He rais'd an Ar­my, and march'd against the Count of Gene­va; taking many Towns and Fortresses from him, which belong'd to the Republick. Then he advanc'd with the Army near to the Walls of Geneva, more like an Enemy than a Friend to the Bishop and People. For not content with his new Conquests, he demand­ed as much Money as wou'd quit the Char­ges he had been at in this Expedition. The Bishop represented to him, ‘That he ought to be content with those Places he had won, and that they should be acknowledg'd Feudatories of Savoy.’ But this did not sa­tisfie the greedy Count, who threaten'd the City, if they wou'd not reimburse him with Money. The Inhabitants being poor, and fearing worse Consequences, shou'd they pro­voke this Prince too far, at last agreed with him, ‘That he shou'd possess as much Rights in the City, as the Counts of Geneva had [Page 231]done before this War begun.’ And this was done by way of Pledge or Mortgage. The Savoyard therefore entring the City with his Forces, oppressed the Inhabitants with cruel Tyranny. So that being provok'd to despe­rate Courses, they conspir'd together, and chose rather to call back the Count of Geneva to his Native Possession, from which he had been violently cast out by the Usurping Bi­shop, than to submit to a Foreign Jurisdicti­on, which began so early to afflict them with insupportable Calamities.

But this, instead of a Remedy, prov'd an Aggravation of their Misfortunes. For the Count of Geneva, coming against him of Sa­voy, with some Forces, was overcome in Bat­tel, and so Geneva was reduc'd to greater Streights than before. For the Savoyards en­tring the Houses of the Citizens, drew the Conspirators from their lurking Holes, and kill'd them, committing a Thousand other Insolencies against the Inhabitants. Nor did this cease, till the whole Race of the Counts of Geneva was quite extinct. Then Amadeus, the Count of Savoy, finding that still the Bishop of Geneva gave him as much Trouble as the Counts had done before, obtain'd of the Em­peror Charles IV. to be made Vicar of the Em­pire in his Provinces; thinking by the Great­ness of this Title and Authority to suppress, the Power of the Bishop. But the Ecclesia­stick Prince so strongly opposed the Secular, That he maintain'd his own Jurisdiction, and the Liberty of the People, till the Time of [Page 232] Amadeus VIII. who was his Successor, and the First who was created Duke of Savoy, be­ing afterwards Elected to the Papacy, which he enjoy'd by the Name of Felix. Before his Assumption to this Height of Ecclesiastick Dignity, he had obtain'd of Pope Martin, the Jurisdiction of Geneva in Temporal Matters. But he found as much trouble in it, as his Predecessors had done before. And so have all his Successors, to this very Day. For, though they boast of the Title, yet they have no more Authority in the Town than the King of Bantam.

This City is govern'd by a Syndick and Twenty Five Senators, who meet every Day to consult about the Affairs of the Common­wealth, and to decide all Causes, whether Criminal or Civil.

It is their Chief Interest to hold a good Correspondence with France, without whose Protection they would suffer many In­juries. Therefore the better sort, as it were by way of Flattery and Complai­sance, dress themselves after the French Fa­shions, and make use of that Language, though imperfectly, in all their Letters, and Conversation. But the Vernacular is the same with that of Savoy.

Accomplish'd Minister, in Regard thou complainest of the Length of my Letters, I will hereafter be more concise; and refresh thee often with Brief Accounts of the States in Europe, yet remaining to be spoke of.

In the mean time, think of doing poor Mahmut some kind Office in the Divan: For I am macerated with Zeal, Care, Sickness, and Old Age. Surely I cannot live much longer, or rather, I shall not be much longer a-dying. For this Mortal Life is but Death in Masquerade.

Paris, 4th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1680.

LETTER II.
To Achmet Bassa.

SOme Maxims of State or Religion, which you please, for they are much one, have mov'd the King of France to publish a Decree, which they call a Regulation. Whereby he restrains the Huguenots from certain Liberties and Privileges which they enjoy'd before.

If thou would'st know the Character of these Huguenots, I will give it thee as well as I can: not perfect and full, thou may'st swear, but true as far as it goes.

In the first Place, therefore, it is necessary for thee to know, That about Two Hundred Years past, a certain Fryar, or Dewick in our Style, nam'd Martin Luther, being of­fended at his Lord and Master the Pope, or Bishop of Rome, set up for himself, as the on­ly Preacher, Doctor, Reformer, and Apostle of that Age. He drew Abundance of People after him, and not a few Princes and Nobles. The known scandalous Vices of the Roman Clergy on one side, and the Epidemical Incli­nation which Mortals have for Novelty on the other, facilitated his Innovation. He grew famous in Wirtemberg, Ausburgh, and other Parts of Germany, where he liv'd. In a Word, his New Doctrines were like an Earth­quake to the whole Empire. He stagger'd [Page 235]many Wise and Honest Men, and overthrew whole Thousands of Fools and Knaves.

Among the Rest of the Last Gange, one Calvin embrac'd Luther's Tenents, a very Learned Man, and of great Abilities; but very partial, revengeful, and austere in his Humour. At first he was very Zealous and Uniform in all Things, according to the Mo­del of his Ʋpstart Master. But upon some Dispute between them, he takes Snuff, flings off the Yoke, and revolts from his New Dire­ctor. There have been several such Hot­headed Sparks since that Time, every one aspiring at the Character of an Apostle or Prophet: Zwinglius, Oecolampadius, Melanc­thon, Bucer, Beza, and a Rabble of other New Lights and Saviours of the World.

Now the Huguenots, as I am inform'd, are the Disciples of Calvin; so is the Common­wealth of Geneva; with some Parts of Suis­serland, Holland, and the Country of the Gri­sons. As for England, Swedeland, Denmark, Norway, Saxony, Brandenburg, and Hess-Cassel, they are all Lutherans. Saving that the En­glish, whom I first mention'd, have made Twelve several Alterations in their Religion, since the Days of Luther.

It is observable of that Nation, that they are flexible, and receptive of any Foreign Impression. The French say, The English would as soon embrace Mahometanism as any other Religion, could ye but once get the length of their Foot. (This is an English Adage.) 'Tis certain they are a very Mutable, Inconstant, [Page 236]Rebellious People. They surfeit on the Plenty which Nature has giv'n 'em. Which makes them still uneasie, discontented, and delicate. They spew out their own Happi­ness, to ease the Stomach of that intemperate Nation, and prepare it for Foreign Sham-Banquets of Magicians. Of Old they were Brave, and stedfast to their Principles: Then their Renown was spread far and wide. When a Baronet of England (as 'tis recorded in the Histories of France, which must be impartial in this Point) kill'd Five and Twenty French­men, among whom were Two Marquises, Four Knights, and Nine Nobles of the Lesser Order.

But now they have quite lost their anci­ent Fame and Valour. They are corrupted with a thousand Debaucheries. They are as fickle as the Wind, and as moveable as the Dust it raises in the Streets. In fine, They are nothing at all, but the Obloquy and Scorn of other Nations.

But to return to the French Huguenots, and Calvin their Master. I was once acquainted with a very ancient Dervich or Fryar, when I first came to Paris, who confidently affirm'd, That he had often heard his own Father say, ‘That Calvin, in his Presence, once thrust his Right-Hand into the Fire, wishing it had been burn'd to Ashes when it directed his Pen in writing against the Real Presence of the Body of Jesus the Messias, in the Sa­crament of the Altar. But since he had writ that fatal Treatise, he cou'd do no less in Honour than defend it to the last.’ And [Page 237]yet this is one of the Cardinal and most im­portant Points in Controversie between the Catholicks and the Huguenots; whereon the whole Body of Religion depends, and turns to the Right-Hand or to the Left. So that in the main, the Huguenots have no other Ground for their Separation from the Roman Church, than the confess'd Obstinacy of their Ringleader. And I tell thee plainly, they are the Disciples of his Humour, as well as of his Doctrins. There is not such a pertinaci­ous sort of People living; so singular, partial, self conceited, wilful and incorrigible. We must always except out of this Character, some of the Gentry, most of the Nobles, and all the Beaux Esprits of that Profession, as they call 'em; that is, the Men of Sense. For, they despise the Bigotry of their Brethren, and go to their Publick Assemblies, rather in Com­plaisance to their Parents, Friends, and Kin­dred, or for the sake of Interest, than out of any real Regards for a Religion of so young a Date, so mean and contemptible a Figure, and which is shut up within such narrow Limits.

They are, in short, so bad, or at least grown so odious at the Court, That the King is quite Angry with 'em, and resolved to extirpate them and their New-fangl'd He­resie, out of the Nation. In order to this, he proceeds gradually, like a Politician; be­ing not willing to tempt them to a general Revolt, by provoking the whole Party at once, and rendring 'em desperate. No, no, he's cunninger than to draw a Civil War up­on [Page 238]himself and his Kingdom, by giving so loud an Alarm, to a People who are very Rich, Potent, and whose Interest is much interwoven with that of the Catholicks. I be­lieve, to speak modestly, they are able to keep Fifty Thousand Men of Arms in Pay, as they can contrive the Business among them­selves. Therefore knowing, that though the Preachers all profess the same Religion, yet every one is not so zealous as another in de­fending and propagating it; he has made such a Politick Decree, as only touches those particular Mollahs (or Ministers as they call them here) who are convicted of Prosely­ting any Catholick to their Heresie. Where­by also is threaten'd to the Catholicks them­selves who shall forsake the Religion of their Fathers; perpetual Banishment, the Loss of their Right Hand, which was lifted up in their Abjuration, and other grievous Penalties.

In the mean Time, the Bishops and infe­riour Priests are very industrious to confirm the Catholicks in their Native Faith and Obe­dience, and to Convert the Huguenots from their supposed Errors. I call them supposed Errors, because it is much one to us that are Mussulmans and Followers of Mahomet, whe­ther one Party of the Nazarenes, be in the right of it, or t'other. Only we must regard the Interest of the Ottoman Empire. They are all equally Hereticks and Infidels, so long as they are Enemies to the Messenger of God, the Seal of the Prophets.

He that is the most Vigorous, and takes the greatest Pains in Converting the Hugue­nots, is the Bishop of Meaux; a Man of pro­digious Eloquence, Sense, and Wit. This Age does not afford his Equal, in the Perfe­ctions of the Mind and Intellect: He is pro­foundly Learned, a Man of Universal Read­ing, skilful in most Languages: an Oracle in Philosophy, Astronomy, and the other Sciences of Nature. He is the Laureat among the Poets, the Crown of Orators; the very Encylo­poedia of Human Knowledge.

'Tis true, he is very zealous for the Autho­rity and infallible Veracity of the Roman Church. But, he asserts these Things with so much Grace and Moderation; with such a Mascu­line Reason, and with all the Symptoms of a Sincere Piety; That I who regard no one Sect of the Franks more than another, cannot but admire the Natural Abilities and Perfe­ctions of his Soul. He's Learned as Abdel Me­lec, Muli Omar at Fez; Pious, as Hebatolla Mir Argun, at Cogni in Natolia; Abstinent, as Mohammed, in Arabia; Holy, as the ab­stracted Mirmadoline, Santone of the Vale of Sidon. A Man every Ways accomplish'd, and inspir'd with Divine Munificences.

O Great Bassa, accuse me not for this Eu­logy of a Christian. But let Thou and I, and all True Believers, profit by the best Examples, wherever, or in whatsoever Religion we find 'em, whether they be Giaurs or Mussulmans.

Paris, 13th of the 8th Moon, of the Year 1680,

LETTER III.
To the Venerable Mufti.

SO long as thou dost not complain of my too frequent Letters, I shall not murmur at the Pains of writing them. 'Tis a Pleasure thus to revolve the Histories of past Ages. And whilst I with my own Hand consign them to Paper, they adhere the faster to my Memory. I shou'd not be sorry, if I were to spend the Remainder of my Days in Epito­mizing all the Authentick Records and Me­moirs that are extant in the World. Such an Exercise would be a constant Relief of Me­lancholy by lighting Abundance of Flambeaux and Lamps in the Soul, to disperse the Mists and Darkness which naturally make it sad. I ended my last Letter with the Reign of Nu­ma Pompilius over the Romans. Who, as if he had made the Kingdom Hereditary only to Men of Virtue, was no sooner dead, but the People elected Tullus Hostilius for their King; in Consideration of his excellent En­dowments and Merits.

He instructed the Romans in a more per­fect Military Discipline, and improv'd the Art of War. So that having train'd up the Youth to a wonderful Promptness and Skill in Arms, he ventur'd to send a Defiance to the Albans, and invade their Territories, the [Page 241]they were a stout People, and who had Lorded it a long Time in Italy. But, when many Battels had been Fought between them, with equal Damage to both sides; at length to put an End to the War, and make the Losses of the Vanquished more Compendious, they mutually agreed to decide the Victory by a Combat of Three Brothers on one side, against as many on the other. Those on the Roman part were call'd, Horatii; the Alban Brothers Curiatii.

The Fight was Fair and Dubious, and had an Admirable Event: For all the Three Cu­riatii were Wounded, and Two of the Ho­ratii Killed. So that it seemed difficult to determine which had the Advantage; One sound and untouch'd Roman, or Three faint and weaken'd Albans: However, the survi­ving Horatius not presuming too much on his own Strength against such an Unequal Num­ber of Enemies, added Policy to his Cou­rage, and made use of this Stratagem:

He counterfeited a Flight, that so he might separate his Adversaries, and Engage with them Singly, one after another, according as they overtook him. His Plot took, and he Vanquish'd all Three. But he sullied his Victory with the Blood of his Sister; whom at his return he killed, because she met him not with Joy and Triumph, but with Grief and Tears for the Loss of her Spouse, who was one of the Three Alban-Brethren. He was call'd in question for the Bloody Fact: But his Merit superseded his Crime; and the [Page 242]Fact which would at another time have cost him his Head, now served but to Augment his Glory.

Not long after this, there broke out a War between the Romans and the Fidenates, a Peo­ple of Latium, or Toscany. The Albans, ac­cording to their late League, were obliged to Aid the Romans in their Wars. Wherefore they sent Auxiliary Forces, under the Com­mand of Metius Tufetius. But this Captain prov'd Treacherous: For, just as the Two Armies were going to enter into Battel, he withdrew his Albans to the Top of an Hill; where they stood Neuters, to behold the For­tune of the Fight, that so they might joyn the Strongest Party. Which, when Tullus per­ceiv'd, he politiokly cried out, with a Loud Voice, in the Hearing of both Armies, That Metius had done this by his Command. Then the Romans took Courage; and their Ene­mies being struck with Terrour, were soon Routed, and Overcome. After which, the Roman King caused the Traytor Metius Tufe­tius to be tied with Cords to Two Chariots, and torn in Pieces by Wild Horses. He also ruin'd, and quite demolish'd Alba; not look­ing on that City now, as the Parent, but the Rival of Rome. However, he first trans­ported to Rome all the Riches of Alba, with the Inhabitants; that so that City might not seem to perish, but only to remove its Situa­tion, and be Incorporated with Rome.

Ancus Marcius succeeded Tullus Hostilius, being the Grandchild of Numa, by his Daugh­ter. [Page 243]He inherited his Qualities also as well as his Blood. He encompass'd the City with Walls, and joyn'd the Banks of Tyber, which ran through the Middle of it, with a Bridge. He likewise built the Port Ostia, just by the Mouth of the River, where it flows into the Sea; planting there a Colony of Romans, as if he had then Presag'd what afterwards came to pass; That the Merchandizes of the World should be brought in thither, as in­to the Maritime Store-house of the City de­stin'd to conquer all Things.

Him succeeded Tarquinius, afterwards sur­nam'd Priscus. He was of Foreign Extra­ction, yet obtain'd the Sovereignty by his Elegance and Wit. For, being the Son of Lucumo; a Corinthian, who abandon'd his Country, and fled into Toscany, where he was made King; this Tarquinius, polishing his Greek Nature with Italian Arts, insinua­ted so far with the Romans, that they chose him for their King. He augmented the Num­ber of Senators, and added Three Hundred Soldiers to the Troops that were already esta­blish'd: Which was all he durst do, in Re­gard Attius Navius, an Augur, in High Re­quest among the Romans, had forbid a­ny greater Number to be added. These Augurs were a sort of Diviners, who fore­told Things to come, from the Chirping, Flying, Feeding, and other Actions of Birds. Tarquinius, one Day, ask'd this Attius Na­vius, Whether the Thing could possibly be done, which he had then thought upon? The Augur [Page 244]consulting his Art, answer'd, It might be done. Then said the King, I was considering, whether I could cut this Whet-stone with a Razor. Yes you may; replied Attius. And the King did it. From that Time, the College of Augurs, first Founded by Romulus, was had in Sacred Esteem by the Romans. I should have call'd them the Triumvirate of Augurs; for, there were but Three at first, one out of every Tribe. But Servius Tullius, the next King, added a Fourth. These were all Nobles. But afterwards, they were increas'd to Nine; and last of all, to Fifteen, in the Dictatorship of Silla.

To return to Tarquinius: He was no less prosperous in War, than in Peace; for he subdued Twelve Cities of the Toscans, with the Territories belonging to them. He in­vented Robes, and Ensigns of State; the Ivo­ry-Seats of Chariots, wherein the Senators were carried to the Council; the Gold-Rings, and Magnificent Horse-Trappings, which were given to the Roman Knights, as Badges of Honour: Also, the Purple and Scarlet-Robes; the Triumphal Chariot of Gold; the Painted Phrygian Robe, worn by a Victo­rious General, when he celebrated a Triumph: With many other Ornaments, and Publick Decorations, to set forth the Majesty and Grandeur of the Roman State.

Tarquinius being mortally wounded his Wife Tanaquil persuaded the People, that all was well with him; that his Wounds were not dangerous; that he was only laid in a Slum­ber, [Page 245]and that in a little Time they should fee him Well again: In the Mean while, she said, it was his Will and Pleasure, that they should obey Servius Tullius, a Favourite of hers; who would administer Justice, and govern the Peo­ple wisely, during the King's Illness.

This Servius Tullius was the Son of a Prince in Latium; who being kill'd in a Battel with the Romans, his Wife was carried Captive to Rome; and being presented to Queen Ta­naquil, liv'd free from Servitude, under her Protection: And, being with Child, was de­liver'd of Servius Tullius, in Tanaquil's Palace. The Queen stook a Singular Fancy to the Noble Infant, and gave him Royal Educa­tion; presaging, from a Flame which she saw environing his Head, that he would be a Famous Man in Time. 'Twas for this Reason, she persuaded the People to receive him as the King's Substitute, or Deputy, for a While: Not doubting, but that after they had tasted the Sweetness of his Government, and the Death of Tarquin should be known, they would easily submit to him, as Tarquin's Successor. Her Stratagem had its desir'd Ef­fect: For, Servius Tullius improv'd his Time so well in pleasing the People, that the King­dom, which he obtain'd by Craft, was ac­knowledg'd by all, as due to his Merits and Vertues. He first brought the People of Rome under an Assessment, whereby every Man's Estate was valu'd: He divided them into Classes, Wards, and Colleges. And the Commonwealth was brought into such Order, [Page 246]by the Exquisite Policy of this Wise King, that the Difference of every Man's Patrimo­ny, Dignity, Age, Trade, and Office, was Register'd in Publick Tables; Which render'd the Oeconomy of this Great State as regular and easie, as that of a Private Family, or House.

The Last of all the Kings; was Tarquinius, Surnam'd The Proud, for the Morose and Dis­dainful Haughtiness of his Temper. He mar­ried the Daughter of Servius Tullius, in Hopes of Succeeding in the Kingdom. But he not ha­ving Patience to wait for the Natural Death of his Father-in-Law▪ hired Ruffians to Mur­der him, and then seiz'd upon the Kingdom by Violence, Neither did he govern the State with less Wickedness and Cruelty, than that by which he obtain'd it: For, he denied Bu­rial to his Murder'd Father-in-Law; Saying, That he deserv'd not Better Ʋsage than Romu­lus, who perish'd without a Sepulchre. He also slew the Chiefs of the Nobles, whom he sus­pected to be of Servius's Interest. And his Wife Tullia was as bad as he: For, as soon as she had saluted her Husband by the Title of King, she caus'd her self to be driven in a Chariot, over the Dead Carcase of her Fa­ther. Both of them exercis'd Great Cruelty, and massacred many of the Senators▪ But the Pride of Tarquin was intolerable to all. Till, at Length, when he had spent enough of his Rage at Home, he turn'd it against his Foreign Enemies Abroad; and took many Strong Towns in Latium. However, Notwithstand­ing [Page 247]all his Vices, he gave the World this Proof of his Piety; That, put of the Spoils which he took from his Enemies, he rais'd Mony, and finish'd therewith the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, which his Father, Tarquinius Priscus, had begun. The Story says, That, as they were Laying the Foundations of this Temple, they found the Head of a Man; which they interpreted as a Good Omen, That Rome should be the Seat of a Vast Em­pire, and Mistress of the whole Earth; as it afterwards came to pass.

The People of Rome bore with the Pride of Tarquin, but would not bear with the Lust and Tyranny of his Sons; one of which ra­vish'd Lucretia, a Woman of Admirable Beau­ty and Vertue. The Chaste Matron expia­ted the Disgrace, by Stabbing her self: And, as she breath'd her Last, she charg'd Brutus and Collatinus, Two Princes, to revenge her Cause. Wherefore they stir'd up the People to assert their Liberty, and abrogate the King­ly Government: Which was as readily done, as mention'd. And here was an End put to the Tyranny of Kings.

In my Next I will relate the Increase and Progress of the Roman State, under the Go­vernment of Consuls, and Emperors: Which will comprehend the most Memorable Events of Peace and War, even to the Catastrophe of the Empire.

Paris, 22d of the 9th Moon, of the Year 1680.

LETTER IV.
To Orchan Cabet, Student in the Sciences, and Pensioner to the Sultan.

ABout the Soul: That's the Thought I'm upon. That's the World I'm going to write. Whether it shall, after the grand Di­vorce from the Body, go to Heaven or Hell (as they are commonly represented) or whe­ther it shall not rather be more happily or miserably dispos'd of: Or, if less, yet at least in a more proportionate Order of Eter­nal Justice. Methinks, I taste and feel the Original Meaning of the Word Nemesis. Which, though it pass for Primitive Greek among the most Learned of the Western Scholars, yet I can prove it to be a Phoenici­an Derivative from the Chinese. And I can demonstrate likewise, That it is full of My­steries.

Every Syllable of it, is Sacred and Myste­rious, as the Mrne Mene, Tekel Vpharsin, of Beltschatzar. Numeravit, Numeravit, Ap­pendit, Divisit. That's the Sense of it. So are Words become the Eternal Mind.

The very Letters which compose Words (I should have said the Syllables first, in good Manners) are all the Products of the Mathe­maticks; [Page 249]I mean, of the Original Science; not of those paultry Fragments, Scraps, and Offals, that are taught in Schools and Acade­mies: Such as the Elements of Euclid, the Rudiments of Algebra, Benazer, Ki-flud, or any other Learned Pen. There's something more within the Verge of Human Science, than what has been divulg'd hitherto in the World; or at least, more than what is now extant, and has escap'd the Ruin of Fires, Floods, Earthquakes, and the Jaws of all-de­vouring Time.

Learned Orchan, I will not be prolix: but answer me one Question about the Soul. Can'st thou believe the Stories of the Priest's concerning Purgatory, Hell, and the two other Limbo's? Hast thou Faith enough to swallow the ridiculous Figments of the Book entitled Speculum Exemplorum; a Tract so highly celebrated and magnified among the Superititious Nazarenes of the Roman Church? Believe me, these Doctrins are the pure Effects of Anthropomorphism, or the Re­ligion of those who represent God under the Form of a Mortal Man. For they, poor Souls, are so incapable of rising above this gross and Earthly Thought, that they even presume to draw and paint the Effigies of the Eternal Divinity, which has no Figure or Resemblance. They pourtray him like a ve­ry Old Man, with Gray Hairs on his Head and Beard; and then they set the Idol up in Temples, to be ador'd. The rude and igno­rant Vulgar dare not contradict their Guides, [Page 250]whom they revere as Oracles. They bow before the sacred Vanity, paying Divine Ho­nours to the Work of Human Art. Thus Superstition and Error spread abroad, and take firm Root in the World. From hence the duller Part of Men derive their Notions of Man's Soul.

They cannot conceive how it shou'd subsist after Death, without just such a Body of Flesh and Blood, as it has in this Life: And yet they contradict that very Opinion, by assert­ing, that it cannot have such a Body till the General Resurrection; whilst at the same time they assert, That it shall enjoy all the Pleasures, or suffer all the Pains, which none but Corporeal Beings are capable of. Doubt­less, the Infidels are involv'd in a Labyrinth of Heresies.

We Mortals know not the State of Depart­ed Souls; whether they go upwards, or downwards; to the East or West, North or South. We are wholly ignorant of the Cli­mates wherein the Blessed and the Damn'd are separately dispos'd of. Perhaps the Doctrin of Transmigration, taught by Pythagoras, Em­pedocles, and all the Eastern Indians, may be true: From which Bolief, few▪ Mussulmans do diffent. Or it may be, we shall, as the Gentile Poets wrote mysteriously, fall into Lethe's Lake, into the Region of Forgetful­ness, where we shall be, as though we'd ne­ver been. This is the Souls unactive State, if any such there be in Nature for an Incor­poreal, Spirit. And then the Millenaries or [Page 251] Chiliasts among the Christians may be much i'th' Right on't, who taught the Sleep of the Soul until the Resurrection. Indeed, in my Opinion, this Life it self, wherein we think our selves so much Awake; to Hear, See, Taste, Smell, Feel, and Revel in the Plea­sures of the Universe; is but a Dream or Trance: A grand Deliquium of the Soul: The Universal Apoplexy of Human Nature. For the true Genuine Life is only to be found Above, in the pure Regions of the Air, or more refined Skies: or if not there, at least and lowest Rate, in the superlative Heights beyond the Stars, remote from narrow and polluted Matter, where perfect Essences do bask Eternally in the Grand Halo of the God-head; or shroud and cool themselves under the mady Trees of Paradise, whose Roots spring from the deep Abysses of Eternity; and are wash'd by Springs and Streams warbling along the verdant Banks of sweet Chioschs, and elegant Borders of the Groves in Eden.

Such are the Pleasures, which God, the Fauntain of Munificence, is pleased to treat his Creatures with. He studies to Regale his Favourites, with infinite Beatitudes.

There are in Paradise, Rivers, broad and long as the Danube, Volga, Niger, Nilus, or any other noted Current upon Earth. Their Streams run all with Honey, Wine, and Milk, or more delicious Liquors, if any such there be.

They are not deep, that timorous Men need fear to Drown themselves; yet deep [Page 252]enough for foreign Earthly Souls to swim in Everlasting Pleasures. Moreover, thou know­est the Saying of the Prophet; That we shall have Women there, whose Beauty no Painters Art can e're express; who shall not, glance a Look upon another Man beside their own. Wo­men, whose Beauty shall exceed the Lustre of Diamonds, Rubies, Hyacinths, and whatsoever is precious in the East.

He promises likewise, That we shall be stretch'd out at perfect Ease, on stately Beds, under Pavilions of Magnifick Structure. Where Pages fair and beautiful as Pearls, shall wait upon us; whilst Gentle Zephirs fan the am­bient Air, with their Immortal Breezes, ma­king a soft and grateful Sound among the Leaves and Boughs of those tall Verdant Copses, Woods, and Thickets, which are planted here and there throughout the Fields of Paradise.

O Orchan! by all these Allegories we are to understand the Supreme Felicity of Virtu­ous Souls, who die in Faith and Love. This is a certain Rule; That, whatsoever is pleasant and agreeable to any Good Man upon Earth, shall be either superlatively augmented in Specie, or improv'd by an infinitely more pleasant Change in Heaven. So that no Man that dies well, can possibly be baulk'd of his Fill of Hap­piness.

Shall I discourse frankly and after the man­ner of Friends? I think, when Atropos has done her Business and ours, when she has cut the Thread of Earthly Life; Our Souls will [Page 253]then awake as from a tedious Slumber mix'd of Joys and Griefs, of Fears and Hopes, Pleasures and Pains. And we shall soon ex­periment the Truth of all our anxious Fore­casts. Every Man shall be dispos'd of, ac­cording to his Rank in the Heraldry of Fate. I will not presume to calculate particularly, where or how: Only in general, this is my Faith. That there are Paradises of all Sorts and Degrees prepar'd with exquisite Propor­tion for the various Kinds of Men: And Hell's as accurately fitted and equally adjusted, for the Punishment of the Wicked, to whatsoever Class or Order. For it appears to me a grand Soloecism, a perfect Blunder in Divini­ty and Reason, to assert or imagine, That as soon as the Breath is out of the Body, our Souls must either swiftly post through all the Elements and Orbs Above, and in a Moments Time be seated in the Coelum Empyraeum; or else must tumble head-long, in an instant, to the lowest Hell. Methinks, if I were to go upwards, I wou'd tarry by the Way, and di­vert my self awhile in the upper Region of Se­rene and Balmy Air; there to Converse with courteous Daemons, and perhaps with Souls of Gentile Old Philosophers and Poets. I wou'd enquire at least for Orpheus, Homer, Virgil, Ovid, and Lucretius; for Pindar, Epi­ctetus, and by the bye for Sappho. I shou'd be ambitious also to see or hear of Pythago­ras, Plato, Plotinus, Porphyry, and some other of the Grecian Sages. Neither wou'd I for­get the Name of any renowned Wise Man of [Page 254]past Ages; for I think the Earth has born but few of late, that deserve to be mention'd. But above all, I shou'd be diligent and curious to find out the Thrice-great Hermes, Father of Wisdom and Science. 'Tis Ten to One, but I shou'd visit Horace, and ask for a Bottle of his Beloved Campagne Muscadine, if he has any there.

When I had thus refresh'd my self in the Paradises of this Sublunary World, I wou'd take my Congè, and travel to the Orb of the Moon. I wou'd kiss the Hand of Menarchus, who rules all the Inhabitants of that Planet. If I found him in a good Humour, I would humbly beg his Pardon, and intercede for the silly Arcadians, who boasted, That their Coun­try was Older than the Moon. I wou'd repre­sent their Case as favourably as I cou'd; put­ting him in Mind, That they were only a Company of poor ignorant Shepherds, who first broach'd that Blasphemous Libel; and that their Nation is quite extinct on Earth: therefore they are not worthy of his farther Revenge or Anger; since every Arcadian who had asserted this in his Life-time, has for his Penance, been forc'd to dig in the Mines of the Moon, from the Hour of his Death. Per­haps these poor Fellows might fare the better for my Apology: Who knows? But, if I sound that my Request was granted, and these unfortunate Arcadians being releas'd from the Sub-Cynthian Dungeons, were per­mitted to return to Earth again; I wou'd charge them to have a Case how they af­fronted [Page 255]such a Potent Neighbour next Time.

Having done so good a Work, I wou'd slip through the Orb of Mercury as nimbly as I could, lest that cunning Thief shou'd: steal the Teeth out of my Head. And just paying my Respects to Lady Venus en passant, I would shut my Eyes, and glide in a Trice through the scorching Sphere of the Sun. As for Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, I have nothing to do with 'em. But what Work wou'd I make with the Beasts and Monsters of the 8th Sphere? I'd certainly fleece theAries. Ram, and make theTaurus. Bull run mad. If I pass'd by theGemini. Twins in Pity, I'd eat theCancer. Crab for a Viaticum. The Shell I'd throw to theLeo. Lyon to stop his Mouth, lest he shou'd serve me in the same manner. But what a confounded Stop and Pause shou'd I make when I came to the Virgin? Virgo. What Qualms of Love shou'd I have? Till weigh­ing her in the Balance of Reason,Libra. I shou'd find her too light. And shou'd rather venture on the Scorpion: Scorpio. But I'd first charm him with the Mysterious Versi­cle of the Alcoran: And to make sure of him, I'd pray for Noah and all his Posterity, accor­ding to the Old Rule of the Arabians: And then I might safely pass by, without being stung. Had rash Phaeton been acquainted with these Secrets, when he drove the Cha­riot of the Sun so madly, he might have rid [Page 256]over the Scorpion, without danger of Burning the World. Neither had he been Thunder­struck by Jupiter, and Drown'd in the River Po, nor his poor Sisters been turn'd into Pop­lars. However, as he fell out of the Coach-Box, he drop'd his Turbant on the Frontiers of Sagitary; Sagittarius. which I would take up to shield from the Shafts of that spightful Ar­cher. As for Capricorn, Capricornus. he's a good harmless Monster; and any Body may pass by him without Danger. Then I'd quench my Thirst with Aqua­rins, Aquarius. after eating the Crab; and so prepare for another Banquet on Pisces. Pisces.

If thou thinkest, I am too much in jest with the Heavenly Signs, I tell thee there is nothing in Nature more Ridieu­lous than these Fictitious Forms and Names assign'd them by the Ancient Poets.

However, my Soul begins to be tir'd with thus pursuing those Beasts of the Sky. So I'll put an End to the Chace, wishing thee and my self a good Repose: For it is above an Hour past Midnight. Adien.

Paris, 17th. of the 10th. Moon, of the Year 1680.

LETTER V.
To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Princi­pal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

IF thou wilt turn over the Register of the Empire, thou wilt find some of my Let­ters, wherein I have describ'd the City of Venice, according to the Best Information I had from Adonai, a Jew, Residing there as a Private Agent for the Grand Signior. There­fore, avoiding all Particularities concerning the Incredible Magnificence of the Palaces, Temples, Bridges, Colleges, and other Publick Buildings; where nothing is to be seen, but Marble, Jasper, Porphyry, Silver, Gold, and other Precious Ornaments, which every where dazzle the Eyes of Strangers: I will only take Notice of such Things relating to this City and Republick, as I formerly o­mitted.

The Venetians possess several most Ample, Rich, and Flourishing Cities in Italy; besides Abundance of Smaller Towns, Castles, and Fortresses. The Names of those Cities which are of Chiefest Note, are, Bergamo, Crema, Brixia, Verona, Trent, Aquileia, Vicenza, Pa­dua, and Terviso. As for the Towns, they are too many to insert in a Letter.

Toward the North of their City, they are Masters of almost all Friuli; with Istria, which is the Utmost Province of Italy, on that Side. They are also Lords of the Greatest Part of Dalmatia, with the Isles belonging to it. In the Mouth of the Adriatick Sea, they possess Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, Cerigo; with many more of Less Note. Not to speak of Candia, so well known to the Mussulmans.

From all these Territories, the Republick has a Yearly Income of Two Millions in Gold: Which is not treasur'd up for any long Time, but is employ'd in the Publick Expences; as, in Maintaining Military Forces, by Sea and Land; in Building and Rigging up their Fleets; in Raising and Repairing Forts and Castles: in Paying the Stipends of Magistrates, and Publick Ministers; with other Expences, too tedious to be nam'd.

They have other Ways to raise Mony in Extraordinary Cases; as, in Time of War, or the like. For, then they double or treble the Taxes, Tythes, and Imposts. And All are liable to answer the Demands of the Re­publick; the Noble, as well as the Vulgar. Neither do they seem unwilling, when the Extream Necessities of the State require it. But, if this be not sufficient to defray the Publick Charges; then the Magistrates, and Publick Ministers, are oblig'd to wait for their Salaries and Stipends, till the Common­wealth is in a Condition to pay them. They also, at such a Time, are used to sell the Pla­ces of Great Trust and Honour to the No­bles; [Page 259]who, at other Times, enjoy them Gra­tis, as a Reward of their Merits.

If all this will not do the Business, and they find themselves reduc'd to great Extre­mities; then they borrow of Private Persons, such Sums as they want, on the Publick Faith. And if any Wealthy Citizen refuse, or appear unwilling to lend his Mony, they use Fored and Violence; Seizing his Goods, whether Moveable, or Immoveable, and sell them for Ready Mony. At the same Time, the Republick declares her self a Debtor to these Men; and pawns her Faith to pay them, with Interest, after a certain Number of Years, or when the War is finish'd, ac­cording as she is able. And that which is most admirable is, that all this is done with­out the least Tumult or Sedition, or any Ex­terior Symptoms of Discontent. Nay, This People are so prompt and ready to assist the State in such Exigencies, that it is common for many of the Nobles, and Wealthy Citi­zens, to make a Voluntary Tender of their Mony to the Senate: And, Some will sell their Plate, of their own Accord; with all their Wives Jewels, and other Ornaments; turning them into Mony, for the Service of the Commonwealth.

Besides, Not only the Inhabitants of Venice contribute thus to the Publick Treasury, but also the other Cities and Towns under their Jurisdiction; each according to their Ability. Therefore it matters not much, whether the Republick have any Bank of Mony by her, or [Page 260]no; since her Private Subjects are rich e­nough, and she can make use of their Wealth, without any Difficulty, or Ill Consequences, when-ever she has Occasion.

As for the Strength, and Military Forces of the Venetians, it may be said, That there is scarce a Prince in Europe, who has Better and Larger Fortifications than this Republick. To defend which, and all her other Possessions, she makes use of the Inhabitants; every Pro­vince being oblig'd to furnish so many Thou­sand Soldiers, as are sufficient to fill the Gari­sons, and guard the Country from Foreign Invasion. Thus, in the Province of Lombardy alone, there are Twenty Five Thousand, Foot kept constantly in Arms. Besides these, in Time of War they raise Extraordinary Ar­mies, both in their own Territories, and in Germany, or among the Swiss-Cantons: From which Last, they generally have an Aid of Thirty or Five and Thirty Thousand Merce­naries: Who are partly bestow'd on Board their Fleet, and partly in their Forts and Ca­stles; whilst some of them guard the Bridges, and other Passes of the Country. As for the Cavalry of this Commonwealth, it is very small and inconsiderable for their Number: But being, most of them the Sons of Nobles, they are valued for their Blood; which in­spires them with Heroick Resolution and Bravery.

When they are to wage War by Land, they usually invite some Foreign, Petty Prince, to be Generalissimo of their Armies: [Page 261]Him they endear with most Ample Gifts and Honours; giving him Two Senators for his Collegues, Men who have been Signally Faithful and Serviceable to the Commonwealth. These are call'd Proveditori, or Supervisors-General. Without whose Consent, and Ap­probation, this Generalissimo cannot Give Bat­tel, or do any Thing else of Moment, from which the Commonwealth may receive Profit, or Damage.

I forbear to speak of the Arsenal of Venice which is one of the Wonders of the World; in regard I have already given a Description of it to the Ministers of the Port in one of my former Letters, which thou wilt find Re­gister'd.

Illustrious Scribe, I aim at Brevity in all my Dispatches, that I may not weary our thy Patience: But sometimes my Subject carries me beyond my Limits; otherwise I should be forc'd to conclude some of my Letters in the midst of a Relation, which in my Opini­on looks like a Botch.

Therefore to avoid this Solecism, I must not close up my Dispatch till I have given thee an Account what Rites and Ceremonies are us'd in Electing the Dukes of Venice. Which take as follows:

The Day of Election being appointed, all the Venetian Senators that are Thirty Years of Age, meet together in the Palace, where the Gates being shut, an Ʋrn or Chest is plac'd in the Middle of the Assembly. Into which are thrown as many little Balls, as there be Se­nators [Page 262]present. These Balls are of Two Co­lours: For, Thirty of them are Gilt, the Rest are White. Every one of the Senators takes a Ball out of the Ʋrn. Those who get the Thirty Gilt Ones are carried into another Conclave; whilst those who have the White Ones, remain in the same Place. In the Se­cond Conclave is also plac'd an Ʋrn, into which Thirty Balls are cast. Among which Nine are Gilt, the Rest White. Those who get the Nine Gilt ones, name Forty Men, who are call'd, Electors of the First Election. These Forty Men, throw into the Urn Forty Balls; of which Twelve are Gilt, the Rest White. Those who get the Twelve Gilt Balls, are call'd, Electors of the Second Election: For they name Five and Twenty other Men. These Five and Twenty, throw into the Ʋrn Five and Twenty Balls, of which Nine are Gilt, and they who get them are call'd Electors of the Third Election. For these name One and Forty Men, in whose Power it is to Cre­ate a Duke or Prince of the Republick. And they do it after this manner:

They chuse from among themselves Three Senators more Venerable than the Rest, whom they call the Chiefs of the Congregation, and Two Secretaries. Then there remain Six and Thirty, who give in their Votes after this manner:

The Three Chiefs sit in so many Seats, more eminent than the Rest: Then the Se­cretaries call the Six and Thirty others in Order before them, where every one Throws [Page 263]into a Box, in Presence of the Chiefs, a little piece of Wood, on which is written the Name of him whom he would have to be Duke. Then every one of the Six and Thirty, retires to his Place: Whilst the Secretaries read the Sche­dules before the Chiefs. And as many as they find there nam'd for Dukes, so many new Schedules do they make. These are thrown promiscuously into a Cap, or Bonnet; from whence after a shake or Two, to mingle 'em, they are drawn out, and laid in order on a Table. But before they draw 'em all out, the First Schedule is read; and he whose Name is written on it, is bid to go into the next Conclave. Then the Chiefs of the Con­gregation, as they're called, ask the Rest, If any Body there can object against the Electi­on of this Man? For if they can, and he does not give a Satisfactory Answer, he is exclu­ded from all Possibility of being Duke. But if he acquits himself well, he is acknowledg­ed, and has the Ducal Crown put on his Head. The present Duke of Venice is the Hundred and ****** inclusively from Paulutius Anafestus, the First that ever had that Honour; being Elected in the City He­raclea, in the Year 697 of the Christians Hejira.

The Venetians are in all their Actions very Grave, using few Words, especially when they are at Table. If they are not so lively and inventive as some other People of Italy, yet they perform all Things with mature De­liberation and Judgment; which is the Cause, [Page 264]Than their Affairs for the most part succeed very happily.

The Italians have a Common By-word cur­rent among them, That the Venetians are Magnificent, Crafty, and Discreet; Those of Verona, are studious and faithful; Those of Padua, light and fickle; those of Vicenza, re­vengeful. Again they say, the Venetians bring Mony; Terviso, Swords; and Brixia, Pioneers to the Wars. And that the Venetians are good Seamen; the Paduans, good Horsemen; and those of Bergamo, excellent at an Ambush.

Of the Women they have another Proverb. That those of Crema are fraudulent; they of Vicenza, constant; they of Venice, proud and insolent; they of Werona, gracious; those of Brixia, diligent: Those of Terviso, jealous; and those of Bergamo, crafty. They say like­wise, that Bergamo has many Slanderers; Pa­dua, many good Soldiers; Vicenza many Counts; and Brixia, many obdurate Misers.

Courteous Minister, thou wilt bear, I hope, with my tediousness in discoursing of this Great Republick. Which cannot be handled in a few Words.

As to the Manner of their Government, it is admirably mild and gentle, wise and just, seeking Peace, but not refusing War, when they have a just Provocation. It is worthy of any Mans Consideration, how this Com­monwealth has stood firm and unshaken for a­bove Twelve Hundred Years, amidst so ma­ny Cruel Wars, and Potent Enemies; so that her Subjects, if they be compar'd with others, [Page 265]may be said to enjoy the Golden Age, since they live in continual Ease and Tranquility, encreasing daily in Riches, Honours, and every kind of Prosperity.

This is to be ascribed in the First Place, to the most excellent Laws and Rules of Policy left them by Men of singular Prudence and Wisdom, who had they lived in the Times of the Ancient Greeks, might well have been listed among the most famous Philosophers and Law-givers.

The Duke, in the Gravity of his Port, the Splendor of his Robes, and the Magnificence of his Palace, seems to exhibit the Majesty of an Emperour. And yet he has no more Au­thority, than any one of the Senators, who created him. For, he has but one Vote in the Senate, as all the Nobles have. Only it lies upon him to give Audience to Foreign Embassadors, in the Name of the Senare. He can do nothing without the Consent of the Senate either in Peace or War. The Senate first decrees, and he confirms their Edicts. Which are also published in his Name. It is lawful for him to go into all the Courts of Justice, and Publick Tribunals, where he may pass his Verdict in any dubious Case, yet so as any of the Senators may contradict him if they please.

The Form of Government therefore in this Republick appears to be an Aristocracy, or the Government of a Few; not the Richest or the most Powerful, but the Wisest and the Best, such as by a long Series of Faithful Services, [Page 266]have merited well of the Commonwealth.

These make up the College or Council of Ten, which being joyn'd with Fifteen others, and Six Counsellors, the Duke being Presi­dent, has Power of Deliberating and Decree­ing Things tending to the Safety of the Com­monwealth; neither can these Decrees be re­peal'd. This is properly the Divan or Privy-Council. There is besides this a Council or Diet of Two Hundred and Twenty Five Citizens, who are properly called Senators, and very much resemble those of Ancient Rome. For none is permitted to enter this Senate, but Nobles, or the Sons of such. They must also be above Five and Twenty Years of Age. The Third and last Senate consists of Two Thousand Five Hundred Men. But in regard a great part of these have some Offices and Honours abroad, there seldom meet above a Thousand Six Hundred, when the House is fullest.

These meet once every Week, that is, on the First Day, as also on some of their more solemn Festivals. Here Magistrates are cre­ated, and Publick Offices distributed with ad­mirable Order. From hence are chosen the Two Hundred and Twenty Five, who make up the foregoing Senate, as being the most prudent, expert, and conversant in the Af­fairs of State. These decide all Controver­sies of greater Moment. As the Affairs of Peace and War, the Care of fortifying their Cities and Castles, of creating Generals and Captains, of sending Embaffies to Foreign [Page 267] Princes: Here also are read all the Letters, Dispatches, and Expresses, which are address'd to the Republick from other Parts. In a word, whatsoever is of more material Consideration, is handled in this Senate.

Impartial Effendi, thou wilt not condemn me as an Infidel, or an Enemy of the Mussul­mans, in that I represent to thee in its true Colours, the present State of Venice. If we ought to give the Devil his due, as the Christi­ans say, In God's Name, let us not rob Men of theirs, though they be our Enemies.

Magnificent and Learned Hamet, Adieu for this Time.

Paris, 4th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1680.

LETTER VI.
To Osman Adrooneth, Astrologer in Ordinary to the Sultan.

THE Inhabitants of these Western Parts are in a great and general Consternati­on, at the Appearance of a New Comet, or Blazing-Star. It rises much about the Time the Sun Sets, and in the same Quarter of the Heavens. The Body of it looks no bigger than a Star of the First Magnitude, from whence springs a Pyramid of Light, extend­ing it self to the Cusp of the Mid-Heaven, where its Cone seems to terminate.

The Superstitious call it the Sword of God, because of its Form, being not much unlike an Old Two-edg'd Rapier. I am sure it does not resemble a Turkish Cymeter, for those thou knowest are Oblique in their Figure, and this is Streight.

They are full of Melancholy Presages, and the Astrologers themselves give out, That this Comet portends dreadful Calamities to Europe, which may not discover themselves, perhaps these many Years; Nay they affirm, That this Generation shall be quite extinct, before the Effects of this Tremendous Apparition shall seize on Earth.

I have a great Veneration for the Science of the Stars, and even for Judicial Astrology, [Page 269]though I cannot pretend to any Skill in any of them. I have studied them both till I was weary, being discouraged by the Diffe­rence of Mens Opinions, and the Uncertain­ty of their Conclusions in matters of so re­mote, sublime, and mysterious a Nature. Besides, I fainted under the Burden of such vast Speculations, whilst I found my self still wandring not only in the Blindness of my own proper Intellect, but also in the Gene­ral Darkness of Human Reason.

I consider'd the Birth-place of these Sciences, which all will confess to be the East. And there I found the Chaldaeans differing from the Gymnosophists of India: These again contra­dicting my Countrymen, the Arabians. To pass from thence into Africa. I perceived the Egyptians were of one Sentiment, the Ethio­pians of another, and the Moors of a Third. Neither could I discern any Agreement be­tween the Greeks and Romans. As for the Jews they clash'd with all.

Plato, Proclus, Aristotle, Averroes, and ma­ny other Sages, assert there are but Eight Spheres. Yet Hermes Trismegistus, with some of the Persian Magi addeth a Ninth. So did Azarchel the Moor, and his Countryman Te­bith, Of the same Opinion was Albert the Great. Whilst there are some who tax these with making a Decimation in the Orbs, and taking a Tyth from Heaven; for they assert the Number of the Spheres to be Ten.

They not only thus differ from one ano­ther, but through that Inconstancy which is inseparable from the Minds of Mortals, they vary even from themselves. One Day of one Opinion, the next of a contrary. So Alphon­sus one which asserted Nine Spheres, and a sew Years after retrench'd himself to Eight. This is a Vanity from which the greatest and most Eminent Writers in the World have not been free. Indeed, this Mutability of Opi­nion is Natural to all Men. As if our Minds were subject to the Laws of Generation and Corruption, like our Bodies, or as if there were a continual Flux and Reflux of our Thoughts, as there is of our Corporeal Atoms.

These Authors not only vary about the Number of the Celestial Orbs, but also con­cerning their Motion, especially that of the Eighth, which is called the Sphere of the fixed Stars. For, the Chaldaeans and Egypti­ans held, it had but one Motion, others af­firm'd it had no more. The Talmudists assign it two, whilst some modern Astronomers among the Christians are more liberal, and allow it Three distinct Motions. One, of Trepidation, as they call it: And this is its own proper Course; which it performs, they say in Seven Thousand Years. A Second of Gyration, which it derives from the Ninth Sphere, as one Wheel is rowl'd about by ano­ther. And this Circuit according to their Opinion is not finish'd in less than Forty Nine Thousand Years. And if that be true, we must [Page 271]not expect the Dissolution of the World be­fore that Term is expir'd. For it wou'd be Impious to Suppose, That the Eternal Archi­tect, having made this Sphere for a Circuit of so long a Duration, wou'd stop it before its Race were fully run; much less in the midst of its Cavern; or by that Time it had accomplish'd a Sixth Part of its Revolution; as the Jews and Christians be­lieve. The Third Motion of this Sphere; is called Rapid and Diurnal; for which they say, 'tis obliged to the Tenth Orb, or Primum Mobile.

Then again they differ in the Measure of the Time they allow for the Motion of the Fixed Stars. One will have them to spend a Hundred Years in Travelling One Degree. Another brings them to this Station, in Sixty Six Years. A Third, in Seventy Five; a Fourth, in Seventy Eight. The Jews, in Seventy; the Christians, in Eighty; whilst the Indians go beyond them all; asserting that there are Two Stars in the Eighth Sphore, Diametrical­ly opposite to each other; which do not sup­ply each others Place in the Zodiack, in less than a Hundred and Forty Four Thousand Years. They affirm also, that there are many Mo­tions of the Spheres above; which are yet un­known to Mortals.

If this be so, there may be, for ought we know, other Stars and Bodies also, to which these Motions may agree, though we cannot discern either the one or the other, because of the Superlative Vastness of the Height, [Page 272]and the Imperfection of Human Art. Of this Opinion were Alpetrag, Phavorinus the Philo­sopher, and others.

By all that I have said, I do not pretend to instruct thee in Things whereof thou wert Ignorant. I know thee, by general Fame, and the Character of Men of Judgment, to be an Accomplish'd Master in this Mysterious Science. But I reflect thus on the Inconstan­cy and Doubtfulness of Mens Reason in these Matters, as an Introduction to the Liberty I will take, of telling thee once again my own Thoughts concerning Comets; which first suggested the Trouble I now give thee in this Letter, as I did once before, on the like Occasion.

Suffer me to be a little Prolix and Tedious; for these Speculations are Strong, and not handled with Ease; or in a few words, I wou'd fain see the Astronomer that has been in Heaven, and can give me an Account, what is the True Motion of the Planet Mars; or that has discovered the exact Ingress of the Sun into the Equinoctial Points. Let him also reveal to me the Nature of the Galaxy; and what Substances, or Qualities they are, which compose the Milk y Way. These are Subjects which have puzzl'd all Antiquity: And the Wisest of these Modern Times, are as much to seek as their Fathers. O Fatal Darkness of this Mortal State! What Mists of Igno­rance and Errour are our Minds envelop'd with? We are perpetually bewilder'd in a Labyrinth and Circle of Scepticisims and Am­biguities. [Page 273]The Sun by Day discloses to us the outward Features and Lineaments of these Lower Elements: The Moon and Stars are not backward to shew us the Face of the Heavens by Night: Unless sometimes the En­vious Spirits of the Air draw a Veil of thick black Clouds before the Lovely Pichire, and leave us all in Darkness. But Fate has hid­den from us the Interiour Pars of Heaven and Earth, and all the other Beings in the Universe.

Among the Rest, I cannot but conceive, we are strangely mistaken in the Nature of these Comets. For if they are only certain Heaps of Inflamable Matter, kindled in the Air by the Force of the Sun-beams, or by some other Influence of Nature, how come they to have so Regular and Distinct a Mo­tion of their own? How come they to Rise and Set at certain Hours every Day and Night, varying only as the Heavenly Bodies do, in appearing earlier or later, one Day than another, according to the Successive Alteration of the Four Seasons of the Year, that so they may pass like them, through all the Signs of the Zodiack? If the Earth moves, and these Comets be in the Air, they must needs be carried round with the Motion of the Whole Vortex. But it is apparent to Human Sight, That they are not thus whirl'd round with the Atmosphere, but have a di­stinct, and sometimes a quite contrary Moti­on. They are Statick, Direct, and Retro­grade, like the Planets; which is almost a [Page 274]Demonstration, That their Seat is in the Heavens; at least above the Intersecting Orb of the Moon. And if so, I shou'd be glad to have an Account of their Generation and Original. For, the Substance of the Heavens being Immutable, and not Subject to any Change or Corruption, it is Impossible, That any New Posthumous Being can be generated there. There may, I believe, in every Age, be disclosed and uncabineted, some Glitter­ing Forms in the Heavens, which before lay hid, and lock'd up in the Treasures of the most High. But they are as Old as the World it self. That's my Creed. Let other Men think what they please.

If I could wonder at any Thing, it would be at the mistaken Piety of those, who to avoid the Charybdis of Atheism, which attri­butes all Things to Nature or Chance; fall into the Scylla of Fanaticisin and Religious Dotage. Whilst they vainly assert, that every New Alteration in the World, is an Effect of God's Immediate Creative Power. Not a Child is conceiv'd, but God then and there creates a Soul for it. Not a Plague, Fire, Pestilence, or any other Common Calamity happens, but they must disturb the Rest of the Eternal Deity, and make him have a par­ticular Chief Hand in the Conspiracy. So of Comets, they presage Tremendous Things, as if God had immediately created them, to warn this Lower World of some approaching Judgments. Whereas, according to the di­ctates of more Impartial Reason, they are the [Page 275]products of his first Fiat, when he made the Ʋniverse. Only he has reserv'd the Revelati­on of them, to certain Periods of Time. But, these sort of People Affront God really, for Fear of Affronting him. They injure his Goodness, to save his Omnipotence; and by a Back-blow they strike at both, in defence of his suppos'd Arbitrary-Will. Let not my Soul sit down in their Cabal; nor my Mind listen to the Secrets of their Divinity.

O Sage Osman! I believe that all things flow from God by an Emanation without Be­ginning, and Subsist on him by a Dependance which shall know no End. With him the Causes of all Fleeting and Decaying Things, have a permanent Stability. In him reside Immutable Springs, of whatsoever is subject to Change. In his Eternal Essence do live the Principles and Models of all Beings; but he is no daily Labourer. 'Tis a Grand Con­tempt of the Divine Majesty, thus to invade the Rest and Sabbatism of the Most High, who dwells for ever in Infinite and Eternal Soli­tude and Bliss: To make him the Drudge of his Creatures, who has Ten Thousand Thou­sand Myriads of Angels to Execute his Will.

Undoubtedly he has contriv'd the Uni­verse with such Ineffable Art, That his whole Pleasure is perform'd by Second Causes. This Infinite Machine is full of Wheels, and has an Eternal Motion; whereof he is the Ori­ginal Spring. If I may descend to so low a Comparison, observe but the Course of a [Page 276] Miller; when once he has turn'd the Cog of his Mill, he has no more to do, but stand still and look on: The Work goes forward of it self, without any more of his Labour, till he Stop it. So the Supreme Artist, when he had once set the Primum Mobile a-going, had no more to do, but to enjoy himself in Eternal Beatitude.

It is an Indignity to the Omnipotent God, to say or think, he was not able to make a World as perfect as a Mortal Man can frame the Imagination of. Now I think 'tis very easie to conceive, That as a Hand-Mill, which continually requires the Attendance of some body to keep it in Motion, has less of Arti­fice in it, than a Water, or a Wind-mill, which go of themselves: So a World, that must always have its Maker Slaving and Drudg­ing, Toyling and Moyling at the Product of every Individual Generation and Corruption; of every New Event, or what appears to us to be so, is not so Excellent and Perfect, as one that can perform its own Task by the Necessary Force which one contiguous Atom has upon another; like Wheels upon Wheels.

To conclude all, Undoubtedly the Works of God are most perfect, and full of Wisdom. He made all Things from Eternity, and they Obey his Law. He has appointed the Times and Seasons of Good and Evil. The Symp­toms whereof appear to Mankind in Various Manners: In Dreams and Visions by Night; in Ominous Accidents by Day; in Prophecies, and General Whispers; in Apparitions, Spe­ctres, [Page 277]and Monstrous Forms; in Heaven, and all the Elements: Finally, in Comets.

But, Oh Learned Adrooneth! Does it there­fore follow, that these Signs, these Appariti­ons, these Comets, &c. are freshly created for the sake of Mankind? Are not various Ends and Uses of all Things? Are there not the Fixed Stars, and the Planets, according to their different Configurations and Aspects, Signs of Good and Evil, as well as Comets; and are not the Stars as Old as the World? Why may not the Comets be so too, though they are revealed at certain Stated Periods of Time?

There's one Comprehensive Reason for all, in that double Query; and I'll say no more to the Sage Adrooneth, for whom a Word is Satis.

I pray Heaven divert from thee the Influ­ence of Evil Stars; and that whilst thou Con­templatest their Order, Motion, and Effica­cy, thou may'st not tumble into a Ditch, 'as did Anaximenes, and Thales the Milesian, Astrologer Adieu.

Paris, 9th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1681.

LETTER VII.
To the Mufti.

THE People of Rome having established the Government of Kings, transferr'd the Sovereignty on Brutus and Collatinus; the Champions of their Liberty, altering both their Right and Title: For they call'd them Consuls, not Kings: And ordain'd that their Power should last but a Year; which being expired, new ones were elected in their Stead. And the Reason why they had Two, was, that if one prov'd guilty of E­vil-Administration, Injustice or Tyranny; The other having Equal Power might curb him, and rectify the publick Affairs. They were also call'd Consuls; to put them in mind that they were to do nothing Arbitrarily, but in all Things of Importance, to Consult their Fellow-Citizens.

So great was the Joy of the Romans, up­on this Recovery of their Freedom; that they could scarce believe it was true. But as it usually falls out in any surprizing Hap­piness, all seem'd as a Dream. And so inve­terate was their Aversion for Kings; that they expell'd Collatinus from the City, only be­cause he was Nephew to Tarquin the Proud; whose Name also he bore. Valerius Publico­l [...] was substituted in his Stead: A Man sin­gularly [Page 279]devoted to the publick Good. He own'd himself the Creature of the People, and gave Power of Appealing, from him to them. And, lest he might offend them by the Lofty Building of his House; which al­so standing on a Rock, seem'd strong as a Castle; he pulld down the Upper Stories, and made it level with Ordinary Houses.

Brutus's Collegue, was no less studious, than he, to gain the Favour of the Citizens; even with the Destruction and Slaughter of his own Children. For, When he perceiv'd his Sons Conspiring to restore the Abrogated Monarchy, he brought them forth into the Fo­rum, or Market-place; and having caus'd them to be scourg'd with Rods, he beheaded them: Thus demonstrating, That as a Parent of the People, he Adopted them in the Room of his Persidious Children.

The Romans being from this Time made perfectly Free; first took up Arms in Defence of their New-gotten Liberty, against the Neighbouring Kings: Next, for the Bounds of their Dominions: Then for their Confe­derates: And last of all, for Glory and Em­pire: Being on every Side invaded and mo­lested by the Adjacent People. For, they had no Territories within the Walls of their Ci­ty: So that they were no sooner out of the Gates, but they were exposed to the Toscans and Latines; between whom the City was seated, as it were in the Middle. Therefore resolving to inlarge their Territories, they took one City and Province after another, [Page 280]till at length they became Masters of all Ita­ly.

Their First Expedition was against Porse­na, King of the Toscans; who took the Field with a great Army; having the Tarquins a­long with him, whom he undertook to re­establish in the Throne of their Fathers. He made fierce and resolute Advances, posses­sing himself of the Hill Janiculum, and the Avenues of the City; where he besieged them close, and pressed them with Famin. Yet, the Romans sustain'd all with Admirable Bra­very: And their stout Resistance had this Effect, that at length Porsena, when he had almost vanquish'd them, made a League of Peace. He was chiefly mov'd to this by those Prodigies and Miracles of Roman Forti­tude; Horatius Cocles, Mutius Scaevola, and Clelia. The First of which, when he was not able alone to keep off the unequal Throng of his Enemies, every where crowding on him; at length broke down the Bridge, and swam cross the Tyber with his Weapons in Hand. The Second attempting to kill Porse­na in his own Camp; When by Mistake, he had instead of the King, stabb'd his Vi­zir, or Secretary; and for that Fact was seiz­ed: He thrust his Right Hand, that was guilty of the Error, into the Fire: Saying with a Menacing Voice, Think not thy self the safer. O King, because thou hast escaped my Hand, since there yet remain. Three Hundred Romans, who have all sworn to make the same Attempt. Porsena trembled, and was asto­nish'd [Page 281]at the Boldness of the Man; whilst Mutius stood still, undaunted, with his Hand broiling in the Fire, as a Demonstration of his invincible Constancy, and of the Truth of what he affirm'd: Thus did those Two Famous Men behave themselves. And as if a Glorious Envy had fermented the Vertue of the Female Sex: A certain Noble Virgin, call'd Clelia, who was given in Hostage to King Porsena, escap'd her Guards by Night; and mounting a Horse which she found in the Way, swam over the Tyber on him. Porsena, as if he were terrifyed at the Fortune and stupendous Resolution of the Romans; consented to a Peace: But the Latins would not let them rest so: For they also attemp­ted to restore the Tarquins; not so much in Love to them, as out of Spight to the Inha­bitants of Rome; being desirous to see that People, at least subjugated at Home, who Lorded i [...] so Abroad. There was a Bloody Fight between 'em; and the Fame goes, That Two Gods, Castor and Pollux, were present on white Horses, as Spectators of the Com­bat. Wherefore, after the Romans had got­ten the Victory, they built a Temple to these Warlike Deities; as a Stipend or Reward to their Champions. And thus far they fought for Liberty; which having successfully assert­ed and established, they were involv'd in Fresh Wars, about the Confines of their Dominion.

It would be too tedious to rehearse the va­rious Battles and Encounters between them and the Neighbouring Nations; wherein at [Page 282]last they always got the Victory, and ex­tended the Limits of their Empire far and wide. Such also, and so prodigious were the Actions, Exploits and hardy Performan­ces of this stout People, that when King Pyr­rhus consider'd it, he brake forth into this Ex­clamation: How easie, were it, said he, to ob­tain the Empire of the World, were Pyrrhus King of the Romans; or the Romans Soldiers to Pyrrhus!

Yet as fast as this Victorious People en­larg'd their Territories Abroad; so did their Seditions and Tumults encrease at Home; raised by the Ambition of some, and the Dis­content of others; 'till at length they had en­tirely subdued all Italy to their Obdience: In which Enterprize they spent Five Hundred Years, before they brought it to Perfection.

Then, like a Fire which devours all the Wood it meets in its Way, till its Fury be stopp'd by the Intercourse of some River; so the Romans ceas'd not to conquer to the very Shores of Italy. But, when they consider'd Sicily, as a most Rich and plentiful Island; only rent, as it were, by some Injurious Stroke of Time, or Fate, or Chance, from their Continent; they resolved to unite these again by Arms and War, which cou'd not be joyn'd together by Bridges, or Peers. And a very fa­vourable Opportunity presented it self to them for this Purpose; whilst the Confederated People of Messina, the Chief Mart of that I­sland, complain'd of the Tyranny practised by the Carthaginians.

At that Time Rome and Carthage were Aemulous of each other: Both equally Ri­vals for Sicily, and the Empire of the World. Therefore under a Mask of helping their Friends and Allies, the Romans betook them­selves to the Sea; but with Real Designs to Enrich themselves with Booty; and adding this Island to their Empire: Whilst the Car­thaginians appear'd like Open Enemies and Pyrates, without any Disguise. These having lost their Fleets in various Conflicts, their Fate yielding to that of Rome; the Romans made Sicily a Tributary Province, and then reduc'd Sardinia and Corsica. Thus having expell'd the Carthaginians out of all the Islands of the Mediterranean Sea, there re­main'd Nothing for them to Conquer on that Side, but Africk it self: Where also they Landed, and took above Three Hundred Places of Strength, in a short Time. Though they were stoutly oppos'd, not only by Men, but also by Monsters. For a certain Stupen­dous Great Serpent, a Hundred and Twenty Foot in Length, Annoyed their Camp very much, near the River Bragada; as if this Dreadful Beast had come into the World on purpose to be the Champion of its Native Country, and Defend or Revenge Oppressed Africk. But Regulus, whose Victorious Arms, neither Men, nor Monsters, nor Fate could hitherto resist; made no Stop, till he came with his Army before the Walls of Carthage it self, the Root of all this War. Here For­tune began to fall off from him, and prove [Page 284]his Enemy: Yet so as only to give an Occa­sion for the Roman Virtue to appear more Il­lustrious. For though by the Good Conduct of Xantippus the Lacedemonian General, Thir­ty-Thousand Romans were kill'd in one Fight, and Regulus himself taken Prisoner: Yet so great a Misfortune could not make him lose himself, or sink into any Passion beneath the Constancy and Fortitude of an Invincible Hero. The Carthaginians sent him as their Embassadour to the Senate of Rome, to pro­pose a Peace, and the Exchange of Captives. But he was of a contrary Sentiment, and dissuaded the Senators from hearkening to any such Overtures: Chusing rather bravely to return to his Former Captivity, there to be Crucify'd; than be Instrumental in Word or Deed to the least Dishonour or Disadvan­tage of his Country: So that though Van­quish'd, he yet seem'd to Triumph o'er his Conquerours. And his lamented Fate had this Influence on the Romans, that it made them prosecute the War with more Fierce­ness and Ardour, to Revenge the Blood of Regulus, than in Hopes of Conquest. So deep are the Impressions of Love, which a Good General Living, or Dead, makes in the Hearts of his Soldiers. Thus the War was renew'd again in Sicily, wherein the Romans came off Conquerours: And as an Evidence of the Greatness of their Victory, they shew'd an Hundred and Twenty Ele­phants taken from the Enemy in the Field. Which wou'd have been a Great Prey, had [Page 285]they been taken in Hunting; but now serv'd only as a Trophy of a more Expensive Con­quest. This Victory was obtain'd in the Consulship of Metellus: Which was follow'd by a Terrible Overthrow at Sea, in that of Appius Claudius: When the Romans seem'd not so much overcome by their Enemies, as by the Prophaneness of their General, or the Divine Vengeance. For he consulting the Augurs before he began the Engagement; Chickens were let out of their Coops, to ob­serve the wish'd-for Tripudiation of the Corn they were to feed on. But when the Oracu­lous Birds would not taste a Grain; the Ge­neral disgusted at the Fatal Omen, Command­ed them to be drown'd in the Sea: Saying with an Impious Jest: Since they will not Eat, let them Drink their Fill. In the same Place was the Roman Navy Sunk and Destroy'd.

There were many such Encounters as these between them, for the space of Four and Twenty Years and upwards; even till the Consulship of Lutatius Catulus; when the Ene­my seem'd not to advance with a Fleet of Ships, well Mann'd and Rigg'd with all Ne­cessaries; but all Carthage appear'd upon the Sea, with the Woods and Forests round about it. This prov'd its Ruin. For they were too heavy for Service: Whereas the Roman Navy was Light and Expeditious, like a Moving Camp in the Sea. In a Word, they set upon the Carthaginians so furiously, and shatter'd their Vessels with such Speed, That all the Sea between Sardinia and Sicily, was [Page 286]with the Dismal Wrecks. And this Victory was so Great, That they had no farther Thoughts of Sailing to Africk, and Rasing the Walls of their Enemies; that being count­ed Needless, since Carthage was now extin­guished in the Sea.

After this War was finish'd, the Romans en­joy'd a Short Rest, as it were to Breath them­selves. And as a Demonstration of Peace, the Temple of Janus was shut, it having been constantly open before from the Reign of Nu­ma Pompilius. And this Distinction was the Publick Emblem of Peace or War.

Thou wilt not have Patience to read their Wars with the Ligurians, Gauls, Illyrians, Macedonians, Syrians, Germans, Spaniards; and in Fine, with the most Potent Nations on Earth. 'Twill be as Irksome to be de­tain'd with a Rehearsal of their Domestick Seditions, and Changes of Government. Suf­fice it to say, That this People grew Worse by the Increase of their Empire: And after they had subverted Carthage, Corinth, Nu­mantia, and other Famous Cities of Europe, Asia, and Africk: After they had subdu'd Gaul, Thrace, Cilicia, Cappadocia, Armenia, Britain, and many other most Rich and Opu­lent Provinces abroad; they began to make Wars among themselves; their Former Vir­tues turn'd into Vices: The Seditions, Con­spiracies and Emulations of the Triumviri; the Tribunes: Of Catiline, Marius, Sylla, An­tony, Pompey, and a Thousand other Popular Commotions; help'd toward the Confusion [Page 287]of this Empire; which seem'd to be the Sup­port of all Things.

Most Divine of the Successors of the Pro­phets; This Vast Empire, is now become but as a shatter'd Skeleton of Ancient Rome: And most of the Exteriour Members, are fallen to the Share of the All-Conquering Ottomans. God perpetuate the Victories of True Believers; and yet grant, that their Conquests, may not out-last their Virtues.

Paris, 8th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1681.

LETTER VIII.
To Dgnet Oglou.

I Am as waggish as a Fanizary that has newly receiv'd his Aspers. There's more Satyr in me at this Time than there was in Juvenal and Persius: And yet 'tis only the Dregs of what I've vented on some learned Bigots here in Paris, with whom I have been drinking these Two or Three Hours. I tell thee plainly; I put off the Mussulman for a while, and took my Glasses Frankly, or like a Nazarene.

The Discourse we were upon was Astro­logy and the Nature of Comets, &c. But God tumble me headlong into the Lap of Tagot, if ever I heard such Blockheads, Dun­ces, Fools, Sots: I know not what to call them properly. Zounds! How can Human Rea­son be so debauch'd? How can Man be­come such an Insensible Piece of Stuff, to think as they do? They made me Blush for Shame, or Anger: They made me sorry that I was a Man; to be rank'd in the same List with 'em. However, I suppress'd my boil­ing Choler; I bit my Lips and Nails, and did every thing that Patience cou'd suggest: (For I use to be a very Boon Companion in my Wine:) But at length, as 'tis the Fate of all Disputers, we grew too hot: There was such a Tempest of Words and Passio­nate [Page 289]Expressions; that we cou'd hardly find a Grain of Sense. At last we fell from Words to Blows; and I, though Old and Crazy, held up my Head as well as I cou'd.

Thou wilt believe, at this Age, I have no great Strength: But, I tell thee, my Cou­rage is the same as when I was but Five and Twenty: I cannot flinch from provoking Dangers; and when I am thorowly inflam'd with Wrath, Death it self appears to me in the same Figure which Painters give it; a mere naked Skeleton; which I have more Rea­son to pity, than fear: If I am afraid of any thing, it is, of breaking its Bones, and spoil­ing its Shape, in the Clash of my Fury. So tender am I even of Death it self; the Ob­durate and Inexorable Destroyer of all Man­kind.

One of the Company that was a Priest, and sat right over-against me at the Table, threw his Four-Corner'd Cap at my Head, whilst his next Neighbour check'd him for his Insolence. But he was 'full of Fat, and empty of Reason or Civility: A great Hulking Fel­low, that makes a Figure like the Statue of Pont-Ginello, at Catanea in Sicily; only he is a little Taller: But he has a swinging Tun of a Carcase.

After he had abus'd me thus; he swore, If he had the Chalice of the Altar in his Hand, he'd do the same thing: Nay, if he had the con­secrated Wine in it, he would turn the Blood of Christ into Poyson, as he cou'd turn Wine into Blood, to be reveng'd of me.

There was, by good Chance, an Arme­nian or Two in the Company (not any of Solyman's Gang) who took him up upon his Menace. They challeng'd him severely to answer his Words before the Arch-Bishop of Paris: But the Cunning Priest had more Wit in his Anger. When he began to reflect on the bad Consequences of a Summons; he crouch'd, wheadl'd, and fawn'd like a Spa­niel. So fearful are they of a Spiritual Court, which is almost as bad in France, as the Inquisition in Spain.

Then there was a Captain, an Old Miles Emeritus, a Pensioner, who having not drank such a Quantity of Wine many a Day, took my Part; because he sat on my Side of the Table (for he never saw me before in his Life Time, as I know of.) However, the Old Gentleman shew'd himself stout; and de­monstrated that he wou'd stand a Push for Souls. But, there was no Body wou'd op­pose him, save my self: And I did it in Verbo Clerici; not Manu or Ense Militis, God knows. I pray'd the Good Old Man to be pacifyed: I laid my Right Hand to my Breast, and heav'd both that and the other joyn'd, to Heaven. I invocated all the Pa­triarchs and Prophets; I bawl'd at the Saints and Angels; I summon'd God Almighty him­self to appear in my Vindication. But no­thing wou'd do, save right-down Fight­ing.

To it we went, Pell-Mel: The Fellows on the other Side of the Table were eager: No­thing [Page 291]wou'd satisfie them but Blood: Their Rapiers were drawn; and they were upon their Pass: When I started up, and cri'd our aloud; Gentlemen, 'tis the wrong Minute for ye to fight in; Mars is in the 8th. House, in Conjunction with Saturn, and in Quartile with the Sun; a very Malevolent Aspect: Upon this, they grew all madder than before. Damn that Astrologer, says one; Curse upon his Sto­mach, says another; till at last they all fell foul upon me; only my Side-Captain stood up stifly for me. I did what became a Man; but 'tis to his Bravery I owe my Life. For, one of the Opposite Sparks, made a full Pass at my Breast, which the Noble Old Captain parry'd, with a sudden Shoot of his Arm athwart, and a Dexteri­ty which I can never admire enough.

I, that had neither Sword, nor Skill in the Science of Fencing, thought it my Part to expose my Body between my seeming Friends and Enemies, since all the Occasion of this Quarrel was on my Account, as an Astrologer. I leap'd upon the Table, and seiz'd upon the Sword of my Cap­tains Antagonist. I smil'd upon him at the same Time, and convinc'd him that I was not in Anger. I twisted it out of his Hands with a complaisant Violence: And then the Strife was appeas'd. For, 'twas not he that began the Quarrel, any more than my Old Captain; but the Priest was wholly in the Fault; who, straggling out of his Sphere, pretended to set up for an Astrologer; and [Page 292]tell us Things that wou'd not square with Reason.

My Dgnet, thou know'st me, and all my Inclinations: Thou art sensible, that I cannot stoop to the Magisterial Dictates of Error; nor the Bold Impositions of Ignorance: Let 'em approach as near as they will to Truth on the Backside, they are the further off from attaining it: And so let thou and I enjoy our selves in perfect Tranquility.

Paris, 17th of the 5th Moon, of the Year 1681.

LETTER IX.
To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Princi­pal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

HAving in my last spoken of the present State of Venice; wherein I omitted No­thing that I thought worth thy Observation: I should now in Order touch upon Candin or Crete, the most considerable Island that the Venetians, not long ago, had under their Obe­dience. But since by the Fate of War, it is fallen into the Hands of the Victorious Osmans; I will say but very little of it, and pass to the other Republicks of Europe.

There is no Doubt, but since the Conquest of Candia by the Mussulmans: The Imperial City abounds with Geographical Descripti­ons; Natural, Moral, and Political Obser­vations on it. But, perhaps they are want­ing in the History of that Famous Island: In Regard the Books of the Gentiles, are not much Read by the True Believers. And 'tis from these only, we can Collect the Ancient Memoirs of the Nations, which were once in their own Possession.

This Island was once call'd Crete, and said to be the Nursery of Jupiter, as also his Se­pulcher. It obtain'd likewise the Title of He­catompolis, [Page 294]because of the Hundred Cities that were in it. And some call'd it the Island of the Archers, in Regard the Inhabitants being taught from their Infancy to handle the Scythian Bow, grew so expert in that Exer­cise, that they surpass'd all other Nations.

The Lacedemonians, Athenians, and other Renowned Commonwealths of Greece, receiv'd their Laws from Men Born in this Island, as Plato and Pliny testifie. And yet Epimenides, one of their own Poets, gives them a bad Character, when he says, [...].

They were much addicted also to all kinds of Sorcery and Enchantments. A Fraudulent Race of People, Covetous, Greedy, Idle, and Ignorant of ingenious Arts and Sciences.

Yet notwithstanding this, they were so powerful of Old, That they could, as with a Bridle, Curb all Greece. During the Reign of one of their Kings, whose Name was Cydon, came up the Use of Pyrrhick Measures; which the Youth being Arm'd Cap-a-Pe, danc'd with great Labour and Sweat. And the Inhabitants have all along been so tenaci­ous of this Custom, That it is observ'd to this Day among the Rustick Candiots, on their Holy-days. For at such Times, the Youth of the Island meet together, Arm'd with a Bow in one Hand, and a Naked Sword in the other, with a Quiver of Arrows hanging at their Backs. And thus they will Dance indefati­gably in the Heat of Summer, even at Noon­day; when the Sun scorches all Things with Insupportable Fervors.

In Process of Time, this Island became subject to the Grecian Empire: And as such, fell into the Hands of Baldwin, Count of Flan­ders and Emperour of Constantinople: Who gave it to the Marquis of Montferrat; by whom it was sold to the Venetians in the Year 1194, for an Incredible Sum of Mo­ny. And that Republick has held it ever since, till it was lately taken from them by the Invincible Ottomans.

It is worth Remarks; That Candia, the Chief City of this Isle (call'd Castro and Candax, by the Greeks) is a Place of that prodigious Strength, that it sustain'd a Bloc­cade of 22 Years; from 1645 to 1667: And after that, a Siege of 2 Years; from 1667 to 1669: In which Space of Time, 'tis thought, 600000 Mussulmans lost their Lives before it.

The next Republick, in Order, is that of Genoua; a City whose Power and Empire was far greater in former Times, than it is at present. For, they extended their Domi­nions even to the Black Sea; where Tanais that parts Europe from Asia, pours her Wa­ters into the Palus Maeotis. Here they pos­sess'd the City Theodosia, or Caffa; as 'tis cal­led at this Day. They also made them­selves Masters of Cyprus, Lesbos, Chios; with other Islands in the Archipelago; and even of Pera it self, that Magnificent Adjunct to the Imperial City.

Yet, from the Beginning, they were Feu­datories of the Roman Empire, till the Year [Page 296]600 of the Christians Hejira. For then Lo­tharis King of the Lombards, took the City by Force, and plunder'd it. But when after some Years it had recover'd its Pristine Glory again; Charles I. and his Son Pepin, Kings of Italy, and their Successors the Kings of France, bore Rule there for almost a Hun­dred Years, placing Governours in the City, who bore the Title of Counts of Genoua. And when afterwards the Saracens had sub­du'd Corsica; Ademarus, then Count of Genoua, Arm'd out a Fleet of Galleys, invaded the Island; and having defeated the True Be­lievers, took Possession of it, and reduc'd it under the Jurisdiction of Genoua; whose Power at this Time, was very great by Sea.

After the Dominion of Charles the Great, his Posterity was by degrees so diminish'd, that at length it became in a manner quite Extinct; the more Potent among the Citizens took Turns to Usurp the Government, and exercise a Ty­ranny over the Inhabitants: Which so exa­sperated them, that they often submitted them­selves to Foreign Princes. But finding still as great Inconveniences in this Dependance on Strangers; at last, following the Example of the Venetians, they chose to themselves a Duke, in the Year 1337. of the Christians Hejira. Him they sent with a Fleet to Conquer Cyprus: Which he accomplish'd with good Success. For, having taken the King and Queen of the Country Captives, he impri­son'd them, till they agreed with him for a Yearly Tribute to be paid to the Republick [Page 297]of Genoua; and then he restored them to their Native Possession; reserving only Fa­magusta, the Chief City of the Island, to himself.

He enter'd also into a War with the Vene­tians; but being overcome in Battel, at his Return, he was Depos'd from the Ducal Of­fice, and thrown into Prison; another being Chosen in his Place. This was more Fortu­nate than his Predecessor, against the Enemy; doing them many Injuries; but at length, was kill'd in Battel.

Then the Genouese Elected another Duke; who going to Constantinople, perform'd such Eminent Services to the Emperour in his Wars, that he gave him the Island Mitylene; which the Genouese held till the Year 1354.

After this, they Created one to Rule over them under the Title of Prince, in the Year 1381. But not liking his Government, they threw themselves upon the Protection of Charles VII. King of France; who sent thi­ther his Deputy. Being soon weary of the French Government, they joyn'd themselves to the Duke of Milan; under whose Patronage they liv'd, till the Year 1435. and then Abdicating him, they Created a Duke of their own again. This rais'd Factions in the City; whilst some adher'd to the French Interest, and others espous'd the Duke of Milan's Cause: At last they fell again under the Power of the French; whom they obey'd, till Andreas D'Oria ha­ving quell'd the Seditions, and pacify'd the Contentions of the Freggi and Torni; Two [Page 298]prevailing Factions in the City, one consist­ing of the Nobles, the other of the Commons, he Establish'd that Liberty in the Common­wealth of Geneua, which she has enjoy'd ever since, till of late some new Troubles have been given 'em by the Kings of France and Spain.

As to the Original of the Genouese, it is un­certain. Strabo, and others are of Opinion. That this Nation descended from the Greeks: Whilst Thucydides derives them from the Si­cilians. They were call'd Ligurians by the People of Rome. And Florus mentions a cer­tain Race of Ligurians, who dwelt in the Dens and Caves of Mountains, being a very Fierce and Warlike People.

But now adays, the Genouese are a very Polite and Civiliz'd People; of a Lively and Subtile Wit, especially in Merchandizing, by which they greatly enrich themselves. They are also exceeding Industrious, shun­ning no Labour or Danger for the Sake of Gain. They appear Studious of those Things which tend to the Good of the Common­wealth; yet are extremely Fickle and Incon­stant, given to Faction, and desirous of No­velty: As is manifest by what I have before related of them. Which occasioned a certain King of France, when one of his Lords told him, That the Genouese were about to throw themselves on his Patronage, Answer, not with­out some Indignation, That they might go to the Devil for Protection: for I, says he, will [Page 299]have nothing to do with Men, who are more unstedfast than the Waves of the Sea.

This Inconstancy never appear'd more plainly, than in the late Conspiracy of Raggi and Torne; which had like to have proved of Fatal Consequence. As to Vachero and Balbi, they were like the Dog in Aesop's Fa­bles; who lost the Bone, to catch at its Sha­dow in the Water: So these Sea-Myrmidons, were not content with the Strong Party which they had made in the City, but must needs go to Corrupt the Navy too; which ruin'd all their Design: For the Plot was discovered by one of the Sea-Captains. This Commonwealth has been afflicted with many Wars and Plagues: But none of either Sort ever threatned it with so much Desolation, as the Last: The One having almost exhaust­ed their Treasury; and the Other as near emptied the City of its Inhabitants. As for the First Misfortune, the Scarcity of Mony, the knew quickly how to remedy it; being perfect Chymists, and Masters of the Philoso­pher's Stone, if there be any such Thing in Nature. But whether there be or not, this is certain, That the Genouese are Old Doctors at garbling, transmuting, and adulterating of Metals. And the Ottoman Empire has ex­perienc'd it; to the great Damage of our Merchants at Constantinople, Smyrna, Aleppo, and other Ports, where the Genouese did put off their Base Coyn, to the Value of some Millions. But this Cheat may cost them dear one time or other.

The Genouese appear at present more In­clinable to Merchandise than to War. How­ever, it must be confess'd, that this Com­monwealth has brought forth Valiant and Expert Soldiers; as is evident from the Fami­lies of the Doria's, Spinola's, and others, who have prov'd Famous Genorals, and Leaders of Armies in several Parts of Europe.

Of such as these has Genoua more Cause to boast, than of any Strong Forts, Castles, or fenced Cities within her Dominions in Italy. Nay, the Chief City, Genoua it self, trusts more in the King of Spain's Prote­ction, than in her own Strength. That Mo­narch is indebted to the Genouese-Merchants Eighteen Millions of Gold, besides the In­terest of * * * * Years. For this Bill was given in to him in the Year 1600. of the Christians Hejira. By this thou may'st guess at the Riches of this Commonwealth.

As to the Manner of their Government, it differs not much from that of Venice: The Supreme Power being in the Hands of the Senate, who Elect a Duke every Two Years by Lot, out of Four Men who are propos'd as worthy of that High Office. No Man can propose any Thing to the Senate, but the Duke himself: Who lives in a Publick Palace, during the Two Years of his Government; and has a Guard of Five Hundred Germans about his House and Person.

It wou'd be Superfluous to trouble thee with an Account of their Judicial Courts, the Manner of Electing the Senators, and other Publick Magistrates; with the rest of their peculiar Politicks. Besides, I believe thou art almost cloy'd with the Length of this Letter. Wherefore begging thee to put the best Construction on my Endeavours, I bid thee Adieu.

Paris, 17th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1681.

LETTER X.
To Dgnet Oglou.

I Formerly sent a Letter to the Sage Osman Odrooneth, Astrologer in Ordinary to the Grand Signior; Wherein I inform'd him of a Comet or Blazing-Star, which then newly appear'd in the Heavens. I took an Occa­sion in that Dispatch, to venture my Thoughts concerning the Nature of these Amazing Phoenomena, which so astonish the Minds of Mortals, and puzzle the Ablest Phi­losophers to discover the Origin. From this Discourse, I past insensibly into a more Ge­neral One, concerning the Stars. I said what I thought was proper to One of his Pro­fession; being unwilling to offend by too much Boldness, a Man esteem'd the Most Learned and Accomplished in that Science, of this Age. For, though I give little Cre­dit to Judicial Astrology, as 'tis practis'd now a-Days; yet it would have been an Incivility to express so much to one that lives by it; and who, for his Eminent Skill therein, is honour'd with the Grand Signi­or's Friendship, and a Noble Pension. But, with thee, I will take the more Freedom; in Respect of that intimate Familiarity that has been always between us.

That the Heavenly Bodies have an Influx on this Lower World; is an Article, the General Sense of all Mankind gives Testi­mony to; whilst every Morning we re­joyce to see that Glorious Orb of Light, the Sun, imprint the Eastern Skies and Clouds, with his Refreshing Rays; he gilds the Frontiers of the Horizon, and decks the Tops of Mountains with a chearful Brightness. The Earth, the Air and Seas, participate of the Vertue of his Beams: 'Tis He gives Life to Plants and Animals: He renovates the Elements, and every Sublunary Being.

So, when he takes his Congè every Even­ing of our Hemisphere; he still affords us Light, though but at Second-Hand: Whilst he in Person, makes his Progress to the Western Continent, to chear and recreate by his Presence, the Remote and Solitary Borders of America; Fair Cynthia is his Proxy here, attended on by other Planets, waiting in their Turns, and a whole Hemis­phere of Fixed Stars.

These shine by Night, for other Ends, no doubt, than meerly to light the Shepherds as they watch their harmless Flocks; or serve as Flambeaux to the wandring Tra­veller: Yet this is comfortable in our Ele­mentary Darkness. The Mariner rejoyces, when in the Mighty Waste of unknown Seas, he makes a Lottery of his Fortune, and trusts his Soul and Body to a rotten Skiff; where Slavery and Freedom, Life and Death are equal Chances. When he struggles with [Page 304]Impetuous Winds, and Boisterous Waves, threatn'd on all Hands by the Bedlam Fu­ry of the Sea: I say, he's glad at such a Time, to have the Light his Friend, though it be but the faint Glimmering of the Stars; that he may see the Perils that encompass him, and use the properest Means to avoid them. How is his Heart reviv'd, if in the dreadful Storm, he spies but one poor Chink or Cranny in the Close Gloomy Clouds, through which the Azure Sky can shew it self? And then some Prosperous Constellati­on to appear amidst that Checquer-Work of this Low Orb, and those Above; makes him take Courage and defy the Powers of Aeolus and Neptune: He challenges the Rocks and Sands to hurt him; and mocks the Fatal Ap­paritions of Castor and Pollux.

Yet these and many more Inferiour Uses, were not all for which the Stars were made. They have befides, undoubtedly, some Do­minion, Influence and Power on Earth; and all the Beings dwelling on it. Wherever they cast their Rays, there's some Material Emanation felt; An Efflux full of hidden Magick. They dart on Men and other Ani­mals; on Plants and other Minerals; on e­very Thing that is Compounded of the E­lements, and does reside within the Sphere of their Activity: Each darts, I say, its own Peculiar Force and Vertue. 'Tis probable, that every Nation, Tribe and Family; each Climate, Province, Spot and Corner of the Earth, have their Particular Stars. So have [Page 305]the different Species of all Sublunary Things, and every Individual Being. But how to determine their Influence particularly, by Divination, by Calculating Nativities, erect­ing Horoscopes, and other Schemes of A­strology; to foretell Things to come; to a­void Prognosticated Evils; and engross all happy Events; to predict other Mens Fates, whilst we are ignorant of our own, &c. is a thing which appears to me beyond the Power of Human Reason, and a Science built on Sand.

For, who has numbred the Stars, or visit­ed the Places of their different Situation? Who has understood their various Quali­ties, Engagements, Asterisms, and Obligati­on? their Tyes to one another, and their Obedience to the Laws of the Universe? O that Mortal Man shou'd presume to dive thus far; even, into the Heavenly Arcana, the Cabinet-Secrets of God Allmighty! Will he be Wiser than Ptolomy, Cassander, Eudox­us, Archelaus, Hoychilax, Halicarnassaeus and many others, most expert Mathematicians, and Men of a profound Judgment; who have confess'd, that after all their Search in this Science, they find it impossible to make any certain Conclusion from the Configura­tions Above; in Regard of the Innumera­ble Multiplicity of Causes co-operating with them, to which we are wholly Strangers: besides those things which oppose or favour the Influence of the Stars among our selves, and with which we are very familiar; as [Page 306]the Force of Blood, Customs, Traditions, Manners, Education, Prejudice, Prepossessi­on, Place and Time; Empire and Subjecti­on; Diet and Discipline: Finally, the Free­dom of Mind, or its Servitude. All which, they say, the Stars cannot compel, but on­ly dispose and incline.

Moreover, they who have prescribed the Rules of Judicial Astrology, differ so extreme­ly in one and the same Subject; That there is no Encouragement for a Thinking Man, to hope ever to make a True Judgment by their Rules, unless he be Divinely inspir'd within, and have a certain Natural Instinct which suggests to him the Knowledg of Fu­ture Things. Or, he is possess'd by some Presaging Daemon; whose Whispers direct him what Judgment to choose, among the many that may be made upon the Sight of a Scheme, according to the Variety of Rules that have been given. And this is the Opinion of the Learned Hali, my Coun­tryman, who has had many Followers: So that after all, this boasted Science will ra­ther deserve the Name of Sortilogy, than Astrology; whilst all its Dictates depend on pure Conjecture, or the Extempore Affe­ctions of the Mind; or which is worst of all, on the Afflatus of Busy, Interessed Spi­rits, Genii, or Daemons of the Air, who have some Design of their own to pursue, and make Men their Tools to execute it.

Undoubtedly, they both deceive others, and are deceiv'd themselves; who practise [Page 307]this Vain Art, for the Sake of Filthy Lucre. For, if there was any thing of Truth in it; how came they to fail so often, and so egregiously in their Predictions? Or, why do they always couch their Prognosti­cations in such Ambiguous Terms; that like the Delphick Oracle, may be taken in which Sense you please, and applyed to any Na­tion, Prince, Time, or Person; as the Astro­loger shall please to comment, after some­thing of what he has said at random may have happen'd? For from that infinite Varie­ty of Stars and Aspects, it is very easie for a Bold Sophister in this Art, to cull out such for his Turn, as shall be proper to con­vince Ignorant People, that he was in the Right when he promis'd them Long Life, Health, Honours, Riches, Children, Friends, Power, Victory, the Enjoyment of their Loves, and such like; or threatned the quite con­trary; even just as they fall out. But, if at any Time they were catch'd in an apparent Falshood, then they either com­plement a Man into a good Opinion of them, by telling him, A Wise Man has Dominion over the Stars; or they insult o­ver him by a Thousand Conrempts of his suppos'd Folly; which, they say, resisted the Influence of the Stars, and hinder'd their good Effect. Yet, these Sort of People are in Chiefest Request among the Princes and Po­tentates of the Earth; especlally in the East, where there's nothing to be done either in Peace or War, without first consulting the [Page 308] Astrologer. Though really there is not a more unprofitable, not to say a more pestilent Race of Men in a Commonwealth.

Cornelius Tacitus, a grave Author, com­plain'd of 'em in Old Time: So did Varro, with other Sincere Writers. And it was a Custom in Alexandria formerly, for Astrolo­gers to pay a certain Tribute, which they call'd Fools-pence, because it was taken from the Gain which the Astrologers made by their own Ingenious Folly, and the Credulous Do­tage of their Admirers.

My Dgnet, if our Lives and Fortunes de­pend upon the Stars, what Reason have we to be afraid of any Thing? Why are we so­licitous, and full of Needless Cares? Let us leave all Things to God: And the Heavens, which cannot err, nor transgress the Decrees of Fate; will be our Guarantees till Death. But if our Lives and Fortunes are altogether Independent of the Celestial Bodies, let us bid good-Night to Astrology, as the Vainest Ape, or Mimick of a Science, that ever Buf­foon'd the World.

'Twas said of Old by the Sages of Chal­daea, That God had committed the Disposal of Days to Moses, and of Hours to Jesus the Son of Mary; but, That he had reserv'd the Mo­ments to himself, and his last Favourite. Let us therefore every Minute of our Lives wait on him, the Father of all things, with an en­tire Resignation.

But, there is a sort of Puny-Spirited Men, so timorous and void of True Faith, That [Page 309]they will rather believe any Thing, though the most Incongruous Fictions of Hobgoblins, Ghosts, &c. than the Dictates of Solid Rea­son. They tremble at the Report of Things which have no Existence in Nature; and whose very Idea is full of Impossibilities and Contradictions. Yet they will stand the Brunt of Truth with Brazen Foreheads, and resist the Dint of Rational Arguments, like so many Colossus's. Hence it comes to pass, That whereas one Lie is apt to take away the Reputation of any Honest Man, so that he shall not be believ'd when he speaks true; On the contrary here in our Case, if an Astrologer in his Random-Predictions, by mere Chance hits upon remarkable Truth, it pro­cures him Credit for all the Lies that ever he has, or can be guilty of. Impertinent and preposterous sort of Fellows; who, whilst they pretend to know, and foretel Future Things, are ignorant of that which is Past, or Present; and when they are impudently asserting their Familiarity with the Houses of the Twelve Signs in the Zodiack, know not what is done in their own Homes, and Beds: As this Epigram says:

But that which appears most strange is, That they ascribe the very Gift of Prophesie to the Stars; also the Origin of Religions, the Secrets of Conscience; the Power of working Miracles, and Casting out Devils; the Efficacy of Prayers, and even our Immortal Happiness or Misery after this Life. Thus they assert, That when Gemini is the Ascendant, and in Conjunction with Saturn and Mercury under Aquarius, in the Ninth House, a Prophet is Born at that Time. And therefore Jesus the Messias was endu'd with so many Matchless Gifts and Abilities, because he had Saturn in his Configuration with Gemini.

Thus they distribute the Various Sects of Religion that are on Earth, into their distinct Classes, according to the different Asterisms Above; Jupiter being suppos'd the General Patron of all Religion. Upon this Ground, they ascribe the Religion of the Jews to Ju­piter and Saturn; of the Chaldaeans, to Jupi­ter and Mars; of the Egyptians, to Jupiter and the Sun; of the Arabians, to Jupiter and Venus; of the Christians, to Jupiter and Mer­cury: And that Religion or Irreligion of An­tichrist, which is to come, they ascribe to Jupiter and the Moon. They say also, that Moyses prescrib'd the Observation of the Sab­bath, from Astrological Grounds; it being dedi­cated to Saturn. They ascribe the Deluge to the Influence of the Stars; and the Law given on Mount Sinai, is in their Divinity owing to the same Original. They attri­bute the Conception of Jesus the Son of Mary, [Page 311]to Venus; and his supposed Death to Mars. They affirm, that the Messias himself was the greatest Astrologer of his Time: That he made a particular Choice of Hours, wherein to work his Miracles, and to pass through the Streets of Jerusalem, without receiving Damage from the Jews. Which made him once say to his Disciples, Are there not Twelve Hours in a Day? when they warn'd him not to go into the City on such a Day for fear of the People.