The sixth volume of letters writ by a Turkish spy who lived five and forty years undiscover'd at Paris : giving an impartial account to the Divan at Constantinople of the most remarkable transactions of Europe, and discovering several intrigues and secrets of the Christian courts (especially of that of France) continued from the year 1659 to the year 1682 / written originally in Arabick, translated into Italian, and from thence into English by the translator of the first volume.

Author: Marana, Giovanni Paolo, 1642-1693.1694

THE Sixth Volume OF LETTERS Writ by a Turkish Spy, Who lived Five and Forty Years, Undiscover'd, at PARIS: Giving an Impartial Account to the Divan at Constantinople, of the most Remarkable Transactions of Europe; And discovering several Intrigues and Secrets of the Christian Courts (especially of that of France) continued from the Year 1659, to the Year 1682.

Written Originally in Arabick, Translated into Italian, and from thence into English, by the Translator of the First Volume.

LONDON, Printed by J. R. for I. Hindmarsh and R. Sare, at the Golden Ball in Cornhil, and at Grays-Inn Gate in Holborn, 1694.

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Mahmut the Turkish Spy Aetatis suoe 72.

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TO THE READER.

AS superfluous as Prefaces seem, yet there is one thing which makes it in a manner necessary to prefix a few Lines to this Volume, in regard there is an Occasion given by the Objections some Gentlemen have been lately pleased to make against the Style of the English Translation. These Persons having by a very costly Inquisitiveness, found and procur'd the Italian Copy of these Letters, and compar'd them with the English, pick many Faults in the latter, which they would fain improve to the lessening the Reputation of the Turkish Spy, or at least to the heightening their[Page]own Characters as Wits and Criticks, Masters of Languages, and the Grand Patentees of Humane Sense.

In the First Place they say, the Italian Translation keeps close to the Original Arabick; whereas the English abounds too much with Anglicisms, which are not sufficient to express the Author's Primitive Sense.

How Impossible a Thing it is, to please all People in Undertakings of this Nature! Formerly they were offended that so many Turkish and Arabick Words were left untranslated▪ And that being answered in the Preface to the Fourth Volume, they have now form'd New Arguments out of that very Answer, to assault us on the contrary Side, and tax us with being too Vernacular. 'Tis true, the Letters they have sent to the Bookseller on this Account, are not subscrib'd at Length. Yet by Accident, one of the Gentlemen's[Page]Hand-Writing is known. And tho' we acknowledge him to be an Ingenious Person, and a Man of Learning; yet I believe he would be unwilling his Letter should here be expos'd in Print (or the Original shew'd to some that know him, and perhaps may claim an Equal Rank among the Criticks.)

But to come to the purpose; I have often heard Translations blamed for keeping too close to the Original Phrase, but never any before this, for a Negligence that is absolutely necessary to retain the Sense of a Foreign Author. All the World knows, there is a vast Distance between Arabick and the Languages of Europe; and if the Italian Translator was more exact in forming his Words up to a near Imitation of the Eastern Proprieties of Speech, no doubt but Impartial Men will rather Censure it as a Fault, than cry it up for an Excellency; since nothing[Page]sounds well in any Language which is not deliver'd in the Natural Idiom. Every thing ought to be writ in as Familiar a Style as we Discourse; especially Letters, which are but a Proxy-Method of Conversing at a Distance. And he that Translates out of one Language into another, ought to aim Chiefly at this, That he be sure to retain the Original Sense, and render it smooth and easy to the Reader. The Flowers of Arabia and Italy, when once Transplanted to our barren English Soil, lose their Vertue and Beauty, till they are Naturaliz'd: What then must we expect from their Weeds? Doubtless, there are some Peculiarities in all Languages; and to Translate Verbatim from so Remote a Tongue, would sound as harsh as French does in an Englishman's Mouth, when he pronounces it as 'tis writ.

What I have more to say is, that as this Volume contains a History [Page]of things transacted within the Memory of most Men now living; so the Two succeeding Tomes fall down lower and nearer to the present Times: Giving an Account of Events whereof many have been Eye-Witnesses, and wherein not a few have had a Personal Share either by Way of Action or Suffering, Profit or Damage; which must needs afford Delight to thinking Men, since there is nothing more Agreeable to Mortals than to reflect on the former Passages of their Lives according to that of the Poet:

Haec olim meminisse juvabit.

Besides, for the farther Encouragement of the Candid Reader, he may assure himself, that toward the Conclusion of the Last Volume, he will meet with several Secrets between the French and Turkish Courts, which will discover the true Source of the Present War between the Emperor of Germany and[Page]the Grand Signior; and give a Glimps of the Private Machinations and Springs which have put all Europe into the Hurly burly 'tis now in.

I have but this more to say, That we hope to be more Speedy in publishing the Remainder of these Letters, than we have hitherto been in the Former Volumes. Reader, Adieu.

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A TABLE OF THE LETTERS and Matters contained in this Volume.
VOL. I.

BOOK I.

LETTER I. MAhmut the Arabian at Paris, to Dgnet Oglou his Friend at Constantinople. pag. 1
He relates the Errours he committed in Point of Address and Carriage, when he first came to Paris.
II. To the Reis Effendi, or Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 9
Of a Fellow that dogg'd him up and down the Streets of Paris; and his Apprehensions thereupon.
III. To Abdel Melec Muli Omar, President of the College of Sciences at Fez. 14[Page]
He complains of his frequent Sadness on the Account of his Employment.
IV. To the Kaimacham. 18
Of the Quakers in Holland, England, Germany, and other Parts of Europe.
V. To the Same. 23
Of the Peace concluded between France and Spain. Of the Match between the King of France and the Spanish Infanta. Of the Duke of Lorrain's Release, and the Prince of Conde's Restauration.
VI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottomam Empire. 26
He congratulates his Accession to that Dignity. Of the Death of the King of Sweden, and the Duke of Orleans.
VII. To Dgnet Oglou. 32
He discourses against the little Superstitions of the Mahometans. Of Moses and the Jews in Egypt.
VIII. To the Kaimacham. 40
Of the Prince of Conde's Reception and Entertainment at the French Court. Some Passages of his Life.
X. To the Same. 43
Of King Charles II. his Restauration to the Crown.
X. To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Caire in Egypt. 47[Page]
He breaks forth into melancholy Excursions.
XI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 51
He relates some Passages of Henry IV's Life.
XII. To Mustapha, Berber Aga. 55
Of the Extraordinary Magnificence at the New married King and Queen's Entry into Paris.
XIII. To Dgnet Oglou. 58
Of an Earthquake at Paris.
XIV. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 61
Observations on the Reign of Lewis XIII.
XV. To Mahummed, in the Desart. 67
Of the Earthquake at Paris, and other Parts of France.

BOOK II.

LETTER I. TO the Venerable Mufti. 71
Of Cardinal Mazarini's Death. Some Remarks on his Life.
II. To the Vizir Azem at the Port 75
Farther Remarks on Cardinal Mazarini.
[Page]III. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople. 77
Of his Cousin Isouf's Residence at Astracan. A Character of the Moscovites.
IV. To Orchan Cabet, Student in the Sciences, and Pensioner to the Sultan. 80
He congratulates his Conversion to the Mahometan Faith.
V. To the Mufti. 83
Of the King of France's Power to cure the King's-Evil.
VI. To Mirmadolin, Santone of the Vale of Sidon. 86
He applauds the happy Life of a Santone.
VII. To Dgnet Oglou. 90
Of Painters. A Story of Martin Heemskirk. Another of Giotto.
VIII. To Lubano Abufai Saad, an Egyptian Knight. 97
Of the Dauphin's Birth.
IX. To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior. 101
Of Hardiness, Indifference, and Resignation.
X. To the Same. 106
Of Plays, and an odd Accident that happen'd at one, in the Presence of the King and the whole Court,
[Page]XI. To Dgnet Oglou. 113
He compains of the Slanders cast on him by some at the Seraglio.
XII. To Abrahim Eli Zeid, Hadgi, Preacher to the Seraglio. 116
Of the Wicked Lives of Priests and Monks.
XIII. To the Chiaus Bassa. 152
Of the French Kings Conduct and Government.
XIV. To the Same. 130
More on the same Subject. Of an extraordinary Tournament, or Carousal, at the French Court.
XV. To Zeidi Alamanzi, a Merchant at Venice. 135
He applauds his Sincerity in embracing the Mussulman Faith.
XVI. To the Kaimacham. 141
Of the Attempts made on the Lives of the Duke and Dutchess of Crequi.
XVII. To Mohammed, the Illustrious Eremit of Mount Ʋriel in Arabia. 144
Of the Contradictions and Ʋncertainty of Antient Records, &c.
XVIII. To Hasnadar-Bassi, Chief Treasurer to his Highness. 148
Of the Birth and Death of Madam of France. Of the Peace concluded betneen France and Spain. He reflects [Page]on the English, for delivering up Dunkirk to the French. Of the Marriage between the King of England and the Infanta of Portugal.
XIX. To the Kaimacham. 152
He relates a strange Passage that happen'd to him in Visiting a Calabrian Traveller, professing Astrology and Physick.
XX. To the Captain Bassa. 157
Of a Wonderful Man taken up on the Coasts of North-Holland.
XXI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. 161
He endeavours to convince him, that Ismael was Heir of the Promises made to Abraham, as being the First-born Son. With some Recriminations on the Race of Isaac.
XXII. To the Same. 166
He discourses concerning the Origin of Nobility and Grandeur among Men.
XXIII. To Codarafrad Cheik, a Man of the Law. 173
Of a Man that was executed at Paris, for asserting, That he was the Son of God.

BOOK III.

[Page]LETTER I. TO Solyman, his Cousin, at Chalcedon. 177
He applauds his Removing from Place to Place; and advises him to travel farther in the World; or at least to visit his Cousin Isouf at Astracan.
II. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople. 181
Of the Wars and Revolution in Indostan; with some Remarks on the different Policy of Eastern Nations.
III. To Ʋseph Bassa. 186
Of the Conversion of the Duke of Meckleburg to the Roman Faith. Of the Magnificent Entry the Suis-Embassadors made into Paris.
IV. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottom [...]n Empire. 188
Of the King of France's Amours. A pleasant Story of his Confessor.
V. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs at Constantinople. 191 [Page]
Of Mahmut's Inclinations to travel; his particular Phancy for Indostan: With a Description of the Pleasures he should take in passing thither.
VI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 200
Of the Death of the Dutchess of Savoy, and Carolus Josephus, Brother to the German Emperor. A General Character of Germany, France, Spain, England, Holland and other Parts of Europe.
VII. To Kerker Hassan, Bassa. 206
He acquaints him, how he had been Assassinated one Night in the Streets, as he was returning to his Lodgings. Of his Removal thereupon to another Part of the City.
VIII. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. 213
He informs him of the same Accident, referring him for farther Instructions to Eliachim, who would be shortly at Vienna.
IX. To Zeidi Alamanzi, a Merchant at Venice. 216
He forbids him to send any Letters to Paris, till he has receiv'd Fresh Orders from the Port.
[Page]X. To Murat, Bassa.
He complains for want of timely Intelligence from the Ministers of the Port. Of the Victories and Successes of the Ottomans in Hungary. Of Count Strozzi's Arrival at Paris in Quality of Embassador from the Emperour.
XI. To Isouf, his Kinsman, a Merchant at Astracan 223
A Character of Spain.
XII. To Afis Bassa. 225
Of the General Consternation in Europe, upon the News of the Grand Signior's Advances into Hungary. Of Cardinal Chisi's Arrival at Paris in Quality of Legate de Latere from the Pope.
XIII. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 228
He gives him a Character of Spain, different from that he sent his Cousin Isouf.
XIV. To Musu Ab'l Yahyan, Professor of Philosophy at Fez. 233
He discourses of the various Languages of Europe. A Story of a German Embassador at the French Court.
XV. To Osman Adrooneth, Astrologer to the Sultan at Adrianople. 238
Of a Comet appearing in the Firmament.[Page]From whence he takes Occasion to discourse about the Nature of Comets.
XVI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 241
He informs him of the Peace made between the Pope and the King of France, after the Affronts put upon the French Embassador at Rome. Of the French King's Design on Africk.
XVII. To Abdel Melec, Muli Omar, President of the College of Sciences at Fez.
He complains that True Science is not to be found, unless among the Bramins of India.
XVIII. To Mirmadolin Santone of the Vale of Sidon. 250
He asserts, That Men are Partakers of the Divine Nature. A Digression concerning the Ancient Religion of the Gentiles.
XIX. To the Same. 253
A Sceptical Discourse, after the manner of an Epicurean Philosopher.
XX. To Isouf, his Cousin, a Merchant at Astracan. 256
Mahmut complains of his Ʋneasiness in Paris, and expresses his Emulation of the Arabs and Tartars.
[Page]XXI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 260
Remarks on the Mareschal de Turenne; with a Character of that Prince.
XXII. To Orchan Cabet, Student of the Sciences, and Pensioner to the Grand Signior. 265.
Of a Paper of Verses, which the King of France found one morning on his Table. Of Anne Marie de Skurman the learned Maid of Saxony.
XXIII. To the Captain Bassa. 268.
Of a Notable Victory obtain'd by the English, under the Command of the Duke of York, in a Sea Fight with the Dutch. Of the King of France's Design to Ʋnite both Seas, by Cutting a Canal through Part of his Kingdom.

BOOK IV.

LETTER I. TO Achmet Beig. 273
Of the Death of Philip the IV. King of Spain; and the Duke of Vendosme.
[Page]II. To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria. 278
Mahmut endeavours to reclaim him from Bigottry.
III. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. 284
He reflects on the Misna and Talmud of the Jews: rehearsing briefly several ridiculous Stories out of the Latter. Of a Sort of Jews in North-Asia, different from the Rest of that Lineage, in their Language, Laws, and Religion.
IV. To the Same. 289
He gives him a more particular Account of these Jews, their Customs, and Manner of Life.
V. To Mohammed, Hadgi, Dervich, Eremite of Mount Ʋriel in Arabia the Happy. 295
He tells him he is in doubt of his Future State: However, asserts, That 'tis good to meditate on the last Things.
VI. To the Kaimacham. 300
Of Mirammud, the Son of the Xairiph of Salle's being taken Prisoner by the French. His Character and Entertainment at the Court.
[Page]VII. To Hamel Muladdin, Xairiph, of Salle. 302
He acquaints him with the same thing, and advises him to send speedy Embassadors to the Court of France, in Order to his Son's Redemption.
VIII. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople. 305
He informs him of the Treachery of Solyman his Cousin, in employing some Armenian Merchants at Paris, to pry into Mahmut's Secrets.
IX. To Dgnet Oglou. 308
More on the same Subject.
X. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire. 313
Of the Plague at London, and in other Parts of England. Of the Death of the Queen-Mother of France, and of the Prince of Conti.
XI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna. 317
He reproaches him with Bigottry, in believing Sabbati Sevi, the pretended Messias of Smyrna, &c. to be the True Redeemer of Israel. A short history of Sabbati Sevi's Life.
XII. To the Kaimacham. 323
An Account of the Jew's Extravagances on the appearing of Sabbati Sevi, as their Messias. Strange Reports of the Ten Tribes that were carried away captive by Salmanassar King of Assyria.
[Page]XIII. To Murat, Bassa. 327
Of a War between the French and the English. Of a Marriage between the Emperour of Germany and the Infanta of Spain.
XIV. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs, and Superintendent of the Arsenal at Constantinople. 331
He congratulates his New Advance; relates the Blowing up of Rezan a City in Russia, and Descants on the Day of Doom.
XV. To Ʋseph, Bassa, 337
Of the Continuance of the Plague in England. Of the Fire at London.
XVI. To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior. 341
He complains that our Knowledge of a future State is very uncertain.
XVII. To Kerker Hassan Bassa. 347
He rejoyces to hear, that he is to be remov'd from Paris to a Country Life, somewhere in Asia.
XVIII. To Isouf, his Kinsman, a Merchant at Astracan. 354
He gives him a Character of his Cousin Solyman, and bids him beware of him if he should come to Astracan

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LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS.
VOL. VI. BOOK I.

LETTER I. Mahmut the Arabian at Paris, to Dgnet Oglou, his Friend at Constantinople.

IT makes me smile sometimes, when I reflect how often I was put to it for an Address suitable to the Manners of the Nazarenes, and the particular Mode of Paris, when I first arriv'd at this City: For, thou know'st, we had other Employments, than to learn Fashions and Conge's at Palermo. [Page 2]The Mind of a Slave is dejected under the Circumstances of his Captivity; so that he has not Leisure to regard any Thing, but how to accomplish his daily Task, and to please his Patron. All his Study and Care is bent upon this, and there's no Room left for Generous Thoughts; Neither has he Means or Courage to venture on Projects, or improve the Present Occurrences in Order to his Future Happiness: Nay, he hardly dares think of ever being Happy again. This was my Case, and I believe 'twas not much better with thee.

Yet, notwithstanding all the Rigorous Usage I had, the Bastinado's, Kicks, Bruises, Cuts and Wounds, I receiv'd from the Hands of that Barbarous Giafer, my Master, which made me sometimes Incapable of doing him any Service by Day, or of taking any Rest my self by Night, I was resolv'd to find some spare Time for Books. I rose Early, and went Late to Sleep; neglecting no Moment, wherein I cou'd apply my self to Study. The Acquaintance I had with that Sicilian Carpenter, our Friend, was of Singular Advantage to me in this Kind: For, thou may'st remember, he was well stock'd with many Ancient and Learned Treatises. He furnished me with Plutarch, Polybius, Strabo, Pliny, and other Histories. All which, and many more, I devour'd with Greediness; for I had a strong Appetite to Knowledge. And after my Redemption, I pass'd away some Time in the Academies, where I learn'd the Knotty[Page 3]Tricks of Logick, how to split Moods and Figures, and chain one Impertinent Syllogism to the Tail of another to Eternity. I also ran through a Course of Phylosophy and other Sciences. Neither was I altogether Ignorant of Men: For the Reading of Histories, fits a Man the better to make Practical Experiments in the Affairs of the World. To which also, Philosophy is not a little helpful, in directing our Observations on the various Tempers of People, Mens Personal Dispositions and Singularities, with the Humours and Customs Peculiar to this or that Nation. For these things depend many Times on the Difference of the Climate, the Nature of the Soil, the Qualities of the Air, and the Manner of their Diet.

But neither History, Logick or Philosophy, were able to efface the Impressions of my Early Years, or unteach me the Manners in which I had been Educated from my Infancy. I brought Arabia and Constantinople along with me even to Paris. And because I had not been used to dissemble the Profession and Carriage of a Mussulman, during my Thraldom in Sicily; I was at a Loss in my Deportment, when I came First hither.

How often have I been like to discover my self by Pronouncing the Sacred Bismillah, either when I sat down to Eat, or put a Glass of Water to my Lips; or, when I begun any other Action of Importance? So likewise in uttering the Handillah, after a Repast, or when any Thing happen'd which prompted me to praise Ged.

[Page 4]When I met any of my Acquaintance in the Streets, I was apt to forget that I had a Hat on. And instead of putting off that, according to the Fashion of the Franks, I laid my Hand on my Breast, and sometimes bowed so low, that my Hat fell off from my Head, before I was sensible of my Error.

If I had Occasion to address my self to a Person of Quality, I was ready to take up the Bottom of his Cloak, Gown or Robe, and to Kiss it in Token of Reverence, as the Custom is in the East, when we salute the Grandees. Nay, sometimes I could not forbear falling on my Knee, or prostrate on the Ground before Cardinal Richlieu, and those of his High Dignity. All which, nevertheless, passed only for Clownishness, and want of Courtly Education, which teaches the Nice Punctilio's of Address. They took me for a Kind of Moldavian Rustick, without any farther Jealousy. Or perhaps, they smil'd at all this, as some Singular Caprice or Humour, like that of the Philosopher Pasicles, who coming to salute a Great Captain, and the Ceremony of those Times requiring him to touch the Captain's Knee, he laid his Hand on his Genitals. At which the Captain being affronted, and thrusting his Hand away with Scornful Words; What! says the Philosopher, does not that Part belong to you, as well as your Knees? It often diverts my Melancholy, to consider how many Errors of this Kind I have committed, not through Ignorance, or any Cynical Humour, but only in pure Oversight, and Forgetfulness.

[Page 5]It was a long Time ere I could frame my Fingers to handle a Knife and Fork at Meals, as is the Universal Custom in these Western Parts; Whereas thou knowest, we make use of no other Instruments in Eating, but our Fingers and Teeth. Whence it was, that I could not sometimes forbear thrusting my Hand into a whole Dish of Meat; which is counted a great Indecency in France. And after I was reconciled to those Nicer Instruments of Voluptuousness, so as to Carve my Meat à la Mode; yet when once I had it on my own Plate, I laid aside those Tools as Useless, and tore it asunder with my Fingers and Teeth, feeding à la Turcesque, as the French call it; that is, like a Mussulman.

Nevertheless, no Body suspected me; but all these Miscarriages pass'd for Moldavian Barbarisms, the salvage Customs of that my supposed Country. I tell thee, that tho' the Manner of Eating among the French, seem to have something more of Neatness and Delicacy in it; yet it appears full of Softness and Luxury, and I cannot in Reason prefer it to the more Natural and Simple Method of Diet, us'd in the East. Neither wou'd the Franks themselves condemn us for Salvages in this Point, as they commonly do, did they but consider, that this Negligence very well becomes Men of the Sword; and that in their Campagnes, their own Generals are ambitious to appear Careless in every Thing relating to their Body.

Doubtless, the Ancient Romans, who brought [Page 6]the Greatest Part of the World under their Power, shunn'd all Finenesses in Diet and Apparel, till such Time as their Manners were debauched, and their Empire in its Decline. Our Annals record, That when Sultan Selim lay down with his Army before a certain Place, and the Governour of the Town sent Commissioners to treat with him about a Surrender; they found him at Dinner, which consisted only of Two or Three Onions, a little Salt and Bread.

Histories also relate of the Faithful Omar, Successor of the Prophet, That when he was with his Army not far from Jerusalem, the Nazarene Prince who govern'd that City, sent a Spy into the Host of the Mussulmans, to observe their Discipline, and bring him a Lively Character of their General. The Spy went according to his Master's Order. And having tarried some Time in the Arabian Camp, returned again, and thus spoke to the Governour.

‘"It will be Needless to recount every Thing I observed among these Souldiers; since by what I shall say of their Leader, thou mayest comprehend the Manners of them all: For they obey him, and follow his Example in every Thing, with Exquisite Silence and Modesty. I saw Omar their Prince, at the Head of his Army, fitting on a Camel, his Face Tawny and Scorch'd by the Sun, in a Vest of Persian Cotton, girded about with a Belt of Leather, at which hung a Cymetar and Dagger, with a [Page 7]Knapsack tied behind him like the Meanest Souldier. I saw him take out from thence hard Crusts of Bread, shaking off the Husks of Millet which stuck to them; and saying, In the Name of God, he Eat heartily of the same. Then he drank Water out of a Leathern Bottle hanging by his Side; And when he had done, he said, Praise be to God. All his Army made their Repast at the same Time, and in the same Manner with Admirable Temperance, and such an Order and Modesty, as I never saw before, neither can I express."’

When the Prince heard this, he stood still a Considerable Time, musing as one Astonished. Then turning to the Seniors and Chief of the People who were present, he said, ‘"It is Necessary that we surrender our City to these People; for they have the Smiles of Heaven. Their Prophet and their Law, oblige 'em to Temperance, Frugality, Obedience and a Modest Deportment. These Virtues are certain Steps to Victory and Empire. Besides, I have received a Tradition from my Ancestors, That a People shall come out of Arabia, with a New Law and Religion, which shall abolish all that went before it. They shall subdue Palestine and Egypt, and shall found like the Humming of Bees. Their Empire shall extend from East to West, and to the Extremities of the Earth. This is what I have learned from my Fore-Fathers, and which I believe is[Page 8]now coming to pass. Therefore it will be in vain to resist these Men; for they are Invincible by a Decree from Above."’

Those that were about him, did not approve the Counsel of this Wise Nazarene. However, he sent to Omar, and obtained Favour for himself and his Family.

Thou wilt say, I'm got wide of the Mark of my First Discourse, which related to my self, and not to any of the Primitive Cailiphs: But 'tis impossible to restrain our Thoughts from roving. Some say, they hang together like the Links of a Chain; and that one Idea being fastened to another in our Memory, we muster them in Rank and File, according to their proper Order, when we think, or make Reflections. God knows how 'tis. This I'm sure of, That when I write to my Friends, I study not to make an Elaborate Speech on't, as if I were penning an Oration; but pursuing my First Intention at Random, I run on, letting one Thought and Word beget another.

But I was telling thee how great a Bunglet I was at first in all the Ceremonies and Manners of the Franks, which differ from those of the East. I was as much to seek in my Address, as an Ass would be to play on a Lute, according to the Roman Proverb: Yet Time and Practice render'd all these Things Familiar and Easy. Now, methinks, I'm a thorow-pac'd Nazarene as to my Exteriour. I go to the Court, and the Temples with as much seeming Formality as the Christians [Page 9]whilst, God knows, my Heart is somewhere else. All my Actions are out of their Natural Byass, so long as I am Absent from the Society of True Believers.

In a word, I'm forc'd to imitate the Fox, which Creature, when it is environ'd with Huntsmen and Dogs, counterfeits a Barking like the Latter, and so passes undiscover'd for one of their Company.

Paris, 3d. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1659.

LETTER II. To the Reis Effendi, or Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

I Am at this Time possess'd with more Apprehensions and Jealousies, than an Old Infidel Usurer. My Lodging affects me with greater Melancholy, than would a Prison. And my Uneasiness is the same when I go out of Doors. Every Body that meets me, looks either as my Accuser or my Judge: And some appear as terrible as Executioners. By Day, my Imagination torments me like a Fury; and by Night, I am affrighted with Melancholy Visions. I dream of nothing but Racks, Wheels, Saws, Gibbets, and such like Instruments of Humane Cruelty. Or that I am[Page 10]in some dark Dungeon, condemn'd to more Unsufferable Tortures, by Order of the State; with Cardinal Mazarini, sitting by me like a Spanish Inquisitor, and in the most Tyrannical Manner, threatning me with Pains, to which the Damn'd themselves are wholly Strangers, if I will not confess what I am, and reveal the Secrets with which I am entrusted.

The Occasion of these Terrors which harass me Night and Day, is this: I have for Four or Five Days together, found my self dogg'd up and down Paris, by a Man whose Face I never saw before in my Life. Let me go where I will, he's always at some Distance from me. If I stand still, so does he: Or if I turn back, he's quickly at my Heels. I have endeavour'd by all the Prudent Methods I could take to drop him in the Crowd of People, or in the Churches: But all in vain; for still I encounter with the same Face. He pursues me like my Shadow. Neither Coach nor Boat, Land or Water, House or Alley, can rescue me from the Fellow's Eyes, who is more quick-sighted than Argus, and nimbler than Mercury. He is very Cunning also in this Business, and as dexterous as a Jugler, conveying himself when he pleases out of my Sight; yet presently after, he's in View again. And if I chance to lose him in the Dark, I am sure to find him not far from my Lodging next Morning.

This is it which gives me so much Disturbance, and pierces me with a Thousand Anxieties,[Page 11]For I know not what to conjecture of this Fellow's Design. Sometimes I think he is employed by Cardinal Mazarini to watch my Motions, observe what Houses and Company I frequent, and trace me in all my Appointments. And I am the more confirm'd in this Suspicion, when I reflect on my Former Imprisonment in this City, and the Occasion of it. Besides, when I went Yesterday to see Eliachim the Jew, this Spark followed me near to the Door: And tho' I tarried there Two full Hours, yet when I came out, I had not walked a Hundred Paces, before I saw him again, footing it after me in a Careless manner, with his Arms folded, and his Eyes fix'd on the Ground, as if he knew Nothing of the Matter. These are convincing Circumstances, that he is set at Work by the Cardinal, or some Body else, to discover my Business.

But when on the other Side, I consider, that if the Cardinal suspected me, he might go a nearer Way to work, and seize me in my Chamber, where my Letters would betray me; this Thought vanishes, and I am at a Loss what to think.

Then comes into my Mind the Encounter I had once with my Sicilian Master, who strove to set the Rabble upon me in the Streets of Paris, but my better Stars delivered me out of his and their Hands, whilst, for ought I know, he drew upon himself the Mischief he design'd for me. However, when I reflect on that Passage, I am apt to think he[Page 12]may be now in Paris, and having by some Accident seen me go in or out at my Lodging, contrives how to revenge himself on me, and uses this Fellow's Assistance in compassing his Ends. Perhaps, think I, he will cause me to be stabb'd or pistoll'd at some convenient Season; Or, he will find out some other Way, less noisy and more malicious to dispatch me. It may be he seeks to entrap me, and render me Obnoxious to the State. I have a thousand Imaginations about it, and know not what to conclude. I value not my self, nor am I careful to prolong a Miserable Life for my own Sake. All that I can hope to enjoy in this World, would come far short of tempting me to skreen my self from the Stroke of Death, by any Action Unworthy of a Philosopher, and a Man. But the Duty and Affection I owe to the Grand Signior's Service makes me willing to live, till I have acquitted my self of my Province with perfect Success, that so I may return to Constantinople with Honour. And then I care not how soon I post to that Unknown World, where all the Generations of Mortals take up their Eternal Rest: For in this there's Nothing but Labour and Grief.

In the mean Time, I know not what Conduct to use in this Emergency; Whether I'd best to speak to this Fellow, or dissemble my Suspicion; Whether it will be safe to trust this Event to the General Providence, or to sacrifice him that gives me so much Disquiet, and so secure my Peace. I could easily have[Page 13]him dispatch'd without any farther Noise. But then my Conscience would trouble me with after-Claps, lest I should have Murder'd a Man without Reason, which is expresly forbid by the Alcoran. Besides, I should always stand in Fear of some Discovery, I protest, I am at a Loss for want of Ample Instructions in such Cases as these. And I am weary of mentioning what I have so often intimated already to the Ministers of the Port, without any Direct Answer. However, I will do what my Reason suggests, and leave the Event to Destiny.

Happy Minister, the Affairs of this World are full of dark Windings and Meanders; and we have all need of a Guide or a Clew to conduct us through 'em. May that Omnipresent assist us, whenever we are catch'd in a Knot, or lost in a Labyrinth of Difficulties.

Paris, 3d. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1659.

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LETTER III. To Abdel Melec Muli Omar, President of the College of Sciences at Fez.

THY Venerable Dispatch I received with Kisses, and a Transport of Joy. I Thrice touch'd my Eye-lids with the Paper of High Esteem, and as oft I laid it to my Breast. I broke up the Seals with Modesty and Reverence, and my Greedy Eyes devour'd the Lines of Profound Wisdom; the Sentences and Aphorisms worthy to be written in Letters of Gold. Then 'twas I bless'd the Hour of my Nativity, and the more Happy Moment wherein I First had the Honor of thy Familiarity and Friendship: O thou Sincere and Eximious Patron of such as love the Sciences! Renowned for thy Learning and Probity of Manners! Prince of the Alfaqui's and Doctors! Crown of the Sage Assembly of Philosophers! Oracle of the Age!

Glory be to God, who has neither Beginning nor End; Who alone possesses the Infinite Expanse and Life Eternal; Who is Ador'd by the Inhabitants of Heaven, of Earth and of Hell. Benedictions on Michael, Gabriel, Israphiel, Ithuriel, Jeremiel, Hasmariel, and on all the Happy Ministers of his Divine Majesty; as also on the Angel of Death. Peace to the True Believers on Earth, and Salvation to the Devils and Damn'd, after they have accomplish'd[Page 15]their Penance in Hell, and the Term of Wrath shall be Expir'd.

An Universal Charity dilates my Heart; I embrace with Love all the Creatures of God. This is owing to the Seasonable Arrival of thy Letter: For at the Moment when that came, I was plung'd in so deep a Melancholy, that I cou'd hardly afford a Kind Thought for any Thing on Earth, and I perfectly hated my self. I have these Fits of Sadness often, it being an Effect of my Constitution.

At those Seasons Life appears an Insupportable Burden, and all the Bustle and Noise of Mortals a Vain Fatigue. My Senses, which at other Times administer Delight and Pleasure, are now the Instruments of Anguish and Pain. Every Thing I see and hear, disgusts me. I abhor my Necessary Food. Neither can the Sweetest Odors, or softest Strains of Musick bring me into a better Temper; Till Sleep Eclipses the Light of my busy Imagination, and puts out every glaring Thought. Then my Soul takes her Repose: And stealing from my Body, enters into the Shady Vale of Visions, and sports with Innocent Idea's. Thus having diverted my self with jumbling Monstrous Essences together, and hurling one Chimaera at another, I return again to my Body, and Sighing awake, griev'd that I cou'd not longer stay in that Mock-World, where I cou'd have wish'd my Residence for Ever, rather than in this, which gives me so much Real Pain. Thus is my Anguish renew'd with the Morning. Light is more Irksom to[Page 16]me than Darkness, and the Day which brings Joy to other Mortals is more terrible to me than Night, and the Shadow of Death.

I complain to the Elements, but they will not hear or regard me. All Nature seems to laugh at my Affliction, and the Beasts of the Field triumph o'er me. As for Men, here are none but Infidels, my profess'd Enemies to whom I can vent my Sorrows: And I'm asham'd to make a Woman my Confessor, tho' 'twere my own Mother, who lives in Paris, and daily sees me.

If in this dolorous Condition I prepare my self with the accustom'd Purifications of the Law, and address to the Omnipotent, I know not where to find him: His Essence is Unsearchable, and flies from Human Thought. I call him aloud by his Ninety Nine Adorable Names, but receive no Answer. I repeat his Incomprehensible Attributes, but all to no Purpose. In a Word, I say and do all that the Law enjoyns, the Prophet counsels, Holy Persons recommend, or my own Reason suggests, as proper Means to obtain the Favor of Heaven, and a Redress of my Calamity: But find no Comfort. And, for ought I know, that Spaniard might as soon be heard, who being ignorant what Form of Prayer to use, rehears'd the Four and Twenty Letters of the Alphabet, desiring God to form such Words out of 'em, as best express'd the Petitioner's Necessities.

I tell thee, Illustrious Prelate, after I'm tyr'd with Vocal Devotions, I have Recourse[Page 17]to Contemplation. I examine my Past Life, and find that I my self am the Source of my own Melancholy, in not strictly obeying the Law of the Prophet, the Precepts of the Seniors, and the Dictates of my Conscience: And all this, for the Sake of Loyalty to the Grand Signior, and in Confidence of the Mufti's Dispensation. Now I ask of thee, Whether it be Lawful to commit a Thousand Vices, that I may only acquit my self fairly in One Virtue? Or, to think, that in such Cases, the Mufti has Power to disannul the Express, Positive Injunctions of our Holy Law-giver? Is the Empire of the Faithful to be serv'd by the Infidelity and Prophaneness of Mussulmans? Or the Truth to be supported by Lyes and Perjuries?

I tremble to think what a Confusion I shall be in, when the Prophet shall reproach me, That I have preferr'd the Favour of Men, to the Smiles of Heaven. I know not what to do. Oh, that I were in the Parching Desarts of Libya, or any the most Unfrequented Solitude of Egypt! A Companion of Dragons, and other Horrid Monsters of Africk! rather than in this Station, which renders my Life a Hell upon Earth, and torments me with Half the Disquiets of the Damn'd.

But if this appears too Extravagant and Desperate a Thought, let me at least wish my self at Fez, the meanest of thy Slaves, or of the Incomparable Musu Abul Yahyan, of whom thy last Letter gave so high a Character. I have address'd a Dispatch to him,[Page 18]hoping for the Honour of his Friendship and Correspondence.

Let not the Liberty I've taken to tell thee of my Sadness, discourage thee from writing: But rest assur'd, that whenever thou shalt vouchsafe me a Letter, tho' I were in the Agonies of Death, 'twould call me back again.

Paris, 25th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1659.

LETTER IV. To the Kaimacham.

THese Nazarenes are very Fertile in New Religions. Europe is a Wilderness overrun with Monstruous Sects and Heresies. Every Age produces fresh Pretenders to Prophecy and Divine Revelation. Error is Prolifick and multiplies Infinitely, whilst Truth remains the same for Ever, and is comprehended in a few Rules.

Of late Years there are a Sort of People sprung up in England, Holland, Germany, and other Parts of the North, boasting of a New Commission given them from Heaven, to Preach the Everlasting Truth, reform the Errors and Vices of Mankind, and lead People the only Infallible Way to Happiness.[Page 19]Their Address is Plain and Simple, Bold and Uniform, using no other Ceremonies or Compliments in their Discourse or Carriage to Persons of the Greatest Quality, than to the Vulgar, and those of the most Inferiour Rank.

They stile themselves, The True Seed, the Offspring of Jacob, Jews of the Promise, Israelites without Fraud, with such like vain Titles; but by others they are generally call'd Quakers.

They say the Ring-Leader of this People, professes himself to be the Messias, being in all Parts of his Body and Features of his Face like Jesus the Son of Mary: Or at least 'tis observ'd, That he exactly resembles that Pourtraiture of him which Publius Lentulus sent to the Senate of Rome out of Judaea, when he was Governour of that Province. Hence his Followers scruple not to call him Jesus, The Beauty of Ten Thousand, The Only begotten Son of God, The Prophet who is to Seal up all Things, the Prince of Peace, King of Israel, Judge, Consolation and Hope of the World.

When he travels, his Disciples attend him bare-headed (which, thou knowest, is a Token of Reverence among the Franks) yet they never uncover to any other Mortal. He rides on Horseback, whilst they walk on Foot before, behind, and on each Side of him, spreading their Garments in the Way through which he passes. The Hoofs of his Beast [Page 20]tread only on Silks, or other Costly Stuffs. And as they enter any Town or City, they Chaunt aloud his Praises, proclaming him the Son of David, and Heir of the Divine Promises.

All his Followers pretend to be Prophets, boasting of strange Illuminations and Raptures, foretelling Things to come, and reproaching the Vices of Governours and the Greatest Princes, with a Boldness which has but few Precedents. In a word, they every where preach, That God is laying the Foundation of a New Monarchy, which shall destroy all the Rest in the World, and shall never have an End it self.

This gives a Jealousy to the States where they live, and therefore they are persecuted in all Places. Yet they appear very constant in their Sufferings, and tenacious of the Doctrines they preach.

They seem, in my Opinion, to resemble one of our Mussulman Sects, who assert, That Jesus the Son of Mary shall return again upon Earth: That he shall Marry and beget Children, be Anointed King of the Nations who believe in One God, and in this Glorious State shall reign Forty Years. After which he shall subdue Antichrist, and then shall follow the Dissolution of all Things. Yet the Orthodox Believers reject this Tenet as Fabulous. Neither is there any Countenance given to it in that Versicle of the Alcoran, where it is said, Thou Mahomet shalt see thy Lord return in the Clouds: Since that only[Page 21]intimates the Glorious Descent which Moses, Jesus and Mahomet shall make from Paradise, with Enoch, Elias, and the One Hundred Twenty Four Thousand Prophets, to assemble the Elect at the Day of Judgment.

If thou would'st have my Opinion of these New Religionists in Europe, and their Leader; I take him to be an Impostor, and his Followers to be either Fools or Mad-Men. Even just such another Crew, as those who follow'd Moseileima, in the Days of our Holy Law-Giver. This was an Arabian Impostor, who pretended to set up for a Prophet, and attempted to compose a Book like the Alcoran. But he was Infatuated with a Vain Arrogance, and there was no Truth or Elegance in his Writings, no Justice on his Side, nor Understanding in him or his Party. To be short, both he and they were all cut to pieces in the Vale of Akreb, by the Troops of Abu-Bacrossadic, the First Cailiph.

As to these Modern Seducers, they are not Men of Arms, but a Herd of Silly, Insignificant People, aiming rather to heap up Riches in Obscurity, than to acquire a Fame by any Heroick Undertaking. They are Generally Merchants or Mechanicks, and are observ'd to be very Punctual in their Dealings, Men of few Words in a Bargain, Modest and Compos'd in their Deportment, Temperate in their Lives, and using great Frugality in all things. In a word, They are singularly Industrious, sparing no Labour or Pains to[Page 22]encrease their Wealth; and so Subtle and Inventive, that they wou'd if possible, extract Gold out of Ashes. I know none that excel them in their Characters, but the Jews and the Banians. [...]he Former being the Craftiest of all Men, and the Latter so superlatively Cunning, that they will over-reach the Devil.

But these are no Signs of a Pure Religion; For that only prescribes the Methods of withdrawing and separating the Soul from the Contagion of Earthly Things, and of uniting it to the Deity, which is its Sourse.

Illustrious Kaimacham, I bid thee Adieu, praying that thou and I may at last meet in that Center of all Things, after our Various Epicycles and Excursions in this Lower World.

Paris, 15th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1659.

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LETTER V. To the Same.

I Sent a Dispatch some Moons past to the Cadilesquer of Romeli, Guardian of the Imperial Canons, Interpreter of the Laws of Equity; wherein I inform'd him of the Advances that were made in order to a Peace between France and Spain. Now I can assure thee, that Peace is concluded, and the Articles Sign'd on both Sides by the Two Plenipotentiaries.

I need not repeat what I particularly related to that Grandee. My Letters are all publish'd in the Divan, and Register'd. Yet it will not be unwelcome perhaps to thee, to hear with what Niceness of Punctilio, these Infidel Ministers met to accomplish an Affair, whereon depends the Interest and Honor of their Respective Masters, the Happiness of the Two Kingdoms, and the General Byass of all the West.

There is a little Island form'd by the River Bidassoa, call'd the Isle of Pheasants, through the Middle of which, a Line is drawn which exactly separates the Territories of both Monarchs. This Place was agreed on for the Interview of the Two Ministers. Each had his Bridge to enter the Island in that Part which belong'd to his Master. And over the Line of Separation was erected a large Divan [Page 24]or Council-Room, to be enter'd only by Two Private Doors, one out of Cardinal Mazarini's Lodgings, rais'd on the French Side of the Council-Room, the other out of Don Louis D' Aro's Apartment, built on the Spanish Side.

Each of these Ministers was accompany'd by several Princes, and Grandees of the Court, and above Sixty other Persons of Quality, with a Guard of Four Hundred Horse and Foot, to secure their Bridges, and the Place of Conference. In a word, Things were manag'd with so much Moderation and good Success, that the Mareschal de Gramont was sent Embassador Extraordinary into Spain, and receiv'd at that Court with Infinite Civilities and Honour.

The Subject of his Negotiation, was to treat of a Match between the King his Master, and the Infanta of Spain. His Conduct and Address were such, as soon procur'd the Catholick King's Consent: And from that Time the Marshal approach'd the Infanta with more than ordinary Submissions, esteeming her now as the Queen of France. Soon after this, the Nuptial Contract, and the Peace was mutually Sign'd, to the Immense Joy of the Subjects of both Sides, who were very glad to exchange the Toils and Calamities of War, for the Sweets and Profit of Peace.

It will be needless to insert here all the Articles on which they agreed. Two will be worth the Knowledge of the Supreme Divan. And those are, the Release of Charles Duke of[Page 25] Lorrain, on the Spanish King's Side; And on the Part of the King of France, the Restauration of the Prince of Conde to the Free Possession and Enjoyment of all his Estates, Honours, Dignities and Priviledges, as the First Prince of the Royal Blood, with the Government of the Provinces of Bourgoigne and Bresse.

A little before these Articles were Sign'd, the Young Prince of Spain dy'd suddainly, not having seen Twelve Moons. I mention'd the Birth of this Royal Infant in one of my Letters, and the Extraordinary Solemnities that were made thereupon by the King of Spain, and his Embassadors at Foreign Courts. These Infidels appear in all things too passicnately affected with the Glories of our Mortal State, which at the Height are but Transient Shadows, or something less Considerable.

I'm amaz'd at the bold Rebellion of the Bassa of Aleppo, and that he shou'd endeavour to cheat the Empire with so stale an Imposture, as a Sham-Son of Amurat. Yet it seems he made a Considerable Progress under this Pretence. Some were glad of Novelty, others were frightned out of their Allegiance: Whilst only a few serv'd his Interest in pure Discontent and Hopes to amend their Fortune. The Country People are generally oppress'd by their Governours, and 'is no Wonder if they take up Arms for one that promises to deliver 'em from their Calamities. This is the Usual Pretext of all Innovations in the State. The Soldiers also are defrauded of their[Page 26]due Pay; and then they're ready to Fight under the next General that brings most Money with him. Neither are there wanting Male-contents among the Grandees at such Times, to foment and abett an Insurrection.

All these Events proceed from the Ill Conduct of the Supreme Ministers, who alone are Responsible for the Miscarriages of the State.

Illustrious Kaimacham, the Frame of the Ottoman Government is out of Order; I wish Fate does not pull it in Pieces, as a Necessary Step to its Amendment. Adieu

Paris, 2d. of the last Moon, of the Year 1659.

LETTER VI. To Hamet Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

I Wish thee all Imaginable Joy of thy New Dignity; yet question, whether thou or thy Predecessor be the Happier Man. 'Tis a vast Honour indeed, and attended with Immense Profit, to serve in this Station the most High, most Potent and most Invincible Monarch on Earth. But at the same Time, there's Infinite Toil and Fatigue in it, with Abundance of Perils. From all which the Fortunate[Page 27] Muzlu is now deliver'd, and they are become thy Portion.

As for him, I cannot but esteem him Happy, in that he has got Permission to retire to his Country-Seat, out of the Crowd and Noise of the City, and from the Stifling Businesses of State, which choak the more Innocent and Natural Delights of the Soul. Now he is fully restor'd to the Elements, and to himself; whereas before, the perpetual Hurry of the Court, made him in Part a Stranger to Both: For there a Man insensibly loses Acquaintance with his own most Intimate Affections: His Spirit is alienated amidst the Multiplicity of his Concerns; 'tis stretch'd on the Rack of Ten Thousand Cares and Inquietudes; 'tis divided, shatter'd and rent in Pieces.

Besides, were he as free from these distracting Thoughts as a Santone; yet the very Necessity of living always in a City, was enough to render him Miserable. For I esteem such a Confinement, no better than a Prison at Large; and not far from being buried Alive.

'Tis true, Constantinople has the Advantage of all the Cities in the World, for the Delightfulness of its Situation; the Houses being so pleasantly intermix'd with fair Gardens, and the Streets refresh'd with cool Breezes from the Sea. It looks at a Distance like a Town in a Wood; or one may term it, a Forest compos'd of Minarets and Cypresses. The Terrasses afford agreeable Prospects of the [Page 28]Neighbouring Fields and Mountains: And 'tis pleasant to stand on the Water-Side, and view the Innumerable Variety of Boats and Vessels Sailing from one Port to another, with all the other Divertisements on the Sea, and the Beautiful Mixture of Palaces and Groves, Chioscs and Gardens, Seraglio's and Villages which grace the Opposite Shore. O Queen of Cities, Mistress of Kingdoms, Glory of Nations, Commandress and Sanctuary of the Whole Earth! Thrice Happy shou'd I count my self, if I might have the Favour to reside within thy Venerable Walls, and exchange the polluted Society of Infidels, for that of True Believers.

How often do I languish to see the Glittering Crescents, the Triumphant Ensigns of the Ottomans, on the Tops of the Minarets in the Imperial City? How oft do I wish my self prostrate on the Carpets of the Sacred Mosques, in the devout Assemblies of the Faithful, Adoring the Eternal in Perfection of Sanctity? Whereas, now I'm forc'd to go into the Temples of Idolaters, to kneel and bow down before Stocks and Statues, to join seemingly with Ʋnbelievers, and pray to that which has no Life, nor Sense, nor Power,

How do I envy the Blessed State of the meanest Artizan in Constantinople, who daily feeds on the wholesom Pillaw of the East, and drinks the delectable Sherbets, or Waters tinctur'd with the Rich Fruits of Greece? Whereas, I am compell'd to eat Meats forbidden by our Holy Prophet, and to render my [Page 29] Soul Execrable by an Impure and Prophane Diet, or I must Starve. For, these Ʋncircumcis'd are more Abominable than Ravens and Vultures, to whom the most filthy Carrion is a Dainty. And to cloak their Uncleanness they corrupt their own Gospel, and forge a Toleration from the Messias himself. As if that Holy Prophet, who in every the least Tittle obey'd the Law of Moses, and set himself as an Example for his Followers to imitate, cou'd be guilty of Contradicting those Divine Precepts, and running Counter to his own Practice, in recommending Ʋncleanness and Libertinism. No: the Admirable Son of Mary, was the most Temperate and Abstemious Man in the World, and both in his Words and Actions preach'd up those Vertues to others; having often expresly declar'd to his Disciples, That he came not to abolish the Law, but to refine and perfect it.

He was Circumcis'd on the Eighth Day after his Nativity, according to the Injuntion of Moses, and the constant Practice of the Sons of Israel. In a Word, through the whole Course of his Life, he never deviated from the Traditions of his Fathers, the Seniors of the House of Jacob.

'Tis true, he frequently argued against the many Trivial Superstitions of the Pharisees, who evacuated the more Essential Points of the Law, by superinducing a Number of Insignificant Ceremonies: But he never open'd his Mouth against any Positive Precept; [Page 30]such as were those which limited the Choice they were to make of Meats, distinguishing the Impure from the Clean. Yet, the Christians delude themselves with a False Belief, that he gave 'em a Dispensation to eat any Thing without Caution or Reserve.

Hence it is, that they defile themselves with Swines-Flesh and Creeping Things, and Blood is in all their Dishes. They scruple not to eat of that which died of it self, and banquet as freely with what was knock'd down or strangl'd, as we wou'd do with the Flesh of a Beast that was kill'd in Pronouncing the Name of God. The Shambles here afford no other Provision but such as this; and he that will not Eat that which is an Abomination to a Mussulman, must be contented with Herbs. This I reckon as one of the Greatest of my Misfortunes, and it makes me burn with Desire to return to Constantinople.

Yet, after all, I shou'd think my self far more Happy, if I might have the Liberty to spend the Rest of my Days in my Native Country: So great an Admirer I am of a Rural Life, and Solitude. And 'tis for this Reason, I count thy Predecessor a Happy Man, in having the Privilege of a sweet Retirement; where he may take Breath from the vain Importunity and Bustle of Mortals.

In the mean Time, there is a Species of Felicity in thy Employment: And thou can'st not be call'd Miserable, so long as thou acquittest thy self fairly, and enjoyest the Favour of thy Sovereign.

[Page 31]I perceive by thy Letter, that thou art curious to know the Characters of Foreign States, with the various Interests of Nazarene Princes; The Intrigues of these Western Courts; their Overtures of Peace and War; And the different Laws, Maxims and Customs by which the People are Govern'd. Thy Conversation with Embassadors at the Port, will furnish thee with Abundance of Useful Remarks in this Kind: But, since thou requirest me to send my Observations, I will hereafter obey thy Commands in Successive Letters. For, this is too large a Theme for one Dispatch.

At present, thou mayst receive and Register for true News, That the Peace between France and Spain has been Sign'd by both Kings, and Solemnly publish'd throughout their Territories, with Inexpressible Joy and Magnificence. It is certain also, that the King of Sueden is dead, and the Duke of Orleance, Uncle to the French King: Which has in some measure qualify'd the Mirth of the French on this Occasion. Assuredly, Human Affairs are Equally checquer'd with Good and Evil. Bliss comes not to us in Pure Unmix'd Streams. Death keeps an even Pace, and knocks as boldly at the Gates of Kings, as at the Cottages of the Meanest Slaves.

It is the Part of a Wise Man to be always resign'd to Heaven, and prepar'd for the worst Events: As for the Best, they never come amiss.

Paris, 17th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1660.

[Page 32]

LETTER VII. To Dgnet Oglou.

SHall I converse with thee, as Horace us'd to do with his Friends over a Glass of Generous Wine? Let us lay aside Masques for a while, and discourse with open Souls. I believe thou hast as equal a Veneration for our Holy Prophet, as I; and hast been Educated in all the Tendernesses of Piety, the Niceties of Divine Love, as our Mollahs are pleas'd to call it. We have been both of us Careful to rise before the Sun, and say our Oraisons every Morning in a Demy-Trance, that is, Half a-sleep, and Half a-wake. This, no doubt, is a necessary Point of Piety. And we have been no less sollicitous in observing the other Four Hours of Prayer. Either of us wou'd have counted it an Irreligious Negligence, if we had seen a Piece of Paper on the Ground, and had not stoop'd to take it up, with Reverence wiping off the Dirt, and kissing the Tabula Rasa, on which Men use to write the Name of God. As if 'twere not an Equal Argument of Respect, to secure from Prophanation, Sticks, Stones, Rags, or any Thing whereon 'twere possible to Engrave or Print the All-Mysterious Characters; Nay, or the very Sands themselves, which, as some say, were the First Books on Earth. However, if they were not the First, we are[Page 33]sure that in very Early Ages, Men us'd to stamp their Memoirs, or draw them out in perceptible Figures on the Surface of the Earth: Witness the Old Ship-wreck'd Philosopher, who being cast ashore in an Ʋnknown Land, soon trac'd out the Manners of the People, by certain Mathematical Impressions which he found in the Sands: For, he concluded these to be the very Foot-steps of Humanity and Vertue. But, to return to the Bus'ness of Religion: We have been Obedient to the Instructions of our Fathers and Tutors; Zealous in observing every Punctilio of Traditional Piety. We have Fasted, Pray'd, Wash'd, and given Alms, at the Appointed Seasons, and in the Manner prescrib'd by the Law. All these, I own, are Commendable Exercises. But, methinks, they are not the Solid and Substantial Parts of True Religion. I hate Hypocrisy, and the devout Wantonness of those who think to mock God with Ceremonies and Empty Forms. It were much better to mix with the Idolatrous Rites of Bacchus (if they deserve that Epithet) and rant in Honour of Eternal Wine, talk Reputed Blasphemy, and reform the Model of the Ʋniverse; I say, I'd chuse to do all this, and more, rather than cheat my self with Empty Hopes of gaining Paradise, for acting to the Life, the Shams of Pious Mimickry.

I would not have thee think, that what I have now said, proceeds from any Contempt of the Eternal Majesty.

[Page 34]By those fair Heavens above, and all the Immortal Spangles of the Sky, I swear, there's not a Faculty in Mahmut's Soul, which is not fill'd with Gratitude and Veneration, which does not burn with Flames of Sacred Love to the Adorable Fountain of All Things. In a word, I only strive to rescue my Friend from the Attempts of Pious Frauds, the Religous Burlesques of our Mollah's and Mufti's.

Believe, my Dear Dgnet, That there is a God, a First Cause, a Just Judge presiding over the World: Believe also his Prophet, the Holy, the Beloved, Mahomet, the Minion, as I may say, of the Omnipotent. But, have some Faoth also for the Rest of his Messengers and Favourites. Let not Hali be thought of, without some Inward Flurry's of Devotition. He was a Mussulman, and the Fourth Cailiph, tho' his Followers be damn'd Hereticks in our Divinity. Had Right taken Place, perhaps he had been the First of the Vicars, but his Cause was superseded by his Absence. Let him, and that, rest till the Final Inquisition: And acknowledge, that I have said too little for a Schiai, and not too much for a Sunni.

I know no Reason also, why we shou'd not reverence the Memories of Mercury, Orpheus, Cadmus, Melissus, Faunus, and the Rest of the Ancient Sages and Lawgivers, who Instructed the Nations of the Earth in the Mysteries of Religion, taught them to Adore One Supreme God, to believe the Immortality [Page 35]of the Soul, and to practise Good Works.

What, tho' the Ceremonies of their Worship were different from ours, and perhaps polluted with an Unjustifiable Adoration of Images? What tho' their Altars reek'd with the Blood of slain Beasts, and sometimes smoak'd even with Humane Sacrifices? These Barbarous Rites were not Instituted by the First Oracles of Religion, Illuminated Souls, Nuncio's from God to this Lower World: But, they were afterwards super-induc'd through the Corruption of Times, the Avarice of Priests, and the Superstition of the People. And for ought we know, our own Historians have not been Impartial in relating the Truth.

There is an Innate Envy between People of different Families and Nations. Both We and our Fathers that descend from Abraham by Ismael, and the Jews who are his Posterity by Isaac, have been too favourable to the Offspring of that Beloved of God. We generally entertain and cherish a Specifick Pride on the Score of our Illustrious Pedigree: Especially the Jews, who will not allow any People on Earth to be their Equals, either in Point of Antiquity, the Nobility of their Race, or the Innumerable Multitude of their Brethren. Whereas they consider not, that they are dispers'd up and down over the whole Earth, like Sheep without a Shepherd, not permitted to possess a Cubit of Land which they can call their own: Contemn'd, hated, and made a Proverbial Scoff among all Nations: Infamous [Page 36]Vagabonds, Usurers, Slaves, and Pimps to other Men's Pleasures: Men of no Fame or Character: Finally, in their present Circumstances, the most Spurious and Ignoble of all the Sons of Adam, except the Kafars of Ethiopia, who feed on the Guts and Dung of Beasts.

'Tis true indeed, their Ancestors made a Considerable Figure in the World in the Days of Solomon and other Victorious Kings, during their Possession of Palestine. And yet in those very Times, they were often humbled and led away into Captivity, by the more Fortunate Kings of Babylon, Persia, and Assyria, and afterwards subdu'd by the Grecians; till at last they were totally Ruined, their Cities laid Waste, their Temple burnt to Ashes, and their Country quite dispeopled by the Romans.

If we ascend yet higher to their Celebrated Migration out of Egypt, of which their own Historians make such a Noise, and tell so many Fabulous Wonders. We shall find a very Mean and Contemptible Character given of 'em by Egyptian Writers, and those of other Nations, Men of as great Authority, as Josephus, or any other Jewish Historian. Manethos a Priest of Egypt, calls 'em a Crew of Leprous and Nasty People, and says, they were expell'd the Country by Amenophis then Reigning, and driven into Syria; their Captain being Moses, an Egyptian Priest. A like Relation we have from Chaeremon, an Author of good Credit among the Greeks, who[Page 37]tells us, That in the Reign of Amenophis, Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand Lepers were forcibly banish'd out of Egypt, under the Conduct or Tisithen and Peteseth (i. e.) Moses and Aaron. And tho' other Writers differ in the Name of the King then Reigning in Egypt, yet all agree in asserting the Israelites to be a Nasty Sort of People, over-run with Scabs and Infectious Boils, and that they were esteem'd the Scum and Filth of the Nation. Tacitus, a Roman Writer, of Unquestionable Authority; adds, That Moses, one of the Exil'd Lepers, being a Man of Wit and Reputation among them, when he saw the Grief and Confusion of his Brethren, bid them be of good Cheer, and neither trust the Gods or Men of Egypt, but only confide in him, and obey his Counsel: For that he was sent from Heaven to be their Conductor out of this Calamity, and to Protect them from all their Enemies. Upon which the People not knowing what Course to take, surrendred themselves wholly to his Disposal, from which Time he became their Captain and Lawgiver, leading them through the Desarts of Arabia, where they committed great Rapine and Spoil, putting Man, Woman and Child to the Sword, burning their Cities, and laying all Things desolate. Dear Dgnet, What could be said worse of a Company of Robbers and Banditi?

Moses is gone to Paradise, and when I mention his Name, it is with a profound Reverence; for, he was the Greatest of the Ancient[Page 38]Prophets. Yet give me Leave to have some Regard for my own Reason. He was but a Mortal as well as I; and without doubt, was not exempt from Humane Frailties. He had the Advantage to be Educated in the College of the Royal Priests at Memphis, which none of his Nation could boast of besides himself. Suffer me to tell thee my Thoughts frankly, and without Disguise. Magick and Astrology were the only Sciences then in Vogue: And he being perfectly vers'd in all the Mysteries and Secrets of Egyptian Wisdom, 'twas no hard Task for him to possess the Rude and Ignorant Sont of Jacob, with a profound Attach and Veneration for his Person: And in that distress'd Condition, to mold their flexible Spirits to what Discipline he pleas'd.

Suspect me not for an Infidel or an Atheist, because I discourse with this Freedom. I have heard some of our Mollahs, say a great deal more in their Private Conversation. And 'tis a superstitious Timerousness, not to be bold in the Exercise of our Reason, which taught even the Prophet Moses himself, the Methods of Conquest, and getting a Fame which should know no End.

I am not Ambitious, nor would I tempt thee to aspire at an undue Grandeur: But let us not be less than our selves, that is, Men, There is no reason we should be impos'd upon by Fabulous Reports of Interress'd and Designing Writers: Or that we should give Faith to every Credulous Fool, Doubtless,[Page 39]there were many Nations establish'd on Earth before the Israelites; and Great Prophets, who were not of the Lineage of Abrahim. The Date of the Olympiads is much more certain to a Day, nay, to an Hour, than the Hejira of the Israelites: since the Former is Demonstrated by the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, interwoven by the Gentile Historians, in the Body of their History; whereas the Latter is defective in this Material Point, and is expos'd to a Thousand Disputes among Writers.

My Friend, let not thou and I trouble our selves with Needless Controversies, or be Zealous for Things of no Moment; but Adoring One God, and believing what is Rational, we may possess our Souls in Tranquility and Peace.

Paris, 11th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

[Page 40]

LETTER VIII. To the Kaimacham.

AT length, after a long Alienation, the Prince of Conde is restor'd to the King's Favour: For which, he is oblig'd to the King of Spain. I have already intimated in one of my Letters, That this was agree'd on in the Treaty of Peace between these Two Crowns, as an Article Equivalent to that of the Duke of Lorrain's Release, sollicited by the King of France. Now 'tis put in Execution, and the Rebel Prince is receiv'd with Abundance of Caresses, by the King, Queen-Mother, Cardinal Mazarini, and the whole Court.

He is counted the Valiantest Man of this Age; and was so pronounc'd long ago by the Mareschal Turenne, who is a Souldier of no mean Character, both for his Judgment and Courage. He was once extremely belov'd by all the French. But his Wildness and Inconstancy, with the Destructive Effects of the Civil Wars which he rais'd, chang'd their Affections for a while into Indifference, Coldness, and Ill-Will. But now all's well again.

He and his Brother the Prince of Conti, seldom agree'd, being often the Heads of Contrary Parties, during the Minority of this King. And the Younger being crump-Shoulder'd,[Page 41] Conde us'd to be a little Sarcastick upon him, threatning to shave his uncourtly Back into the Fashion with his Sword.

It is certain, the Prince of Conde was very wild and profuse when Young, but now he begins to take soberer Measures. During his Father's Life, he was call'd the Duke of Enguien. And to reflect on the Parsimony of the Old Prince, he us'd to take several Handfuls of Gold with one Hand, and fill a Purse, saying, This is my Father's Practice. Then he would turn the Purse up-side down with t'other Hand, and scattering the Gold among his Favourites, would add, This is my Humour.

Once as he was passing on Foot through a Town in France, under his Father's Government; the Chief Magistrate of the Place, who was an Old Man, met him and begun to make an Oration with the best Rhetorick he could. But the Prince being in a Frolicksom Humour, took Advantage of a very low Conge the Old Gentleman made him, and leap'd over his Head, and stood still behind him. The Magistrate not taking any Notice of this wild Prank, turned very gravely about, and address'd himself with a new Obeisance, but not so low as the Former. However, the Nimble Prince catch'd him upon the Half-Bent, and setting his Hands on the Old Monsieur's Shoulders, whipt over again the second Time; Which quite spoil'd his intended Speech, to the great Diversion of all the Spectators.

[Page 42]In his Youth he was much addicted to Women, and took a peculiar Delight in debauching Nuns: Which occasion'd the Queen-Mother to reflect on him something Satyrically once, when he inform'd her that the Suisse Souldiers were guilty of great Disorders, some of them getting into the Nunneries, and violating the Chastity of those Consecrated Females. For the Queen replied, If you had told me they broke into the Wine-Cellars, I would believe you; for the Suisses are all known Drunkards. But as for Amours with Nuns, none is so likely to make 'em as the Duke of Enguien.

However, all that I have said, hinders not but that he is now a Prudent Man, a good General, and Fortunate in recovering his Sovereign's Favour.

In a Word, this Court is so overjoyed at the Marriage of their King with the Infanta of Spain, that they have no Room left for peevish Resentments. All Crimes are forgiven. And the Devil himself would be welcome at the Wedding, provided he would be debonair, and good Company.

The Nuptials are only Celebrated by Proxy as yet. But here are vast Preparations making for the compleating the Ceremony.

What the Issue of this Marriage and Peace will be, 'tis not easy to divine: But I doubt, the Christians are hatching Evil against the Ottoman Port, in Regard all the Princes in Europe, are coming to an Agreement.

[Page 43]Illustrious Kaimacham, Let not this Intimation pass away as a Dream. For I tell thee again, these Infidels are plotting of Mischief.

Paris, 1st. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

LETTER IX. To the same.

I Believe thou wilt now receive from me the earliest News of a Mighty Change, a Surprizing Revolution in the English Government. Know then, that he whom I have so often mention'd under the Title of King of the Scots in my Former Letters, the Eldest Son and Rightful Heir of the British Kingdoms' Charles II. is restor'd to the Throne of his Father's, without Violence or Blood-shed, by the Unanimous Consent, and Earnest Desire of his Subjects.

This Young Prince has been an Exile for Twelve Years in Foreign Courts, and has heard of as many several Alterations in the State of his Dominions, during his Absence; every Change producing a New Form of Government. The Rebels had run over all Aristotle's Politicks, and the Various Models of Plato and other Philosophers, who treated of [Page 44] Common-Wealths, to find out such Patterns as best suited with the Necessities and Genius of that Nation. There is not a Species of Aristocracy, Democracy and Oligarchy, which they did not put in Practice to support the Frame of that Government, whose Basis they had remov'd; for it was founded on a Monarchy of a long and Hereditary Descent. And therefore all their most Artificial Contrivances were Ineffectual, and they might as well have endeavoured to make Buttresses for a Castle in the Air. In a Word, the English found themselves so disjointed and weaken'd by Civil Wars, Taxes, and the other Usual Effects of Usurpation and Tyranny, that they had no other Way left to save their Nation from utter Ruine, but by bringing their Lawful King back again, who is the Angular Stone whereon all their Welfare and Interest is built.

There is one Thing Remarkable in this Turn of English Affairs, That their Sovereign landed and made his Triumphant Entry into that Island, on the Anniversary Day of his Birth. Which puts me in Mind of what is Generally discoursed here at Paris; That on the Day of his Nativity, there was seen a Bright Star in the Heavens, when the Sun was just above the Meridian. From hence the Astrologers of those Times predicted great Things concerning him. And those of the Present Age, who have seen his Fortunate Return to his Kingdoms, presage yet greater Events to come.

[Page 45] God only knows what Embryo's are in the Womb of Futurity; and we Mussulmans have no Reason to rejoyce at the Grandeur of any of these Infidel Princes. Yet such a Sign as that of a Star appearing at Noon-Day, just over the Place where a Mighty Queen was in Labour with a Prince, has Something in it Extraordinary, and full of Promising Circumstances. It was an Appearance of this Nature which render'd the Birth of the Messias so Illustrious, tho' otherwise obscure enough; when the Eastern Magi, directed by such a Star, came and found Mary the Mother of Jesus in a Stable, and the Infant-Prophet lying in a Manger, instead of a Cradle. So we are told, That Eclipses of the Sun portend the Misfortune or Death of Great Personages; and that all other Prodigies, whether in Heaven or Earth, have their proper Signification.

But whether these Observations be true or no, 'tis certain this late banished Prince, is return'd with Abundance of Splendor and Advantage to his Native Royal Possessions. And I thought it would be a Grand Neglect in me, to let one Post-Day pass, before I gave thee an Account of a Revolution so astonishing to all Europe, and which is like to give a New Turn to the Affairs of most Christian Princes and States,

Besides, I know there is an Ambassador from England, residing at the August Port; which determines the Quarrels of all the Nations on Earth. There are also Abundance [Page 46]of English Merchants in the Imperial City. They may have Feuds among one another. The Interest of some of them is joyn'd with that of the English Rebels; others are for their King. Therefore knowing of his Restauration, thou wilt be better able to adjust all Matters of this Nature, according to Reason, Equity, and the Honour of the Majestick Port. For this King makes already a greater Figure than any of his Progenitors, and therefore his Friendship is not to be contemn'd.

The Care of these Things rests on thee, who art the Vicars Vicar of the Vicegerent of God.

Paris, 3d. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

[Page 47]

LETTER X. To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Caire in Egypt.

OH that I were in one of the Pyramids near the City where thou residest, shut up in Tremendous Darkness, in the most Obscure and Horrible Vault of the Royal Pile! That I might converse with the Ghosts of Egyptian Kings, hugg Daemons in my Arms, and run the Gerit with Hobgoblins and all the Spirits of the Night round the Tomb of Cheops, or up and down the dismal Galleries, or in the Nest of Bats, Screech-Owls, Harpies, and the rest of the Winged Monsters, the Excrementitious Spawn of Humane Souls, or at least the Superfetation of pickled Carcasses, reposited there for Eternal Mummies, some of them before Noah's Flood, and the Rest after, if the Story be true. God knows whether it be or no: That's Nothing to me: But I have a strong Inclination to try what I can find in those Antique Monuments, after all the Search of so many Travellers. I have a Specifick Sort of Melancholy upon me, which cannot be vented any other Way, than by keeping Company with the Dead, or having Ten Hundred Thousand ugly rampant Spirits dancing their Infernal Measures about me, and grinning like Babboons of Hell. Oh, God! How[Page 48]'twould set me a Laughing? An Entertainment of this Nature would ease my Spleen, and restore me to a Good Humour.

Are there no Beings extant, but those which are every Day expos'd to our Senses? Or, is Nature Poorer than the Imagination of a Mortal, which can form the Idea's of an Infinity of Creatures that he never saw? I am cloy'd with the Crambe of Objects and Joys which these Narrow Elements afford, and therefore would fain grope out some New and Untry'd World, to find Refreshment in.

But oh, my Mehemet, when I look toward the Heavens, and behold the Moon and Stars; when my Eye is lost in the Boundless Firmament, and my Soul can find no Limits to the Ʋniverse; then I sink into my self, full of Humility and Confusion, because I have injuriously reproach'd the Omnipotent, and cast Obloquies on his Works. For all Things appear admirably Beautiful and Perfect, and the least Atome is large enough to afford Apartments for a Thousand Souls. Every Thing in Nature is pregnant and full of pleasing Wonders: Yet I cannot be free from these Hypochondriack Fits at certain Seasons. I am sometimes the saddest and most Melancholy Man in the World. I take all things by the wrong Handle, look on them through false Opticks, and yet persuade my self I am in the Right, and see them in their true Complexion. Such is the Fatal Sophistry of this black and sullen Passion: It takes away the Gust and[Page 49]Relish of the sweetest Enjoyments. And if the Contagion could possibly find Admittance among the Bless'd Above; surely 'twould renber their Paradise a Hell, and would afford some Ground for the Fiction of the Ancient Poets, who brought up the Use of Nepenthe among the Gods, to appease their Choler, and put 'em in a good Humour.

I know not what that Drink was: But I tell thee, my Nepenthe is a Glass of good Languedoc Wine, which is as Rich, and far more Delicious than the Wines of Tenedos and Mitylene. I once could boast of another Method to subdue my Melancholy, by giving Battle to my Thoughts in open Field; but now I am fain to have Recourse to Stratagems and Ambuscades, trepanning the ugly, hideous Monsters out of their strong Retrenchments and Fastnesses in the Spleen, by Generous Frolicks with Wine, Women and Musick. I bury all Care in profound Sleep, the Effect of brisk and free Drinking. And then I awake as merry as a Lark; as young as if I'd been in Medea's Cauldron.

What signifies it to pretend Sanctity in our Words and Exteriour Carriage, whilst at the same Time we are ready to burst with Malice, Pride, Ambition, Avarice, and a Thousand more Vices? Whereas Wine seasonably drank, cures all these Distempers of the Soul, makes a Miser Liberal, a Cruel Man Tender, a Spightful Fellow Kind, melts Stiff and Haughty Spirits into a Wonderful Softness and Complaisance. In fine, it makes a Lamb of a[Page 50] Lion, and changes a Vultur to a Dove, purifying and transforming Souls into a Temper wholly Divine.

Why then should we be ty'd to Laws of Morality, never practis'd by those who made them? All the Philosophers were boon Companions, and our Holy Prophet himself privately drank the Juice of the Grape. Our Emperours and Grandees do the same. The only Reason why they forbid it to their Subjects, is, lest they should grow too Wise, and strive to shake off the Yoke: For Wine elevates the Spirits, emboldens the Heart, and transforms a Slave to a Lord in his own Conceit. For want of this Liquor, all Nations where the Vine grows not, have found out one Beverage or another, as efficacious to relieve Melancholy, and drive away Sorrow from the Heart. The Chinese make Wine of Rice. In my Country they have another Intoxicating Drink, compounded with certain Roots. The same is used in some Parts of Persia. In these Western Provinces, they brew divers Sorts of Strong Liquors of Wheat, Barley, Honey, Molossa's and other Ingredients. And they make Wine of Apples, Pears, Cherries, Currans, and most Fruits that grow. I tell thee, my Friend, there's no living, unless we sometimes give Nature a New Ferment to rouze her from her Lees.

Yet let us practise a due Mediocrity, remembring that God gave us these Things for our Health and Refreshment, and not for our[Page 51]Bane. In a Word, Mehemet, let us be Merry and Wise.

Paris, 26th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

LETTER XI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

I Have taken some Pains; turn'd over a great many Memoirs of Old Courtiers, and convers'd with not a few now living, who can remember the Days of Henry IV. that so I may comply with thy order, and oblige thee with some Remarks on the Life of that Prince, who tho' he had but a little Body, yet like another Alexander, had so vast a Soul, and perform'd such illustrious Actions, as deservedly fasten'd on him the Title of Great, and made him be esteem'd the Arbiter of all Europe.

It is observ'd of him, that he was always Unfortunate in his Wives; yet they relate a pretty Passage of his First Wife, Margaret of Valois, which seems to contradict that Remark.

He was then a Protestant, and only King of Navarre, when the Famous Massacre of [Page 52] Paris was committed, with Design to Murder him among the Rest of his Religion. But being aware of this, when he heard the Assassins making toward his Chamber, where he sate with the Queen, he hid himself under her Garments as she sate in a Chair. The Villains rushing in, ask'd for the King. She with a great Assurance of Spirit, told 'em, He went out from her in a Passion. They seeming satisfy'd, went away without doing any farther Hurt. Which occasion'd a Common Jest, That Queen Margaret's Smock, sav'd King Henry's Life.

This Woman was call'd the Minerva and Venus of France, on the Score of her Learning and Amours, never denying any Thing to her Lovers, and being seldom without Men of Science in her Company. In a Word, King Henry look'd on himself as a Noted Cuckold, and so gave her a Bill of Divorce. Her own Mother Katharine de Medicis, was call'd the Fourth Fury of Hell.

It is Recorded of this Lady, that she practis'd much with Wizards and Magicians, who in an Enchanted Glass, shew'd her who shou'd Reign in France for the Time to come. First appear'd this Henry IV. then Lewis XIII. next Lewis XIV. and after him a Pack of Jesuites, who should abolish the Monarchy, and govern the Nation themselves. This Glass is to be seen in the King's Palace to this Day.

As for Henry IV's Second Wife, 'tis said he never enjoy'd a Peaceable Hour with her, but[Page 53]when she was asleep. They often fought together, and she spar'd not sometimes to Beat and Scratch him even in his Bed, so that he has been forc'd to quit the Field, and take Sanctuary in another Chamber. This Prince was tax'd with Ingratitude towards his most Faithful Servants, and want of Liberality to all. It was a Common Saying of his Predecessor Henry III. That he shar'd his Kingdom with his Loyal Servants and Friends. But Henry IV. lov'd not to part with any Thing which he could handsomly keep.

Yet he was very obliging to his Mistresses, and his Passion for them carried him into many Irregularities. He was so deeply enamour'd of one, that to enjoy her he sign'd a Promise of Marriage to her with his own Blood; which, one of his Favourites seeing, tore the Paper in Pieces. The King being incens'd at that, swore by the Belly of St. Gris, an ordinary Oath with him, that this Person was mad. Yes, reply'd he, but I wish I were the only Madman in the Kingdom. Thereby reflecting on the King's Extravagancy. Another Time he gave Fifty Thousand Crowns, for one Night's Enjoyment of a Lady.

I have many Years ago spoke of the Death of this Prince, in my Letters to the Ministers of the Port. Now I will acquaint thee with one Circumstance, to which I was then a Stranger.

It happen'd, that the Vice-Roy of Navarre, was walking with several Nobles in the Meadows of Bearn, a Town under his Jurisdiction,[Page 54]wash'd by the River Pau. When on a sudden all the Cows, (of which there was a great Number in those Fields) ran violently into the River, and were there drown'd. The Vice-Roy being astonish'd at this, as at a Prodigy, writ down the Day and Hour when it happen'd, which prov'd exactly the very same Time to a Minute, when Henry IV. was stabb'd in his Coach by Ravaillac; as the Vice-Roy was soon certify'd by Dispatches which he receiv'd from the Court, containing Intelligence of that Tragedy.

All this may be pure Chance, for ought I know, but there are Abundance of Symptoms of something else. As for Man, he is wholly a Stranger to himself, and the Secret Operations of his own Soul are hid from him. How then can he know the Natures of other Things, or be familiarly acquainted with the Occult Dispositions of Beasts? The least Worm or Insect, baffles our severest Scrutiny, and we are lost in the Speculation of their Embryo's. The most Silent and Inanimate Beings, proclaim aloud the Folly of our boasted Science: Every Atom in Nature, ridicules our best Philosophy. Who then will pretend to unriddle the more Uncommon Mysteries of Providence, or trace the Footsteps of Eternal Destiny? Historians speak variously of this Parricide. Some say, the Villain was approv'd of at the Court of Rome, and that he was there rank'd in the Number of Martyrs. 'Tis certain, he under went as horrible a Death, as the Wit of Man could[Page 55]invent, to punish his matchless Treason. And it seems, the Judges that examin'd him, were either afraid, or asham'd to divulge what they heard from his Mouth: Obliging themselves by an Oath to Eternal Secrecy. Ravaillac himself own'd, that he had Twice before attempted to kill the King, but was thrust back by one of his Nobles, who suspected some ill Designs in his Looks.

Sage Hamet, may God preserve our Glorious Sultan from the Rage of Mutineers, from a Jewish Physician, and from the Common Disasters of Humane Life. And the Care of his Attendants will prevent the sudden Strokes of a desperate Assassin.

Paris, 26th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

LETTER XII. To Mustapha, Berber Aga.

THis City is now as full of Noise and Lights, as some Cities of Asia are at an Eclipse of the Moon, or as Constantinople is during the Fast of Ramezan. 'Tis near Midnight, and yet here's such a Medley of Noises compounded of the loud Acclamations of Mortals, the Ringing of Bells, Beat of Drums, Sound of Trumpets, and other Musical Instruments,[Page 56]whith the Thunder of Sky-Rockets, Guns, and other Fire-works, that a Body would think ones self in a Battel or a Siege.

The Occasion of all this, is the publick Entry of the New-Married King and Queen, it being the First Time they have seen Paris since the Nuptials. Neither my Tongue or Pen are able to express to the Life, the Inimitable Pomp and Magnificence that have appear'd to Day in the Royal Train, and in the Preparations which the City made to receive them. The Lustre of Silver, Gold and Precious Stones, dazl'd ones Eyes from all Parts; and I could have wish'd for a Mussulman Army, to have been at the Plunder of such Immense Riches. Yet there were Forty Thousand of the Citizens, and King's Guards in Arms, to augment the Glory of the Day.

The Monarch with his Royal Spouse, appeared seated on a Majestick Throne, all glittering with Gold and Diamonds. It was rais'd on High, and there were several Steps or Degrees to ascend up to it. On these were placed the Princes of the Blood, the Dukes and Peers of the Realm, with other Grandees and Nobles, as also Princesses, Dutchesses and Ladies of the First Quality.

'Twas at the Foot of this Throne, there were made Innumerable Speeches, and Congratulatory Addresses by the Priests and Monks of all Orders, by the Students in the Academy, and by the several Companies of Tradesmen. But, that which was most surprizing, a certain strange Maid utter'd several [Page 57] Orations in Latin, Greek, French and Spanish, wherein she magnify'd the King's Heroick Undertakings, his wonderful Successes, great Wisdom and Courage, with other Vertues, which she made the Subject of her Panegyrick. She also no less extoll'd the Queen's Matchless Beauty, the Greatness of her Birth, the Royal Endowments of her Mind; And concluded with restecting on the Joy of all Europe, for this Illustrious Match, and Alliance of Two the most Potent Crowns in Christendom.

She delivered herself with such an Incomparable Grace and Modesty, as drew the Eyes and Ears of all that were present. And 'tis said, the King was extremly pleased with her; much more the Queen, who had never before encountred so Learned a Female.

The French Ladies have for many Years applyed themselves to the Study of Languages and Philosophy. But 'tis not so in Spain, where the Men are too Rigorous to the Fair to allow 'em that Liberty. They are as morose to Women, as the Moors, from whom a great Part of that Nation are said to descend. Every Country in Europe, has suffer'd mighty Changes, by the Incursions nd Conquests of the Moors, Goths, Huns and Vandals. So that 'tis difficult to trace the Original of any People in such a Hotch-Potch of Foreign Blood. Neither have they any Care of their Genealogies, as we Arabians have in the East.

Illustrious Aga, tho' it signifies Nothing to spring of a Noble Stock, unless we inherit the[Page 58]Vertues of our Ancestors, as well as their Splendid Titles and Estates: Yet 'tis both profitable and pleasant to have by us a Register of our Families, that reading their Characters and Heroick Actions, we may imitate their Examples, and add to the Glory of the Tribe from which we descend.

Paris, 26th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

LETTER XIII. To Dgnet Oglou.

I Know not whether I shall finish the Letter I begin; or, if I do, whether it will be above Ground, or in the Bowels of the Earth. However, I cannot forbear writing to thee, my Dear Friend, though both the Paper and I, with the House wherein I lodge, and all this Beautiful City, may, for ought I know, be transported to another Region before Morning. Nay, 'tis possible this very Hour may People Elyzium with a New Colony from France, and Paris may descend with all her Magnificent Palaces to the Shades below, changing the Banks of the River Seyne, for those of Acheron or Styx, and the Refreshing Airs of Champagne, for the Choaking Sulphurs of Hell. In a Word, we have felt the Menaces of a Terrible Earthquake this Evening, but as yet have suffered no Damage.

[Page 59]When I liv'd in Asia, an Earthquake was almost as Common as the Yearly Revolutions of Summer and Winter: And we took as little Notice of it, as we did of Lightning, Hail or Rain. Besides, one Mussulman encouraged another, and the General Faith of True Believers confirm'd us all, That we ought to be resign'd to God, and to the Appointments of Eternal Destiny, whether it were for Pleasure or Pain, Good or Evil, Life or Death. But now I have been so long disus'd to these Convulsions of the Globe, (for I have not felt one above these Two and Twenty Years) and am also separated from the Society of the Faithful; that I am become like the rest of the World, and even like these Infidels, Timorous, astonished, void of Reason, and of little or no Faith.

My Mind at first, stagger'd as much as my Body, when I was walking cross my Chamber, and felt the Floor rock under me, with that Singular Kind of Motion, which no Humane Art or Force can imitate. I soon concluded 'twas an Earthquake, but knew not how to bear that Thought with Indifference. Death is familiar to me in any other Figure, but that of being so surprizingly buried alive. It appeared horrible to sink on a sudden into an Unknown Grave, I knew not whither: Perhaps I might fall into some Dark Lake of Water; or it may be, I might be drench'd in a River of Fire, or be dash'd on a Rock: For, who can tell the Disposition of the Caverns below, or what Sort of Apartments he shall[Page 60]find under the Surface of the Earth? We walk on the Battlements of a Marvellous Structure, a Globe full of Tremendous Secrets. And whether Nature or Destiny, Providence or Chance, occasion the Ruptures that we find are made in divers Parts of the Earth, it matters not much, so long as we are in Danger of tumbling in. Such a terrible Fall, would put the best Philosopher in the World out of Humour, and Spoil all his Reasoning. I'm sure, 'twould vex me thus in a Trice to be plundered of my Thoughts. Which makes me either wonder at the Vanity of Empedocles, if he threw himself into the flaming Chasm of Mount Aetna, only for the Sake of being esteemed a God, (as the common Report is); or, gives me Reason to conclude, he had some other End in his Venturous Leap: Since 'tis not probable, that empty Fame could be esteemed by that Great Sage, as his Final Happiness. A much easier way had Aristotle, who, disgusted at his Ignorance of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, threw himself in, to put an End to his Disquisitions, if the Story be true. But, I can hardly believe the Stagyrite was such a Fool. I guess of other Men, according to the Experience I have of my self. I am as little sollicitous about Death as any Man; yet I should be unwilling to hurle my self out of the World headlong, without a Firm or a Tefta, I love New Experiments, but am not very fond of such as take from us irrecoverably the means of trying any more.

[Page 61]We had News here of an Earthquake which has overthrown Part of the Pyrenaean Mountains, some Days before this happened at Paris; but few regarded it. Calamities at a Distance frighten No-body. Yet, those which we feel, put us all in Tears. For my Part, it has this Effect on me, that I am improved in my Carelessness, and become fearful of Nothing. And, I think, there is Reason on my Side, since all my Care, Apprehension and Forecast, can never defend me from the Underminings of the Omnipotent.

Paris, 15th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

LETTER XIV. To Hamet Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LET not the Distance of Time between my Letters, prompt thee to conclude, I forget my Duty; or that I am careless to oblige so Illustrious a Friend. I have many Obligations to discharge; and therefore endeavour to husband my Hours to the best Advantage, and so to divide my Dispatches, That the Grand Signior may be served, the Divan inform'd of all Material Emergencies, and the Expectations of each Minister gratified.

[Page 62]As to the Reign of Lewis XIII. It was shar'd successively between the Marshal D' Ancre, the Duke of Luines, and Cardinal Richlieu, The First was the Queen-Mother's Favourite; the Second was the King's; As for the Third, he was absolute Master both of King, Queen and Kingdom.

During the King's Minority indeed, Queen Mary de Medicis, the Relict of Henry IV. took the Regency into her own Hands, and managed Things in an Arbitrary Manner. But the Princes of the Blood, with other Grandees, not able to brook the Government of a Woman, conspired against her. Among these were the Prince of Conde, Father to the present Prince, and the Duke of Bovillon. The Former was a Bold Man, and durst do any Thing that was Brave: The Latter was a Cunning Statesman.

They Caball'd not so privately, but the Queen-Mother was acquainted with their Meetings, and the Duke of Bovillon was the First who knew his Party was betrayed. This Intelligence was brought him from assured Hands, whilst he was sitting with the Prince of Conde, and other Nobles at the Place of their Private Rendezvous. Whereupon, he acquainted them with it, exhorting all to abscond immediately, lest they should be seized on the Spot. But they retorting, That the Queen would not venture on an Action of such dubious Consequence; He started up and took his Leave of 'em, with these Words: ‘"My Lords, you may follow your own [Page 63]Counsel. I'll immediately to Horse, and escape to Sedan, in my Stockings: Where, if they make me wear out a Pair, as an Exile; by Heavens, I'll make them wear a Thousand Pair of Boots."’

His Words came to pass, and the Effect was a diminutive Civil War; when the Queen was forced to raise an Army, to reduce this Prince to Obedience, the Rest of his Party being Imprisoned, as soon as she heard of his Flight.

Whilst these Disturbances lasted, the Moors were expell'd out of Spain, to the Number of Six Hundred Thousand. Part of those who liv'd toward the Maritime Coasts, went by Sea into Africk. The Rest, whose Residence was farther within Land, sought a Passage over the Pyrenaean Mountains, and so through the Southern Provinces of France; offering a Ducat a Head to the Vice-Roy of Navarre, for their safe Conduct. He, out of Curiosity coming to see these Travellers, and beholding 'em ragged and almost naked, with Visages like Ghosts; took Pity on them, and gave 'em Liberty of Passage gratis: Saying, ‘"God forbid I should extort so much Money from these miserable Wretches, who are abandoned to the wide World."’

But, it seems, his Commpassion was needless. For these Mussulmans were too cunning for him, having their Squalid, torn Garments, quilted all over with Gold and Precious Stones. Which occasioned all People to ridicule the Vice-Roy's Easiness, and to call him the Friend the Gibeonites.

[Page 64]I should appear too Partial in reflecting Satyrically on this Prince, whose Generosity deserves Praise: Yet I cannot but smile at the Craft of the Moors, whereby they not only escaped paying the accustomed Tribute of Passengers, but also blinded these Infidels, and took from 'em the Suspicion of greater Riches; which if they had once known, perhaps not a Moor should have carried a Piece of Money along with him into Africk.

This Passage seem'd worthy of thy Knowledge, since it in Part resembles the Famous Departure of the Israelites out of Egypt, tho' it comes short of the Robbery and Plunder which they committed on the Inhabitants, the Day before they began their Journey. However, this Story may afford thee some Divertisement.

As to the Marshal D' Ancre, the Queen's Favourite; in his Life and Death, he was compared to Sejanus, being qualified with the like Vertues and Vices, and having much the same Fortune; his Body after having been dragg'd about the Streets by the Rabble, was at last torn in Pieces.

If thou would'st know, how the Duke of Luines obtain'd the King's Favour, it was by Ingratitude. For, when he and his Brother were first brought to Court, they were both so poor, that they had but one Cloak between 'em; and for that Reason could not go abroad together. Yet being recommended to the King by a certain Nobleman for excellent Falkners, they were received into Favour. But they[Page 65]abus'd the Kindness of their Patron; and insinuating malicious Things into the King's Ear, against the Nobleman and his Family, caused him to be banish'd from the Court. After which they managed all Things.

Then succeeded Cardinal Richlieu in the Chief Ministry; of whom I have said a great Deal in my Former Letters to the Grandees of the Port, and thou wilt find them in the Register. I will now add, what I never mentioned before; That he was very Ambitious to be thought a good Judg of Verse. He gave to one Poet, for a Witty Conceit on his Coat of Arms, Two Thousand Sequins, tho' 'twas but a Verse of Seven Words. Another he promoted to an Ecclesiastick Dignity, worth a Thousand a Year, for comparing him to the Primum Mobile. But he caused a Third to be kick'd out of Doors, for his Obstinacy in denying to alter a Word of his Poem, which the Cardinal disliked.

This Minister was very Revengeful, and amongst other Effects of his Temper, none was more taken Notice of, or reflected on, than the Death of Monsieur de Thou, whom the Cardinal cut off for no other Reason, but because his Father in a General History which he wrote, had represented one of Richlieu's Ancestors, under a very Ignominious and Abominable Figure. That Historian was the Renowned Thuanus, of whom, I suppose, thou hast heard.

As to King Lewis XIII. himself, he was esteemed a great Dissembler; accustomed to[Page 66]caress those with more than ordinary Endearments, whom he designed suddenly to ruine: Whence it grew to a Proverb in his Time at the French Court, when they saw any Nobleman smil'd on, to say, His Business is done. It cannot be denied that this Prince had a Great Spirit, and some Wisdom; yet he was observed to take Delight in many petty Actions unbecoming Royal Majesty. He would spend much of his Time in Painting, and send for the most Famous Masters in that Art, to view his Works. An equal Inclination he shewed to Musick. And sometimes he was ambitious to be thought a good Cook. Once he made a Great Pasty with his own Hands, filling it with Venison only fit for the Mouths of Infidels, viz. The Flesh of Dogs, Wolves and Foxes, with other Abominable Animals, of which it is not lawful for a True Believer to taste. This he caused to be served up to Table at a Feast which he made to some of his Courtiers, who to Honour the King's Handywork, eat greedily of the Horrid Dish, and highly praised his Skill; whilst he diverted himself with laughing at them. He had many other such Freaks as these, which render'd him Contemptible and Ridiculous to the Grandees of his Kingdom. In a Word, he was more reverenced Abroad, than at Home. And this was owing to the Conduct of Cardinal Richlieu; who was justly esteemed the very Genius of France.

Illustrious Minister, all that I have said of this Monarch, speaks him but a Man: And[Page 67]no body is Wise at all Times. But the Follies of Princes are more Conspicuous, than those of meaner Persons.

Paris, 5th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1660.

LETTER XV. To Mahummed in the Desart.

MAY the Angel of Peace pitch his Pavilion at the Entrance of that Blessed Cave where thou residest. May thy Soul feel Calm and Undisturbed Joys, and for ever repose in Divine Tranquility; Whilst the Rest of the World are molested with Perpetual Cares and Fears, Broils and Enmities, Passions within, and Furies without: In a word, whilst they are always in Danger of one another, of themselves, and of the Elements which compound their Nature.

O Man highly beloved of God, Favourite of the Angels, Care of Heaven, and the singular Darling of Providence. The Palm of an Almighty Hand is extended under thee when thou sittest down or walkest, always ready to snatch thee up from the Calamities which threaten this Lower World, and lift thee to Paradise, where the Assembly of the Just wait for thy Presence.

[Page 68]There has been an Earthquake lately in these Parts, which has put all France into a great Consternation, astonish'd every Body, and encreased the Thoughtfulness of the Wise. The First Effects of it were felt by the Inhabitants of the Pyrenees, which are certain Mountains dividing France and Spain. There it did great Mischief, overwhelming some Medicinal Baths, many Houses, and destroying Hundreds of People. Only one Mosque or Church, which sunk into the Caverns below, was thrown up again, and stands very Firm, but in another Place. This is look'd upon as a great Miracle, especially by the French, who, for ought I know, may censure Partially, favouring their own Interest; in regard this Church has been disputed between them and the Spaniards, each Nation claiming Right to it, as standing before exactly on the Frontier Line. But now their Quarrel is uncontestably decided; For 'tis removed by this Convulsion of the Globe, near half a League from its Former Situation, which is so far within the acknowledg'd Limits of France. This the French Priests magnify, as an apparent Proof of the Justice of their Pretensions, and the People seem very willing to believe it.

As for me, I have another Opinion of Earthquakes, and am persuded, that they are as Natural as the Winds, which no Man knows how to draw into any Party or Faction, unless we believe the Stories of the Lapland Witches. I am persuaded, that this Globe [Page 69]is much more Ancient than the Generality of Mankind imagine it to be: That it has undergone various Changes by the Predominance of Fire and Water: And that it is now hastening towards another Revolution. I believe the Central Fire has eaten its Way almost to the Surface, and kindled all the Mines of Sulphur, and other Inflammable Matter, which it meets with in its Circular Ascent. These corroding and daily consuming their own Vaults, approaching also sometimes too near the vast Receptacles of Subterranean Waters which lie nearer the Surface, over-heat those Lakes; which being thus rarified into Vapours, and pent up in the Hollow of the Globe, strive to break forth with Immense Violence, which causes that Heaving and Rocking of the Superficies, that so terrifies Mortals. But then the Cause is very deep and far from us. For where the Surface is shallow, in such Passions of the Globe, the Earth commonly breaks and tumbles in, with whatsoever is upon it. Nay, whole Cities sometimes have been thus swallowed up. And the Danger is easily fore-known by a short Snatching and Trepidation of the Ground, Houses, Trees, Men and every Thing within its Reach; for then the Convulsion is Generally Fatal. But where the Motion is Heavy, Grave and Regular, 'tis a Sign that both the Source and the Danger of it are far off. And this is so much the more Evident, by how much farther the Earthquake is felt above Ground. For the nearer any such Passion[Page 70]happens to the Center, it must be granted, that its Force is extended the wider on the Circumference. This depends on a Mathematical Demonstration, and there needs no more be said to thee who art Consummate in the Sciences.

What I esteem a due Reflection on this is, That tho' there be no Peril in these Remote Earthquakes, yet we know not how soon they will come nearer to us, neither can we be assured, where or when they will happen, or how far they will reach. It follows therefore by a Natural Consequence, That since these Things are Unavoidable, and all the Wit of Man cannot invent a Means to escape sinking into the Bowels of the Earth where it breaks in; we ought to be careless and Indifferent what Death we die, and only be solicitous to live like Men, that is, according to Reason. For whether our Souls survive or no, 'twill be comfortable to expire in Peace, and full of our own Innocence.

Paris, 5th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1660,

The End of the First Book.

[Page 71]

LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS.
VOL. VI. BOOK II.

LETTER II. To the Venerable Mufti.

HERE is now like to be a great Change at this Court. Cardinal Mazarini is dead. He died at the Castle of the Wood of Vinciennes, on the 9th. of this Moon, having been sick a long Time. There happened a great Fire at the Louvre (so they call the King's Palace in this City) about Five Weeks ago,[Page 72]which obliged the Cardinal, who log'd there at that Time, to remove to his own House. From whence, for the Sake of Air, he was advised by his Physicians to go to the aforesaid Castle. But all in vain: For Death, which finds Access into the strongest Fortresses, pursued him thither, and led him in Triumph to the Region of Silence and Forgetfulness, who had made so great a Noise and Bustle in this our World.

It is reported, that a certain Astrologer foretold him, he should die in this Moon. But the Cardinal gave no Credit to him: Tho' one would think he had some Reason to believe him in this, for the Sake of a Former Prediction of his, concerning the Duke of Beaufort. I have mentioned this Prince, and the Enmity that was between Mazarini and him, which occasioned the Duke's Imprisonment in the Castle of the Wood of Vinciennes. During his Restraint, the fore-mentioned Astrologer gave it out in Paris, That the Duke should escape out of Prison precisely on such a Day. The Cardinal being informed of this, waited till the Day came, designing to punish the Astrologer as a Cheat, or at least to expose him for an Ignorant Person. To which End he sent for him, and upbraiding him with Presumption and Folly, in that the Day was now come, and yet the Duke of Beaufort was still a Prisoner, without any Hopes, or scarce a Possibility of escaping, order'd him to be sent to the Bastile. But the Astrologer addressing himself with much Submission and Earnestness,[Page 73]spoke to this Effect: May it please your Eminence only to respite my Sentence till to Morrow, and then hang me if you do not find that I have spoke Truth. The Day which I foretold, is come indeed, but it is not past. A Courtier will soon convince you, that I have not studied this Science in vain.

The Cardinal mov'd with these Words, only confin'd the Astrologer in a Chamber of his own Palace. And the next Day he receiv'd an Express, which gave him an Account of the Duke's Escape, and the Manner of it, viz. That on the Day before, he had let himself down by a Ladder of Ropes into the Castle-Ditch, and was no more to be seen or heard of. Thus the Astrologer escap'd the Cardinal's Revenge, and got much Fame at the Court, which was encreas'd by the Cardinal's Death, falling out exactly according to his Prediction.

This Minister was a very subtle Man; and Cardinal Richlieu us'd to say of him, That if he were minded to put a Trick on the Devil, he would only set Mazarini to Work. Therefore he made him his Confident, instructed him in all the Secrets of the French Court, the Art of Government, and on his Death-Bed recommended him to the King, as the fittest Man to succeed him in the Management of the Publick. He was after the Death of Lewis XIII. at first opposed by several Grandees; but the Queen's Authority, and that of the Prince of Conde supported him: Whence arose a Common Proverb in those Days, The[Page 74]Queen permits All, the Cardinal Commands All, and the Prince puts All in Execution: For this last had then the Office of General.

This Minister was not esteem'd so Covetous as his Predecessor, yet he heap'd up Vast Treasures; Part of which he bestow'd in Magnificent Buildings and Furniture, the Rest he sent into Italy to his Father; who astonish'd at the Prodigious Quantities of Gold he receiv'd, us'd to say, Sure it rains Money in France. However, he made himself Odious to the Subjects of this Nation by his Continual Oppressions; and they are glad he is gone.

'Tis a By-Word at Rome, when any Pope dies, to say, Now the Dog is dead, all his Malice is buried with him. But I doubt, it will not prove true in the Court of France at this Juncture. For the King will either find a Minister Equal in Subtlety to the Deceas'd Cardinal, who shall supply his Place; or he will take the Administration of Affairs into his own Hands. Be it which Way it will, we are like to see the same Maxims pursu'd, so long as Cardinal Richlieu's Memoirs are in Being, who first taught this Crown to understand its own Strength.

Paris, 14th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1661.

[Page 75]

LETTER II. To the Vizir Azem at the Port.

I Have sent a Dispatch to the Mufti acquainting him with the Death of the Cardinal Mazarini, First Minister of State, and the Greatest Favourite that ever liv'd. Now I will inform thee of some Passages, which I omitted in my Letter to that Venerable Prelate. It is Necessary for me thus to distribute my Intelligence, with a due respect to the different Quality of my Superiours.

Thou, I suppose, wilt require some Account of his Disposition and Morals, with such a Character as may render this Great Genius familiar to thy Knowledge.

He seemed to place his chief Happiness in aggrandizing his Master whom he serv'd with a Zeal so pure and disinteress'd; a Loyalty so Incorruptible, and by such regular Methods of Prudence and Policy; as if in his Days, nothing were to be counted Vertue or Vice, but what either favour'd or oppos'd the King of France's Interest. He was of a Happy Constitution for a Courtier, being by Nature Debonair, Complaisant, Affable, and of a Sweet Deportment. Yet Experience and Art, taught him to improve these Advantages, to the Height of Dissimulation. You should see Courtesie and extraordinary Goodness flowing into every Feature of his Face; You [Page 76]should hear Words breathing from his Mouth, like the soft Benedictions of an Angel: Yet at the same Time, his Heart gave the Lye to Both. He meant nothing less, than that a Man should find him as good as his Word. He was ever ready to promise any Thing that was demanded of him: But in Performance, slow and full of Excuses. Frugal of his Prince's Money, and Liberal of his own. Magnificent in his Buildings, and the Furniture belonging to them: Aiming in all Things to exceed other Men, his Equals; and in some, to surpass even Mighty Princes, his Superiours. In a Word, he was accomplish'd with all Qualifications requisite in a Fortunate Courtier, and a good Statesman.

Yet after all, this Sublime Genius yielded to Death: But not like Common Mortals. He died altogether like himself, without so much as changing that settled Gravity, and Serene Air of his Face, as had been Remarkable during his Life. He made the King Heir of his Estate, and bequeathed abundance of Legacies.

To say all in Brief: If he was Great in his Life, he was much more so in his Death; mingling his last Breath with the Sighs and Tears of the King, who lamented his Departure with the Mourning of a Son for a Father.

Paris, 26th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1661.

[Page 77]

LETTER III. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople.

YEsterday a Dispatch came to my Hand from a very Remote Part of the Earth Our Cousin Isouf sent it from Astracan, a Famous City for Traffick, formerly belonging to the Crim Tartars, but now in the Possession of the Moscovites. He has been there a Considerable Time, finding Profit by Merchandise: For, there is a vast Resort to that City from China, Indostan, Persia, Moscovy, and other Provinces of Europe and Asia. The Roads to it, are daily covered with the Caravans of Trading People. And the River Volga can hardly sustain the Innumerable Multitude of Vessels that Transport Passengers with their Goods backwards and forwards, between Astracan, and the Regions round about the Caspian Sea, into which that Mighty River discharges it self.

Isouf is Ingenious, and has pitch'd upon some Advantageous Way of enriching himself, which tempts him to take up his Abode in that City, and there end his Travels; or at least, he will repose himself there, till Fortune presents him with a fairer Opportunity of encreasing his Wealth.

[Page 78]In the mean Time, I perceive by his Letter, that he gets Money apace, lives very happily, and has the Wit to keep himself free from the Yoke of Marriage, which embarass'd him so much formerly. He soon put that troublesome Wife out of his Mind, after he had Divorc'd her; and he never fail'd to gratify himself with new Amours, where-ever he came in his Travels. He writes very Comically; and I can't forbear smiling, when he tells me, He has had as many Concubines as the Grand Signior. By which thou wilt perceive, That Isouf is much addicted to Gallantry. He frankly confesses, That he first learned this Mode of loving at large in Persia, especially at Ispahan; where he says, 'tis a Mark of Honour for a Man to be good at Intriguing with the Ladies: And he is call'd a Turk by way of Disgrace, who frequents not every Evening the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure in the Suburbs. But he adds, that in India the Liberty of courting Women is much greater. And that the very Nature of that Climate, disposes a Man to this soft Passion. In a word, our Amorous Kinsman retains the same Humour still.

Yet this does not hinder him from prosecuting his necessary Affairs with Diligence, and Alacrity. He dispatch'd a Business for me at Archangel in Russia, and another at Mosco, very dexterously. Which convinces me, that he is not less Sedulous and Careful in Things which concern himself. He says, the Moscovites are the greatest Drunkards in the [Page 79]World. Their Chief and most beloved Liquor, is what the French call, The Water of Life. 'Tis a Chymical Drink, extracted from the Lees of Wine, or other Strong Beverages: such as thou know'st is common among the Greeks, Armenians, and Franks in the Levant. When the Moscovites are once got into a House where this Nectar is Sold, and are a little warm'd and elevated with it, they will not depart till all their Money's is gone: Nay, they will pawn their very Garments from their Backs in a Frolick, rather than want their Dose of this Inebriating Stuff, and go out stark Naked in the Coldest Weather that is, fall asleep in the open Streets, and yet are ne'er the worse for it when they wake, but go to their daily Work with the greater Ardour. For, 'tis only the Common People are guilty of this Extravagance. As for the Gentry and Nobility, they are more close and reserv'd in their drunken Debauches.

The Moscovites, according to the Character he gives me of them, are a very rude and unpolish'd People; Surly to one another, and extremely rugged to Strangers. They despise all other Nations in the World, and say, 'tis impossible for any Man to go to Heaven, who has not a Moscovite Soul in him. They profess the Christian Religion, and were formerly of the Greek Church; but now they have separated themselves, and set up a Patriarch of their own, to whom so great a Veneration is paid, that the Emperour himself[Page 80]holds his Stirrop when he mounts on Horse-back.

Brother, I desire thee to speak advantageously of Isouf, to the Illustrious Kerker Hassan, and to the other Bassa's of the Bench. He will be a serviceable Man to the Grand Signior, if encourag'd by some Place of Honour and Profit. I wish I could say the same of our Cousin Solyman. But he is too Wise in his own Conceit.

Dear Pesteli, excuse my Abruptness; For my Hours are divided between the Service I owe to the Sultan, and the Affection I bear my Friends.

Paris, 7th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1661.

LETTER IV. To Orchan Cabet, Student in the Sciences, and Pensioner to the Sultan.

I Have heard of thy Fame, and the Manner of thy Conversion to the Law brought down from Heaven: How that from a Christian Priest, thou art become a Mussulman Abdalla, that is, a Believer and Servant of the True God. May thy Reward, both here and hereafter, be according to thy Integrity in this Change of Faith and Religion: For Hypocrites [Page 81]are neither Acceptable to God nor Man. Yet most Men are Proselyted for Interest, Fear, or other Humane regards. And in the Sense of the Christians, thou knowest, a Renegado and a Villain are Reciprocal Terms.

The Insupportable Miseries of Servitude, tempt many to embrace Circumcision, which at once sets 'em free, and often puts 'em in a Condition to mend their Fortunes, and live more happily than they did, even before they were Captives: whilst Ambition and Avarice, are prevailing Motives with others in more Prosperous Circumstances to be of the Grand Signior's Religion, that so they may rise in his Favour, and obtain some Considerable Preferment at the Court, or Office in the Army; like the Ancient Melchites among the Christians, who were so call'd, because they always profess'd the Faith of the Grecian Emperours, without examining whether it was Orthodox or no. A Sort of Religious Parasites, who would be any Thing to serve their own Interest, and Adore the Devil himself, provided their Sovereign shew'd 'em an Example.

Yet after all, there are some who change their Religion in pure Sincerity, only compell'd thereto by the Dint of Exalted Reason, and Motives of Vertue. Such as these are Thinking Men, Persons of Bold Spirits, who dare call in Question the Tradition of their Fathers, examine the Principles in which they were Educated, dispute every Thing, and bring all to the Standard of Natural Truth.

[Page 82]I rejoyce to hear that thou art one of this Character, and not in the Number of Counterfeits or Bigots: For such bring no Credit to the Religion they embrace, but rather a Scandal. Yet the Arms of the Munificent Port are open to receive all who profess that God is One, and that Mahomet is his Apostle; leaving the Scrutiny of their Intention, to him who searches the Heart.

Thy Learning gives thee Fair Opportunities of doing Good. Put it to a Right Use. Convince the Infidels whom thou hast forsaken, of their Errors; Confirm the True Believers, in the Faith without Blemish.

Do this by Discourse, by Writing, and by thine own Exemplary Life, which last will prevail above Ten Thousand Eloquent Sermons.

In a word, shew thy self a True and Faithful Follower of the Prophet on Earth, and God will translate thee to his Company in Paradise; where Moses will introduce thee, Jesus will Entertain thee with Joy, and all the 124000 Prophets will welcome thee to the Pleasures which know no End.

Paris, 21st. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1661.

[Page 83]

LETTER V. To the Mufti.

WE are apt to admire some Strange Passages which we find Recorded in Ancient History, and whose Truch is out of the Reach of any Mortal to prove: Yet we slight the Miracles which are before our Eyes, Evident Matters of Fact, which no body can contradict. Whence this should proceed, I know not, unless it be from a Natural Kind of Drowsiness in the Soul, Common to the greatest Part of Men; like the Sleep of those, who cannot so soon be awaken'd by the loudest Noises they are accustom'd to, as by the soft and still Idea's of a strange Dream; So we regard not the Things to which we are daily habituated, tho' in themselves never so prodigious: Whilst we start and are amaz'd at the most Ordinary Relations of Antiquity, only because they are Novel to us, and we were not Eye-Witnesses of the Things themselves.

I formerly sent a Letter to Cara Hali, the Sultan's Physician, wherein I mentioned several Physicians of Arabia, who in past Ages, were Eminent for some Remarkable Cures. But, I tell thee, not one of them could match the King of France's Success in Curing an Epidemical Distemper, which they call the[Page 84] KING's EVIL. The General Symptoms of this Malady, are certain Swellings in the Face, Neck, or other Parts of the Body; sometimes accompanied with Blindness, Deafness, Lameness, and other Imperfections. Those who are troubled with this Disease, flock to the King's Court at certain Seasons of the Year, and being introduced into his Presence, he only touches the Part affected with his Hand, and an Infallible Cure follows.

They say, this Gift has been Inherent in the Kings of France for many Generations: And the Priests magnify it as a Great Miracle. But, I tell thee, all the Prodigy in my Opinion, lies in the Strength of the People's Imagination, which thou knowest works half the Cure in many Distempers. The Priests stand by the King, whilst he touches the Sick: They repeat their, Gospel, and use certain Prayers and Exorcisms, being vested all in White like Magicians. These Ceremonies are perform'd with abundance of Gravity, which strikes an Awe into the Credulous Patients. And to render the Business yet more Mysterious; whereas other Physicians take Money of the Sick, this Royal AEsculapius bestows a Piece of Gold on every one whom he touches, which they are obliged to wear about their Necks as long as they live. Now whether the Charm lies in the Gold, or the King's Touch, or the Prayers and Ceremonies of the Priests, or finally in the Patients Fancy, it matters not much. This is certain, That Thousands who come to the King's Feet, very much disorder'd by this[Page 85] Evil, find a sensible Alteration in their Bodies, before they depart from his Presence; and in a few Hours or Days at most, are perfectly recover'd.

Perhaps, the Kings of France have some Magical or Physical Tincture in their Blood. Or, it may be, they have found out the Philosopher's Stone, so much talk'd of; and deliver'd it down to their Posterity, as a Part of the Royal Inheritance. Which enables the present King, to do so many Prodigious Things both at Home and Abroad, in Peace and in War, besides his Part in Curing this Sickness. I am no Rosicrucian, nor very fond or credulous of Miracles; yet I often wonder at the Treasures of this Monarch, which appear Inexhaustible. But the Ways of Kings are secret, and he of France is singular in his Mysterious Methods of growing Rich and Great. Neither do all his Magnificent Expences, seem to diminish his Wealth. The King of Sueden has been his Pensioner ever since he began to Reign: And Millions of French Gold, are dispersed among the German Princes.

These Things cause his Subjects to descant variously. But I referr 'em to thy Oraculous Judgment, whose Single Tefta is of Ten Thousand Times more Worth, than the Decrees of a French Parliament.

Paris, 3d. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1661.

[Page 86]

LETTER VI. To Mirmadolin, Santone of the Vale of Sidon.

NOW I will vent Holy Things, and what the Divinity shall inspire. The World was in Weeds when Hosain the Prophet was slain, and the Moon put on her Mourning Dress. The Tymbrels of Persia, Arabia and Babylon were heard in the Dead of the Night: Their Sound reach'd to the Third Heaven: The Shepherds ran to the Heights of the Earth, to discover the Occasion of so much Noise. The Sentinels of Forts and Castles gave the Alarm, and the Men of War took hold of the Sword, the Bow and the Spear. The Tygris overflowed its Banks, and Diarbekir became a Lake. A Dark Body of Clouds overcast the Sky, and poured forth Thunder, Lightning and Hail. Fire ran along on the Sands of the Desart, and the Air was all in a Flame. Horrour possess'd the Minds of Mortals, and the Angels themselves were Uneasy. The Beasts of the Field ran into Dens and Caves, and the Dragons were touch'd with Remorse. Only the more Venomous Kisilbaschi swell'd with Pride: The Poyson of Murder and Heresy had puffed up their Souls: They and their Posterity are accurs'd to this Day, and to the Hour of the Irrevocable Sentence.

[Page 87]O Santone, Great is thy Faith, in that thou hast abandoned the Shadow of this World, and separated thy self from the Contagion of Mortals. I revere the Majesty of thy Sublime Soul, the Intellect ranging at Liberty. Thou daily gatherest Flowers from the Garden of Eden, and being in the Body, enjoyest the Sweets of Paradise. Kings would lay down their Crowns to taste of thy Pleasures, did they but know them, and exchange all the Glory of Empires, for one Moment of thy Unspeakable Bliss. Thou Companion and Care of Angels, Darling of the Monarch Omnipotent!

Where-ever thou liest down, whether by Day or by Night, the Watchers Above stand ready with Ʋmbrella's to skreen thee from the Scorching Beams of the Sun, the Chilling Darts of the Moon and Stars, and from all Injuries of Weather. The Elements go out of their Courses to serve thee, and all Nature espouses thy Interest.

The Merchant hires a Thousand Camels, and loads them with the Choicest Riches of the Levant. He endures all the Fatigues of a long and dangerous Travel, through Syria, Arabia and Persia; runs the Risque of Robbers, Diseases, and Ten Thousand Methods of Death: and after all his Hazards and Pains, is not half so Happy nor so Rich as thou, who aboundest in Every Thing, because thou desirest Nothing which thou hast not, or that is Unnecessary. The Plough-men labour for thee in the Field, and so do the Artificers in the City. The Noble and the Vulgar [Page 88]are thy Purveyors, and the Greatest Sovereigns pay Tribute to thee. Every House is thy Home, and they count themselves Happy, under whose Roof thou vouchsafest to sleep. They are really so; for Benediction accompanies the Perfect Man in all his Ways, and the Favours of Heaven over-take them that shew Kindness to him. Thou art Lord of other Men's Estates, and every Man's Field is thy Inheritance. Thou enjoyest the Riches of this World, without being tainted with the Vices that attend 'em, and receivest Immortal Assurances and Seals of the Future Glory, in the Life which is to come. Oh! Happy Estate of the Righteous! Oh! Life to be truly envied!

As for me, I'm like a Galley-Slave, chain'd down to his Oar, and forc'd to Row Incessantly whither the Master of the Vessel Commands. So am I oblig'd to obey the Dictates of my Superiours, whether there be Sin in the Case or no. I am fasten'd in the Cares of this Vain World, and the more Particular Anxieties of State. From all which thou art Happily free.

Oh that it were Lawful for me to shake off the Fretting Yoke, and disintangle my self from the Snares of Humane Policy! That I might live like the Men of the First Ages, who honour'd the Earth as their Common Mother, and made no Envious Enclosures! They sported Innocently on her Fragrant Bosom, and never molested their Kind Parent, by Cruelty to any of her Off-Spring. They suck'd [Page 89]the Milk of her Breast: Her Veins stream'd with Wine and Honey. They banquetted on Variety of excellent Fruits, and no Body thought of Killing and Eating his Fellow-Animal. The Birds could then range the Air without Fear of the Fowler; neither did any Yawling Huntsman rouze the Timorous Hare from her Seat. The Roes and the Hinds could scamper at Pleasure o'er the Plain, without being hatter'd to the Mountains and Rocks for Sanctuary; neither did any sly Angler trepan the Fish of the Rivers. As for the Sea, 'twas then Unknown; No Man as yet, had ventur'd on that Perfidious Element, or found out the Use of Ships. There was in those Days no Foreign Commerce or Traffick, nor any Need of it. Every Region supply'd its Inhabitants with what was Useful and Necessary: And those Temperate Mortals desir'd no more. They liv'd without Irregular Appetites, free from Ambition, Fraud and Blood.

This is the Life so much desir'd by me, and which thou actually enjoyest. God augment thy Felicities and Raptures, that thou mayest pass from one Vision and Extasy to another, till Gabriel snatch thy Soul away in a Divine Transport, beyond the Possibility of a Relapse.

Holy Santone, whilst thou art on Earth, pray for me; and when thou art among the Immortals, do me some Favours which may last for ever.

Paris, 26th. of the 8th. Moon, of the Year 1661.

[Page 90]

LETTER VII. To Dgnet Oglou.

MY Business in this Place obliges me to keep Company with all Sorts of People. Hence I indifferently associate my self with Statesmen, Souldiers, Courtiers, Priests, Fidlers, Mechanicks, Seamen, or Persons of any Profession, from whom I can hope for any Improvement: For, there is hardly so despicable a Fellow in the World, who may not teach an Inquisitive Mind something, to which it was a Stranger before.

Sometimes I converse with Painters, whom I generally find to be Men of Wit and Sense, but very lewd and dissolute: However, they serve to divert my Melancholy, to which thou knowest I am much inclin'd. For they are the merriest Sparks in the World, abounding with smart Repartees, Jests and Comical Stories, besides a Hundred Mimical Tricks of good Buffoonry to make one laugh; that it is almost Impossible to be sad in their Company.

They are most of them bred in the Academy, or in Colleges and Schools where the Sciences are profess'd: It being in a Manner necessary, That Men of this Trade should have a Smack of all Sorts of Learning, and especially, that they should be indifferent good[Page 91] Historians; they being many Times desir'd to represent Pieces of Antique and Modern History, without a Pattern. They have a very Facetious Way also of telling a Story to the Life, as well as of drawing it so in Picture. They would dissolve the most stiff and morose Hadgi into Laughter and Jollity, to hear how gracefully they will ridicule the most serious Matters, and turn every Thing into Burlesque: For they are Admirable Satyrists by Nature.

Yet these are not all alike, but differ in their Tempers like other Men. Some of them are Proud and Stately, others Fawning and Abject: And all of them great Humorists.

It was an odd Whim of Martin Heemskirk, a Famous Painter, that was born at a Village of the same Name. He died in the Year of the Christians Hegira, 1574. This Man had amass'd together in his Life Time a Vast Quantity of Money; and having no Wife or Children, nor other Relations of his own to leave it to, he was resolv'd to do something, for which he might be talk'd of after his Death. I have heard of many dying Men, that have had one Caprice or other in making their last Will and Testament: But thou wilt say this of Martin's was Singular. For, on his Death-bed he bequeath'd all his Wealth to be distributed into Equal Dowries or Portions, wherewith to marry a certain Number of Maids of Heemskirk, his Birth-place, Yearly, on this Condition, That the New-married Couple, with all the Wedding-Guests, shou'd dance on his Grave.

[Page 92]It is necessary for thee to know, that since his Death, there has been a great Alteration of Religion in those Parts: The Inhabitants, which in his Time were Roman Catholicks, are now all Protestants. And at the Time of this Change or Reformation, as they call it, it was the General Practice of the Protestants, to demolish all Images and Crosses where-ever they found 'em. Now it was the Custom of the Roman Catholicks to set up a Cross at the End of every Sepulchre of the Dead. Yet, so great a Veneration have the Heemskirkers for the Memory of this Painter, that whereas there is not a Cross to be seen standing in all the Country besides; yet his, being of Brass, remains untouch'd, as the only Title their Daughters can shew to his Legacy.

'Twas a more Cruel and Inhumane Caprice of an Italian Painter (I think his Name was Giotto) who designing to draw a Crucifix to the Life, wheadl'd a poor Man to suffer himself to be bound to a Cross for an Hour, at the End of which he shou'd be releas'd again, and receive a Considerable Gratuity for his Pains. But, instead of this, as soon as he had him fast on the Cross, he stabb'd him Dead, and then fell to drawing. He was esteem'd the Greatest Master in all Italy at that Time. And having this Advantage, of a Dead Man hanging on a Cross before him, there's no Question, but he made a Matchless Piece of Work on't.

As soon as he had finish'd his Picture, he carried it to the Pope, who was astonish'd, as[Page 93]at a Prodigy of Art, highly extolling the Exquisiteness of the Features and Limbs, the Languishing, Pale Deadness of the Face, the Unaffected Sinking of the Head: In a Word, he had drawn to the Life, not only that Privation of Sense, and Motion which we call Death; but also the very Want of the least Vital Symptom.

This is better understood, than express'd. Every Body knows that it is a Master-piece to represent a Passion, or a Thought well and naturally. Much greater is it to describe the total Absence of these Interiour Faculties, so as to distinguish the Figure of a Dead Man, from one that is only asleep.

Yet all this and much more, cou'd the Pope discern in the Admirable Draught which Giotto presented him. And he lik'd it so well, that he resolved to place it over the Altar of his own Chappel: For, thou know'st, this is the Practice of the Nazarenes, to Adore Pictures and Images. Giotto told him, Since he lik'd the Copy so well, he wou'd shew him the Original if he pleas'd.

What dost thou mean by the Original, said the Pope? wilt thou shew me Christ Jesus on the Cross in his own Person? No, repli'd Giotto, but I'll shew your Holiness the Original from whence I drew this, if you will absolve me from all Punishment.

The good old Father suspecting something extraordinary by the Painters thus Capitularing with him, promis'd on his Word to pardon him. Which Giotto believing, immediately [Page 94]told him where it was: And attending him to the Place, as soon as they were enter'd, he drew a Curtain back, which hung before the Dead Man on the Cross, and told the Pope what he had done.

The Holy Father extremely troubl'd at so Inhumane and Barbarous an Action, repeal'd his Promise, and told the Painter, he should surely be put to an Exemplary Death.

Giotto seeming resigned to the Sentence pronounc'd upon him, only begg'd leave to finish the Picture before he dy'd; which was granted him. In the mean while, a Guard was set upon him to prevent his Escape. As soon as the Pope had caus'd the Picture to be deliver'd into his Hands, he takes a Brush; and dipping it in a Sort of Stuff he had ready for that Purpose, daubs the Picture all over with it, so that nothing cou'd now be seen of the Crucifix: But it was quite effac'd in all outward Appearance.

This made the Pope stark mad: He stamp'd, foam'd and rav'd like one in a Phren'sy. He swore the Painter should suffer the most Cruel Death that cou'd be invented, unless he drew another full as good as the former: For if but the least Grace was missing, he wou'd not pardon him. But if he cou'd produce an exact Parallel, he wou'd not only give him his Life, but an Ample Reward in Money.

The Painter, as he had Reason, desir'd this under the Pope's Signet, that he might not be in Danger of a Second Repeal: Which[Page 95]was granted him. And then he took a wet Sponge, and wip'd off all the Varnish he had daub'd on the Picture. And the Crucifix appeared the same in all Respects, as it was before.

The Pope, who looked on this as a great Secret, being Ignorant of the Arts which Painters use, was ravished at the strange Metamorphosis. And to reward the Painter's treble Ingenuity, he absolv'd him from all his Sins, and the Punishments due to them; ordering moreover his Steward, to cover the Picture all over with Gold, as a farther Gratuity for the Painter. And, they say, this Crucifix is the Original by which the most famous Crucifixes in Europe are drawn.

I need make no other Reflection on this, Than that as the Suppos'd Murder of Jesus the Son of Mary, is the Source of all the Christians Devotion; so the real Homicide which this Painter committed, has made it more intense and fervent, by how much the Crucifixes drawn after this Pattern, excel all that were seen before them, in the Tragical Portraiture of the Martyr'd Messias.

And, from this Reason it is, that Painters are in so great esteem among the Italians, because they form the Gods which those Infidels Adore. It is no wonder therefore, that the Chief Head of their Church, should so easily Absolve Murder in a Painter, as a Venial Sin, especially when it is done in Ordine ad Deum, as the Jesuits say, that is, to promote God's Glory, as the Pope easily persuaded[Page 96]himself this was: Since Idolatry is the main Engine which supports the State and Grandeur of the Roman Court. And all the World knows, that Holy City is a Type of Heaven; or at least, the Crafty Priests would fain represent it so.

My Friend, thou and I have seen enough of their Tricks and Holy Frauds in Sicily. Praise be to God, they had not Power to pervert us. Our Faith remains inviolate: We still possess the Integrity of Mussulmans, the Native Attach we owe to the Prophet, who was sent to Exterminate Idols. In a word, we Adore none but One God, Creator of the Worlds. May that Incomprehensible for ever keep us in the same Faith and Practice, till the Release of our Souls.

Paris, 13th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1661.

[Page 97]

LETTER VIII. To Lubano Abufei Saad, an Egyptian Knight.

THIS Court is now at Fontainbleau, and all seems to be dissolv'd in Joy for the Birth of a Dauphin. The Queen was delivered of this Young Prince, on the First Day of this Moon. There's Nothing but Feasting, Dancing and Revelling on this Account, with Bonefires and Congratulatory Addresses. Only the Duke of Orleans, the King's Brother has little Reason to be over-merry, since he was the next Presumptive Heir of the Crown, in Case the King died without Issue Male: For the Laws of France exclude a Female from Reigning. Yet, this Duke dissembles his Inward Grief, for being thus put by his Hopes, and appears as Joyful as the Father himself, He huggs and admires the Royal Babe, wishing him Health and Long Life in a Compliment, whom he really could rather wish out of the World; or at least, that he had never come into it. So violent are the Temptations to a Crown, so strong the Desire of Empire, That the Nearness of Relation, which endears the Rest of Mortals one to another, enranges the Hearts of Princes from those of their own Blood, if they stand in the Way of their Ambition. And I can assure thee, the French do[Page 98]not spare to say, the Duke of Orleans has enough of this Vice to attempt great Things, were not his Genius over-aw'd, by the Matchless Fortune and Spirit of his Brother.

Neither is the King himself Insensible of this; remembring with what Warmth the Duke received the Flattering Addresses of some Courtiers, during his Brother's dangerous Sickness, when the Physicians had well-nigh given him over for a Dead Man.

I was acquainted with this Passage but lately by Osmin the Dwarf, who watches all the Motions of this Court. He tells me that the King being inform'd, a Rumour was whispered among the Grandees of his Death, caused them all to be sent for, and to pass through his Chamber, whilst the Curtains of his Bed were drawn open, that they might see their Sovereign alive, tho' in a bad State of Health. He says moreover, That the true Reason, why several Lords of late have been removed from their Offices about the King, is because he resented ill the too early and passionate Court they made to the Duke of Orleans, on the Report of his Brother's Death. 'Tis natural to all Men to love themselves, and to desire the Disposal of their own Affairs. No Man would be content to have his Estate given away by his Servants, at their own Discretion. And Sovereign Monarchs are the most Jealous of all Men in such Cases: Particularly, the King of France is known to be a Prince very sensible of his Honour, and soon touched in that Point, by the least Appearance [Page 99]of Dis-respect in his Subjects, and of Encroachment in his Neighbours.

As for the Duke of Orleans, he is a Prince of no great Character, either as a Souldier, or a Statesman. Neither has he been much talked of in the World, till the Beginning of this Year, when he Married an English Princess, by Name Henrietta, Daughter to the late Murder'd King of that Nation.

We have had another Match here also, between the late Duke of Orleance's Daughter, and the Prince of Toscany. These things occasion various Discourse among those who pretend to weigh exactly the different Interests of Christian Courts, especially of such as are concerned in the New Alliances. For, the Greatest Monarchs here in the West, marry only for Profit and Advantage, to Fortify themselves by a closer Union with the House to which they are Ally'd. Whereas our Eastern Princes only indulge their Passions in the Choice of their Wives; admitting none to their Embraces, but the most Exquisite Beauties that can be found. And where they once pitch their Phancy, they neither regard Riches, Honour, or any other Recommendation, save what their Love suggests; being themselves Inexhaustible Fountains of Wealth, Nobility and good Fortune to all who have the Happiness to be in their Favour.

They scorn to sell themselves, and prostitute the Glory of their Diadems to a Foreign Prince, for the Sake of a little Gold, and[Page 100]much Trouble, with a proud Female, whom perhaps they never saw. Yet this is the common Practice among the Princes of the Nazarene Belief; Who consider not, that instead of a Wife, a Partner of their Empire, and a Friend, they often entertain a Snake, a Traytor, an Enemy: Especially if she be a Woman of Wit and Intrigue, as most of them are. This made the now Queen-Mother, the Relict of Lewis XIII, suspected by her Husband; and the present Queen of France is under the like Circumstances: And it will always be so, where Princes Match themselves after this manner, and cannot debar their Wives from holding a secret Correspondence with the Family from which they Descend.

Assuredly, the Ottoman Politicks are the most refined and secure of any in the World; our Religion most Holy, and our Morals most Sound. Which Three are evident Signs, That God has raised up this Sacred Empire, to subdue all the Nations on Earth, and bring 'em to the Faith of his Divine Ʋnity.

Paris, 9th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1661.

[Page 101]

LETTER IX. To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

I Am now in my Chamber by a Glowing Fire, wanting Nothing that can comfort a Reasonable Man: Whilst I hear the Winds whistling, the Snow driving upon my Windows, and the hollow Voices of the Watch proclaiming a Night little less Cold, than that lasting one they feel in the Artick Circle once a Year. Yet I wish my self in a Plain, or on the Top of some High Mountain, where I might feel Nature in the most Rigid of all her Humours. I love Variety, and 'tis a Pain to be confined to Pleasure it self, when 'tis all of one Kind, or what I'm us'd to.

'Tis to thee, my Dear Hali, I owe this Thought, when you told me once, as we were walking together in the Cemetery of Sultan Solyman's Mosque, That Man is made for all Things.

I remember the Elegance and Force of Reason with which you explained your Sentiments, upon a Loss which I had then sustained by Shipwrack; comforting me with this Reflection, that all the Gains on Earth are only Burdens; all the Riches, Honours, Pleasures, and whatsoever is desired by Mortals, are but so many Clogs to tie us faster to this, [Page 102]Little, Narrow Globe, where we are born to trample on as our Foot-stool.

All this is true; but I consider farther, That the Occurrences of this Life ought to be received with Indifference, and we should be as Chearful in a Prison, as in a Palace; because Nothing can happen to us, which was not decreed by Fate. Methinks I could go as freely to Torments in a Just Cause, as to a Sumptuous Banquet. I could smile at the Malice of my Persecutors, and triumph o'er the Vain Executioners, when I see them sweat at their Inhumane Toil, and yet can never have their Wills of a Soul cast in such a Mold as mine. Whatever they may do with my Body, tho' they excruciate me with a Thousand Inventions of Cruelty, tho' they reduce me to Ashes, yet they cannot rob me of my Reason. Neither Fire, nor Sword, nor Rack, nor any other Instrument of Barbarous Rage, can hurt my Thoughts. I shall still have the Power of Meditating, in Spight of 'em all: And I esteem that the Specifick Happiness of a Rational Creature. There's no such Thing as Pleasure or Pain, but what our Opinion makes so. I have try'd to handle Fire; I've grasped hot burning Coals in the Palm of my Hand, with which I now write. The devouring Element soon fastened on my Skin, and eat its way through into my Flesh, whilst I was busy in Contemplating its Nature and Effects, without being concern'd in any Sense of Pain. I kept a tite Rein, and curb'd my Soul. I held it within Compass, and would[Page 103]not suffer it to winch, or lash, or flounce out of it self, or descend into my Body, to rescue the Part affected, or be concern'd at its Grievance. But when I reflect on the Inconveniences that might follow, and that it would hinder me from serving the Grand Signior and my Friends, I threw the Coals away, well satisfied that I had made the Experiment without prejudicing my Reason, or falling into any Passion Unbecoming a Man.

I take as much Pleasure in Fasting, as in Eating or Drinking; in Labour, as in Rest; in Watching, as in Sleep. There's no Excess or Contrariety in Nature, which does not afford me as much Delight as Mediocrity, or the Golden Mean it self. I find Gust in every Thing that happens to me. And this I take to be the Proper Part of a Mussulman, or of one Resigned to God.

Yet this hinders me not from bustling in the World, and prosecuting my Business with Alacrity and some Eagerness. We are born for Action, and not wholly for Thought. 'Tis a mix'd Life we are to lead on Earth. But when I fail of my End or desired Success in any Undertaking, I am not troubl'd, considering I was born to encounter Evil as well as Good in this Mortal State.

In all that I have said. I do not pretend to the Celebrated Apathy of the Stoicks. I feel Pleasure and Pain from the same Objects which thus affects other Men: But I feel 'em with Indifference, not suffering my Understanding and Judgment to participate with my Passion and Sense.

[Page 104]I have perceived my self sometimes in Agonies, which I thought exactly answered the Character of those which dying Persons feel. And I believe they were in a Degree the very same: Yet I found no Panick Fears upon me, no Dread of that Amazing Change: But rather certain Blooming Hopes, Young, Tender Springing Joys, arising from the Thoughts of a New Life, the Unavoidable Effect of that which we call Death, wherein I promised my self the Pleasure of Fresh Enjoyments and Diversions, to which I was wholly then a Stranger.

If thou thinkest this too Extravagant, and that Death is not a proper Object of our Wishes, yet thou wilt at least acknowledge, That it may furnish us with sufficient Arguments of Content and Acquiescence, since no Man can avoid it, and it is sure to entertain us with Novelties which we never were acquainted with before, which recommends it under a very desirable Figure, because Humane Nature perpetually covets New Things.

I have seen Persons Condemned to Death here in Paris, who have been offer'd Life on certain Conditions not agreeing with their Humour; yet have refused it, and rather chose Death which they knew would free 'em at once from all their Present Troubles. And thou know'st with what Resignation our Greatest Bassa's submit their Necks to the Executioners, when the Grand Signior thinks fit to call for their Lives. All that they reply to the Fatal Mandate, is, The Will of my Sovereign[Page 105]Lord be done. They at once gather up all the Strength of their scattered Reason, and shrink their dilated Souls to a Point. Then with a Re-doubled Force, they shake off their Inclinations to Honours, Riches, and the Pleasures of this Life, as a Man rowzes from a long Dream or Trance. With Smiles and a profound Submission they kiss the Royal Firme, being awaken'd to the Thoughts of more illustrious and Serene Joys than this gross Earth affords, even to the Ineffable Pleasures of Eden, the sure Reward of those that die in Obedience and Peace: Since they are to be esteemed Martyrs, as well as those who meet Death in the Field of the Sacred Combat, in the War for our Holy Faith.

Oh! That it were my Lot thus to expire in Honour, to have my last Breath mixed with the Devout Aspirations and Suffrages of True Believers, that so my Example might edify others, and the Publick Character of an Untainted Loyalty might benefit my self: Whilst Fame proclaimed it before my Arrival at the Invisible Regions, to prepare the Ghosts of Just Men to bid me welcome, and give me a kind Reception, who am yet wholly a Stranger in those Parts of the World: For Death it self cannot banish me out of the Universe. And there's my last Comfort.

Thou my dear Physician, wilt conclude, I'm Melancholy by this Kind of Discourse. But I tell thee, 'tis only another way of Expressing the Secret Pleasure and Tranquility of my Soul, which is more to be valued by him[Page 106]that enjoys it, than all the Laughter and Exravagant Mirth in the World. These only ruffle our Passions, and raise a Dust in our Eyes: whereas the other compose and purify our Reason, giving us a Constant Prospect of Things Past, Present, and to Come. So that we can never be at a Loss, but always ready equipp'd for the worst Contingencies. Hali, Adieu.

Paris, 15th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1661.

LETTER X. To the Same.

THE Court of France in all things endeavours to imitate the Ancient Grandeur of the Roman Emperours, and their Policy. As they had their Amphitheatres, whereon were exhibited all Sorts of Shows and Spectacles to divert the People in Time of Peace; so have these their Theatres whereon according to the more Acceptable Mode of the present Age, are represented the Various Kinds of Vertue and Vice; Men's Follies, and Perfections; Modern Humours, and the Ancient Morality; Intrigues of Love, and of State; Surprizing Actions of War, and the Subtle Overtures of Peace; The Tyranny [Page 107]of Sovereigns, and Rebellion of Subjects. In fine, whatsoever is treated of in Books, is here Acted to the Life on the Stage, and with so much Advantage of Scenes, Interludes, Musick, Dances, Language, Wit, Humour, and the like Charming Circumstances, That a Man at some Hours cannot better pass away his Time, than in being present at these Entertainments. Where all that he has read, either in Ancient or Modern History, deserving Remark, shall be successively presented to his View, as efficaciously as if the Persons were now living, and in presence, whose Actions each Play describes.

There you shall be introduced as it were, into the Court and Camp of the Grand Cyrus: You shall accompany Alexander the Great in his Expeditions through Asia: You shall see him die of Poyson at Babylon, and the Macedonian Empire Cantoniz'd among his Officers: You shall behold all the Roman Caesars in their Rise and Fall: With whatsoever Particularities were observable in this or any other Renown'd Monarchy on Earth; not excluding the last and most Universal Empire of the Ottomans. For these Infidels presume to act o'er again, the Part of Tamerlain, and lead about in Dramatick Triumph, the Encag'd, yet still Invincible Bajazet. In Habits, which only become the destin'd Conquerors of the World, these Slaves dare personate the Glorious Solyman, Mahomet the Great, the Victorious Selim, and even Amurat himself, the Stoutest Emperour that ever Reigned: I mean, the Ʋncle of our present Sovereign.

[Page 108]Besides True History thus represented, tho Spectators are sometimes diverted with Fabulous Entries of Gods, Nymphs, Fauns, Satyrs, Muses, Graces, Monsters, and whatsoever we find in the Ancient Poets.

There you shall see Prometheus fetching Fire from Heaven, to give Life to his Men of Clay; Lycaon transformed into a Wolf, for his Inhospitable Carriage to Jupiter; Ganymede snatched up into Heaven by an Eagle, and made Jupiter's Cup-bearer, for his singular Beauty. It is pleasant also to see Phryxus with his Sister Helle, swiming o'er the Hellespont on the Back of a Ram, with a Golden Fleece; whilst she for Fear, falls off, and is drowned: And from her Name [Helle] that Sea is suppos'd to be so called. In the mean while, Phryxus swims forward, and arrives at Colchis, where he sacrifices the Ram, and hangs the Golden Fleece up in the Temple; which was afterwards stole away by Jason and his Argonauts. It is equally diverting, to see the Artifice of the Scenes and Machines, which represent Jupiter transforming himself into a Show'r of Gold, and so descending into Danae's Lap, when he begets Perseus on her, who subdued the Gorgons, and with Medusa's Head, turned the Cephen Nobles into Statues. In a word, all the Ingenious Fictions of Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod, Ovid and the rest of the Greek and Roman Poets, are here translated, not so much from one Language to another, as from Words to Actions, and from Dead, Inanimate Characters, to Living Figures of the [Page 109]Things themselves. For these sort of Plays are acted by Men, Women and Children culled out, and Educated for that Purpose. And the Managers are at a vast Charge, for Variety of Proper Scenes and Dresses for every Occasion; each Actor being exactly Apparell'd according to the different Quality of the Persons represented, and the Mode of the Age and Country wherein they lived.

These Sort of Divertisements, are very agreeable both to the Court and the City. The King takes great Delight in them, especially in Ballets and Pastorals, which consist chiefly of good Songs and Dances, mixed with bold and uncouth Entries of Antiques, representing Monsters and Devils, as the Christians usually describe 'em.

But there was lately a check given to their Sport, by an Accident which has surpriz'd all People that hear of it, and has puzzl'd the most Intelligent Heads to give an Account of so strange an Occurrence.

On the 19th. of this Moon, the King and the whole Court were present at a Ballet, representing the Grandeur of the French Monarchy. About the middle of the Entertainment, there was an Antique Dance performed by Twelve Masquerades, in the suppos'd Forms of Daemons. But before they had advanced far in their Dance, they found an Interloper amongst 'em, who by encreasing the Number to Thirteen, put 'em quite out of their Measures: For they practise every Step and Motion before-hand, till they are perfect. Being[Page 110]abash'd therefore at the unavoidable Blunders the Thirteenth Antique made 'em commit, they stood still like Fools, gazing at one another: None daring to unmask, or speak a word; for that would have put all the Spectators into a Disorder and Confusion. Cardinal Mazarini (who was the chief Contriver of these Entertainments, to divert the King from more serious Thoughts) stood close by the Young Monarch, with a Scheme of the Ballet in his Hand. Knowing therefore, that this Dance was to consist but of Twelve Antiques, and taking Notice that there were actually Thirteen, at First imputed it to some Mistake. But afterwards when he perceived the Confusion of the Dancers, and that they could not procced, he made a more narrow Enquiry into the Cause of this Disorder. To be brief, they convinc'd the Cardinal, that it could be no Error of theirs, by a kind of demonstration, in that they had but Twelve Antique Dresses of that Sort, which were made on purpose for this particular Ballet; whereas the Thirteenth Dancer was disguiz'd after the same manner. Therefore they concluded, that either the Devil or some body else, had put a Trick upon 'em. That which made it seem the greater Mystery was, that when they came behind the Scenes to uncase, and examine the Matter, they found but Twelve Antiques, whereas on the Stage there were Thirteen.

The preciser Sort of Bigots gave it out for certain, That the Devil was amongst 'em:[Page 111]Whilst others more probably say, 'Twas only some Envious or Ambitious Dancing-Master, who was either resolv'd to be reveng'd for not being one of the Twelve, or design'd to shew his Parts Incognito, against another Opportunity, and in the Interim, set the Court a wondring at his Singular Skill and Dexterity: For it was observ'd, That one of the Thirteen far surpass'd all the Rest, and did Things to a Miracle.

Be it how it will, it has brought to Memory a Passage that happen'd on the like Occasion at a Town not far from Paris, about Eighteen Years ago, yet was not half so much talk'd of then, as 'tis now: Which was the Reason, I took no Notice of it in any of my Letters. But now they are big with it: 'Tis the general Discourse of all Companies, who make Comparisons of that Event with this. Perhaps 'twill not be unpleasant to thee to know it.

In the Year 1644. toward the latter End, a Company of Stage-Players were at a Place call'd Vitry, entertaining the People with Comedies; But there happen'd something really Tragical to one of the Actors. This Man was to perform the Part of one Dead, and then he was to revive again by Magick. He acted his Part too truly, and baffl'd the Necromancers Art. For when he touch'd him with his Talisman, as the Rules of the Play requir'd, in Order to his Resurrection, the Inanimate Trunk could not obey. The Man was Dead indeed.

[Page 112]Whether he overstrained himself in imitating the Silent, Still, and Irrecoverable Privations of that Passive State, and gave his slippery Soul a strong Temptation, with a fair Opportunity to escape its Bonds; Or, whether Heaven had a Particular Hand in so Remarkable a Catastrophe, I will not presume to divine. But this and the other Occurrence, has put the People quite out of Conceit with Plays.

Sage Hali, remember the Arabian Proverb, which says, 'Tis not good to Jest with God. Death or the Devil. For the First neither can, nor will be mocked; the Second mocks. all Men, one Time or other; and the Third puts an Eternal Sarcasm on those that are too familiar with him. Adieu.

Paris, 30th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1662.

[Page 113]

LETTER XI. To Dgnet Oglou.

GOD unravel my Soul, reverse my Faculties, turn my Nature inside out, make me a Monster of a New Predicament, or annihilate me, which he pleases, if I am not true to my Trust: Yet the Ministers of the Port suspect me.

By the Thoughts of Mahomet our Holy Law-giver, whilst he was climbing the boundless Heights of the Firmament, I've a Heart like the Roman Curtius, who bravely leap'd into the Fathomless Abyss to save his Country from Ruin. They mistake Mahmut, who think he'll be pimp'd out of his Loyalty by Frowns or Smiles, Flatteries or Threats, Gold or Tortures. I'd run the Risque of Damnation it self to serve my Sovereign, or to do any Thing becoming a Man of Honour. Yet my Superiours use me like a Villain or a Traytor. Their Letters are full of Reproaches and Threatnings, as if I were not worthy to live. 'Tis strange to me, whence all this Malice should proceed; and that after I have done and suffered all that could be expected from a Mussulman in my Post, to demonstrate my Incorruptible Fidelity to the Grand Signior, I should still be persecuted as a Tiafer, and Enemy to the Ottoman Interest. I know not what to think of it.

[Page 114]If I have done any Thing which deserves Death or Imprisonment, why do they not send for me to Constantinople, and execute Justice on me? Or if I am not thought fit to continue any longer in this Post, why do they not call for my Commission, and give it to some Body better qualify'd? Either of these wou'd be a merciful Proceeding, compar'd with the more Cruel and Ignominious Way they have invented to murder me; For, now they put me to a lingring Death, by continually corroding and wasting the Piece of my Soul, which is my Life, with Contempts and Reproaches.

I am not at all troubl'd when they tax me with Atheism, or say, I'm a Kysilbaschi, a Libertine, a Christian, a Heathen Philosopher; or when they are pleas'd to make a Monster of me, a Mungrel Gallimaufry, a walking Hotchpotch, compounded of Jew, Turk, Nazarene and Epicure. In loading me with these opprobrious Titles, they rank me with some of the Greatest Mortals, and engage even our Holy Prophet himself to espouse my Cause, and vindicate my Reputation; since he is in these very Terms blasphem'd by the Followers of Jesus: Those Infidels forgetting that their own Messias was after the like Manner traduc'd by the Jews, who call'd him Impostor, Magician, Heretick, Devil, and I know not what. This has been the Lot of all Holy Men and Prophets, to be envied and aspers'd by the Grandees of the Nation and Age wherein they liv'd: Because they boldly [Page 115]reprov'd their Vices, and taught them the sincere Maxims of Vertue both by Word and Example. And though I have not Vanity enough to list my self in the Number of Prophets, or Perfect Men; yet I have Reato conclude, That all this Persecution is rais'd against me, on the Account of the Liberty I take to reprehend the Errors and Failings of those, who are Slaves to the Grand Signior as well as I: Tho' I have been commanded to do this by the most August Ministers of the Empire. But great Men in Power, love not to be told of their Faults. They wou'd live Arbitrary as Sovereigns, without the least Check or Controul. They will rather cherish a Thousand Flatterers and Sycophants, than suffer one Diogenes to live.

But that which vexes me most, is, That they glance upon me in some Expressions, as if I were false to the Trust which is repos'd in me. A Crime for which I ever had an Invincible Abhorrence, and which wou'd sooner tempt me a Thousand Times to die, than to be once guilty of it. Thou know'st my Temper, and I need say no more.

I shou'd have burst with Grief and Indignation, had I not given my Resentments this Vent, and that to a Friend, who by knowing my Affliction, takes one Half of it for his own Share, and so I'm eas'd.

Paris, 2d. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1662.

[Page 116]

LETTER XII. To Abrahim Eli Zeid, Hadgi, Preacher to the Seraglio.

THEY have a Proverb here in the West, which says, All is not Gold that glisters. And 'tis frequently verify'd in their own Priests, who are generally the greatest Hypocrites in the World.

I had not been long in this City, before I sent a Letter to Bedredin, Superiour of the Dervises of Cogni in Natolia, whose Soul is now with God; wherein I gave him an Account of the Converse I once had with a Jesuite. For, pretending to be a Student and Retainer to the Clergy, I cou'd not avoid the Company of Ecclesiasticks: Besides, It was my Interest to insinuate into their Acquaintance; and to tell the Truth, I have made it a great Part of my Business to gain a Familiarity with Priests, and Dervises ever since I came hither.

There was Abundance of Reason for this, on several Accounts. For I improv'd my self much by the Society of those amongst them that are Learned; and I edify'd not a little by the very Ignorance and Follies of others. From some I squeez'd out Secrets of State, and the Designs of Cabals: By others I penetrated into the Mysterious Vices of their own Order. In a Word, all of them taught me something [Page 117]or other which I knew not before; and I never had Occasion to repent of keeping them Company.

I contracted a particular Friendship with an Honest Friar or Two in this City, who were Persons of Candour and Learning: But, now they are Dead. Besides, I have had no small Intimacy with Cardinal Richlieu, and his Successor Mazarini. I tell thee, if I had not coveted the Friendship of these Princely Priests, yet it had been impossible to escape their Knowledge, as obscure a Figure as I make. For, it was their constant Practice, thus to seek out all the Strangers and Travellers in this City, under Pretence of that Great Regard they had for Men of Merit; but in Reality, to pump out of them Foreign Secrets.

Cardinal Richlieu profess'd a great Kindness to me, because I had been at Constantinople and in other Parts of the Grand Signior's Dominions. He seem'd also to value me not a little for my Skill in Interpreting Greek, Sclavonick, and other Languages of the East. What he thought of me in's Heart I cannot divine; but I have Reason to think, he suspected me for a Mussulman. And yet I wonder he never search'd for the main Proof, the Mark of Circumcision. Perhaps, 'twas an Effect of his Good Nature, as being loath to ruin me Irrecoverably. But, I rather ascribe it to Providence, which wou'd not suffer him, it may be, to make so Fatal a Reflection: Yet, by his Order some Years[Page 118]ago, I was Imprison'd for Six Moons. What the Meaning on't was, I could never dive into. But, I had a shrewd Jealousy of a certain Transylvanian Resident at this Court, who perhaps might do me some ill Offices. The World's like a Lottery, wherein we must expect to meet with many Unlucky Chances.

By what I have said, thou wilt easily perceive, That though the Priests make a fair Semblance of Piety, Mortification, and other Religious Vertues, yet they are great Busy-Bodies, and wholly taken up in Secular Affairs.

If this were the Worst Character they deserve, they might pass for very Good Men, and necessary Instruments of the Publick Welfare: Because, they have the Tutelage and Guardianship of all Men's Consciences; they form 'em in their Youth, and govern 'em in their Ripest Years. Besides, they have many Advantages of studying the Politicks, more than other Men, as being all Educated in the Academies, where if they be not very dull, they cannot fail of becoming good Historians, and Indifferent Statesmen. For, their Libraries abound with all Manner of Ancient and Modern Writers; and their Conversation is generally refin'd and pregnant in Intrigues.

But they corrupt their Learning, with false Maxims which they borrow from an Intolerable Pride and Sensuality; perswading themselves, that they are as far above other Men, that is, the Laity, as those are above the Beasts; That God has bestow'd on them a[Page 119] Dignity Superiour to that of the Greatest Temporal Monarchs; and, in fine, That this Earth is a Paradise, and themselves the Gods and Lords of it.

When I speak at this Rate of the Nazarene Priests, understand me not without Restriction. There are some Good and Holy Men amongst them Persons of Unblemish'd Manners, and Incorrupt Sincerity. But, these are very rare; and the French Priests are esteem'd the most sincere of any within the Pale of the Roman Church.

As for the Italian Clergy, they are mere Libertines; the most debauch'd and profligate Fellows in the World.

Adonai the Jew, a late Private Agent of the Grand Signior, who had travell'd up and down through all Italy, and resided a considerable Time in the Chief Cities and Towns of Note, made many curious Observations and Remarks on the Lives of the Priests, which he set down in his Journal. This I have by me now, it being sent me, according to my Desire, after his Death by Zeidi Alamanzi, his Successor in that Station, who is at present at Venice.

I have perus'd this Relation my self, with no small Pleasure; and believe 'twill not be unwelcome to thee, to give thee an Abstract of what he says.

It is possible, he may exaggerate some Things, and deliver himself too partially in others, out of the Natural and Inherent Aversion the Jews have for the Christians: But [Page 120]thou wilt find, that in the Main, he insists only on such Reflections as it becomes any Man to make, who has the least Spark of Common Morality and Reason.

In the First Place, he finds Fault with the Ecclesiasticks, in that they abstain from Marriage themselves, yet recommend that State to the Laity as a very Holy Sacrament and Mystery of Religion: Whilst they indulge themselves at the same Time in all Manner of Lasciviousness, wallowing in Fornication, Adultery, Incest, and Sodomy it self. He says, there is hardly one Priest in Ten, who does not keep Two or Three Harlots; and the most Recluse Dervises, are either Pimps to other Men's Lusts, or they indulge their own with the most infamous Courtezans and Catamites. These Pretenders to Perfection and Sanctity; are often found Masquerading and Revelling about the Streets, in the Time of Carnaval, with a Company of Whores for their Attendance. Nay, all the Year round their Monasteries are no other than Stews or Brothel-Houses. They introduce Women into their Cells in a Monastick Habit, and so they pass for Men who come to visit them as Friends, Relations or Travellers. These Ladies of Pleasure lie thus conceal'd for many Days and Nights together. And the Superior of the Convent winks at this for a little Money, being most commonly as bad as any of them.

These Holy Fathers, go marching and slouching along the Streets, in the most Mortify'd[Page 121]Manner Imaginable. You wou'd take 'em for perfect Santones and Ideots. Yet this is all but Mummery, whilst they are the most glozing Hypocrites in the World, mere Devils in a City, and abounding in wicked Thoughts and Practices.

Adonai tells a pleasant Story of a young Monastick of St. Dominick's Order at Rome. This Monk was no Noble Extraction, and his Parents were very rich, and powerful in the City. On which Account he was indulg'd many Liberties, deny'd to the rest of his Religeous Brethren. He was permitted to carry good Quantities of Gold and Silver about him, for his Personal Expences; and to wear a Secular Habit, suitable to his Birth and Quality. But this Liberty had like to have prov'd fatal to him one Night during the Carnaval.

It was late, and very dark, when this Religious Bully was beating the Streets, upon the Hunt for Whores; and walking under certain Piazza's near the River Tyber, he was accosted by a Woman mask'd, and in a very good Dress; who spoke to him frankly, asking him the Way to Il Rotundo. This is the Name of a Church in Rome, dedicated to All the Saints: In the Time of the Gentiles, 'twas call'd Pantheon, or the Temple of all the Gods. The Monk being in one of his Rambling Equipages, and his Inclinations equally bent on Pleasure; having also a Hundred Florins about him; presently made Answer, He wou'd conduct her to the Place[Page 122]she enquired for. She, after some counterfeit Essays of a modest Repulse, at length accepted his Offer: And by the Way, he perswaded her into a Tavern. The cunning Nymph manag'd her Business so well, that the Monk over-heated with Wine, and other costly Entertainments, grew so in Love with her, that he forgot she was to go to the Pantheon, and offer'd to wait on her home. She accepted the Motion; and telling him, her House was seated on the Banks of the Tyber, they return'd the same Way as they came.

When they arriv'd at the Piazza's, where they first met, Three Persons appear'd, muffled up in Cloaks: Two of which suddenly seiz'd the Monk, holding their Ponyards at his Breast; whilst the Third, disclosing the hidden Light of a Dark Lanthorn, which he held in his Hand, fasten'd on the Lady, and made her unmask. As soon as he saw her Face, he stamp'd and rav'd, menac'd and swore, he wou'd be the Death of that Villain who had debauch'd his Wife. All this was but a fore-laid Design. In a Word, After all the Parts of an abus'd, incens'd, revengeful Husband, acted to the Life; at last through the Intercession of the Two other Ruffians, and the Monk's penitent and submissive Address, it was concluded to spare his Life and only strip him naked; leaving him in that Condition to seek his Fortune among the Watch.

[Page 123]This was soon put in Execution, and the Free-booters, with all their Prey, securely march'd off. The poor Monk, thus miserably abandon'd, without Garments, Money, or any Thing to comfort him in his Calamity, or to bribe the Watch, gave himself over to Melancholy and Despair, in regard this Accident would bring an Eternal Infamy on him, and he shou'd be no longer able to shew his Face in Rome, the Seat of his Nativity; nor among any of his Kindred and Friends. Sometimes he thought to drown himself in the Tyber; or else to counterfeit a Phrensy, and so run bawling, driveling, and talking Nonsense through the Streets; hoping the rest wou'd never be divulg'd.

Whilst he was in these pensive Thoughts, irresolute what to do, the Watch walking their Rounds, bolted upon him on a sudden; and seeing a naked Man, at that Time of Night, in such a solitary Place, at first were startl'd, as tho' they had met a Ghost; but recollecting themselves better, they boldly seiz'd his Person, and examin'd how he came in that Condition.

It was in vain for him to beg, entreat, and promise any Thing, if they wou'd not expose him to open Shame. This did but increase their Curiosity and Suspicion. In a Word, the Place of their Rendezvous being very near the same Tavern where this unfortunate Monk had regal'd his Strumpet, they led him thither, and kept him Prisoner till the Morning. He that kept the House remember'd[Page 124]his Face again; and knowing that the Governour of Rome had a secret Enmity against the Monk, and all his Race, sent him private Intelligence of this Adventure, encouraging him to take this Opportunity of Revenge; hinting withal, That he need not take notice, that he knew the Monk, but only punish him as an ordinary Fellow, breaking the Laws of the City.

The Governour, glad of this Occasion; when the Monk was brought before him, order'd him to be whip'd through the very Street, where his Monastery stood. This was done accordingly; and as he pass'd by the Gate, his Brethren, seeing him in that Condition, rush'd out, and rescu'd him from the Executioner's Hands; breathing Revenge against the Governour, and all that were concern'd in putting this Dishonour on their House, and the whole Order.

I must be forc'd to break off, before I have inform'd thee of half their Tricks; lest I shou'd tire thee with the Length of my Letters. Besides, it is necessary for me to conclude, unless I wou'd miss my Opportunity: For the Post tarries for no Man.

Venerable Hadgi, live thou to enjoy the Serene Pleasure of Vertue and Innocence, and pray for Mahmut, that he may never be stain'd with the Corruptions and Vices of Infidels, among whom he resides.

Paris, 18th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1662.

[Page 125]

LETTER XIII. To the Chiaus Bassa.

THE French King's Genius seems altogether bent on Martial and Politick Affairs; and tho' he allows some Moments to his Love, yet the greatest Part of his Time is consecrated to the Necessary Affairs of State, and to the Improvement of Military Discipline. This has been his Course ever since the Death of Cardinal Mazarini. That Minister, whilst he was living, endeavoured Nothing so earnestly as to divert the Young Monarch from minding Business, by Plays, Ballets and other soft Entertainments. But as soon as he was dead, the King began by Degrees to forsake his Youthful Recreations, and look into the Affairs of his Government.

The first Bold Stroke of Regal Authority which he gave, was the Suppressing the Superintendant of the Finances, a very Ancient Office in France, but much abus'd of late by those who have enjoy'd it. For, having the Management of the Royal Revenues, it has been found out, That they embezzel'd them to their own private Uses, purchasing Houses, Castles, Towns and the fairest Estates in the Kingdom for them and their Posterity.

The last in this Office, was the Sieur Fouquet; who, besides the waste he made of the[Page 126] King's Money in this Kind, was laying up an Extrordinary Provision of Arms and Powder in Belle Isle, a Sea-Port of France: which gave the King so great a Suspicion of his ill Designs, That he went in Person after him as far as Nantes; and being there farther informed of a private Correspondence held between the Sieur Fouquet, and some Malecontents of Cardinal de Retz's Party, he caused him to be arrested, and sent Prisoner to the Wood of Vinciennes: From whence he has been since brought to the Bastile. This was done in the 9th Moon of the last Year; and was the Occasion of erecting a New Chamber of Justice, to enquire into the Conduct of those who were employed by Fouquet in the Management of the Finances.

The great Discoveries this Chamber has already made, of the Cheats and Tricks practised by those through whose Hands the King's Revenues have pass'd, will, its thought, move the King to establish it as a perpetual and Sovereign Court of Inquisition: So that not the Value of an Asper shall henceforth be paid out of the Royal Treasury, without the Approbation of this Chamber. He has also retrenched many superfluous Offices in his Houshold, that he may the more easily support the Charges of those that are Necessary.

Thou wilt better comprehend the Wisdom of this Prince, when thou shalt know, that he trusts Nothing absolutely to his Ministers, but pries into every Thing himself. He examins Matters of the smallest Moment, as narrowly[Page 127]as the most Important Concerns. He makes daily Reformations among his Domestick Servants, and New-Models both the Army and the State. Which is also no small Argument of his Courage, and the Greatness of his Spirit, in that he dares contradict the Methods of all his Progenitors; take the Frame of this Mighty Government, as it were to Pieces, and having mended every Thing that was amiss, join it together again; but after a Pattern wholly depending on his own Judgment. This has astonished the Greatest Statesmen of the Age, who consider the Boldness of the Undertaking, and yet cannot find one false Step in his Measures. For whereas formerly, the Princes of the Blood, the Officers of the State, the Governours of Provinces, with other Grandees, have given frequent Trouble to the Kings of France, and not seldom rais'd Civil War, when any Thing disgusted them (so great was their Power, and so small their Dependance on the King:) This Monarch has, by a Happy Effect of his Judgment and Resolution, given so dextrous a Turn to the whole System of the Publick, that the Princes find themselves more aggrandiz'd than Ever; the Officers of the Crown perceive their Dignity encreas'd with New Lustres, and the Governours of Provinces exercise a Stronger Hand over their Subjects; yet all of them are reduc'd to an entire Dependance on the King himself, not being in a Capacity ever to Rebel again. Which is esteemed a Miracle of Policy.

[Page 128]As he has thus gained the Point of his Subjects at Home, and established his Realm in the most perfect Oeconomy that can be imagined; so he has recovered a particular Honour Abroad, that till this Time has been always disputed between the Crowns of France and Spain.

It seems an Embassador from Sueden arriv'd at the English Court in the 10th. Moon of the last Year: The French Embassador sent his Coaches to honour his Publick Entry, as is Usual between Friends. But the Spanish Embassador, designing to affront the French, sent his Coaches also to attend the Ceremony, accompanied by his own Servants and a Rabble of Idle Persons whom he had hir'd on Purpose. These fell on the French as they were passing along the Street, kill'd several of them, and by Force stopp'd their Coaches, till those of the Spanish Embassador were got before them; the Preheminence of Place being the Chief Thing aim'd at.

This was highly resented at the French Court, and every body thought that a fresh War would break out again between the Two Nations on this Account. The angry Young Monarch commanded the Spanish Embassador resident here to depart the Kingdom; and when another was sent to supply his Place, the King forbad him to enter his Dominions. Complaints were made at Madrid, and all Things tended to a Rupture. Till at Length the King of Spain, having promised to make Satisfaction, his Embassador war received at[Page 129]this Court, who assured the King, That his Master disavow'd the Action of his Minister in England, and had given express Command to all his Embassadors in Foreign Courts, not to dispute the Place with those of France, but to yield it to the latter, where they should both be present at the same Entry. This was declar'd in the Presence of Thirty Foreign Ministers residing at this Court. Which has rais'd a vast Reputation to the King of France among all his Neighbours, and struck the greater Reverence into his Subjects at Home.

In a word he is look'd upon as the most Fortunate Prince in Christendom, and every State courts his Friendship. He gives the Law to the rest of Europe, yet remains himself Arbitrary and above Controul.

How long his Affairs will continue at this Height, is known only to God, who exalts and abases whom he pleases; who is the sole Monarch of all Things, Reigning for ever without the least Shadow of Revolution or Change.

Paris, 12th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1662.

[Page 130]

LETTER XIV. To the Same.

IT was late when I finish'd my other Letter, being the Hour of the Devil's Range, when the Infernal Spirits are permitted to air themselves in this Ʋpper World. Methought I heard the Clattering Eccho of the Gates of Paradise, which are shut at that Season to keep out the Daemons from entring and disturbing the Repose of the Bless'd. This made me conclude so abruptly, lest some busie Scribe of the Dark Regions, shou'd have inserted Evil in my Letter whilst I were asleep. I recommended my self to God, and went to Bed. After Two Hours Rest awaking, I perceiv'd by the Crowing of the Cocks, That the Troops of Hell were retir'd to their Den, chas'd down by Arcturus, and the Guardian Constellations of the South, and by the Angels of the Second Watch. Then I arose, and chearfully address'd my self to God, praising him for the Successive Benefits of Day and Night, and extolling his Magnificent Works, with the exquisite Order that he has establish'd in the World. Remembring also that I was a Man, and not born to sleep, but to serve the Grand Signior and my Friends, I readily set Pen to Paper again, to give thee a farther Account of the French King and his Court, with such Occurrences as have happen'd of late.

[Page 131]This Monarch is very Singular in his Conduct, and Manner of Life; not brooking to be confin'd to the Maxims of others, but squaring all his Actions by Rules of his own: Yet 'tis difficult to find a Fault in his Proceedings. He hears the Advice of his Counsellors and Friends; and when they have done, he convinces them in many Things, That they are under a Mistake; which makes 'em admire the Force of his Reason, and the Readiness of his Wit, especially when they see the Events answering Expectation.

Neither is he altogether so Intent on State-Matters, but that he sometimes gives himself the Diversion of a Familiar Discourse with the most Ingenious Artists of all Sorts, who find themselves much improv'd by the Quickness of his Invention, and the Solidity of his Judgment in the Mechanicks: For he is an Excellent Gun-Smith, Sword-Cutler, Armour-Maker, and every Thing that becomes a King to profess.

He is a good Architect also, and takes vast Delight in Buildings, having laid the Foundations of several Magnificent Structures, Palaces of a Noble Design, and intended to outvy the most Polite and Glorious Fabricks, of Ancient Greece and Rome. For, I tell thee, this Monarch wou'd not willingly come short of any of the Caesars.

At the Beginning of this Year, he aggrandiz'd his Court, by a Promotion of Sixty Two Knights of the Holy Spirit. I have often mention'd this Order in my Letters to the [Page 132] Ministers of the Port; and thou that hast beeen in France know'st, That 'tis the next Step to being made Peer of the Realm. I shall only inform thee, that during the Ceremonies of this last Promotion, the Dukes of Vendosme and Longueville had a Feud about the Precedency, which at last was adjusted in Favour of the Former. In a Word, the King declar'd the House of Vendosme to have a Right of Priority before all other Princes, and to succeed in the Throne it self, next after the House of Bourbon.

This is look'd upon as a Bold Effort of Royal Power, and has startled all the Court. No less surprized were they to see the Duke of Lorrain resign all his Estates to the King of France, reserving only the Possession of 'em during his Life,

And, now the King having weather'd the Point with all his Enemies, both Foreign and Domestick, studies Nothing more earnestly, than to divert his Queen, and to let his Subjects taste the Sweets of Peace, the Effect of his Matchless Fortune, to which even Crowned Heads find themselves compell'd to stoop and submit.

On the 5th. of the foregoing Moon, by his Appointment was held a Tournament or Carousel, as the French call it. This is a Sort of Exercise on Horse-Back, in Imitation of the Ancient Manner of Fighting with Spear and Shield.

The Place where they run, was raild about, and Magnificent Choiscs erected for the[Page 133] Queen and Ladies of the Court to sit in, as Spectators. The Divertisement was very Pompous; And the King was one of the Combatants. The Rest were the Duke of Orleans the King's Brother, the Prince of Conde, the Duke of Enguien Son to the Prince, and the Duke of Guize. Each of these led a Troop of Horse into the Field. That of the King's was habited after the Manner of the Old Roman Knights. The Duke of Orleans's made a Figure like the Persians; the Prince of Conde's represented the Ottomans. The Duke of Enguien's Troop were in Indian Habits; and the Duke of Guise's appear'd like the Salvages of America. It wou'd be too tedious to describe the Particular Magnificences of each. Suffice it to say, That they were all prodigiously Majestick and Rich in their Equipage. The Courses also they made, were Brave and full of Gallantry. But the Prize, which was a Diamond of Great Value, was adjudged to the Prince of Conde by the Queen-Mother.

One of the Former Kings of France, lost his Life at this Royal Exercise, being run through the Eye into the Brain by the Spear of an English Knight then at the French Court, and one of the Combatants: For which Reason, the Following Kings of France, forbore to expose themselves to the like Danger. But this Young Mars fears nothing, being as Venturous and Bold as was Sultan Amurat, the Trophies of whose Victorious Combat with the Persian Challenger at the Siege of Babylon hang up in the Treasury to this Day, as Monuments [Page 134]of his invincible Courage and Strength. Sultan Achmet also took great Delight in throwing the Lance with his Courtiers in the Atmeidan. These are Sports fit for Kings and Great Generals. And some of the Roman Caesars themselves wou'd play the Gladiators.

It is not lawful for me to censure or reflect on the Actions of my Sovereign. But I will tell thee what the French say of him by Way of Contempt; That he never Combated in his own Person, with any Thing but Timorous Hares and Hinds. It makes me blush to hear the Great Emperour of the East thus blasphem'd by the Prophane Mouths of Infidels. And it were to be wish'd, he wou'd do some surprizing Action, to raise himself another Character. I say no more, but recommend thee to God and the White Angel.

Paris, 12th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1662.

[Page 135]

LETTER XV. To Zedi Alamanzi, a Merchant at Venice.

THOU hast oblig'd me beyond my Expectation, in that Ample History of thy Life, which thy Letter contains. I esteem thee not the worse, because thou wert born of Christian Parents; but rather put the higher Value on thy Merit, in that being bred in Superstition and Error, Thou hast voluntarily embrac'd the Truth, without any Prospect of advancing thy Interest.

When a Man of a Noble Stock, born to Riches and Honours, bred in Softnesses and Delights, and actually possess'd of a fair Estate, shall thus abandon his Country, his Relations, Friends and Acquaintance, with all his Native Rights and Enjoyments, purely for the Love of God, resigning himself wholly to the Will of Destiny, and the Conduct of Providence, without consulting his own Ease and Delight in this World; 'tis an Evident Sign of a Faithful Heart, and that his Integrity is without Stain.

All this and much more, it seems, thou hast done, and therefore thou can'st not fail of being Happy in this World, and in Paradise.

[Page 136]I am extremely pleas'd in reading the various Adventures of thy Youth, thy early Inclinations to visit Foreign Countries, and thy Actual Travels through Europe, Asia, and Africa. This is the only Way to learn true and complete Wisdom. For, a Man edifies a Thousand Times more by his own Personal Experience of Things, than by all the most Elegant Descriptions, that can be made by others. Besides the Advantage of becoming expert in the several Languages and Dialects of the Earth; which he can never learn so perfectly in Books, as by conversing with the Natives of each Country through which he passes.

Beyond all this, there is an infinite Pleasure in seeing the Variety of Objects, which every where expose themselves to a Travellers Eye. There is nothing more delightful to Humane Nature, than to try all Things. Man is cloy'd with what is too Familiar to him. The most Magnificent Palace, wou'd appear as a Prison to him that were always Confin'd to it. The Greatest Fields, and most shady Groves, wou'd afford us no Refreshment, if we had not Liberty to straggle out of them when we pleas'd. Man is Naturally wild as other Animals, and 'tis as bad as Death to be restrain'd of his Freedom. I had rather at certain Seasons, range in a Wilderness, all over-run with Weeds and Briars, than in the most Regular and Fragrant Garden in the World. I would willingly chuse the Fatigue of Climbing up a High, Steep, Craggy Mountain, for the sake of a new and larger[Page 137]Prospect; before the Ease of walking always in a Low Valley, or Even Plain, tho' grac'd with never so many Inviting Objects, which must always be the same: So fulsom are the very Pleasures we are daily accustomed to.

I doubt not, but that it was very agreeable to thee in thy Journeys, when every Remove thou made'st from Stage to Stage, promis'd thee Something Novel and fresh. A Man in such Cases, is apt to think the Sun himself New, who has shined upon him from his Nativity: The Air, the Earth, and Waters, appear not the same Elements, in different Places; or if our Reason convinces us their Nature is not changed, yet we look upon 'em as Masquerades, every Day in a New Dress: Especially when we go from one Region and Climate to another, the Strangeness of the Disguise is heighten'd. So Infinite a Variety presents its self to those who travel.

But nothing affords a Man greater Delight, than to be familiarly acquainted with the different Habits, Laws, Customs, Manners, and Religions of Mortals like himself. To see 'em in one Part of the World Adoring the Sun, because he shines on 'em but once a-Year, whilst all the Rest of the Time they are shut up in Continual Darkness, very near being starv'd with Cold, and making hard shifts to live; in another to behold 'em grimacing, and hear 'em cursing that Glorious Planet, because he is always to near 'em, rendring their Countries Barren, drying up their Water, and[Page 138]scorching their Persons almost to Death; must needs be delightful to a Contemplative Man. And for ought we know, the Laughter of Democritus might be the Result of as good Thoughts as Heraclitus's Tears. Who would not smile to see some paying Divine Honours to the Scar-Crow of their Garden, to a Tree, a Hog, a Dog or any Thing they first cast their Eyes on in the Morning as they do in Lapland? And yet who can forbear to weep, when he sees Men professing to believe the Laws of Moses, and the Messias, (who both preach'd up the Divine Ʋnity) pretending to the Purest Religion in the World, and bred in the Study of the Sciences; worship Stocks and Stones, Pictures and Images, Nails, Rags, Bones, Hairs, Bits of old Wood, or any Thing, that their cunning Priest impose upon 'em as Adorable?

Happy art thou, Zeidi, who art freed from these Superstitions of the Nazarenes; and Thrice Happy, in that thou hast chang'd 'em for the Faith unblemish'd, the Doctrines of Truth and Reason, the Practices of Sincere Morality and Vertue. Thou hast not shun'd a Rock, to fall into a Quicksand, nor abandoned Idolatry, to sink into Atheism: But thou hast escaped from Narrow Gulphs and Streights, into a Free and Open Sea; from the Dark Fogs and Mists of Frozen Christianity, to the bright Empire of the Osmans, the Serene Company of True-Believers, where Charity and Zeal are in their Genuine and Primitive Warmth.

[Page 139]Since the Time that thou first lifted'st up thy Finger to Heaven, and madest a Confession of One God, and Mahomet his Apostle, none of the Imaum's or Mollah's have ever attempted to circumvent thy Reason with Feigned Miracles, Foolish Pilgrimages, Tales of Old Women, Fictions of Poets, or any Holy Frauds. Thou perceivest nothing but Rightdown Integrity, in the Conversation of the Faithful. Whereas the Christians whom thou hast justly deserted, have a Thousand Windings and Turnings, Foldings and Intricacies, in their Doctrines and Lives. So that it is almost as easy for a Blind-Man to walk from Paris to Constantinople, as for these Infidels to grope out the way to Paradise, through so many Meanders and Mazes: They are involved in a perfect Circle of Error and Vice.

Praise be to God, who planted the Moon in the Heavens, and causes the Stars to dart their Refreshing Rays by Night, Thou art happily delivered out of their Snares. Let not thy Residence now among them, ever tempt thee to return to the Religious Vanities of Holy Trifles, which have once made thee Sick at the Heart. Remember, that thou bearest in thy Body the Mark of a True Believer, the Seal of a Great Sacrament, the Character of a Profound Mystery, Circumcision, the Emblem of Purity, by which thou art more enobl'd than by the Blood of the Polonian Lord, thy Father, which streams in thy Veins. For now thou art incorporated into[Page 140]the Society and Lineage of Ibrahim, the Illustrious Patriarch, and Friend of God. Consider that thou art as it were engrafted into the Glorious Stock of the Ismaelites, born to subdue all Things, and in the determined Time, to possess the Empire of the Universe. Thou hast the Honour also to serve the Grand Signior, Lord of the Climates and Seas, Majestick Heir of the Ottomans House, Shadow of God on Earth.

Hold fast therefore the Profession of an Unblameable Faith: And whatever Temptations thou mayest meet with, keep thy Mind always fixed on the unseen Joys of Paradise, the Crown of Just and Faithful Men, the Reward of such as adhere to God and his Prophet, without Flinching.

Mahmut salutes thee in Imagination, with a parting Kiss, and an Affectionate Squeeze of the Hand. Which thou knowest, was in all Ages a Token of Hearty Good Will, and Friendship.

Paris, 15th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1662.

[Page 141]

LETTER XVI. To the Kaimacham.

THere is like to be a Breach between this Court and that of Rome, if the Pope does not condescend to the Demands of the French King, who Styles himself the Eldest Son of the Church, and therefore highly resents an Indignity that has been done him of late, in the Person of the Duke of Crequi, his Embassador at the Roman Court.

It seems, the Pope's Guards on the 20th. of the 8th. Moon, made an Attempt on the Life of this Minister, and of his Wife: They also put Barbarous Abuses on all the French that were in that City: Insomuch as the Duke and Dutchess of Crequi, were oblig'd to quit Rome privately, and retire into Toscany; being advis'd to take this Course, by all the Cardinals and other Grandees, that are Friends to France.

The King received News of this, by an Express which came from the Duke of Crequi on the 11th. of the 9th. Moon. And he was passionately touch'd at so Sacrilegious an Injury, whereby he is not only wrong'd himself, but the Law of Nations is violated in a most Notorious Manner.

Wherefore to shew his Resentments, on the same Day that the Courtier came from[Page 140] [...] [Page 141] [...] [Page 142] Rome, the King order'd the Lieutenant of his Guards, to tell the Pope's Nuncio at this Court, That he must forthwith depart the Kingdom, under the Conduct of Thirty Horse. This was performed accordingly, and the Nuncio was hurried away immediately, without suffering him to speak with any Person living, save those who were to accompany him to the Frontiers: And this Order was publickly proclaimed in Paris. The King also wrote to the Pope, demanding Satisfaction for so horrible an Outrage, and caus'd Dispatches to be sent to all the Cardinals in Rome, advising them to contribute what lay in their Powers, towards a good Understanding between the Pope and him, protesting that otherwise the Calamities which might follow, were not to be laid to his Charge. This is a modest way of Threatning, us'd by Christian Princes who do not always speak in Thunder, like our Eastern Monarchs when they menace War.

I relate this as a Thing, which tho' it appear of small Moment at the Beginning, yet its Consequences may be great and extensive, if the French King and the Pope should come to an open Rupture. All the Princes in Europe would find themselves engag'd on one Side or other. And we Mussulmans might live to see the whole State of Christendom disjoynted, alienated, and embroil'd in Wars among themselves; whereby they would lay their Countries naked and open, to the invincible Arms of the Ottomans, a Lineage of[Page 143]high Renoun, and destin'd to subdue All Things.

But 'tis thought the Holy Father at Rome, will not farther provoke so daring and powerful a Monarch as him of France, by justifying the Insolences of his Janizaries, who proceeded to that Height of Fury, as to discharge Guns into the Windows of the French Embassador, kill'd several of his Retinue, and assassinated the Dutchess of Crequi in her Coach, as she passed along the Streets;

Illustrious Minister, these are Violations not practised by the most Barbarous Savages. And 'tis an evident Sign of a decaying Empire, where the Publick Faith is thus perfidiously broke. God infatuates the Infidels, that he may speedily bring 'em to Ruin: Whereas he daily enlightens the Just Followers of the Prophet, and directs them in the ways of Prosperity and Peace.

Paris, 3d. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1662.

[Page 144]

LETTER XVII. To Mohammed, the Illustrious Eremit of Mount Uriel in Arabia.

IN the Name of God, Benigne and Merful, I approach the Residence of great Sanctimony, the Tremendous Solitude, the Cave bless'd by frequent Visitations of Angels, and by the former Presence of the most Sublime among Mortals, Mahomet the Legat of the Eternal, the Plenipotentiary of Alla, King of Heaven and Earth. Alla! There is but One! Whose Name resounds through all the Orbs Above, when pronounc'd by the Faithful Adorers of the Divine Ʋnity on Earth: And the Eccho thereof from the Adamantine Gates of Paradise, reaches the Abyss of Hell, striking the Infernal Spirits with Horrour and Astonishment. They tremble at the Sound of the Dreadful Word, which chains them up in their Prisons of Darkness. Whereas had they Faith, they would rather rejoyce, believing, that the same Word will one Day release 'em from their Torments. For such is the Clemency of the Omnipotent, as our Holy Doctors teach.

O Mohammed, Friend of the Most High, and Tenant to his Prophet; I have experienc'd, that it is good and wholesome to begin every Thing we do or say, in the Name of God. Whosoever does otherwise, either fails in the [Page 145]Progress, or the End of his Design, and so remains in Confusion. Tagot creeps into his Enterprize, and through Malice spoils it, robbing a Man of his Crown: Or Negidher, the Spirit of Envy, winds himself in, and entangles it: Or Ablis, the Daemon of Melancholy, casts a Damp on it, and bereaves the Undertaker of his Joy. Such is the Fate of those who through Prophaneness, Sloth, or Contempt, forget to pay the due Veneration we owe to the Author and Source of Providence, and Good Success.

Let us not therefore think the Time mispent, which is taken up in the Praises of Him who has neither Beginning nor End, Father of all the Ganerations in this Visible World, and that Other which is conceal'd from Mortals. He is the Governour of our Lives, and our sole Patron in all Necessities. Let us extoll and magnify his Attributes without End.

I am by Nature Contemplative, and Thoughtful; but I must needs acknowledge, That I owe to my Education among the Musselmans the Force of my Faith and Religion. The various turns of Fortune and Experience, which I have had in the World, cou'd never yet blot out the impressions of my Early Years, or diminish the Reverence I have for our Holy Prophet. I often revolve in my Mind, the Series of past Ages, and the Histories of former Times; the Origin of Nations, and the Various Laws, Religions, Wars and Changes. I traverse the[Page 146]different Epocha's of the Posterity of Ibrahim, and the Gentiles, comparing the Date of Israel's Transmigration out of Egypt, with the Years of Nabonassar and the Olympiads, In all of them I find great Obscurity, Contradiction and Doubtfulness, which puts me upon examining the Records of Egypt and the Assyrians. The Antiquity of both is very great, and yet it comes far short of the Chinese Chronology, and that of the Indian Bramins.

When I have tir'd my Soul with a vain Search of that which can never be discover'd; When I consider the Probability of an Ʋniversal Deluge in the Time of Noah, and the Arguments which almost demonstrate the contrary, comparing this with the Flood of Deucalion, and that other of Ogyges: In a Word, when I reflect on the numberless Incongruities that are found in the Registers of Past Ages, I cannot but conclude, there is as much Reason for me to believe, That God has determinately thus dark'ned the Knowledge of Mortals, as that he confounded their Language at Babel, according to the Celebrated Relation of Moses. Whence it will be but lost Labour for us who live in these later Times, to seek for any Assurance or Certainty of the Truth in Matters of so Remote and Early a Date.

Wherefore leaving every Nation to their own Traditions, the Jews to the Manuscripts of Moses, and their Rabbi's, the Gentiles to the Fragments of Hermes Trismegistus,[Page 147]Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod, Theophrastus and other Sages of Egypt, Phoenicia and Greece; I, for my Part, acquiesce to the Volume of Majesty, the Great Alcoran; and to the Writings of our Holy Doctors, Arabians, the Sons of Ismael; not puzzling my self with endless Disputes and Questions; nor censuring others who Worship God after their own Way, and the Documents of their Fathers; but firmly believing, That he who serves God according to the Dictates of his Reason; who is Just to Men and Beasts, and in all Things conserves an Innocent Purity of Life; is as Acceptable to the Great Creator, and Impartial Judge of the Ʋniverse, as he that has had the Happiness to be instructed in the Positive Injunctions of Heaven, the Reveal'd Will of the Omnipotent. And this I take to be the Sense of our Holy Lawgiver, of the Messias, and of all the Prophets in General.

Doubtless, that superlatively Merciful and Indulgent, connives at the Frailties of Mortals; He pities the Invincible Ignorances of some, and the Fatal Necessities of others. He knows the infinite Variety of our Bodily Constitutions, and the equally different Bent of our Souls. He considers the Force of the Elements and Climates wherein we live, and the unconquerable Influence of the Stars under which we were Born. The whole System of Human Nature with its most hidden Circumstances, is expos'd to the Eyes of him who sees All Things. [Page 148]He is no Stranger to the Anatomy of his own Works. Therefore he requires no more of Men, than can be expected from the Faculties with which he has endu'd 'em. Neither will he damn any Man for an Involuntary Evil.

O Mohammed, this is my Faith, my Hope, and my Confidence. Otherwise I should despair every Moment. If I am guilty of Error and Presumption, Correct me in thy Wisdom. For, before thee, I am but as an Idiot.

Paris, 22d. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1662.

LETTER XVIII. To Hasnadar-Bassi, Chief Treasurer to his Highness.

THE French have newly felt the Motions of a Joy, whose Birth and Growth was like that of a Mushroom, sudden and swift, the Product of a very little Time, and which ended in Mourning and Tears. The Moon of November beheld a Daughter born to the Queen of France: But that Planet had hardly carried the News through all the Signs of the Zodiack, and commanded the Stars of France to celebrate a Dunalma; [Page 149]before she was oblig'd to be the Messenger of more sad Tidings, and to proclaim the Death of this Young Princess, to the Constellations that assisted at her Birth.

In a Word: She was born on the 18th. of the 11th. Moon, and died on the 30th. of the 12th. It looks as if she only came into the World to be a Witness of the Conclusion of the Peace between her Father, Lewis XIV. and her Grandfather, Philip, the King of Spain; and so return to the Region of Separate Souls.

This Peace was in General Terms sign'd and seal'd long ago, but there remain'd some Difficulties in adjusting the Limits of the French Conquests, which were referr'd to the Management of Commissioners on both Sides: And these, after they had debated the Matter for the Space of Two Years, at St. Omers, Arras, and Metz, at length finish'd their Negotiation on the 25th. of the 11th. Moon, of the last Year. Which was just Seven Days after the Nativity of the French Princess.

This Royal Infant also liv'd to see Dunkirk, one of the strongest Sea-Ports in the World, re-deliver'd to her Father by the English, in whose Hands it had been, ever since 'twas first taken from the Spaniards. The King took Possession of this Important Place in his own Person, entring the Town on the 2d. of the last Moon.

'Tis look'd upon as a grand Oversight in the English, thus tamely to part with a Fortress[Page 150]which is inexpugnable be Land, and commands the Northern Seas. But Money over-rules all other Considerations. And, it seems, the English Court had Occasion for Gold.

There is lately a good Understanding establish'd between this King and the Emperour of Germany. They often write Friendly Letters one to another, and seem to be perfectly reconcil'd. To speak the Truth, this may be call'd the Pacifick Year among the Inhabitants of Europe. For, excepting some Skirmishes and Bravado's of War between the Spaniards and the Portugueze, all the Rest of Christendom is in Peace. And the Portugueze have so strengthen'd themselves by marrying their Infanta to the English King, that what through his Assistance and the Aid of France, she has almost reduc'd Spain to a Necessity of making Peace.

Thou wilt say the Portugueze have overreach'd the English in the Dowry they give with their Infanta. This is only the Town of Tangier in Barbary. A Place which will cost them far more to defend against the Moors, than it is really worth. For, those bold Africans will perpetually assault the Town, and oblige the King of England to maintain a vast Garison in it, besides a Multitude of other Expences. This makes the Portugueze secretly smile, to find themselves handsomly rid of Two great and burdensome Charges, a Daughter of the Royal Blood, and an Old Fortress of no Use or[Page 151]Service, save only to diminish the Publick Treasure, and make away with some Thousands of Men every Year.

Illustrious Grandee, 'tis no small Encouragement to the poor Exil'd Mahmut, that though he be malign'd, slander'd, and persecuted by his Enemies, yet he still finds Protection and Friendship from the Principal Ministers. And that instead of Checks and Reproaches, to which I was formerly accustomed, my Salary is now augmented to the Proportion of my Necessary Expences; Money is sent me with a Liberal Hand, and my Slanderers are put to Silence and Shame.

Thou may'st accquaint the Divan, that there is now at this Cour, the Eldest Son to the King of Denmark. What his Business is, People conjecture variously. Some say 'tis Love, others affirm 'twas only the Desire of seeing Foreign Courts drew this Prince from his Native Country.

Thou mayst also inform them, that the Duke of Savoy has married a Princess of the Blood Royal, they call her Madamoiselle de Valois. Eliachim the Jew lies dangerously sick of a Fever.

As for me, who never had my perfect Health since I came to Paris, yet I retain a sound Mind, and a Heart inviolably devoted to the Interest of the Grand Signior: Whom God long preserve on the Throne of the Ottomans.

Paris, 10th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1663.

[Page 152]

LETTER XIX. To the Kaimacham.

HERE is a Man come to this City, a Calabrian by Birth, and of all Countries by Education; For he has been a Traveller from his Infancy, if what he relates of himself be true. He speaks all or most of the Languages of Europe very fluently, and is resorted to by People of divers Countries, under the Character of a Fortune-Teller and Physician. He performs both Parts to the Admiration of all that have been with him.

The Princes and Nobles of France visit him daily, and so do Persons of Meaner Birth. They discover to him their Secret Maladies, and this Apollo seldom fails of Success in curing them. He bestows Ten Hours a-Day in freely conversing with People of all Ranks and Qualities; healing the Diseases of some, and telling to others their Future Destinies.

I went to his Chamber one Day, not to learn my Fate (for I have little Faith in Modern Prophets or Astrologers; Nor to be cur'd of any Distemper, having no Esteem for Quacks and Empericks; besides, I was in good Health at that Time) but Curiosity was the only Motive which led me thither, that I might improve my self in other Respects by this Stranger's Company, and learn [Page 153]something which I knew not before of Foreign Courts, whereby I might become more Serviceable to the Grand Signior in this Station, and farther unravel the Secrets of Christian Princes. For so it often falls out, that a Man reaps some Considerable Advantage from the Society of Travellers and Men of Experience: And I had good Reason to hope for some Profit by this Man's Acquaintance, who is thought worthy to be Courted by the Grandees of France.

Wherefore I address'd my self to him with Abundance of Ceremony and Regard; using also as much Dissimulation as I thought necessary to conceal my self and the Design I had in coveting his Friendship. I seem'd a great Admirer of Judicial Astrology, and told him I was very ambitious to learn the Rudiments of that Science from him, having heard his Skill highly commended not only by Vulgar Fame, but by the Mouths of Men of Sense and Quality, who gave him a fair Character. I said a great deal more to insinuate my self into his good Opinion. But there being Company with him, he return'd my Compliments with much Civility, and desir'd me to come to him at a more convenient Season, and to leave my Name, that he might order his Servants to give me a kind Reception at any Time, if he himself shou'd be out of the Way, because it was Common to send many from the Door without introducing 'em. I told him my Name was Titus of Moldavia, and that my Business at [Page 154] Paris was to study in the Academy, in Order to my Preferment in the Church. When he had taken this down in Writing, with the Hour and Minute of the Day, after the Manner of Astrologers, he begg'd me to excuse the Necessity he was under of returning to his Company; and so I took my Leave.

Not many Days after, I went to him again, full of Hopes that I should benefit much by his Company. But as soon as he saw me, he surpriz'd me with this Language:

‘"Sir, you have ventur'd much in coming to me: For now 'tis in my Power, to discover you and your Business in this City. But if I shou'd betray any Man, my Gift wou'd be taken from me. I am neither a Follower of Moses, Jesus or Mahomet, nor of any Sect that is now extant on Earth: But I adore the Spirit and Soul of the Ʋniverse, which is Eternal and Infinite. Therefore I hate no Man for his Religion, let it be what it will. And you that are not what you seem to be, shall receive no more Hurt from me in this Place, than the Coadjutor of Paris: For I am of no Party or Faction. All Men are equally my Friends, who do me no Wrong, and every Place is my Home."’

Thou may'st imagine that I was in no small Astonishment at this Discourse. But[Page 155]recollecting my Spirits, and considering it had always been my Opinion. That these Fortune-Tellers deal by Confederacy; and suspecting that my Name being known to him so long before, it was not difficult for him to inform himself something of me; or that somebody of his Acquaintance who knew me, had seen me go in and out from him, and so told him some of my Circumstances; I made a Shew of going away dissatisfy'd, saying, It will be but lost Time to hearken any longer to you: For I perceive you know nothing of me, in telling me I'm not the Man I seem to be. No, reply'd he, with an obliging Kind of Earnestness, you are an Arabian, and serve some Eastern Prince Incognito. Then he went on, and told me in a few Words some Former Passages of my Life. He hinted at the Dangers I had been in, during my Residence at Paris; mention'd my Captivity at Palermo, and the Rencounter I had with my old Sicilian Master. To be brief, he told me so many other Things which I knew to be true of my self, that I grew very uneasie in his Company, and yet durst not depart from him of a suddain, or shew any Discontent. But mustering together all the Dissimulation and Artifice I cou'd, I turn'd the Discourse to other Subjects; seeming very Importunate to learn Astrology of him, and promising him a large Gratuity, if he would teach me, I fairly took Leave, resolving, if possible, never to see him more,

[Page 156]Never was Man in greater Anxiety, than I was when I came home to my Chamber, and ponder'd on what had pass'd between this Stranger and me. I am not Credulous of Miracles, Prophecies or pretended Revelations. Yet I protest solemnly, I cou'd not forbear thinking, he was endu'd with an extraordinary Faculty of Divining, or at least, that he was an excellent Astrologer. Nay, to this Day I know not well what to conclude of him. He may, for ought I know, be a Daemon Incarnate, or perhaps he is a Magician. Sometimes I think one Thing, and sometimes another. If he performs these Prophetick Parts by Confederacy, still I'm at a Loss how he shou'd come to know so much of me, who always thought my self the privatest Man in Paris, and have neglected no Methods that were proper to render me such in Truth. Then I suspect my Old Sicilian Master is one of this Man's Correspondents, and has told him some of my Circumstances: For I have no Reason to be jealous of Eliachim the Jew. It must be some such Way, or else he is more than a Man, that can thus readily penetrate into the Secrets of a Stranger.

Sage Kaimacham, I pray God defend thee from the Snares of Counterfeits and False Pretenders.

Paris, 13th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1663.

[Page 157]

LETTER XX. To the Captain Bassa.

WHAT I am going to relate wou'd seem Incredible to my self, and for that Reason I wou'd not give it any Room in a Letter to all the discerning Ministers of the Port, were it not confirm'd by Letters from several Merchants in the North Parts of Holland to their Correspondents in this City. And they all agree, That on the 9th. Day of the Moon of November, a Strange Man was seen to float on the Sea near the Shore, being supported by a Piece of Timber, on which he sate with a Bottle of Strong Waters in his Hand. Those who first beheld this Spectacle, were Fishing in a small Boat; and judging him to be the Relique of some Shipwreck (for there had been Violent Tempests in those Seas about that Time) made up to him, and took him into their Skiff. He express'd his Gratitude for this Kindness, in the best Manner he cou'd (for no Body understood his Language.) And when he was come ashore, he fell on his Knees; and having lift up his Eyes and Hands to Heaven, he prostrated himself, and kiss'd the Earth. His Garments were made of the Skins of Fishes, the Hair of his Head of a Flaxen Colour, and he seem'd not to be Faint for Want of Sustenance: [Page 158]Which made every one conclude, That he had kept up his Spirits with that Chymicai Liquor in the Bottle, which was near half emptied.

As soon as he saw the Rising Moon, he fell on his Face, and mutter'd certain Barbarous Words, knocking his Fore-head against the Ground. Then he rose and danc'd after a Wild Manner, singing pretty Natural Airs: And at every Stop, with his Right Hand extended, pointed to that Planet, expressing both in Tone and Actions much Devotion and Love.

Many Learned Men were sent for, to consider this Stranger, and if possible, by Signs or other Means to discover from whence he came, and what Fate or Accident had thus abandon'd him to the Fury of the Winds and Waves, to the Extremity of Hunger, Cold, and Watching; and to the devouring Jaws of Sea-Monsters. But all their Efforts were unsuccessful; They spoke to him in several Languages, and he answer'd them, but still in a Dialect different from any of theirs, and altogether unknown. He seem'd to utter his Words in a Tone between whi [...]ling and singing; which made some conclude, he was a Chinese, because that People pronounce many of their Letters after the same Manner So do the Inhabitants of Tunquin, and Ma [...]bar, with other Kingdoms in the E [...] of Asia, and Letters with them are as significant as Words with the Europeans. They shew'd him Globes, and Maps of the World,[Page 159]done by several Hands, and in various Languages, with particular Charts of all the Maritine Regions on Earth. But, to no other Purpose, than to excite his Devotion afresh to the Moon, whose Resemblance he saw on some of those Papers. He wou'd smile at that Sight, kiss his Fore-finger, and with a Religious Complaisance touch the Figure of that Planet: Then seeming to be in a wonderful good Humour, he wou'd turn round and fall a dancing with his Arms stretch'd, and turn'd in the same Posture as those who use Castanets, or Cymbals. Singing all the while a Sort of inarticulate Sounds, but surprizingly Musical and Sweet. So that No-body knew what to make of him.

He appear'd very temperate, modest, and resign'd; refusing no Meats or Drinks that were offer'd him; yet neither eat nor drank to Excess. Neither was he discontented at his Lodging, or any other Usage; though they tried to vex him several Ways, that they might see how he would vent his Passion. But he smiled at all, and submitted patiently to every Thing they impos'd on him.

One thing was observable, That whereever he saw any Water, he wou'd run to it immediately, and wash himself, as well as he cou'd in those Circumstances, never forgetting to sprinkle some toward that Part of the Heaven, where the Moon was visible. And when they led him into the Fields or Gardens, he wou'd crop the Grass, and [Page 160]Flowers, and with a compos'd Look wou'd throw them up in the Air, adding such Reliious Gestures, as convinc'd every one, That he did it in Honour of some Power above. Various were the Conjectures of Men about him; some were of one Opinion, and others of a quite different. No-Body cou'd positively conclude any Thing. Neither is it possible, as I'm inform'd, for the Wisest Men in those Parts to find out this Mystery.

Perhaps he's such another, as Imaum Rapibabet, a Persian Writer, mentions, who in the Year of the Hegira 502. was taken up by a Merchant-Ship of India, in the Streights of Babel-Mandel, pretending to be dumb, but capable of Hearing, Writing, and expressing himself several other Ways, if any Body cou'd have understood his Language. At last he was found to be an Ethiopian Slave, run away from his Master; an Ingenious Fellow, and one that spoke all the Languages of those Parts; and therefore, that he might be admir'd, wou'd be sure to write in a Character of his own Invention, which the greatest Sages cou'd not read.

Mighty Bassa, thou encounterest on that Element, with strange Monsters, and Creatures under no Name or Predicament that is known, yet none so terrible and dangerous as Cheats and Impostors. From which I pray Heaven defend thee and me: For they infest both the Sea and Land.

Paris, 17th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1663.

[Page 161]

LETTER XXI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew [...] Vienna.

THE Term of our long mutual Silence, enjoyn'd us by our Superiours, is now happily expir'd; and we have with good Success, manag'd our separate Parts without holding any Cerrespondence together. This was only a Tryal of our Fidelity, Conduct, and Obedience: Or perhaps 'twas no more than a Caprice of Policy, or a vain Whim of State. For, 'tis usual with great Men, thus to practise Experiments on those whom they design to employ in the most important Affairs. Whatever it be, we have acquitted our selves like Trusty Slaves; and that's enough for us.

This comes to thy Hand by an Armenian Merchant: One in whom I confide. Here are Abundance of that Nation in Paris and other Parts of France. They travel up and down from one Country and City to another, under the Pretext of Trading; but are really Spies, sent from the Princes of the East, to observe the Counsels of these Western Courts, the Designs of Nazarene Monarchs, and to take an exact Estimate of the Strength and Riches of these Infidels. For, though they outwardly profess themselves to be Followers[Page 162]of Jesus, yet in their Hearts they believe the Alcoran, and Honour Mahmut our Holy-Lawgiver.

There is a Kind of Magick in Truth, which forcibly carries the Mind along with it. Men readily embrace the Dictates of sincere Reason. Yet those of thy Nation are obstinate, and shut their Eyes wilfully against the very Light of Nature. You over-value your selves and your Lineage; because you are the Posterity of Isaac, the Son of Sarah the Free-Woman and Wife of Ibrahim: reproaching us, that we are the Off-spring of Ismael the Son of Hagar, a Concubine and Slave. You consider not that Ismael was the Eldest Son of that Glorious Patriarch; and that by the Law of Moses it is enacted, That the First-born Son shall inherit his Fathers Patrimony, though he were the Son of a base abject Slave, or hated Concubine. Did Moses make a Law contrary to that of his Fathers; Or, cou'd Ibrahim the Beloved of God, do any thing contrary to the Divine Will? How then cou'd he be guilty of disinheriting Ismael his Eldest Son, the Flower of his Strength, and First-Fruit of his Vigor? Doubtless the Majesty and Light of God which pass'd from Adam to Seth Enoch, Noah and Ibrahim, rested also on Ismael, Heir Apparent of the Divine Promises, Father of many Princes and Noble Nations.

Let those therefore of thy Nation, cease to boast of their Pedigree, and exalt themselves[Page 163]above the Victorious and Triumphant Ismaelites, Children of a high Stock, a Race wherein shines forth the Lustre of the Ancient Renown, and the Right of Primogeniture: A Lineage of Illustrious Honour, multiply'd as the Leaves of the Trees, numerous as the Stars of Heaven, prosperous in all Things, by the Special Benediction of God. Whereas, thou knowest, the Israelites never made any great Figure on Earth, and are now reputed no better than Vagabonds throughout the World.

Your Rabbi's reply to this, by owning that our Father Ismael was indeed a Great Prince; but that he was withal a Wild and Salvage Man, who supported his Nobility and Grandeur by Rapine and Blood, dwelling altogether in Desarts and unfrequented Places; robbing the Caravans of Merchants and Travellers, oppressing the Poor, and murdering the Innocent. In Fine, they give this Character of him, That his Hand was against every Man, and every Man's Hand against him.

To this Accusation they also add another, That the Princes of the East who descend from Ismael, have all along, even to this Day, established their Thrones in Cruelty, Massacres, and Patricides. Fathers bereaving their Children of the Lives they gave 'em; and Children putting their Parents to Death: Brothers murdering Brothers, and sacrificing their nearest Relations to the Maxims of a Barbarous Policy, the Restless[Page 164]Suspicions of State. And that all this is more especially manifest in the Sublime House of the invincible Ottomans.

These are the Charges of Hebrew Spight, the Slanders which your Doctors cast on the Progeny of Ibrahim, even on Ismael and his Children, to this Day. But I would have thee, Nathan, reflect impartially on Things, and suffer not thy Judgment to be imposed on by the Sophistry of your Scribes. Look back to the Primitive Times of Israel, examine the Written Law, the Records of Moses and the Seniors. There thou wilt meet with frequent Examples of those very Crimes which you lay to our Charge; true Parallels of the supposed Tyranny and Inhumane Actions, with which you tax the unblemished Ismaelites.

Did not your Father Jacob supplant his own eldest Brother Esau? Did he not cheat his Uncle Laban of his Sheep? What was wanting to him of Ismael's Valour and Fierceness, he supplied with a Fox-like Craft and Subtilty. Yet, how often did he plunder the Children of Hamor? And boasted afterwards of the Preys he had taken from them with his Bow and Spear.

When your Fathers came out of Egypt, what a Carnage did Moses their Leader commit, when he commanded the Sons of Levi, to arise with their Swords in their Hands, and every Man to kill his Brother, his Friend and his Neighbour; so that there fell that Day, at the Foot of Mount Sinai, Three[Page 165]and Twenty Thousand Men? Yet for the Sake of this detestable Tragedy he bless'd 'em, saying, You have consecrated your Hands this day in Blood, every Man in the Blood of his Neighbour. Behold! the Original of your Priesthood, which is the Highest Rank of Nobility among the Jews.

Remember how your Fathers almost cut off the whole Race of Benjamin, so that there were not above Six Hundred Men of that Tribe left alive. Forget not also, how Abimelech of the Tribe of Menasse, got the Sovereignty by Massacring Seventy of his own Brothers on one Stone. Your own Records say, That God gave you Kings in his Wrath, among whom there was not one who was not a Man of Blood. And in the whole Catalogue, you can scarce find Four who were not tainted with Sacrilege, Idolatry, and other enormous Vices.

In a Word, Nathan, both the Sons of Ismael and Isaac, were but Men; and if thou hast nothing else to object against the Former, but what thou must confess the latter were equally guilty of; I advise thee henceforth to lay thy Hand upon thy Mouth, and cease to speak Evil of those, against whom No-Man can sharpen his Tongue or Pen and prosper.

Paris, 22d. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1663.

[Page 166]

LETTER XXII. To the same.

I Concluded my other Letter something imperfectly, and short of my Design, being interrupted by a sudden Deluge of Humours overflowing my Eyes, accompanied with a Tempest in my Head, which at once took from me the Power of thinking regularly, and of seeing how to Write. I am often subject to these Weaknesses of late, and to many other Maladies. My Body sensibly decays; Age and Care, Watching and Sickness, with a Thousand Casualties beside, have almost dissolv'd this congeal'd Medly of the Elements. Methinks, I aw now no more than a poor Skeleton, to which Nature and Fortune, have left a dry wither'd Skin, for Modesty's Sake, to cover its Nakedness; with a few evacuated Veins and Arteries; shrunk Sinews, Tendons, Muscles, and Cartilages, to tack this Machine of Bones together, and keep it in Motion. In a Word, I seem to my self to be only a Hobgoblin or Ghost in Disguize; I cannot say, Incarnate, (for I've lost all my Flesh) but only bagg'd or clouted up in the most contemptible Shreds, Rags, and antiquated Reliques of Mortality, like a Maudlin or Scare-crow. I hang together by Geometry.

[Page 167]Yet, such as I am at these Years, I still possess at certain Seasons more serene and vigorous Thoughts, than in the Days of my Youth, when I was full of Marrow and good Blood. I can feel my Soul sometimes fluttering her Wings, and briskly shaking off the heavy, slimy Cloggs of Earth, of Sleep, and of enchanted Life, or living Death. She struts and plumes herself, she mounts aloft and glides in Happy, though but Momentary Foretastes of Eternal Bliss. And then lur'd down again by Charms of her accustom'd Ease and Pleasure in the Flesh, she comes to Hand at Call, and being hoodwink'd from the Radiant Light of Heaven, she tamely perches on the meanest sensual Appetite, which easily conveys her to her wonted Darkness. This is the changeable State of Mortals, and we must not expect a fixed Condition on this side the Sepulcher. The Noble and the Vulgar are equally liable to these Inconstancies of Spirit; neither can the most exalted State of Sovereign Monarchs, Privilege them from the common Frailties of Mankind. They are no otherwise distinguished from the Meanest of their Slaves, than only by the Vastness of their Possessions, their numerous Retinue, their unlimited Power, and the vain Pageantry of external Honour.

If we examine the Origin of Nobility, and Royal Grandeur; if we trace the Genealogies of Princes and Potentates up to their Fountain, we shall find the First Fathers of [Page 168]these noisy Pedigrees to be cruel Butchers of Men, Oppressors, Tyrants, Perfidious Truce-breakers, Robbers, and Parricides. In a Word, the most Primitive Nobility was no other than Potent Wickedness, or dignified Impiety. And all the successive Continuations of it by Inheritance, Election, or otherwise, even to those Modern Times; are but so many Traducts of exorbitant Power and Honour, acquir'd and propagated by the most enormous Vices, by Practices unworthy of Men, and of which the Authors themselves are always asham'd. Therefore they cover their unjust Encroachments and Invasions, with the specious Pretexts of Justice and Vertue, calling that Conquest, which is no other than down-right Robbery, and professing themselves Patrons of Mens Liberties and Rights, Religion and Laws, whilst in Effect they are the greatest Oppressors, Hypocrites, Atheists, and Out-laws in the World.

This is not only true in the Race of Ismael and Isaac, of whom I made mention in my other Letter, but in all the Families which have ever made any eminent Figure and Noise in the World.

What were the Four renowned Monarchies, but so many Empires of Banditi, Governments of Free-booters, Pyrates and Licens'd Thieves? As Diomedes told Alexander the Great. ‘"I, says he, because I play the private Corsair, and cruise up and down the Seas with one single Ship, am accus'd as a[Page 169] Pyrate, Thou that dost the same Thing with a mighty Fleet, art call'd an Emperour. If thou wert alone and a Captive, as I am, they wou'd esteem thee no better than a Thief: And were I at the Head of a numerous Army, as thou art, I shou'd be reverenc'd as an Emperour. For as to the Justice of our Cause, there is no other Difference but this, That thou dost more Mischief than I. Misfortune has compell'd me to be a Thief, whereas nothing but an intolerable Pride, and insatiable Avarice puts thee upon the same Course of Life. If Fortune wou'd prove more favourable to me, perhaps I might become better: Whereas, thy continual Successes make thee but the worse."’ Alexander admiring the Boldness of the Man, and the Resoluteness of his Spirit, gave him a Command in his Army, that so he might rob and Plunder from thenceforth by Authority.

But, I shou'd have begun higher in Antiquity with the Empire of the Assyrians, founded by Ninus, in the Blood and Slaughter, Ruine and Destruction of all his Neighbours, and increas'd after the same Methods by his Wife Semiramis, who begging of her Husband, that she might reign for Five Days, and he granting her Request, she put on the Royal Ornaments, and sitting on the Throne of uncontroulable Majesty, commanded the Guards to degrade and kill her Husband. Which being done, she succeeded in the Empire, adding Aethiopia to her [Page 170]other Dominions, carrying a War into India, and encompassing Babylon with a Magnificent Wall; at last was kill'd by her Son Ninyas. Thus was the Assyrian Monarchy established in Regicides, Massacres, and Carnage. And by the same Methods 'twas translated by Arbactus to the Medes. He having caus'd Sardanapalus, the last, and most effeminate of all the Assyrian Kings, to die in the midst of his Concubines. Thus was Treachery and Murder handed down with the Sovereign Power; till at length Cyrus the Persian transferr'd them to his Country. Whose Son Cambyses rais'd the Second Ʋniversal Monarchy, on the additional Ruines of many other Kingdoms, cementing it with the Blood of his Brother and his Son. Yet, after all, it was translated to the Macedonians, by Alexander the Great, not without an equal Guilt of Parricide, and other Exorbitant Vices. From whom at last it devolv'd to the Romans.

What need I mention the scandalous Birth of Romulus and Remus, the Twin-Sons of an Incestuous Vestal? Or, their debauch'd Education under a common Prostitute, fabulously veil'd by the Roman Historians, under the Title of a Wolf, to render the Origin of their Empire Miraculous? Why shou'd I recount the Horrid Fratricide committed by Romulus on Remus his Brother; or the celebrated Rape of Sabine Wives, Virgins, and Widows? It will seem invidious, to call to Mind the detestable Murder of Titus Tacius, [Page 171]the Good old Captain of the Sabines, with many other Barbarous Massacres. Yet these enormous Crimes were the Foundations of the Roman Grandeur and Nobility, so formidable afterwards to the whole Earth. And the Superstructure was answerable, through all the various Changes and Revolutions of Government, even to the Reign of Augustus Caesar, under whom Rome gain'd the Title of the Fourth Ʋniversal Monarchy.

This Emperour, though he was esteem'd the most Merciful and Just Prince on Earth, yet he establish'd his Throne in the Blood of his Kindred, sacrificing the Children of his Uncle to the ends of State: And that he might not deviate from the Royal Ingratitude of other Princes, he barbarously extinguish'd the Off-spring of his Fathers Brother, who had adopted him to the Inheritance of the Imperial Dignity. Scorning by an unkingly Tenderness, to spare the glorious Names of Antony and Cleopatra, to whom he was so nearly related, and who had invested him with the Power of being so inhumane.

I will not make thee sick, by rehearsing the abominable Lives and wicked Actions of the Nero's, Domitian's, Caligula's, Heliogabulus's, Galienus's, and the rest of those Royal Monsters. History it self blushes to recite such Prodigies of Impiety, and their very Names are odious to all Generations.

[Page 172]If we pass from these mighty Empires to Kingdoms of less Note, we shall still trace the Foot-steps of the same Vices. Both Ancient and Modern Records are full of these Tragedies. The Original Kingdom of the Greeks took its Rise from the Parricide of Dardanus; and the Female Empire of the Amazons, began in the barbarous Massacre of their Husbands. All Ages and Nations afford us Examples of this Nature; and the highest Honours, Dignities and Commands were ever acquir'd and maintain'd by the Highest Injustice.

Therefore, Honest Nathan, let thou and I never envy the Nobles and Grandees of the Earth; but contented in our Humble Posts, sitting under the Ʋmbrella's of a happy Obscurity, let us serve the Grand Signior with Integrity and a Zeal void of Injustice.

Paris, 22d. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1663.

[Page 173]

LETTER XXIII. To Codarafrad, Cheik, a Man of the Law.

THou wilt approve the Sentence that was Yesterday executed on a Frenchman in this City, who said he was the Son of God, and had perswaded a great many poor Ignorant People to believe him. He was burnt alive for his Blasphemy, and his Ashes kick'd into a Ditch. Had he been convicted of this horrid Impiety in any of the Grand Signior's Dominions, he had undergone the like or a more terrible Punishment: For the Alcoran expresly says, That God has neither Wife, Son, Daughter, or Companion: And that those shall suffer Eternal Pains, who teach any such Doctrine. Doubtless, there is but One God, and the Eternal Ʋnity cannot be divided, or multiply'd, to make more Gods in Faction, or procreate an Off-spring of diminutive Dieties. He, the Father of all Things, dwells in Eternal Solitude, and from an Infinite Retirement beholds the Various Generations of the Ʋniverse; they are all equally his Off-spring, and 'tis Blasphemy to affirm he has a Son, or a Daughter, or a Companion like unto himself. For he is increated, unbegotten, and entire: Sole Possessor of his Own Glory, without Rival [Page 174]or Competitor. There was none before him, neither shall there be any after him. He is without Beginning or End.

But these Infidels harbour strange Opinions about a Trinity of Gods, and follow the Doctrines of Hermes, Trismegistus, Plato, Plotinus, and other Pagan Philosophers, who asserted a Triad in the Deity; and on that Basis, founded all the Polytheism of the Gentiles. Hence Pythagoras drew his Tetragrammaton, by playing the Chymical Arithmetician, and extracting a Quaternity out of Three. But the Poets not puzzling their Heads with the Mysteries of these Divine and Ʋnintelligible Numbers, deliver'd their Theology in plain, gross Fictions, suitable to the Capacities of the Vulgar: One midwifing a Goddess out of Jupiter's Brains: Another starting a God from his Thigh. But this silly Fellow, could not derive his Pedigree so near as from a Little Toe of the Divinity. Therefore, he was deservedly reduc'd to his First Atomes, and spurn'd out of the World.

The French have various Kinds of Punishments for Malefactors; but none more terrible than Breaking on the Wheel. This is inflicted only on Notorious Criminals, and the Manner is thus: The Party condemn'd is fasten'd to a Wheel, with his Arms and Legs extended to their full Length and Wideness. Then comes the Executioner, and with an Iron Bar breaks one Bone after another, till the miserable Wretch is in the Agonies of [Page 175]Death; and so he is left, to expire in unutterable Torments: For, some Men of strong Constitutions, will retain Life in this Condition for Twelve or more Hours together.

Honourable Codarafrad, Though the Executions of the East are more swift and surprizing, than those in the West; yet they are not Comparable to them for Cruelty: The worst Death being but a Minutes Pain.

Sage Cheick, I reverence thy accomplish'd Knowledge in the Laws of Equity and Justice.

Paris, 15th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1663.

The End of the Second Book.

[Page]

[Page 177]

LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS.
VOL. VI. BOOK III.

LETTER I. To Solyman his Cousin, at Chalcedon.

I Commend thee for removing thus from Place to Place, and cou'd wish that thou would'st not only exchange thy Residence through all the Cities seated on the Bosphorus, Propontis, Euxine Sea, and the Hellespont, but visit by turns all the Famous Marts in the World.

Praise be to God, we are not born in Moscovy, Russia, China, or under the narrow-soul'd [Page 178]Governments of Lycurgus, Plato, and such kind of Jealous Lawgivers; where it would be no less Punishment, than the Loss of one's Eyes, Ears and Feet, if not of Life it self, to travel out of his Native Country, or for a Stranger to come in, excepting Foreign Embassadors and Agents, who in China are forc'd to travel with their Faces veil'd or muffl'd, from the Confines to the Court, lest they should spie the Disadvantages of the Country.

Doubtless this is repugnant to the Law of Nature and Nations, an Oppression of Humanity, and directly opposite to the Purpose of God, when he design'd and made us for Sociable Creatures: For, the whole Earth is but as one Country or Province, common to Men and Beasts. 'Tis our Element, and therefore we ought to be free in it, to range where we please, as the Fowls do in the Air, and the Fish in the Sea, without any Law, Restraint, or Injury. Such a Thought as this, made Socrates, when he was ask'd, What Country-man he was, answer, I am a Native of the Ʋniverse, and therefore free to live where I will.

Thou know'st, our Cousin Isouf has travell'd over all Asia and Africk, with some Parts of Europe. My Brother Pesteli Hali, has also visited many Regions in the East. Both of them have improv'd their Estates and Fortunes in the World, the one at Astracan, the other at Constantinople. Follow their Steps and thou may'st have thy Hearts [Page 179]Content. Go, and observe the different Manners of Men, their various Customs, Laws and Religions. Survey the Mountains, Vallies, Desarts, Rivers, Lakes, Seas, Cities, Castles, Palaces, and all the other desirable Objects, which embellish this Globe.

But beware of the Infirmity of most Travellers, who, Camelion-like, change their Humour and Manners as the Regions vary through which they pass. Mere Mimicks, Buffoons, and Apes, who place their Excellency in imitating every Thing they see, or meet with. Thus degenerating from themselves, instead of Improving their Minds in true Science and Wisdom, and hardening their Bodies to endure patiently the Injuries of the Elements, with all the Fatigues and Contingencies of Humane Life, which are the chief Ends of Travelling, next to that of Learning how to serve our Sovereign, and our Country in a more refined Manner.

Solyman, never think that thou wilt deserve the Character of a Prudent Traveller, if at thy return thou canst only boast of Strange and Incredible Things thou hast seen, tell monstrous Romances, and Fictions more Fabulous than those of the Gentile Poets. Aim at Solid Knowledge, and the Improvements of a Rational Creature. As thou goest out a Mussulman, so return; but with all the Advantages that may recommend thee for a Person accomplish'd in History, Morals, Politicks, and Divine Philosophy.

[Page 180]If thou dar'st not undertake a Ramble at large, go to thy Cousin Isouf at Astracan, where he is settl'd in a Way of Traffick and Merchandise. Take thy Voyage by the Black Sea, and the Palus Maeotis. Cast thy Eyes on the ancient Kingdom of Colchis, as thou sailest by her Shores; consider the Temper of the Mingrelians, Circassians and Tartars, with the Rest of the People through whose Territories thou wilt pass. And when thou arrivest at Astracan, tell my Cousin Isouf, that I wish'd thee to take this Course: He will respect thee for thy Uncle's Recommendation. Shew him this Letter, and let his own Eyes see the Hand-Writing of Mahmut, the Aged, Weather-beaten Slave of the Earth's Great Sovereign; the old Grey, Grisled Watchman of the Sublime Port, which is the Refuge of Mortals. He will find many Opportunities to advance thee. But I advise thee to wean thy self from all Fondness, Inconstancy, and Discontent. Be true to thy Trust, Sedulous and Active, Patient and Resign'd. Take all Things as they come from Destiny, without being peevish, or fretful.

So may God bless thee, and give thee the Riches of the Earth, and the Sweet Influences of Heaven; make thee happy here, and hereafter. Finally, may thy Rest be on high, in Paradise.

Paris, the 1st. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1663.

[Page 181]

LETTER II. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople.

THere is no Doubt, but when thou wast in the Indies the Names of Sultan Dara, Suja, Aurengzebe, and Morad Batche were not less known to thee, than that of their Father Cha Iehan, the Grand Mogul. Thy Business as well as Curiosity call'd thee often to the Court, where thou hast heard the Characters of these young Princes, whose early Years furnish'd the World with Matter of Noise, and great Expectations, and gave the old Monarch that begat 'em, Trouble and Care enough to keep 'em in Order, and prevent their Machinations against one another, as well as against himself. For, in those Days he saw his Family divided into Factions, and a Royal Envy mix'd with Ambition, whetting Brothers and Sisters against each other, who by Nature were made for the Offices of Reciprocal Love.

Surely, 'tis but a glorious Infelicity for Children to be thus born Candidates of a Crown, when each is oblig'd by a Principle of Self-Preservation, to pursue his Claim, in a Method wholly repugnant to Humanity, and the Affection that is due to those of the[Page 182]same Blood: When shaking off all Tenderness and Compassion, the Sons of one Mother must sheath their Swords in each others Bowels, to prevent their own Estate, and ravish a Crown by Force, to save their Lives.

Yet this is the Misfortune of all the Eastern Courts, that they cannot see a Prince ascend the Throne, without the Slaughter of his Brethren, and all that can be suspected to pretend, or stand in Competition with him for the Sovereignty.

However, it must be confess'd that the Indian Policy in this Point is far more generous, than that of the Ottomans or Persians. Who either immediately after their Possession of the Throne, murder in cold Blood all the rest of their Lineage; or at least imprison them in some dark Dungeon during their Lives, and not seldom put out their Eyes. And this is owing to the Disadvantage the unhappy Children of our Monarchs lie under, in that from their Infancy they are confin'd to the Seraglio, and educated under the Tutelage of Women and Eunuchs, even during the whole life of their Father; so that he who is advanc'd to the Throne, has all the rest in his Custody the first Hour of his Reign.

Whereas, in Indostan, the Princes of the Blood, are committed to able and learned Tutors, and as they grow in Years, encreasing also in Knowledge, Wisdom and Courage, they are dispos'd of, every one suitable to his Capacity. Some being made Ministers of [Page 183]State, others Generals of Armies, or Governours of Provinces: Whereby each is put in a Condition to make Parties for himself, among the Grandees, and those of Inferiour Degree, and to fortify his Interest in Court and City, Country and Camp. Thus an open Field is left for all to try their Wit and Courage in, for the Sake of Inheritance; and 'tis more equal to let them Nobly Skirmish for a Crown, and make a Warlike Lottery for Life or Death, then set up one with the Advantage and Character of a Butcher, and turn the Seraill' to a Shambles, always polluted with Royal, Innocent Blood.

But every State pursues its own Maxims; and there are not wanting Men of the Law, who justify this Inhumane Conduct of our Sultans, as the only means to prevent Publick Distractions and Civil Wars: which always happen, where there are many Pretenders to the Imperial Dignity. As it lately fell out in the Indies.

I need not acquaint thee with what particular Dignities and Commands, the Great Mogul invested his Four Sons. Thou could'st sufficiently inform thy self of these Things when thou wast at Dehli, the Capital City of Indostan. Neither need I say any Thing of Rauchenara Begum, or her Sister Saheb, the Two Daughters of Cha Iehan. Thou that hast been there in Person, know'st more of these Things, than I who am oblig'd to the Merchants and Travellers for all my Intelligence of the Indian Affairs.

[Page 184]But I can certify thee of something, which has been transacted there since thy Return to Constantinople, the Fame whereof perhaps is not yet arriv'd to the Imperial City.

Know then, that in the Year 1655, a Rumour being spread abroad through the Provinces of India, that Cha Iehan was dead; each of his Four Sons, began to lay about him for the Crown. They did all that is usual in such Cases for Ambitious Persons to do, by courting the Omrahs and Rajas with large Presents and larger Promises, by obliging the Souldiery with immense Largesses; in a Word, by rouzing up the Friendship and Integrity of their Adherents, and by winning over Strangers to their different Parties, with whatsoever else was thought necessary to carry on a prosperous War against one another: For the Innate Desire of Reigning, had equally possess'd them all. But Destiny, which appoints and consummates Humane Events, had reserv'd the Crown for Aurengzebe, who surpass'd all the rest in Policy and Dissimulation.

With profound Craft this Prince overreach'd his younger Brother, Morad-Batche, and put him in Chains, in the midst of Morad's own Army; pacifying the Officers with Bribes, and the Common Souldiers with Encrease of their Pay, whilst he sent their General away Prisoner to one of his strongest Castles. This was the First considerable Stroke he gave toward the gaining a Crown. [Page 185]For, now he was not only rid of one Competitor, and the most dangerous of all the rest, but also became Master of his Army and all his Treasure, which being joined to his own, put him in a Condition, to pursue his good Fortune with Success. Yet the War lasted almost Six Years, his Brother Sultan Sujah keeping him in Play on the Side of Bengale, and Sultan Dara near the Capital Cities Agra, and Dehli.

But at last they were both forc'd to yield to the Fortune of Aurengzebe. In fine, he was establish'd and now sits on the Throne of his Fathers, whilst they fell Sacrifices to the Jealousy and Revenge of their Victorious Brother, being, as I'm inform'd taken Prisoners, and afterwards poyson'd or hurry'd out of the World some other Way.

Thus passes away Humane Glory, like a Cloud driven before the Wind; or like the Smoak of a Fire, which looks bright and gay for a while, crackles and gives Heat to all that are near it, but is either suddenly quench'd with Water, or evaporates into Air, and is no more remember'd. Dear Pestheli, consider that this Earth is not our Native Country: we are Foreigners here below; let us improve our selves, by every Thing we encounter, in Knowledge and Vertue, without Learning the Vanity and Vices of Mortals.

Paris, 4th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1663.

[Page 186]

LETTER III. To Useph, Bassa.

HEre is great Rejoycing for the Conversion of a certain Protestant Prince to the Faith of the Roman Church. They call him the Duke of Meklebourgh. He is said to spring from an Ancient Race of Kings among the Vandals. This Court caresses him in an extraordinary Manner, as they usually do all Proselytes of his High Quality; as for poor and vulgar Converts, they serve only to become the Priests Slaves and Asses.

The King, who is Styl'd the Eldest Son of the Church, and therefore ought to appear a living Demonstration of her boasted Vertues, has been very Liberal of his Favours to the New Devotee, creating him Knight of the Holy Spirit, which is the most Sublime Degree of Honour in this Kingdom, next to that of being made Peer of the Realm.

Couriers arrive one at the Heels of another from the Duke of Beaufort, who is Cruising about on the Mediterranean. But, I cannot get a Sight of any of them, nor learn what their Expresses contain. The Courtiers and Statesmen here are the very Whirl-Pools of Intelligence. Whatever News is communicated to them, is swallow'd up and[Page 187]lost for ever in profound Silence. They receive all, but return none again. However, People take the Liberty to guess, every Man according to his Reason or Fancy. Some say, the Duke of Beaufort has engaged with a Fleet of Algerines, and driven 'em into their Harbour with great Loss on their Side, and Triumph on his. Others laugh at this as only a Court-Romance, who strive to prepossess the Nation with prosperous Stories of the King's Arms, both by Sea and Land. Whilst a Third Sort affirm, That those Dispatches come not from the Duke of Beaufort, who, they say, is dead, being kill'd by a Cannon-Bullet, in an Encounter with the Corsairs of Barbary: But, that they are sent from the next Chief Officers in the Thoulon Fleet, to give the King an Account of his Death, and receive New Orders.

In the mean while, we are wholly taken up here at present with the Reception of the Swiss-Embassadours. They made their Publick Entry into Paris yesterday, after they had been magnificently entertain'd at the Castle of the Wood. A Thousand Chariots accompanied them through the Streets of Paris. They are brave Jolly Persons, Sons of Bacchus, and Hirelings to Mars, Stout in a Wine-Cellar, and no Cowards in the Field.

Courteous Bassa, Thou seest, I do not forget my Friends, but send to all by Turns, the Advices that come to my Hands. I wish thou would'st favour me with a short [Page 188]Sketch of thy Pleasure with the Grand Signior, in the Neighbouring Plains of Adrianople.

Paris, 10th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1663.

LETTER IV. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

'TIS hard to determine, whether the French King excel in Martial Affairs, or in those of State. He is good at Both. His Counsels are Wise, and his Actions great. A Man both in Body and Mind, form'd for Empire: And out-stripping his Years in all Things save the Affairs of Love. These indeed he pursues with youthful Vigour and Passion, being by Nature very Amorous, and esteem'd the Handsom'st Prince of this Age, by those who consider a Regular Shape, Graceful Features, and a Majestick Awfulness in the Face, as the Principal Ingredients in a Masculine Beauty.

'Tis certain, he's very Acceptable to the Ladies, who are the most Competent Judges in this Case. And they value him so much [Page 189]the more, because his Love never abates the due Sentiments a Monarch ought to have of his Glory. For he gratifies both Passions, without suffering them to interfere, manageing his softest Intrigues with such exquisite Prudence, as he still comes off a Hero.

He has had many Mistresses, and 'tis a manifest Discovery of his Wit, that he never fasten'd his Affections on any that deserv'd not the same Character. She that has the greatest Share in his Heart at present, is call'd the Dutchess of Vaujour; a Woman rais'd to that Title by the King's Bounty, for the Sake of his Love. She has a Refin'd Wit, and that's all can be said in her Praise. For, as to her Body, 'twould hardly tempt an indifferent Painter to employ his Skill, unless it were, in describing what the Taylor endeavours to hide, and that's a Deformity much like mine, a Remarkable Bunch in the Back. Yet his great Monarch, loves her passionately, and will not be easily cross'd in his Amours.

The Queen and his Mother have endeavour'd by divers Methods to reclaim him; but all prove ineffectual. A while ago they set his Confessor to work, who with Abundance of unseasonable Gravity, represented to the Young Invincible Monarch, the Ill Consequences of Unlawful Love (for, these Infidels esteem none Lawful, but what is bestow'd only on One Wife.) He said all that was proper for a Jesuite to urge on such an Occasion, and a great deal more; threatning [Page 190]the Royal Lover with Severe Penance and I know not what. Impatient of this Discourse from a Subject, yet respecting the Character he bore as a Priest, the King with a Reserv'd Countenance, thank'd him for his Pious Counsel, telling him withal, that for the Future he discharg'd him from his Service, being resolv'd to obey the Old Canons of the Church, and confess to none but the Priest of the Parish. Thus the poor Jesuite was discarded, and besides the King's Displeasure, he has drawn upon himself the Censures and Curses of his whole Order, for disobliging so potent a Monarch, only to please Two peevish Women.

Illustrious Minister, Kings are as Gods on Earth; and they esteem it a Prophanation of their Divinity, when their Actions are too narrowly scann'd by their Subjects.

Paris, 7th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 191]

LETTER V. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs at Constantinople.

THE News which thy Letter imparts, wou'd affect me with Incredible Delight, were such a Thing possible to come to pass. It is a long Time since I have been weary of dwelling in Paris, and of conversing only with Infidels. There is a perfect Antipathy between their Humour and mine. And 'tis no small Violence a Man does to his Nature in such a Case, when all his Actions and Words are counterfeited. This goes mightily against the Grain. But I have thought nothing too much to do or suffer, for our Great Master's Interest. And I'm still of the same Resolution. Yet Nature it self abhors Force and Restraint. Therefore 'twoud be a vast Comfort to be recall'd from this disagreeable Station, and plac'd in some other Post, where I might serve God and the Grand Signior with more Ease.

Besides, I have met with nothing but Persecutions and Reproaches from some at the Seraglio, ever since I came to this City; as I have often hinted in my Dispatches to the Grandees, and particularly once to the Noble Kerker Hassan, Bassa, our Countryman[Page 192]and Friend. Wherein I also implor'd his Favour and Intercession, that I might have leave to retire into Arabia, and spend the Rest of my Days in the Place where I first drew my Breath; or at least, that I might be permitted to return to Constantinople, and give an Account of my Agency in these Parts, though it were to the Loss of my Head, if I deserv'd it.

I perceive that generous Bassa took Compassion on my Sufferings, and has done his utmost to relieve me. 'Tis to him I owe the Proposal that was made in the Divan, of sending me to the Court of the Grand Mogul, there to Negotiate some Private Affairs of Importance for the Sultan.

There is nothing that I have had a greater Passion for these many Years, than the Happiness of visiting those remote Parts of the Earth, so venerable for the Antiquity of their Inhabitants, and the Excellency of their Laws, Customs, Religion and Government; I mean, the Gentile Indians, and not the Race of the Moguls, who came out of Tartary, and are but of Yesterday, in Comparison with the Aboriginal People, whose Genealogies and Possession of that Country, stretch beyond all the Records in the World beside.

Ever since I read the Journal of thy Travels in the East, I was inflam'd with an ardent Desire to see that Renowned Nation to converse with the Bramins, and pry into the Mysteries of their Unknown Wisdom,[Page 193]which occasions so much Discourse in the World.

I know not what ails me, but I promise my self more Satisfaction from their Books, were I capable of understanding the Language in which they are writ, or from the Lips of those Priests who have 'em in their Custody; than from all the Prophets and Sages in the World. I fancy I shou'd find something prodigiously strange and amazing in their History, yet squaring with Human Reason, and Probability of Truth. I shou'd meet with Arguments which I cannot yet start, to prove the Eternity of the World; Arguments clear and demonstrative: such as wou'd establish this Doctrin, against all Objections that have or can be made to the contrary.

The Idea which I already entertain of so unmeasurable a Duration, is only founded on my own Natural Thoughts, and supported by the Concurrent Opinion of several Ancient Philosophers. But I shou'd hope to see it discover'd by these Indian Records, to be a Truth as bright as the Sun, and fixed as the Center of the Earth.

There is another Thing, for which I mightily admire the Indians; and wherein I endeavour to imitate them to the utmost of my Power: That is, the Justice and Tenderness they shew towards the Beasts. 'Tis a Thing which needs a considerable Expiation, if by chance they kill any living Creature.[Page 194]But, if they do it wilfully, out of Cruel Wantonness or Malice, and not in their own Defence; 'tis punish'd with Death, no less than if they had murder'd a Man. No care of Health, or Fear of Dissolution by Sickness, can tempt one of the Brachman Race, to taste a Bit of Flesh: Much less cou'd they be induc'd by the meer pleasure of their Appetites, to commit that which they esteem so enormous a Sin, and the very Fountain of all other Vices. They count it the greatest Injustice that can be, to sustain their own Lives, by the Death of any of their Fellow-Animals; and they esteem it a Pusillanimity unbecoming a Man, when he dares not venture his Life on the Fruits of the Earth, and the Milk of Cattel, which he may enjoy in Innocence, and Nature affords him more than enough, of all Sorts of lawful Nourishment.

This Religious Abstinence, is the Mother of Heroick Vertues; and those who practice it inviolably, are always in a State to contemn the World, Death, and all Momentary Things. Hence it is, that the Indians go to the Invisible World as cheerfully, as they wou'd take a Journey to China, and Persia. Turky, or any other Part of the Earth. For they esteem Death no other than a setting out, or Voyage of the Soul to a more agreeable Religion.

But, I need not insist so much on these Things to thee, who hast been among them,[Page 195]and art familiarly acquainted with their Genius and inclination. I slide into this Discourse insensibly, by the Pleasure I take in thinking of these People and their admirable Vertues, as a Man falls in Love with a Beautiful Woman, by attentively gazing on her, and many Times forgets himself, and the Business he was about, commits Errors and Indecencies, and through the Confusion of his Spirits, is quite lost, like one in a Wood.

To return therefore to my Purpose; a Journey to the Indies would be very pleasant to me on several other Accounts. The very Stars of my Nativity inclin'd me to travel, and from my Cradle in my Father's House, I was transported to Constantinople, many Hundreds of Leagues from the Place of my Birth. Thou know'st, what a Romer I've been since that Time: And I can assure thee, I retain the same Disposition still. But, there's no Country under the Moon which I wish to see with greater Earnestness, than Indostan; the very Name whereof sounds almost as sweet as that of Paradise. Doubtless 'tis the Eden of the Earth, in many Respects. And the Inhabitants believe there was no better for the Original Parents of Mankind to dwell in, ranking the History of Moses on that Subject in the Number of Celebrated Fables. I approve not this Censure of the Indians, yet I tell thee as a Mussulman, I dare say, the Mysterious Writings of Moses [Page 196]are quite misunderstood by the greatest Part of Mankind. Neither can any Two of his Interpreters, agree exactly which was the Particular Situation of Paradise. Some plant that Garden in Mesopotamia, others in Palestine; and a third Sort affirm, twas in Egypt: This Man will have it in Asia, That in Africk. They are divided in their Opinions. And I might as well say, 'twas under the Red Sea between them both; and bring as many Cabbalistick Proofs to defend it. But, it signifies nothing to us, let it be where 'twill. Every Place is a Paradise, which a Man phansies to be so; and Nothing can beat me off from the Conceit I have of the Indies

Besides, I shou'd take a vast Delight in my Journey thither; whether I went by the Way of the Black Sea, and so through the Ancient Kingdoms of Colchis, Georgia and Cathay, coasting along the Foot of Mount Taurus: Or, by the more Common Road, through Syria, Arabia, and Persia. Either way wou'd afford Matter of Thought to a Contemplative Man, whilst in some Places he beholds the Ruines of Famous Cities, and his Eye revels on the Spoils of Time, of Fire, of War, or of Earthquakes. In others, he beholds whole Provinces laid Waste, and dispeopl'd; only meeting here and there a few Cots, Herds, or Tents of Arabs, Tartars or Circassian Herdsmen; who straggle up and down the pleasant Fields of[Page 197] Asia, to pick and chuse convenient Pastures for their Cattle.

How pleasant would it be to travel thro' my own Country, and behold the Tents of the Sons of Ismael, spread o'er the Plains of the Vast and Horrible Desart? To meet with Emirs and Sheghs of Arabia, with their Flocks and Herds, Summering it up and down, and Frolicking from Mountain to Valley at their Pleasure.

From this to pass to another Variety in Persia, would be equally diverting. What kind of Thoughts should I have whilst on my Bed, within the Walls of Bagdat, the Stage of so many Great and Renown'd Actions, mention'd in Ancient History! I should call to Mind Semiramis, the Foundress of that Noble City, and all her Wars with the Indians and other Nations of the East. I should reflect on her Policy, and the Weakness of her Son Ninyas. I should consider the various Translations of the Eastern Empire; the Alternate Fate of the Medes, Assyrians, Babylonians and Persians. And from thence I should Naturally fall upon the Conquests of Alexander the Great; the Rise of the Macedonian Empire, the Death of that Mighty Hero in Babylon, and the Cantonizing the Empire among his Chief Officers. Such Memoirs as these, would waken my Thoughts of the Vanity of all Human Affairs, as it does at this time: And particularly I reflect on my Folly,[Page 98]in setting my Heart so much on Travelling to a Country, which I am never like to see.

For, alas, my Dear Brother, I am not able to endure at this Age, the Hardships of so long a Journey, as I could in my Youth. Much Sickness has impair'd the Strength of my Constitution. I am grown as tender as an Infant. The least Puff of Wind is ready to blow out the Flame of Life. And whereas formerly, neither Heat nor Cold, Hunger or Thirst, Labour or Watching could hurt me; now my Health receives Damage from every one of these. I could not possibly out-live the Fatigue and Pain of travelling Two or Three Days together without a Drop of Water to refresh my panting Soul. An Habitual Fever has made me the Thirstiest Man in the World. Then I am not able to bear the scorching Heats of the Sun, to which a Traveller in those Parts is Necessarily expos'd. I should daily dissolve like Wax, or rather exhale in Smoke, in the midst of so many Fervors. In a Word, my Body is so Infirm, that I am very sure to die, before I can get Half Way to Indostan, let me take the nearest Road I can.

Yet if the Ministers of the Port shall think fit to send me, I am resign'd. For, I take no farther Care of my Life, than as I may be serviceable to the Grand Signior.

[Page 99]I intend to write to our Illustrious Friend about it. In the mean time, do thou for me, what the Prudence of Man, and the Affection of a Brother shall suggest, as most conducing to the Interest of our Sovereign, and our own Honour, which we ought to prefer to our Lives.

Our Mother is in Health, and Salutes thee with a tender Embrace.

Paris, 9th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 200]

LETTER VI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

THis Court of late makes a double Figure; the one of Real Sorrow for the Dutchess of Savoy's Death, who was of the Blood. Royal of France; the other of Counterfeit Mourning for the Death of Carolus Josephus, Brother to the German Emperour. For, they inwardly rejoyce at this Latter, and wish the whole House of Austria were laid in their Graves: That Family being the only Obstacle to the Grandeur, at which the French Monarchy aspires. The only Rub which Cardinal Richlieu, and his Successor Mazarini found in their Way, when they sought to exalt the Bourbons to the Empire of the West.

The Rise and Fall of Kingdoms, the various Changes of Government, the Alternate Fate of Nations, are Themes worthy of a Mussulman's Thoughts; considering that the Victorious and Happy Osmans at this Day possess the Territories of ancient Renown, the Provinces and Dominions which formerly made the greatest Figures and Noise in the World.

[Page 201]What is now become of the most Famous Monarchies of Babilon, Persia, Assyria, Macedon, Greece and Rome? Look for the Mysterious and Learned Kingdom of Egypt; the Religious State of the Jews; The most Ancient Kingdoms of the Sicyonians and Argives; The Commonwealths of Lacedaemon and Athens, with many other Countries mention'd in the Records of Time, and we shall find them all Swallow'd up in the Universal Empire of the Ottomans.

The Histories of Belus, and how he got the Sovereignty by Hunting; of Ninus his Son who first taught the World the Methods of Idolatry; of Serimamis, Ninyas, Sardinapalus, Arbaces, Belochus, and the rest of those Assyrian Monarchs; sound now like an antiquated Tale, or Dteam. Neither is there any more Life at this time in the Babylonian and Persian Registers. The mighty Acts of the Nebuchadnezzar's, Cyrus's and the rest of those renown'd Conquerours, now serve but as Foils to set off the more Glorious Enterprizes, and Successes of our Immortal Sultans.

'Tis true, the Persians at this Day retain some Fragments of that once Vast and Formidable Eastern Empire. And the Germans have a Shadow of the Ancient Imperial Majesty of the Romans. But both the one and the other, are grown Effeminate and Weak; they have lost the Vertue, the Power and Fortune of their Predecessors.

[Page 202]Thou hast travell'd over all the Dominions of the Sophi, and been an Eye-Witness of the Persian Luxury, Libertinism, and Nakedness. Thou hast seen the Off-spring of Heroick Sages, transform'd to Swine, Dogs, Asses, and other contemptible Brutes, as if they'd drank of Circe's Cup. So fatal is it to decline from the Way of Vertue; nay, so impossible even to stand still in that sacred Path, without being violently pull'd backward. In a Word, thou art so thorowly acquainted with the Present State of Persia, and all its Circumstances, that I shou'd appear too officious in pretending to describe either the Country, or the People that inhabit there.

But, as to Europe, thou professest thy self a Stranger, and hast commanded me to characterise this Quarter of the World; Wherein Germany makes the most Majestick Figure by Land, England and Holland by Sea: Spain boasts of her Gold; whilst France treasures it up to pay her Armies, to keep foreign Kings in Pension, to Build mighty Fleets, and Magnificent Palaces; to corrupt the German Princes, and make 'em Pimps to her Ambition, Instruments of her design'd Grandeur, which is no less than the Western Empire.

As for the Duke of Savoy, he is a mere Tennis-Ball, or a Shuttle-Cock, bandied to and fro between the Kings of France and Spain.

[Page 203]The Swisses are Poor and Mercenary. They cannot stay at Home unless they cou'd banquet on the Turfs and Stones: For all the Flesh, Fruit, and Corn in the Land, is not half enough to keep 'em alive, and they have little or no Money, but what they get abroad. This makes 'em all Travellers, and most of them take up the Trade of War. They serve the Pope, the French King, and many other Princes for Pay: And where they once engage, they are very true to their Trust. But, I can tell thee, they wou'd be unwilling to fight for the Grand Signior, unless he wou'd allow 'em plenty of Wine, which thou know'st is contrary to the Discipline of the Mussulman Armies: And these Suisses are the profess'd Adorers of Bacchus.

The Hollanders are Industrious and Rich: They mind nothing but Merchandizing and Mechanicks. They wou'd fain engross the Trade of the Indies and the Levant, to themselves. They traffick, that they may be in a Condition to fight, and they fight to establish their Commerce; having no sense of Honour, but only of Profit. If they attempt any Conquest, or make an Invasion, it must be in America, or some other remote Country: For they're only upon the Defensive among their Neighbours, not daring to be the First Aggressors in a War; in a Word, they're like a Nest of Pismires, that trudge up and down continually to get Provision, but sting and bite those under whose Protection[Page 204]they live, if they have an Opportunity.

'Tis thought, the Prince of Orange, who descends from an Illustrious Stock, wil e'er long reduce those Republicans to another Form of Government. The French Style him the Head and Heart of the Ʋnited States, and these thou know'st command the Hands and the Feet.

Germany is counted the Bulwark of Christendom against the mighty Power of the Ottomans and Tartars. But, in my Opinion, one of our Embassadors at the Emperor's Court, gave a truer Description of it, when he compar'd Germany to a Great Monster; with many Heads and Tails, which having a desire to break through a certain quick-set Fence or Hedge, and each particular Head making Way where it cou'd best among the less entangl'd Branches, were all caught in so many different Noozes, by the Interposition of strong Trees, and so the Monster was forc'd to retire with Shame and Loss: Whereas, he said, the Osman Empire, was like an Animal with One Head, and many Tails, and that One Head not encountring the like Difficulties, easily pass'd through, being follow'd by the Tails with one Consent, as the untwisted Ends of a Ten-string'd Cord pass through a Ring or Hole, when the united Part has lead them the Way.

I shou'd have mention'd Italy, Poland, Denmark, Moscovy, and other Regions of Europe, but it wou'd be too tedious for one[Page 205]Letter, which I shou'd neither have Time to write, nor thou Patience to read, at once.

Therefore, I desire thee to accept of this only as a rough Draught, an Imperfect Sketch of some Parts of the West. But in my future Dispatches, I will imitate the Painters, and endeavour to draw each Member and Lineament of this great Body to the Life, as near as I can discern 'em by the Lights I have in Paris.

Paris, 10th. of the 4th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 206]

LETTER VII. To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

MAY God multiply his Blessings on thee, and cause thy Heart to sparkle with fresh Lights and new Joys, like the Sky-Rockets on a Dunalma [or Royal Holiday.] Accept also a small Present, not worth an Inventory, (consisting only of a few Pictures, Looking-Glasses, Watches, and other Manufactures of France,) from the Hands of Mahmut, thy Countryman, Son of thy Fathers Neighbour, and a Voluntary Slave of those who serve thee, if I had the Honour of an Opportunity.

Neither the Gift, nor he that offers it, is worthy of Esteem. But, thou hast Condescension enough to look on Both with the Eye of a Noble Arab, who knows not how to value the Sincerity of any Man's Devoir and Affection, which way soever he expresses it.

I can never forget the former Discoveries of thy Friendship to my Brother Pesteli and me; and in General, to all those of our House: Which still encourages me to expect greater Kindnesses; nay, in a manner, assures me of them: because, I know the Nature of true Generosity is such, that where it once begins to fasten on an Object, it never ceases to communicate its Favours, till Damn'd Perfidy [Page 207]gives a Check to the Current. And may he be Damn'd that then has the Impudence to ask for any more.

But Praise be to God, my Case is otherwise; I am not in the Number of the Ungrateful and Treacherous: And therefore, with Boldness I presume once more to address to the Dust of thy Feet, illustrious Bassa, begging thy Patronage and Shelter from the Persecution of my Enemies; whose whole Endeavour is to ruine me.

Thou know'st I came to Paris in the Year 1637. of the Christians Hegira. The Sun had then revisited the Sign he was in at my Nativity, just the Eight and Twentieth Time. I was a mere Youngster in the World. However, my Superiours thought me fit for this Employment. How I have acquitted my self in it ever since, I leave to themselves to judge: Yet, for Fashion's Sake, they will be always a finding Faults. One Sycophant or other is perpetually Railing against me, when they find any of the Vizirs and other Grandees in a Humour to hearken to them. I Fancy 'tis for Want of Discourse. When they have nothing else to talk of, then they fall a censuring of poor Mahmut, who undergoes more Fatigues than a Hundred Thousand such This Word Thlguch was left so in the Italian, and the Eng. Translator knows not what to make of it. Thlguch, as they. I can't imagine, what they aim at; unless it be, that they wou'd have me turn Christian, and enter my self into some Monastery.

[Page 208]Suffer me, my Noble Friend, to tell thee, that a Man cannot want for Temptations to such a Change of his Faith, without being confin'd to a Recluse Life. He may be a Friar or a Libertine, a Priest or a Layman, A Zealot or an Hypocrite, a Chimney Sweeper or an Abbot, which he pleases, according as he is qualify'd. And I can assure thee, he that wou'd be a good Man, which is beyond all the Rest, has incentives enough among the Professors of the Nazarene Worship, though the greatest Part are wicked.

As for me, I never thought that True Religian consisted in Empty Names and Titles, in Forms and Ceremonies, in Parties and Factions, or in any Thing but in a Life conform to Reason, and to the Will of God.

They take me here at Paris for a Moldavian Rambler, that has read something more than the Parish-Clerks. And because they know, I understand Greek, Sclavonian, and Two or Three Languages more, they wou'd fain make me a Priest, Doctor, Orator, or any Thing that I wou'd accept of, to serve an Interest. And I am compell'd to use, either a down-right Humility, or a forc'd Pride, that I may handsomly evade their Courtship: convincing 'em sometimes, that I am not fit for such Dignities, at other Seasons telling 'em, I am above Inferiour Orders, and that nothing less than an Archbishops Pall, or a Cardinal's Hat will fatisfy my Ambition.

[Page 209]Thus I really dissemble, and jest my self in earnest out of Ample Estates, to serve God, his Prophet, and the Grand Signior: Yet am traduc'd at the Seraglio for a Hypocrite, an Infidel, and God knows what.

Here's honest Eliachim the Jew undergoes the same Fate; Whilst those of his own Party, especially the Rabbi's, proclaim him every where for a Christian; and the Nazarenes point at him, as a Turk. Only my Landlord where I before lodg'd, who is an honest old drunken Fleming, takes Eliachim for a Saint, and swears he will have him Canoniz'd after his Death: And all this, for no other Reason, but because Eliachim treats him now and then with a Bottle of Wine: So partial are all Men to their own Humours and Interests. But the Truth on't is, Eliachim's an excellent Counterfeit, and my Landlord is not the only Man who has this Veneration for him. He passes for a very Good Catholick, and a Holy Man among a great many others. His Looks are so demure, his Mien so compos'd, and he has such Godly Discourse with him, about the Sacraments, Indulgences, Miracles and Graces of the Church, when he is in Company with Christians, That he wou'd deceive the Spanish Inquisition, and cheat the Devil himself.

Such is the Violence we are forc'd to use to our selves, who live in these hazardous Stations. And yet No-body considers us, or regards our Zeal for the Grand[Page 210]Signior. Our Reputation, Liberty, and Lives are precarious. We are not only in perpetual Danger of the Revenge of the Nazarenes who are our real Enemies; but also expos'd to the Envy, Malice and Persecution of those who ought to be our Friends.

I have often complain'd of the malicious Calumnies thrown on me by Icingi Cap-Oglani, and his Associates: And the Ministers were pleas'd to receive my Apologies. But now I suspect greater Treachery. I sent an Account to the Reis Effendi some Years ago, how I was dogg'd up and down the Streets of Paris, by a Fellow whom I knew not, and what Apprehensions that put me upon. I will acquaint thee farther, that being afraid of an Assassine in the Dark, I arm'd my Breast with a Quire of Paper, which is known to be Dagger-Proof. I was not at all mistaken in my Guess. For the last Night, as I was returning home to my Lodging, between the Hours of Nine and Ten; I receiv'd a Stab in my aforesaid Breast-Plate, right against my Heart. It was not so dark but I could perceive the Person who gave me this Blow; and Self-Preservation taught me immediately to seize on him, and grapple as close as I could, extending his Arms with mine at a good Distance from our Bodies. I am but little and short, yet I have a strong Spring with my Body, when I am once rouz'd, as thou wilt imagine I was now. Besides, I have generally a certain Presence of Mind in Time [Page 211]of Danger, which fails not to prompt me with the readiest and most proper Course to escape. In a Word, I wrested the Ponyard out of the Ruffian's Hand, and stabb'd him dead with it, not thinking it safe to make a Noise, but chusing rather to die if my Strength fail'd me, than by crying out for Help, run the Risque of worse Consequences: For I had long expected some such Attempt as this upon my Life, from my Enemies at the Port. And concluding this Fellow to be one employ'd by them for that Purpose, I thought it no Prudence to have him seiz'd by the Watch, and punish'd by the Law, lest he should in Revenge discover me and my Business to these Infidels. Therefore I play'd the Executioner my self, and sent him out of Hand to another World, to prevent his telling Tales in this. Thou wilt say there was no Injustice in this, since 'twas in my own Defence, and to save the Honour of my Sovereign. As he fell, he uttered these Words in a faint broken Tone, Mahmut, my Death will be reveng'd before long, and you cannot escape the Trap that is laid for you. Then he expir'd.

This made me presently conclude, that he was employ'd by some-body at the Port: For, how else should he know my True Name? But upon Second Thoughts, I cannot be certain, but that he was set at Work by my Old Sicilian Master, since he knew my Name also. However, I have greater Reason to suspect the Former; because, it is [Page 212]not probable, that the Infidel would take so Chargeable and Troublesome a Method to Murder me. Neither had he Provocation enough. Besides, for ought I know, he may be dead. God only is acquainted with the Truth. However, to prevent future Assaults of this Nature, and a great many other Inconveniencies, I have remov'd my self to a New Lodging, in the most obscure Corner of the City, and very remote from the Place where I liv'd before, being resolv'd also not to frequent the Court, nor any Publick Places as I have done formerly, but to take other Measures for Intelligence.

What I desire of thee is, to represent my Case favourably to the Divan, That they may approve of my Conduct. Do also whatever else thou judgest the Part of a Country-man and a Friend.

As for the Event, I patiently wait the Appointments of Destiny. For 'tis in vain to be too Sollicitous.

Adieu, High-born Kerker, and forget not Mahmut in his Distress. For, that is the Time, wherein true Friendship is tried.

Paris, 17th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 213]

LETTER VIII. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

BE not dishearten'd at the Troubles which thou encounterest in this World of Lotteries. But, remember the Adage of thy Rabbi's, That EVIL which is Old as Night, is yet the Off-spring of every Morning. The Ages are measur'd exactly, and our Hours are cheker'd with Equal Mixtures of Happiness and Misfortune. We are not born to our own Desires. And as not a Man of us can remember how he was form'd in the Womb, so have we no Reason to repine at what happens to us since we came out of it. Whatever Power, Wisdom and Goodness took Care of us then, and afterwards inspir'd our Mothers and Nurses with Tenderness, and a Thousand Degrees of Patience beyond what is Recorded of Job, the same will provide for us to Eternity.

The Desire of Knowledge kill'd Adam, and the same Lust, propagated with his Seed, destroys all his Posterity. We can never be satisf'd in our Confinement to this World, and therefore we flounce and flutter on all Sides, like Fish or Birds in a Net, to find a Way out: Whilst we do but entangle our selves [Page 214]the faster, render our Restraint more uneasy, and delay the Possibility of our Release. Whereas Patience would soon set us free, and rank us among the Immortals. One thinks to escape by high-drinking; another by Fevers of Love or Glory; and a Third conceits, he shall by his Gold, be able to bribe the Watch, who Guard the last Passes of this Life, and perswade 'em to let him Scamper safe to Paradise. Alas! Alas! All this is but the Sophistry of our Passions. 'Tis in vain to think of hast'ning or retarding our Fate. Our Time is set, though we know not the Period. Resignation is our best Lesson, and Prudence the next.

Perhaps thou wilt call this a Sermon, rather than a Letter. But, I advise thee to read it with the Eyes of a Stoick; That is, whether it pleases thee or not, regard it not farther than it agrees with Reason. I would fain ask of the Man who expects to have his Will accomplish'd in this Life, whether he can prevail upon the Sun to rise any Morning within the Artick Circle, or the Moon to descend, some Night, and sweep the snow off from the top of Mount Athos. So Inexorable is our Destiny, so unalterable the Decrees of Fate.

Be not troubled therefore at any Thing; but remember that thou art a Part of the Ʋ niverse, and that nothing can betide thee, which is not for the Good of the Whole.

What I have said is, to arm thee against all the Contingencies which may assault thee unawares,[Page 215]rushing upon thee on a sudden from behind the Veil, which covers all the Designs of Providence and Nature, Destiny and Chance.

I my self have lately experienc'd, that it is good to be thus prepar'd for future Events, having narrowly escap'd Death by a little Timely fore-cast.

It is not Necessary for thee at this Time, to know all the Circumstances of my Danger. Suffice it to say, That I was assassinated in the Dark, kill'd him that design'd to be my Murderer, and am now forc'd to remove my Habitation.

Eliachim thy Brother in Israel will be at Vienna within Fourteen Days. He will give thee a farther Account of all Things which it behoves thee to know: with fresh Instructions concerning my New Lodgings, and the Method we must observe for the Future in conveying Letters. We cannot be too cautious in the Grand Signior's Business.

As for our own Lives, let us imagine, they were only sent to serve him, on whose Life so many Millions of Lives depend.

Paris, 18th. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 216]

LETTER IX. To Zeidi Alamanzi, a Merchant at Venice.

I Am oblig'd to send Circular Letters at this Time, to all the Slaves of the Grand Signior, who have Business with me at Paris; to inform them, that upon a very Important Emergency, I am forc'd to change my Lodgings. I have already sent away Dispatches to Constantinople and Vienna on this Account to prevent the Errors they might commit in addressing their Letters. For the same Reason, I now write to thee. Thou needest not enquire after the Occasion of this Conduct; nor wonder at any Thing that happens to us extraordinary in those hazardous Posts. We must expect to encounter with Rubs and Obstacles in serving our Great Master. If these difficulties have but their proper effect, which is to whet our Inventions, encrease our Diligence, and confirm us in our Zeal, all shall go well.

The Soul of Man never displays her Faculties and Perfections with greater Lustre, than when she is environ'd with Perils. These are the Tryals of Fortitude, Prudence, Justice and [...] the Vertues. He that sinks under M [...]nes, and Cross Events, has either no S [...] or [...]s asleep.

[Page 217]Courage then, Fellow-Slave, and let thy Heart beat a continual Alarm. Be not dismay'd at any Thing, nor let Self-Love bereave thee of thy Honour: But go on in thy Duty, and trust thy Soul to God.

Thou livest in a City where Vertue and Vice are in Emulation, still striving to surpass each other: There are not more wicked People in the World than Venice affords, nor yet more Pious and Good. Follow thou the best Patterns, and be happy. But do nothing by bare Imitation: For that's the right Way to become a Hypocrite. Let all thy Actions proceed from Vital Principles of Reason and Generosity in thy self. And when thou seest rare Examples, let 'em serve only to awaken and rowze thy Innate Vertue.

Send me no Letters till thou hast receiv'd fresh Orders from the Port. They will furnish thee with all Necessary Instructions. After that, let me hear from thee as often as thou wilt. Thy Dispatches will be always welcome. Let them contain Matter of Intelligence chiefly, and that of the freshest Date. Penetrate into the Counsels of the Republick where thou residest. Insinuate thy self with the Senators and Grandees. Dive into their Hearts, and unlock their Secrets. Communicate Nothing but the Truth to the Ministers of the Port or to me. If thou canst Discover their Inclinations to a Peace, or their[Page 218]Absolute Need of it, thou wilt do an Acceptable Service to the Grand Signior, and to the whole Empire of the Faithful: For then we can bring 'em to our own Terms.

Zeidi, to God I recommend thee, desiring him to preserve thee from Wine, Women and Cards, which are the Three Capital Temptations of Venice.

Paris, 1st. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 219]

LETTER X. To Murat Bessa.

I Cannot easily divine the Reasons why I am so much neglected by the Ministers of the Port. Above Four Years have pass'd away, wherein many Notable Events have happened; yet no-body thought it worth his Labour to inform Mahmut of any Thing. So that all the Notices I could gain of Remote Transactions, are owing either to the Publick News of Europe, or at best to some particular Letters of Merchants residing in this City, with whom I conserve an Intimacy, for the sake of Intelligence, and for other Causes.

Thus I should have been in Ignorance to this Day, what Issue the Bassa of Aleppo's Rebellion had, were it not for an Accidental Interview I lately had of some French Travellers, who came from Constantinople. These inform'd me of the sudden Fate of that Bassa, when he was at the Height of all his Grandeur, within a few Days March of the Imperial City, at the Head of a Potent Army, and just upon the Point of Accommodation with the Grand Signior. They much extol his Bravery and Resolution: For the French are Naturally Lovers of such as dare boldly oppose their Sovereign. They[Page 220]equally condemn the sly Perfidiousness of Mortaza Bassa, to whose safe Conduct the Generous Rebel trusted his Life, and by that Easiness lost it. Yet they applaud Mortaza's Loyalty, Courage and Wisdom, with the Eminent Services he afterwards did the Empire, in leading the Army against Ragotski, Prince of Transylvania, which at length lifted him to the Government of Babylon.

All these Things had been hid from me, were not the Nazarenes my Intelligencers. Nor should I have known how the Rebellion was carried on after his Death by his Revengeful Nephew, by the Son of Cheusaien Bassa, by a Bey of Egypt, and other Malecontents. Yet such Passages are fit for a Man in my Post to be acquainted with, that he may have a clear Idea of his Master's Circumstances, and so apply himself more effectually to serve him.

It had not been amiss, if I had receiv'd timely Intelligence of the Death of Prince Ragotski, in Regard there was always a private Correspondence between him and this Court. Which ceasing by his Death, it had been worth my Pains to observe, whether it would be continued by his Successor, or what other Measures they would take.

'Tis true I was acquainted with this, but not by the Ministers of the Port. I heard also of all the following Commotions in Transylvania, occasion'd by the different Factions of Michael Apafi and Kemini Janos, the Two Rival Princes. I was not sorry for[Page 221]this News, knowing that the Divisions of the Nazarenes strengthen the Unity and Force of the Mussulman Empire. I was likewise inform'd of the Fate of Mortaza, Bassa of Babylon, who fell a Victim to the Grand Vizier's Jealousy; with many other Passages. But neither from the Port, nor from any other Hands could I learn the least Intelligence of the Venetian War, and what Progress our Arms have made in Candia, Dalmatia, and the other Dominions of the Republick. Which makes me conclude, that either the Grand Signor's Residence at Adrianople, abated his Inclinations to Martial Affairs, which is also the Common Opinion of the Christians here in the West; or, that the War in Hungary for a while superseded all other Designs.

However it be, 'tis certain the Successes of the Ottoman Arms in taking Newhausel, Leventz, Novigrod, and other Places of Strength, with the terrible Incursions of the Tartars through Moravia and Austria, put the whole German Empire into a great Consternation. Embassadors are sent from the Imperial Court to all the Christian Princes, imploring their Assistance in this General Danger of Europe.

Here is one arriv'd at this Court, whom they call Count Strozzi, a Person of good Address, and Master of much Eloquence. He has prevail'd on the French King to maintain at his own Charges Six Thousand Horse and Foot, to serve against the Victorious Osmans. A great many Persons of Quality, [Page 222]have listed themselves as Voluntiers; and the meaner Sort talk of nothing but marching to Constantinople, and driving the Turks back to Scythia, from whence they first came.

Courteous Bassa, thou wilt laugh at the Vanity of these Infidels, who consider not that by the Grace of God, and Miracles of his Prophet, our Emperour is the King of all the Kings on the Earth, the Mightiest of the Mighty ones; the Phoenix of Honour, Power, and Unparallell'd Majesty; Brother and Companion of the Sun, Moon and Stars; a Prince of a Mysterious and Sublime Lineage, in whom are center'd all Glory and Excellency; the Shadow of God on Earth!

The Breath of Fame goes before the Van-Couriers of his Armies, purifying all Places, and filling them with Veneration and Terror. The Dust that is rais'd by his Heroick Cavalry, passing through the Air, causes Trembling and Astonishment in the Hearts of the Christians. The Infidels fall before the Fatal Cymetars of True Believers.

May the Angel of the House of Ismael continue to prosper the Holy Off-spring, to extend their Conquests, and propagate the Faith unblemish'd; that the Names of Alla and Mahomet may be heard in all Climates, and from the utmost Borders of the Earth.

Paris, 5th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 223]

LETTER XI. To Isouf, his Kinsman, a Merchant at Astracan.

I Have often wonder'd, why among the Rest of the Nations in Christendom, thou would'st not bestow the least Transient Visit on Spain! But upon more mature Consideration, I find thou art a Man of Judgment in Travelling. That Country lies under a very ill Character, for the Penury of all Things necessary to sustain the Lives of the Natives; and by Consequence, 'tis not to be thought, they can spare much for Strangers. A very Inhospitable Region, abounding in Beggars, Thieves and Drones: Full of Wine and Gold, yet barren of Corn, and Rich People.

Thou wilt not think this a Paradox, when thou shalt consider, That the Spaniards have all their Corn from France, Germany, or Sicily: And that for this and other Reasons, Spain is but like a Sieve through which the Immense Treasures of Peru and Mexico, are drain'd into other Countries.

You may Travel some Days together in Spain, without seeing any Thing save the[Page 224]dry Face of a Desart. And if you chance to meet with a House, wherein you may shelter your self, and your Horse, expect no better than a Ramezan-Entertainment. For you must fast all Day, and think your self much respected, if you can get a few Onions, or other Roots and Herbs, with a Morsel of Bread and Flesh at Night. to keep you from being sensible, That you are actually starving.

Then the Inhabitants are the Proudest People on Earth. You shall meet with none but Kings, Princes, Viceroys, or at least Men that conceit themselves such. They are also Merciless in their Revenge; Cruel, Obdurate, Covetous, Morose and Inexorable. In a Word, Spain is the Jesuites Paradise; the Jews Purgatory; and the Hell of Women.

I therefore commend thy Fortune, or thy Prudence rather which would not suffer thee to fall into the Hands of those Barbarians, nor think it worth thy Pains to breath an Air infected with so many Vices. Thou hast pass'd through many more inviting Provinces, and art at last happily seated to thy Mind. Improve thy Opportunities in doing good.

I sent a Letter to our Cousin Solyman, advising him to give thee a Visit. If he comes, receive him kindly, and perform the Part of a Kinsman; put all Expences to my Account, and remember [Page 225]that no Man is born for himself.

Paris, the 6th. of the 7th Moon, of the Year 1664.

LETTER XII. To Afis Bassa.

ALL Europe is alarm'd with the Mighty Preparations which our Invincible Sovereign is making to invade the German Empire. Great is their Consternation and Fear, and Couriers are every where running up and down from one Kingdom and Court to another, to remonstrate the Common Danger, and beg Assistance. Every Body appears Zealous in a Cause which concerns all Christendom, and the French King has lent the Emperour Eight Thousand Men.

The Duke of Beaufort is also gone with a Squadron of Ships to encounter the Corsairs of Argiers, and other Dominions of Barbary.

The Pope has sent to the Emperour's Assistance Six Thousand Foot, and Two Thousand Horse. And the Rest of the Emperour's Allies are raising Levies for him as fast as they can: It being current News, that the Grand [Page 226]Signior in Person, is at the Head of Two Hundred Thousand Men, entring Hungary as a Conqueror: That he has taken above Forty Towns, ruin'd all the Country where he pass'd through, and that in a little time he will be at the Walls of Vienna.

In the mean time, this Court appears Insensible of the General Danger which threatens Christendom. They are altogether taken up in Ballets, Plays, and Feasting, minding their own Interest more than that of their Neighbours, and revelling as if the King of France were sole Monarch of the World.

Here is arrived a Legate from Rome, to compose the Differences between the Pope and this Crown. His Name is Cardinal Chisi. He is receiv'd with unparallell'd Magnificence, as if he were an Angel from Heaven: For the French King loves to shew his Grandeur on such Occasions. Besides, all the Nations which are in the Communion of the Latin Church, have an unreserv'd Veneration for the Roman Mufti, whom they esteem the Successor of Peter the Prince of the Apostles.

This young Monarch has a large Soul. The whole World seems too little to satisfy his Ambition. He lays the Foundation of Designs, greater than those of Alexander, the Conqueror of Asia. He heaps up Money at a prodigious Rate, raises vast Armies, builds Magnificent Palaces, keeps Kings in Pension, supports many Princes of Germany; and in a Word, commands more of them, than does[Page 227]the Emperour himself, who is their Lawful Sovereign.

Yet after all I cannot perceive that he loses any Degree of that Respect which he owes, and which his Predecessors have always paid to the Grand Signior, who is the undeniable Arbiter of the whole World.

God grant our Sovereign long Life, perpetual Victories, and a good Stomach to his Meat, which the King of France wants, to the Accomplishment of his happiness: For at present he feeds like a Sparrow.

Paris, the 19th. of the 8th. Moon. of the Year 1664.

[Page 228]

LETTER XIII. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

THou wilt perceive the vast Respect I have for thee, by my frequent Dispatches. Thy Commands are to me as the Laws and Sanctions of the Ottoman Empire, which I will never violate. I am no Flatterer; witness my Letters to some of the Grandees; wherein I have not spar'd to reprove their Vices, Errors, and Male-Administration. If a Bassa has been unjust, seditious, or engag'd in Rebellious Practices: If he has prov'd an Extortioner, a Drunkard, or a Tyrant; he has not escap'd without a due Reprimand. I have been bold in correcting, advising, and giving Counsel to the Greatest Ministers in the Empire. And this was a Province appointed me by the Flower of Sublime Glory, the Phoenix of Honour, Sole Favourite and Trustee of the Grand Signior, the Vizir Azem, in whose Custody were the Seals of Imperial Secrets, Majestick Decrees, and Royal Edicts: Who being the Primum Mobile of the Refulgent Mussulman State, gave Life, Activity, and Order, to all the Inferior Orbs, Springs, and Instruments of Government.

[Page 229]I receiv'd this Command many Years ago; and he that gave it me, is gone to the World of Spirits. Yer the Injunction remains in Force, being stamp'd with the Mysterious Signet, the Character of Supreme and Immutable Authority. In Obedience to which, I have never warp'd or flinch'd from the duty enjoyn'd me. And to demonstrate, that I did not do this in a vain Ostentation of the Power which was given me; I have not fail'd all along to pay to a Man of Merit, the Attach and Veneration which was his due.

'Tis with inexpressible Pleasure, I throw my self at the Feet of a Wise and Vertuous Man; with extream complacency I kiss the Dust whereon he treads, and unfold all my Faculties, in expressing my Esteem. I am full of Platonick Love, and build Altars in my Breast, to a Soul deserving the Innocent Sacrifices of amorous Passions; the Incense of Gratitude, and a pure Affection, an Holocaust of Integrity and Loyal Friendship.

I protest, by the hopes I have of sitting on the Banks of the Rivers in Eden, and of being regal'd in the delectable Chioscs of Paradise, that I honour thy Learning and other Sage Perfections; that unblemish'd Life, those excellent Morals, and the unparallell'd Sweetness of Modesty, which Crowns all thy Actions. But I will say no more to a Man who cannot hear his own Praises. The best Method of expressing my Regard,[Page 230]will be to answer thy Expectations, in presenting thee with the true Pourtraicture of these Western Nations and People, which thou so passionately covetest.

I must desire thee to excuse the Confusion and want of Order in my Letters; since I send thee a Medly of Remarks, as they come to my Knowledge and Memory.

It is not long ago since I wrote to Isouf Eb'n Achmed, a Kinsman of mine, a Merchant at Astracan; and among other Things, I took Notice of his neglecting to see Spain in his Travels; for he has been in most of the Kingdoms of Europe, and over all Asia and Africk. In that Letter I describ'd Spain in its worst Colours, Now I will shew it to thee in another Figure, without swerving from the Truth: For every Country has its Perfections and Excellencies, as well as its Defects and Blemishes.

If Spain have a barren Soil for Corn, Nature has made Amends for that Fault, in the Purity of the Air, and the Plenty of Fruits: The Sands of her Rivers are the most perfect Gold. Her Villages, tho' few, are greater, and more Populous than some Cities, witness Madrid. Her Mountains are of Iron, Marble, and Jasper. Her Vallies underlaid with Lead, Brass, and Silver. Spain of old was the Tharsis of Solomon, the Ophir of the Phoenicians, and the Peru of Rome.

In those Days the Inhabitants of Spain were Famous for their Fortitude, and Invincible[Page 231]Constancy. 'Tis recorded, that the Inhabitants of Sagunto in the Province of Valentia, when they were besieg'd by Hannibal, and sore press'd by the Carthaginians, chose to burn themselves, with their Wives, Children and all their Wealth, rather than yield to their Enemies.

Their Fidelity also was so remarkable, that some of the Roman Emperours had always a Guard of Spaniards near their Persons; as the French King, the Pope, and other Princes do now confide in the trusty Swisses.

But tho' there remain still some scatter'd Remnants of the Ancient Vertue among them, especially in Biscay and Castile, yet the greatest Part of the Spaniards are degenerated. They make no Figure now in the World, but only for their Gold, and the Vastness of their Dominions. For they possess the best half of America, are Lords of Two Mighty Empires, and not without large Territories in the other Three Quarters of the World. Yet the too great Extent of their Power has weaken'd its Vigor; the Affluence of their Wealth, has really impoverish'd them; and by straining their Honour too high, they have crack'd it, being now of little or no Eeem in Europe. Their Glory fades, at the rising Grandeur of France, which makes radiant and swift Advances towards its Zenith. This young Monarch is already become the Arbiter of all Christendom,

[Page 232]Accomplish'd Minister, there is nothing in Nature stedfast: The World is but an Eternal Circulation of Events, Vicissitudes, and Changes without Beginning or End. Only God remains Immutable, in his own Essence, which is the Center of every thing. May thou and I meet there, and then we shall be eternally happy. Adieu.

Paris, 12th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 233]

LETTER XIV. To Musu Abu'l Yahyan, Professor of Philosophy at Fez.

BY the Faith and Obedience I owe to Mohammed our Holy Lawgiver; by the Alcoran, and all that is esteem'd Sacred among the Mussulmans, I swear, thy long Silence made me conclude my First Letter was unwelcome to thee. But now I'm convinc'd to the contrary. Thy generous Answer has remov'd my Apprehensions, and fill'd me with Complacency. Henceforth I shall rest assur'd and confident of thy Friendship, promising my self vast Improvements from so learned a Conversation, tho' only by Letters at many hundred Leagues Distance.

As to what thou requirest of me, concerning the various Languages of Europe, I will inform thee the best I can, according to the Observations I have made, and the Intelligence I have receiv'd from Men of Letters, and from Books, which are the Pictures of learned Souls, Mirrors wherein they may behold their own Perfections, whilst they are on Earth, and after their Departure to the Invisibles, other Men may see the Interiour Beauties of their Mind represented to the Life. For Words are the perfect Sculpture of the Intellect, or at least its Mezzo-Tinto. [Page 234]They are the express Portraicture of Divine and Humane Reason. Thus the Alcoran is call'd by some of our Holy Doctors, The True Image of Original and Increated Wisdom.

Now of all the Words and Languages on Earth, thou know'st the Preheminence has been for ever given to those of the East, and among them to the Arabian, both in Regard of its Purity, and of its Antiquity, from whence it is Styl'd the Virgin-Mother of Languages, the Dialect of the Blessed above.

Thou know'st, that for this Reason it is, the True Faithful covet no Species of Learning more ardently than to be perfectly skill'd in so Divine a Speech, wherein the Volume of Celestial Majesty was penn'd in Heaven before the Throne of God, and sent down on Earth by the Hand of Gabriel, Prince of the Messengers who fly on the Errands of the Omnipotent. It was sent I say, to the Prophet, who could neither write nor read, that the World might be convinc'd of its Divine Original. Yet the Incredulous will not believe: Tho' it is manifest to any Man of Impartial Sense, That a Person altogether ignorant of Letters, could not possibly compose a Book, the most Elegant that ever was penn'd in the World, and wherein not the least Blemish or Contradiction can be found from the Chapter of the Preface, to the last Versicle, which winds up the whole Volume. Oh! obdurate Hearts of Infidels; Oh! wilfully[Page 235]Blind, that shut their Eyes against the Splendors of Eternal Light: Oh! resolvedly Deaf, that stop their Ears against the Voice of God and his Prophet, neither will they listen to the soft Whispers which are wafted from Paradise.

Such are the Nazarenes, who for the Sake of the Greek and Roman Tongues, of which they are passionately enamour'd, educate their Children in a fair Way to believe all the Monstrous Fictions of the Ancient Poets, or at least all the Lying Tales and Legends of their own Priests, which are Ten Times more Fabulous than the Former, and more Inconsistent with Reason. And this they do rather than be at the Pains of learning Arabick, which would instruct them in Truths as Clear and Serene as the Orient Sun.

I shall say little of these Two ancient Languages of Greece and Rome, in Regard they being now grown Obsolete, and only to be learn'd in Schools, thou, no doubt, art vers'd in them ad Ʋnguem, as the Latins phrase it.

That which seems properest for me to inform thee of, is, That the Roman or Latin Tongue appears like an old Antiquated Mother thrust out of Doors by her Four ungrateful Daughters, Italian, French, Spanish, and Portugueze. These are her Natural Off-spring, begot during the Roman Conquests in the West, and degenerating after that Empire was in its Decline. So that now they[Page 236]are taken for no better than Mongrels or Bastards. In Spanish there is a great Mixture of Gothish and Moresco Words; the French retain many of their old Gaulish Idioms. The Italian is corrupted with a Hotch-poth of Words, left by the Vandals, Huns and Longobards. Yet that Fault is recompenc'd by Abundance of Greek Etymologies. As for the Portugueze, 'tis but a Dialect of Spanish, and lies under the same Imperfections.

The only pure Maternal Languages now current among the common People in any Part of Europe, are the Teutonick, Sclavonick, and British: The First is spoken in Germany to Perfection, but corruptly in Suedeland, Denmark and the Ʋnited Provinces. The Second is common to the Hungarians, Moldavians, Poles, Rashians, and many other Nations. The last is confin'd to the Welsh, a People inhabiting a Corner of Great Britain, driven thither by the Victorious Saxons their Conquerors, above a Thousand Years ago. As for the Rest, they are only mix'd Dialects, and so not worth taking Notice of; excepting one Mountainous Part of Spain, where the Inhabitants are said to speak Pure Arabick at this Day. They are suppos'd to be a Remnant of the Moors.

The Criticks here in the West, use to give these following Rules in Reference to Languages. If you would address to God, speak in Greek or Latin, because of their Antiquity, Purity, and Majestick Loftiness. If to Kings, speak in Spanish, in Regard of its[Page 237]low Pronunciation and Gravity: If to Men, use Italian, to Women, French; to Dogs, Welsh: But if you would affright an Enemy, or the Devil himself, speak High-Dutch.

They relate a Story of a German Embassador at the French Court, who deliver'd his Message in Teutonick; which when a certain Grandee heard, and took Notice of its harsh and strong Emphasis, he swore 'twas his Opinion, That this was the Language wherein God curs'd Adam, Eve, and the Serpent. The German turning to him, answer'd briskly, 'Tis possible, Monsieur, it may be so; but then I hope you'll grant, that French was the Occasion of this Curse, when the Devil chose to tempt Eve in that Language for its Effeminacy, wheedling her à la mode de Paris, to eat the forbidden Fruit.

Renowned Musu, do me the Honour of frequent Letters: Instruct me in Things whereof I'm ignorant: Make me familiar with the Remarkables of the Country where thou residest: Transport Fez, with the other Parts of Africk which are known to thee; transport them I say successively to Paris every Moon, on a Piece of Paper, and I will send thee all Christendom by way of Exchange: For thus it becomes the Lovers of Wisdom, to barter for Knowledge.

Paris, 10th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 238]

LETTER XV. To Osman Adrooneth, Astrologer to the Sultan at Adrianople.

THose of thy Profession here in the West are wholly taken up in contemplating a certain Comet which appears in the Firmament. 'Tis of that Sort which they call [Bearded.] And some will have it to resemble a Lyon, others say 'tis like a Dragon, a Crocodile, a Bear, and I know not what. There is hardly a Species of Four-footed Beasts, to which the Giddy Rabble do not resemble it. And some assert it to be the perfect Figure of a Sword.

The Mathematicians are straining all their Skill, to take the true Dimensions of this Celestial Apparition. The Painters are drawing it to the Life; the Poets are making Songs and Ballads of it. And the more Learned Sages are framing Astronomical Schemes, like so many Gins or Traps to catch this Meteor in. They watch all its Motions, and dog in from one Heavenly House to another; they track it through the most intricate Paths of the Sky.

If it stands still, or makes a Transient Address to any Planet, Eminent Star, or Constellation, we are presently alarm'd with the News of it, and bid to be upon our Guard, [Page 239]as if there were some Mischief a-plotting against us Above. The World is harangu'd with Fatal Predictions of Wars, Famine, Earthquakes, and other Calamities, the sure Consequences of this suppos'd Prodigy.

Tell me, thou who art Conversant in the Science of the Stars, and the Mysterious Philosophy of Nature, what these Comets are? Whether they be only Exhalations drawn up into the Higher Region of the Air, by the Force of the Sun; Or, whether they be more solid and durable Substances? Whether they be of a Posthumous Origin like the Clouds, Hail, Rain, Snow, and other Meteors, the daily Products of Nature, the Upstart Off-spring of the Elements? Or, whether they are in the Rank of those Beings, whose Antiquity is untraceable, which are as Old as the World; such as the Sun, Moon, Stars, and this Earth whereon we tread?

For my part, I believe-'tis no Heresy in Science, whatever 'tis in Religion, to start New Maxims. For ought we know, both in the one and the other, what we call Innovation, is but a Reviving those Principles, which through Desuetude, or the Corruption of Times are grown Obsolete, out of Date and forgotten, tho' really the most Primitive and Ancient Truths in the World.

Thus I cannot forbear thinking there are some other Globes scatter'd up and down the Infinite Expanse, beside those whose Continual Brightness exposes them to our Eyes.

The Moon, 'tis known, with Venus and other [Page 240] Planets, receive their Light Gradually from the Sun, by Hemispheres: So that 'tis certain each of these Orbicular Bodies is always Dark by Half. And where is the Solecism, if we suppose there are other Opake Bodies in the Firmament which receive no Light at all, and by their Nature and Qualities, are Incapable of receiving any but from within themselves? So we may suppose these Comets to be such solid Globes, made Resplendent by an Eruption of their Central Fires.

God only knows the Truth in such Cases. And thou art better able to decide these Questions than I. Therefore referring it to thy Sage Judgment, I pray him who made the Stars, and orders their Dominion on Earth, to bless thee with Favourable Influences, That thy Soul may be always like a Land flourishing under the Sweet Aspects of Orion and the Pleiades.

Paris, 22d. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 241]

LETTER XVI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

THE French have had so many Occasions of Joy of late, that it is hard to determine, which affects them most nearly.

The Satisfaction which the Pope gave this Monarch, for the Injuries formerly done to his Embassador at Rome, began the Triumph of the French Court. I have already sent Intelligence of that Quarrel, and how high the Resentments of the King flew, on the same Day that he receiv'd the First News of so Barbarous an Affront. Now I shall acquaint thee, That there ensu'd a Treaty between them at Pisa, a City of Italy in the Dukedom of Tuscany, after the French Troops had terrified them into a State-Penitence, by the menacing Approaches they made toward the Ecclesiastical Territories, through the Principalities of Modena and Parma. These Two are Friends to France, and their Interest makes them so, in Regard that Crown protects 'em from the Pope's Oppression, who is always esteem'd an III Neighbour, by the Italian Princes, whose Dominions lie next to his. For this Roman Prelate[Page 242]is very Potent and Rich; he would in a short time be Lord of all Europe in Temporals as well as Spirituals, were he not curb'd by the King of France and his Allies.

This makes all the little Sovereigns round about Rome, stand in Awe of the Monarch, who was born to command Crowned Heads. Wonder not at the Expression: For I tell thee, some of the greatest Princes in Europe are his Pensioners. This very Quarrel with the Pope, has gain'd the French King Three Cardinals more than were his Friends formerly.

The Conclusion of the Treaty was, That the Pope should send a Legate de Latere into France, to pacify the King's Wrath; and that the Militia or Roman Guards whom they call Sbirri and Corses, should be for ever abolish'd, and a Pyramid to be erected over against their Guard-House, with an Inscription in Latin and French, declaring their Crime and Punishment.

This put the Court of France into a very Jolly Humour. They fell presently to Feasting and Revelling; and the King's next Project was the Conquest of Barbary. To this End he sent the Duke of Beaufort with a Fleet of Great Ships, to clear the Seas of African Corsairs, that so an Army might be safely transported from Toulon, and landed on the opposite Shore. His Design in this was to reduce the Inhabitants of those Happy Countries to the old Idolatry of their Forefathers, to plant there the Nazarene Superstion, [Page 243]and make himself the Sole Lord and Proprietor of Africk.

I cannot divine what Success he will have in this great Enterprize; but it appears as if God were angry with the Mussulmans: Such continual Losses they sustain by Land and Sea.

It is with no small Grief I saw not long ago, the French who serv'd in Hungary this Campagne, return to Paris laden with the Spoils of True Believers. I cannot behold the very Cymetars and Ensigns which these Infidels took from the vanquish'd Osmans, hang up in their Temples as Trophies of their Victory, without inexpressible Passion and Regret. 'Tis said here, the Grand Signior has lost in Hungary above Thirty Thousand Men this Campagne; whereof Ten Thousand were kill'd in one Battle, and a Hundred and Fifty Colours taken, with Sixteen Cannons.

Besides, these Giafers grate my Ears with another Bravado, boasting that one French Ship of War fought Seven Hours with Three and Thirty of the Grand Signior's Gallies, sunk Five, scatter'd the rest, and came off with a compleat Victory.

'Tis a vast Advantage the French have in the Situation of their Country, in that it is wash'd on the South by the Mediterranean, on the North by the Main Sea: So that 'tis easy for them to curb the greatest Part of Europe on one Side, and sufficiently molest the Levantines on the other. As for the Western Parts, this Kingdom is their very Center: [Page 244]where all the Lines of War, Peace, Commerce and Traffick meet and terminate. She is to Christendom, what Egypt and Sicily were in former Ages to the Empire of Old Rome, an inexhaustible Granary. Whatsoever desirable Things, Nature has frugally drop'd here and there in other Regions, are found in this Kingdom as in their Original Seminary. Corn is plentiful as Grass, Wine is almost as cheap here, as Water with you in some Parts of Turky. The Fens and Lakes are cover'd with Wild Fowl. The Meadows with Sheep, Deers, Goats and Oxen. There's nothing scarce but Hens, Eggs, and True Believers. I had almost forgot their Remarkable Plenty of Sault, the bare Custom of which, augments the King's Coffers with Four Millions of Zequins every Year.

France also abounds in Hemp, a most necessary Vegetable, whereof she not only makes all her own Cordage and Sails, but also furnishes her Neighbours; which brings in a considerable Revenue. There is an Infinite Plenty of Fruits, and Trees for Timber, of Iron, Marble, Free-stone, and all Things necessary for Building Ships or Houses, for Defence or Offence by Land or Sea. Neither are there wanting Mines of Gold, Silver, Tin, Lead, Copper and other Metals whereof Men make the Instruments of War, and the Entertainments of Peace. In a word, this Country is so enrich'd with every thing, that some Historians and Philosophers have call'd it the Parent of Plenty, others the Fountain[Page 245]of Earthly Bliss, the most Incomparable Region of this Globe, the Epitome of the World, or rather a little World it self.

Serene Scribe, thou wilt not wonder at the Universal Successes of the French Arms, when thou considerest these things, and that here the Provinces are Peopl'd like Kingdoms, the Cities appear like whole Provinces, for Multitude of Inhabitants. To say all in a Word, The common Character of France, is the same which Philosophers give to Nature. That there can be no Ʋacuum found in it.

Paris, 25th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 246]

LETTER XVII. To Abdel Melec, Muli Omar, President of the College of Sciences at Fez.

PErmit me to rush into thy Presence, Venerable Patron of Philosophy, without the usual Formalities of Address, or Punctilio's of Introduction. Let me be admitted like a Man with Coals of Fire on his Head, as the Custom is at the Imperial Port, in urgent Cases: For I am newly inflam'd afresh with Pythagorism, Platonism, and Indianism.

Floods, Fires, and other Devastations by War, Famine, Pestilence, Earthquakes, and such like Contingencies, have either quite abolish'd the True and Primitive Science of the First Ages, in most Parts of the Earth; or at least very much diminish'd and obscur'd their Original Splendor.

The best Manuscripts are lost, unless the Indians have preserv'd 'em. Our Fathers grew Torpid, Stupified, and Desperate, under the Publick Calamities which overwhelm'd whole Cities, Provinces, Kingdoms, and Empires: There was no Encouragement for a Scribe or a Man of Letters, to put himself to a needless Toil in labouring to preserve the Records which came from Heaven: Histories [Page 247]of the World Invisible, Celestial, Perfect, and Eternal; Traditions of undiscoverable Antiquity; Pandects replenish'd with Bright Oriental Wisdom, and seal'd with the Tetragrammaton, which thou know'st is the Signet of the First and the Last; even of the Divinity which comprehends all Things, and is it self comprehended of none.

Had they gone about such a Task, they knew that some ill Fate or other would swallow their Writings, and bury them in Eternal Oblivion. Hence it is, that at this Day we can hardly boast of the Footsteps of ancient Knowledge, a few Fragments and Reliques of Primitive Learning, scatter'd up and down in divers Authors, and much adulterated with the vain Opinions and Errors of After-Times. For every Writer was either inclin'd, or forc'd, to flatter the Age wherein he liv'd, and not oppose their Tenets. So that now there is scarce any True Philosophy extant on this side the Ganges.

How those Brachmans only had the Happiness to conserve so Sacred a Treasure, can be no other way made out, than by their own constant Tradition, that the Deluge of Noah never reach'd those utmost Borders of the Land toward the East. And perhaps the same Reason may be given for the untraceable Chronologies of the Chinese, their Neighbours. For tho' they differ in the Sentiments and Rites of their Religion, in their Laws, Customs, and manner of Government, yet they both agree in affirming the World[Page 248]to be indeterminately Old, puting a certain Number of Millions of Years, for an uncertain, far beyond it; which is but a modest Retrenchment of their own Thoughts, as if they were unwilling, it should be falsly censur'd that they aim'd at an Hyperbole.

They say, That the First Matter is Co-eternal with God, as Light is Co-eval with the Sun, produc'd also, and depending after the same Manner. For as the Light diffus'd through the Air, is not properly the Sun, but an Inseparable Effect of it; so the Ʋniverse is not God, but his Production, ever subsisting on him, and never to be divided from his Eternal Essence. And for ought I see, the most significant Language in the World has no other way to express things of this abstruse Nature. They are too sublime for humane Thought; much more do they transcend the Power of Speech. All the Dialects on Earth are too barren of Words, and Words too defective in Sense, to describe the Ineffable Secrets of Eternity.

As for the various Ranks of Beings, the Infinite Diversity of Forms, resulting from the First Matter, they think it reasonable to believe, That they were successively produc'd in time; every one in its Order, and according to its Perfection.

I tell thee, it appears much more Rational for me to believe this, than that the First Matter it self was produc'd out of nothing about Five or Six Thousand Years ago, as the Jews and Christians seem to teach.[Page 249]Rather than starve my Reason with so short and Idea of the World's Age, I would embrace the Sentiments of Democritus and Epicurus, suppose an Infinity of Spaces and Worlds, an Eternity of Generations and Corruptions, a Continual Change not only of Individuals, but of the very Species of things, through the Fatal Concourse and Blending of Atomes: Yet not denying the Ʋnity of the Divine Essence, nor undervaluing his Providence all the while. For these things are, in my Opinion, very compatible one with another.

I do not pretend to be singular, or set up for a Dogmatist. Neither am I ambitious of being esteem'd a Wit, by venting Notions above the reach of Vulgar Capacities. 'Tis only the pure Love of Truth, which encourages me to take this Liberty with thee, who in Matters of Philosophy art the only Master of the Age.

To thee therefore I submit all my Sentiments, as to an Oracle; desiring thy Impartial Answer, and couching the Faculties of my Soul, in the most humble Attach to thy Venerable Wisdom, I become mute as a Mommie.

Paris, 30th. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1664.

[Page 250]

LETTER XVIII. To Mirmadolin, Santone of the Vale of Sidon.

WHat is this World, that on all sides Invades our Senses? This Earth under our Feet; those Clouds whirling over our Heads; these Winds shaking the Trees; that Azure Sky, with all its glittering Ornaments? What's all this but an Eternal Dream; a mere Shadow of God Almighty's Thoughts? 'Tis pleasant living in it; 'tis also painful. In his Sense this Universe is perfectly good; in ours 'tis mixed with evil. He made it for his own Diversion, and our Scrutiny. 'Tis to us a Field of Riddles, and Contradictions. In Summer we curse the Heat, and in Winter blaspheme the Cold. Yet we bless both the one and the other, when we feel 'em in due Measure and Season. One Hour, this Colour pleases the Eye, another that; and perhaps in the next, 'tis disgusted at them both. We never find Rest or Content in any thing. The softest Musick at some times grates our Ears, like the croaking of Toads. The most agreeable Odours, are as the Smell of a Sepulchre, loathsome and abominable. The most delectable Wines and Savoury Meats, at such Seasons, are unpalatable as the Beverage and Diet of[Page 251]Hell. Neither can the more insinuating Charms of Women, put us in a better Humour. All the whole System of Nature joined together, is not sufficient to afford us Ease. Nothing but a Ray from the Omnipotent can alleviate our Melancholy, or give us a taste of our selves. For we are the very Deity in scatter'd Fragments; or we are separated Drops of the Divine Essence: Volatile Spirits of Eternity; by Fate or Chance, fix'd in proper Vehicles of Time, and Matter. O Santone! This whole Corporeal Ʋniverse, is but a Web spun from the Bowels of an Infinite God, and wrought with inimitable Artifice, to catch Immaterial Forms, Idea's and Souls in, which are the Genuine Off-spring of the Eternal Mind. We Mortals of Humane Race, are but so many Parcels of the Divinity in Disguise, trapan'd into Bodies, by certain hidden Baits, Magnets and Charms lurking in Embryo's, with which we have some Sympathy. We are all Gods in Masquerade. So are the Beasts of the Field, the Birds of the Air, and the Fish of the Sea.

Let us not therefore condemn the Antique Ceremonies of Gentile Religion, which taught Men to adore the Sun, Moon and Stars; the Elements and all that is within their Circumference, especially the Souls of departed Heroes, Demi-Gods, Nymphs, and the rest of those Beings which are the Eldest Progeny of Eternal Nature. For in so doing, they did but build Altars to the Original[Page 252]Fountain of the Universe. Since God is in the Winds, in the Rain, in the Thunder, Lightning, Hail and other Meteors; in the Heavens, and Air, Sun, Moon and Stars; in the Fire, Earth and Water; in Plants and Animals; finally, since he is in the Elements, and every thing compounded of them; he is not only in them, but is these very Things by an Ineffable Production of himself. And when the Final Consummation shall come, it will be but a withdrawing all the extended Lines of his Infinity, into their Center, where thou and I, and every divided Atome in Nature shall meet, be united and swallowed up in Eternal Beatitude. Amen! Amen! Oh thou Lord and Father of all things, Inexhaustible Abyss of Miracles which know no End.

Paris, 6th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1665.

[Page 253]

LETTER XIX. To the same.

SUpposing it were otherwise than I have said: Grant the Doctrine of Epicurus true. Believe that we and all things were produc'd by the Fortuitous Concourse of Atomes. Yet still we have the same, or greater Reason to value our selves as diminutive Gods, since in this Sense we must of necessity be Eternal, every Atome being so, of which we are compounded. In the Opinion of these Philosophers, there's no such thing as an Origin or Beginning of the Ʋniverse: Each Particle of Matter with them, is as old as the Divinity. We have all rang'd Eternally from one Form and World to another; danc'd to the measures of Fate, been Parts of the Orbs above, and of the Caverns below; stray'd through the Heavens and all the Elements; taken an Universal Carier, through Infinite and Endless Spaces; and are now (as fix'd as we seem in these solid Hulks of Flesh) in the same Hurly-Burly as ever.

These Bodies which we carry about us, are not compounded of the same Atomes as they were Seven Years ago. There is a perpetual Flux and Reflux of Particles. We die as fast as we live. Every Moment substracts from[Page 254]our Duration on Earth, as much as it adds to it. We move, breathe, and do all things by Paradox. Our very Essence is a Riddle.

With an open Heart therefore, I applaud thy Religious Negligence of Humane Affairs, in that thou art Divinely careless of thy self, and every thing else, save only to conserve thy Innocence.

What signifies it, whether we believe the Written Law or the Alcoran; whether we are Disciples of Moses, Jesus, or Mahomet; Followers of Aristotle, Plato, Pythagoras, Epicurus, or Ilch Rend Hu the Indian Bramin? Of what Import is it, whether we pray or not? Whether we kneel before Images, or in a naked Mosque? 'Twill be all one in the winding up. We are but the Machines of Chance. As we live, so shall we die; and God knows what will become of us afterwards; neither is it worth our while to be sollicitous, since we can be certain of nothing. Perhaps, every Atome of which we are made, may be scatter'd from the rest; we may be transported Piece-meal into Ten Hundred Thousand Millions of Worlds; and seven-fold as many Years may expire, before Two the minutest Particles of our Frame, meet together again. We need not be troubled at all this; nothing can hinder us from being Immortal and Eternal, tho' it be but in Fragments.

Go on then, Sacred Vagabond, Pious Rambler, Holy Fugitive; go on, to assert in the course of thy Life, this great Truth, That all things[Page 255]depend on Everlasting Chance or Destiny. Thy Actions shall reprove the Hypoctites of the Age, who abound in Specious Words. And thy Divine Indifference shall condemn the Hellish Zeal of furious Bigots, who think to please God, and atone for their Sins, by sacrificing Humane Blood, and massacring all that are not of their Faith.

God, or Chance, or Fate, shall transport thee after Death, to Happy Regions, Immarcessible Joys, and an Endless Succession of Bliss. Every Atome shall find its Paradise. Thou shalt mount by Degrees to Full, Infinite and Eternal Felicity. Adieu for a time.

Paris, 20th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1665.

[Page 256]

LETTER XX. To Isouf, his Cousin, a Merchant at Astracan.

WHen I reflect on thy Happiness, in having been all thy Life at Liberty to change thy Residence, and ramble whithersoever thy Fancy invited thee, and that even now at Astracan, thou art no longer confin'd than by thy own Pleasure or Interest, I cannot forbear envying thee.

There is an inexpressible Delight in ranging the various Tracts of the Earth. Whereas, to be perpetually shut up and imprison'd as I am, in a City so close and high-built, that the very Winds can scarce find a Way into her Interiour Parts, is a perfect Hell upon Earth.

To speak the Truth, Paris may be call'd a Heap or Aggregate of Cities, built one upon another, like Pelion upon Ossa, since the Houses here are as high as the Minarets at Constantinople, and divided like the Air into the lower, middle, and upper Regions or Apartments: Or rather like the Heavens, whose Number Astronomers assert to be Nine. For with so many Stories, do some Houses, nay whole Streets in Paris, lift up their Heads; and every Story or Apartment's peopl'd like a Bee-hive. [Page 257]So that in this Infinite Throng of Inhabitants, and such as come hither about Business, we are ready to be stifled with one anothers Breath. Whereas, thou know'st, in the Cities all over the East, the Houses are intermix'd with Gardens: They are low-built, with Terrasses on the Top to take the cool Air on by Night, with Parterres, Kas-kaneys, Divans, Conservatories, and all the other Conveniences for refreshing the Senses, by Water, Wind, and Odoriferous Smells.

This makes me long to be at Constantinople, Damascus, Mosul, or even at Astracan, where thou residest, though that City want many Delights, which others enjoy. However, I shou'd there encounter with Tiara's and Turbants, the very Sight of which wou'd half cure my Discontent. May my Portion be with Tagot, if I am not tyr'd with seeing Nothing but these Hats, and Short-Coats, these ridiculous Franks, these Apes without Tails. And then to hear 'em rant against the Grand Signior, and all True Believers; to hear 'em blaspheme the Messenger of God, curse the Alcoran, revile the Mufti, and all the Mollahs, with a Thousand other Impertinences, which none but such Reprobates, Giaurs, and Infidels wou'd be guilty of; makes me either wish my self Deaf, or that my Tongue were at Liberty to answer them. But, much rather wou'd I desire to be in a Place, where I might enjoy my Ears, to receive the Salem from my[Page 258]Friends that are Mussulmans, and to hear the Name of God devoutly bless'd on any Occasion that awakens the Sense to Piety.

Oh that I were among my Countrymen, the Arabians, who dwell in Tents, and frolick about from Hills to Valleys, tasting by Turns the various Sweets of the Forest and the Plain! The Groves and Meadows, Pastures and Arable Grounds, Cities and Villages, all contribute to their Delight. They want no Innocent Joy that the Earth can afford. Their Wealth consists in the Multitude of their Sheep, Camels, Goats and Oxen. And for them is all their Care, that they may not want Grass and Water in due Season. As for themselves, they are resign'd to Providence.

So are the Tartars, who sleep in Hords or Waggons; the only Cavaliers of Asia: Whose Life is a perpetual Campagne, from the Cradle to the Grave. Their Labour and Ease are derived from the same Fountain; exercising themselves on Horse-back at Seven Years old; and feeding on the Milk of Mares as soon as they are wean'd from their Mother's Breasts. Toil and Recreation with them are one and the same thing, since they know no other Pleasure but what consists in Riding, Fighting and Conquering; or else in Death, which they believe translates them to new Joys, and those more poignant than they knew before. Therefore they bravely court it at the Point of a Sword, or the [Page 259]Mouth of a Cannon: Nothing being more scandalous or hateful than a Coward among them.

I protest, the very Idea of Palus Maeotis, and Taurica Chersonesus, with the Rest of those Horrible Fens and Marshes, on the North of the Black Sea, which encompass the Dominions of the Tartars, affects me with a Passion, or rather such a Medly of Passions, as I know not how to name. Those ample Desarts, those untrack'd Solitudes, appear to my Imagination, like the Limits of this old Habitable World; and the Frontiers of some new, strange and unknown Region; some Terra Incognita, where an Universal Desolation and Silence keep their Seat for ever: Where no Voices are heard but those of uncouth Satyrs, Fauns, and other Exotick Tenants of the Woods and Moors. No other Sound but the whistling and roaring of the Winds. No Prospect but that of Trees which have appear'd from the Infancy of Time, and where those are wanting, the Eye is wearied in a long, endless Waste, which nothing seems to bound, but the declining Arch of distant Skies, or low, black, melancholy Clouds, skirted with Mists and Fogs, Eternal Mantles of the Northern Climes.

This is the Figure of those solitary Tracts where I wou'd chuse to live, rather than in a City which stifles me, with too much Plenty of every Thing, but fresh Air, and honest People.

[Page 260] Isouf, the Contrarieties which we find in Earthly Things, give a Gust to each other. And, the most Magnificent Palace wou'd seem a Prison, were a Man always confin'd to live in it.

Cousin, I wish thee perpetual Liberty, and Happiness.

Paris, 7th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1665.

LETTER XXI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

AMidst the Variety of Obligations which I have to discharge, I forget not to obey thy Commands. I have already in my former Dispatches acquainted thee with the Characters, and some Remarkable Passages of Henry IV. Lewis XIII. Lewis XIV. Cardinal Richlieu, Cardinal Mazarini, and the Prince of Conde. Now I will say something of the Famous Mareschal de Turenne, whose Fame reaches wheresoever the French Wars have been talk'd of for these Forty Years. The Name of this great General, is Henry de la Tour d' Auvergne, Son to the Duke of Bouillon.

[Page 261]When his Father was near his Death, he call'd for both his Sons, whereof this was the youngest. And among other Exhortations, he recommended in a special Manner Three Things to their Practice: Never to renounce or change their Religion: Never to take up Arms against their Sovereign: Nor to provoke the First Minister.

As to the First, the Mareschal de Turenne has hitherto kept it inviolably, but he has faulter'd in both the other; having revolt-from his Master's Service during his Minority, and oppos'd the Interest of Cardinal Mazarini, when the Parliament persecuted that Minister.

However, this hinders not but that he is a Great Souldier, and besides he is since reconcil'd to the King. He seems to be born for Martial Affairs. And they relate of him, That when he was but Ten Years Old, and his Governour missing him, had sought up and down every where for him, he at length found him fast asleep on a Cannon, which he seem'd to embrace with his little Arms as far as they wou'd reach. And when he ask'd why he chose such a Couch to lie on, he made Answer, That he design'd to have slept there all Night, to convince his Father that he was hardy enough to undergo the Fatigues of War, though the Old Duke had often perswaded himself to the Contrary. And to speak the Truth, no Man was more Careless of his Body than this Prince.

[...]

[...]

[...]

[...]

[Page 262]At Fourteen Years of Age he was sent into Holland to serve in the Army under the Prince of Orange, who was his Uncle. There he apply'd himself to all the Discipline of War, doing the Duty of a Private Soldier: Which is the common Way that Cadets or Younger Brothers take to rise to the most Eminent Offices. He was equally forward in Labours and Perils, never shunning any Fatigue or Hazard, which might bring him Glory, yet he was not rash, the Common Vice of Youth, but temper'd all his Actions with an extraordinary Prudence and Solidity of Judgment, beyond what was expected from him at those Years. Yet, on the other Side, his Counsels were not slow and Flegmatick, being of a very ready Forecast; and he seldom fail'd in his Contrivances. He was soon promoted to a Place of Command. And the Exactness of his Conduct rais'd him a vast Reputation, so that by Degrees he at last arriv'd to that Height of Power and Honour he now possess. He appears Indefatigable in his Body, and of an Invincible Resolution. He hates Flatterers, that think to gain his Friendship by praising him. And is equally averse from making Use of such fawning Insinuations to others, though the Greatest Princes of the Blood, or the First Minister himself.

He has also a certain Stedfastnese of Spirit which cannot be warp'd by any Artificial Addresses, though made to his own apparent Advantage, if they propose to him any[Page 263]Thing that has the least Semblance of what is base and dishonourable. Thus he wou'd never consent that the Honour of taking Dunkirk some Years ago, should be ascrib'd to Cardinal Mazarini, tho' that Minister privately courted him to it, offering him the Greatest Commands in the Kingdom, if he would do him that Service; and the Mareschal knew it might prove his Ruin, if he did not. Yet such was his Integrity and Love to the Truth, that by no means would he be brought to condescend to this Meaness of Spirit: Yet, perhaps it might only proceed from the Aversion which in those Days he had for the Cardinal. Many times it is evident, That a Natural Passion is made to pass for a Moral Vertue. Besides, perhaps he was unwilling to be depriv'd of the Glory due to him for that Important Service.

He is a Man of few words, and so secret in all his Counsels, that no-body knows any thing of his Designs, till he puts them in Execution. Every Man esteems him the most Liberal Prince of this Age, having no other Regard for Money, than, as it serves the Necessities of his Family, and enables him to oblige his Friends.

In a Word, whatever Vices he may have, he is yet endu'd with so many Good Qualities and Vertues, that he is belov'd by all the Nation, and in Particular Favour with his Sovereign, who treats him not as a Subject, but as one of his most intimate Friends.

[Page 264]May God, who has rais'd up this Great Genius, to aggrandize the French Monarchy, continually supply the Grand Signior with Valiant and Expert Generals, that the Empire of the Faithful Osmans, may encrease like the Moon, but never be in its Wane, till that Planet shall no more appear in the Heavens, and the Fastning of the Elements shall be dissolv'd.

Paris, 12th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1665.

[Page 265]

LETTER XXII. To Orchan Cabet, Student of the Sciences, and Pensioner to the Grand Signior.

This Letter was written Originally in Sclavonick.THE French King has lately receiv'd a gross Affront from the Poets. They have often been Satyrical upon his Loves, and now they begin to burlesque upon his Money. A Day or Two ago, as he was newly risen out of his Bed, he found on a Table in his Chamber, a Paper containing these Verses.

Tu és Issue de Race Auguste,
Ton Ayeul est Henry le Grand;
Et ton Peré Lowis le Juste,
Pour Toy, tu n'és qu' un Louis d' Argent.

Thou know'st where the Force of the Poet's Wit lies, having travelled in France and learned their Language. The King smil'd at the Reading of it, and seem'd to be pleas'd with the Frankness of the Author, saying, He was worth a Thousand Flatterers. He promised likewise to give him Five Hundred Louis's for his Wit, if he would discover himself, [Page 266]as also to pardon him on his Royal Word. But the Satyrist would not venture himself, knowing that Kings have more ways than one to revenge themselves of Private Persons, their Subjects. However, since the King appear'd so well pleased with this, he was resolv'd to give him another Touch of his Skill. And the very next Morning in the same Place, the King found these words:

Tu ne le Sçaura pas Louis,

Car j'etois seul quand je le fis.

There have been many Conjectures made about the Author of these Lampoons. Some say one thing, and some another. And there are not wanting such as fasten it on a Virgin of Collen, now residing at this Court: Her Name is Anne Marie de Skurman. She is very Learned, and speaks Arabick, Latin, Turkish, Greek, Italian, French and Spanish, as fluently as her Native Dialect. She is of a Fine Wit, and piercing Judgment in the Controversies of Philosophy and Religion.

There are several Epistles of hers in Print, some penn'd in Latin, others in French, address'd to the Queen-Mother, Cardinal Richlieu, Cardinal Mazarini, and others; besides a Book of Poems, most of them Satyrs▪ And 'tis this last gives the World such a Jealousy of her writing the Lines whic [...] were found on the King's Table. For th [...] Criticks hove compar'd 'em with her Style▪ [Page 267]and find a very near Resemblance between them.

But let who will be the Author, I think the French King is wrong'd in the Character they give him. For tho' he has heap'd up great Quantities of Gold and Silver to carry on his vast Designs, yet he is no Miser, being very Liberal to Persons of Merit.

I send thee this for thy Diversion, and in order to our Future Correspondence. Take it for an Example, and be as Familiar with me, remembring the Old Latin Proverb, Manus manum fricat.

Paris, the 11th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1665.

[Page 268]

LETTER XXIII. To the Captain Bassa.

MAY thy Heart be Chearful, and thy Voyage crown'd with Success, whereever thou sailest, Noble Old Tarpaulin, and Favourite of the God of the Sea. The Empire of the Ottomans has not had so brave a Commander of the Navy these Thirty Years. God grant thee good Fortune against the Infidels, whether on the White or Black Seas. Thou art already Famous for thy Exploits on the Latter, in above Twenty Engagements with the Cossaks, Circassians, and the rest of those Thievish Countries. But nothing has rais'd thy Character so high, as the last Combate thou hadst with Pachicour, the Renowned Pyrate of those Parts, who threatned not only his Christian Neighbours, but also the Ottoman Empire with Infinite Ravages.

But thou hast stemm'd the Tide of his Glory, humbled the Maritine People his Confederates, and by that means made thy self a way into the Archipelago and Mediterranean, where thou ridest as another Neptune, King of the Waters.

Take not this for Flattery; for I tell thee, I have not said so much to a Bassa of the Se [...] these Seven and Twenty Years: Neither indeed [Page 269]had I any Reason. He that merited the most Applause in all that Time, was the Brave Zornesan Mustapha. And I address'd no more to him than his due. Fortune did not favour him, or else he had done great things. As for the Rest, they were generally Men never bred to Sea-Affairs, but Miniors of the Court, or Bullies of the City, who were better at making a Noise, than at any Action of Hazard or Importance. And there were some Bold Renegadoes, but they play'd fast and loose, and no body knew where to have 'em.

Treachery infects the whole World; but in these Western Parts it reigns as in its Center. Here's nothing but Undermining and Ambushes: One State trepanning another out of their Guards, and then they play their own Game.

It would be endless to acquaint thee with the Original of the Quarrel between the English and the Dutch. Let it be enough for thee to know, that these People are at odds now: And in Regard the Strength of both Nations lies in their Shipping, they are preparing to cover the Northern Seas with Navies: But the Islanders still get the best on't. They claim the Sovereignty of those Seas, and in my Opinion they deserve it. I speak according to my Intelligence; being assur'd. that no Nation ever prevail'd against 'em on that Element.

They have had a terrible Fight this Summer, wherein the Dutch lost Seventeen Ships [Page 270]of War, besides Vessels of smaller Note. The Commander of the English Fleet is call'd the Duke of York, a Great General, and Brother to the English King. His Name was famous in France and Flanders, during the Spanish War. And tho the Land afforded him no farther Occasions of Glory, yet he has found some in the Sea. Opdam, the Greatest Admiral that ever the Dutch could boast of, fell a Sacrifice to his Genius.

I am the more Particular in this Relation, because it is fit thou should'st know the Characters of all the Brave Heroes living.

Since this Fight, the King of France has sent an Embassador to the English Court to mediate a Peace. What Issue his Negotiation will have, is of no great Import to us, who serve the Grand Signior, Sole Lord of the Four Seas: But I will tell thee something which it concerns thee to know.

The King of France is a going to cut a Canal through Part of his Kingdom, by which the Mediterranean may be joyn'd to the Main Sea. This is a vast Design, and much discours'd of in Europe, being a Parallel to what has been formerly attempted by some Kings of Egypt, and Emperours of Rome, to joyn the Mediterranean and Red Sea together, for the sake of an easier Traffick to the East-Indies.

Thou oughtest also to be inform'd of the Duke of Beaufort's Exploits on the Coasts of Barbary. He is Commander of the French Navy in those Seas, and has done great Injuries[Page 271]to the People of Algier, Sarcelle, Bougie, and other Ports.

Tho' these Rebels are deservedly punish'd for deserting the Protection of the High Port, yet let us remember, that the Algerines are Mussulmans, and therefore ought not to be abandon'd to the Malice of Infidels.

Mighty Bassa, sail thou in the Strength of God against the Enemies of the Ottoman Empire. And when thou hast finish'd thy Voyage here below, may a Wind of Mercy waft thee o'er the Waters which are above the Firmament, and land thee safe in one of the Ports of Paradise.

Paris, 3d. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1665.

The End of the Third Book.

[Page]

[Page 273]

LETTERS Writ by A Spy at PARIS.
VOL. VI. BOOK IV.

LETTER I. To Achmet Beig.

THIS Court has put on the Exteriour Semblance of Mourning, whilst they inwardly rejoyce, at the Death of Philip IV. King of Spain. He deceas'd on the 17th. of the 9th. Moon. 'Tis possible their Grief is more real for the Death of the Duke of Vendosme, a Prince of Royal Extraction, and whilst living not far remov'd from a possibility of inheriting the Crown [Page 274]of France. But now he is gone to the Grave, the General Receptacle of all Mortals, and which makes no Distinction between the Noble and the Vulgar.

There have been Abundance of Ceremonies perform'd on the Part of the King, the Dauphin, the Duke of Orleans, the Duke of Valois, and other Princes of the Blood, for the Health of the Departed Soul: For the Nazarenes, to give them their due, fall not short of the True Faithful in believing the Resurrection and Immortality to come. They consign the Bodies of the Dead to their Sepulchres, with solemn Rites of Religion, perfuming them with Incense, and sprinkling them with Holy Water; Rehearsing also certain Sacred Hymns and Prayers appointed for that Purpose. Neither do they neglect to Fast, and give Alms, to perform any Pious Office which is practis'd by the Mussulmans, for their Friends who are gone to the Invisible State. They agree with us in Abundance of good things, and if they mix some Superstitions and Errors, let us pity their Weakness, and praise God who guides us into the Right Way, and suffers us no to be seduced into the Way of Infidels. He is the Merciful of the Merciful, the Joy of the Elect, and the Hope of all Nations. Should he punish Men according to their Hourly Demerits, the Earth would soon be depopulated, and void of any other Inhabitants save the Beasts. But he knows our Mold, and remembers that we are no more than a mere Froth or Spume of the[Page 275] Elements, and that in a very little time, by the Course of Nature, we shall vanish like Bubbles which yield to every Blast of Wind. Therefore he spares us, and connives at our Infirmities, because he is the Lover of Souls.

I speak this as an Incentive to Charity among our selves, and to our Fellow-Mortals. It seems to me unreasonable, that we should pursue with Inexorable Hatred all the Followers of Jesus. He was a Holy Prophet, humble, mild, chaste, and harmless. He did many Good Works himself, and commanded his Disciples to imitate his Example. He rebuk'd those amongst them, that would have call'd down Fire from Heaven to consume his Enemies: Enjoyning them to return Blessings for Curses, Prayers for Blasphemies, and Good for Evil. There are those amongst them, who obey his Precepts: As for the Wicked, I am not their Advocate. If the Greatest Part of the Christians live contrary to the Law of the Messias, let us consider also how many Hypocrites, Libertines, Hereticks and Atheists there are among those who profess the Mussulman Faith. Doubtless, there are Good and Bad of all Religions. And 'tis impossible to find an Assembly of Just Men, without a Mixture of Sinners.

As for our Difference with the People of Jesus, in Matters of Worship, it ought not to make us forget that we are Men, compounded of the same Flesh and Blood as they. And for ought we know, God who made all[Page 276]the Nations of the Earth, may accept of their various Rites and Ceremonies in paying him Divine Adoration.

We that are the Posterity of Ismael, and worship the Eternal after the manner of our Fathers, who followed the Pattern of Ibrahim the Beloved of God, cannot deny but that the Law of Moses was of Divine Original: And yet it contains Precepts and Injunctions, to which we are wholly Strangers in our Practice; tho' the Jews, who are the Descendents of Jacob, obey them to this Day.

So we believe what the Alcoran says of the Messias, That he is the Breath and Word of God; That he heal'd Diseases, rais'd the Dead, wrought many other Miracles, and preach'd the true Heavenly Doctrin. Yet there's abundance of Difference between the Ceremonies which the very Apostles us'd in the Service of God, and the Worship establish'd by Mahomet our Holy Lawgiver. But he tells us, That they who live up to the Law of Jesus, shall go to Paradise as well as the Mussulmans.

The greatest Scandal which the Christians give us, is their Setting up Pictures and Images in their Temples, and the Reverence they pay to those Insensible Pieces of Humane Art. And yet for ought we know, they may be excusable before God; since they profess openly in the Publick Decrees of their Councils, That the Veneration and Honour they pay to the Figures of Saints and Angels, [Page 277]is only Relative, their Devotion at the same Time resting not on this side the Prototypes.

If this be true, I see no more Hurt in their Worship of Images, than in Bowing and Prostrating before the Alcoran, which is but another Sort of Imagery representing the Divine Will.

In a word, if the Hieroglyphicks of the Ancient Egyptians are allow'd to be Lawful Letters, and Instruments to express the Inward Conceptions of the Mind; in my Opinion, the Painting and Sculpture which we see in the Churches of the Christians, ought not to be condemn'd as an Idolotrous Practice, when 'tis only us'd as an easier way to convey the History of Jesus, and the rest of the Prophets and Saints, to the Vulgar, who are generally Ignorant of Letters. Unless we shall say, That the Son of Mary was an Idol, and the Prophets and Saints were Devils; which God avert from the Mouth of a True Believer.

Paris, 13th. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1665.

[Page 278]

LETTER II. To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria.

THY Dispatch came to my Hands, in a good Hour. I perus'd with Reverence the Paternal Instructions it contained; the Grave and Judicious Apothegms; the Sacred Rules and Institutions of a Regular and Spiritual Life; the Morals more refin'd than those of Pindar, Epictetus, Seneca or Cato. But pardon me, if I relish not so well thy Panegyrick on some of the newly Canoniz'd Saints; from which you take Occasion to extol the the Pope's Infallibility, and to exclude from Salvation, all that are not within the Pale of the Roman Church.

I am a Christian and a Chatholick as well as you. I honour the Apostles and Martyrs, with all the Primitive Saints, Confessors and Holy Doctors of the Church. But I can never be perswaded, that a Man for being a Murderer, Traytor, an Inventor of Cruel Devices, or a learned Sycophant, can merit Heaven, tho' he may be rank'd in the Red Lines of the Calendar. Much less can I believe, that all Men shall be Damn'd, who are not in Communion with the Bishop of Rome. Certainly[Page 279]the Catholick or Ʋniversal Church, is not shut up within the Narrow Confines of the shattered Roman Empire. Consider Greece, Armenia, Egypt, Moscovy, Aethiopia, and all the Spacious Territories of Europe, and the East. How many Millions daily say the Pater-Noster, and pray in Jesus's Name, yet never paid Obedience to any but their own Patriarchs and Bishops? Were not all the Apostles equally in Commission; were not the Churches they founded and establish'd, equally Holy, and Orthodox? Where then commenc'd the Mighty Schism, but in the morose Pride of Victor, who, (for the Sake of Paschal Niceties) affronted all the Churches in the World, and was for that Reason severely reprov'd by a French Bishop of his own Obedience; besides the Reprimands of Polycarp, and other Prelates of the East? Was not St. John the Beloved, that rested his Head with Divine Honour on the Breast of Christ, as privy to the Laws of his Master, as Peter, Paul, or any other Abortive Apostle? Remember the First General Council at Jerusalem, where James the Brother of our Lord sate President, decreeing Abstinences exactly opposite to the present Roman Faith and Practice. And believe at the same time, that 'twas Imperial Vanity and Pride, which first begot the Fatal Separation. Heresy was but the Bastard of the Apostolick Canons, cherish'd, and too much countenanc'd, by Constantine and his Successors, till the Fatal Time of Phocas, [Page 280]whose untimely Death made all things ripe for the intended Usurpation. Oh! Guicciardine! How truly hast thou writ the State of Modern Rome! Worthy as Horace of Eternal Honour. Thy Faithful Prose equals his Courtly Verse, and merits New Augustus's to Patronize it.

Believe me, Father William, I have no Spight or Enmity against the Roman High-Priest. I reverence him equally with his Brethren, the Patriarchs of Constantinople, Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch. I would go beyond this, for the sake of Conformity to Ancient Custom, and in Obedience to the Celebrated Council of Nice: I would willingly acknowledge him the Primate of the World. Let him have the first Place, in God's Name, among the Patriarchs of the Ʋniversal Church. But let him not ride on the Necks of his Equals. Let him not pretend a Power to cancel the Apostolick Canons; reverse the Traditions of the Fathers; repeal the Decrees of General Councils; dispense with the Laws of Nature, Grace, Reason, Morality, and the very Institutions of his Predecessors, Men, without Question, as Infallible as he. This is not the way to make Proselytes to the Roman Faith, unless it be of Fools and Knaves. The World has receiv'd New Lights, Father William; and Men begin to hiss Religious Bantering off the Stage. Nay even they who are most guilty of it, I mean the Roman Courtiers, Cardinals,[Page 281]and Priests, cannot forbear laughing at the Folly, and Credulous Easiness of those, on whom they impose their Pious Frauds. The bigotted Laity are by them esteemed no better than silly Asses, tamely couching under the Burdens of their Ecclesiastick Lords and Drivers.

Therefore 'tis time for thee to open thy Eyes, lift up thy Head, and lay aside Monastick Simplicity. I do not Counsel thee to turn Libertine, or imitate the Italian Gallantry, which has taught the Priests, instead of Sacred Continence, to squint a Benediction on some Charming Lady from the Altar, in the Name of Dominus Vobiscum, or Sursum Corda; even whilst they are preparing for Divine Revels, to banquet on the Flesh and Blood of God. Oh! Monstrous Perfidy and Execrable Profaneness! Nor if thou art affronted and revengeful, would I advise thee to time the Execution of thy Wrath like the Sicilian Vespers, and make the Bells become the Signals of thy Cruelty; which ought and were design'd and consecrated on purpose, to drill on Harmless Souls to Church, with their dull, sleepy, jangling Chimes; and with their more Triumphant, Lofty Musick, on the Festivals of Saints, to make devouter Christians dream they're going to Heaven, instead of to a Massacre. I would not have thee hope to merit Paradise, by sending thither in Obedience to the Pope, or General of thy Order, the Majestick Souls of Kings or [Page 282] Emperors, in Vehicles of Sacred Poyson, or Envenom'd Eucharists. Believe that those Prelates, Priests, or Monks, who are thus Divinely Profane, and Mercifully Cruel, shall become Mitered, Vested, Cowled Monsters, in the fiercest and most violently glowing Dens of Hell; there with the most exalted Arsenicks, Mercuries, and whatsoever gives the highest Pains, to languish, pine, and rack away Ten Thousand, Thousand, Thousand Ages, in Penances of slow Effect; which expiate but very late, the crying Sins of guilty Murderers, and Bloody Hypocrites.

Yet such as these, since Modern Times, are the only Men thought worthy to be Canonized for Saints, which made a certain Honest Cardinal cry out in Presence of the Pope, These New Saints, force me to doubt the Old ones.

Father William, the same Thought begins and ends my Letter. Yours was upon the stretch, extolling far too high the Largeness of the Roman Church, the Infallible Power of Popes, the Miracles of these New Saints, &c. And I for my Part, am a Man abhorring Bigotry. I cannot believe things contrary to my Reason. I wish the Differences of Mankind in Point of Religion, were rationally compos'd; and that the Good of all Sects, Factions, Parties, Churches and Communions, were united in this Life, as they surely will be in the next.

[Page 283]In the mean time, to the Father without Beginning; to the Son without a Younger Brother; to the Holy Ghost, the First and the Last; to the Virgin Mary, the Mother of the Entire Deity, I recommend thee and all good Christians, hoping to see you in Heaven, tho' we cannot it seems think alike on Earth.

Paris, 1st. of the 12th. Moon, of the Year 1665.

[Page 284]

LETTER III. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

ACcording to thy Desire, I have procur'd and sent thee the Alcoran, with other Writings of our Holy Doctors; Books which will conduct thee into the Right Way Thou wilt find in these Volumes, a Spirit of Life and Power. There breathes in them a certain Vital Principle of Reason; so that whosoever reads them attentively, may feel (if I may so speak) the very Pulse of intellectual Wisdom, beating in every Sentence.

There is a vast Difference between these Writings, full of Arguments Clear and Intelligible; and the Whimsies of thy Rabbi's who abound in Sacred Fables and Divine Romances.

Who can peruse your Celebrated Misn [...] without Disdain? Or look into your more applauded Talmud, and not feel himself touch'd with Horrour, at the Monstrous Blasphemies and Ridiculous Forgeries therein contain'd? Dost thou not laugh at the Story of God's pickling up the Leviathan till the Days of the Messiah; and that other of the Bull which daily devours the Fodder of[Page 285]a Thousand Mountains? Or wilt thou shew me the Nest of that Bird from whence the Talmud says, an Egg falling on the Earth, threw down Three Hundred tall Cedars with its Weight, and at Length breaking, overflow'd Sixty Villages with the Liquid Substance included in the Shell?

Such as these, must needs be fit Themes for the Contemplations of the Omnipotent: And yet your Rabbi's teach, that God studies Nine Hours of the Day in the Talmud. Can any Man of common Piety, hear these Blasphemies and not tremble? What Affronts are these to Humane Sense? What Impositions on the Reason of the Credulous Jews? Does the most perfect of all Beings acquire Knowledge by Degrees, or is the Eternal Intellect improv'd by reading of Books? Or if it were so, would he not make a better Choice than of a Volume, which in the Incredible Stories it relates, exceeds all the Figments of the Poets?

Tell me, Nathan, canst thou swallow that loud Lye of the Talmud, which tells thee, That there was a Lyon, who when he roar'd at the Distance of Four Hundred Miles from Rome, all the Women that were with Child in that City, being affrighted at the Noise, miscarry'd, and the Walls of Rome fell down? And when he drew nearer by a Hundred Miles, he set up his Throat again, which made so terrible a Sound, that all the Roman's Teeth fell out of their Heads, and the Emperour himself felt such Convulsions, [Page 286]as had well-nigh cost him his Life.

Surely the Crow which the Talmud speaks of in another Place, was but a Puny to thi [...] Monstrous Lyon; and yet it seems, that Crow swallow'd a Serpent that had eaten a Frog as big as a Village of Threescore Houses, and when he had done flew into the next Tree. I suppose, that was the Tree which grew in Paradise, and was Five Hundred Miles high, according to the Talmud. Have I not Reason for this Raillery, when one of your Rabbi's solemnly swears, he was an Eye-Witness of these Things? Who can forbear to ridicule the Bigotry of those, who give up their Faith to such Delusions?

Thou wilt meet with more Rational Entertainment in the Books of the Mussulman Doctors; more especially, in that Transcript thou hast of the Volume first dictated in Heaven. That confirms the true Law of Moses, but damns the Impostures of the Talmud, attributing the Invention of such Errors to the Devil.

But thou wilt ask me, perhaps, what I mean by the True Law of Moses. Shall I tell thee the Opinion of one of thy own Nation, a Hebrew of the Hebrews, as he pretends; and for ought I know, of the same Tribe with thy self: For I am a Stranger to the Genealogies of you both.

Some Years ago here was in this City, a Man who if we may believe him, has been in all the Cities of the World. The French [Page 287]call him the Wandring Jew; and he confirmed that Title, by the Profession he made of his Birth, Descent, and Universal Travels. No doubt but thou hast heard of this Man, or at least of such a Character, and therefore I need not repeat what he said of himself, and what the Generality of Mankind believe of him. Suffice it to tell thee, that I was once in his Company half a Day together; when among other Discourses, he told me, That the true Law of Moses has been lost for above these Two Thousand Years, except in the North Parts of Asia, where there are an Infinite Number of Hebrews, but far different in their Religion, from all the Jews in the rest of the World. He says, the Country where they Inhabit, is environ'd round with High and Inaccessible Mountains. I ask'd him the exact Geographical Situation of this Country; but receiv'd no other Answer, than that it lay beyond the River Sabbation. Then I remembred what I had read in Esdras, a Scribe of thy Nation, concerning the Transmigration of the Ten Tribes, who were carried away Captives by the Assyrians: How they pass'd through a certain River on dry Ground, the Waters being divided to the Right Hand and to the Left, and that after the same manner they should return again in the Latter Days; But that in the mean time the Region where they live, was hidden from all other Mortals.

Comparing this Passage with what I had heard from the Wandring Jew, I became almost[Page 288]perswaded, That the People and Country of which he spoke, were the very same mention'd by Esdras. God only can discern the Truth from Error in Histories of so remote and Ancient a Subject.

As to their Religion, I was just going to give thee an Account of what he said concerning it, but am interrupted by Company▪ Wherefore I am forc'd to break off abruptly. Expect a full Relation in my next. I am in haste.

Paris, 4th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 289]

LETTER IV. To the same.

THE Interruption which made me so suddenly conclude my other Letter, lasted not long; so that I have time enough to perform my Promise by the same Post.

I was about to relate what the Wandring Jew told me of the Religion of those Remote Hebrews in Asia, which take as follows.

He says, they are a Nation of Philosophers, bound by their Laws to Study the Liberal Arts and Sciences. They have none but Iron Mony current among them; the Use of Gold and Silver Coins being expresly forbidden by their Laws to prevent the Temptations of Avarice and Theft: For who would steal or covet a Metal, which for its Bulk was not easy to be hid, nor for its Beauty very desirable, being every where common in the Veins of the Earth and serv'd only as a Method of Barter and Commerce among themselves, where the Inequality of Merchandises entangled their Traffick, and would not admit of a ready Exchange?

This took from them the Occasion of many unnecessary Arts at Home, and they had no Temptation to travel abroad; The Chief Design of their Lawgiver being to[Page 290]oblige them to spend most of their time in Religious and Philosophical Exercises, and the rest in preparing Necessaries for humane Sustenance. They had no Need to buy any thing of Foreign Countries, or to build Ships for that End, who were bound to live content with the Natural Product of their own Fertile Country: For Luxury has not as yet set Footing in that happy Region, if we may believe this Traveller. He says, they feed altogether on the Fruits of the Earth; not admitting any Art or Employment which tends to superfluity; but only such as serve the necessary Uses of Life, wherein they shew an admirable Dexterity and Skill.

When they travel from one Town to another, which is very frequent, they never carry any thing to defray their Charges by the Way, or when they arrive at their Journeys End: All Entertainments of this Nature being free and reciprocal. Such is the Custom of the Country.

They have no Lawyers among them, but if any Contention arise, 'tis presently determin'd by the Arbitration of the next Neighbours, to whose Sentence all submit: Every Man being willing to lose something of his Right, rather than disturb the Publick Amity and Peace.

As to the manner of their Worship, they are strict Observers of Purity in washing, anointing, and shaving their Bodies.

They have Temples also where they assemble every Seventh Day, and having offer'd[Page 291]up the First-Fruits of the Earth, they sir down in the Courts, and Banquet together with Joy, whilst the Priests entertain them with excellent Musick, and Songs, in Praise of God and his Works. To this End the Courts of their Temples are made very large, that they may contain so many distinct Families; and stately Pavillions are set up, adorn'd with the Boughs of Green Trees, with all manner of Flowers carelesly intermix'd. But amidst all their Feasting they are not permitted to taste of Flesh. They eat only the Fruits of the Earth with Milk, Honey and Oyl. And their common Drink is Water and Wine.

At the Age of Sixteen Years, every Man is bound to take the following Oath:

‘"I swear that I will adore but One God, who brought our Fathers out of Egypt, and has conducted us by a Mysterious Path to this Land of Promise. I will Religiously serve him all my Life, for that he has vouchsafed to plant me in the Family of his Elect, and not either of the Two Tribes who were left behind in the Land of Delusions. I will do Justly to all Men, neither will I voluntarily hurt or kill any Living Creature, unless it be in my own Defence. I will not taste of the Flesh of any Animal, but in all things observe the Abstinence commanded by Allah to Moses on the Mount. I will Religiously obey my Prince, to my last Breath, and rather be torn in Pieces by wild Beasts than betray[Page 292]him, or consent to betray him to another: For he is the Vice-Roy of God. I will never conceal my Knowledge of any Conspiracy against him, or my Country, neither will I discover his Secrets to any, if it should ever be my Honour to know them. I will observe the Traditions of my Fathers, and teach the same and no other to my Posterity. In fine, I will in all things obey the Laws of this Sacred Kingdom, this Region of Peace, this Garden of Bliss. All this I solemnly swear by the First Father of Light, and by Nothing the Profound Womb of Darkness, and by Silence the Companion of that Depth which no Created Being can fathom, which is the same as if I should wish my self annihilated, if I violate this Oath in the least Point."’

These are all the Terms of the Oath, that I can distinctly remember, which I here insert to shew thee what Opinion these People have of the Law which was given to Moses on the Mount, and how they reject the Two Tribes that were left in Palestine, and esteem of that Country but as the Land of Delusions; accounting their own Country the Region of Promise, and themselves the Elect of God.

One would think, that these were the Posterity of the Ten Tribes that were carried away Captives by Salmanasar King of Assyria. And this was also the Opinion of that Wanderer, who told me, that both their Pentateuch was different from yours; and the[Page 293] Language wherein it is written. For he said, it was rather a Dialect of Arabick, in which Language thou know'st God wrote the Ten Commandments on the Two Tables: Among which one is, Thou shalt not Kill. This Prohibition they say, extends to all Living Creatures, tho' your Doctors interpret it as only reaching to Men, and so do the Christians. But the Mussulmans interpret it thus, Thou shalt neither kill Man nor Beast without Reason. By which Clause, the Beasts are priviledg'd from the wanton Cruelty of Men, who otherwise would murder them only to make Sport; yet wicked Men are not exempted from a violent Death, as a Punishment of their Crimes.

This Traveller says also, that the People of that Country are so healthy that they generally live till they are a Hundred and Twenty Years old, which is almost twice the Age of other Mortals. This he ascribes to their exquisite Temperance and Moderation in all things, as also to the Dryness of the Soil, and to the Force of certain Winds, which continually sweep the Air of this delectable Region, and purge it of all hurtful Qualities.

If ever it be thy Fortune to see this Person, he will acquaint thee with a great many more delightful Passages, which it would be too tedious for me to insert in a Letter. Besides, my Memory is treacherous, and I often forget those things at one time, which I remember at another: But if thou art sollicitous to hear more, I will oblige thee with[Page 294]all that I can call to mind of this Traveller in another Letter.

In the mean time, make a right Use of these Hints, and weigh one thing with another; examine all things without Prejudice or Partiality. Trust no Man's Reason but thy own in Matters of a disputable Nature, since thou hast as much right to decide the Controversy, as any Man. And thus thou wilt never become a Bankrupt in Religion.

Paris, the 4th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1666

[Page 295]

LETTER V. To Mohammed Hadgi, Dervich, Eremit of Mount Uriel in Arabia, the Happy.

AS I think, this is the last of my Hours in this World, and the First of a New Life, which I shall commence in Immortality. I perceive, That the Fatal Period, the Moment of Transmigration, set by Destiny, is approaching. The Crasis of my Blood is dissolving apace, my Spirit hastens to get loose from these Mortal Chains: I feel my Soul trying and stretching her Wings, preparing to take her Eternal Flight to the Region assign'd her by God and Nature.

I have not Presumption enough to hope for Paradise, nor am I so abandon'd to Despair as to conclude I shall go to Hell. I rather believe, Aaraf, or the Place of Prisons, will be my Portion; in Regard I fear the Evils which I have been guilty of, are not over-balanc'd by my Good Actions. 'Tis well if Vertue has counterpois'd Vice in the Course of this Mortal Life. However, I am resign'd, and commit my self to the Indulgent Creator of all Things, who will not fail to dispose of me according to the Order which he has establish'd in the Ʋniverse.

[Page 296]Methinks were I even in Hell, I cou'd not forbear praising that Fountain of all Things. I wou'd teach the Devils and Damn'd a new Lesson of Patience and Contentedness, of Humility and Devotion, of Generosity and Love, amidst their Tremendous Torments. I wou'd survey with an Indifference becoming a True Believer, the Horrid Abyss, with all its dreadful Vaults and Apartments. I wou'd consider the Wonderful Architecture of those Infernal Prisons, the inexpugnable Strength of the Walls; their Prodigious Thickness and unmoveable Fastness; I wou'd contemplate every Thing with the Reason of a Philosopher, and the Piety of a Mussulman, not giving my self up to the Passions of a Fool, and an Infidel.

All this I imagine were easy to perform in those Fatal Caverns and much more, but God knows how the Experience of such an Intolerable Anguish and Restraint, might alter a Man's Mind.

However, I find it Medicinal to think of the last and worst Things, to be always prepar'd for Death, and whatsoever shall follow it; For, Surprizes are apt to unman us, and plunder us of our Reason. I was in the Heighth of a violent Fever, when I began this Letter; yet now 'tis abated, and I palpably feel the gentle Returns of Health and Life. This is owing, in my Judgment, to the real Belief I had, that my last Hour was come, which I have so long expected. And I cou'd almost perswade my [Page 297]self, That I shall disperse a Thousand Maladies, recover out of the most dangerous Paroxysms, and prolong my Days to Old Age, by the mere Force of these Contemplations.

My Faith in this Point is grounded on Experience: For, I have often found, That to be arm'd against Calamities with an even Mind, is either a sure Way to avoid them, or at least to protract the Season of their Arrival. And, if there were nothing else in't, but the rendring 'em more easy when they come, 'twere worth any Man's Pains to try the Experiment.

Doubtless, there is no Terrour in Death, but what the vain Opinion of Men creates. 'Tis as pleasant for a Thinking Man to die as to live, if it be only for this Reason, that in his Passage from the Life he has lead before, he shall not have bare naked Idea's for his Contemplation; but Matter of Fact, and the most Important, that ever employ'd the Souls of Men.

O Admirable Sylvan, consider with thy self, whether it will not be highly grateful to thy languishing Soul, when thou shalt perceive demonstratively, by the Infallible Enthymema's of thy trembling Pulse, that thou art just ready to be releas'd from the deceitful Sophistry of Humane Life! That thou art near escaping from a narrow Cage to be upon the Wing at large, to fly into the Ample Fields of Beauty, Light and Endless Happiness: Reflect also at the same [Page 298]Time, O Holy Eremite, that I shou'd think it no Pain to be freed from my Confinement to a stinking Nest of Infidels.

But why shou'd I give them that Reproachful Epithet, when for ought I know, I am a greater Infidel my self? 'Tis true indeed, I am of the Lineage of Ibrahim, Ismael, and the Holy Race; I bear in my Body the Seas of a Divine League or Covenant between God and Man; I was circumcis'd in due Time, and gave Supreme Glory to One God, and Honour to Mahomet his Messenger. I pronounc'd the Seven Mysterious Words, whose Sound excites the Harmony of the Spheres, sets the Angels a dancing, puts all Nature into Motion, and makes the Devil as deaf as a Beetle. Nay, as our Holy Doctors teach, the very Breath with which that Sacred Confession is utter'd, blows the Ashes of Hell into the Eyes of the Damn'd, and strikes 'em blind. In a Word, I have fasted, pray'd, given Alms, and perform'd all the External Duties of a True Believer, yet I have Reason to fear, that the best of my pious Actions are not sufficient to cancel my Sins. My Practice runs counter to my Faith, there seems to be a double Spirit in me, one inclining me to Good, and the other forcing me to Evil. For, whilst I really in my Heart believe the Alcoran and obey Mahomet, our Holy Lawgiver, I am compell'd to deny both, to profess the Life and Manners of a Nazarene, to counterfeit an Infidel, and do a Thousand[Page 299]other ill things, to please the Grand Signior and his Slaves Thus I play fast and loose with God Almighty; and turn Religion into Cross Purposes. Yet Heaven knows, and I obtest all the Elements to Witness, that I wou'd fain be Innocent, and live in unblemish'd Vertue: But the Fatal Necessities I lie under, constrain me to a perpetual Course of Vice. Which makes me sometimes cry out in the Agonies of my Soul, O God! I pray thee, either to alter my Circumstances, and reform my Nature, or make new Laws more easy to be kept.

Venerable and Patient Solitary, bear with my importunate Complaints; and remember that though thou art as an Angel for thy Perfections, yet Mahmut is but a Man, subject to a Thousand Frailties. Pity him and continue to afford him thy Sage Counsel; rest also assur'd, that amongst all his Infirmities, he still retains an Inviolable Affection, and Dutiful Regard for the Tenant of God's Prophet.

Paris, 22d. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 300]

LETTER VI. To the Kaimacham.

THou mayst report it to the Divan for a Certainty, That Mirammud the Son of the Xariph of Salle, is taken Prisoner by the French. That bold Youth has long rov'd the Seas uncontroul'd; has done many Injuries to the Christians, fill'd Salle with Slaves: Now he himself is become a Captive. Such is the Fortune of War by Sea and Land; to Day Triumphant and Victorious, to Morrow Vanquish'd and in Chains.

Yet he lost not his Honour with his Liberty, having bravely defended his Vessel, and strew'd the Decks with slaughter'd French; till overpower'd with Numbers, he was compell'd to yield. His Enemies extol his Courage, and the Greatness of his Mind, which would not sink under the Pressure of this Misfortune. He seem'd to have the Command of himself, (which is the most Glorious Victory) and suffer'd not his Freeborn Soul, to be led Captive by his Passions; but behav'd himself with such an even Temper, as plac'd him above the Pity of his Enemies, and rather made him the Subject of their Emulation. He is brought to the Court, where he is entertain'd as a Guest, [Page 301]rather than as a Prisoner: Being invited to their Banquets, Masks, Plays, and other Divertisements. Neither is he debarr'd the Privilege of Hunting, which might give him the fairest Opportunity to escape. But he is ignorant of the Language of this Country; and few of the French understand Moresco: So that it is almost impossible for him to make any Party, or consult his Flight, unless the King's Interpreter should assist him. Besides, the French have a higher Opinion of his Generosity, than to apprehend such an Ingrateful Return of the Royal Usage he finds in this Court.

As for Mahmut, he has not as yet made himself known to this Brave Captive. But if the Ministers of the Divan shall think it the Interest or Honour of the Sublime Port to engage in this Affair, I want but a Commission to set Mirammud safe ashore in Africk.

I will not hazard any thing in an Affair of this Importance, without an Order from my Superiours. When their Pleasure is once known, the Execution shall be swift. I wait for thy Commands, as for a Decree of Destiny, which cannot be repeal'd.

The God of our Fathers, who multiply'd the Seed of Ismael as the Grass of the Field, and gave them the Sovereignty over many Nations; grant that the Sublime Port, which is the Nursery of the Faithful, may [Page 302]always take such Measures as shall advance the Interest of the Mussulman Empire.

Paris, 14th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1666.

LETTER VII. To Hamel Muladdin, Xariph of Salle.

THY Son is no longer a Captive, but a Conquerour: His first Appearance before the Ladies of this Court was an Equivalent to his Ransom. He is like to do thee greater Service by his Chains, than when he rang'd the Seas. His Beauty may do more Mischief in France, than all thy Ships of War; since it has already created such Rivalships and Factions among the Fair Sex, as engages the French Gallants on many unhappy Rencounters; and in a little time it will be difficult for the Interressed Sparks, to meet and part with unsheath'd Swords. Libels and Panegyricks, divide the Studies of the Wits; while one flatters, another Lampoons the Amorous Females; and Mirammud the Illustrious Slave, is all the Talk. In a word, he finds Royal Usage, having the Liberty of the[Page 303] Court; and all are pleas'd with his graceful Deportment, and undisguiz'd Conversation. Every one affects his Company, and he has the Fate of Princes, Never to be alone. His Skill in riding, and throwing the Lance, has enflam'd the Noble Youth with Martial Emulations: They esteem Mirammud the most accomplish'd Person of this Age.

Canst thou now repine at thy Son's Glorious Thraldom? A Captivity, that loads him with so many Honours? That lays his Conquerours at his Feet? And subdues all Hearts to his Matchless Perfections? His Followers find Friendship among the Infidels for his sake: 'Twere to be wish'd, that equal Humanity were shew'd to the Christian Slaves in Barbary. I tell thee, thy Son is so admir'd and lov'd, that all thy Treasure will not redeem him. The French are generous, and scorn to sell the Brave for Gold. They will sooner give thee thy Son again, expecting from his Gratitude, a Recompence surpassing the Value of Mony; that is, an Inviolable observing the Conditions of Peace, which they say, thou hast so often broke. Thy Embassadors are expected here, to consummate a lasting Friendship. When that is done, thou wilt quickly see thy Son return, attended by a numerous train of French, who have vow'd to follow his Fortune through the World, so long as he draws not his Cymetar against their King.

I have dispatch'd an Account of this Adventure to the Kaimacham, that so the Sublime[Page 304]Port, which gives the Law to all the Kings on the Earth, may interess it self on thy Behalf. The French seem to have a profound Attach to the Ottoman Empire: Whether it proceeds not more from Fear, and the Principles of Policy, than from any real Love to the Mussulmans, I will not determine. They speak reverently of the Grand Signior, covet his Friendship, and applaud the Victorious Enterprizes of the True Believers. Indeed they are Naturally a Martial People, and honour all Men of brave Spirits and daring Resolutions. They have this particular Reason also to bear Friendship to the Invincible Osmans, because we are almost continually in Wars with the House of Austria, the Old Enemy of France. The Germans are wont to say, That the Dragons Head and Tail are in Conjunction, when the Turks and the French invade the Empire at the same time. These are numbred among the Constellations by Astrologers, to which the Germans allude in this Proverb; being ever Jealous of [...]ome private Treaty between the Sultan and the French Court.

God, who is the Wisest of the Wisest, instruct thee to adjust thy Differences Happily with this Noble Nation, that so thou mayst see thy Son again in Peace at Salle.

Paris, the 14th. of the 3d. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 305]

LETTER VIII. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople.

UPon my Word, thy Letter came in a Critical Hour, to prevent, for ought I know, more Mischief than could have been repair'd again all the Days of my Life. I have but just taken my Eyes off from it, and set Pen to Paper, to express my Thanks to thee for the Care thou tak'st of thy Exil'd Brother; for the Post goes this Night, and I have appointed to meet Eliachim the Jew with some Armenians within these few Minutes. It had been an Unfortunate Meeting for me, had not thy Dispatch come so opportunely to give me Warning of our Cousin Solyman's Perfidy: For these Furr'd-Caps are his Spies and Confidents. The Back-Blows of Tagot, Negidher, and the Great Devil, be upon him and them. What have I done to that Ungrateful Villain, to merit such ill Offices from him? But upon thee be the Mercies of God, the Favours of his Prophet, and the Benedictions of all good Men and Angels: For thou art to me as one of the Watchers above, more than a Brother: Thou art the Tutelar Genius of my Life, my good Daemon in time of Danger.

[Page 306]We had design'd this Evening for a private Banquet of Wine, which, thou knowest, dilates the Hearts of Mortals, unlocks Secrets, and makes the most resery'd Man in the World too Talkative and Open.

I keep as great a Guard upon my Tongue, perhaps, as another; but God knows how far I might have been tempted by such good Company, to let it loose for the sake of Discourse: For these Fellows are soft as the Air in their Address and Conversation; they appear as Innocent as Santones; sincere as Hadgi's; Loyal and Courtly as the Pages of the Seraill'. They would wheedle Ninety Nine of Argus's Eyes out of his Head successively, before he miss'd One.

They came first to Paris, as Merchants; and no doubt, but Solyman had given 'em Instructions how to insinuate into Eliachim's Acquaintance, and so by Degrees into mine. For that honest Jew trades with People of all Nations and Characters.

However it be, I remember, the very Words which thou insertest in thy Letter, were spoken by me in Company with these Infidels. But I shall find a way to be even with them, and Solyman too, before they'll dream of it.

In the mean time, I pray heartily, that if ever it shall be thy Misfortune to be in the like Peril; Destiny or Chance, Providence or[Page 307] Fate may raise some Friend to give thee a Caution; and that thou may'st not with the Unhappy Caesar, neglect to read it in time.

I'm now going to encounter these Giafers; perhaps I shall catch 'em in their own Snares. If not, I'll secure they shall not catch me.

Dear Pesteli, may thy Soul repose under the Protection of God.

Paris, 1st. of the 5th. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 308]

LETTER IX. To Dgnet Oglou.

TO whom should I complain in my Adversity, but to my Friend? I have been more embarass'd within these Two Moons than through all the former Course of my Life. Troubles of divers kinds throng in upon me. I seem like a Butt or Mark whereat every Species of Misfortune, like a skilful Archer, directs the Fatal Arrows of its Malice. I am near overwhelm'd with Calamities. Heaven and Earth are set against me, and all the Elements conspire my Ruin. Yet no Persecution appears so terrible as that of Men, nor any Affliction so poignant as that which proceeds from the Ingratitude and Perfidy of my own Country Men, Persons related to me by Blood.

Age and much Sickness have confin'd me to my Bed for a considerable time, which is no small Alloy to Human Happiness. But to render me perfectly miserable, the Ministers of the Port are angry with me for being Old and Infirm, and for not continuing to serve the Grand Signior, with the same Vigour and Strength as formerly: Else what mean the frequent Reproaches they send me whilst I am not in a Condition to answer them, or make an Apology for my self? [Page 309]Would they have me Immortal, and Proof against the strokes of Destiny and Death, which thou know'st are Unavoidable? Whilst I were in my Prime, Healthy and strong as an Eagle, they encourag'd me with the fairest Promises in the World, telling me I should never want for Mony, or the Protection of the Grand Signior. Yet even then I receiv'd not my Pension without Murmurs and obscure Menaces. So hard a thing is it for Courtiers to be touch'd with any Man's Necessities. But now they threaten plainly to stop all farther Supplies, unless I will grow Young again, and do Business as briskly as when I'd number'd but Thirty Summers. Thus they serve poor Mahmut, as we use Oranges and Limons, whose vital Spirit when we have suck'd out, we throw the rest away as unprofitable. Yet not one of them will contribute in the least to my Recovery. Only the generous Cara Hali, our beloved Friend, hearing of my Malady, sent me a strange Chymical Liquor, with the Celebrated Confection El Razi, some Bezoar, and the most precious Balm of Gilead: All prepar'd to my Hand, with Directions, and leal'd with an Authentick Signet.

These indeed had a marvellous Operation on me. I tried them but Yesterday, and find my self suddenly restor'd to some Degrees of Health, as by a Miracle. Whether it be the vast Esteem I have for that Excellent Physician, with the Confidence I repose in his Skill and Judgment, has had[Page 310]some Influence on me, or what else I know not; (yet, we use to observe, that the Patient's good Opinion of his Physicians is half a Cure:) However, these Sovereign Medicines have inspir'd me with a new Energy. And had I not other Afflictions to break my Heart, I cou'd almost promise my self to reach the Age of Nestor. But my Ʋnfortunate Stars will have it otherwise, and I am resign'd to Destiny.

Thou know'st my Cousin Solyman, the Turbant-Maker, and art no Stranger to his Humours and Fortune: What an unsetled Man he has been in the whole Course of his Life: That no Employment cou'd ever please him, nor he be long fix'd in any Place. How he has rambl'd from Constantinople to Scutari, from thence to Chalcedon &c. Always murmuring against Heaven and complaining of his hard Fate, in that he was not bred a Courtier, a Student, a Soldier or any Thing but what he really is Thou art acquainted also with some of his Religious Caprices, how he is addicted to doing the Book, making the Triple Knot, and to a Thousand other foolish Superstitions by which whilst he aspires at the Character of a Sage, or a Cunning Man, he renders himself more Contemptible than an Ideot; forfeiting the Esteem of all wise and good Men, for the Sake of a little Fame and noisy Character among the Empty, Giddy Multitude

[Page 311]But after all, I believe thou art wholly a Stranger to his Secret Malice, and the Rancour with which he persecuted me, his poor Exil'd Uncle. I my self was deceiv'd by the Subtle Apology he made some Years ago for the Slanders his Tongue had utter'd; when he transferr'd all the Guilt of that Injury on Shashim Istham, the Black Eunuch, and Ichingi Cap Oglani, Master of the Pages. But now I'm convinc'd he's a Traytor, a Villain, and a Fellow void of Faith or Honesty.

I receiv'd a Letter from him within these seven Days, full of Tender and Insinuating Expressions, thanking me for all the good Offices I had done him, and for my seasonable Counsel in several Cases. Professing also at the same time an Inviolable Friendship, and that he would make it his Study to do me some Effectual Service. Yet the next Post brought me a Dispatch from my Brother Pesteli Hali, wherein he bids me beware of Solyman; assuring me that he had good Reason to suspect, that Cousin of mine had some ill Design upon me. This is certain says my Brother, Solyman boasts to his Familiars not without some Insult, that there is not a Word or Action escapes his Uncle Mahmut at Paris, but he is soon inform'd of it at Constantinople. And that which confirms me in the same Jealousy with Pesteli is, That he inserts in his Letter to me, some Passages and Discourses Verbatim, which I must needs own to have been between[Page 312]me and Eliachim the Jew, with two or three Armenian Merchants, in our most private Meetings at Eliachim's House or my Chamber. These he learnt from some of Solyman's most Intimate Companions.

What can I make of all this, but that these Armenians are of Solyman's Council, his Privado's, his Chronee's, &c. whom having Business of their own at Paris, that perfidious Wretch has engag'd to pry into my Secrets, to give him a constant Account of what Discoveries they make, and if possible to trepan me into some Irrecoverable Error in my Conduct, that so he may finally ruin me.

O Mahomet! What is become of the Reverence due to thy Sacred Name, to thy Law, and to the Book penn'd in Heaven? Where is the Mussulman Faith and Integrity? The Religious Fastness of Friendship, with which our Fathers prop'd up one another in the Service of God and the Empire of True Believers? But there is no need of exclaiming against Faith and Piety on this Account: Humane Nature it self is Responsible for the Baseness and Ingratitude of my Kinsman. He no longer deserves the Character of a Man. I advise thee to shun his Company as a Pest, a walking Contagion among Mortals.

In a word, dear Dgnet, let not thou and I suffer our selves to be carried away by a vain Pity or Tenderness for any Man, tho' he be the Son of a Mother's Sister; since there is [Page 313]no Trust in Flesh and Blood: But let us learn the Maxims of French Wisdom, which teach Men to lay the Foundation of their own Happiness, in smiling at the Misfortunes of others.

Paris, 14th. of the 6th. Moon, of the Year 1666.

LETTER X. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

BEsides the General Characters of Countries and the People Inhabiting there, it is necessary for thee to be inform'd of Particular Emergencies, and such Events, as deserve a Place in the Eternal Records of the Ottoman Monarchy, the Fifth and Last in the World. That so the Ministers of the August Divan, the destin'd Arbitrators of the Ʋniverse, Judges of all Humane Affairs, and Counsellors of the Great Sultan, may in the Sacred Code, as in a Mirrour, behold whatever happens in the distant Climates, worthy of Remark.

[Page 314]After the Salutations, therefore, proceeding from profound Humility, entire Respect, and perfect Friendship, know that a devouring Pestilence has lately made a Fatal Decimation in the English Territories, especially in London, the Capital City of that Island, where above a Hundred Thousand Souls, struck with Invisible Darts from God, went off the Stage of Humane Life, in less than Six Moons Revolution.

The dire Contagion by Degrees spread farther through the Adjacent Provinces, and reach'd the most remote and solitary Corners of the Land: Death set his Standard up, proclaiming Open War against the Inhabitants; with flying Troops of Mortal Plagues, he ravag'd o'er the Isle, filling all Parts with doleful Cries and Lamentations: The Cemeteries were not large enough to hold the Carcasses of such as fell before the dreadful Conquerour: But open Fields were turn'd to Sepulchres, and cramm'd with Spoils of Humane Race: An Universal Desolation reign'd: Death celebrated Cruel Triumphs every where.

Such as pretend to Astrology and hidden Sciences, will have this to be an Effect of the late Comet which appear'd at the End of the Year 1664. whilst others attribute it to nearer Naturar Causes; and some conclude it is a Judgment sent from Heaven, on that Rebellious People, who a few Years before had involv'd the Nation in a Civil War, and barbarously Massacr'd their King.[Page 315]God only knows the Truth that is conceal'd from Man.

Thou mayst Register also, That the Queen-Mother of France is newly dead, and the Crook-back'd Prince of Conti. On which Account, this Court is now in Mourning, and the Churches hung with Black, whilst Melancholy Bells, perpetually invite the Living to pray for the deceased Royal Souls; and deep-bass'd Organ Pipes breath out Incessant doleful Aspirations, sounding like Inarticulate Prayers, and Funeral Sighs, for the departed. In this the Nazarenes approach near to the Faith of True Believers. They give Alms also, as we do, and settle Stipends on certain Priests and Derviches, to mumble over daily Masses for the Dead; which is an evident Sign, That they have Hopes of Immortality, and look for the Resurrection. Doubtless, there's something Good at the Bottom of all Religions, tho' it be overlaid with Errors and Corruptions.

God direct us through the Meanders, which Humane Frailty involves us in; and grant every Mussulman a Particular Chart and Compass, whereby to steer his Course through the uncertain Tracts of Mortal Life; that he may at last arrive in Paradise. For we shall never find the Way thither by General Rules.

[Page 316]Illustrious Hamet, I pray that thou and I may at a destin'd Hour, encounter one another in the Walks of Eden, there to converse under Immortal Shades near to some warbling Stream of matchless Wine or Water; to revolve our past Fatigues on Earth, and to caress our selves in the Security of Endless Bliss.

Paris, 15th. of the 7th. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 317]

LETTER XI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

THou and thy feigned Messias be damn'd together for Company! Must I be baulkt of my Money, for the Sake of your New Superstition? How many Messias's have ye had, Twenty Five at least, besides the Son of Mary, who is acknowledg'd and bless'd for ever? Must all the World be bubbl'd to Eternity by the Fables of your Nation? Curse upon your Rabbi's and Cochams, those Pimps to the more Religious Debaucheries of Mortals. Nathan, I took thee for another Manner of Man. However, if thou art a Sworn Servant to Sabbati Sevi, the new Sham-King of the Jews, I have nothing to say to it: Do as thou wilt. But, I dare be a Prophet so far as to tell thee, thou wilt be cursedly left in the Lurch, with the Rest of the Fools, thy Bigotted Brethren. Let what will be, it behoves thee as an honest Man to transmit the Bills that are entrusted to thee. Whether Sabbati Sevi, Ben Joseph or Ben David be the Name of your expected Messias, I wou'd not have Ben Saddi degenerate. Continue thou Faithful[Page 318]and the few others that are entrusted with the Sublime Affairs; and let all the Rest of the Common Jews go to Gehenna, or to the Vale of Tophet, which you please. But I wou'd fain have thee in the Number of the Righteous, who shall possess Paradise. Some of thy Letters have encourag'd me to hope for this, but thy last makes me almost despair of seeing thee happy either in This World or the Next: For, thou writest like one in a Phrensy, raving on Chimera's of strange Honour, Glory and Power which thou shalt shortly enjoy in the Kingdom of thy Phantastick Messias; thou art already a Prince in thy own Conceit.

For God's Sake, Nathan, wean thy self from these Religious Fondnesses: Awaken thy Reason, which is the distinguishnig Character of a Man. Examine the Grounds of this New Delusion; search into the Birth and Origin of Sabbati Sevi, and thou wilt find him to descend of an Obscure and Base Parentage; his Father being but a Kind of Mungrel Jew, and by Profession an Ʋsurer, which is forbid by the Written Law of Moses, and in the Great Alcoran it is accounted Execrable: His Mother a Woman of the Curds, suspected for a Witch, in Regard, most of that Infidel Nation practise Magick Arts, and Diabolical Charms. And 'tis not altogether improbable, that your Counterfeit Messias was educated privately by her in the same Studies, whence he learn'd the[Page 319]Methods of Enchantments and Illusions, to deceive the Senses and impose on the Reason of Mankind.

I can tell thee of a Truth, that there are more Eyes on him and his Actions, than he is aware of; and I my self at this Distance have receiv'd a particular Relation of his Life, from such as knew him a Youth at Smyrna, the Place of his Nativity. He is accus'd of many Vices and Extravagances during his early Years. His Conversation was wild and dissolute, being a noted Inamorato or Stallion over all that City. For which and some other Crimes, he was expelled the Synagogue, and banish'd from Smyrna, by the Mutual Consent of the Mussulman Cadi, and your own Rulers. He was also excommunicated by the Rabbi's as a Heretick, for broaching certain Doctrins repugnant to your Law, and the General Faith of the Jews. All which cannot but be a prevailing Recommendation of him to the Office of Messias or King of Israel.

From hence he rambled up and down the Morea and other Provinces of Greece, leaving a Memorial of Infamy, where-ever he set his Foot; continually marrying and divorcing of Wives, debauching of Virgins, and frequenting the Company of Harlots, till those Countries grew weary of him, and threatn'd to chastise his Wickedness. Then he pass'd over into Syria and Palestine, beginning to set up for a Reformer of your[Page 320] Law, and at Jerusalem openly professing himself to be the Messias; whereby he drew a Rabble of Lunaticks and Frantick People after him. But as for the Seniors and Governours, they have rejected him as an Impostor.

Consider, Nathan, the Fate that befel Ben Cochab, as he call'd himself, that is, the Son of a Star, who pretended to be the Messias in the Days of Adrian, Emperour of the Romans; Reflect on the Calamities which overwhelm'd him and his Followers, to the Number of Four Hundred Thousand Jews; who all fell with their False Prophet, Sacrifices to the just Revenge and Fury of that Incens'd Monarch: For they had impudently boasted that by such a prefix'd time, he should be taken Captive and depos'd from his Throne by the Messias, who should assume the Imperial Dignity, and all the World should obey him. But when those who surviv'd the Slaughter of their Brethren, reflected on the Author of so Tragical a Catastrophe, they chang'd his Name in Contempt and Hatred, calling him no longer Ben Cochab, the Son of a Star, but Bar Cuziba, the Son of a Lye, a False Prophet, and Seducer of the Brethren.

Thou hast all the Reason in the World, to have no better Opinion of Sabbati Sevi, since he is rejected by the Wiser Sort of Jews, and has not perform'd one Miracle in Confirmation of his pretended Messiasship. [Page 321]Neither has any uncommon or preternatural Appearance happen'd before or since he assum'd this Dignity. Whereas all your Rabbi's teach, that no less than Ten Eminent and Remarkable Prodigies shall precede the Coming of your Messias. And I remember, thou thy self about Ten Years ago sentest me a Letter much to the same Effect, telling me that certain Monstrous Sorts of Men should come from the Ends of the Earth, whose Eyes shall be as Venomous as Basilisks, with a great many other Stories of like Nature.

Hast thou forgot this, Nathan, or art thou so far infatuated with the bold Impostures of this Impudent Deceiver, as for his sake, to deny thy former Faith, reverse thy own Sentiments and disannul the Traditions of thy Doctors? For shame rowze up thy Intellectual Faculties, and suffer not thy Reason to be lull'd asleep by the Prestigious Umbrages and Charms of a lewd Vagrant, a Wizard, a Cheat.

Have but Patience at least, till thou see those Signs accomplish'd wh [...]ch are to usher in your Messias, before thou give up thy self to so dangerous a Credulity. Let the Sun first emit those Pestilential Vapours, which shall kill a Million of the Koprim or Infidels every Day, as your Traditions threaten. Let that Luminary be also totally eclips'd for the space of Thirty[Page 322]Days. In a word, let all the other Prodigies come to pass, which thou thy self didst once so passionately believe: And then I promise thee on the Word of a Mussulman, that I will be thy Proselyte, and embrace thy Law, and adore thy Messias; on condition, that otherwise thou wilt be my Convert, believe the Alcoran, and obey the Messenger of God, the Last and Seal of the Prophets.

Paris, 11th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 323]

LETTER XII. To the Kaimacham.

I Am afraid the Divan will be oblig'd to send another Agent to Vienna, to supply the Place of Nathan Ben Saddi, who is running mad after the New Messias of the Jews. There is no doubt but thou and the other Happy Ministers, residing at the August Port, have heard of a certain Impostor at Smyrna, by Name Sabbati Sevi, of Hebrew Race, who calls himself the Only begotten Son of God, Messias and Redeemer of Israel; and what Multitudes of doting Credulous Jews he draws after him. So that there is a Schism broke out between them, and they are divided into Two contrary Factions both in Smyrna, and all over the Levant. It is impossible that these things should be concealed from the Resplendent Seat of Fame, since they have reach'd even our Ears who dwell at this Distance: Nay there is hardly a Province or City in all the West, which has not receiv'd Intelligence of so Remarkable a Novelty.

I have receiv'd a Dispatch from Zeidi Alamanzi at Venice, wherein he informs me, that all the Jews of Italy are preparing to visit the Holy Land, and to see the Face of their long expected Messias, who they now [Page 324]believe is really come on Earth, and is that Sabbati Sevi, at Smyrna. They are settling their Affairs, as fast as they can, acquitting themselves from all Worldly Engagements, and those who are devout, give themselves up to Prayer and Mortifications; whilst others spend their time in Feasting, Dancing, and all manner of Mirth. He says, some of them will sit or stand up to the Nose in Water, for Four and Twenty Hours together. And this they do in Imitation of Adam's Penance, according to their Tradition: For they are taught, that the First Father of Mortals, after he was banish'd from Paradise, as a Punishment for his Sin, stood a Hundred and Thirty Years together in Water thus reaching to his Nostrils.

Others of these Superstitious People, will sit naked many Hours together on a Heap of Pismires, till they're almost stung to Death. A third Sort dig their own Graves, and going down into them, cause themselves to be covered all over with Earth, except only their Faces; and in this Condition they will lie till they are almost famish'd.

In the mean while, they send Circular Letters from all Parts, congratulating each others approaching Happiness and Deliverance from the Oppression of the Gentiles: For so they term all that are not of their own Nation. And in these mutual Addresses, they fail not to Prophesy, That their Messias shall in such a Moon, go to the Great Tyrant, King of the Ismaelites, and Lord of all the Children of [Page 325] Moab and Edom; (So they blaspheme our Glorious Sultan.) That he shall depose him from his Throne, and lead him away Captive; after which he shall have the Dominions of the whole Earth laid at his Feet.

With such kind of wild Stuff, do these deluded People flatter one another and themselves, as if in a little time they were to be Lords of all Things. So that no Trading or Commerce goes forward among them: An Universal Stop is put to all Business; it being esteem'd an Inexpiable Sin, to follow their Trades in the Days of the Messias, who is to enrich them with the Wealth of all Nations.

Strange Rumours are spread abroad, of the Return of the Ten Tribes over the River Sabbation, who were carried away Captives by Salmanassar King of Assyria, and never were heard of since, till they now discourse of their being encamp'd in the Desart of Mount Sinai, in their March to the Holy Land. 'Tis reported also, that a Mighty Fleet of Ships were seen at Sea, whose Sails were of Satin, and their Streamers bore the Figure of a Lyon, with this Inscription, The Lyon of the Tribe of Judah.

The Christians seem astonish'd at these things, yet some look on 'em only as Dreams. As for honest Eliachim here, he is no more mov'd at these things than I; only he laughs at the Folly of the Credulous World, and curses the Jews, for bringing such Contempt on themselves and their Posterity. But Nathan [Page 326]is like one Hag-ridden, or defil'd by the Lamiae of the Night. He has lost all Reason, and 'twill be no less than a Miracle that must restore it again.

Sage Minister, whilst these Execrable People thus lose themselves for the Sake of their Counterfeit Messias, let us continue to honour the True One, even Jesus the Son of Mary, who is now in Paradise, and our Holy Prophet with him.

Paris, the 21st. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 327]

LETTER XIII. To Murat Bassa.

THis has been a Considerable Year of Actions and Events. At the Beginning of it, I sent to the Port an Account of the Death of the Queen-Mother of France, and of the Prince of Conti: now I will farther inform thee of a War that is broke out between this Crown and that of England. The Occasion of it was this: The English and the Hollanders trafficking in America, had some Misunderstandings and Feuds about the Limits of their several Conquests in those Remote Parts of the World. The Hollanders being the strongest, did many Injuries to their Neighbours the English, and domineer'd over them as their Lords. The English resenting this very heinously, and grown weary of their Oppressions, sent Complaints to their King. He to redress his Subjects order'd his Resident at the Hague, to demand Satisfaction of the States. They refus'd to do him that Justice; upon which he was resolv'd to have Recourse to his Arms, and accordingly proclaim'd War against Holland; making all necessary Preparations to carry it on. The same did his Adversaries. The French King in the mean time was oblig'd by a Treaty with the Hollanders [Page 328]concluded in the Year 1662. to espouse their Quarrels; yet that he might not break with England rashly, he first sent an Embassador to that Court to mediate a Peace. But that proving Ineffectual, he proclaim'd a War against that Nation, and commanded the English Embassador to depart his Kingdom. The Duke of Beaufort, who is Admiral at Sea, was order'd to Equip a Gallant Fleet, and joyn the Dutch-Navy; Which he perform'd with all Imaginable Diligence and Expedition. There has been Two Combats between these Enemies at Sea, and in both the Dutch had the worst of it: Neither did the French escape without some Loss, having Two of their Greatest Ships severely shatter'd, and a Third taken by the English.

The Plague still rages in England, and has almost depopulated whole Provinces. Whilst a milder Death has robb'd France of one of her Greatest Heroes: The Count d' Harcourt, of whom I have often made mention, is gone to celebrate the Triumphs due to his Valour and Fortune in another World.

The Emperour of Germany has at last married the Infanta of Spain, after abundance of Demurrs and Hesitations about that Business. These Nazarenes can do nothing with Expedition. The Spiritual Courts, as they call them, have more Tricks and Cramp Words to amuze People with, than an Indian Mountebank or Juggler. Neither are Sovereign Princes more exempt from their Jurisdiction,[Page 329]than the meanest of their Subjects. Especially the Court of Rome, can make or annul Marriages at Pleasure. And they are sure to be Excommunicated, who refuse to submit to their Orders. This Holy Court can also bind or release Sins, open or shut the Gates of Paradise, make a Devil a Saint, or a Saint a Devil. In a word, they can do every thing if there be Gold in the Case. But if that be wanting they can do nothing but shrug their Shoulders.

Thou mayst also inform the Divan, that the French King has given Permission to some of his Subjects, to undertake a Conquest in America, and establish a Commerce in that Part of the World. Many Vessels are equipped in Order to this Expedition, and they that are concern'd in the Voyage, are as merry as Jason and his Argonauts, when they were preparing to fetch the Golden Fleece from Colchos. That Western Continent affords immense Riches, and tempts all the Nations in Europe, to make an Experiment of their Fortune, in gaining one Part of it or other. 'Twere to be wish'd it lay nearer to the Ottoman Empire. No Record can discover the Origin of the Inhabitants. Yet most Authors conjecture, that they pass'd over from the North-East Parts of Asia, where the Streights of Anian, are very Narrow, and would invite Sea-faring Men to seek New Adventures. Besides, by their being Canibals, it appears very probable, That either[Page 330]they descended from the Tartars, or the Tartars from them. God alone knows how to adjust the Differences, and reveal the Secrets of History.

Brave Bassa, 'Tis no matter from what Stock we are descended, so long as we have Vertue. For that alone is the only True Nobility. God regale thee with his Favours.

Paris, 30th. of the 9th. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 331]

LETTER XIV. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs, and Superintendent of the Arsenal at Constantinople.

WHen I hear of thy Prosperity, my Heart is dilated like his who has found hidden Wealth. Yet I am sorry for the Disgrace of the good Old Man, thy Predecessor: But we must not censure the Conduct of our Superiours. The Justice of their Actions is not to be call'd in Question. The Sultan cannot err. This is an Establish'd Maxim in all Monarchies, especially in that of the Renowned Osmans.

As for what relates to thee, in this New Advance thou hast made; thy own Experience acquir'd by many Years Travel and Observation in Foreign Countries, added to the Knowledge thou hast in the Laws, Discipline and Customs of thy own will be a sufficient Guide, to conduct thee in the Management of thy Business. Yet despise not the Counsel of others. A Man is never nearer to Ruin, than when he trusts too much to his own Wisdom. Therefore the greatest Emperours undertake nothing of Moment rashly or without Advice. Temerity often blasts the fairest Designs.

[Page 332]It will be of particular Import to thee, to hear of a Tragical Event that has lately happen'd to Rezan, a Great City in Russia, by the blowing up of the Magazine. This Gunpowder does more Mischief than Good in the World. The Ancients fought as successfully with Bows and Arrows, Swords, Spears and other Instruments of War, without running the Hazard of blowing up whole Cities into the Air, in time of Peace. And they could undermine the strongest Castles, even those situated on Rocks, without the help of this Infernal Dust. Nature taught 'em to be Industrious in defeating their Enemies, and they spared no Labour to gain the Victory. Our Fore-Fathers were hardy and strong, patient of Toils and Fatigues: They cut their Way into Mountains of Stone, if any Place of Strength were built on it, which they had Occasion to besiege. And as they hew'd away that Part of the Rock which supported the Walls, they underprop'd the Foundation with Wooden Pillars: And when they had finish'd their Mine, they set Fire to certain Combustible Matter, which consuming these Supports, the Walls and Gates that rested on them, sunk down, and left the Fortress naked and open to the Besiegers

It had been well for the Inhabitants of Rezan, if their City had been only thus gently dismantl'd, by some Enemy against whom they might have afterwards employ'd their Courage to defend themselves, or make[Page 333]Composition. But poor Unfortunate People, they have felt a ruder Shock, an unmerciful Blow of Fate, their City being in a Minute's time, without the least warning, stormed, plunder'd, and laid in Heaps, by an Enemy which gives no Quarter.

This Accident happen'd on the 15th. of the last Moon, about the Hour of Ʋlanamisi. There were Five Hundred Barrels of Powder in the Magazine; and the Force of the Blow was so violent, that besides the Destruction of that City or at least the best Part of it, all the Neighbouring Villages round about it, felt its Fatal Effect, some of their Houses shaking as in an Earthquake, others falling to Pieces.

Assuredly, Heaven is angry with these Infidels, and turns the very Instruments of their Defence and Safety, into Scourges for their Chastisement. I formerly sent Saleh the Superintendent, an Account of the like Misfortune that befel the City of Gravelines in Flanders, and of other terrible Effects of the Wrath of Heaven in the Low-Countries. One Disaster follows close on the back of another; yet the Infidels are insensible and stupid, as they were in the Days of Noah, when the Flood came and surpris'd all the Inhabitants of the Country. That Prophet gave 'em warning of the approaching Danger. He was Three whole Years in cutting down Indian Plane-Trees, and preparing Planks, Beams, Pins and other Necessaries, and Seven Year. more in Building[Page 334]that Wonderful Ship. The Infidels went by daily, and saw him at Work, but they derided the Patient Apostle, and taught their Children to mock him, saying, Where is the Water this Ship is to sail in? After the Ark was finish'd, it lay on the Ground Seven Moons, till they had Thrice sacrific'd some of Noah's Followers to their Idols.

It was perfected in the Moon of Rajeb, and in the Moon of Saphar was the Decree of the Chastisement sign'd, which was to be executed on all of Mortal Race, save Noah and the Fourscore that were with him, with the Two Pairs of every Species, which the Four Winds, by God's Appointment, collected together, and drove into the Ark, and the Body of Adam, which was enshrin'd and brought to Noah by Angels out of the Region of Mecca. There was also Philemon the Good Priest of Egypt, with his whole Family.

Just as the determined Day and Hour of the Flood was come, the Prince of the Country, stimulated by his Evil Destiny, mounted his Horse with some of his Retinue; and having sacrific'd to their Idols, rode toward the Place where Noah and his Company were shut up in the Ark, with a Design to burn it to Ashes. He call'd out aloud to the Prophet, with Scoffs, saying, O Noah, where is the Water in which this Ship is to sail? It will be with you incontinently, replied the Holy Man, before you can remove your Station. Come down, thou Dotard, said the proud Infidel, otherwise I will[Page 335]burn thee and thy Companions with Fire. O miserable Man, said Noah, Turn to God, for his Judgments are ready to burst forth on you.

The Prince Incens'd at this, commanded his Slaves to put Fire to the Ark. But while he was yet speaking, he manifestly saw the Water gushing out on all Hands round about him, and under his Feet. Then his Heart was troubl'd, and full of Anguish and Fear. He hasted to secure himself, with his Family and Goods, in the Castles which he had built, on the highest Mountains. But alas, the Earth open'd, and broke like a Spiders Web; so violent was the Force of the Waters which boyled up every where. The Clouds pour'd down vast Chataracts of Rain, mix'd with Dreadful and Insupportable Thunder and Lightning. The Miserable Infidels throng'd upon one another, cursing and blaspheming their Gods who had deluded 'em. Great was the Confusion and Cry every where; for such a Calamity had never been known since the Moon gave her Light. If any were so nimble as to reach the Foot of a Mountain, yet he could not ascend by Reason of Stones which fell on his Head, and Torrents of boyling Water that ran down upon him, as if it had come out of a Cauldron. And suppose he had reach'd the top, it had been but a short Delay of his Fate; for in a word, the Waters swell'd Forty Cubits above the Highest Mountains, and all the Living Generations perish'd.

Son of my Mother, when thou readest this [Page 336] Memoir, (for it is a Fragment of an Ancient Arabick Writing) think on the Day of Judgment, which shall surprize the World, even as the Deluge did. At that Hour, the greatest Part of Men will not dream of any such thing, till they see Flames and Rivers of Fire bursting forth from the Springs and Fountains which before yielded Water, and showers of Fire descending from Heaven, instead of Rain. For the Elements will change their Courses, to accomplish the Decrees of him who made them, and to consummate the Revenge of the Omnipotent against Ʋnbelievers.

Paris, 2d. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1666,

[Page 337]

LETTER XV. To Useph, Bassa.

SUrely, the Gods of the English are angry with that People, and the Guardian Spirits of the Isle, have forsook their Charge. I sent a Dispatch at the beginning of this Year to Murat, Bassa; wherein I inform'd him of a Destructive Plague, raging at London, and in other Parts of the Nation. That Pestilence continues still, but under different Forms, to assault the Living, and augment the Number of the Dead.

God only knows the Origin of these Epidemical Contagions; whether they derive their Pedigree from Heaven or Hell; from the Earth, or any other Element. Perhaps some latent Poysons in the Air, mix with the Breath of Mortals, and by their subtile Energy, soon dissipate the vital Flame of Humane Bodies, like the Infectious Blasts of the Wind El-Samiel in Arabia, which in a Moment's time commit a Rape upon the Lives of Travellers, scorching their Spirits up, and leaving on the Sands a black, stiff Carcass of Jelli'd Flesh, as tho' they had been Thunderstruck: Or, perhaps some Venomous Exhalations from the Minerals below, transpire through Chinks and Crannies in the Earth, to plunder Mortals of their Breath, like to[Page 338]the Fatal Vapours in the Cave of Death, not far from Virgil's Grot' in Italy: Or, who can tell, but that some hidden Meteors above, or some Malignant Stars, may send down whole Battalions of empoyson'd Atomes, to invade this Region of Mortality; and in Death's Name, King of the World Invisible, to claim and carry away a certain Number of Ghosts, prick'd down by Destiny, a Tribute set by Fate? However it be, that whole Island may well be call'd at this time the Grand Infirmary of Europe, where Baneful Sickness makes its Publick Residence. The timerous Giafers run from Place to Place, thinking to escape from Heaven's all searching Pursuivants. They fly from Populous Towns to Villages; and from these again to unfrequented Desarts, Woods, and Heaths, carrying their Wives and Children with 'em, and all the Substance of their Houses. The Roads are cover'd with the Caravans of doubtful Passengers, who dread to think of going back, to the Contagious Seats they left behind, yet know not where to be receiv'd anew. So general is the Consternation, so strong the Fear of those who yet survive, lest they should also catch the Infection and die.

Besides this, they have felt the strokes of another surprizing Calamity; London, the Capital City of England, being newly consum'd by Fire. It is not certain, whether Design or Chance first kindled the devouring Element. But it fell out at an unlucky Season,[Page 339]when the Wind was high, and from its Eastern Quarter, blew the Flames full West, which spreading North and South, demolish'd all before them, laying the greatest Part of that Rich and Famous City in Ashes.

Some ascribe this to a Plot of the French; others term it, a Judgment of God, for their Rebellion, Pride and other crying Sins. Whilst with equal Probability, a third Sort affirm, 'Twas contriv'd and put in Execution by a Cabal of Carpenters and Masons, who wanting Employment, and projecting the Method of enriching themselves, disdaining also the Inartificial and Obsolete Form of Buildings, resolved to put this City into a New Figure, and raise it according to the Models of Foreign Architecture. Every one guesses as his Affections incline him, or his Conjectures follow the Byass of his Interest. Men are always partial to themselves and the Cause they have espous'd. God only knows the Truth.

The Superstitious among the Roman Catholicks, take Occasion from the timing of this Horrible Conflagration, to insult o'er the English Protestants; who from some obscure Passages in the Book of their Gospel, used to foretel in a Prophetick Manner, That the Final Ruin and Catastrophe of Rome would happen in this Year 1666. Whereas by Fatal Experience, more sure than vain Predictions, they find the Metropolis of their own Nation, reduc'd to Ashes.

[Page 340]Whoever are the Instruments in these Tragedies, 'tis certain the Designs of Fate are still perform'd. Every Kingdom, State and Community, has its Critical Periods and Climacters, wherein it suffers Detriment, This Blank the Italian Preface mentions, and says, 'tis owing to the Loss of some Part of the Arabick Letter, suppos'd to be torn off by Chance, or on some other Occasion. [...] &c.

Paris, 2d. of the 11th. Moon, of the Year 1666.

[Page 341]

LETTER XVI. To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

I Am melancholy, beyond the Description of Painters, Poets, or the lively Eloquence of Cicero. Methinks, I'm some Exotick Being; a perfect Foreigner on Earth; a Stranger to his Laws and Maxims. I appear to other Mortals like a Giafer or Frank in his Western-Dress at Morocco, Babilon, or Constantinople. I mean not for my outward Habit, (for in that I'm Conformable enough to the Mode of the Region where I reside) but I'm all Unfashionable within; Ridiculous in my Sentiments and Conversation. When others laugh, I sigh, and find a Reason to be sad, in the midst of merry Company. Even Wine it self that exhilarates all the World beside, does but encrease my Melancholy, by adding Strength unto my labouring Thoughts. It sublimates my Spirits up to Sacred Phrensies. I am all Lunatick at such a Time. Each Glass creates new Dreams, more wild than the strange Flights and Raptures of a Santone. My heated Spleen, like Mount Gibel, belches forth horrid Clouds of Smoak and Vapours, which lay long smothering in its spongy Caverns; these quickly spread, and cover all the Horizon of my[Page 342] Soul, rendring it Dark and Gloomy, as the Cymmerian Solitudes, or the more dismal Valleys bordering on the River Styx, where surly Charon waits to Ferry o'er the Caravans of trembling Ghosts, and land 'em in Elyzium.

Oh! that those Fables of the Ancient Poets were but true! Or that I knew but something certain of our Future State! Whether the Soul survives or no, when Death has stopt the Circulation of our Blood? And what becomes of that Immortal Substance, after its parting from the Body? Whether it pass by Transmigration into the Embryo of some other Animal, as Pythagoras taught; or be united, swallowed up and lost in the Ʋniversal Soul of the World, as Plato did believe? Or if some other Magnet does attract its Presence; and hidden Sympathies of Nature teach it to form its self a Vehicle or Body of the Elements? Perhaps, some Souls unite with Air, whilst others mix with Water, Earth or purer Skies. This for its horrid Sins in Mortal State, may be by the Eternal Nemesis sunk down into the Fatal Caverns of Mount Aetna, Strombolo, or Vesuvius; there to Incorporate with burning Rivers and Lakes of Sulphur and other Minerals, to hear perpetually the frightful Cracking, Rumbling, and loud Thunders of those Infernal Vaults: to be without Intermission annoy'd with the Eternal Stench of melted Mines, whose poignant Vapours equally kill it and revive it every moment, that it may be confin'd to an endless Circle of Miseries: To feel[Page 343]the Excruciating Torments which no Tongue can utter; whilst the Incessant Rapid Motion of those Exalted and most Violent Fires, with which it is embodyed by Decree of Fate, rob it of the very Possibility of the least easy Thought or quiet Minute; and at the same time rack it with Infinite Tortures.

Think not my Dear Physician, that it is Impossible a Separate Spirit, can thus be sensible of Pains. There's no such thing as a Separate Spirit, save God who made all Bodies, and therefore was before them. The Angels themselves are partly Corporeal; so are the Devils. Do not believe then that Mortal Man, who is in a middle State between these Two, shall by Dying, gain a Priviledge above the most Illustrious Spirits in Heaven. As soon as Death has dislodg'd us from One Body; Nature, Providence or Fate, provides us Another, according to our Qualities, Inclinations and Merits. We may as well by Metempsychosis, become the Spirit or Soul of a flaming Sulphur-Mine, or at least of some Part of it, as of a Horse, an Eagle, or a Dove: For such, for ought we know, may be the Disposition of Divine Wisdom, Justice and Omnipotence.

By the very same Reason another Soul may be transported to the Open, Happy Skies, where it may either range in boundless, free, and serene Tracts of Bliss; or be Enfranchis'd in the Corporations of the Stars, to dwell in Palaces of Azure, Topazes, and Diamonds; to possess Privinces more Rich[Page 344]than in Peru or Guinea, where the Rusticks plow up Gold; more beautiful and pleasant, than the famous Fields of Thessaly. God knows what will become of us after our Dissolution: But the Ignorance of this one Truth, occasions all my Melancholy.

Death is not formidable of it self, nor all the dolorous Circumstances that precede it: 'Tis only what comes after, raises all my Terror. Were I to melt away in lingring Agues and Consumptions; or to be sooner posted off in high wrought Fevers, Pleurisies, or Pestilence: Or if it were my Fate to die by Pistol, Sword or Poyson, or any other Kind of Slow or Sudden Death, allotted me from Chance or Nature, Providence or Fate: Should Heaven consume me in a Trice by Lightning; or this Globe with equal Swiftness, bury me in some surprizing Earthquake: 'Twould be all one to Mahmut, were it not for the After-Claps, to which I am a Stranger. I tremble at the Hidden and Unsearchable Force of Nature: I dread the Irreversible Unknown Decrees of Fate, the Secret Methods of Eternal Destiny, the Laws and Order of the Other World, in Billetting the Troops of Humane Souls, that go to Winter there, after this Life's Campagne is finished.

Once in a Cold and Frosty Evening, as I was travelling o'er a bleak wide Plain, and felt the penetrating Blasts of North-East-Winds, with chilling Sleet, which fell upon me from the Clouds; my Spirits also tyr'd with tedious[Page 345]Journeys, and my anxious Thoughts were wholly taken up about a Resting-Place that Night, and how to avoid the Assaults of Robbers, with a Thousand other Perils, threatning a Stranger on the Road, at length I chanc'd to think of the Untry'd and Remote Voyage I must One Day make to Another World. It chill'd my Blood to imagine the disconsolate Naked Circumstances of a Separate Soul, which for ought I knew, might be bewilder'd, lost, and forc'd to wander up and down through untrack'd Wastes of misty frozen Air, where the Inhospitable Element affords no Guides, nor Carvansera's to comfortless, poor, straggling Ghosts; unless they would accept a Lodging in some Cloud, the Cistern and Chariot of Rain, Hail or Snow; there to Incorporate with the unwelcome Meteors, and be whirl'd round the Globe, or else precipitated down to Earth again in Showers; from thence perhaps to be exhal'd by the Sun, and mix with Embryo's of Lightning, Fiery Dragons, Ignes Fatui, or other Bodies hourly Flaming in the Welkin, and thus to circulate in Endless Transmigrations. Who knows the Circumstances of departed Souls, or Laws of a Separate State? Let him declare what Usage we shall find in that Invisible and Dark Recess from Life: He shall be then esteemed more than Apollo, by the pensive Mahmut. Not the old Delphick Oracle could receive greater Reverence from the Inquisitive World; nor Mecca now from devout Mussulman Pilgrims; or[Page 346] Medina Talnabi, where the Prophet rests in Peace, than such an one should have from me, who could with unfeigned Truth discover how we shall be dispos'd of, when we die. But I am cloy'd and nauseated with the dull Romances of the Priests and Derviches.

My Friend, let thou and I learn to improve the Joys of present Life, and not by damn'd Mistakes deprive our selves of double Happiness. But let us so comport our selves, that our Transmigration may be but from the Pleasures of Earth to those of Heaven; from one Paradise to another.

Paris, 6th. of the 1st. Moon, of the Year 1667.

[Page 347]

LETTER XVII. To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

THE Blessings of God and his Prophet chear thy Heart, as thou hast exhilarated mine by thy last Letter; wherein thou encouragest me with the Hopes of being remov'd from this disagreeable Post, to one more Delightful and Happy, even to a Sweet Country Retirement, either in Arabia, or any other Part of the Grand Signior's Dominions, which is the very Mark of all my Wishes.

I have a Natural Aversion for Great and Populous Cities. They seem to be so many Magnificent Sepulchres of the Living, where Men are shut up, imprison'd, and buried from all Commerce with the Elements; or they are like Hospitals and Pest-Houses, where People crowd, infect, and stink one another to Death with a Thousand Pollutions. They hive together like Bees, and build their Apartments in Darkness. Like Nests of Pismires, they trudge up and down all the Summer of their Youth, to heap up Treasures, that they may spend the Winter of their Old Age, in loathsome Ease, and benumm'd Stupidity; not daring to venture out of the Purlieu of their nasty, smoaky Habitations, and yet there ready to be stifled with their own Breath.

[Page 348]'Tis with Pleasure I contemplate the Face of the Infant Earth, before it was deform'd by the unnecessary Arts of the Carpenter, Smith and Mason: When Men had no other Houses, save what they made themselves, every one for his Family, of the Branches and Boughs of trees, interwoven with Osiers, Reeds and Ivy; and cover'd thick with Leaves and Grass to shelter them from Wind, Hail, Rain, and other Injuries of Weather. Or perhaps some had found out a Den or Cave in the Earth, or the Hollow of a Rock, for a Sanctuary in such Cases, where they repos'd in perfect Tranquillity, without Fear of Snares or Violence, without Apprehension of Robbers, or any Tragical Surprize. They went out and in, slept and wak'd, labour'd and rested in safety and quiet. Avarice, Envy and Injustice had not as yet corrupted the Minds of Mortals. The Earth brought forth Corn, Herbage, and Fruits, without the Husbandman's or Gard'ners Labour: All Places abounded with Plenty of Innocent Refreshments, and those Primitive Inhabitants coveted no more. The Cattle and Bees afforded them Milk and Honey, and the Fountain-Waters were Generous as Wine. This Globe was a complete Paradise, and no mistaken Zeal had taught Men Religiously to invade one anothers Rights, and in a pious Fury to murder their Neighbours, in hopes of meriting Heaven hereafter. There was no such thing as Bigottry or Superstition to be sound among any of Humane Race. The[Page 349] Law of Natrue was in Universal Force: Every Man pursu'd the Dictates of Reason, without hearkning after Religious Sophistry, and Sacred Fables.

But when once the Lucre of Gold had corrupted Men's Manners, and they not contented with the Riches and Sweets which they daily cropt from the Surface of the Earth, had found a Way to descend into her Bowels, stung with an Insatiable Desire of hidden Treasures; then began Injustice, Oppression and Cruelty to take place. Men made Enclosures to themselves, and encompass'd a certain Portion of Land with Hedges, Ditches and Pales, to Fence them from the Invasions of others; For the Guilt of their own vicious Inclinations, fill'd them with Fears, and made them Jealous of one another. They built themselves strong Holds, Fortresses, Castles and Cities. And their Terrors encreasing with their Criminal Possessions, they perswaded themselves, that the very Elements would prove their Enemies, if not pacisied by Bribes and Presents. Hence sprung the first Invention of Altars and Sacrifices, and from these vain Panick Fears of Mortals, the Gods deriv'd their Pedigree. For one built a Temple to the Sun, another to the Moon, a third to Jupiter, Mars or the rest of the Planets. Some adord the Fire, others the Water or Wind, Every one set up to himself such a God as he phansied would be propitious to him. Thus Error being equally propagated [Page 350]with Humane Nature, they created an Infinite Rabble of Imaginary Deities, paying to those Idols, the Supreme and Incommunicable Honours, due only to the Eternal Essence, Father and Source of all things.

Besides, they liv'd in Intolerable Pride and Luxury, in constant Wars and Strife, in Darkness, Ignorance and Confusion. I speak of such as dwelt in Cities, and were incorporated together by one common Interest. For still there remain'd some who obey'd the Original Laws of Nature, and the Traditions of Primitive Humanity. These dwelt in Tents or other Moveable Habitations, as our Countrymen the Arabs do at this Day, with the Tartars their Brethren. They scorn'd to fasten themselves to the Earth, by possessing any Part of it in Propriety: Every Field and Wood, Hill and Valley, River and Well, were with them in Common. They straggled whither they pleased.

This is the Life so emulated by me, or instead of that at least, a Retirement from Cities, that I may breath out my last Hours in a free Air, remote from the stifling Company and Contagion of Mortals. I long to range at Liberty through unfrequented Paths of Desart Ground, o'er wild, unpolish'd Heaths, from thence insensibly to fall into some Venerable Solitude, where the dry, mossy Barks of Trees, in silent Characters proclaim the Antiquity of the Place; and gentle Whispers of the Winds, instruct the Methods of Platonick Love; inspire strange Passions,[Page 351]which we never felt before, and teach us to converse with Satyrs, Nymphs, and other harmless Tenants of the Shades. How great is the Pleasure to be thus surpriz'd with some harmonious, warbling Stream, or Silent, soft, deep, Christial River? To speak Incognito with Dryads, Hamadryads, and the Sporting Eccho's; To lie dissolv'd in Loose, yet Innocent Enjoyments on the Banks; to talk with Nature, with Immortal Substances, and with Eternity it self? Oh God! Is not this ravishing?

'Tis difficult to say, whether it would be Pleasant or Painful to return from these Ineffable Parades of the Soul, to our Domestick Felicities, tho' even in a Rural Life, which I acknowledge to be the Happiest on Earth. Yet there to trace the Herds and Flocks, to walk amidst the High-grown Corn, and Grass, to pluck the bearded Ears of Barley, to let our Eyes rowl o'er the various Figures of the Wind-blown Wheat and Millet, our Noses to suck the Fragrant Airs of Marjoram, Thyme, Oranges and Limons, with Innumerable Spices; our Ears to hear the Inimitable Melody of Birds, and every Sense to be transported, snathh'd away and lost in Sacred Ecstacies; must needs be rank'd among the Highest Kinds of Earthly Pleasures.

But to descend from these Enjoyments, to the Meanest and most Common Diversions of a Country-Life; methinks there's something peculiarly charming in the very Ellenge Situation of the Houses; whether it be[Page 352]on the Brow of a Hill, or the Bottom of a Valley; in the midst of a Wood, or the Opening of a Heath; on the Side of a Road, or in some obscure Corner of the Country. 'Tis agreeable, when waking in the Morning, to hear the Bleating of Sheep, Lowing of Oxen, Screaming, Quacking and Crowing of Geese, Ducks, Cocks, and other Homebred Animals; to hear the lowder Winds, threatning to tear up Trees by the Roots, demolish Houses, and remove the Globe it self, if possible, from off its Basis. This would be better Musick to me for a Change, than a Consort of Dulcimers, Theorbo's, Tymbrels and Viols. Humane Nature delights in Variety, and there is a certain Audacious Curiosity in the Soul, which loves to venture on Extreams. The Rain, the Dirt, the Stink of Hogs, Camels, Dromedaries, and other necessary Rural Beasts, would please me better, than the constant tedious Ease, and Fulsom Sweets of Court or City. I sweat whilst thus shut up within these Walls: It cloys me to be daily walking in a Circle, to trample always o'er the same Ground, in a vast Labyrinth of Houses, where my Senses meet no new refreshing Objects, but my Ears are hourly nauseated, vex'd and tyr'd with Ratling Din of Coaches, Carts, Artificers, and the harsh Voices of such as sell Flesh, Fish, and other things about the Streets. My Eyes can find no grateful Prospects, but dash'd with surly rugged Looks of proud and wealthy Infidels; or with the fly Satyrick [Page 353]Smiles of well-shap'd People, who contemn me for my Bandy-Legs, and Crooked Back.

In a word, my dear Bassa, I long to feel the gentle Breezes of the East, purifying my Soul and cleansing it from so many Pollutions. I languish for the Sight of Turbants and Crescents, for the devout Call of the Muezins on the lofty Minarets: I die in Contemplation of the Sacred Fasts and Feasts, the Nocturnal Joys of Ramezan, the Revels and Chearful Illuminations of Beiram, and the Imperial Dunalma's. When I think of these things, my Soul bursts forth in fervent Invocations, and every Faculty crys Alla, Alla.

May that Divine and Immortal One hear my Prayers, and grant me the Happiness to see the Face of Noble Kerker Hassan, in an Horizon pure and free from the Defilement of Infidels.

Paris, 14th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1667.

[Page 354]

LETTER XVIII. To Isouf, his Kinsman a Merchant at Astracan.

I sent a Dispatch to thee in the Year 1664. wherein among other things, I recommended our Cousin Solyman to thy Friendship and Patronage, if ever he should travel to Astracan, as I advis'd him. For thou know'st he has a Roaming Genius, without the Wit to improve himself in any Foreign Country, unless he has a Friend to guide and take care of him: And then 'twill be a difficult Task to make him sensible, where he is. He'll always think he is within the Verge of the Grand Signior's Hunt, where he may domineer at large, under the Notion of a Retainer to the Sultan. He's a strange humour'd Fellow. I know not what to make of him. He's as Changeable as Proteus, or a Chamelion: Sometimes Religiously dull and Flegmatick, like a Hadgi; at another Season you shall fell his Pulse beating to the Tune of Youthful Pride, Ambition, Lust, and other Vices. To Day he'd be a Dervich, Santone, or any thing that bears the Form of Holiness: But when he's slept upon't, the vain Young Convert would return again to the World, and be a Soldier,[Page 355]Courtier, Professor of the Law, or any Thing that makes a Figure in the Eyes of Men. So unwelcome are the rigid Paths of Vertue, to a Soul not well establish'd in its Principles.

And yet our Cousin Solyman, as I am told, is the Mussulman of the Mussulmans, as to his Exteriour. With Hand devoutly laid to Breast, and humblest Couch o'th' Head, he gives the Salem to his Friends and Neighbours: Soft, as the Signs of Mutes in the Seraglio: Humble, as the Grecian Chapman, walking through the Streets, is forc'd to imitate, when he is hector'd by the Rampant Janizaries.

But, Oh my Cousin Isouf, 'tis Grief to say, that Solyman, Partaker of our Blood, is Base, Ungrateful, and Perfidious: That he shou'd be thus Unnatural, studying the utmost Period of our Life; instead of Honest, Just, and Noble Presents, to prolong it.

I had Reason, long ago, to compare him to Pontius Pilate; and if I had gone on, and scum'd off all the most Enormous Crimes of Humane Race, 'twould be too little to express his Enmity against Mahmut, the kindest Uncle, and the truest Friend, that e'er poor Solyman cou'd boast of.

But he is Degenerate, and that's too little, without the mournful Sighs of thee and me, to increase the Aggravation of his Crime.

[Page 356]In Fine, he's our Kinsman, and let us shew Mercy. He has been perfidious to me, and I wou'd retrench the Words I have spoken in his Disgrace. If he comes to Astracan, do as thou pleasest: But have an Eye over thine own Affairs. Take not Solyman for an Angel.. He is still but a Turbant maker; a Frolicksom Blade; and a Merchant that makes a very small Figure.

Cousin Isouf, forget not the Maxims thou hast learn'd in thy Travels: Be true to thy Friends, and thy self. Honour the Memory of thy deceased Parents. Love all Men, that are good. And be not remiss in praying for the Soul of thy deceased Uncle, whenever God shall call for it.

Paris, 26th. of the 2d. Moon, of the Year 1664.

The End of the Sixth Volume.

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BOOKS Written by Sir Roger L'Estrange, and Printed for Joseph Hindmarsh and Richard Sare.

1. FAbles of Aesop and other Eminent Mythologists, with Morals and Reflections, Folio.
2. Seneca's Morals, by way of Abstract, the Fifth Edition, Octavo.
3. Select Colloquies out of Erasmus Roterodamus; pleasantly representing several Superstitious Levities that were crept into the Church of Rome in his Days; the Second Impression corrected and amended, with the Addition of Two Colloquies to the former, Octavo.
4. Tully's Offices in Three Books, turned out of Latin into English; the Fourth Edition corrected, Twelves.
5. A Guide to Eternity, extracted out of the Writings of the Holy Fathers and Ancient Philosophers; written[Page]originally in Latin, by John Bona, and now done into English; the Third Edition.

The Genuine Epistles of the Apostolical Fathers, St. Barnabas, St. Ignatius, St. Clement, St. Polycarp, the Shepherd of Hermas, and the Martyrdoms of St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp, written by those who were present at their Sufferings, being together with the holy Scriptures of the New Testament, a Compleat Collection of the most Primitive Antiquity for 150 Years after Christ; Translated and Published with a Large Preliminary Discourse, relating to the several Treatises here put together. By William Wake, D.D. Chaplain in ordinary to their Majesties, and Preacher to the Honourable Society of Grays-Inn, Octavo. Price 5 s.
Humane Prudence, or the Art by which a Man may raise himself and Fortune to Grandeur; the Sixth Edition corrected and enlarged by the Authour. These Two Last printed for R. Sare at Grays-Inn. Price 1 s. 6 d.

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Author: Marana, Giovanni Paolo, 1642-1693.1694

LETTER I. Mahmut the Arabian at Paris, to Dgnet Oglou, his Friend at Con­stantinople.

LETTER II. To the Reis Effendi, or Principal Se­cretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER III. To Abdel Melec Muli Omar, Presi­dent of the College of Sciences at Fez.

LETTER IV. To the Kaimacham.

LETTER V. To the Same.

LETTER VI. To Hamet Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER VII. To Dgnet Oglou.

LETTER VIII. To the Kaimacham.

LETTER IX. To the same.

LETTER X. To Mehemet, an Exil'd Eunuch, at Caire in Egypt.

LETTER XI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XII. To Mustapha, Berber Aga.

LETTER XIII. To Dgnet Oglou.

LETTER XIV. To Hamet Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XV. To Mahummed in the Desart.

LETTER II. To the Venerable Mufti.

LETTER II. To the Vizir Azem at the Port.

LETTER III. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Ma­ster of the Customs at Constan­tinople.

LETTER IV. To Orchan Cabet, Student in the Sci­ences, and Pensioner to the Sultan.

LETTER V. To the Mufti.

LETTER VI. To Mirmadolin, Santone of the Vale of Sidon.

LETTER VII. To Dgnet Oglou.

LETTER VIII. To Lubano Abufei Saad, an Egyp­tian Knight.

LETTER IX. To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

LETTER X. To the Same.

LETTER XI. To Dgnet Oglou.

LETTER XII. To Abrahim Eli Zeid, Hadgi, Preacher to the Seraglio.

LETTER XIII. To the Chiaus Bassa.

LETTER XIV. To the Same.

LETTER XV. To Zedi Alamanzi, a Merchant at Venice.

LETTER XVI. To the Kaimacham.

LETTER XVII. To Mohammed, the Illustrious Ere­mit of Mount Uriel in Arabia.

LETTER XVIII. To Hasnadar-Bassi, Chief Treasurer to his Highness.

LETTER XIX. To the Kaimacham.

LETTER XX. To the Captain Bassa.

LETTER XXI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew [...] Vienna.

LETTER XXII. To the same.

LETTER XXIII. To Codarafrad, Cheik, a Man of the Law.

LETTER I. To Solyman his Cousin, at Chal­cedon.

LETTER II. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Ma­ster of the Customs at Constan­tinople.

LETTER III. To Useph, Bassa.

LETTER IV. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

LETTER V. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Ma­ster of the Grand Signior's Cu­stoms at Constantinople.

LETTER VI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Princi­pal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER VII. To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

LETTER VIII. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

LETTER IX. To Zeidi Alamanzi, a Merchant at Venice.

LETTER X. To Murat Bessa.

LETTER XI. To Isouf, his Kinsman, a Merchant at Astracan.

LETTER XII. To Afis Bassa.

LETTER XIII. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

LETTER XIV. To Musu Abu'l Yahyan, Professor of Philosophy at Fez.

LETTER XV. To Osman Adrooneth, Astrologer to the Sultan at Adrianople.

LETTER XVI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

LETTER XVII. To Abdel Melec, Muli Omar, Pre­sident of the College of Sciences at Fez.

LETTER XVIII. To Mirmadolin, Santone of the Vale of Sidon.

LETTER XIX. To the same.

LETTER XX. To Isouf, his Cousin, a Merchant at Astracan.

LETTER XXI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Princi­pal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XXII. To Orchan Cabet, Student of the Sciences, and Pensioner to the Grand Signior.

LETTER XXIII. To the Captain Bassa.

LETTER I. To Achmet Beig.

LETTER II. To William Vospel, a Recluse of Austria.

LETTER III. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

LETTER IV. To the same.

LETTER V. To Mohammed Hadgi, Dervich, Eremit of Mount Uriel in Ara­bia, the Happy.

LETTER VI. To the Kaimacham.

LETTER VII. To Hamel Muladdin, Xariph of Salle.

LETTER VIII. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Ma­ster of the Customs at Constan­tinople.

LETTER IX. To Dgnet Oglou.

LETTER X. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Em­pire.

LETTER XI. To Nathan Ben Saddi, a Jew at Vienna.

LETTER XII. To the Kaimacham.

LETTER XIII. To Murat Bassa.

LETTER XIV. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Ma­ster of the Customs, and Super­intendent of the Arsenal at Con­stantinople.

LETTER XV. To Useph, Bassa.

LETTER XVI. To Cara Hali, Physician to the Grand Signior.

LETTER XVII. To Kerker Hassan, Bassa.

LETTER XVIII. To Isouf, his Kinsman a Merchant at Astracan.

LETTER I. Mahmut the Arabian at Paris, to Dgnet Oglou, his Friend at Constantinople.

LETTER II. To the Reis Effendi, or Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER III. To Abdel Melec Muli Omar, President of the College of Sciences at Fez.

LETTER III. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople.

LETTER IV. To Orchan Cabet, Student in the Sciences, and Pensioner to the Sultan.

LETTER VIII. To Lubano Abufei Saad, an Egyptian Knight.

LETTER XVII. To Mohammed, the Illustrious Eremit of Mount Uriel in Arabia.

LETTER I. To Solyman his Cousin, at Chalcedon.

LETTER II. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople.

LETTER IV. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER V. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Grand Signior's Customs at Constantinople.

LETTER VI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XIII. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XVI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XVII. To Abdel Melec, Muli Omar, President of the College of Sciences at Fez.

LETTER XXI. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER V. To Mohammed Hadgi, Dervich, Eremit of Mount Uriel in Arabia, the Happy.

LETTER VIII. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs at Constantinople.

LETTER X. To Hamet, Reis Effendi, Principal Secretary of the Ottoman Empire.

LETTER XIV. To Pesteli Hali, his Brother, Master of the Customs, and Superintendent of the Arsenal at Constantinople.